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MEMOIRS

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LORD WALPOLE.

VOL. I.

Printed by A. and K. Spottiswoode,
Printers-Street. London.

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HORATIO LOED WAiPOLE,

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MEMOIRS

OF

HORATIO, LORD WALPOLE,

SELECTED FROM HIS

CORRESPONDENCE AND PAPERS,
AND CONNECTED WITH
THE HISTORY OF THE TIMES,
from 1678 to 1757.

By WILLIAM COXE, M.A. F.R.S. F.A.S.
HECTOR OF BEMERTON.

€ijnD <£&mon>
CORRECTED AND ENLARGED.
VOL. I.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN,
rATEENOSTEE-HOW. 1820.

TO
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
HORATIO,
EARL OF ORFORD,
AND
BARON WALPOLE, of WALPOLE % WOLTERTON.

MY LORD, These Memoirs of your
illustrious Father, being principally drawn
from his Papers and Correspondence, which
your Lordship communicated to me with
out the smallest controul, I feel the highest
satisfaction in presenting them to the Pub
lic under the sanction of your Lordship's
a 3

vi DEDICATION.
name, both as a proof of their authenticity,
and as a testimony of gratitude for many
acts of kindness and confidence.
<
I have the honour to be,
MY LORD,
Your much obliged, and
Obedient, humble Servant,
WILLIAM COXE.

ADVERTISEMENT

TO THE SECOND EDITION.

/ cannot put forth this second edition
"without expressing my gratitude for the patron
age which this work has experienced from the
public ; and I have endeavoured to render it more
deserving of their attention by a few interesting
additions, which a recent visit to Wolterton enabled
me to collect, and others derived from the commu
nications of my noble friend Lord Brayhroolc. I
have the satisfaction to add, that I have discovered
no occasion to make any material alteration in his
torical facts, or deductions, or to correct any error,
except a few typographical inadvertencies.

Bemerton,
June 1. 1808.

A 4

PREFACE.

Having obtained access to the papers and
Correspondence of Horatio, Lord Walpole,
which are preserved at Wolterton, I found them
so interesting and important, that I purposed to
print a Selection, preceded by a brief Narrative
of his Life. I accordingly commenced the
impression ; but was induced to postpone the
publication, for reasons which are given in the
Preface to the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole.
In that work, however, I inserted numerous
letters of Lord Walpole, and drew materials from
those documents among his papers which tended
to elucidate his brother's administration.
From an early period of his life, Lord Wal
pole was engaged in a public capacity. In 1706,
he accompanied General Stanhope to Barcelona as
Private Secretary, and was employed in various
missions of consequence. In 1707, he was
appointed Secretary to Mr. Boyle, first as Chan.
cellor of the Exchequer, and afterwards as Secre
tary of State ; and, in 1709, accompanied the
Duke of Marlborough and Lord Townshend,
who were Plenipotentiaries at the Congress of

x PREFACE.
Gertruydenberg. Soon after the accession of
George the First, he was successively Under
Secretary of State, Secretary to the Treasury,
and Envoy at the Hague, until the schism of
the Whig Ministry, which terminated in the re
signation of Lord Townshend and his brother,
as well as his own.
In 1720 he became Secretary to the Duke of
Grafton, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; was re
appointed Secretary to the Treasury, and again
deputed to the Hague.
In 1723 he commenced his Embassy to Paris ;
and continued to fill that important station until
1730. In 1733 he was nominated Embassa
dor to the States General, and remained at the
Hague until 1739, when he returned to Eng
land. During the whole period of Sir Robert Wal-
pole's administration, Lord Walpole was an able
and useful coadjutor to his brother, both in and
out of parliament ; and was consulted in all bu
siness of State, particularly foreign transactions.
During his residence abroad, besides official dis
patches, he maintained a private intercourse oi
letters with his brother, and even a confidential
correspondence with Queen Caroline, who re
posed the fullest reliance on his talents and in
tegrity.

PREFACE. xi
Although, from the time of his brother's re
signation, he filled no official station ; yet in
consequence of his abilities, experience, and
weight among his party, he retained a consider
able influence over many of the Ministers ; he
was confidentially consulted by Mr. Pelham
and Lord Chancellor Hardwicke, and often gave
his opinion in the most frank and unreserved
manner to the Duke of Newcastle, to the Duke
of Cumberland, and even to the King.
The importance of his Correspondence and
Papers will fully appear from this Sketch of his
Life ; and it would be difficult to point out
another character, who, for so long a period,
was more trusted with the secrets of govern
ment, more acquainted with the motives and
springs of action, and possessed more influence
in the direction of foreign and domestic
affairs. I should have derived extreme satisfaction
from the accomplishment of my original design ;
but as the Selection could not be comprised in
less than three quarto volumes, I could not ven
ture to engage in so extensive a publication,
consisting principally of State-papers, which I
had no reason to befieve, would have a sale
sufficient to repay the necessary expences. 1
therefore altered my plan ; and now submit to
the public, Memoirs of Lord Walpole, inter-

xn

PREFACE.

spersed with extracts from his Papers and Cor
respondence, and connected with the History
of the Times.
These important documents fill one hundred
and sixty large volumes or port-folios. They
comprise, I. Mr. Walpole's correspondence with George
the Second, Queen Caroline, and the other
branches of the Royal Family, at different pe
riods of his life.
II. His official and private correspondence
with Sir Robert Walpole, the Secretaries of
State and Foreign Ministers, from the com
mencement of his political career, to the resig
nation of his brother.
III. Letters of the most private and interest
ing nature, which passed between Mr. Walpole,
the Duke of Newcastle, Mr. Pelham, Mr. Tre
vor, Lord Chancellor Hardwicke, the Hon.
Philip Yorke, late Earl of Hardwicke, and
others, from the period of Sir Robert Walpole's
resignation to his own death.
IV. A numerous collection of Deductions,
Memorials, Projects, and Observations, on a
variety of political subjects ; together with the
draughts of several speeches in parliament.
V. Mr. Walpole's Apology. This authentic
document, written by himself towards the latter
end of his life, and still preserved hi his own

PREFACE. xiii
hand-writing, contains a candid and lively nar
rative of his transactions from 1715 to 1739.
Among these articles I have principally
availed myself,
1. Of his Apology, the greater part of which
is printed in these Memoirs.
2. Of his extensive Correspondence during
his Embassy at Paris.
3. Of that part of his Correspondence, with
Queen Caroline, and the other branches of the
Royal Family, which was not printed in the
Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, particularly his
interesting letters to the Duke of Cumberland
in 1746 and 1747.
4. His Miscellaneous Correspondence, from
1742 to 1757.
5. Thoughts on the utility of an Alliance
with Prussia, occasioned by the approaching
death of the King, 1740. — Project of a Grand
Alliance, founded upon a good understanding
between his Majesty and the King of Prussia,
Oct. 5. 1740. — Rhapsody of Foreign Politics,
occasioned by the conclusion of the treaty of
Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, and of that with Spain
in 1750 ; and other documents, which are cited
in the course of the narrative.
6. The substance of a speech on the question
for continuing the Hanover troops in the pay of
Great Britain, 1743. — Substance of a speech in

xiv PREFACE.
the Committee of Supply, on the demand of
the Empress Queen for *€1 00,000, 1749- — Mr.
Walpole's Speech in a committee of the whole
House, upon a motion that a sum not exceeding
^32,000 be granted to his Majesty, to make
good his engagements with the King of Poland,
Elector of Saxony, by treaty, 1752.
In addition to these sources of information, I
have had recourse to the various other docu
ments enumerated in the Preface to the Me
moirs of Sir Robert Walpole, particularly the
Orford, Waldegrave, Grantham, Harrington,
Melcombe and Keene Papers.
The Hardwicke Papers supplied me with a
series of confidential letters between the Duke
of Newcastle, Lord Walpole, Lord Chancellor
Hardwicke, and his son the Hon. Philip Yorke,
late earl of Hardwicke. I have also derived
considerable information from a Parliamentary
Journal written by the late Earl, which contains
an account of the Debates during the session of
1744 and 1745 ; and details many interesting
particulars concerning the dismission of Lord
Granville and the formation of the Broad-bot
tom Ministry.
I have availed myself of the Correspondence
Detween Lord Walpole and Mr. Etough, in the
Etough Papers ; and particularly of a narrative
drawn up by Mr. Etough, entitled, " Minutes

PREFACE. xv
of Memorable Conversations with the late Lord
Walpole, Baron of Wolterton, with Remarks on
his character and conduct."
I am besides considerably indebted to Lord
Viscount Hampden, for access to the Papers of
his Noble Father, who was the confidential
Friend of Lord Walpole, Secretary to the Em
bassy, and afterwards Envoy and Plenipoten
tiary at the Hague. This collection contains
numerous letters from Lord Walpole, which
form an interesting addition to the Narrative.
From the Papers of Sir Charles Hanbury
Williams, preserved at Pont-y-pool Park, com
municated by the kindness of Capel Hanbury
Leigh, Esquire, I derived many curious anec
dotes ; and have been enabled to give to the
Public some interesting letters of Mr. Fox,
afterwards Lord Holland.
The principal documents from which I have
compiled these Memoirs, being in manuscript, I
have had little occasion to draw my materials
from printed narratives ; but I have not omitted
to cite those authors on whose testimony I have
advanced any material fact.
During the aara of the Walpole administra
tion, I have avoided, as much as possible, a
repetition of the same events and reflections
which occur in the Memoirs of Sir Robert Wal
pole ; but have principally confined myself to

xvi PREFACE.
those foreign transactions and domestic inci
dents, which did not fall within the plan of
that work, or tended to illustrate the conduct
and character of Lord Walpole.
From the resignation of Sir Robert Walpole
I have expatiated more largely on the History
of the Times. I have attempted to develope
the characters and administrations of Lord
Granville, Mr. Pelham, and the Duke of New
castle ; to sketch the state of parties, particu
larly the contests for power between Lord
Granville and the Pelhams, and between Mr.
Pitt and Mr. Fox ; arid to form a connected
narrative of political transactions, from 1742, to
the death of Lord Walpole in 1757. With this
view, besides the Correspondence of Lord Wal
pole, I have introduced various letters from the
Duke of Newcastle, Lord Chancellor Hard
wicke, Mr. Pelham, and Mr. Fox.
I therefore hope that this Work, which may
be considered as a companion and supplement
to the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, will not
only place the talents, character, and services of
Lord Walpole in a new point of view, but will
throw additional light on a period of English
History, of which we have few authentic docu
ments.

ADVERTISEMENT TO THE
THIRD EDITION.

These Memoirs being out of print, and a third
Edition demanded, the reader is respectfully in
formed, that as the Plates are worn out, the
portraits given with the former Editions are ne
cessarily omitted, except that of Lord Walpole,
which has been re-engraved.

VOL. I.

CONTENTS OF
THE FIRST VOLUME.

Chap. 1.— 1678-1714.
-Tamily. — Birth. — Education. — Commences the Study
of the Law. — Accompanies General Stanhope to Spain. —
Reliefof Barcelona — Anecdote of the Archduke Charles
—Becomes Secretary to Mr. Boyle. — Secretary to Lord
Townshend and the Duke of Marlborough at the Congress
of Gertruydenberg. — Retires on the Dismission of the
Whig Ministry. — Takes his Seat in Parliament. — Sup
ports the Whigs ----- Page 1
Chap. 2. — 1714-1722.
Zeal of Mr. Walpole in support of the House of Brunswick.
 Appointed successively Under Secretary of State, and
Secretary to the Treasury. — First and Second Mission to
the Hague. — Account of the Government of the United
Provinces. — Mr. Walpole's Journey to Hanover. — Change
of Ministry and Resignation of Mr. Walpole. — His Con
duct in Opposition. — Again comes into Office. — Third
Mission to the Hague - - - . - 16
Chap. 3.— 1723.
Mission of Mr. Walpole to Paris. — Subjects of his Corre
spondence. — Character of the Duke of Orleans, and Detail
of the principal Events which led to the Union between
France and England. — Account of Torcy. — Recal of
Lord Stair — and Mission of Schaub to Paris. — Admini
stration, Death, and Character of Du Bois. — The Duke
of Orleans becomes Prime Minister  Contest for pre,
eminence in the British Cabinet - - - 40
a 2

xx CONTENTS.
Chap. 4. — 1723.
State of the French Court, and Character of the Ministers
on the Arrival of Mr. Walpole at Paris — Embarrassments
from Sir Luke Schaub, and from the Affair of the Duke
dom. — Confidential Intercourse with Count Noc6 and the
Duke of Orleans.— Sudden Death of the Duke of
Orleans  - P°Ee 63
Chap. 5. — 1723-1724.
The Duke of Bourbon becomes Prime Minister. — His Cha
racter and Principles. — Influence of Madam de Prie. —
General Account of the New Administration. — Marshal
de Villars. — Paris Du Verney and his three Brothers. —
Change in the Conduct of Louis the Fifteenth. — Rise and
Ascendancy of Fleury. — Extracts from Mr. Walpole's
Private Letters relating to the State of the Court, and to
the Motives of his own Conduct. — First Conference with
Fleury - -------81
Chap. 6.— 1724-1725.
Situation and Views of Lord Bolingbroke  Mr. Walpole
declines his Intervention with the Duke of Bourbon. — Ex
tracts from his Letters relating to various Conversations
with Bolingbroke, on the State of Affairs in the French
Court, and on his own Exile. — His complete Restoration
prevented by Sir Robert Walpole ... 106
Chap. 7. — 1724,
Embarrassments and Uneasiness of Mr. Walpole, from the
Jealousy of Sir Luke Schaub, and the Affair of the Duke
dom. — Extracts from his Letters  Appointed Embas
sador to the Court of France. — Schaub recalled. — Car
teret removed, and the Duke of Newcastle appointed
Secretary of State  132
Chap. 8 — 1724.
Influence of Mr, Walpole in excluding Torcy from the French
Councils. — Views of Philip the Fifth on the Crown of France
— Embassy of Marshal Tesse to Madrid  Abdication of
Philip — Conferences with Fleury on that Event - 147

CONTENTS. xxi
Chap. 9. — 1724-1725.
Dismission of the Spanish Infanta, the intended Bride of
Louis the Fifteenth. — Views of the Duke of Bourbon in
favour of his Sister. — Opposition and Conduct of Fleury.
— Alarm of the Duke of Bourbon on the French King's
Illness. — Proposals for an English Princess. — declined by
George the First. — Mr. Walpole's Correspondence. — His
Conferences with Fleury. — Marriage of Louis the Fif
teenth with the Daughterof Stanislaus Letzinski Page 157
Chap. 10.— 1725.
Resentment of Philip the Fifth on the Dismission of the
Infanta. — His Negotiations with the Emperor. — Treaties
of Vienna and Hanover. — Influence of Mr. Walpole in the
Counsels of France*. — Retreat and Recal of Fleury - 176
Chap. 11.— 1726.
Mr. Walpole supports the Treaty of Hanover in Parlia
ment. — Deaths of his Sister Lady Townshend and of his
Brother Galfridus. — Transactions of the Allies of Hanover
and Vienna. — Reciprocal Preparations for War. — Mr.
Walpole's Return to Paris. — Divided State of the French
Ministry. • — False Suspicions of Intrigues between Fleury
and the Court of Spain. — Fall of Ripperda - 198
Chap. 12.— 1726.
Dismission of the Duke of Bourbon. — Correspondence of Mr.
Walpole on that Subject. — Conference with Fleury - 213
Chap. 13  1726.
Commencement of Cardinal Fleury's Administration 
Council of State. — Characters of Marshals Tallard and
D'Uxelles. — Continuation of Mr. Walpole's Influence 240
Chap. 14.— 1726-1727.
Proceedings in Parliament relative to the Treaties of Vienna
and Hanover. — Embarrassments of Cardinal Fleury 
His Declarations to Mr. Robinson. — Mission and Charac
ter of the Abbe1 Montgon — Uncertain State of the French
Cabinet. — Siege of Gibraltar. — Successful Represent-

xxii CONTENTS.
ations of Mr. Walpole. — Vigorous Resolutions of the French
Court. — Measures of the Hanover Allies. — Preliminaries
of Peace signed at Vienna. — Death of George the
First  Page 249
Chap. 15  1727.
Critical Situation of Mr. Walpole on the Death of George
the First. — Cabals of the Jacobites at Paris. — Rumours of
a Change in the British Administration. — Conference with
Fleury. — Letter from the Cardinal. — Departure of Mr.
Walpole. — Arrival in London, and Audience of George
the Second. — Letter from the King to the Cardinal. —
From Mr. Robinson to the Duke, of Newcastle. — Mr.
Walpole returns to Paris. — Spain refuses to ratify the
Preliminaries  Opposite Views or the Allies of Vienna
and Hanover. — Warlike Preparations  Anecdotes of
Marshal Berwick ------ 270
Chap. 16. — 1727-1730.
Reconciliation between France and Spain. —Dismission of
Morville. — Rise and Character of Chauvelin. — Dissatis
faction of Mr. Walpole. — Extract from his Apology on
the remaining Period of his Embassy, and the Conclusion
of the Treaties of Seville and Vienna  His Return to
England. — Succeeded by Lord Waldegrave. — Mr. Rob
inson appointed Envoy to the Court of Vienna - - 289
Chap. 17—1730-1735.
Mr. Walpole appointed Cofferer of the Household  Sent
privately to the Hague— Object of his Mission. — Nomi-
nated Embassador — Difficulty of his Situation.  Charac
ters of Slingelandt and Fagel. — Views of the Prince
of Orange. — Mr. Walpole's Account of his Negotia
tions - - ----- 309
Chap. 18.— 1736-1737.
Letter from Mr. Walpole to Queen Caroline.— He remon
strates against the premature Communication of the Plan of
Pacification to the Imperial Court — Relates his Efforts to
re-establish the Union between England and Holland, the

CONTENTS. xxiii
Origin of the Secret Convention, and his various Negotia
tions at the Hague. — Extracts from Queen Caroline's
Letters to Mr. Walpole. — Continuation of Mr. Walpole's
Apology. — He accompanies the King to Hanover as Secre
tary of State. — Danger of the King in his Passage from
Helvoetsluys. — Letters from the Princess Amelia and
Queen Caroline. — Mr. Walpole's Remarks on Sir John _
Barnard's Bill ... - Page 331
Chap. 19. — 1736-1737.
Embarrassments of Mr. Walpole from the Views of the Prince
of Orange. — Arrangements relating to the Jointure of the
Princess of Orange. — Correspondence with Sir Robert
Walpole and the Princess on that Subject. — Application
of the Prince of Orange to obtain Promotion in the Dutch
Army. — Extracts of Letters from the Princess to Mr.
Walpole, and from Mr. Walpole to the Queen. — Cor
respondence of Mr. Walpole on the Illness and Death of
Queen Caroline - - . - - 372
Chap. 20. — 1738-1739.
Mr. Walpole supports the Spanish Convention in Parliament.
— Returns to the Hague. — Disgusted with his Situation.
— Quits his Embassy. — Honourable Testimony of the
States to his good Conduct .... 401
Chap. 21. — 1739-1740.
Mr. Walpole returns to England. — Supports the Convention
with Spain. — Proposes an Alliance with Prussia  Origin
and Progress of the Antipathy between the Houses of
Brunswick and Brandenburgh. — Death of Frederic
William. — Plan of a Grand Alliance - - 417

MEMOIRS

OF

LORD WALPOLE.
CHAPTER 1.
I678— 1714.
Family — Birth — Education — Commences the Study of the Law
— Accompanies General Stanhope to Spain — Relief of Bar
celona — Anecdote of the Archduke Charles — Becomes Secre
tary to Mr. Boyle — Secretary to Lord Townshend and the
duke of Marlborough at the Congress of Gertruydenberg —
Retires on the dismission of the Whig Ministry — Takes his Seat
in Parliament — Supports the Whigs.
TTORATIO, the subject of the present
memoirs, brother of Sir Robert Walpole,
was born at Houghton, in Norfolk, on the 8th
of December I678.
His grandfather, Sir Edward Walpole, re
ceived the Order of the Bath as a recompense
for his zeal in promoting the cause of the Re
storation ; and was distinguished for his elo
quence in parliament, . where he sat as member
for Lynn Regis until his death, which happened
vol. 1. B

2 CHAPTER 1.
in 1667. He married Susan, second daughter
and co-heiress of Sir Robert Crane, bart. of
Chilton, in the county of Sussex.
Robert Walpole, was eldest son and heir of Sir
Edward, and resided at Houghton in Norfolk,
which had long been the family seat. He was an
active country gentleman, and zealous partisan
of the Revolution, and promoted the cause of the
Whigs as member of parliament for the borough
of Castle Rising, in the county of Norfolk. He
possessed considerable landed property, which
he improved by his attention to agriculture, and,
notwithstanding the largeness of his family,
left an estate between 2000/. and 3000/. a year
to his eldest son. He was a man of high ho
nour and integrity. From motives of extreme
delicacy, he invariably refused his consent to
the marriage of his daughter Dorothy with
Charles lord viscount Townshend, to whom he
was left guardian by his friend Horatio, first
viscount Townshend*, lest he should be sus-
* Horatio, first viscount Townshend, descended from an
ancient family in Norfolk, who trace their lineage beyond the
Conquest, was eldest surviving son of Sir Roger Townshend,
who was created a baronet in 1617, and built the mansion-
house of Rainham. He represented the county of Norfolk in
parliament, and died in 1636. Horatio Townshend was born
in 1530, and during the civil wars greatly distinguished him
self hy his prudent and spirited conduct. In the times of con
fusion which succeeded the death of Cromwell, he was among the

1678—1714. 3
pected of forming a match so advantageous to
his family by improper means. He was much
devoted to a country life, extremely hospitable,
and of a convivial temper. By his wife, Mary,
only daughter and heiress of Sir Jeffery Burwel,
of Rougham, in Suffolk, he had nineteen child
ren, of whom only six survived. He died in
1700, aged 50, and was interred in the parish-
church of Houghton.
Horatio, or, as he is more generally called,
Horace, his second surviving son, was educated
on the foundation at Eton school, and in 1698,
admitted a scholar of King's College in the
university of Cambridge t. Both at Eton and
at College he prosecuted his studies with un
wearied diligence, and gave early proofs of
that indefatigable application which distinguish
ed him through life. He acquired a high degree
of classical knowledge, and displayed, both in
his early and later years, many specimens of his
taste in Latin composition.
Descended from a family distinguished by
their attachment to the Whigs, he adopted the
the foremost who contributed to the restoration of monarchy,
and, for his essential services, was created baron Townshend
of Lynn Regis, and lord lieutenant of the county of Norfolk.
In 1682 he was advanced to the title of viscount Townshend
of Rainham, and died in 1687, leaving his eldest son Charles
heir to his title and estate, in the fourteenth year of his age.
t Register of Eton College.
b2

4 CHAPTER 1.
principles of that party ; and as the provost and
most of the fellows were Tories, he employed
his wit, of which he possessed a great share, in
throwing ridicule on the Tories and Jacobites,
and, as he always frankly avowed his sentiments,
was marked out as a formidable partisan of the
Whig principles.
In a letter to his brother, dated May 9th, he
expressed his regret at the death of king Wil
liam, and his enthusiasm for the character of
that great monarch. It being the custom in
the universities to write copies of verses, either
of condolence or congratulation on the death
or accession of the sovereign, a selection is
always made of such as are esteemed most
worthy of publication. Those composed by Mr.
Walpole obtained a place in this selection *,
and, in allusion to them, he makes the follow
ing observations : " I sent you yesterday the
verses, and I hope you will pardon the mean
ness of a certain person's, whose, I'll be bold to
say, would have been the first in the book,
could his ingenuity have equalled the deserts
of that great man, or his poetry the inclination
of, in this case, as in all other things, yours
most affectionately."
In May 1702 he was chosen fellow of King's
* Luctus Cantabrigienses :
At non prsecipitis fati ludibria flemus, 8tc.

1678— 171 -t. 5
College*, and, being at liberty to retire from
the university purposed following the profession
of the Law. But as his fortune was only 1500/.
and he had numerous acquaintance among per
sons of the first rank, he opened his mind to
his brother ; expressed his regret at quitting
the university, where he had reaped so much
pleasure and profit, and his anxiety at launch
ing into a scene of life incompatible with his
income. " King's, Nov. 24, 1702.
" Dearest Brother,
" When I begin to consider, (and I think it
is high time now,) where I am, and what I am
about, I find myselfe very ea^ie in a college life ;
in the constant enjoyment of the best company,
both within and without doors, whether I con
verse with the living or the dead, I can't forbear
thinking this is the best part of my life, while
my diligence and study on one side bear pro
portion with my pleasure and diversion on the
other. But when I . look a little forwards, and
one would think with a great deal of joy and
satisfaction too, to have the noble prospect of
London and the Law, those two spacious fields
of pleasure and of profit, I can't forbear being
somewhat uneasy to think how willing I am to
step forwards, and how unable my legs are to
* Register of King's College.
p 3

6 CHAPTER 1.
carry me. Were my outward circumstances pro-
portionable to my inward ; or would my fortune
and pocket, requisite to live at London, answer
my earnest inclination of sticking to the Law,
I should think no body happier than myself,
while I have so many so nigh related to me, as
well by kindness as by blood, among the chief-
est of whom gratitude and thanks oblige me to
rank yourself, both for your past as well as
your present promises of your future love and
affection." In this state of uncertainty he was induced
to entertain thoughts of going into the Army,
During his continuance at college he had form
ed an intimate acquaintance with the marquis
of Blandford, only son of John duke of Marl
borough, who was admitted as a nobleman of
King's College, to complete his education. The
young marquis conceived a high esteem for Mr.
Walpole, and engaged his acceptance of a com
mission in a regiment to which he soon expected
to be appointed. But his hopes of military
promotion were frustrated by the premature
death of the marquis, who died of the small-pox
On the 20th of February 1703, and was buried
in King's College chapel. " Mr. Walpole," ac
cording to the expressions of Etough, " deplored
this sad event, not only as the greatest loss to
himself, but to the public. His qualities were
12

1678— i 714. 7
represented as singularly excellent and amia
ble *."
On this disappointment he entertained hopes
of procuring, through the recommendation of
his brother, an office in the exchequer, from
lord Halifax, who was auditor ; or a small
place at court, through the interest of his uncle
Horatio, who married lady Arine Osborne,
daughter of Thomas duke of Leeds, and widow
of Thomas Coke, esq. of Holkham in Norfolk.
In conformity, however, with his first resolu
tion, he took chambers at Lincoln's Inn, and
commenced the study of the Law ; but in 1705
relinquished the profession, on being appointed
secretary to brigadier-general Stanhope, envoy
and plenipotentiary to the archduke Charles,
son of the emperor Leopold, and acknowledged
king of Spain by the allied powers.
General Stanhope had acquired great reputa
tion at the capture of Barcelona in 1704, which
surrendered to the allied forces under the com
mand of the eccentric and gallant earl of Peter
borough. Charles was joyfully proclaimed king
by the inhabitants of Barcelona, and this con
quest was followed by the reduction of all Cata
lonia. Mr. Stanhope repaired to England with
an account of this transaction, and returned in
* Etough's Minutes of Memorable Conversations with Lord
Walpole.
B 4

8 CHAPTER 1.
1705, as envoy and plenipotentiary, with a large
force for the relief of Barcelona, which was, in
the interim, besieged by Philip the Fifth in per
son, and reduced to the greatest extremity.
Mr. Walpole sailed from Plymouth, in his new
capacity, in March 1706. After touching at
Lisbon and Gibraltar, and receiving great addi
tional force by the accession of the Dutch; and
by the junction of Sir George Byng, and Sir John
Jennings, the fleet appeared off Barcelona at a
critical moment. The town had been besieged
thirty-five days, by the united forces of France
and Spain under the command of Noailles, and
encouraged by the presence of Philip ; the fort
ofMontjoywas captured, tj|e approaches pushed
to the covert way, and two breaches made in the
walls. The harbour was likewise blockaded by
the French fleet, and Charles expected every
moment to fall into the hands of the enemy.
In this perilous situation, though earnestly ad
vised by his friends to escape, he refused to quit
his capital ; he exposed himself to the greatest
danger, worked with his family in forming an
entrenchment behind the breach, and, by his
example, animated the besieged to make an al
most unparalleled resistance.
Notwithstanding these united exertions, a
general assault was hourly expected, when the
combined squadron arrived. The troops were

1678—1714. 9
instantly landed, and passed great part of the
night under arms behind the breach. On the
11th, the whole French army retreated with
precipitation, leaving their sick and wounded,
great part of their artillery, and immense maga
zines and stores.
Mr. Walpole concludes his account of this
fortunate event by saying, " Their march was
overcast this morning with the darkest eclipse
of the sun as almost ever was seen ; by which
the superstitious here portend the eternal setting
of the Bourbon sun."
He also highly praises the prudent and manly
conduct of the archduke Charles ; but gives a
curious instance of Austrian superstition and
phlegm. " This slow court " he says " has
at last determined to set out for Valentia,
having spent a great deal of time in unne
cessary ceremonies, with thanks to the Holy
Virgin and St. Antonio ; and now they must
not omit, plough much out of their way, the
solemnity of going to Montseratt. The king
sets out this afternoon, which being two
days later than he had fixt for his departure,
excused himself to Mr. Stanhope, (who has
always been pressing him to lose no time), and
said he stay'd for his equipage. My master
told him, the prince of Orange entered Lon
don in a coach and four, with a cloak-bag

10 CHAPTER 1.
behind it, and was made king not many weeks
after *."
Mr. Walpole discharged the office of secretary
to general Stanhope with diligence and fidelity ;
and was employed in several delicate commis
sions, which he executed with great address.
Being dispatched to England, in a frigate of 20
guns, he passed near the English squadron, under
the command of Sir Cloudesley Shovel, which
blockaded the harbour of Toulon, then besieged
by the united forces of the emperor and the duke
of Savoy. He paid a visit to the admiral the
day after he had entertained prince Eugene and
the duke of Savoy, and received several anecdotes
of their behaviour ana conferences. Among
others, he used to relate an observation of Sir
Cloudesley Shovel ; " The duke of Savoy is
heartily and sincerely for the success of the
undertaking, but the disposition of the prince is
the reverse ; and, Horace, Toulon will not be
taken :" the event justified his assertions t.
About this period Mr. Walpole was appointed
one of the exempts in the guards by his friend
lord Townshend, captain of the yeomen, and did
not long continue in Spain ; for in 1707 we find
* May 16, and June 23, 1706. Walpole Papers.
f For an account of this unfortunate expedition and the
causes of its failure, see my History of the House of Austria,
vol.1, pt. 2. p. 1192.

1678— l?i4. 11
him private secretary to Mr. Boyle *, (with whom
he had formed an intimate acquaintance at
Cambridge), first as chancellor of the Exche
quer, and afterwards as secretary of State.
Though a man of sound sense, and not deficient
in parliamentary abilities, Mr. Boyle was of a
convivial and indolent disposition ; hence the
assistance of Mr. Walpole was peculiarly accept
able, from his indefatigable application and
facility in transacting business.
Mr. Walpole continued in this situation until
the beginning of 1709, when he became secre
tary to lord Townshend, who was appointed
joint plenipotentiary with the duke of Marl
borough to the congress at Gertruydenberg.
His indefatigable attention, sound judgment,
and cheerful disposition, endeared him to these
two noble persons ; and the few letters in this
collection, which still remain, prove the high
estimation and confidence with which they
treated their private secretary. In one of his
letters, dated Hague, Nov. 29, 1709, lord Town
shend thus addresses him with the affection of a
friend :
" I am very much obliged to you for the
favour of yours, which brought the good news
* Afterwards lord Carleton. He was grandson of Richard
earl of Burlington, and third son of Charles viscount Dungar-
von in Ireland. See Collins's and Lodge's Peerage.

12 CHAPTER 1.
of your safe arrival in London. You will easily
believe I am under a great deal of concern, upon
account of the difficulties the treaty for the
barrier has met with in England, which has not
a little increased the fits of spleen for which
you have so often laughed at me. As to our
evenings, you will easily believe we are in a
very melancholy way of passing them at pre
sent ; and you can make no reparation for
leaving us, unless it be by returning as soon as
you can get leave."
Mr. Walpole did not remain long in England,
but rejoined lord Townshend at the Hague, and
continued with him until his return. During
this period he bore a share in the confidential
correspondence between his brother, the duke
of Marlborough, and lord Townshend, relating
to the intrigues which preceded the change of
administration ; and some of his letters, on this
occasion, are published in the Memoirs of Sir
Robert Walpole.
On the removal of lord Sunderland, he warmly
opposed all compromise with Harley and the
Tories, and supported the necessity of a fair and
unanimous conduct on the side of the Whigs.
From the resignation of lord Townshend, which
appeared in the Gazette of March 17, 1711, to
the accession of George the First, Mr. Walpole,
who remained firm to his party, had no public

1678—1714. 13
office, but promoted, as far as his situation and
abilities permitted, the succession of the Pro
testant line.*
His name, in conjunction with lord Pelham,
afterwards duke of Newcastle, Addison, Pulte-
ney, Methuen, Craggs, and many others remark
able for their attachment to the principles of
the Revolution, is found among the members of
the Hanover club. Oldmixon, the factious par
tisan of the Whigs, records an instance of the
zeal with which the club testified their abhor
rence of the Stuart line : " The loyal Hanover
club took the occasion of the queen's birth-day,
February 6th, 1713, to signalize their zeal and
affection to the Protestant succession, by caus
ing the effigies of the devil, the pope, and the
pretender, to be carried, in solemn procession,
from Charing Cross to the Royal Exchange,
and so back to Charing Cross, where they were
burnt t. "
In 1713 he obtained a seat in the new par
liament, and seconded his brother in favour of
the French refugees, and against the expulsion
of Steele. He also opposed the treaty of Utrecht,
and in his Rhapsody of Foreign Politics, pro
bably the last essay which he ever committed
* See Correspondence to the Memoirs of Sir R. Walpole,
vol. ii, p. 26, 30, 32.
t Oldmixon's History of England, p. 536.

14 CHAPTER 1.
to writing, at au advanced period of his life, he
strongly and justly condemns the principles of
that treaty :
" After a series of wonderful successes for
ten years, obtained by us, jointly with our allies,
against the common enemy, we made an un
equal and very disadvantageous treaty of com
merce with France. Our ancient privileges of
trade to Old Spain were explained away by a
treaty of commerce with that crown ; by our
separate treaties of peace, we sacrificed and
abandoned, in violation of all good faith, the
interest of our allies ; and particularly, our so
lemn engagements with the king of Portugal,
(who had exposed himself to the vengeance of
France and Spain, by deserting them to come
into the grand alliance, and who, at the same
time, had made a treaty with us, very beneficial
to the trade of this country), were broken, to
oblige Spain ; the security of the Netherlands,
and of this nation, as well as the settlement of
the Hanover succession, which, in consequence,
was afterwards attempted to be subverted, was
left upon a very loose and precarious foot, by a
new treaty of barrier and succession*."
* At the present time when this important treaty is no longer
a subject of mere party dispute, every lover of his country
who has duly reflected on the history of the preceding wars
and negotiations from the peace of Westphalia, cannot but sub
scribe to the truth of these observations by so enlightened a

1678—1714. 15
politician as Mr. Walpole. In fact, this fatal engagement and its
consequence, the Barrier Treaty, shackled the operations of the
Walpole administration in particular, and has since produced
the most fatal eifects to England and to Europe. See History
of the House of Austria from the peace of Westphalia to the
Barrier Treaty.

16
CHAPTER 2.
1714—1722.
Zeal of Mr. Walpole in Support of the House of Brunswick —
Appointed successively Under Secretary of State, and Secre
tary to the Treasury — First and Second Mission to the
Hague — Account of the Government of the United Pro
vinces — Mr. Walpole's Journey to Hanover — Change of
Ministry, and Resignation of Mr. Walpole — His Conduct in
Opposition — Again comes into office — Third Mission to the
Hague.
/~\N the accession of George the first, Mr. Wal
pole signalised his zeal for the house of
Brunswick, by moving for the payment of the
arrears due to the Hanover troops, and for
the reward of 100,000/. to any person who
should apprehend the pretender, should he
attempt to land in any part of the king's domi
nions. He now obtained the reward of his attach
ment to the Whigs, and was nominated under
secretary of state by Charles lord viscount
Townshend, to whom the arrangement of the
new administration was principally committed,
and whose friendship for Mr. Walpole had been
strengthened by his marriage with Dorothy
Walpole, whom he had recently espoused after
the death of his first wife, Elizabeth, daughter

1714—1722. 17
of Lord Pelham. On the appointment of his
brother to the place of first lord of the Treasury
and chancellor of the Exchequer, in 1715, Mr.
Walpole was nominated under secretary to the
Treasury. In 1715^ the kingdom being menaced with
an invasion in favour of the pretender, Mr.
Walpole was deputed to the Hague to concur
with general Cadogan, the British envoy and
plenipotentiary, in an application to the States
General for the immediate succour of 6000 men.
He was selected for this delicate trust in con
sequence of his conciliating disposition and
intimacy with the leading men of the republic,
which he had acquired during, frequent missions
to the Hague j and his conduct did not belie
the expectations of his friends.
General Cadogan being at Antwerp, Mr. Wal
pole, on his arrival at the Hague, instantly
presented a memorial to the States General,
and prevailed on them to grant the succours
required, without referring to their respective
provinces, according to the usual forms of the
government ; by which means the troops were
ordered before the French embassador was ac
quainted with the demand.
His success in this important negotiation
occasioned his second mission to the Hague in
1716, as joint plenipotentiary with general Ca-
vol. 1. c

18 CHAPTER 2.
dogan, for the purpose of obtaining the junc
tion of a Dutch squadron to protect the Baltic
trade against the depredations of the Swedes.
Though this measure was opposed by some of
the states as a Hanoverian project for the
security of Bremen and Verden, the address and
influence of Mr. Walpole triumphed over all
opposition. He was no less successful in obtaining the
accession of the States General to a defensive
treaty with Great Britain and the Emperor.
In effecting this alliance he counteracted the
intrigues, overbore the arguments of Chateau-
neuf the French embassador, and roused the
supine and temporising spirit of the Dutch.
But he succeeded in the still more difficult task
of extorting their consent to the triple alliance
with England and France, for securing, by
reciprocal guaranties, the establishment of the
Protestant succession in England ; of the rever
sion of the crowns of France and Spain, as
settled by the treaty of Utrecht, and the de
molition of the port of Mardyke. The rapid
conclusion of this treaty, in spite of the supine-
ness and prejudices of the Dutch, and the delays
of their complicated form of government, was
a master-piece of policy and address.
Although general Cadogan was joined in full
powers to negotiate this treaty, and although

1714—1722. 19
Mr. Walpole, from motives of delicacy, declined
the signature ; yet he was principally instru
mental in bringing it to a conclusion. Cadogan
was well skilled in military affairs, but in nego
tiations acted more like a general than a minister.
He was impetuous, and impatient of opposition,
lavish in his promises to remove a present diffi
culty, " and thought," as Mr. Walpole expresses
himself, " that the pen and the sword were to
be wielded with the same fierceness." In allusion
to his impetuosity, pensionary Heinsius used to
say emphatically, that Cadogan was an excel
lent general of an army ; meaning that he was
an indifferent negotiator ; and he paid a due
compliment to the conciliating temper of Mr.
Walpole, by adding, '« that unless he had been
employed, the negotiation would never have
succeeded." Even George the First, who was
dry, and sparing of compliments, laconically ob
served to him, " Vous avez beaucoup d'amis en
Hollande, et vous m'avez rendu bien des ser-
vices *.
His valuable services in these, as well as in the
complicated negotiations which followed, will
be best appreciated by tracing a sketch of the
government and situation of the Dutch at this
period. Of all the constitutions formed by statesmen,
* Mr. Walpole's Apology.
C 2

20 CHAPTER 2.
or described by historians, none was more comr
plicated and embarrassed than that of the seven
united provinces.* In fact, and strictly speaking,
the seven provinces did not form one republic, but
rather seven confederate republics; nor did each
province form one commonwealth, but rather a
confederacy of such orders, cities and towns, as
enjoyed the right of sending deputies to the pro
vincial states. And even these provincial states
were only the representatives of the sovereign
power, which ultimately resided in the municipal
corporations of the towns, and in the orders of
nobles and clergy, who conjointly nominated
those representatives.
For the bond and union of the confederacy
the provincial states elected a certain t number
of deputies, who formed the supreme assembly
called the States General, from which all military
men were excluded. But although the States
General represented the sovereign power, were
dignified with the title of High Mightinesses,
and transacted the principal business of the re
public ; yet they did not, like the parliament of
Great Britain, or the diet of Sweden, possess the

* 1. Guelderland and Zutphen. 2. Holland. 3. Zealand.
4. Utrecht. 5. Friesland. 6. Overyssel. 7. Groningeriand
Ommelanden. t The number was unlimited, yet each province had only
* single vote.

1714—1722. 21
supreme authority. They could not enact laws,
declare war, make peace, impose taxes, form
alliances, and raise troops, without the consent of
the respective provinces, to which they referred
all objects of importance.
This assembly was a permanent body, resi
dent at the Hague, and met every day, except
Saturday and Sunday. Each province presided
in turn during a week, and the first in rank
among the deputies of the province enjoyed that
honour. The president received all letters and
memorials from the embassadors Of the republic,
and from foreign embassadors resident at the
Hague ; caused them to be read by the greffier,
proposed the subjects of deliberation, and col
lected and declared the suffrages.
The greffier, or secretary, was the chief
minister of the States General; he, or his deputy,
was always present, and sat, like the clerk of the
house of commons, at the table during the
debates; he drew up and recorded the resolutions,
composed and dispatched instructions to the
ministers abroad, and the letters to foreign powers.
He was present at the conferences with foreign
ministers, and on that occasion had a vote.
M. Fagel filled this high office at this period, a
man of mild temper, conciliating manners,
sound sense, great application, and warmly
attached to the union with England,
c 3

22 CHAPTER 2.
The grand pensionary of Holland was the most
important office nominated by the provincial
states. He was one of the municipal members,
and represented Holland in the States General ;
he was always present at their deliberations, and
proposed all things which related to that pro
vince ; he was commissioned to watch over the
constitutional laws of the confederacy, and
directed the meeting of the counsellors deputies
with only a deliberative voice. In the provincial
assembly of the States of Holland he proposed,
collected the votes, registered the resolutions,
and maintained a correspondence with foreign
ministers. He had a considerable influence in
the republic of the united provinces, from the pre
ponderance which Holland enjoyed in the general
affairs. The celebrated Heinsius, whose cha
racter is too well known to require an eulogium,
was pensionary at this time.
Holland, which paid more than half of the
public burdens, had the greatest influence in the
States General ; and the city of Amsterdam,
which paid one third of the taxes of Holland,
had no less influence over that province.
Few words are wanting to describe the natural
imbecility of so complex a government, weak
in its efforts, uncertain in its direction, and
dilatory in its proceedings ; neither fit for war,
nor capable of maintaining itself in peace. The

1714—1722. 23
defects of this " many-headed headless govern
ment," as it is justly styled by Mr. Walpole,
" containing as many masters as minds," could
only be duly modified and corrected by the
office of Stadtholder, or captain and admiral-
general of the union, vested with considerable
prerogatives, which, since the revolution that
gaye rise to the republic, had been uniformly
conferred on the princes of the house of Orange.
At that period five of the seven provinces,
namely Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Guelderland
and Overyssel, elected William the first prince
of Orange ; and the two remaining provinces of
Friesland and Groningen chose his cousin John,
count of Nassau Dillenburgh. The stadtholder-
ship of the five provinces was continued in the
descendants of William, namely, Maurice, Henry
Frederick, and William the Second. On his death,
in 1650, it was abolished by the republican
party ; but, on the invasion of Holland by Louis
the XlVth, was restored to his son William,
prince of Orange, afterwards king of England,
and declared hereditary in his male line. Wil
liam dying without issue, the office was again
abolished ; but his cousin and heir John William
Frederick, count of Nassau Dietz, became prince
of Orange, and was stadtholder of Friesland by
hereditary descent, and of Groningen by elec
tion. Being drowned in crossing the Mardyke,
c 4

U CHAPTER 2.
July 14, 171 1, the stadtholdership of Groningeii
was abolished, and his posthumous son Wil
liam, then a minor, who succeeded to his digni
ties and estates, was only hereditary stadtholder
of Friesland. During his minority the Orange
party was directed by his mother Maria Louisa,
daughter of Charles, landgrave of Hesse Cassel.
During the course of the negotiation for the
conclusion of the triple alliance, Mr. Walpole
gave the most solemn assurances to the states,
that no treaty should be concluded with France
without their participation. But the impatience
of the king to secure the guaranty of France, ill
according with the dilatoriness of the Dutch
government, a separate treaty was arranged
between the abbot du Bois and secretary Stan
hope at Hanover, and full powers were forwarded
to general Cadogan and Mr. Walpole to sign it
in conjunction with du Bois. Mr. Walpole de
clining to sign a treaty in contradiction to his
solemn asseverations, requested instant permis
sion to Return to England, and, in a letter to
secretary Stanhope, expressed the agony under
which he laboured. " Having plighted to the
states my faith, my honour, and my conscience,
in his majesty's name, that nothing of this nature
should be done, if I should afterwards sign with
the abbe, in violation of these sacred and solemn
assurances, which I repeated but last Tuesday in
13

1714—1722. 25
a conference, I should never be able to shew my
ignominious head here again. And therefore I
plainly see that this business, in which I thought
I should have some share of credit, will end in
my ruin ; because, although I shall ever think
it the last misfortune to disobey so good and
gracious a sovereign; yet I must freely confess
I had rather starve, nay die, than do a thing that
gives such a terrible wound to my honour and
conscience, and will make me for ever incapa
ble of serving the king any more, especially in
this place, where I have at present some little
credit and interest*."
He made as strong remonstrances to Lord
Townshend and his brother ; and, after much
difficulty, obtained the king's permission to
return to England, and commit the signature of
the treaty to general Cadogan.
On his arrival in London, Mr. Walpole found
the ministry, who, under the prince of Wales,
directed the administration of affairs during the
absence of the king, in a state of extreme em
barrassment. Letters from the king, secretary
Stanhope, and lord Sunderland, had been just
received from Hanover, reproaching the ministry
in general for their opposition to the king's
continental politics, accusing lord Townshend
* Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, Correspondence, Vol.11.
p. 107, 4to.

26 CHAPTER 2.
with protracting the signature of the triple alli
ance, and Walpole of declining to replace the
money advanced for paying the troops of Mun-
ster and Saxe Gotha. Lord Sunderland had also
fomented the king's jealousy of the prince of
Wales, and persuaded him that the ministers in
England were caballing with the son against the
authority of the father. With a view to corro
borate his assertions, he persuaded the king to
declare his inclination to continue at Hanover,
provided means could be found to transact the
business in parliament during his absence. The
brother ministers, anxious to conciliate the king,
fell into the snare. In consequence of a resolu
tion of the lords of the council, lord Townshend
transmitted to secretary Stanhope the heads of
the business to be laid before parliament, and
concluded his letter with stating it as their
humble opinion, "that in conducting so many
important affairs, through the difficulties inci
dent to all popular assemblies, and more particu
larly increased by the unhappy divisions under
which the nation laboured, it would be impossi
ble for them to succeed, or even to carry on the
session, without frequent and long interruptions,
unless his majesty thought proper to trust his
royal highness with discretionary powers, to
which they might have recourse for extricating
the service out of unforeseen difficulties, and for

1714—1722. 27
accommodating their conduct, from time to time,
to the several variations of circumstances that
might arise, which could hardly be communi
cated, much less be provided for, at a distance."
" It being thought necessary," he added, " to
pitch upon somebody to carry this dispatch, who
might be able to explain any of the points con
tained in it, his royal highness has been pleased to
appoint Mr. Horace Walpole, who was therefore
present at the meeting of the lords, that he
might, by hearing what passed, be enabled to
give his majesty the most exact information of
the sentiments of his servants on the present
state of affairs *."
Mr. Walpole was instantly dispatched with
this letter, and was at the same time privately
instructed by lord Townshend and his brother
to ascertain the situation of affairs at Hanover,
to justify their conduct, and to expostulate with
Mr. Stanhope for entering into the cabals of
their enemies. Charged with this commission,
Mr. Walpole quitted London on the 13th of No
vember, arrived on the 17th at the Hague, had a
short conference with pensionary Heinsius, and
the same night departed for Hanover.
After travelling night and day, he reached
* Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, Correspondence, Vol. II.
p. 123.

<$ CHAPTER 2.
Gohre* on the 22d, but learned, with extreme
mortification, that orders had been transmitted
to England to prorogue the parliament ; and
that frbm the king's jealousy of the prince, all
public proceedings were to be suspended until
his majesty's arrival. He soon discovered the
successful intrigues of Sunderland with the
Hanoverian junto, and their effect on the king,
and found that Stanhope, in whom his brother
and lord Townshend had reposed implicit confi
dence, was deeply implicated in the cabal.
The presence of Mr. Walpole confounded lord
Sunderland, and disconcerted the Hanoverian
junto. Mr. Stanhope, affected with Jiis warm
expostulations and manly remonstrances, re
newed his professions of gratitude and attach*
ment to those who had raised him to his high
situation. He declared, with the most solemn
asseverations, that he would use his influence
with the king in support of his friends in Eng^
land, and requested the intervention of Mr. Wat
pole to re-establish the former harmony. The
king also expressed his regret at the recent mis*
understanding, and testified the strongest marks
of restored confidence.
Mr. Walpole accordingly quitted Gohre, with
the full conviction of Mr. Stanhope's repentance
* A favourite hunting seat of George the First, near the
banks of the Elbe.

1714—1722. 29
and sincerity, and hastened to carry the good
tidings to England. His eagerness to convey
this pleasing intelligence will appear from his
letter to Mr. Stanhope, on his arrival at the
Hague, dated December 8. " I arrived here
last night in a very indifferent condition ; for my
chaise breaking, two posts from Hanover, I got
into a light open waggon, and by that means
was exposed to such violent storms of wind, hail,
and rain, that after the first night I contracted
extreme pains in all my joints on my left side, so
that it was impossible for me to ride on horse
back. However, without taking any rest, I
continued my journey hither, that I may lose no
time in my way to England, in order to execute
a commission that I think of the utmost conse
quence to the public affairs, and which my own
particular concern, as well as his majesty's ser.
vice, will engage me to use my utmost skill to
bring to a good issue *."
He had scarcely reached London, and commu
nicated to the brother ministers the renewal of
the king's favour, when a dispatch from secre
tary Stanhope arrived, announcing the dismission
of lord Townshend from the office of secretary
of state, accompanied with the offer of the go-

* Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, Correspondence, Vol. II.
p. 137.

30 CHAPTER 2.
vernment of Ireland*. Confounded at this in
stance of duplicity, and shocked at being the
dupe of Stanhope's affected sincerity, Mr.
Walpole expostulated with a frankness and
manly freedom which do honour to his integrity
and spirit!.
He gave also a striking instance of his disin
terestedness and attachment to his friends when
the new administration was arranged under the
auspices of lord Sunderland. Lord Townshend,
after accepting the lord lieutenancy of Ireland,
was dismissed in disgrace. Walpole relinquished
the office of first lord of the Treasury, and his
resignation was followed by those of Devonshire,
Orford, Methuen and Pulteney. Sunderland
and Addison were appointed secretaries of State ;
Stanhope first lord of the Treasury and chancellor
of the Exchequer. The king, after accepting the
resignation of Robert Walpole with extreme
reluctance, was anxious to retain Mr. Walpole
in his service, whose abilities in negotiation he
* Mr. Walpole being the bearer of the letter to Hanover,
which ruined his party, was nick-named by the wits of the timet
Bellerophon, in allusion to the story well known in classical
antiquities. f See this spirited letter in the Memoirs of Sir Robert Wal
pole, Correspondence, Vol. II. p. 146, to which work the
reader is referred for a circumstantial detail of the cabals which
occasioned the dismission of Townshend, the resignation of
Walpole, and the disunion of the Whig ministry.

1714—1722. 31
duly appreciated. The grand marshal of Hanover
waited on him, with a gracious message from his
majesty, importing that he was much satisfied
with his services, and saw no reason why he
should not continue to be employed, although
his relations were no longer in place. But Mr.
Walpole, highly indignant at the ill-usage which
the brother ministers had received, declined in
terms of respect, this kind insinuation, and re
signed his post of secretary to the Treasury*.
Fortunately before the dismission of the minis
try, he was nominated by his brother surveyor
and auditor of the revenues of America, which
being a sinecure place for life, insured him an
income of 800/. a year.
From this period Mr. Walpole united his
efforts with those of his party in a violent oppo
sition, and like his brother, coalesced with the
Tories, and even the Jacobites, for the purpose
of thwarting all the measures of government.
His name frequently occurs in the parliamentary
debates on the side of opposition, although the
substance of his speeches is seldom given. But
he particularly distinguished himself in censur
ing the quadruple alliance, which, though con
cluded for the purpose of preserving the tran-
* Apology.

32 CHAPTER 2.
quillity of Europe, was calculated, as he thought,
to produce the contrary effect *.
In the Rhapsody of Foreign Politics, or Ob
servations on the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle,
Mr. Walpole has introduced some excellent re
marks on the quadruple alliance, which ought
not to be withheld from the reader.
" I cannot omit observing^ that although the
principle of this treaty for ascertaining to the
emperor and king Philip the portion of the
Spanish succession which each of them should
for the future respectively enjoy, by their mutual
consent and under the guaranties of the most
considerable powers, was just and wise; yet
there was more dexterity and art shewn in
the conduct and conditions of it, on the part of
the imperial court, than there was honour and
* By this treaty the emperor renounced all pretensions to
the crown of Spain, and in consequence of the claims of Eli
zabeth Farnese, granted the reversion of the duchies of Tus
cany, Parma and Placentia, as male fiefs of the empire, to Don
Carlos, her eldest son by king Philip, and her heirs male, on
the deaths joi the dukes of Tuscany and Parma without male
issue. He promised to expedite the letters expectatitive of
this reversion, which was called, in the diplomatic language
of the times, the " eventual investiture," within two months
after the ratification of the treaty. As an indemnification for
this sacrifice in Italy, he received Sicily from the duke of Savoy,
in lieu of Sardinia. The terms imposed on Philip were, the
renunciation of all claims to the Netherlands, the Milanese,
and the kingdom of Naples. Collection of Treaties from the
end of the reign of Queen Anne to 1731, Vol. IV.

1714—1722. 33
prudence on the part of England. For the • di
vesting the king of Sicily of that island, which
had been granted to him by the treaty of
Utrecht, when he had done nothing to forfeit his
right, and without the least provocation by his
behaviour, was not very honourable. Nor was
the putting the emperor in full possession of
Sicily, until he had executed, on his part, what
he had promised, for securing the eventual suc
cession of Tuscany, Parma, and Placentia, to
Don Carlos, (which was the condition of his
having that island,) extremely prudent; for the
notion of putting 6000 Swiss into the principal
places of those dutchys, to answer that end, was
a more dilatory and uncertain expedient, as that
garrison could not be put into those places
until the letters expectative, containing the
eventual investiture of them to Don Carlos, had
passed the dyet of the empire, which it was
always in the power of the emperour to delay.
Besides the tediousness of a negotiation with
the Cantons, for hiring those troops, and the
stipulated proposal, that the king of England
should furnish 6000 men, in the mean time, to
supply that want, was, I may say, ridiculous and
absurd." " Hence he was of opinion, that this alliance,
calculated for terrifying all the powers of Europe,
would be productive of new troubles ; foresee-
VOL. I. D

34 CHAPTER 2.
ing, that when the emperor was once in actual
possession of Sicily, endeavours would be used,
notwithstanding the solemn engagements, to
disappoint the succession of Don Carlos, should
the possessors die without issue male ; therefore
he spoke strongly against the approbation of that
treaty in parliament ; and the disagreeable events
which followed the conclusion of the treaty, on
the part of the imperial court, sufficiently justi
fied his observation." *
Soon after the resignation of his friends, and
the change of administration, Mr. Walpole joined
the Tories and Jacobites, in a question trifling
in itself, which however shewed that he was no
less inflamed than his brother by the spirit of
party. Sir William Wyndham, who was just
discharged from the Tower, having moved that
Dr. Snape, one of the king's chaplains, and
master of Eton School, should preach before the
House, on the anniversary of the restoration of
Charles the Second, the motion was seconded
by Shippen ; but vehemently opposed by the
ministerial Whigs, who contended that Dr.
Snape had recently attacked the champion f of
* Apology.
t Hoadley, bishop of Bangor, who published a Preservative
against the Principles and Practices of Non-jurors, and a
Sermon on the Nature of the Kingdom of Christ. These two
publications were censured by the convocation, and tbe sermon
was answered by Dr. Snape.

1714—1722. -^35
the Revolution and Protestant succession, and
defended passive obedience and non-resistance.
Mr. Walpole defended Dr. Snape with no less
warmth, and observed, it was unusual to put
the negative on any man whom a member had
thought fit to name, and that Dr. Snape was a
person of great merit and learning. His brother
also spoke highly in his commendation, and
the question was carried by a majority of ten
votes.* The zeal which Mr. Walpole displayed in behalf
of the Whigs who had quitted the ministry, and
adhered to the prince of Wales, exposed him to
the censures of the court party, and he had the
honour of being satirised in the political ballad
called the " Seven Wise Men," which he thus
mentions in a letter to his brother, dated July
2, 1791. " The inclosed ballad, in answer to
what was made upon the thirteen kings, is
highly valued by the court party ; it is supposed
to be the product of Mr. Craggs' sense and his
man Tickle's poetry, which is all I shall say
of it, especially since I think they have done
me a great deal of honour." Mr. Walpole was
classed with his brother, as forming together one
of the seven wise men who governed the prince
of Wales, and even his successful negotiations in
* Tindal, vol. 19, p. 132, 133.
D 2

36 CHAPTER 2. \
Holland, in the true spirit of party, were made
the object of ridicule.*
In the debates on the South Sea scheme Mr.
Walpole took an active part : at the opening of
the business he confessed that the scheme was
weak in its projection, villainous in its execution,
and calamitous in its end ; but he warmly se
conded his brother's endeavours to prepare a
remedy before they instituted an enquiry.
During the proceedings he inveighed against
the rapacity, pride, and insolence of the directors,
and was severe in his censures of Sir John Blunt,
whom he considered as the contriver and chief
promoter of the mischief.
When the unfortunate failure of the South
Sea scheme compelled the earls of Sunderland
and Stanhope to court the assistance of Towns
hend and Walpole, Mr. Walpole again came into
office as secretary to the duke of Grafton, lord
lieutenant of Ireland, and suggested a plan for
reducing the expence of the military establish
ment, which was highly approved by the king.
* " The Walpoles twain but one I count,
" For say whate'er they can,
" Although two wags, they do amount
" But just to one wise man."
********
" To the purpose Horace did not much,
" But made a heavy splutter,
" Of treaties when he bit the Dutch
" On the fani'd point of butter.''

1711—1722. 37
The deaths of Sunderland and Stanhope having
restored the brother ministers to the full confi
dence of the sovereign, and to their posts of
secretary of State and. first lord of the Treasury,
he was again associated in their political labours,
and employed in various commissions of high
trust and delicacy.
The distresses of the nation at this juncture
caused great disaffection in all ranks of people;
and suspicions, justly entertained, of the corrupt
interposition of the Hanoverian ministers and
mistresses, in favour of the South Sea scheme,
rendered the king extremely unpopular, and
excited a conspiracy for the restoration of the
dethroned family, which is distinguished by the
name of Atterbury's Plot. Full information
being conveyed to the British ministers from the
regent of France, and confirmed by intercepted
letters, active preparations were made to repel
invasion ; and Mr. Walpole was again deputed to
the Hague, for the purpose of requiring succours
of men to be ready for immediate embarkation
in case of necessity.
On his arrival at the Hague, in May 1722,
he experienced much greater difficulties than
during his tirst mission in 1715. The minds of
the people were alienated from England by the
negligence of the British government in sending
back the Dutch troops, who had been granted
r> 3

38 CHAPTER 2.
in 1715, in the midst of a severe winter. Lord
Cadogan had irritated the republican party by
his imprudent zeal, in publicly promoting the
election of the prince of Orange to the stadt-
holdership of Groningen, and by favouring his
pretensions to that of Guelderland ; he had still
more highly exasperated the magistrates of
Amsterdam, by threatening, in his convivial
moments, to compel the province of Holland to
follow the example of Groningen.
Notwithstanding these and other difficulties,
Mr. Walpole succeeded in the object of his mis
sion, and, in less than a fortnight, obtained a reso
lution of the States General, to hold in readiness
3000 men for the service of the king of Eng
land. He principally owed his success, in this
difficult negotiation, to the zeal of his confi
dential friends Fagel and Slingelandt, to the
assistance of Hornbeck, who had succeeded
Heinsius in the office of pensionary, and to his
address in softening the republican party, and
conciliating the magistrates of Amsterdam.
TI"e leading members of the republic did him
the justice to declare, that, considering the in
disposition of the States of Holland, no other
person could have succeeded in this delicate
commission. On the 25th of June 1722, he took leave of
the States, and returned to England, where he

1714—1722. 39
continued an useful and indefatigable co-adjutor
to lord Townshend and his brother, until his
known talents for negotiation brought him upon
the public theatre of Europe in a more enlarged
sphere of action.

D 4

40
CHAPTER 3.
1723.
Mission of Mr. Walpole to Paris — Subjects of his Correspondence
— Character of the Duke of Orleans, and Detail of the prin
cipal Events which led to the Union between France and Eng
land — Account of Torcy — Recal of Lord Stair, and Mission
of Schaub to Paris — Administration, Death, and Character
of Du Bois — The Duke of Orleans becomes Prime Minister
— Contest for pre-eminence in the British Cabinet.
' PHE mission of Mr. Walpole to Paris forms an
important epoch in his own life, as well as in
the administration of his brother. I have shewn
in the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, that this
mission was occasioned by a party struggle be
tween Townshend and Walpole, on one hand,
and Carteret on the other ; and that the appoint
ment of Mr. Walpole to the embassy of Paris
was the prelude to the dismission of Carteret,
and the ascendancy of the brother ministers in
the British cabinet.
His original correspondence during the period
of his embassy details a series of events highly
interesting to France, to England and to Europe.
These letters contain the secret history of the
court of Versailles from 1723 to 1730 ; they re
late the death of the duke of Orleans, the ad-

1723. 41
ministration of the Duke of Bourbon, the final
ascendancy of cardinal Fleury, and the strict
union established between France and England.
They collaterally refer to the situation and con
duct of the courts of Vienna and Madrid ; they
minutely describe the abdication of Philip the
Fifth, the short reign of Louis the First, the
resumption of the crown by Philip, and the dis
union of Spain and France. They detail the
negotiations for the treaties of Hanover and
Vienna, for the congresses of Cambray and
Soissons, the reconciliation of Spain and France,
the conclusion of the treaty of Seville, and
the reunion of England with the house of Aus
tria. From this correspondence I shall select an
historical narrative of the most interesting events,
which will be illustrated by other authentic
documents. To convey a just idea of the situation of the
court of France at the time of Mr. Walpole's arrival
at Paris, it is necessary to take a retrospective
view of the character of the duke of Orleans, and
of those events in his administration which led
to the union between France and England.
Philip duke of Orleans, who is better distin
guished by the title of Regent of France, was
son of Philip duke of Orleans, brother of Louis
the Fourteenth, by Elizabeth of Bavaria his

42 CHAPTER 3.
second wife *. He was born in 1674, and gave
striking proofs of quick comprehension, lively
parts, and great talents. At an early period he
highly distinguished himself in the military line ;
at the age of seventeen he was intrusted with
the command of the corps de reserve at the
battle of Steinkirk, where he was wounded in the
shoulder ; and at the battle of Nerwinden in
1693, he displayed heroic intrepidity, and was
five times surrounded by the enemy. In 1706 he
commanded the French army at the celebrated
siege of Turin, and had his advice been followed,
according to the honourable testimony of prince
Eugene himself, the siege would not have been
raised. Instead of waiting the approach of the
enemy within the lines, which were too exten
sive to be defended, he proposed to lead the
army to the attack, but was overruled in a council
of war, and thwarted by the obstinacy of general
Marsin, who had been associated with him in the
command with powers to controul his conduct.
But when, the lines were forced, and the French
army thrown into confusion, when Marsin was
taken prisoner, and La Feuillade, the next in
authority, overwhelmed with despair, was inca
pable of acting, the duke of Orleans resumed the
* His first wife was Henrietta, daughter of Charles the First,
by whom he had one daughter, Anna Maria, who espoused
Victor Amadeus, king of Sardinia.

1723. 43
command, and made the most heroic exertions.
Though twice wounded he continued in the
hottest of the action, and when the troops gave
way, called the officers by their names, animated
the soldiers by his voice, and led the troops
repeatedly to the charge. Overcome at length
by pain, and weakened by loss of blood, he was
compelled to retire until his wounds were
dressed ; but instantly returned to the field of
battle, performed the duties of a general and a
soldier, and when the disorder and confusion
became irreparable, by his presence of mind and
skill saved the remnant of the army. The king
and nation did justice to his military talents, and
the successful campaign which he made in Spain
increased his reputation.
Having offended by his sarcastic railleries, the
princess Ursini, and Madame de Maintenon, and
excited the jealousy of Philip the Fifth by
aspiring to the crown of Spain, he lost the com
mand, and was never afterwards employed by
Louis the Fourteenth.
Being thus reduced to a state of inactivity
and disgrace, he gave a loose to his passions and
broke out into those infamous excesses which
disgrace his memory, and to which he was insti
gated by the example and encouragement of his
preceptor du Bois. If it were possible to draw
a veil over these enormities, no prince was ever

44 CHAPTER 3.
more highly distinguished for personal accom
plishments, engaging manners, winning affa
bility, charms of conversation, and love of
science : even in the midst of his excesses, he
was adored by all ranks of people, who attri
buted his vices to du Bois, and his virtues to
himself. The vindictive spirit of Madame de Maintenon
followed him in his retirement; the premature
deaths of the dauphin, the dukes of Burgundy
and Berry were attributed to poison, and the
duke of Orleans was accused of an intention to
secure the crown of France by the murder of the
whole of the royal family. These infamous re
ports were countenanced by Madame de Main
tenon for the advancement of her darling the
duke of Maine, and made a deep impression on
the mind of Louis the Fourteenth. In conse
quence of these ill-grounded suspicions, and
from a misplaced affection to his natural son
the duke of Maine, the king, by his will, instead
of declaring the duke of Orleans sole regent, re
stricted his authority by a council of regency,
and by intrusting to the duke of Maine the
protection of the young sovereign's person, the
superintendance of his education, the command
of his guard, and the government of his house
hold. But this will being annulled by parlia
ment, through the influence, and on the repre-

1723. 45
sentations of the duke of Orleans, he was
declared sole regent, with more enlarged powers.
The first acts of his administration were to ap
point seven councils for the management of
public affairs, and to hold a bed of justice, in
which the king assisted to confirm the new
regulations. The peculiar situations of the duke of Orleans
and George the First changed the discordant
politics of the two cabinets, and united the
interests of England and France. By the treaty
of Utrecht it was stipulated, that the crowns
of France and Spain should never be joined in
the same person ; and Philip duke of Anjou
was acknowledged king of Spain on renouncing
his right to the crown of France, which was
to devolve on the duke of Orleans should Louis
the Fifteenth die without issue male. The
young monarch being of a sickly constitution,
this event was not improbable ; and Philip, not
withstanding his renunciation, entertained de
signs of ascending the throne of France, and
was countenanced by a considerable party in
the kingdom. Hence the duke of Orleans,
threatened with the loss of the succession,
favourably received the overtures of England
as the only power able to support his right;
and George the First was equally anxious to
conciliate the friendship of France, as the prin-

46 CHAPTER 3.
cipal means of counteracting the schemes of
the Jacobites, and annihilating the hopes of the
pretender. When their interests thus concur
red, it was not difficult to adjust the conditions
of a treaty of alliance ; after a few obstacles
and delays, occasioned by the volatile character
of the regent, a negotiation was commenced by
the earl of Stair at Paris, continued by Mr.
Walpole and Chateauneuf the French minister at
the Hague, and finally concluded by secretary
Stanhope and du Bois the confidential friend of
the regent.
The principal articles of the treaty which
formed the bond of union between the two
countries, were, on the side of the regent, to
send the pretender beyond the Alps ; and on
the part of George the First, to guaranty, in
conformity with the peace of Utrecht, the
eventual succession of the house of Orleans to
the crown of France. This singular alliance,
concluded on the 21st of August 1716, formed
the commencement of a new sera in the political
annals of Europe, and united the rival powers
of France and England, whose enmity had de
luged Europe with blood, and whose union
produced a long and unexampled period of
peace and tranquillity.
From the conclusion of this treaty the great
object of the English cabinet was directed to

1723. 47
keep the regent steady to his engagements,
through the channel of du Bois, who was grati
fied with a large pension from the king of Eng
land*. To attain this point, it was necessary
to procure the dismission of Villars, Noailles,
Torcy, and d'Uxelles, who were attached to
the old system, and gradually to raise du Bois
to the office of prime minister. But to com
pass this scheme was no easy task ; for, not
withstanding the wonderful ascendancy which
du Bois had acquired over his illustrious pupil,
the regent did not without great reluctance
consign to him the supreme direction of the
State. Misinformed writers have asserted, that the
advancement of du Bois was as unobstructed
as it was rapid, and that the duke of Orleans
was as eager to promote him as he was to be
promoted. The dispatches of the earl of t Stair
prove the falsity of these unqualified assertions,
and shew that the regent hesitated, that du
Bois almost despaired of conquering his repug
nance, and that his success was principally
owing to the influence of the English cabinet,
by which the regent from personal motives was
governed.
* St. Simon affirms that this pension was 40.000Z. but this
•urn was so enormous at that period as to render it probable
that he was misinformed.
t Hardwicke's State Papers, vol. 2.

48 CHAPTER 3.
The appointment of du Bois to the direction
of foreign affairs was a prelude to the success
of the whole plan. This arrangement was so
essential to the British cabinet, that lord Stair
considered it as " the surest pledge for the sup
port of those measures in the promotion of which
the abbot had been the chief instrument." Du
Bois was no sooner nominated to this post, than
he artfully appropriated to himself the manage
ment of the most secret transactions ; all affairs
of importance passed through his hands alone,
and the councils established at the commence
ment of the regency were suppressed, though
the respective ministers were permitted to retain
their appointments.*
Having thus obtained for du Bois the manage
ment of foreign affairs, the next attempt of the
English cabinet was to effect the dismission of
the marquis de Torcy, secretary of State, the
inveterate enemy of England, and the ablest
minister in the French cabinet.
John Baptiste marquis de Torcy, second son
of the great Colbert, was born in 1665 ; brought
up under the auspices and improved by the in
structions of his celebrated father, he was soon
initiated in state affairs, and commenced at a
very early period his diplomatic career as secre-
* Duclos Memoires Secrets, T. 1, p. 408.

1723. 49
tary and envoy in different courts of Europe.
In the twenty-second year of his age he was
appointed secretary of State for foreign af
fairs. He distinguished himself in the nego
tiations which took place on the death of Charles
the Second, king of Spain, in regard to the suc
cession of the Spanish dominions, at the con
gress of Gertruydenberg, and in the conferences
which settled the peace of Utrecht. A striking
proof of his ability is given in the history of
these transactions published after his death
from his papers * ; it is one of the most curious
monuments of the superiority of the French
cabinet in every species of intrigue and address
in negotiation.
Torcy continued to enjoy, during the reign of
Louis the Fourteenth, the full confidence of his
sovereign, and was engaged in secretly promot
ing the success of the invasion against England,
and in making excuses for permitting the pre
tender to reside in Loraine. On the death of
Louis the Fourteenth, he was continued in the
ministry, as the only person versed in the
management of foreign transactions ; his capa
city for affairs, and the talent which he possessed
of rendering business agreeable to the regent,
made him a necessary instrument in the admi-
* Memoires de Torcy pour servir a l'Histoire des Negocia-
tions, depuis le Traits de Ryswick jusqu' a la paix d'Utrecht.
VOL. I. K

50 CHAPTER 3.
nistration. But Torcy * had become obnoxious
to George the First, and to the Whigs who
directed the counsels of England at this period,
by his declaration to lord Bolingbroke concern
ing the nullity of any renunciation which could
be made by Philip duke of Anjou to the crown
of France t.
* Torcy is represented by the French writers, and particu
larly by St. Simon, who knew him personally, as remarkable
for the mildness of his manners and the placidness of his
temper ; yet the earl of Stair has recorded an instance which
proves a great want of self-command, and a peevish aversion
to the English, at a time when it was the interest of the French
court to continue on good terms with them. — See Hardwicke's
Papers, vol. ii. p. 530, 535.
f Though the peace of Utrecht had obliged the Spanish
branch of the Bourbon family to renounce by oath the right
of succession to the crown of France ; yet the doctrine of its
invalidity, as an act void ab initio, had been publicly avowed.
Torcy frankly owned to lord Bolingbroke, " The renunciation
desired would be null and invalid by the fundamental laws of
France, according to which laws the nearest prince to the
crown is of necessity the heir. This law is considered as the
work of Him who has established all monarchies, and we are
persuaded in France that God only can abolish it. No renun
ciation therefore can destroy it ; and if the king of Spain should
renounce it for the sake of peace, and in obedience to his
grandfather, they would deceive themselves, who received it
as a sufficient expedient to prevent the mischief we purpose to
avoid." — See Report of the Secret Committee, p. 13.
Torcy made no scruple of publicly declaring that this expe
dient, which had been devised to prevent the union of France
and Spain under one monarch, could be of little force, as
being inconsistent with the fundamental laws of France. " This
declaration," observes a judicious author, " gives a remarkable
instance of the weakness or wickedness of that administration,

1723.
The interest of England concurring with the
inclinations of du Bois, who was jealous lest
Torcy should supplant him in the management
of foreign affairs, his dismission was obtained
principally by the artful management of lord
Stair. The address he employed in thus com
pleting the triumph of du Bois is recorded in
his journal*, and will afford a striking picture
of the great ascendancy which England at that
period possessed in the cabinet of Versailles.
On many other occasions du Bois employed
the interest of the English ambassador with the
regent, of which two curious instances are
recorded by Duclos. While his agent Lafiteau
was ineffectually soliciting the pope to confer
on him the dignity of cardinal, the pretender,
who had retired to Rome, offered his turn of
nomination to du Bois, provided he would pro
cure the payment of his pension, which was
considerably in arrears. Du Bois, however, not
only declined accepting the nomination, on a
condition which would have ruined his credit at
London ; but obtained the intercession of
George the First, and the emperor, in his favour.
who could build the peace of Europe on so sandy a founda
tion, and accept of terms which France itself was honest
enough to own were not to be maintained." Letter to Two
Great Men, p. 20.
* Hardwicke's States Papers, vol. ii.
E 2

52 CHAPTER 3.
During this transaction the archbishopric of
Cambray becoming vacant, he coveted that high
dignity, as a means of rendering him more
worthy of the purple. But finding the regent
disinclined to promote a person of his dissolute
character, to a see recently filled by the venera
ble Fenelon ; du Bois adopted the same plan
which he followed in regard to the cardinal's
hat. He wrote to des Touches *, the French
agent at London, to request that George the
First would apply to the regent. The king, on
receiving the application, burst into laughter ;
" Sire," said des Touches, who was in great fa
vour with the king, " I feel no less than your
majesty the singularity of the application ; but
it will be of the greatest importance to my in
terest to obtain it." " How," replied George,
continuing to laugh, " shall a protestant prince
interfere in making an archbishop of France ?
The regent himself will laugh, and pay no at
tention to my recommendation." " Excuse me,
Sire," returned des Touches, " he will laugh in
deed, but he will grant it ; first out of respect
to your majesty, and secondly for its singularity.
Besides, du Bois is the person on whom my fu-
* Des Touches was well known as the author of several
excellent comedies, and was chosen a member of the French
academy. He himself communicated this anecdote to Du
clos, vol. ii. p. 82. 12

1723. 53
ture condition in fife totally depends, he will
ruin me if I do not obtain from your majesty an
urgent letter on this occasion ; here it is already
written ; and the kindness with which your ma
jesty has honoured me, leads me to hope that
you will not refuse your signature." " Give it
me," said the king, " since it will be of so
much service to you ;" and he signed it. The
dispatch was immediately forwarded ; the re
gent was convinced that du Bois had suggested
this measure ; but his appointment did not the
less take place.
Lord Stair having quarrelled with Law, the
director of the finances, earl Stanhope, secretary
of State, who had long been in habits of the
strictest intimacy with the regent, repaired to
Paris, and settled with him and du Bois the plan
of future intercourse. Lord Stair being re
called, Sir Richard Sutton was deputed to Paris,
and, after a short stay, succeeded by Mr. after
wards Sir Luke Schaub, a native of Basle, who
had served as private secretary to earl Stanhope,
and was principally employed in penning his
foreign dispatches. After passing a year at
Madrid, in the character of English agent, he
was selected by lord Carteret to convey to du
Bois the strongest assurances from the king of
England, that the death of lord Stanhope would
occasion no alteration in the conduct of the Bri-
e 3

54 CHAPTER 3.
tish cabinet, who would persevere in maintain
ing the connection with France, and in pursuing
the same system of politics which had proved
so advantageous to both countries. Du Bois,
whose influence over the regent depended on
the friendship of the British cabinet, affectio
nately received his friend Schaub, as the mes
senger of joyful tidings.
The failure of the Mississippi scheme, which
reduced France to a bankruptcy, and the dis
grace of Law, served to increase the ascend
ancy of du Bois, and left him without a rival in
the affections of the regent. Having succeeded
in obtaining *the archbishopric of Cambray,
and the dignity of cardinal, he was finally raised,
by the influence of England, through the agency
of his friend Schaub, to the office of prime mini
ster. But he did not long enjoy that elevated
station; he died on the 10th of August 1723, in
the 67th year of his age.
William du Bois, who thus attained the highest
station in church and state, was the son of
an apothecary in Limousin, and was born in
1656. Chance having made him sub-preceptor
to the duke of Orleans, his supple temper, in
sinuating manners, versatile talents, and indefa
tigable perseverance in promoting his own
views, raised him to the highest honours and
employments of the State. The notorious in-

1723. r>r,
famy of his private character has induced su
perficial observers to deny him abilities which
he really possessed, and not sufficiently to ap
preciate his capacity for public business, and
talents for negotiation.
In fact he did not solely gain the favour of
his pupil by flattering his passions and , pander
ing to his vices, but he inspired him with a love
of science, rendered natural philosophy easy and
familiar, and instructed him in political know
ledge. He also accompanied the young prince
in some of his campaigns, and displayed at the
battle of Steinkirk a striking instance of perso
nal valour and humanity. Marshal Luxem
bourg, who commanded in that memorable en
gagement, said to Louis the Fourteenth, who
mentioned that the abbe Pelisson died without
confession, " I know another abbe who might
die in the same situation." " Who ?" enquired
the king. " The abbe du Bois," returned Lux
embourg, " who intrepidly exposed himself to
danger in the battle of Steinkirk. I met him in
every part of the field." At the conclusion of
the engagement he prevailed on the duke of
Chartres to give orders for the removal and care
of the wounded ; he wrote also an account of
the battle with equal spirit and precision, and
his letter pleased and surprised Louis the Four-
teenth. e 4

56 CHAPTER 3.
St. Simon has in his Memoirs agreeably de
tailed the circumstances of his extraordinary
rise; but, in drawing his portrait, has delineated
his vices, and forgotten his abilities. Marshal
Villars, however, speaks* more favourably of his
public character. During the last year of his
life, the enormous load of public business, and
the ill state of his health, rendered him incapa
ble of executing the duties of his office with
his accustomed facility. The affairs of State
were consequently in great disorder at his death,
and hence, perhaps, arose the imputation of neg
ligence and incapacity.
On the death of du Bois the duke of Orleans
resumed the reins of government, in the quality
of prime minister, and appeared like a man re
lieved from a great burthen, recalling all those
whom the cardinal had banished from court,
and expressing the most marked contempt for
his memory t. Fortunately, however, his inter-
* On lui trouvoit beaucoup d'esprit, mais il avoit mauvaise
reputation pour les moeurs. Son maitre avoit et6 le premier
a en parler assez mal, mais sitot que le cardinal n'eut plus
d'autre inteVet que celui de l'etat, il y parut entierement
devoue : cherchant l'amitie et l'approbation des honnetes gens,
et voulant, disoit-il, punir les fripons. Enfin, sa mort fut
regarded comme une perte dans la conjoncture presehte."
Memoires de Villars, t. iii. p. 80.
t If we may credit Schaub, whose excessive attachment to
du Bois renders him a suspicious panegyrist, the duke of
Orleans ,was highly affected with his death, and burst into a
flood of tears when he announced it to the king.

1723. .57
ests concurring with the inclinations of the
English ministry, no alteration ensued in the
friendship established between France and Eng
land. The appointment of Morville, as succes
sor to du Bois, in the direction of foreign affairs,
at the recommendation of the English cabinet,
sufficiently proved the inclination of the duke
of Orleans to maintain the union with England.
Although the death of du Bois did not pro
duce any change in the situation of the two
courts ; yet it occasioned the recal of the Eng
lish minister at Paris, and brought Mr. Horace
Walpole upon the political theatre at a critical
period. The British cabinet was divided into two
parties ; the one headed by lord Townshend,
secretary of State for the northern department,
and Walpole, who was first lord of the Treasury ;
the other was led by lord Carteret, secretary of
State for the southern department, who had suc
ceeded to the influence of Sunderland and Stan
hope. A violent struggle for ascendancy en
sued, and was still undecided, when the king
repaired to Hanover, in July 1723. He was ac
companied by the two secretaries of State, and
during their absence Walpole executed their
office in England. The Hanoverian junto was
likewise divided into two parties, who ranged
themselves under the duchess of Kendal and

58 CHAPTER 3.
the countess of Darlington. Lord Townshend
had secured the duchess of Kendal, while lord
Carteret gained lady Darlington, with Berns-
dorf, Bothmar, and the principal Hanoverian
ministers. Carteret possessed superior know
ledge and great abilities, and conciliated the
favour of the king, by his acquaintance with the
German language, and by flattering his German
prejudices. In virtue of his post as secretary
for the southern department, the correspondence
with the court of Versailles passed through his
hands ; his attachment to the principles of Sun
derland and Stanhope secured the confidence of
du Bois ; and his influence in the cabinet of
Versailles was increased by the representations
of Sir Luke Schaub, that he solely directed the
system of foreign affairs, and was the only
minister who was anxious to preserve the con
nection between the two countries.
With a view still farther to ingratiate himself
with the king, he promoted a scheme suggested
by Schaub, to negotiate a marriage between
Amelia, countess of Platen, niece of lady Dar
lington, and the count de St. Florentin, and to
procure, through the influence of the king, a
dukedom for his father the marquis de la Vril-
liere. The king warmly seconded this proposal ;
he agreed to portion the bride, and permitted
Schaub to employ his name in soliciting the

1723. 59
dukedom from du Bois, provided the grant
could be obtained without difficulty, and with
out offending the nobility of France. Schaub
having readily secured the concurrence of du
Bois, Carteret contrived to retain the negotia
tion in his own hands, and accompanied the
king to Hanover, in order to conclude it with
the greater secrecy. Rumours however of the
transaction transpiring, the secret was confiden
tially communicated by Carteret to lord Towns
hend, and thus became known to the duchess
of Kendal, who was jealous of the family of
Platen. In this situation of affairs the death of du
Bois defeated the views of Carteret, and paved
the way to the ascendency of Townshend and
Walpole, by the recal of Schaub, and the ap
pointment of Mr. Horace Walpole to the em
bassy at Paris. Although Sir Luke Schaub had
conducted the affairs of his mission with great
address ; yet being a foreigner, and without dis
tinction, either from birth or connections, he
could not have so long continued in this station,
had not the protection of Stanhope, Sunderland
and Carteret, and his personal credit with
du Bois, concurred to render his presence
at Paris conducive to the maintenance of
the pacific system. In consequence of his at
tachment to Carteret, he became obnoxious to

60 CHAPTER 3.
Townshend and Walpole, and they eagerly em
braced the opportunity which the death of du
Bois presented, of lessening his credit with the
king. Townshend represented that the con
tinuance of Schaub at Paris would be prejudicial
to his majesty's affairs, in consequence of the
personal enmity of count Noce, who had been
banished by the cardinal, and considered Schaub
as the cause of his disgrace. Being now rein
stated in his former favour, he was supposed to
be the person who would govern the duke of
Orleans. Lord Townshend therefore suggested
the propriety of deputing to Paris a person ca
pable of ascertaining the state of the French
cabinet and the real influence of Schaub ; he
recommended Mr. Horace Walpole as best quali
fied for this delicate charge, and to avoid dis
gusting lord Carteret, proposed that his brother-
in-law should not assume a diplomatic character,
but appear to pass through Paris in his way to
Hanover. The king's consent was the signal of
victory, and Townshend triumphantly announces
to Walpole the beneficial consequences which
must result from this step. " If Horace Wal
pole executes his commission with his usual
dexterity, the effect will either be that he will
make such discoveries as must end in getting
Schaub recalled, or at least that Schaub, finding
we have credit enough to get so near a relation

1723. 61
sent over to superintend him, will so far con
sider his own situation, as to act in a more open
and sincere manner towards us, and think it
necessary to make a merit to himself, of appear
ing to throw that interest into our hands, which,
after such a tacit declaration in our favour, it
may no longer be in his power to withhold
from us. And as that interest has hitherto been
the chief, and is at present in a manner the only
hold and support of our antagonists, this affair,
if managed with discretion, will wound them
in the most vital and sensible part*."
This transaction was settled without the know
ledge of lord Carteret ; but soon afterwards the
king, at the suggestion of lord Townshend,
ordered him to expedite credential letters to
Mr. Walpole for the purpose of admitting the
king of Portugal into the quadruple alliance.
Carteret reluctantly obeyed, and Townshend
again announced his success. " This indubit
able mark of confidence towards us, and neglect
towards Carteret and Schaub, cannot fail to in
duce the duke of Orleans and the French mi
nister to open themselves to my brother Ho
race, and to court our friendship. And the
king's putting so near a relation of ours over
* Lord Townshend to Robert Walpole, Hanover, Sept. 25,
1723. Memoirs of Sir Robert AValpole Correspondence,
vol. ii. p. 268.

62 CHAPTER 3.
Schaub's head, in a court, where the whole secret
of affairs centers at present in lord Carteret's
province, and in the strength and heart of his
interest, will be such a publication to the world
of the superiority of our credit, that I think
a stronger neither can nor ought to be desired
at present. * * * *
" This mortifying stroke, I assure you, has
so astonished lord Carteret, that I never ob
served in him, on any occasion, such visible
marks of despair *."
With respect to the affair of the dukedom,
which lord Townshend foresaw would encounter
many difficulties, Mr. Walpole was instructed
neither to oppose it, lest he should offend the
king, or to interfere in the negotiation, if he
could avoid it with prudence.
* Lord Townshend to Robert Walpole, October 25, 1723.
Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, Correspondence, vol. ii.
p. 281.

1723. 63
CHAPTER 4.
1723.
State of the French Court and Character of the Ministers on
the Arrival of Mr. Walpole at Paris — Embarrassments from
Sir Luke Schaub, and from the Affair of the Dukedom —
Confidential Intercourse with Count Noce' and the Duke of Or
leans — Sudden Death of the Duke of Orleans.
MR. Walpole arrived at Paris on the 19th
of October, and on the 1 st of November
forwarded to lord Townshend his first dispatch,
containing a most perspicuous and interesting
account of the French court and ministry. The
answer of lord Townshend will shew the ex
treme satisfaction which the king derived from
this communication. " Hanover, Nov. 27 — Dec. 8.
" Not thinking it proper to have Mr. Tho
mas come over to the Gohre, I desired him to
stay at this place till our return hither ; and I
now take the first opportunity of dispatching
him back to you, that you may have the satis
faction of knowing that the relations you sent by
him were highly acceptable to the king, who ex
pressed himself with the greatest kindness and
affection towards you on this occasion, and de-
dared that he never had at any time received

64 CHAPTER 4.
so sensible and satisfactory an account of the
situation of persons and affairs at the French
court." Mr. Walpole found the duke of Orleans in
full possession of absolute authority, and manag
ing the vast and complicated machine of State
with a skill and facility equal to his great talents ;
but which the dissoluteness of his life did not
seem to promise.
Louis the Fifteenth was at this period only in
his fourteenth year ; in 1722 he had been de
clared out of his minority, and after being
crowned at Rheims, ostensibly assumed the reins
of government. He was of a weak and sickly
habit, and shewed no marks of that robust and
hardy frame, which afterwards supported such
incessant fatigue. He was affectionately devoted
to his preceptor Fleury, but wholly governed in
affairs of State by the duke of Orleans ; and the
ministers were either persons of inferior capacity,
or of little consequence.
Armenonville, the keeper of the seals, was
without weight or capacity, and is characterised
by the duke of Orleans in the celebrated pas
quinade* against the ministry of du Bois, as
* In the midst of a large society of ladies, noblemen, men
of letters, and artists, assembled at the house of madame
d'Auverne, the duke of Orleans affected to quote a pasquinade,
which he pretended was recently published against himself
and his administration, " Ladies and gentlemen," he said, " the

:1723. 65
thus addressing himself to the russian embas
sador. " Are you come, sir, to cousult me as
keeper of the seals, or as financier ? I must
French are extremely malicious in publishing the most severe
libels against me and the ministers. They feign that the czar
of Russia, finding the French government wiser than those of
the other nations which he has visited, has just sent an envoy,
express, to request the assistance of my counsels. The ambas
sador makes me a flattering eulogium on the part of his master,
to which I reply, " His czarish majesty, sir, does me great
honour, by his good opinion of my capacity, which I do not
merit. Louis the Fourteenth, from a principle of jealousy,
removed me from his councils ; my studies have been confined
to the belles lettres, chymistry, painting, and music. My birth,
it is true, called me to the regency, but I do not interfere in
the government any otherwise than to plan edicts when I am
intoxicated in the evening, with my boon companions, which
annul those of the preceding evening. I am concerned that
I am not able to assist your master in his great projects ; but
go to cardinal du Bois."
" The embassador accordingly repairing to du Bois, and
delivering the prince's message, the cardinal replied, " The
uke of Orleans is joking, without doubt, in sending you to
¦e. Where does he think I have learnt to govern well ? I am
te son of a village apothecary. I began my career at Paris,
¦rvant to a doctor of the Sorbonne ; my good stars made
-ub-preceptor to the regent, who loaded me with dignities,
iut giving me capacity. Besides I am eaten up with
disease, which consumes me, and prevents me, even if I had
2 capacity, from transacting the affairs of France. Go then,
ti he keeper of the seals, and the other ministers."
A.."- drawing the characters of Armenonville, Maurepas,
Breteuil, Dodun and la Vrilliere, which are inserted in the
text, the duke of Orleans concluded : " Voila comment l'am-
bassadeur courant de l'un k l'autre ministre sans rien pouvoir
apprendre, s'en retourna a sa cour comme il etoit venu."
VOL. I. F

66 CHAPTER 4.
frankly inform you, that I am acquainted with
my own finances, but not with those of the
king ; and as keeper of the seals, papers are sent
me to seal, but I am not permitted to read
them. I have no other merit than that of good
will." His son, count Morville, appointed to the
office of secretary of State on the death of car
dinal du Bois, was, like his father, a man of in
tegrity and good-will; but little acquainted
with foreign affairs, and extremely embarrassed,
in transacting business. The principal cause
of his elevation was derived from his devotion to
England. He is characterised even by Schaub,.
who was prejudiced in his favour, as possessed
of great good sense and prudence, but without
shining talents.
Mr. Walpole, in his first dispatch to lord
Townshend, speaks of him as " an honest man,
that does the business of his office to the satis
faction of his master, without any other confi
dence or aim at power," and as " cordially
disposed to keep a good understanding with
England." Jean Frederic count de Maurepas, of the
branch of Philippeaux Pontchartrin, was at
the head of the marine department ; he was
born in 1701, and, in the seventeenth year of
his age, was named secretary of State, by the

1723. 67
duke of Orleans, as a recompence to his grand
father, the count de Pontchartrin, chancellor,
who resigned his charge, that he might not
make the will of Louis the Fourteenth, which
limited the power of the regent. He was
nominated superintendant of the king's house
hold in 1718, and placed at the head of the
Admiralty in 1723 *.
In the pasquinade Maurepas is thus character-
isedj as apostrophising the russian embassador.
" I should be happy to be useful to his czarish
majesty ; but I trust he will have the goodness
to wait until I am acquainted with business.
I have sense, an inclination to learn, and love
for the king and the state ; but I am just come
from school, and have seen no other vessel than
one which ascended the Seine, two years ago,
and those of two feet high which are made to
amuse boys of my age. I do not however despair
of one day rendering myself serviceable to his
czarish majesty ; but I have hitherto only been
a lively and mischievous boy."
Breteuil, the minister at war, was son of the
* He continued in different employments until 1749, when
he was banished by the influence of madame de Pompadour,
whom he had satirised. He remained in exile during the
whole reign of Louis the Fifteenth, but, on the accession of
Louis the Sixteenth, was recalled, and, though he held no
official employment, was considered as prime minister. He
died in 1781 in the eighty-second year of his age.
F 2

68 CHAPTER 4.
intendant of Languedoc, and became himself
intendant of the Limosin. He appears to have
Solely owed his elevation to his address in steal
ing the leaf of the register of a village in the
Limosin, containing the entry of du Bois's mar
riage, which the cardinal had commissioned him
to secure *. In reward for this service du Bqis;
called him from his petty office of intendant, to
succeed le Blanc as minister of war, although
he was totally unacquainted with military con
cerns. Though not deficient in talents, he was
a man of extreme ignorance, and no less vanity,
of which St. Simon has recorded two ridiculous
instances t. In the pasquinade of the duke of
Orleans, Breteuil is thus introduced as speaking
to the russian embassador. " To whom, sir, do
you address yourself? It is true, I am secretary
at war : but I have seen no other troops than
the regiment which passed through Limoges
while I was intendant,"
Dodun comptroller-general is thus charac
terised : " I was formerly counsellor of the
parliament, and actually reported a cause ; but
the duke of Orleans made me comptroller-gene
ral, and I confess myself totally unacquainted
with the duties of my office."
* St. Simon relates this anecdote at length, but the authors
of the Dictionnaire Historique call it in question.
t Oeuvres de St. Simon, Tom. 12, p. 231, 236.

1723. 69
Henry Philippeaux, compte de St. Florentin,
son of Louis Philippeaux, marquis de la Vril-
liere, succeeded his father on his dismission
from the office of secretary of State, February
17, 1723. At this period he was only 18 years
of age, and as he was totally without experience,
to him might be applied the pasquinade of the
duke of Orleans on his father. " Behold, sir,"
he says to the russian embassador, " the form
of our lettres de cachet, that is all with which
I am yet acquainted. Here is one to immure
an unfortunate priest in the Bastile. This is all
that I do, and all I know how to do. I give it
you with great satisfaction, and you may trans
mit it to your master, who employs similar me
thods to send his subjects into Siberia." This
was the person* who afterwards espoused Amelia,
countess of Platen, the pretensions of whose fa
mily to a dukedom occasioned so much embar
rassment to Mr. Walpole, and hastened the
recal of Sir Luke Schaub.
The bishop of Frejus, afterwards well known
under the denomination of cardinal Fleury, dis
creetly remained in the back ground of the pic-
* Louis Philippeaux, the father, died in 1725 ; and Henry,
the son, continued in the office of secretary of State until
1736, when he was appointed garde des sceaux, in the place
of Chauvelin. He became chancellor to the queen in 1 743,
and in 1770 was created duke de la Vrilliere. Des Bas
Dictionnaire de la Noblesse.
f3

70 CHAPTER 4.
ture, and the whole Weight of affairs rested upon
the duke of Orleans. Mr. Walpole commended,
in the strongest terms, his great talents for
business, and the general satisfaction and tran
quillity which prevailed under his administra
tion. Count Noce, whose name often occurs in the
early correspondence of Mr. Walpole, though
not a member of the administration, had consi
derable influence over the duke of Orleans, as a
votary of wit and pleasure, and as a boon com
panion in his convivial hours. He was a man
of a volatile and capricious disposition, solely
addicted to his amusements, and averse to
business: he repeatedly declined all offices of
trust or emolument, and piqued himself on his
independence. Although he affected never to
interfere in public affairs, yet he occasionally
suggested hints, and exerted his great influence
over his patron in his hours of relaxation.
Hence he was assiduously courted by du Bois,
in the early period of the regency ; and facili
tated his rise at the intercession of madame de
Tencin*, who carried on an intrigue with both,
but was most devoted to the abbot.
* Claudine Alexandrine, usually styled madame de Tencin,
was of an illustrious family in the province of Dauphine". She
took the veil, and resided in the monastery of Mont Fleury,
near Grenoble ; but, disgusted with the life of a nun, obtained,
through the interest of Fontenelle, a brief from the pope to

1723. 71
At length du Bois having firmly established
his credit with the regent, neglected Noce in
his applications for favours, who, provoked at
quit the cloister. She soon afterwards came to Paris, and ren
dered herself conspicuous by her beauty, talents, gallantries,
and political intrigues.
At the instigation of Torcy, she made successful advances
to lord Bolingbroke, during his embassy at Paris, became a
spy upon his conduct, and stole from him some papers of
considerable importance. She had less success with the duke
of Orleans, with whom she was employed to ingratiate herself
on the death of Louis the Fourteenth, by D'Argenson, ieutenant
de police. With a view to effect her purpose, she pretended
to be violently in love with him : but the duke, suspecting
the snare, was not duped by her" blandishments. About
the same time she captivated du Bois, and became privately
his mistress, the depositary of his secrets, and the directress of
his designs. On his elevation she appeared publicly as his
mistress, domineered over him and his household, and was the
source of honours and court favours. On his death she totally
lost her influence; but lived in a magnificent style, as she
had acquired a considerable fortune, during the frenzy of the
Mississippi scheme, by the assistance of Law, who was also
one of her admirers. Her house continued the rendezvous of
men of gallantry and letters, and among her numerous lovers
was la Fresney, a counsellor of the parliament, who having a
violent quarrel with her, killed himself in her apartment.
Being accused of abetting the murder, she was imprisoned in
the Chatelet, and from thence transferred to the Bastile ; but
her innocence appearing on examination, she was released, and
entered again into the world. She was author of several
novels, of which the principal are Memoires de Comminges,
and Les Malheurs de 1' Amour. Some of her writings partake
of the licentiousness of her life, and she may be said, like Mrs.
Behm, " to put her characters to bed." She died in 1 749, at
nn advanced age. She is supposed to have been the mother
«f the celebrated d'Alembert, who was born in 1717, and
F 4

72 CHAPTER 4.
his ingratitude, ineffectually endeavoured to
obstruct his elevation. He once said to the
duke, " I hear you intend to promote that
rascal du Bois to the archbishopric of Cambray."
" True," replied the duke, extremely embarras
sed ; " but his promotion will be serviceable to
my affairs." In his interviews with madame
Tencin, he also loaded him with the most sar
castic abuse, which the lady reporting, du Bois
obtained the disgrace of Noce, and Schaub, who
espoused the quarrels of du Bois, took an active
part fn this transaction.
On the cardinal's death, the duke of Orleans
instantly sent messenger after messenger to
recal Noce, contemptuously observing in his
placed as a foundling under the care of a glass-man, in the
parish of La Ronde, in Paris, from whence he was called Jean
de la Ronde, until he took the name of d'Alembert.
To her influence, her brother, Pierre Guerin de Tencin,
principally owed his elevation. He entered early into the
church, became prior of the Sorbonne, and grand vicar of Sens.
He was in great friendship with Law, whose abjuration of the
Protestant religion he received, and by his means he conside
rably improved his fortune, in a manner unfavourable to his
reputation. At this period he was charg^ d'affaires at Rome,
and aspired to the highest ecclesiastical honours. He was
appointed archbishop of Embrun in 1724, and in 1740 arch
bishop of Lyons. He was created cardinal in 1739, at the
nomination of the pretender, minister of state in 1742, and
aspired to be prime minister on the death of cardinal Fleury,
but was disappointed in his expectations. He was a man of
moderate abilities, and licentious morals ; but of agreeable
manners, and insinuating address. He died in 1758, aged 80.

1723. 73
letters, " Morta la bestia, morto il venino," and
received him with embraces accompanied with
tears. Mr. Walpole describes him as " a humour
ist, full of satire and contradiction, though with
a great fund of wit, and -apt to give things a
malicious turn, if you approach him too near."
On his recal Noce testified the most inveterate
hatred and contempt of Sir Luke Schaub, and
turned away with marks of disgust, whenever
he attempted to address him. His aversion,
however, to the British agent did not influence
his political opinions ; he was a staunch friend
to the alliance between France and England, and
warmly recommended the continuance of the
connection. His natural indolence and abhorrence of
business induced superficial observers to suppose
that he would be merely the social companion
of the duke of Orleans, and not have the
smallest influence in matters of state. But the
sagacity of Mr. Walpole duly appreciated his
character : " I have," he says, in a dispatch to
lord Townshend, " the influence of count Noce
upon the regent's mind so much at heart, that
while Schaub, and indeed others, think him of
no great consequence, because he himself, nor
the regent for him, seem to have any thoughts
of his being put into business, I for that very
reason believe he has the greatest credit with

7* CHAPTER 4.
his royal highness, as it is certain he has en
tirely his affection. For as Noce is a bold open
speaker, with a great deal of wit and good sense,
but mixed with vanity, I know for certain that
he values himself for not seeking to be a minis*
ter, and for having never made any great ad
vantage from so great favour as he possesses in
the regent's heart, which flatters his own vanity,
and at the same time gives him great influence
in what he says, as being disinterested, and
solely attached to his master's good *." Accord
ingly Mr. Walpole courted Noce with the most
assiduous attention, and succeeded in conciliating
his friendship, and securing the good-will of the
duke of Orleans.
Mr. Walpole was greatly embarrassed in his
new situation, by the secret opposition of Sir
Luke Schaub, who was mortified that a person
of his character and connections should be sent
to Paris, and apprehensive of being superseded.
With a view, therefore, to render his continuance
at Paris necessary, Schaub availed himself of
the private negotiation relative to the dukedom,
and was supported by all the influence of his
friend and protector lord Carteret, whose supe*
rior pre-eminence in the cabinet he blazoned
to the French ministers, decried the interest of
* Mr. Walpole to lord Townshend, Paris, Oct. 21. — Nov. 1,
1723.

1723. 75
Townshend and Walpole, and represented them
as adverse to the alliance with France.
With a view to defeat these manoeuvres, Mr.
Walpole obtained a private audience of the
duke of Orleans ; he stated the king's firm reso
lution to pursue such measures as would pre
serve the friendship and good understanding
with his royal highness, and the sincere attach
ment of his relations to the same system. He
likewise made a distinction between the princi
ples of the Whigs and Tories, and discribed the
former as friendly, and the latter as hostile, to
the connection with France. This declaration
made a deep impression on the mind of the duke
of Orleans, and counteracted in an instant all
the insinuations of Sir Luke Schaub.
In consequence of these contradictory opi
nions, and the mutual jealousy of both parties,
they appeared like the ministers of two rival
courts ; and the letters of Mr. Walpole to his
relations, and those of Sir Luke Schaub to lord
Carteret, are filled with petulant remarks and
vehement invectives, which it would be tedious
and uninteresting to detail.
In the midst: of these discordant intrigues,
the duke of Orleans gave an instance of his su
perior esteem for Mr. Walpole, and of his con
viction that his relations had the pre-eminence
in the cabinet. By the express command of

76 CHAPTER 4.
the duke of Orleans, communicated through
Count Noce, Mr. Walpole had a confidential
interview with his royal highness on the sub
ject of the dukedom. After dining with count
Morville, he was conducted by Noce to a low
and dark apartment in the palace of Versailles.
Noce retiring, on the entrance of the duke of
Orleans, his royal highness opened the confe
rence, by expressing his willingness to make
any sacrifice, or undergo any hazard, to comply
with the king's request. He then expatiated
on the difficulties and obstacles* which resulted
from the aversion of the nobility ; he represent
ed the family of la Vrilliere as having no pre
tensions to that honour ; treated the whole bu
siness as an intrigue of Schaub, who had a love
affair with madame de la Vrilliere, and had de
ceived the king by his misrepresentations. He
* A curious passage in the Memoirs of Villars will prove
the embarrassments of the duke of Orleans.
"Le bruit se repandit alors que le due d'Orleans voulutfaire
des dues, et donner cet honneur au marquis de la Vrilliere, a
fin que son fils epousat une fille b&tarde du roi d'Angleterre,
sur cela je dis au due d'Orleans ; vos bons serviteurs ne peu-
vent s'empecher de vous reprfeenter que votre gloire est inter-
essee a ne pas laisser dire que le roi d'Angleterre, n'osant pas
donner so batarde a un milord, dont il y en a plus de deux cents,
vous oblige, pour la marier, a faire un due en France. Le regent
m'avoua qu'on lui en avoit parl£, et que je lui faisois un plaisir
tres sensible de lui faire voir et sentir les consequences qu'aroit
cette demarche. " Memoirs de Villars, Tom. 3, p. 92.

1723. 77
declared therefore his resolution to delay pre
senting to the king of France, the letter from
the king of England, requesting the grant of
the dukedom which Sir Luke Schaub had deli
vered to him, until he had received further in
formation from Hanover. He then concluded,
" I must therefore request you instantly to send
a courier to Hanover, with a letter for lord
Townshend, to lay before his majesty the true
and real state of the business ; I wish to know
the king's sentiments on the subject, and am
ready to obey his majesty's commands, when I
am convinced he is fully acquainted with the
transaction." An account of this interesting interview,
which proved the full reliance of the duke of
Orleans on Mr. Walpole's integrity and good
sense, is detailed at length, in a dispatch to lord
Townshend, dated on the first of December, to
be laid before the king. It was accompanied
with a private letter, in which Mr. Walpole ex
culpates himself from having purposely solicited
this confidential communication with a view to
obstruct the grant of the dukedom. He stated
the delicacy of his situation, and his apprehen
sions of offending the king ; yet expressed his
full conviction, that the obstacles to the grant
were insuperable, that Schaub had exceeded his
powers, and by his indiscreet precipitancy in de-

78 , CHAPTER 4.
livering the letter for the king of France, be
fore he was secure of success, had committed the
king's honour.
These dispatches had scarcely reached the
place of their destination, before another arrived
which announced a sudden and unexpected
change in the court of France.
The duke of Orleans had been some time in
disposed ; but notwithstanding the repeated so
licitations of his physicians, would neither ab
stain from pleasure or business. His surgeon
observing his eyes inflamed, and his countenance
bloated, predicted a fit of apoplexy, unless he
would submit to be bled and physicked. The
duke, smiling, replied, that vain apprehensions
should not debar him from the enjoyments of
life, and a sudden death was that of all others
which he preferred. He accordingly continued
his usual train of life, and did not relax his ex
treme application to business.
On the 2d of December, after dinner, in
which he freely indulged himself, he transacted
much business of State, until fatigued with his
exertions, the importunities of visitors, and nu
merous applications, he retired to his cabinet, to
repose himself until the hour in which he usually
waited on the king. Among many persons
who were refused admittance, was his principal
favourite, at this period, the duchess of Phala-
13

1723. 79
ris, who came to present a memorial in favour
of the duchess of Meilleray. The duke having
soon afterwards enquired of his valet the names
of the visitors, sent for the duchess of Phalaris,
who had retired to the apartment of madame
du Rohan ; because, as he said, she would not
fatigue him with her importunities, and perhaps
had something of importance to communicate.
On entering the room, she perceived that he
was indisposed. While they were conversing
on the subject of the memorial, and he was pro
mising to grant her friend's request, he sunk
into a kind of lethargy ; but recovering made
an apology for his inattention : he soon relapsed,
and the duchess observing great difficulty of res
piration, and an immediate change of counte
nance, his eyes open and his mouth distorted,
rushed out of the cabinet, and shrieked violently
for assistance. But after traversing various
apartments in vain, she returned, and found the
room full of people, and the duke extended on
the floor, his head resting on the corner of the
chair. He still breathed ; but after several in
effectual attempts to restore him, expired within
a few hours, in the 50th year of his age*.
* This account of the death of the duke of Orleans, is
principally taken from Mr. Crawfurd's Dispatch to Lord Car
teret, in Lord Hardwicke's State Papers, vol. 2, p. 625. Also
from a letter of Sir Luke Schaub to Lord Carteret, Mr. Wal
pole's Dispatches, and CEuvres de St. Simon.

80 CHAPTER 4.
The sudden death of the duke of Orleans,
and the doubtful prospect of the succeeding ad
ministration, filled the court and country with
general consternation ; the young king received
the account of his demise with great marks of
sensibility and affliction, and long regretted his
memory. Mr. Walpole has paid him a just tri
bute of applause in the dispatch which announc
ed his death. "This great and unexpected
stroke does I find affect, in a most sensible man
ner, the persons of the best quality and sense
here, as thinking the death of his royal highness
at this juncture, considering him as to his high
birth, and superior talents in government, not
to be replaced ; besides that he had, by his ca
pacity, and indefatigable pains in business, over
come difficulties almost insurmountable, and
given the nation a prospect of a lasting peace,
which the best patriots here think absolutely ne
cessary for France*."
* To lord Townshend, December 6th, 1723. Walpole
Papers.

81
CHAPTER 5.
1723 — 1724.
The Duke of Bourbon becomes Prime Minister — His Cha
racter and Principles — Influence of Madame du Pri4 —
General Account of the New Administration — Marshal de
Villars — Paris du Verney and his three Brothers — Change
in the Conduct of Louis the Fifteenth — Rise and Ascendancy
of Fleury — Extracts from Mr. Walpole's Private Letters,
relating to the State of the Court, and to the Motives of his
own Conduct — First Conference with Fleury.
rJpHE death of the duke of Orleans was scarcely
announced, before the duke of Bourbon en
tered the closet, and found the king in tears, and
the bishop of Frejus employed in consoling him.
The duke requesting the office of prime minister,
the king made no reply ; but fixed his eyes on
Fleury, who instantly nodding approbation, de
clared he would answer for the duke's loyalty
and attachment, and that his majesty would con
sult his interest by appointing him first minister.
He added, " M. de la Vrilliere is in the anti-
chamber, and if your majesty is willing, I will
call him to receive your orders to expedite the
patent." The king said, " Yes :" La Vrilliere,
was admitted ; the patent was signed ; and a
chair of state being introduced, his majesty
vol. 1. e

82 CHAPTERS.
seated himself in it, and received the customary
oaths from the duke of Bourbon.*
Soon after the departure of the duke of Bour
bon, the young duke of Orleans entered the
closet, and threw himself at the king's feet, who
gently raised him from the ground ; the duke
burst into tears, and after exclaiming that he was
too deeply affected with this melancholy catas
trophe of his father's death to address his ma
jesty, abruptly took his leave.
Louis Henri, duke of Bourbon and Enghien,
of the branch of Conde, usually styled, during
his administration, Monsieur le Due, was in the
thirty-second year of his age, when he succeeded
the duke of Orleans in the office of prime minis
ter. In his early youth he displayed great per
sonal courage, but was a man of weak capacity
and irresolute temper ; and possessed all the
vices, without the talents, of his predecessor.
He was beset by projectors, encompassed by
persons of indifferent reputation, and was so
wholly governed by his mistress, that his ad
ministration was termed the administration of
madame de Prie.
: Agnes, daughter of Stephen de Berthelot, Ba
ron de Baye, was born in 1698, and espoused,
when very young, Louis marquis de Prie, embas-
* Mr. Walpole to lord Townshend, Dec. 6, 1723.

1723— -1724. SS
sador at the court of Turin*. She possessed
great beauty of countenance, elegance of figure,
fascinating manners, and, for her age and sex,
no inconsiderable share of literary accomplish
ments ; but she was dissolute, imperious, venal,
profuse, and intriguing.
The principal ministers who directed affairs
under du Bois, and the duke of Orleans, were
retained by madame de Prie : Morville, Arme
nonville, la Vrilliere, Breteuil, and Dodun ; most
of whom being persons without influence, and
of moderate talents, were wholly subservient
to her will. To these ministers the duke of
Bourbon joined the marshal de Villars t, whom
he introduced into the counsel of State.
These were the ostensible ministers ; but the real
and efficient agents of this weak administration
* Desbois Dictionnaire de la Noblesse, art. Berthelot and
Prie ; torn. 2, p. 389, and torn. 1 1, p. 542.
f Louis Hector, marquis and due de Villars, was born in
1653. Being destined to the profession of arms, he gave, at
an early period of his life, numerous instances of extreme
intrepidity, and raised himself to the highest military rank," in
which he equally distinguished himself by his skill as a general.
Towards the close of the reign of Louis the Fourteenth, he
revived the glory of the French arms, and, by his successful
campaign in Flanders, and his negotiations at Rastadt, has
tened the conclusion of the peace of Baden. His character is
well and truly drawn by Voltaire,
" Heureux Villars, fanfaron, plein de coeur ;''
for his vanity was equal to his success and intrepidity.
g2

84 CHAPTER S.
were four brothers of the name of Paris, whose
rapid rise and singular adventures are recorded
by Saint Simon. Their father kept a solitary inn
at the foot of the Alps, in a narrow pass leading
to Italy. His four sons, who followed the oc
cupation of muleteers, were active, industrious
and intelligent, and performed essential service
by transporting provisions and forage across the
mountains, to the army of the duke de Vendome
in Italy, who, by the delay of his commissary,
had been prevented from opening the campaign.
The activity and zeal of the four brothers at
tracted notice ; they were again employed, made
great profits, and gradually became contractors
themselves. After raising considerable fortunes
they repaired to Paris, where their talents were
rewarded, and they were employed in the de
partment of the finances, under the duke of
Noailles and Argenson.
During the regency, Law had great difficulty
in suppressing their credit and influence ; but
on the overthrow of his system, to which they
greatly contributed, they again rose into power.
They principally directed the administration of
the finances, under Pelletier de la Houssaie,
who was made comptroller-general in 1720, and
under ^Dodun, who succeeded him in 1722;
they were often consulted by du Bois, and no
ticed by the duke of Orleans. Being protected

1723 — 1724.. 85
by madame de Prie, their authority was para
mount during the administration of the duke of
Bourbon. The eldest was distinguished by the
name of Paris ; the second was called la Mon-
tagne, from the sign of his father's inn ; the
third, Montmartel ; and the fourth, Duverney,
who had served as a common soldier, and was
the most remarkable for his address and in
fluence. The commencement of the duke of Bourbon's
administration was extremely embarrassed, by
the opposition of the family of Orleans, and by
the cabals of his mother, Louisa Frances, natural
daughter of Louis the Fourteenth, whose high
spirit could not brook subjection to a superci
lious and domineering mistress- He was, as Mr.
Walpole, in a letter to his brother, justly ob
serves, " encompassed with a mother and a
mistress, who had both their private views and
interests ; who heartily hated one another, but
lived well enough in appearance ; each appre
hending who should get the better in case of a
rupture, and both of them daily suggesting, by
their creatures, some project that might flatter
the duke's particular interests and ambition*."
The evil effects of these cabals, and of the duke's
incapacity, were counteracted by the situation
and ascendancy of Fleury.
* Nov. 28, 1724.
g3

86 CHAPTER 5.
Andrew Hercules de Fleury was son of a
receiver of tythes in the diocese of Lodeve, in
the province of Languedoc. He was born on
the 22d of June 1653, and discovering early
signs of quick comprehension, was sent to Paris,
at the age of six, and prosecuted his studies
with great assiduity and success, under the
Jesuits, and in the school of Harcourt. He dis
tinguished himself by his public dissertations in
latin and greek, in which he explained, with
considerable learning, the principal doctrines of
the athenian philosophers. Being destined to
the church, he obtained, in 1668, a canonryof
Montpellier, by the recommendation of Pierre
de Bonzi, bishop of Beziers, whose protection
his father had acquired. This prelate, afterwards
better known under the title of cardinal de
Bonzi, archbishop of Narbonne, and grand
almoner to the queen, was fascinated with the
rising talents and insinuating address of young
Fleury, introduced him at court, and procured
for him the appointment of chaplain to the queen
of Louis the Fourteenth, at the age of twenty.
On the death of the queen, he was nominated,
by the same interest, chaplain to the king.
Under the auspices of his powerful protector, he
was introduced to the first societies of Paris, and
increased the favourable impression of a pleasing
figure and fascinating countenance, by the

1723—1724. 87
amenity of his manners, the charms of his con
versation, and the discretion of his conduct.
These amiable qualities, which acquired him
many friends, among the first persons of the
realm, for some time retarded his promotion.
Louis the Fourteenth was displeased with his
courtly manners and general acquaintance,
which appeared to him marks of dissipation, and
in reply to the numerous applications for a
bishopric, said, " Fleury has too many friends,
and is too much a man of the world to fulfil the
duties of an episcopal station."
Fleury submitted patiently to these disappoint
ments, and was at length, by the importunity
of the archbishop of Paris, promoted to the see
of Frejus, in Provence *. Retiring to his bishop
ric he performed his professional duties with
extreme regularity, tempered the dignity of his
high office with his characteristic suavity of dis
position, liquidated, by the strictest oeconomy,
the debts which his predecessors had entailed
upon the diocese, and rendered himself equally
beloved and respected.
He performed the most essential service to
the town and district of Frejus, when Victor
Amadeus, duke of Savoy, and prince Eugene,
led a considerable army against Toulon. The
inhabitants of Frejus, alarmed -at the approach
* In 1698.
G 1

88 CHAPTER 5.
of the enemy, were preparing to retire, but were
prevented by the bishop, whose interposition
with the duke of Savoy saved the town from
pillage on the payment of a moderate contri
bution. During three days, which the duke and
prince Eugene passed in the episcopal palace,
they distinguished the bishop with uncommon
marks of attention ; and Victor Amadeus was
so much delighted with his conversation and
manners, that he pressed him to accept the
office of governor to his son, afterwards Charles
Emanuel the First, an honour which the bishop
declined ; but he offended Louis the Fourteenth
by performing Te Deum in the cathedral of
Frejus, and publicly offering the holy water to
the duke of Savoy, which was maliciously repre
sented as an act of rejoicing for the success of
his arms ; circumstances which added obstacles
to his further promotion.
During his residence in his bishopric he col
lected various memorials relating to the re
venue, and the improvement of several branches
of commerce, manufactures, and agriculture,
which increased his political knowledge. He
did not totally bury himself in his diocese ; but
made occasional excursions, appeared at court,
and in the capital, and kept alive his antient
connexions, particularly with the families of

1723—1724. 89
Noailles and Villeroy, to whom he principally
owed his subsequent elevation.
Louis the Fourteenth having, at the insti
gation of madame de Maintenon, made by will
an act of settlement for the government of the
kingdom, during the minority of his grandson,
which divided the administration, and the care
of the young king's person, between the dukes
of Orleans and Maine, under the controul of a
council of regency, appointed marshal Villeroy
governor ; but was embarrassed in the choice of
a preceptor, who was capable of that important
trust, and calculated to conciliate the different
parties. After much hesitation and difficulty,
he was induced, by the importunity of marshal
Villeroy, to nominate Fleury, who, aware of this
arrangement, had recently resigned the bishop
ric of Frejus for the abbey of Tournus.
Although the duke of Orleans, on the death
of Louis the Fourteenth, annulled the will of
the monarch, and assumed the sole regency ; yet
he confirmed the appointment of the governor
and preceptor. During the turbulent and intri
guing period of the regency, Fleury conducted
himself with such circumspection as to give no
umbrage to the duke of Orleans or the cardinal
du Bois ; he entered into no cabals, he made no
applications, either for himself or his friends;
but seemed wholly attentive to fulfil the duties

90 CHAPTER 5.
of his trust, and gradually gained an uncommon
influence over the mind of his royal pupil. In
the course of his employment, he omitted no
opportunity of obtaining information on the
domestic and foreign affairs of France, thus
qualifying himself for the station which he after
wards attained.
The disgrace of his patron, marshal Villeroy,
which seemed likely to involve him in the same
catastrophe, contributed to strengthen his influx
ence, and perpetuate his power. Informed of
Villeroy's arrest, he precipitately quitted the
court, and retired to Baville, a seat belonging
to his friend de Lamoignon. The young king,
deeply afflicted with the loss of his governor
and preceptor, refused all sustenance, took no
rest, and endangered his life by the excess of
his grief. In this alarming situation, the retreat
of Fleury being either purposely or accidentally
discovered, a letter from the king, affectionately
urging his return, and another from the regent,
in terms no less flattering, after some affected
delays, drew him to Versailles, where his pre
sence instantly restored the king to health and
tranquillity. He resumed his office, under the
duke of Charost, the new governor : and though
he suffered the imputation of ingratitude for
deserting his former benefactor ; yet he secretly
exulted in the removal of an imperious master,

1723—1724. 91
and anticipated the most glorious prospects of
future elevation.
Soon after this event, Fleury gave a proof of
great disinterestedness, or still greater ambition,
by declining the archbishopric of Rheims, the
first station in the kingdom, except that of a
prince of the blood ; declaring to the regent,
who pressed him to accept it, that he preferred
his station about the king's person, and in the
council, to all the dignities upon earth. It is
likewise a striking proof, either of his pru
dence or his integrity, that he did not sup
plant the duke of Orleans, and accept the office
of prime minister, offered him by the king, on
the death of cardinal du Bois, He seems to
have stood in awe of the regent ; and even be
fore the disgrace of his patron Villeroy, he sel
dom ventured, and not without great apparent
diffidence, to be present in the cabinet, when the
duke of Orleans transacted business with the
king *, and concealed his views under an air of
candour and simplicity.
Hitherto Fleury, adhering to his unobtrusive
manner, had kept in the back ground ; but he
now became a prominent figure in the French
administration. His abilities, however, were at
* A la fin de ce travail oil le marechal de Villars assistoit
toujours, et oil quelquefois l'ancien evgque de Frejus se haz-
ardoit de rester, &c. St. Simon, t. 9, p. 96.

92 CHAPTER 5.
this period so little appreciated, that he was
merely considered as a learned bigot, wholly ig
norant of foreign politics. Even Mr. Walpole,
notwithstanding his discernment of character,
did not at first sufficiently appreciate the inde
pendence and spirit of Fleury. Although he
mentions him in his first dispatch to lord
Townshend* as a man of great learning, abili
ties, and credit with the king ; yet he also con
sidered him as a creature and spy of the duke
of Orleans.
Such being the state of the French court, and
of the principal characters who composed or in
fluenced the administration, the situation of
Mr. Walpole called forth all his sagacity and
discretion. He was embarrassed with the long-
pending affair of the dukedom, he was thwarted
by Sir Luke Schaub, he was without a perma
nent official character, and uncertain, at this
crisis, by whom the duke of Bourbon would be
governed, or by whom the helm of State would
be directed. He was urged by Schaub to pay
instant court to madame de Prie ; he was im
portuned by Bolingbroke to employ his agency
with the duke of Bourbon ; but he prudently
kept aloof from the petty cabals of women and
courtiers, and waited till the struggle of the
contending parties was decided. He did not,
* Paris, November 1, 1723. Walpole Papers.

1723 — 1724. 93
however, neglect his duty ; he obtained, in an
interview with the duke of Bourbon, the strong
est assurances, that the death of the duke of
Orleans would make no change in the measures
hitherto pursued to preserve the union between
the two nations, and formed a plan for his fu
ture conduct, to gain the party who should
acquire the ascendancy. A few extracts from
his interesting letters to his brother and lord
Townshend will shew the uncertain state of
the French court, and the motives by which his
conduct was regulated.
" The particular audience that Mr. Crawfurd*
and I had, last night, at Versailles, of the duke
of Bourbon, which gave me some, and indeed
would have given me a great deal of satisfac
tion, had his highness in any respect an autho
rity, credit, or capacity equal to his predecessor,
or to his own inclinations ; though I think we
have not at present any thing to fear, and we
must be looking to see what pilot, what hands,
and what materials this new and unexperienced
admiral will make use of to steer under him in a
season and a sea so doubtful. In the mean
time I will venture, by way of speculation with
you, to state the difference of the late and pre-
* Mr. Crawfurd was secretary to the embassy, find charge
d'affaires.

94 CHAPTER 5.
sent situation of persons and times, and to leave
the ecclaircissement of them to future events.
" The duke of Orleans had an authority by
his birth, as presumptive heir to the crown,
which the duke of Bourbon not only wants, but
has -a dangerous rival to his administration, in
the person that has an unquestionable title
before him. The duke of Orleans by virtue of
that right, and his own great address, had
guarded all the avenues to the king, and not
only kept every body in awe, and at a distance
from his majesty, but had indeed made himself
of late more agreeable to him than any body
else. The duke of Bourbon, I am afraid, wants
not only that foundation of right, but also the
talents necessary to establish himself in that
manner, and must expect that others will ap
proach his majesty, and perhaps influence him
too on certain occasions. His royal highness,
by a great genius, and long experience in af
fairs, had got the better of all cabals and parties
against him, and his right of succession to the
crown, and had settled his own interest on so
strong and extensive a bottom, that not only
the tranquillity of Europe, but the interest and
repose of France itself, depended upon it ;
and even those that had been his enemies had
laid aside their principles to become courtiers
to him, which made him every day grow more
14

1723—1724. <J5
popular of late, and is now generally lamented.
Even the marshal d'Huxelles, who hated him
most, has been heard to say since his death, that
it is a pity so great a coquin should be so great
a loss. " The duke of Bourbon, as it is visibly his
interest and his inclination to follow the same
plan, has certainly steadiness and resolution
enough, in particular points, when he has once
taken his plie ; but as he has always been en
compassed with projectors, he may possibly fall
into hands and measures, that may make him
uneasy in his management of civil affairs, and
the same want of discernment, as to persons
and things, may, by degrees, unwarily lead him
into steps relating to foreign affairs, incon
sistent with the present system, and his own
interests. " Madame de Prie has certainly a vast ascen
dant over him, and as she is a lady of an intri
guing and craving temper, money will be her
principal view ; it is therefore thought, that the
Paris's will be able to gain her, and will be con
sequently the duke's chief directors, as to the
finances, which may indeed exclude M. le Blanc
and Mr. Law, for whom his highness has cer
tainly some inclination. #**»•*
" Morville is thought to be at present well
with the duke of Bourbon, on account of

96 CHAPTER 5.
foreign affairs ; and should he gain credit
enough to make his opinion prevalent, and of
weight with his highness, it would be of good
consequence ; but as preceptor Frejus is said to
have in a manner recommended the duke to
his majesty to be prime minister, and is thought
to be underhand in an alliance with Villars,
those two, who were all complaisance and sub
mission to the duke of Orleans, may now think
of acting upon their own views and principles ;
it being almost as necessary for the duke to
court them, as for them to court the duke.
" Frejus is not very able, I am told, as to
foreign affairs ; but a mighty bigot : insomuch
that the French themselves think him too great
a papist. I have learnt this day a particular
instance of it, and of his being no great friend
to England. The night before I was to deliver
my credential letter to his majesty, l'abbe Alaric,
sub-preceptor to the king, was in company with
Mr. Crawfurd and me, and the next morning,
being at his usual hour with his majesty, he
talked to the king of my being to wait upon
him that day, and of both of us in so kind a way
as to please his majesty, which Mr. Frejus taking
notice o:f, stepped up, and said, But these are
enemies, Sire, to our holy religion.
" The natural disposition and view of mar-
shal Villars is known to all the world ; war and

1723—1724. 97
glory are what he desires, and especially to re
trieve and revenge the honour of France ; and
should bigotry and glory prevail in French
councils, the old maxims will soon revive ; but
it is to be hoped, and I verily believe that
apprehensions of this nature are at a distance,
and before it must come to this, Torcy must be
recalled, who will not be contented to act barely
as a commis ; and should there ever be any good
foundation for suspecting his return to business,
in that case, perhaps, his majesty will think it
necessary to give the duke of Bourbon notice,
in a proper time and manner, of the distrusts
and jealousy it must needs create in the mind
of his majesty and his good subjects, in order
to hinder in time his highness from taking so
dangerous a step. * * * * *
" From these particulars it is not unlikely
but that in some time great cabals, divisions,
and parties, will be formed in this court, from
whence we may at least have this comfort, that
it will more than ever be not only the duke of
Bourbon's, but the interest of the other princes,
rather to make their court to, than to quarrel
with his majesty ; and it is the general opinion
here, that M. le Due has shewn this particular
mark of friendship to the marshal de Villars, in
order to strengthen himself at home, without
any regard to things abroad. * * * *
VOL. I. H

98 CHAPTER 5.
" The duke of Chartres *, besides his grief
for the loss of his father, is certainly affected at
heart for that of his right, as he thinks it, to be
a prime minister (being one of the council, and
in the one and twentieth year of his age,) and
to such a degree as not to be able to disguise
it. ***** *
" Things standing thus, we must wait to see
what may be the consequence of the stubborn
coolness and indeed aversion of the duke of
Chartres to the duke of Bourbon, and to what a
degree he will push it. The duke of Chartres's
best friends, I am told, blame his conduct,
especially as it arises in opposition to the other's
being prime minister, which being an imme
diate act of the king himself, approved and
submitted to by the whole nation, will put him
not only in the wrong in the eye of the world,
but be made use of to his disadvantage with
the young king ; but it is said that his mother,
the duchess of Orleans, is inexorable against
the duke of Bourbon, and animates her son in
this state of enmity and defiance. Should this
fatal division continue, and consequently by
degrees increase, the danger we have to appre
hend seems to be, lest one of those, without
considering his real interest, in regard to the
succession of the crown, should, for his imme-
* The duke of Orleans by the death of his father.

1723—1724. 99
diate support, fling himself into the councils
and power of the king of Spain, and that the
emperor may, if he sees a prospect of civil dis
orders in France, make his advantage of them,
and think of measures that may hazard the
tranquillity of Europe. But it is to be hoped,
that such apprehensions are so far out of sight
at present, as not to prevent the conclusion of
what has been so long depending at Cambray.
Whether that congress may not suffer some
delays, depends entirely upon the behaviour of
the courts of Spain and Vienna, when they
shall have known the duke of Orleans's death,
and the state of affairs here.
" As to the duke of Bourbon's own conduct
in his administration, and who is like to have
the greatest influence upon it, you may conclude
from what I have already said, that as things
now stand, he seems determined to make use of
the hands, and follow the steps of the duke of
Orleans, relating to foreign affairs.
" But for having the chief confidence and
power with him, in regard to the management
of civil matters, there are great cabals and
intrigues, the chief of which seems to be
between madame de Prie, the duke's mistress,
and the duchess of Bourbon, his mother. Their
views both tend immediately to their parti
cular profit, and his majesty's ministers should
h2

100 CHAPTER 5.
be cautious here, as yet, in their application to
either, for fear of not only giving jealousy to the
other, but even to the duke of Bourbon him
self, as if he was to be influenced by ladies in
his administration. Should madame de Prie
prevail, Crawfurd has the means of a very good
access to her; should the duchess prevail, Lassay,
who is, and has been for some time her gallant,
may have a good deal so say, and must be
managed. He has been a handsome agreeable
person, but has no great knowledge of business,
besides that of projects and stockjobbing, which
made him intimate with Mr. Law, and endea
vour, not long before the duke of Orleans's
death, to do him service, even to have him sent
for back. But Lassay's reputation is none of
the best ; his father has a good character, had
great credit in Louis the Fourteenth's time, and
is of the stamp and principles of the old court,
having been some years an humble servant to
madame de Bon, Torcy's sister."
During this state of suspense, Mr. Walpole
first adopted that line of conduct which after
wards gave success to his negotiations, and con
tributed to secure the friendship of France
during a period of unexampled difficulty.
Though still misinformed of the real views and
character of Fleury, he was aware of his growing
credit and influence with the king. He there-

1723—1724. 101
fore opened a personal communication with the
venerable preceptor, and obtained an interview,
of which he gives an account in a letter to his
brother, dated December 15th, 1723, N. S.
" The constant and assiduous attendance of
bishop Frejus upon the young king, as coun
sellor as well as preceptor, makes it difficult to
see him, unless by a particular appointment,
which, however desirous I might be, I would
not officiously affect to do, after the full assur
ance I had received already of the duke of
Bourbon's good intentions, as well from himself
as from other ministers and particular friends.
But Mr. Crawfurd and I being at Versailles on
Monday morning, whither we went upon an
invitation of the marshal de Villars to dine with
him there that day, we did, upon an intimation
of abbe Alaric, sub-preceptor to the king, of the
bishop's being at his lodgings, wait upon him,
and as soon as we came in, he discharged those
that were about him, and ordered to be denied :
after the first compliments between us were over,
and he had expressed himself with a respect
due to the king our master, and regard to the
administration and happy state of affairs, we
found an opportunity to mention the present
state of affairs here ; upon which he immediately
gave us, in the readiest and roundest manner,
the strongest assurances of the fixt resolution of
h S

102 CHAPTER 5.
his most christian majesty and his council, to
persevere in the same system, the same mea
sures, and in the same good understanding with
the king our master, relating to foreign affairs,
as had been puisued and brought so near to a
happy conclusion by the late duke of Orleans ;
and he declared upon the word and faith of a
bishop, there was not the least doubt, nor the
shadow of any thoughts to the contrary. That
as for his own part we might depend upon his
being entirely of the same opinion with Mr. le
Due and Mr. de Morville in what they had
assured us on this subject, and added that as a
counsellor to the most christain king, the in
terest, welfare, and peace of his majesty's king
doms should have the first and uppermost place
in his thoughts, and when they came under con
sideration, he should always, in giving this ad
vice, however attached he may be to his own re
ligion, divest himself of his cross and ecclesias
tical function. He expressed himself on this
occasion with so much frankness, candour, and
simplicity, that truth and sincerity seemed to
accompany his words, and he appeared to us in
the state, he said, he should always be when con
sulted by his majesty upon foreign affairs.
" He seemed not to doubt of things going
well; that this sudden stroke of the duke of
Orleans's death might at first occasion an alami

1723—1724. 103
and ferment in all Europe ; he hoped it would
subside again, and things go on in their former
channel, and that we should see this great work
of the quadruple alliance brought to a final con
clusion, by finishing the congress, in a manner,
as soon as it was opened.
" We were not wanting, you may be assured,
to express our great satisfaction and acknow
ledgements to the bishop for having done us the
honour to declare his sentiments so much for the
advantage of the two nations, and for the public
tranquillity of Europe, in so open and obliging
a manner ; and that we did not doubt but his
personal credit with his most christian majesty,
as well as great influence he must needs have
in his counsels, would be of singular service
and weight for the good purposes he had men
tioned, and particularly for improving the union
and confidence between the two nations : as his
majesty had already given sufficient proofs of
having that in view, and at heart, more than any
other consideration, we might venture to assure
him before hand, that he would continue in the
same sentiments notwithstanding the late alter
ation. The bishop answered, that he was fully
persuaded of what we said, but could not for
bear observing, at the same time, that there was
a party in England extremely affected to the
emperor. We answered, that we had been the
h 4

104 CHAPTER 5.
emperor's friends for a great many years, for the
good of our own country, and for preserving
the balance of Europe ; and that we were wil
ling to live well with him still, but by no means
to such a degree as to give into any views that ,
might disturb the present peace, and lead us
into war de gaiete de cceur ; that upon the same
principles, and for the same reasons, we now
desire to live in confidence with France; that
for his majesty's part he had no pretensions, no
differences to adjust with any prince whatso
ever, nothing to desire but the peace of his own
subjects, and the tranquillity of the rest of
Europe. " Upon the whole, I think, considering the
bishop's character, and the manner of his con
versation with us, we have no reason to suspect
but that he spoke his own real sentiments, as
well as the duke of Bourbon's and Morville's, in
regard to the measures to be pursued here, at
least at this present juncture; and I having since
seen the Dutch embassador, he confirmed me in
this opinion, by letting me know that Frejus
had upon the same subject spoke his mind so
fully and so openly to him, that he must be the
most avowed rogue in the world if he designed
to deceive him, and he has not, to do him justice,
that reputation."
This conference removed the prejudices

172S— 1724. 105
which Mr. Walpole had entertained of the
opinions and character of Fleury, and laid the
foundation of that intimate union which was
established between two persons whose man
ners and deportment were opposite ; but whose
views and principles tended solely to promote
the honour and advantage of their respective
countries, and to preserve the peace of Europe.
And so convinced was Mr. Walpole of the
bishop's candour and integrity, that, in a letter
of December 22, after expatiating on the dan
gers which might arise from the enmity be
tween the dukes of Orleans and Bourbon, he
adds, " Nothing can be more desirable than a
reconciliation between these two great person
ages, both for their own sakes, and for the sake
of the public peace. In the mean while, I flat
ter myself that old Frejus has got so much pos
session of the king's ear and mind, as to be able
to fix him to the present administration, and to
prepossess him against any insinuation to the
contrary."

106
CHAPTER 6.
1724—1725.
Situation and Views of Lord Bolingbroke — Mr. Walpole de
clines his Intervention with the Duke of Bourbon — Extracts
from his Letters, relating to various Conversations with Bo
lingbroke, on the State of Affairs in the French Court, and
on his Exile — His complete Restoration prevented by Sir Ro
bert Walpole.
tN no instance, perhaps, did Mr. Walpole dis
play greater sagacity and discretion, than in his
behaviour to lord Bolingbroke, who now resided
at Paris, and, since his dismission from the pre
tender's service, had opened a clandestine cor
respondence with the British ministers, and
essentially contributed to injure the cause of the
Jacobites. In consequence of his services, he had receiv
ed from Sunderland and Stanhope, promises of
restoration to his estates and honours, the fulfil
ment of which, on their deaths, he claimed
from Townshend and Walpole, and his solici
tations were countenanced by the influence of
the duchess of Kendal, and of his friend lord
Harcourt, who had recently made his peace
with the ministry. His marriage with madame
de Villette, niece of madame de Maintenon,
having facilitated his intercourse with the
41

1724—1725. 107
French court, his interposition was considered
as highly important ; in May 1 723 his pardon
passed the great seal, and he was enabled to re
turn to England, but without the restoration of
his estate and peerage.
After passing some months in England, where
he paid the most abject court to Townshend
and Walpole, with the hopes of obtaining a full
restoration to his estates and honours, he re
turned to Paris. On the death of the duke of
Orleans, the British ministers, eager to avail
themselves of his intimacy with the duke of
Bourbon, instructed Mr. Walpole to employ
his intervention in promoting the continu
ance of the union between the two courts.
Bolingbroke, eager to extort his restitution, by
becoming the principal channel of communica
tion, importuned Mr. Walpole with his offers to
negotiate directly with the duke of Bourbon,
and particularly to employ his influence in the
affair of the dukedom. In the course of his
conferences, he continually reverted to the
uneasiness and uncertainty of his situation, and
expressed his hopes of restoration ; he affected
to renounce his connection with the Tories,
professed his inviolable attachment to the
Whigs, and declared his fixed resolution to act
in subservience to those who restored him to his
country.

108 CHAPTER 6.
Mr. Walpole, aware of his object, and con
scious of the danger of entrusting the affairs
of England to a person of his versatile and
ambitious character, declined his overtures, by
representing the difficulty of carrying the
reversal of his attainder through parliament,
notwithstanding the support of the ministers.
Lord Bolingbroke appeared to yield to these rea
sons ; but expressed his v/ish, that the ministers
might so far obtain the reversal of his attainder,
as to enable him to inherit his paternal estate,
which Mr. Walpole agreed to represent to his
brother. Two letters from Mr. Walpole to his brother
will display his extreme caution, and shew the
address by which he succeeded in declining the
mediation of Bolingbroke, and in transacting the
business directly with the duke of Bourbon him
self. " Paris, Dec. 15, 1723. Tom Roberts brought
me your letter of the 29th instant, which I own
did not so much surprise (Brinsden being the
forerunner of it) as it did concern me, finding
myself once more upon a precipice, to avoid the
danger of which greater discretion and abilities
than I am master of are certainly required. As
you prudently avoided writing to lord Boling
broke, had you likewise endeavoured to gain
time, until you had heard from me, relating to

1724—1725. 109
the situation of affairs, I should have escaped
easily the great difficulties which I now appre
hend, and made a good use of my lord Boling-
broke's information, without having given him
any handle to be the negotiator of his majesty's
affairs, and by degrees endeavour to make him
self the necessary instrument between the two
courts ; the consequences of which are too obvi
ous, on many accounts, to your understanding,
to make it needless for me to mention. For I
have seen him since the death of the duke of
Orleans several times, received several lights
from him, have been very open and friendly in
my conversation with him ; but as he never
offered, so I never intended to desire him to take
a part in doing his majesty service with the
duke of Bourbon, as being by no means wanted,
and, as I hinted before, leading to great incon
veniences. " But Brinsden is come with a letter from
lord Harcourt ; Tom Roberts is likewise ar
rived with a letter from you, to back, as
lord Bolingbroke must naturally think, what
the other has wrote and recommended ; and
as the devil would have it, his lordship and
Tom entered my room at the same instant,
and I having perused your letter before him,
let him know that it referred to something
that lord Harcourt had wrote to his lordship by

110 CHAPTER 6.
Brinsden. Lord Bolingbroke immediately read
to me, aloud, (Crawfurd being by,) that part of
lord Harcourt's letter relating to the great ser
vices he, Bolingbroke, was thought to be capa
ble of doing at this juncture, by his acquaint
ance and intimacy with the duke of Bourbon,
and with a seeming modesty, and a good deal
of art, said that it was some time since he had
been intimate with his highness ; however he
would go immediately to Versailles, and wait
upon him, and see what is to be done : then in
the sequel of this discourse began to chalk out
ways and schemes by which he could become
acquainted with madame de Prie, or others that
might stand fairest in the duke of Bourbon's
favour, and by that means endeavour to be useful
to his majesty, if it was thought proper ; and he
seemed to appear rather indifferent than over
fond of such a commission, taking it for granted,
at the same time, as if this had been an appli
cation to him. But I confess this was the first
time I have seen, since I have been here, any
real satisfaction or pleasure in his countenance.
After a short conversation, in which I had no
great share, he desired me to dine with him
to-morrow, which I did not decline, for fear of
making him suspect a coolness in me on the
subject of your letter. But I shall, in the best
manner, decline any further offices from him after

1724—1725. Ill
this visit of his to the duke of Bourbon. I have
fully apprised Mr. Crawfurd, who is his friend,
and wishes him well, of what consequence it may
be to let lord Bolingbroke into the management
of his majesty's affairs here, and he seems very
sensible of it. And now fortune and my stars
direct and protect me, once more, in this critical
juncture ! and if ever I become an itinerant
minister again, I know whose fault it is."
" December 16. Yesterday, as I have hinted
to you already, I went to dine with my lord
Bolingbroke, and before we sat down to table, he
took Mr. Crawfurd and me aside, to acquaint
us with the conversation he had with the duke
of Bourbon, at Versailles, in which his highness
having expressed his resolution of living with
the same confidence and union with his majesty,
and upon the same foot of friendship with him
as the duke of Orleans had done, he took an
occasion to ask his lordship, whether he had
seen the king's ministers here, and hoped they
were well satisfied with him. His lordship
replied, he had seen Mr. Walpole and Mr. Craw
furd, who had declared themselves extremely
pleased with the assurances his highness had
given them. Upon mentioning my name, his
highness said, his brother in England was one
of great capacity, in conducting well the home
affairs there ; but had little or no concern or in-

112 CHAPTER 6.
fluence in what was to be transacted in foreign
courts. His lordship, on this occasion, did you
justice in all respects, and gave his highness to
understand, that whoever was looked upon to be
so considerable as you are in the administration,
did not fail to have his weight in council, upon
foreign as well as domestic affairs, though it was
not the immediate business of his own depart
ment. His highness answered, he was informed,
that lord Carteret was the person who had the
chief and only care and direction of the things
abroad; his lordship replied, that lord Townshend
had immediately by his station an equal concern
in the management of them.
" The duke of Bourbon, after this discourse
was over, took an occasion to mention to lord
Bolingbroke M. de la Vrilliere's affair of the
dukedom, as what Schaub had been very solici
tous with him to have immediately done, as
what his majesty would certainly expect, on
account of the letters he had wrote, and were
delivered to the duke of Orleans, before his death,
and had since, though unopened, fallen into his
highness's hands, who is prime minister. The
duke spoke of Schaub with a good deal of con
tempt, but talked of this affair in such a manner,
as though desirous, on one side, to know his
majesty's real sentiments, yet more uneasy, on
the other, lest too great a delay should look as if

1724—1725. 113
he neglected to do in a handsome manner what
his majesty might perhaps have much at heart.
I think it is plain, from lord Bolingbroke's dis
course, that the duke of Bourbon would do it
with pleasure, if he thought it would oblige the
king. From what the duke of Bourbon said, in
relation to the ministers in England, it is plain
that Sir Luke Schaub, by himself) or his friends,
is endeavouring, by insinuations, to make im
pressions and distinctions of his majesty's
ministers, in favour of such only as he looks
upon as his chief patrons and supporters ; and
whether he does this with a view to his majes
ty's service, or his own in particular, I leave
you to judge.
" But to return to lord Bolingbroke. After
he had finished his account of his discourse with
the duke of Bourbon, he said that he had made
this step at the desire of our friends in England ;
but that he had two reasons why he thought it
not proper to engage himself too far, and be
very busy in our concerns here. The first, as
what perhaps might be of no great use to his
majesty at present; the second, on account of
his situation, being in a constant uneasiness and
suspense, about what may be or may not be
done for him in England, and where, how, and
with whom he is to pass the rest of his days.
" I laid hold of what he said to let him know
vol. i. t

114 CHAPTER 6.
I thought he talked extremely right, and that:
it would be unreasonable to expect that he
should exert himself here, for the service of
England, without knowing what he might de
pend upon from thence, which I said it was.
impossible for me to tell him at present. He
seemed well enough satisfied at what I had
said ; but yet I must observe to you, in confi
dence, that I believe, by his countenance and
manner of speaking, he was in hopes of greater
encouragement, and exhortations from me to
engage him in our service, than I would ven
ture to give him; and hinted as if time and
circumstances might offer an opportunity of
being .useful. But I let this matter rest there,.
and I hope there will be no occasion to renew
it again, it being my opinion that this court
Seems entirely disposed to live well with his
majesty, and I don't doubt but they themselves
think his majesty's friendship as necessary to
them as theirs can be to his majesty, at least as
things stand now. The insinuations, therefore,
that may be made to you, by the friends of Mr.
Law, or even of my lord Bolingbroke, of their-
being capable to be useful to us at this time
here, is no otherwise so, than as we think fit to
make it • to ourselves. And I don't see that
it can be in their power to do us any harm, un
less we officiously put it into their power to do us

1724—1725. 115
good ; not but that we should continue to shew
them all outward civilities and regard, they
being already upon that foot with us."
" Paris, December 29, 1723, N. S. * As I
intimated to you in my last, lord Bolingbroke,
after he had told me he expected to be sent for
by the duke of Bourbon in two or three days,
went the day after that discourse to Versailles,
and being returned, he made me a visit on Sun
day evening, and told me that he had seen his
highness, who, after having talked with him, in
great confidence, of some disputes and difficul
ties about his particular affairs at court, &c. he
opened his mind to him upon that of the duke
dom demanded for M. de la Vrilliere, and ex
pressed himself extremely embarrassed with a
thing of this nature in the beginning of his ad
ministration, by which he found himself either
under a necessity of disobliging his majesty, to
whom he would gladly give the most early proofs
of his zeal for his service, or else of pushing an
affair which might be difficult for him to obtain,
and be attended with great inconveniences in
regard to the nobility of France. The young
king had been already prepossessed, and spoke
against it ; Frejus opposed it, and had treated
M. de la Vrilliere with a great deal of freedom
* Orford Papers.
12

116 CHAPTER 6.
upon it ; all the men of quality, as it came in
their way, shewed their aversion to it, with much
more to the same purpose relating to the nature
of the thing, as what the duke of Orleans had
represented to me on that subject, adding some
severe expressions about the impertinence of Sir
Luke Schaub in never letting him alone upon it.
" Lord Bolingbroke asked his highness, why
he did not speak to me, whom he was pleased to
represent as a person more proper to be talked
to upon a thing of such nicety and consequence,
and might be better able to inform his highness
of his majesty's real sentiments, and to make him
more easy under these difficulties ? His highness
paused some time, and said, No ; he would not
speak to me, lest such a conversation should
draw upon him a new letter from his majesty,
which might lay him under a stronger obligation
to execute the thing, before he knew whether
he was able to do it, than he was at present, m
the way it had come to his hands. But after
some discourse he gave his lordship authority to
sound me, as from himself, whether his highness
could talk to me on this subject without any
such risk, and let him know my answer.
" Lord Bolingbroke having finished his rela
tion, immediately with great vivacity and plea
sure told me I never could have such a glorious
opportunity to lay a foundation of merit and

1724—1725. 117
(Confidence with his highness, to shew how his
majesty has been imposed upon and deceived by
Schaub, and to destroy the credit of lord Car
teret, who must have been at the bottom of this
whole matter.
" This encouraging discourse of his lordship,
joined with the general precaution I had framed
to myself not to be led into any matter of mo
ment and confidence under his lordship's man
agement and conduct, gave me time to recol
lect, and to let his lordship know, that I was
extremely obliged to him for his good intentions
to put me into a way of credit and esteem with
his highness ; but I was afraid the opportunity
he proposed was of too nice a nature for me to
make use of for that purpose : I was not en
tirely convinced that Schaub had deceived his
majesty as to M. le Due's own disposition to the
dukedom for la Vrilliere ; because by the ac
count his lordship had given of his former con
versation with his highness on that subject, as well
as what I had heard from others, had made me
believe that M. le Due himself had been favour
ably inclined towards it. I took the case to be,
that the ladies had engaged him, before the late
duke of Orleans's death, to give his consent, at
least acquiescence to it, when it should be pro
posed in council, and afterwards, at his first com
ing to the administration of affairs, they may
i 3

lis CHAPTER 6.
likewise have touched him in a lucky moment,
and obtained a renewal of his former assurances ;
but his highness having since taken the affair
as prime minister into his serious consideration,
and consulted with others, as well particular
•friends, as persons that must be concerned in
doing it, finds the advice and disposition of
every body against it, and himself entangled
with inextricable difficulties, which made me ap
prehensive that the most cautious conversation
of mine with his highness on so delicate a point,
in the negotiation of which I had had no share or
concern, might be turned afterwards to my dis
advantage in case the thing did not succeed.
But I was on the other hand extremely con
cerned lest M. le Due should take ill my de
clining to see him on the foot and in the man
ner desired ; for, although his lordship was to
speak to me as from himself, yet as it arose from
a conversation that he had with his highness,
and his lordship was to carry an answer back to
him as to my disposition, in this case I was afraid
that the difference between a message directly
from the duke, and what his lordship said to
me, was so small, that his lordship's report of my
conduct might make an impression to my pre
judice in his highness's mind, which was a
thought extremely grievous to me, especially at
this juncture ; but I could not tell how to avoid
13

1724—1725. 119
it, but by leaving it to his lordship's manage
ment to give it the most favourable turn he
could. " I perceived his lordship extremely uneasy at
this discourse, and with the air of a person the
most disconcerted and disappointed I ever saw :
he told me that he had no other view in this af
fair but my particular service and that of my
friends, and, after strong professions (for which
I gave him no occasion) to that purpose, and of
his being himself very indifferent in the matter,
said he wished he had not embarked so far in
this affair, and since I looked upon it in the light
I did in relation to M. le Due, he must beg on
his part not to be involved in the fault should
the thing take a wrong turn at last. That Sir
Luke Schaub, as he was certainly informed, had
said, that he (lord Bolingbroke), by my insti
gation, had spoiled this affair in the duke of Or
leans's time ; and that therefore he hoped I
would do him justice, if there was occasion, with
you, as to his having never had any concern in
it, but what had accidentally fallen to his lot
lately in the manner I knew.
" I told his lordship that he need not be un
der theleast uneasiness on that account ; Schaub's
malicious insinuations against his lordship, my
self, Mr. Crawfurd, and others, on this occasion,
would, I was persuaded, have no weight with
I 4

120 CHAPTER 6.
his majesty, or his ministers in England ; and
he might depend upon my representing this
matter in such a light as to prevent any preju
dice against him. His lordship concluded with
telling me he would let his highness know, that
he found me so close and uneasy in talking to
me on this subject, that he did not think proper
to push me to speak out ; and he would do it in
such a manner that M. le Due should have no
reason to be disobliged, and to take it ill of me.
" It is possible that in reading what goes be
fore, you may at first view think I was too nice
and refined in declining the opportunity flung in
my way to know M. le Due's sentiments, and
perhaps of establishing a confidence and merit
with him; But when I foresaw it must have
been done under the protection in a manner of
my lord Bolingbroke, who, by his own address
without my seeking, had got so far into this bu
siness, and must in this way have been master
of the whole secret and of my sentiments about
Schaub and somebody else*, (who, I think, have
most grossly deceived his majesty in this whole
transaction,) as also have had the whole credit
to himself with his highness, and turned the
matter as he should find occasion to his own
service and advantage, and perhaps laid a foun-
* Lord Carteret.

1724 — 1725. 121
dation with M. le Due for being the canal
through which the English affairs of confidence
might pass for the future: these reflections
made me avoid his lordship's proposition, by
convincing him (with a great many acknow
ledgments for his kindness to me) that I was
afraid to embark and hazard myself in a trans
action of this nature, which had been under the
sole care and management of another, without
any concern on my side, besides that of declar
ing myself for it as occasion required ; and I am
persuaded his lordship, by my behaviour, went
away satisfied of this being my only view.
" In the mean time I had resolved with my
self, as being sufficiently authorised by lord
Townshend's letter to me of the 9th December,
to make the best advantage I could, for his
majesty's service, of this hint from lord Boling
broke, without his knowledge or intervention.
I went the next day to Versailles, and having,
by the means of the marquis de Livry, obtained
a private and secret audience of M. le Due, I
begged his pardon for troubling him in a man
ner and at a time so unseasonable ; but hearing
that his highness was much embarrassed about
the affair of the dukedom for M. de la Vrilliere,
if he would be pleased to let me know his sen
timents and intentions upon it, I would venture
and was able to give him a true state of his ma-

122 CHAPTER 6.
jesty's part and concern in it. He immediately
said he would do all he could in it. I answered,
that I was glad of it, but that I was obliged to
tell him that this affair did not arise originally
from his majesty's application and request, and it
was never in his majesty's intention in the least
to have it mixed and entangled with business of
a public nature. At which he seemed a good
deal surprised, and asked me how that matter
stood? I then began to lay open the whole
affair, by communicating to him what had passed
between the late duke of Orleans and me upon
it, of which I find he had already got some ac
count, (and I don't wonder at it, because the
present duke of Orleans has certainly declared
he knew that his father would never have done
it, and had let his majesty know how much
they had both been imposed upon.) But, says
his highness, what answer have you to this from
the king ? I then imparted to him what lord
Townshend wrote to me in his letter of 28th
November, recapitulating all the several steps
and proceedings in it, and during the whole
time M. le Due seemed extremely astonished at
the conduct of Sir Luke Schaub and the French
ministers in a thing of this nature. I then inti
mated to his highness, that I had in some mea
sure exceeded my orders, in going so far with
out his having spoke to me first upon it : he

1724—1725. 123
asked me whether I had not had a hint of it
from somebody else ? I told him then what had
passed between lord Bolingbroke and me, and
how I had declined to give into the proposition
coming from his lordship, letting his highness
know that I and all my family had a personal
regard and esteem for his lordship, and would
do him what service they could in their power ;
yet his highness would easily conceive that his
lordship's present situation makes him by no
means a proper person for me to intrust with
matters of such confidence, and therefore I
hoped he would be so good to me as to let this
audience be entirely a secret to lord Bolingbroke,
I having not given his lordship the least reason
to suspect that I had any thoughts of waiting
upon his highness.
" M. le Due, in the most obliging manner,
gave me his word, which I might always de
pend upon, that his lordship should know
nothing of it. I then intimated to him that I
hoped my own behaviour, as well as the credit
I may presume to have with the king my mas
ter, would procure me the honour of his confi
dence and commands in any thing where their
mutual interest was concerned, which I should
endeavour to deserve. M. le Due said several
kind things to me on this occasion, with
thanks for what I had imparted to him, of which

124 CHAPTER 6.
he would consider, as also what could possibly
be done in this business, and accordingly I
should hear from him in a few days ; but that
he must then wait on the young king, having
already exceeded by a quarter of an hour the
time when he is obliged, and never fails, to make
his court to his majesty.
" Having given you an account of my con
duct and my reasons for it in a situation I think
none of the easiest, I must submit it to better
judgments, and expect the advice and direction
of others for my future behaviour; for I plainly
foresee, that though I carry myself towards my
lord Bolingbroke in a very civil and friendly
manner, he must, upon reflection, conclude that
I do not enter into his views and actions so
heartily as he could wish. And I must observe
at the same time, that his lordship has so familiar
an acquaintance with the companions of M. le
Due, and is so personally esteemed by his high
ness, that he may be able to come to the know
ledge of things of great moment."
" December 30. Since writing what goes
before, lord Bolingbroke is returned from Ver
sailles ; and by the account he has given of his
conversation with M. le Due to Mr. Crawfurd
and me separately, we have both reason to con
clude that his highness has been faithful to me,
and not given his lordship the least intimation
of my having been with him."

1724—1725. 125
Thus the address of Mr. Walpole relieved the
ministers from the embarrassment under which
they would have laboured, had they employed
the agency of Bolingbroke ; and he returned to
England, to solicit his restoration, without any
claim on their gratitude, or any pretext to inter
fere in the transaction of foreign affairs.
I have in a former work * given anecdotes of
lord Bolingbroke, and endeavoured to account
for the motives which induced Sir Robert Wal
pole to promote the bill for restoring him to his
family inheritance, and enabling him to purchase
estates within the kingdom. I likewise ob
served, that he owed this favour to the influence
of the duchess of Kendal, whom he had bribed
with 11,000/. and that the minister promoted
the bill in conformity with the express injunc
tions of the king. But, for want of authentic
documents, I could not ascertain that the
failure of his complete restoration was owing
to the opposition of Sir Robert Walpole. Some
papers, however, which have since fallen under
my notice, prove that the minister was threat
ened with his dismission if he did not promote
the return of Bolingbroke, and that he compro
mised the business by consenting to the restitu
tion of his family estate, but prevented his com-
* Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, chap. 25.

126 CHAPTER 6.
plete, restoration ; a fact which sufficiently ac
counts for the indignation of Bolingbroke, and
his unceasing enmity to the character and ad
ministration of Sir Robert Walpole.
This exclusion of Bolingbroke from a seat in
the house of peers, which might again have
placed in his hands the helm of State, called
forth the warm eulogium of archbishop Herring,
who observes in a letter to Etough, " Boling
broke was so abandoned in all respects, that I
have always and shall reverence Sir Robert Wal
pole for setting his face full against him. *"
We find numerous instances in the Walpole
papers of the constant intrigues of lord and lady
Bolingbroke, with the party in France which
was hostile to England. We insert a letter
from Mr. Walpole to his brother on this subject,
which was written at a time when the opposi
tion hoped, by the assistance of France, to re
move the Walpole ministry.
"Fontainbleau, Nov. 8-19, L727.
*' Dear Brother, " I am favoured with yours of
the 3d O. S. with the particular account of a
correspondence and scheme carried on and set
tled by the way of trading sloops between lady
* Etough from Sir Robert Walpole ; and Archbishop Her
ring to Etough, dated Sept. 11, 1753.

1724—1725. 127
Bolingbroke and some persons here, of which-
the duke of Maine is the chief, (and even with
the privity of the cardinal,) for the removal of
the present administration, and for giving up
Gibraltar as the price and condition of France's
comin ¦? into it.
"As soon as I saw the duke of Maine men
tioned as a sharer in the administration and
confidence of the cardinal, I was persuaded there
would be no manner of truth in this scheme, as
lady Bolingbroke is pleased to brag. For although
indeed from time to time and lately, some of
the duke of Maine's flatterers, and particularly
the Jacobites, have given out, that he is like to
be at the head of affairs, there is not one thing
of the world has so little colour of truth as far
as it regards the cardinal ; for there is no person
of consideration in France that his eminence
thinks so little capable of great affairs, and
with whom he has so little to do as to business;
and I am persuaded that as the cardinal is already
preparing the French king's mind with respect
to the persons in whom he should have a connV
dence, should any thing happen to himself, the
duke of Maine is the last that he will recom
mend to him as a man of business. And this you
may depend on as a truth, for I can already guess
where the power will settle in that case, and as
long as the cardinal lives, his loyalty and natural

128 CHAPTER 6.
affection for the king, whom he looks upon in a
manner as his own child, and his majesty's re
ciprocal love and confidence in him only, will
never let him quit his majesty's service, much
less suffer any sharer in his administration and
authority, of which, although he is perhaps the
mildest man being, no minister of state was ever
so jealous, or ever kept the other ministers at so
great a distance, and in so much awe.
" Having said thus much, I am to acquaint you
that I made no difficulty, pursuant to the strict
friendship and intimacy between the cardinal
and me, of which I have daily from all sides
stronger proofs if possible than ever, to open to
him madame Bolingbroke's pretended scheme
and correspondence. He immediately gave me,
in a manner that he is not capable of doing if
it was not true, the strongest assurances of his
being entirely ignorant of any thing of this kind,
but added that madame Bolingbroke was of a
proper disposition to say and do all I told him ;
and that Mr. Belleisle was a person of so aspiring
a genius as to be capable of entering into any
scheme that might make him considerable. As
to M. le Blanc, that he was by nature too much
given to intrigues, but in transacting the mili
tary business with him, in which the duke of
Maine has great concern by his military em
ployments, he did not find him more partial to

1724—1725. igg
favour that duke than any other of the officers
in the army ; nor did he observe a particular in
timacy between them. He then spoke of that
duke as one that had indeed some wit in con
versation, and some knowledge, but was of so
timorous, irresolute, and inconstant a temper,
that made him the least fit for business, or the
administration, of any great man about court.
In short, he thought a correspondence between
madame Bolingbroke and some of the persons
mentioned in your letter, very possible by the
genius of them, but he was inclined to suspect
madame des Fortes, wife to the comptroller gene
ral of the Finances sooner than any body, as
having been, which is certainly true, an intimate
acquaintance of madame Bolingbroke's : and
therefore you may make your friend who gave
you this intelligence, sound her about her friend
ship with madame des Fortes ; and likewise about
the manner of carrying on this correspondence
with trading sloops ; and what sloops they are,
English or French ; for his eminence is desirous
of getting if possible to the bottom of it, as there
is nothing that he detests so much as these
underhand intrigues.
" Indeed I could almost take my oath that the
cardinal is entirely a stranger to any thing of this
whole matter, and he expressed himself to me, as
indeed he does to others on proper occasions, in
vol. i. it

130 CHAPTER 6.
such a manner of the present administration in
England with regard to their integrity and abili
ties, that I am persuaded that no condition or
consideration would tempt him to contribute to
their removal ; upon whose continuation I may
say without flattery, he thinks the present peace
and tranquillity of Europe depends.
" In short, we both agreed that madame Bo
lingbroke might have a correspondence with
some persons here, and might falsely brag and
endeavour to make them believe, that the credit
of the present ministry in England is not so
great but that they might be removed if they
were not espoused by France, and for that pur
pose may name persons such as Sir S. C. and
Mr. P. * of equal credit and capacity to succeed
them, and she may on the other hand endeavour
to make Sir S. C. and Mr. P. believe that the
French court for the sake of restoring Gibraltar
may be brought to abandon the present ministry
in England, and to induce both sides by mali
cious and false insinuations to enter into some
scheme to embroil matters and to serve lord
Bolingbroke's ambitious views, for there is cer
tainly nothing so black nor base that that dear
couple will not say or do; though his lordship is
the greatest poltron that was ever known.
* Sir Spencer Compton and Mr. Pulteney.

1724—172.5. 131
" But as long as the cardinal lives, I defy
them and all their inventions ; and as to Gib
raltar you may depend upon it that you will find
his eminence, but in a calm way, as steady to
support England in that point as he has been
for the restitution of the prince Frederick. For
I am sure that he thinks the interest of his mas
ter entirely depends upon a strict fidelity to his
allies ; and that his present majesty* by coming
to the crown with so many advantageous cir
cumstances, and by pursuing the same measures,
and preserving the same ministry, ought to make
the union between the two crowns stronger than
ever, if all the cardinal's actions are entirely
pointed that way ; for he is, 1 may repeat it
again if possible, better and more intimate with
me than ever." * George the Second.

K 2

132
CHAPTER 7-
1724.
Embarrassments and Uneasiness of Mr. Walpole from the
Jealousy of Sir Luke Schaub, and the Affair of the Dukedom
— Extracts from his Letters — Appointed Embassador to the
Court of France — Schaub recalled, Carteret removed, and
the Duke of Newcastle appointed Secretary of State.
f]^HE perspicuous and interesting accounts
which Mr. Walpole gave of the principles and
characters of the French ministers, his address in
gaining the confidence of the duke of Bourbon
and count Morville, and his growing intimacy
with Fleury, impressed the king with a favour
able opinion of his talents for negotiation, and
the brother' ministers considered his continuance
at Paris as necessary to further their views for
the removal of Carteret. But the intrigues of
Schaub, and the difficulties which Mr. Walpole
experienced from the affair of the dukedom,
rendered his situation extremely irksome, and his
private correspondence is filled with complaints.
After detailing his embarrassments in a letter
to his brother, dated December 15, 1723, he
continues, " I must therefore earnestly request
of you, not for my own only, but for the sake of
his majesty's service, to obtain for me immediate
leave to return into England, since my continu-

1724. j 33
ing here can be of no use, but to make a ridi
culous figure, as well as Sir Luke Schaub. The
whole French court begins to perceive what is
impossible for me to prevent, that we look upon
each other, and act, as if we were ministers of
two different courts ; for in the present juncture,
where there is no particular business of a public
nature depending, but the chief aim and view
must be to get the best information we can,
from all parts, relating to the continuation or
change of ministers and measures, his way of
talking, answering, and concluding, upon per
sons and things, is generally so different from
mine, that I can't possibly act with him, in
waiting upon ministers, or others of distinction,
nor in any other step necessary for his majesty's
service. And yet when I am at Versailles, he is
so kind and assiduous an attendant upon me,
ready, if I please, to introduce me to madame de
Prie, the duchess of Bourbon, and others that
may stand fairest for M. le Due's favour, he being
intimate with all these persons ; and he is so
fond of me, as not to be willing to make a visit
without me, nor to let me make any visit with
out him. This simple appearance, of us two,
begins to make the company smile upon one
another, whenever we are together." After
expatiating still further, on these mortifications,
he concludes, " My heart is too full on this
k 3

134 CHAPTER 7-
disagreeable subject to dwell any longer upon it ;
and therefore I must insist upon your interceding
for my return into England; because I assure you
I have so much to say, that cannot possibly be
wrote, of service to the king, and to his minis
ters, especially to those that I know, that I am
persuaded my being in England as soon as I can,
would be of more use than my continuing any
longer here."
The affair of the dukedom increased his
agitation, and exposed him to still greater embar
rassment. The letter, which details his conver
sations with lord Bolingbroke, and his secret
interview with the duke of Bourbon, sufficiently
shews the difficulties which attended that deli
cate negotiation. In a second audience the
duke likewise exposed the obstacles to the mea
sure, the aversion of the young king, and the
opposition of the nobility ; he also severely com
mented on the conduct of Schaub, for endeavour
ing to entangle it with affairs of state. These
declarations convinced Mr. Walpole, that all
attempts to obtain the dukedom would be fruit
less, and that the king's honour would be com
promised by any further application. Impressed
with this conviction, he writes to lord Towns
hend, January 5, 1724 : " Can your lordship
read, and consider a moment, my present and
late dispatches, relating to the dukedom, and be

1724. 135
surprised at my pressing to get home ? If your
lordship did imagine I might have been of
service to his majesty at this juncture, must
not that imagination prove vain, if, while I am
ordered to explain his majesty's real sense and
sentiments in an affair, Schaub takes upon him
to act in that very same affair, as a minister, in
direct opposition to those sentiments, and with
so much assurance and importunity, that it is
impossible it should be thought here, he wants
authority, support, and encouragement to do it ?
Who has the credit, and who is to be believed?
Is not this an agreeable situation for his majesty's
interest, at a court which is the centre of the
greatest affairs in Europe ? I confess 1 am so
weak, that, not for my own, but his majesty's
sake, it grieves me to the soul." Unable to
obtain the removal of Schaub, the brother minis
ters hoped to relieve Mr. Walpole's uneasiness,
by procuring for him the character of envoy
extraordinary and plenipotentiary ; but, in con
sequence of his peculiar situation, this honour
increased instead of removing his embarrass
ments, and he expresses to his brother his resolu
tion not to deliver the credentials :
" Paris, January 20-31, 1723-4.
" Dear Brother,
" If some hasty expressions fell from my pen,
last night, you must attribute it to the disorder
k 4

136 CHAPTER 7.
I was in upon the receipt of your letter of the
12th and 13th, which struck me all of a heap :
my heart was full, and is still so, even ready to
burst ; and upon mature thoughts of a restless
night, my sentiments are still the same, that the
step you have taken to make me more easy, and
some amends for not getting Schaub recalled,
will make my situation more uneasy, and less
capable to act for the service of his majesty, of
my friends, and myself.
" Whether you were able to succeed in the
attempt for recalling Schaub, and whether that
success might not be attended with the ill con
sequences you apprehended, you certainly are
the best judges. But to think the character
you have obtained will give such marks of dis
tinction as must bring all the credit and con
fidence of the court and ministers to center in
me, is the weakest of imaginations ; for it can
not fail of having, if I take it upon me, a quite
contrary effect.
" A minister that is occasionally sent to act
here, by virtue of a letter of cachet, as plenipo
tentiary for his master, is considered as having
the credit and perhaps the secret of his court,
and is regarded accordingly ; but as soon as he
is invested with the lowest character, that is ad
mitted here, the friends under whose protection
he is sent, are looked upon as not having the chief

1724. 137
interest at home, or as having a mean opinion
of the person they send. This is so true, that no
crowned head, nay no republic, ever employs a
minister in France, that they intend shall have
credit, but that they make him embassador ex
traordinary, or let him act as plenipotentiary by
virtue of a private letter ; that of a public envoy
being no ways considered or respected here.
This may look like pride or partiality in me;
but I am afraid the application is too strong in
the present case, with this difference only, that
the credit and confidence I had at first by a pri
vate letter, is by the continuation of Schaub,
and the support he has met with from friends
at home, displayed in a proper manner, by his
airs and insolence, already become doubtful and
precarious, and, should I take upon me the pub
lic character of envoy, will be sunk to nothing ;
so that I cannot possibly rest any longer here,
in either capacity, with honour, or be of any
use at all.
" For some time the circumstance of being
related to lord Townshend and you, and of be
ing known to several foreign ministers of the
first rank, the little reputation of my own, as to
foreign affairs, gave me immediately credit and
attention, and, in the minds of all sensible per
sons, foretold with pleasure the fall of Schaub ;
but he having had time to recollect himself, his

138 CHAPTER 7.
being engaged in a transaction that his majesty
has secretly much at heart, has suspended
the judgment of people, and begins to make
them imagine it a doubtful case who has the
credit at home, Townshend or Carteret, or who
the credit abroad, Schaub or Walpole. Several
little incidents, too trifling in themselves to
name, which he improves to his own advantage,
and which I scorned to take notice of, thinking
the essential stroke would come at last, have
contributed to this opinion; and however mor
tifying this honour done to me may be to
Schaub's patron, Schaub himself will despise it ;
for as it is in itself here no great honour, he will
say with justice, it only puts me upon an equal
foot with him ; he has already the pay of it,
and nothing but his being a foreigner has hin
dered his having that and a greater character
too. That as I had at first only a full power to
sign the accession of the king of Portugal, so I
have now the character of envoy, to enable me
to act in some cases where he cannot ; but the
secret is still with him, and that will be soon
seen. This is his language, and I am afraid the
consequence will prove it too true ; and you
yourself will be startled when you read in the
inclosed paper, marked No. 1, concerning an
intrigue I have discovered carrying on, and is
to be put in execution by count de Buy.

1724. 139
" The circumstance of that gentleman's being
sent as embassador to England, and of my being
declared about the same time envoy extraordi
nary in France, will confirm all I have said, and
expose my relations and me to the greatest
degree. " The pitiful circumstance of all the dis
patches wrote to us both jointly being carried
(I suppose by private intimation to the messen
gers) to Schaub directly to Versailles, being
opened by him first, and communicated to Mor-
ville, or other ministers there, before I know
any thing of the matter; the dispatches for
Spain and Cambray being inclosed to him, pe
rused by him, forwarded by him, and made such
use of as he shall think fit, without my com
munication or knowledge, I have thought
hitherto below me to take notice of, and 'tis
too late to do it now.
Ha? nugce seria ducunt
In mala.
**********
He adds, " In short I am determined not to
deliver my credentials, but have wrote a letter
to lord Carteret acknowledging the receipt of
them, and have given such a turn to it that I
dare say you will not be uneasy at it, and there
fore I send you a copy inclosed. His letter, by
the bye, was the most dry, not to say the most

140 CHAPTER 7-
impertinent, I ever read from a secretary of State
to a minister ; but that don't trouble me at all.
I have wrote a letter to you, marked No. 3, on
this occasion, that perhaps you may not think
it amiss to be imparted to his majesty, although
it is conceived in terms as designed only for
yourself." While the contest in the cabinet was depend
ing, lord Townshend, unable to effect the removal
of Schaub, or procure the character of embassa
dor for Mr. Walpole, prevailed on him to restrain
his impatience, and to submit to these tempo
rary mortifications. But Sir Luke Schaub,
anxious to retain his situation at Paris, and
aware that his continuance depended on the
decision of the French court, relative to the affair
of the dukedom, renewed his importunities to
the duke of1 Bourbon, and fed the king with
hopes that he should ultimately succeed through
the interest of madame de Prie, who was no less
anxious to procure a dukedom for her husband.
This illusion continued two months, and was
finally dissipated by the candid and explicit
avowal of the duke of Bourbon to Mr. Walpole,
of which he transmitted an account to lord
Townshend. " March 7, 1724. Having not paid my court
to the duke of Bourbon a considerable time, I
waited upon his highness the same evening, read

1724. HI
to him lord Carteret's letter, expressing his
majesty's satisfaction at the manner in which
the design of building a quay at Mardyke had
been communicated by the French commissioners
at Dunkirk, and declaring that the king has no
objection to it. The duke of Bourbon made a
suitable return of his sense of his majesty's
goodness, and desired me to assure him that the
king should always find the same marks of con
fidence and friendship towards him in all his
actions ; and then having paused for some time,
he said, " But I am afraid I have disobliged the
king in an affair where I did all that was in my
power to comply with his desire." Finding me
a good deal surprised, as I really was, he said,
" I mean that of making M. de la Vrilliere a
duke, for I perceive that his majesty seems very
much to wish that it might be done. When
this matter first came before me," continued he,
" I turned it every way in my thoughts, and
was resolved, upon the earnest and repeated
solicitations of Sir Luke Schaub, to do whatever
I was able to bring it about, though I can assure
you I never gave him any promises or engage
ments that it would be done. At last, when I
found that the more I considered it the more I
was embarrassed, and that the steps I took
towards it plainly shewed that the difficulties
were insuperable, I was determined to give his

142 CHAPTER 7.
majesty a natural and true state of the affair
relating to my own situation, as well as the
French king's sentiments upon it ; and even
since I received your master's answer, by which
I find he still wishes it might be done, I have
again mentioned it to the king ; but find no
possibility of succeeding in it.
" I told him I hoped his highness would not
make himself uneasy on this account, notwith
standing the esteem that his majesty has for
some of the persons concerned, might make him
willing to obtain such an advantage for their
family, especially after it has gone so far, yet
his highness knew very well it was never the
king's intention to make this a matter of state,
or embarrass his administration by it. And I
dare say his majesty was convinced that his
highness had personally used his good offices
and credit to have it done : he added on this,
that he knew, if the duke of Orleans had lived,
it would never have been done, and that his
majesty, as well as his late royal highness, had
been deceived and imposed upon in the manage
ment of it ; and let fall some expressions of
resentment and contempt at Schaub's conduct
and importunity. What the duke said to me
upon this occasion 1 don't look upon as de
signed I should represent it from him to his
majesty ; but as unbosoming himself, not being
12

1724. 143
able to contain his concern, lest his majesty
should be made to believe he had not done all
that lay in his power to oblige him.
" I have since learnt, my lord, from undoubted
intelligence, that Sir Luke Schaub himself now
thinks this unfortunate business quite desperate,
as to the dukedom ; but that he has set another
project on foot, in favour of madame de la Vril
liere, as a recompence for this disappointment,
which is to get her made Dame de Palais to the
infant queen, a greater honour, and still, more
than the other, beyond what that family and
quality can expect. However, Schaub is looking
out precedents, to make this succeed ; but as he
will be able to find none, so I am told, the
young king is already prevented and set against
it." The day after this audience Mr. Walpole
again expresses to his brother his impatience to
return : " I hope, before you receive this, you
will have seen Mr. Poyntz, and have come to
some certain determination about me and my
little friend ; it is impossible for me to continue
in this state of acting jointly any longer, and
therefore either he or I must be recalled."
Notwithstanding, however, these repeated
remonstrances, and the efforts of the brother
ministers, the influence of Carteret still pro
tracted the disgrace of Schaub ; till Mr. Walpole,

144 CHAPTER 7.
in consequence of private instructions from
lord Townshend, though not without great re
luctance, wrote an ostensible letter, urging the
necessity of his immediate recal.
" My Lord, Paris, March 22, 1724.
" I am persuaded I need not
convince your lordship of my readiness and
zeal to serve his majesty, in any station, and in
any manner, he shall be pleased to direct; which
zeal for his majesty's service, and the experience
of five months, obliges me to let your lordship
know, that it is impossible for the king's inter
est to be carried on so effectually, as I could
wish, as long as Sir Luke Schaub and I are to
act jointly together here. I have no personal
pique against him, having industriously avoided
(notwithstanding the provocations I may have
had) all disputes with him, that we might not
expose ourselves, in prejudice to his majesty's
affairs ; yet our way of acting and thinking, in
regard to persons and things, is so very different,
that I cannot live in any confidence or intimacy
with him ; and I am at the same time so con
stantly attended, watched, and observed by him,
when I go to Versailles, that it is impossible for
me to cultivate and settle such a correspondence
and credit with persons of the chief authority
here, as might be useful for his majesty's service,

1724. 145
and not at all difficult to obtain, were I entirely
free and independent of Sir Luke Schaub.
" Had Sir Luke Schaub, by an extraordinary
capacity in business, and by a suitable conduct
and behaviour as a minister, acquired any repu
tation or particular esteem at this court, 1 am
sure I should readily submit my judgment to
his in every thing, and earnestly desire that the
management of his majesty's affairs should be
entirely trusted in his hands. But if I may
venture to speak plain to your lordship, in confi
dence, and as my near relation, he is so far from
having such a character, that he has rendered
himself odious to many, and disagreeable to
every body, and were it not for his majesty's
commission here, he would make a very incon
siderable, I had like to have said a contemptible
figure, in the eyes of all, as well French as fo
reigners. " Did I not find this by my own observations
to be true, I would scorn to have mentioned it
at all ; having no other motive for doing it but
a serious concern for his majesty's honour and
service, which, in my conscience, I think never
can be supported as they should be, while Sir
Luke Schaub is employed here."
This letter produced the desired effect ; Mr.
Walpole was nominated embassador, and Schaub
was recalled. Soon afterwards Carteret was re-
VOL. i. l

146 CHAPTER 7.
moved from the office of secretary of state to the
government of Ireland ; he was succeeded by the
duke of Newcastle, and the ascendancy of the
brother ministers became uncontrolled*.
* In justice to the talents and memory of Sir Luke Schaub,
we think it necessary to observe that Mr. Walpole's remarks
on his character and conduct, must be considered as party
effusions, written at the moment of chagrin and asperity, when
the passions of both were roused by the interest of the state
for which they were contending. The same remark would
apply to the letters of Sir Luke Schaub, had they been pub
lished.

147
CHAPTER 8.
1724.
Influence of Mr. Walpole in excluding Torcy from the French
Councils — Views of Philip the Fifth on the Crown of France
— Embassy of Marshal Tessf to Madrid — Abdication of
Philip — Conferences with Fleury on that Event.
"pXCLUSIVE of the embarrassments arising
from the influence of lord Carteret, the jea
lousy of Schaub, and the affair of the dukedom,
the embassy of Mr. Walpole was pregnant with
difficulties which might have discouraged the
most able negotiator. He was to prevent the
ill consequences which seemed likely to arise
from the enmity of the dukes of Orleans and
Bourbon, without giving umbrage to either ;
he was to keep the court of France steady to
the engagements with England, to manage the
unbending spirit of the imperial embassador, to
counteract the intrigues of Spain, and, above
all, to take all necessary precautions to secure
the succession of the French crown in the house
of Orleans, provided Louis the Fifteenth should
die without issue.
One of his first and successful measures,
which prevented a change of system, was the
exclusion of Torcy from the department of
foreign affairs. The appointment of that mini-
L 2

148 CHAPTER 8.
ster was secretly promoted by the duke of Bour
bon, who, anxious to obtain the assistance of a
person of such experience and capacity, by
means of his agents suggested to Mr. Walpole,
that the principles of Torcy, in respect to the
succession of the crown of France, were chang
ed, and that his admission into the ministry
would not affect the connection between the
two countries. Among others, even Boling
broke became an advocate for Torcy. In a con
ference with lord Bolingbroke, in which he hints
at the removal of Frejus, Mr. Walpole says, " I
asked him, in case Frejus should be removed, in
whose hands the credit and conduct of affairs
would chiefly fall, considering the weakness of
the first minister ? He shrugged up his shoul
ders and said, ' I can't tell ; his highness would
certainly be at a loss : Morville is an honest man,
but is by no means of a genius equal to the
prime direction of affairs :' and after some other
broken thoughts and imperfect discourses, being
upon his legs to go away, he let fall, that per
haps Torcy, when all is said and done, might act
in a right way for the present system. Upon
which I, in the strongest manner, laid home to
his lordship the letter as mentioned above, and
appealed to him whether it was possible to con
ceive that Torcy had altered those intentions, or
whether it was not impossible to make the Eng-

1724. 149
lish nation believe it? His lordship replied,
' What you have urged is very strong, and I
can't tell what to say to it ;' and owned that M.
Torcy had himself not long since in conversation
upbraided his lordship with his having insisted,
when secretary of State, upon king Philip's
making then his immediate choice of the crown
of France or Spain *."
But Mr. Walpole made the strongest remon
strances against his appointment, and did not
desist until he had obtained positive assurances
from Fleury that he should never be employed.
Mr. Walpole gave no less striking proofs of his
influence, by preventing the French court from
allowing the duke of Ormond to make a tem
porary residence in France, and prevailing on
Fleury not to receive a visit from bishop Atter-
bury t. But the point in which he surmounted
the greatest difficulties was to counteract the
intrigues of the Spanish party, and preserve the
succession to the crown of France in conformity
with the treaty of Utrecht.

* Mr. Walpole to lord Townshend, Paris, January 12,
1724. With respect to Torcy's celebrated letter to lord Boling
broke, about the nullity of renunciations, see page 27.
t For an account of the flight and attainder of Ormond,
and the trial and banishment of Atterbury, see Memoirs of Sir
Robert Walpole, ch. 2. and 22.
L 3

150 CHAPTER 8.
Philip the Fifth, considering his solemn re
nunciation of the crown as an act of nullity,
resolved to assert his right to the succession,
should Louis the Fifteenth die without issue ;
and the duke of Bourbon, in consequence of his
enmity to the house of Orleans, was inclined to
promote his claims. At this particular juncture
he nominated marshal Tesse, who was friendly
to the lineal descent, embassador to Madrid,
with a view, as it was suspected, to settle the
terms of his eventual succession.
While the English embassador was labouring
to procure intelligence concerning the real ob
ject of this mission, and to thwart the designs
of Tesse, through the medium of Fleury, the
unexpected abdication of Philip filled Paris
with surprise and alarm. The first notice of this
extraordinary event was communicated to the
English court by Mr. Walpole, in a dispatch to
lord Townshend, dated Sunday night, January
23, 1724; in which he describes this act as
wholly unknown to the court of France, and
only the effect of religious melancholy. Not
withstanding these assurances, lord Townshend
having expressed his suspicion that the abdica
tion was concerted with the duke of Bourbon,
and that Philip purposed to retire into France,
Mr. Walpole proved, from the conduct and
astonishment of the French ministry, that there

1724. 151
was no collusion between the two courts. He
did not, however, neglect his usual precaution ;
but with extreme address drew forth the opinion
of Fleury, and obtained his promise to oppose
every attempt of Philip the Fifth to secure the
eventful succession to the crown of France.
" On Tuesday," he says in a letter to lord
Townshend, of January 23, " I made a visit to
bishop Frejus, at Versailles, (when the news
began to take air,) and as company came in, and
I was taking my leave, he took me aside to the
window, and spoke of the abdication, with his
eyes and hands lifted to heaven; with the
greatest agony and surprise, he let fall, in im
perfect sentences, how untimely it was, how
prejudicial it might prove to the present system,
and particularly to the French interest. Spanish
councils, Spanish measures might take place, he
added, but he hoped the union between England
and France would still subsist, as more necessary
than ever. I told him, he might depend upon
that. ' Ay,' says he, squeezing me earnestly by
the hand, ' but in a stricter manner if possible ;
and something new should be found out for
that purpose.' "
In a subsequent conversation, during a private
conference, the bishop expressed his conviction
that no person in France was previously ac
quainted with Philip's abdication ; and in
l 4

152 CHAPTER 8.
another still more confidential, which I cannot
withhold from the reader, declared his resolution
to prevent his retiring into France, and that he
had secretly obtained a promise from the young
king to that effect.
" Paris, March 7, 1724. Being, as I have
hinted to your lordship in some of my former
letters, upon a foot of friendship and familiarity
with bishop Frejus, without affecting to see him
often, and talking in confidence to him when I
do, I made him, after a considerable absence, a
visit on the 4th instant at Versailles. * * *
" In discoursing with him about Spain, I had
an opportunity to ask the bishop, whether they
had any news of marshal Tesse's arrival ? He
said, No ; but that he had received a letter from
him, from Bayonne, in which the marshal had
given him a sort of a wipe, in telling him, that
he would find upon his arrival ' qu'il n' endosseroit
pas le golilio, mais qu'il seroit bonjranqois.'
" As I pretended not to understand the
meaning of that phrase, he explained it, by
telling me, that before Tesse set out from hence,
he, the bishop, had suggested to the duke of
Bourbon, to insist upon the marshal's engage
ment, not to take the least steps that might be
a prejudice to the renunciation ; but to pursue
only his orders, relating to the interest of
^France, in respect to Spain ; that as the marshal

1724- 153
knew that this doctrine came from him, the
bishop, he had made use of this way of speaking
to let him know that he had not forgot his
instructions. " Considering the natural principles of the
bishop, as a Jesuit, and his former intimacy and
acquaintance with the ministers of the old court,
one would not think that he should have the
renunciation, and the separation of the two
crowns, much at heart. Indeed I never heard
him mention them once to me till after the
abdication of king Philip, and ever since that
he has often spoke to me very earnestly upon
them, as the foundation and corner-stone for the
tranquillity and peace of Europe, and took this
occasion to let me know that we cannot be too
careful not to suffer the least attempt to weaken
that scheme.
" I asked him, then, whether he thought
there was reason to apprehend any danger of
that nature ? He said, No ; but that he was de
termined in these principles ; that there having
been a rumour as if king Philip might desire to
come to France for the air and his health
although he was persuaded there was no man
ner of grounds for it ; yet he thought fit to re
present to the young king the inconveniences
and embarras that such a thing would occasion,
as well as an alarm and an umbrage to the most

154 CHAPTER 8.
considerable powers in Europe; and therefore
he had prepared his majesty to give an absolute
refusal, should a proposition of that nature be
insinuated to him, by any one ; ' for,' says he,
' it is certainly right to frame and prepossess
the minds of young princes in matters of con
sequence to their government.'
" I told him, I had heard formerly of such a
report; but that I thought the reasons of State
in respect to all parties in France, as long as
the young king was well, were so obvious
against it, that I did not think it worth taking
notice of: however I was not wanting, my lord,
to applaud the bishop's conduct and wisdom in
his care and management of his royal pupil;
and it is certain that, upon the least hint of any
thing that may be thought of to be done, the
bishop is early to give the king such impres
sions as he thinks proper about it, of which he
finds the effect by the king's steadiness to him
without a rival."
Fleury also acquainted him that " the steps
taken already at Madrid, in the administration
of affairs, were entirely Spanish ; that Vetiquette
espagnole, which had been disused, under the
French government, as to the regulation and
proceedings of the court and councils, was re
newed; the antient formalities and Spanish
punctq, for the hours of the king's rising, pray-

1724. 155
ing, dining, and giving audiences, and attend
ing the public affairs, were already put into
practice ; and in short, that the great monarchy
of Spain, by returning to its former preciseness
and grandeur within itself, would become indif
ferent, and of no use to the rest of Europe*."
The English embassador, however, though
fully convinced of the candour and sincerity of
Fleury, did not wholly rely on his assurances ;
but discovered the sentiments of the duke and
duchess of Maine, of marshal Villars, and other
persons of the Spanish party, and found them
impressed with the greatest contempt of Philip's
bigotry and weakness. " These particular facts,"
he justly observes to lord Townshend, " col
lected from the mouths and actions of those
who must have had the principal contrivance
and management of any political scheme, to be
the consequence of Philip's abdication, are such
strong proofs to the contrary, that 1 thought
your lordship would excuse my troubling you
with them ; especially since I find that Flanders,
Holland, and even Spain itself, are not without
their speculations to the same purpose. At
Amsterdam they are as much in alarm and con
fusion as if king Philip was actually at Paris ;
whereas, if I can make any judgment of the
* Paris, Feb. 9, 1724. Walpole Papers.

156 CHAPTER 8.
sentiments of all sorts of people here, should the
present young French king die to-morrow, the
duke of Orleans would succeed immediately to
the crown, and Philip's interest and right would
not so much as be named, or enter into any
body's head*."
Fortunately for the peace of Europe, the views
of Philip on the throne of France were defeated
by the premature death of his son Louis, to whom
he had resigned the crown, the dismission of his
daughter, and the subsequent marriage of Louis
the Fifteenth, which again tore asunder the bond
of union between France and Spain, and ce
mented still closer the connection of France with
England. * Paris, Feb. 9, 1724. Walpole Papers.

157
CHAPTER 9.
1724—1725.
Dismission of the Spanish Infanta, the intended Bride of Louis
the Fifteenth — Views of the Duke of Bourbon in favour of
his Sister — Opposition and Conduct of Fleury — Alarm of
the Duke of Bourbon on the French King's Illness — Propo
sals for an English Princess ; declined by George the First —
Mr. Walpole's Correspondence — His Conferences with Fleury
— Marriage of Louis the Fifteenth with the Daughter of
Stanislaus Letzinski.
T^HE conjectures concerning the abdication and
resumption of the crown by Philip the Fifth,
had scarcely subsided, before new reports of the
dismission of the infanta, and projects for the
marriage of Louis the Fifteenth, attracted the
public curiosity, and gave a new source of em
barrassment to the English embassador.
The accession of Spain to the quadruple
alliance was principally owing to a secret article
between Philip and the duke of Orleans, which
equally favoured the interests of both parties.
Louis the Fifteenth was affianced to the infanta,
Mary Anne ; and the Prince of Asturias, after
wards Louis the First, espoused Elizabeth, fourth
daughter of the regent. The infanta being
only in her fifth year, the hopes of an heir to the
French crown were deferred to a distant period ;

158 CHAPTER 9.
and the eventual succession to the throne of
France was still open, to which Philip, notwith
standing the most solemn renunciations, always
looked with anxious expectation.
On the death of the duke of Orleans, the
French nation entertained hopes of dissolving a
match ill calculated to promote the security of
France, and the tranquillity of Europe. The
marshals Villars and d'Uxelles, and many of the
French ministers, hinted to Mr. Walpole the pro
bability and propriety of such a measure, and
even Fleury himself expressed a wish to delay
the solemnization of the fiancailles.
The duke of Bourbon was most embarrassed
what conduct to adopt on this delicate occasion.
He was on one side interested in promoting the
marriage of the young king with the infanta,
and in preserving the succession in the line of
the princes of the blood ; because, in case of the
decease of the king and the duke of Orleans,
who were both unmarried, and of infirm con
stitutions, he was next heir to the throne. On
the other side, the implacable enmity of the duke
of Orleans rendered his accession an alarming
event. The duke of Bourbon had, therefore,
only the choice of two alternatives ; one to pro
mote the eventual succession of Philip, and his
son by the first wife, to the throne of France,
and to settle the crown of Spain on his children

1724—1725. 159
by Elizabeth Farnese ; the second, to send back
the infanta, and to marry the young king to a
princess of mature age*. On his first entrance
into the administration, he was inclined to pro
mote the claims and to secure the friendship of
the king of Spain, and, with this view, had de
puted marshal Tesse to convey the strongest
assurances of his fidelity and attachment t.
Soon, however, the general wish of the nation
to provide a suitable consort for the king, and
his increasing animosity to the duke of Orleans,
who was recently married t, induced him to
adopt the resolution of dismissing the infanta.
He accordingly communicated his intention to
Fleury in 1724, and proposed his own sister,
mademoiselle de Sens ; but the bishop opposing
this match, and urging the impropriety of irri
tating Philip, while the negotiations at Cam
bray were pending, the duke acquiesced, and
postponed the execution of his design. Things
remained in this state of suspense until the dan
gerous illness of Louis the Fifteenth revived his
apprehensions, and he determined to counteract
the succession of the duke of Orleans, by mar-

* Mr. Walpole to lord Townshend, December 22, 1723.
t Meinoires de Montgon, torn. 3, p. 222.
J The duchess of Orleans married her son to the princess of
Baden, without the knowledge or approbation of the duke ol
Bourbon, which increased his animosity.

160 CHAPTER 9.
rying the king to a princess of mature age. St.
Simon relates a striking anecdote of his extreme
agitation on this critical occasion*.
Finding the opposition of Fleury to his sister's
marriage with the king insuperable, he directed
his attention to the other princesses of Europe,
and selected Anne, grand-daughter of George
the First, who was in the sixteenth year of her
age, and possessed great beauty and accomplish
ments. It is not easy to trace the precise
period and origin of this choice ; but it probably
arose from female intrigues ; for, in May 1724,
Sir Luke Schaub, in his audience, on returning
from Paris, offended George the First, by indis
creetly proposing a marriage between the French
king and one of the English princesses f ; an
overture made at the instigation of madame de
Prie and madame de la Vrilliere, with the con
currence of lady Darlington, and the secret co-
* Le roi Louis XV. etant tombe" malade sous le ministere
de M. le Due, efiraya tellement le prince ministre, quoique le
mal ne fut pas menacant, qu'il se releva une nuit en sursaut,
prit sa robe de chambre, et monta dans la derniere anti-chambre
du roi : il etoit seul avec une bougie a la main, et y trouva
Marechal qui, etonne' de cette apparition, alia k lui, et lui
demanda ce qu'il venoit de faire. II trouva un homme egare",
hors de soi, qui ne put se rassurer sur ce que Marechal lui dit
de la maladie, et k qui enfin d'eflroi et de plenitude il echappa ;
que deviendrai-je ? en repondant tout bas k son bonnet de nuit :
Je n'y serai pas repris ; s'il en rechappe, il faut le marier."
Oeuvres de St. Simon, torn. 8, p. 198.
t The duke of Newcastle to Mr .Walpole, May 25, 1724.

1724—1725. 16!.
operation of lord Carteret. On Fleury's first
rejection of mademoiselle de Sens, it appears
that the duke of Bourbon entertained thoughts
of the princess Anne, with a view of securing
the assistance of England against the vengeance
of Philip ; but, from apprehensions that the
princess could not be induced to change her re
ligion, did not venture to make a formal proposal.
Soon after the king of France's recovery, at
the suggestion of count Broglio, the French
embassador in England, he was encouraged to
make an indirect overture to George the First.
Broglio having insinuated to the countess of
Darlington the resolution of the duke of Bour
bon to dismiss the infanta, and his own embar
rassment in the choice of another consort ; she
replied, " Why do you amuse yourself with
trifles, and why do you not instantly demand one
of our princesses for the young king? I have
reason to believe that your proposal would not
be rejected."
In consequence of this hint, the French em
bassador being ordered to request a private au
dience, communicated to George the First a
letter from the duke of Bourbon, announcing,
under the seal of the strictest secrecy, the reso
lution of dismissing the infanta. He then beg
ged leave to suggest a thought of his own, for
VOL. I. M

162 CHAPTER 9.
which he requested his majesty's indulgence.
" Knowing, as I do," he added, " the anxious
desire of* the duke of Bourbon to unite the two
crowns by the strongest ties, and having been
eye-witness of the great and invaluable quali
ties of the princess Anne, I must beg leave to
express my wish, that your majesty would give
her in marriage to the king my master, which
will be so much for the honour and interest of
both kingdoms, that if it can be accomplished,
nothing will be able to disturb the tranquillity,
or oppose the views of the two crowns." The
king replied, that notwithstanding the advan
tage of such a match, and his earnest desire of
taking every opportunity to shew his regard for
the king of France, and improve the good cor
respondence subsisting between the two crowns ;
yet the objection on the point of religion being
insurmountable, he must decline the acceptance
of the proposal.
Broglio, not checked by this repulse, com
municated his proposal to the duke of New-
-castle and lord Townshend, and earnestly ex
horted them to employ their influence over the
king, in favour of the match ; nor did he desist
until they proved that the king's attachment to
¦his religion could not be shaken, and that the
marriage of any branch of the royal family wkta

172 i— 1725. 163
a Papist was contrary to the established laws of
the kingdom *.
While this negotiation was pending, various
reports were circulated at Paris, that a match
with an English princess was concluded ; and
the refusal of the duke of Bourbon to affiance
the young king to the infanta, at the stipulated
time, seemed to confirm these rumours^ " This
news," says the English embassador, " was no
sooner known, but it was in the mouth of all
sorts of people, that the infanta was to be sent
home immediately, a match being concluded
between the French king and one of the young
princesses of England ; and if she was actually
arrived at Calais for that purpose, the discourse
would scarce be more positive, and more gene
rally believed. Several stories are told, even by
people that should know better, of the manner
* " We acquainted him," writes the duke of Newcastle to
Mr. Walpole, " with the main view and end of the revolu
tion, and protestant succession, which was the preservation of
the protestant religion in these kingdoms ; and shewed him,
by the general exclusion of the Papists, in the first act of
king William, confirmed by the present act of settlement,
whereby no Papist of his present majesty's family, nor any
other prince or princess, of that religion, or that should inter
marry with a Papist, were capable of succeeding to the crown ;
how liable to the greatest censure such a step would be, in
this country, and how highly criminal those would be thought
who should presume to advise it." Whitehall, March 12,
1725.
M 2

164 CHAPTER 9.
in which this affair has been negotiated. Some
derive it from a management antecedent to my
being minister here ; others attribute it to the
intrigues of various ladies, at this and at the
court, of England; but the more general applause
and honour of it, though undeservedly, is given
to me. Your grace will easily imagine, who
knows what a stranger I am to any thing of
this affair, how much I have been embarrassed,
these two or three days, how to behave myself,
without appearing embarrassed at all. Num
bers of all sorts of people have been very watch
ful and observing of my countenance, words,
and carriage, and have endeavoured to turn me
all ways, by various questions and insinuations ;
some by making me compliments ; others by
desiring my protection here at court, as if the
thing was actually done. But my conduct, I
hope, has been even, decent, and irreproachable,
without clearing up their doubts, or saying any
thing that might give credit or discredit to
it*." In this state of uncertainty, Mr. Walpole, on
the 6th of March, was informed by Morvillel
that the infanta was to be dismissed ; and this
information was confirmed the same day by
Fleury, who requested a secret conference on a
* Mr. Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, March 13,
1725, N. S.

1721—1725, 165
subject of the highest importance and delicacy.
This conference took place on the 13th at Ver
sailles, and proved to the English embassador,
the confidence which the bishop reposed in him.
After recapitulating, under the strongest injunc
tions of secrecy, the events which had led to
the dismission of the infanta, and stating < his
own objections, not to the expediency, but to
the precipitation of the measure, he acquainted
him with the proposal to be made by Broglio,
and detailed the motives which induced the
duke of Bourbon to demand an English princess.
He then stated his own opinion as adverse to
the match, which he considered as disadvan
tageous to both nations. " As to France," he
said, " where the unity of religion is absolutely
necessary, I am apprehensive that the eldest
princess, having been educated in the principles
of the protestant religion, to the age of sixteen,
under a mother, who, from attachment to that
religion, rejected the hand of the emperor,
would retain an inward sense and zeal for it,
notwithstanding any abjuration which she
might be induced to make for the sake of a
crown. Her secret attachment to that persua
sion might encourage the Jansenists to concur
with the Protestants, still remaining in France,
to foment internal troubles, in regard to relir
gion. But should the king die first, and she
m3

W6 CHAPTER 9-
become regent, and have the education of the
children, no one knows the divisions and dis-,
turbances it might occasion. Neither do I see,
in point of policy, that any good would accrue
to this nation, nor any prospect but what might
portend a rupture, or perhaps a war between the
two nations; and at present the situation of
Europe renders it the interest of both to main-*
tain a stricter union and harmony together.
" As to Great Britain, the policy, religion,
and constitution of the government are ad
verse to such a match. France can never
receive a queen, unless she becomes a Roman
Catholic, and it would be inconsistent with
the dignity of England to consent to the mar
riage of one of the royal family to a catholic
prince, without her having the liberty to enjoy
and exercise her religion, in her own way ; an in
dulgence always granted to the catholic queens of
England since the reformation. But, as I am in
formed, the laws of England are against a match
of this nature, founded on the experience of the
ill consequences that have ensued from thence ;
having suffered the greatest convulsions only by
the marriage of one of their kings to Roman
Catholics. But should an English princess, after
embracing the Roman catholic religion, or any
of her children, have a title to the crown of
Great Britain, they might, notwithstanding any

1724—1725. 167
renunciation or exclusion by act of parliament,
pretend to the succession ; and the bare possibi
lity of the great troubles which might over
whelm, or at least, constantly threaten the British
nation, are, though distant, yet too terrible to
be incurred.
" The people of England may be jealous lest
so near an alliance with so considerable a power
as France in their neighbourhood, may endanger
their liberties, which might have been their fate,
had the late king James accepted the offer of an
army from Louis the Fourteenth. Persons of
all parties and principles in England would join
in one general cry against it. The Jacobites
would be outrageous, because it would be the
greatest stroke to their present, as well as dis-
tant views, in favour of the pretender ; the dis
affected would consider it as the most popular
topic for clamour, and those that are affected to
the present establishment, in church and state,
would think the reasons, with regard to the
religion and constitution of their country, of
greater weight than any political reasons, how
ever plausible. It would create in general, suGh
a diffidence, fears, and jealousies in the minds
of the people, as might render his majesty's
government uneasy for the future, and put it
out of Iris power to be of that use, in conjunction
with France, for the preservation of the peace
m 4

168 CHAPTER Q.
of Europe, as the present situation of affairs re
quires ; and I will freely own to you, it is the
real interest of France, at this juncture, that the
king of England should enjoy the greatest secu
rity and tranquillity at home. Lastly, I appre
hend that the protestant powers abroad will be-
extremely dissatisfied, and jealous of such an
alliance. " These are the reasons which occurred to me
upon this great crisis, and determined my opinion
that France should not demand an English prin
cess, because the appearance of a refusal, which
I apprehend will be the case, may have an ill
effect on our present good understanding ; and
though it is intended that the overture should
be made by the French . embassador, or to his
majesty, as only coming, from the duke of Bour
bon, in his private capacity, yet even that would,
if known, be regarded as little less than a re
quest. But since my opinion did not prevail, I
deem it advisable that you should represent what
I have said, as the sentiments of some persons of
sense and consequence, without mentioning my
name ; for I am anxious that nothing should be
done which may tend in the least degree to
shake tne harmony subsisting between the two
crowns. And as you are fully apprised of the
state of affairs -here, it may not be thought too
forward in you to suggest, that, upon the French*
14

1724—1725. 16$
embassador's mentioning this matter to his.
majesty, he might be told by the king, in that
engaging and obliging manner natural to his
majesty, that nothing in the world would be so
agreeable to his inclinations as such an alliance,
and so fortunate for the public good of Europe
at this juncture, would the religion and consti
tution of England suffer it to be done ; and
though the difficulties, on that account, were
insurmountable, yet he would continue to culti
vate and promote the union between the two
crowns with as much earnestness as if the addi
tional obligation of what had been hinted could
possibly take place. I likewise hope, that if you
dispatch a courier on this occasion, he may
arrive in England before count Broglio will have
proceeded any further than to communicate
only the resolution of sending back the infanta.
" He concluded his discourse," — adds Mr. Wal
pole, " with repeating to me his utmost concern
and apprehensions of what may be the conse
quences of this whole matter being precipitated
with regard to Spain, and the present posture of
affairs in Europe. All the terrible ideas of a
rupture with that kingdom, of a marriage be
tween the prince of Asturias and one of the
arch-duchesses, and of the great advantages
that would accrue to the emperor, seized him
at once ; and I could perceive, too, that the fear

170 CHAPTER 9,
of disobliging the pope, who will not have been
consulted or acquainted by France, with the
affair, until it is publicly talked of, had no small,
share in his concern. ******
" I then asked him whether he did not sus
pect, from the whole management of this affair,
that M. le Due's chief, and perhaps only aim,
was to bring about, at last, the marriage of his
own sister with the French king. He told me
that it might be so ; but as long as he had the
least influence with his most christian majesty,
he would oppose it to the last, I then concluded
with my particular thanks to him for his steadi
ness in preserving the union between the two
nations, desiring him to direct his utinost credit
and application to that great view, as what
might become more necessary than ever. I con
cluded with expressing my apprehensions (which
I hope are groundless) that this affair may end
in the disgrace or retreat of Frejus from all bu
siness, being strongly persuaded that M. le Due
had never laid aside the thought of marrying
his sister to the French king, and that his pre
tending to seek a match in England, and suffer
ing it to be talked of, by all sorts of people* in
so public a manner, is not so much out of a de,
sire to have it done, as a justification of his
sending away the infanta, at this juncture, in
having provided a suitable and honourable

1724 — 1725, 171
match for his most christian majesty, which, in
the case of his sister, would not have been so
popular in the nation, nor have so good an ap-.
pearance in the eyes of the world *."
On the 16th a confidential communication of
Broglio's proposal to the king, and his majesty's
answer, was transmitted by the duke of New-,
castle ; " all which" Mr. Walpole says, " I re*
ceived with that deep sense of satisfaction, gra..
titude, and duty, for his majesty's unshaken
steadiness to the religion and laws of our coun-,
try, that is due from a true protestant, and a
loyal subject." Speaking of his next interview
with Fleury, he observes, " I found bishop Fre-i
jus very glad, as he told me he had been very
impatient to see me ; and he expressed imme-.
diately his great satisfaction at his majesty hav*
ing, as he had seen by count Broglio's relation,
given an answer to the proposal of the marriage,
so prudent, and so worthy of himself with re*
gard to his own conscience, and the constitu
tion of the kingdom he governs, as weJl as to
the union and friendship between the two
crowns. I then acquainted him how extremely
pleased his majesty was with his way of reason
ing (of which I had given an account to your
grace without naming him) on this subject,
* Mr. Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, Paris, March 13

172 CHAPTER 9.
and that the king had acted entirely agree
able to his sentiments, without knowing them.
I acquainted him at the same time with his ma
jesty's sincere intentions to do all in his power
to pacify the indignation of Spain *.
Fleury then hinted that the daughter of Stan
islaus Letzinski, titular king of Poland, was most
likely to become the consort of Louis the Fif
teenth ; but reiterated his resolution of retiring
from court, should the duke of Bourbon suc
ceed in recommending his own sister.
The answer of the duke of Newcastle to this
insinuation will shew the high confidence which
the English cabinet reposed in Fleury, and their
full reliance on his friendship : " I cannot con
ceal from your excellency the great concern
that his majesty shews at the hint, in the latter
part of your letter, that this affair may possibly
end in the retreat of bishop Frejus from public
business, whereby the French king would lose a
most able and faithful servant, and his majesty a
sincere and steady friend. The king is the more
touched with this, it being very probable that
what you say would undoubtedly be the cause,
if it may happen to be the case, both from the
accounts you send, and from the manner in
which M. de Broglio talked yesterday to the
king, who could not forbear expressing his de-
* Mr. Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, March 28, 1725.

P724—1725. 173
sire that the king his master, since he could not
have one of our young princesses, might be
married to mademoiselle de Sens*; though at
the same time he owned there might be in it
some difficulty upon M. le Due, he having been
the occasion of sending back the infanta.
" If this should happen, his majesty would
have you use your utmost credit and interest
with bishop Frejus to dissuade him from so rash
and unadvised a step, and lay before him the ill
consequences that may arise both to France and
England from such a resolution ; as also the
uneasiness that it would afterwards be to him,
if any thing should happen, for want of his
assistance, that might alter the good correspond
ence between the two crowns, to which he has
so much contributed f."
The resolution, however, of Fleury, was not
put to the test ; his influence with the king was
sufficiently powerful to counteract the project of
the duke of Bourbon in favour of his sister.
* St. Simon, and the Memoirs of Richelieu, erroneously
mention mademoiselle de Vermandois, fourth sister of the
duke of Bourbon, as the person in whose favour he solicited
the match, and attributed its failure solely to the intrigues of
madame de Prie, without even hinting at the opposition of
Fleury. — St. Simon, torn. xi. p. 201, and Memoirs de Riche
lieu, torn. iv. chap. 6.
t The duke of Newcastle to Mr. Walpole, March 1 1 ,
1724-5.

m CHAPTER 9.
But he acted with extreme caution and dexte
rity, and though he excluded mademoiselle de
Sens, whose elevation might have given the
preponderance to the interest of the duke of
Bourbon, yet he did not interfere in the choice
of the bride, lest any dislike of the young king
to his consort migbt expose him to future re
proach. The views of the duke and madame de
Prie were accordingly directed to Maria Letzin-
ski, daughter of Stanislaus, who was twenty-two
years of age, not deficient in beauty, and whose
situation and character seemed likely to render
her wholly dependant on those who had contri
buted to her elevation. To this choice Fleury
made no opposition ; and as the king testified a
total indifference, the marriage was solemnized
on the 15th of August.
In arranging the household of the new queen,
•madame du Prie was to be dame du palais ;
Paris Duverney, secretaire des commandemens ;
and the place of grand almoner was offered to
Fleury. The bishop, however, objected to the
appointment of madame de Prie, and even pro
posed to the duke of Bourbon that she should
receive, but decline the offer, as more honoura
ble to her than the place would be advantage
ous. He communicated this circumstance, in
confidence, to Mr. Walpole, and expressed his
resolution to refuse the place of grand almoner,

1724—1725. 175
as he could not, in honour and conscience, live
in a family encompassed with such creatures as
madame de Prie, and Duverney, who had been
a common soldier in the guards. Mr. Walpole
strongly dissuaded him from this rash resolu
tion : " You cannot," he said, " do greater ser
vice to the persons for whom you entertain so
just an aversion, as you will throw the whole
power of the queen's household into their hands,
and they will nominate a creature of their own
in your place. The interest of France, as well
as your own honour and conscience, exact it of
you, not to take this unadvised step. When
the queen is settled in France, a new scene may
open. I have no doubt but your capacity and
virtue will act the chief part, and an opportu
nity may offer of destroying the credit of those
whose principles and actions are inconsistent
with the dignity of the crown *." The repeated
exhortations of Mr. Walpole finally succeeded,
Fleury accepted the office of grand almoner,
although madame de Prie was. nominated dame
du palais, and Duverney secretaire des com-
mandemens.
* Mr. Walpole to the duke of 'Newcastle, April 27, ilftK.

176
CHAPTER 10.
1725.
Resentment of Philip the Fifth on the Dismission of the Infanta
— His Negotiations with the Emperor — Treaties of Vienna
and Hanover — Influence of Mr. Walpole in the Councils of
France — Retreat and Recal of Fleury.
'THE dismission of the infanta, and the indis
creet manner in which it was announced by the
abbot de Livry *, inflamed the vengeance of the
king and queen of Spain, and precipitated the
execution of those measures which they had
previously meditated.
In 1720, Spain acceded to the quadruple alli
ance ; and, in pursuance of that treaty, a con
gress of the ministers from the contracting powers
was held at Cambray, to settle the contested
points between the Emperor and Philip, under
the mediation of England and France. But the
letters expectative, for the eventual investiture
of Don Carlos, to the succession of Tuscany,
Parma and Placentia, which the emperor pro
mised to expedite within two months after the
ratification, were not delivered till November
1723 ; by which delay it was evident that he
wished to elude )the performance of his engage
ments. * Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, chap. 27.

17«5. 177
George the First, however, deemed himself
bound in honour and justice to execute, in con
cert with France, his engagements in favour of
Don Carlos ; but the emperor, long accustomed
to blind complaisance from Great Britain, ex
pected that an elector of Hanover, upon that
throne, should be still more subservient to his
views and desires, and accordingly resented the
king's fidelity to his engagements, as an insult.
At the same time the haughty spirit of Elizabeth
Farnese, who governed the counsels of Spain,
was irritated against the mediating powers for
not compelling the emperor, by force of arms, to
settle the points in dispute.
Spain and the emperor being thus equally dis
satisfied, the negotiations of the congress, which
opened at Cambray in January 1724, were lan
guid ; and the French and English ministers in
vain endeavoured to relax the unbending spirit of
the imperial, or overcome the diplomatic punc
tilios of the Spanish plenipotentiaries. In fact
the court of Madrid had, in November 1724,
deputed Ripperda to Vienna, and tendered with
out the knowledge of the mediating powers,
overtures of reconciliation to the emperor, who
lured Elizabeth Farnese with the hopes of ob
taining an arch-duchess in marriage to one of
the Spanish infants.
Such was the state of the imperial and Spanish
vol. 1. N

178 CHAPTER 10.
courts, when the dismission of the infanta ex
cited the resentment of Philip, and his vindictive
queen, against France. They recalled their ple
nipotentiaries from Cambray, and offered the
sole mediation to England. But the British
cabinet, sensible of the advantages derived from
the French alliance, and faithful to their engage
ments, had no sooner declined this insidious offer,
than the court of Spain suddenly closed the long
pending disputes with the emperor, and on the
1st of May Ripperda concluded the treaty of
Vienna. It would be tedious and unnecessary to detail
the articles of this treaty, some of which were
secret and hostile to the trade, possessions, and
constitution of England, as well as to the inter
ests of France and Holland. Great preparations
were made by the emperor and Spain ; Russia
was induced to enter into the alliance, and the
princes of the empire solicited to join the stan
dard of their chief. These hostile appearances
occasioned a series of negotiations, which termi
nated in the treaty of Hanover, concluded be
tween England, France, and Prussia, to which
Holland and Sweden afterwards acceded.
Having, in the Memoirs of Sir Robert Wal
pole, detailed the origin, motives, and tendency
of that treaty, it will be sufficient to observe,
that the complicated negotiations, which occu-

1725. 179
pied every power in Europe, ultimately centered
at Paris ; and their successful termination was
principally owing to the address of the British
embassador, who managed with equal dexterity
the irresolute character of the duke of Bourbon,
the dilatory temper of Morville, and the supple,
insinuating, and cautious spirit of Fleury.
The difficulty of influencing the French cabi
net was increased by the alarms of George the
First, by the ardent temper of lord Townshend,
and by the anxiety of the British ministry to
counterbalance the active efforts of the emperor,
with equal vigour on the side of the allies. They
did not appreciate the delicate situation of the
French ministers, who, though aware that the
union between the two crowns secured the in
ternal tranquillity of their country, were natu
rally averse to an open rupture with a prince of
the house of Bourbon, the uncle of their king,
whom France, at an enormous expence of blood
and treasure, had placed on the throne of Spain.
Hence their conduct was occasionally lukewarm
and wavering, and only roused to vigour and
resolution by the manly and repeated represen
tations of Mr. Walpole.
It would be unjust to the merits of Mr. Wal
pole, to withhold the eulogium of the duke of
Newcastle towards the conclusion of the Hano
ver treaty : " I am now to congratulate your ex-
x 2

180 CHAPTER 10.
cellency upon this great work's being brought so
near a conclusion, which his majesty cannot but
look upon to be as good as finished : and I can
not but take a sensible pleasure in the great share
your excellency has had in it. Your diligence
and prudent conduct, and your great abilities,
in executing the several commands you have re
ceived from his majesty, upon this subject, have
been taken notice of by the king, and which 1
cannot forbear, now we are so near seeing the
happy effects of themj^mentioning to your excel
lency, in the manner that so important and so
acceptable a service deserves *."
Mr. Walpole was principally indebted for his
success to the influence of Fleury, whose predo
minance in the French cabinet he duly appre
ciated. Impressed with full conviction, that
the duke of Bourbon owed his office to Fleury,
and held it only by his forbearance, he resisted
the solicitations of the British cabinet to be more
assiduous in his court to the ladies who were
supposed to govern the duke of Bourbon, from
just apprehensions of being drawn into their
cabals, and of offending his venerable friend.
The dispatches of the British embassador justify
his motives, and contain too many instances of
Fleury's ascendancy to be enumerated : one anec
dote, however, which he records in a letter to
* The duke of Newcastle to Mr. Walpole, Sept. 26, 1 724.

1725. 181
lord Townshend, Jan. 13, 1734, is too curious to
be withheld from the reader :
" The duke of Bourbon is indefatigable in his
application to gain the young king's confidence;
but he finds Frejus has the first and strongest
hold there, insomuch that when his highness
seeks proper opportunities to talk to his majesty
alone, as soon as he begins to be serious, the
child diverts the discourse of business by idle
actions and ordinary chit-chat, until Frejus,
whom he never fails to call for, can have notice
or time to enter the room, which goes to the
duke of Bourbon's heart, as not knowing what
to do, being justly apprehensive that should he
endeavour the removal of the bishop he would
fail in the attempt."
Soon after the conclusion of the treaty of Ha
nover, an incident happened at Versailles, which
justified the sagacity of Mr. Walpole, and of
which he transmitted an interesting account to
lord Townshend :
" My Lord, Paris, Dec. 24, 1725.
" On Tuesday the 18th instant, being the day
of the week on which the foreign ministers go
to Versailles, to make their court to their most
christian majesties, and to have their audiences
of the ministers, Frejus, notwithstanding he had
invited some company to dine with him, and
notwithstanding the most tempestuous weather
x 3

182 CHAPTER 10.
of wind and rain that ever was known, went
early in the morning to his country-house at
Issy, near Meudon, about an hour's distance
from Versailles, having left word at his lodging
that he should not return that night. These
circumstances of his sudden departure, joined
with others, which some assiduous courtiers had
observed the night before, and particularly that
of his most christian majesty, the queen and M.
le Due being locked up a considerable time to
gether in the queen's closet, occasioned a gene
ral whisper of the bishop's being retired alto
gether from business ; but his return early the
next morning to Versailles, and appearing at
the king's levee, as usual, soon put an end to
that report, though not without some specu
lation of what might have been the motive of
so quick a departure, as well as return to court ;
of which I am able to give your lordship a full
and true account. But before I do it, I beg
leave to trouble you with the situation of the
Court since the first arrival of the queen at Fon-
tainebleau. " Your lordship doth not want to be informed,
that ever since M. le Due's administration, ma
dame de Prie and M. du Verney have had the
chief credit and confidence with his highness in
the management of affairs ; while bishop Frejus,
more immediately attached to the personal care

1725. 183
and service of the French king, and seeking no
other favour and support, spoke his mind in
council as became a minister of State, and to
M. le Due in private, not as a flatterer, but as
it became a friend. Although his highness did
at times, by the instigation of others, entertain
some uneasiness and jealousy of the bishop with
respect to power, yet the candid behaviour of
M. Frejus, entirely void of ambition or self-
interest, immediately set all matters right again,
and in the meantime they continued to live and
act together with a perfect understanding. The
bishop assumed no other part of the administra
tion than that of giving his advice in matters of
state and moment, which was generally so rea
sonable and just, that as M. le Due reaped great
advantage from it, so he appeared well satisfied
and pleased with it. Thus things continued to
go smoothly on until the marriage of the French
king. " The disappointment of having a princess of
England to be queen of France, and no suitable
match, for birth or religion, immediately occur
ring, at a time when the French nation expressed
the greatest impatience to have their king mar
ried, madame de Prie and M. du Verney, under
the authority and credit of M. le Due, turned
their thoughts to find out a person, who, by the
great obligation she should have from such an
n 4

184 CHAPTER 10.
unexpected honour, would become entirely at
tached to the interest of those who were most
instrumental to procure it. Nobody's situation
seemed more proper to answer that end than
that of king Stanislaus's daughter, and in all like
lihood it was as easy to obtain from her such
assurances and conditions of attachment and
friendship, as it was to get her consent to the
marriage. In the mean time bishop Frejus ap
peared purely indifferent and passive in this
affair, not being willing, perhaps, on one side to
dissuade the king, his master, from marrying at
a time when the whole French nation cried aloud
for it, nor on the other to recommend a person
to him who, by the inequality of her age, as
well as of other circumstances, might some time
or other prove not so agreeable to him.
" However sensible the queen might be of
their merit who had the chief hand in making
her so, it was generally thought that her gra
titude would have extended no further than to
the person of M. le Due ; that the character of
madame de Prie and M. du Verney, so notori
ous for intrigues of all sorts, could not be un
known to her ; and that she would naturally
reflect how dangerous it might be, considering
the difference of her age and beauty from that
of the king, to strengthen and support the inter
est of those who would not fail to fling in the

1725. 185
French king's way, and promote the first plea
surable views, however disagreeable they might
be to the queen, that his majesty might shew
the least inclination for. On the other hand,
the known probity and virtue of bishop Frejus
would have disposed her to seek and cultivate
a particular friendship and intimacy with him,
whose principles, as well as immediate confidence
and credit with the young king, might make
him both willing and able to cement a mutual
affection between their majesties, and secure the
queen from any apprehensions of a rival. This
was so sensible and obvious a part, with regard
to her own interest, that it was scarce to be
doubted but she would readily embrace it ; and
the bishop's station in being her first aumonier
would not fail of giving her an opportunity to
do it whenever she pleased.
" Upon her majesty's arrival at court, either
all the persons that could possibly have the least
approach by their place to the queen, were en
tirely gained by madame de Prie, or the avenues
of access to the queen were so guarded that none
but that lady's devoted creatures could come
near her majesty, without being immediately
interrupted ; at which she herself pretended to
be uneasy, and to complain that she was encom
passed and besieged on every side. Having
continued a long time without taking the least

186 CHAPTER 10.
notice of bishop Frejus, scarce showing common
civility, she gave some of his friends to un
derstand that she detested madame de Prie,
that she had the greatest veneration for him,
and was desirous of his friendship ; but begged
he would have patience, not knowing which
way to turn herself for fear of madame de Prie,
and, through her, of disobliging M. le Due, to
whom she was so much obliged, and who was
so very powerful.
" In the meantime the bishop continued to
go on, in his old way, as preceptor and minister
of State, in waiting upon and advising his ma
jesty alone, at the usual hours, and in constantly
attending at the times appointed for M. le Due
to do business with the king, without being
wanting in due respect to her majesty, and
without pressing a more particular intimacy and
friendship with, her, until she should think fit
to give him sufficient encouragement to do it ;
he being, in his temper, by no means a sycophant
or courtier, to press himself forward before he
was sure of an agreeable reception. To such
of his friends as did exhort him to make his
approaches to the queen, he would say, that they
did not know the situation of things at court ;
and he has often told me, that notwithstand
ing her private intimations to him, of being his
friend, he was sure that she was entirely deli-

1725. 187
vered up into the power of madame de Prie, and
M. du Verney, by the means of M. le Due, who
had of late more than ever put himself under
the absolute government of those two persons,
notwithstanding the general murmur of the
whole court and nation against them.
" The bishop was the only person of conse
quence that durst boldly and openly oppose
their formidable power, which he has done, not
only to his friends, but also to the king, and
even to M. le Due himself; declaring freely to
his highness, that he looked upon madame de
Prie, and M. du Verney, as enemies to the State,
and as authors of all the disorders, weakness, and
confusion, both in the finances and other mat
ters, that disgraced the present administration ;
and that as his honour and conscience obliged
him to speak so plainly to him on this subject,
so the reputation and credit of his highness
should oblige him to free himself from the
slavery and influence of such evil counsellors.
But the bishop preached on this text in vain ;
for M. le Due being immoveably fixed in his
attachment to those two persons, constantly
took their part, and to such a degree that he
and the bishop have often come to very high
words on the subject. I have learnt from the
bishop, that his highness lately told him, he
valued his honour and conscience as much as
14

188 CHAPTER 10.
the bishop did his, and for that reason he would
support those that would risk their all, and even
their lives for him ; and if madame de Prie and
M. du Verney must perish, he would perish with
them. " This was bringing matters to a very close
point. The bishop had certainly not the least
thought of breaking with M. le Due, or of en
deavouring to displace him ; not knowing whom
to put so conveniently in his room, and being
firmly determined not to take upon himself the
weight of the administration. He was also sen
sible, perhaps, that he should have a difficulty in
doing it with the French king himself) to whom
M. le Due is certainly become agreeable enough,
by the good offices first of M. Frejus, and by an
habitual attendance upon his majesty, taking
care never to thwart, but constantly to enter
tain and humour the king, in all his little plea
sures of hunting from place to place. These
considerations,- I believe, made the bishop de
cline to push matters to an extremity with re
gard to madame de Prie and M. du Verney,
continuing still in the same sentiments and
discourse on their account as occasion offered.
And as they could not be ignorant of his inve
terate animosity against them, and that it was
impossible to bring him to a good opinion of
them, which M. le Due had often endeavoured

1725. 189
to do, but in vain, it was natural for them, be
ing both of a bold and enterprising spirit, to.
turn their thoughts how to get rid of the bishop.
But a stroke so desperate, and an attempt so
dangerous to themselves, made it impossible to
conceive which way they could undertake it.
" I am here to acquaint your lordship, that
although the candid and disinterested behaviour
of the bishop towards M. le Due was a sufficient
proof of his having no design of being prime
minister himself; yet the privilege he enjoyed
of working alone with the king, without the
presence of the duke, and being always present
when his highness should work with his majesty,
was represented by madame de Prie and M. du
Verney as such an encroachment upon the au
thority of his highness, as prime minister, as to
have made a strong impression upon him ; and
he has for a long time had it so much at heart,
that he has often endeavoured by himself, and
by the insinuations of some friends, to prevail
with the bishop to consent that his highness
might sometimes do business alone with the
French king. But M. Frejus would never give
up this point, saying that he had his majesty's
positive command to be always by when M. le
Due had any business to do with him, wherein
his highness was obliged to acquiesce, but never
was perfectly easy in this matter.

190 CHAPTER 10.
" The last year, when the king was at Chantilly,
and the bishop went for two days to Liancourt,
the duke waited at the usual hour upon his ma
jesty with his portefeuille, in order to work
with him in the absence of M. Frejus ; but he
could not prevail with his majesty to do it, who
said he would stay till M. Frejus came home.
His highness modestly replied, he did not desire
to do any business of moment ; but there was
some papers, which, though of no great conse
quence, yet by the nature of them required an
immediate dispatch, and begged his majesty only
to sign them ; but the king said it would be
time enough when the bishop came back. This
strong decision, in favour of the bishop, made it
evident how vain a second attempt of this nature
would be ; and therefore all jealousy and dispute
about it seemed quite over, until the arrival of
the queen.
" Her majesty being entirely beset by the
creatures of madame de Prie, being, out of gra
titude and inclination, much attached to the
interest of M. le Due, and either not daring to
cultivate a friendship with the bishop, for fear
of disobliging his highness, or not desiring to
do it, on account of several little stories insi
nuated to the disadvantage of the bishop, as if
he was her enemy ; and lastly, perhaps, being
made to believe that she had absolutely gained

1725. 191
the heart and affection of the king, was earnestly
solicited to join her interest to prevail with his
majesty to work alone with M. le Due ; to
which, though as it is said with much reluc-
tancy, she consented at last, and this was the
reason of the bishop's retiring to his country-
house, on Tuesday last, occasioned in the fol
lowing manner.
" On Monday, in the evening, as soon as her
majesty had notice of the king's return from
hunting, she quitted her cards, and desired to
speak with him in her closet ; being about an
hour before the usual time for the bishop's see
ing him alone. The queen took that oppor
tunity, in the presence of M. le Due, to press
him most earnestly, and in the most insinuating
and flattering ways imaginable, to do business
with M. le Due alone, that night ; which he by
no means would consent to, notwithstanding
her repeated instances for above an hour, when
his majesty said he must take his leave, and go
to the bishop. But before he went out of the
room, she made him promise to return soon to
her again. Being come to his own apartment,
where he found the bishop, the king gave him
an account of all that had passed with the
queen, telling him positively, that he was re-
solved not to work with M. le Due alone, nor
return to the queen's lodgings. M. Frejus

192 CHAPTER 10.
desired him, since he had given his word, to go
back again to the queen, that if his majesty
was fully determined not to do business with
M. le Due alone, the best way was to send for
him to come. The king said, No, stay you
here, in the closet, and I will return to you again
immediately. " The conversation between the king and-
the bishop lasted on this occasion above an
hour and a quarter, before the bishop could pre
vail with him to return to the queen ; but be
ing gone, and the bishop having staid in his
majesty's closet above an hour, without hearing
any thing of him, he took it for granted that
the queen and M. le Due had prevailed with his
majesty to do business with his highness in his
absence, and therefore he returned to his lodg
ing, and took no further notice of the matter
that night. But early the next morning, hav
ing wrote a letter to his majesty, to acquaint
him with the reason of his retirement, and
beseeching him in a proper manner to dispense
with his future service and attendance upon
him ; and likewise another to M. le Due, for
obtaining his majesty's pardon and consent for
his leaving altogether the court, he went to his
country-house at Issy.
" His majesty was gone a hunting that morn
ing, before the receipt of the bishop's letter;

1725. 193
and immediately upon his return home in the
afternoon, the queen having desired to speak
with him, acquainted him that the bishop was
gone to his country-house. His majesty replied,
But I suppose to return again this evening?
The queen having thereupon answered, No, she
believed not, the king said nothing ; but, with
the greatest appearance of concern in his coun
tenance, suddenly left the room, and went to
his own closet, where, to avoid company com
ing to him, he retired to his garderobe, and set
himself upon the close-stool, in a very sullen
and melancholy posture. The duke of Monte-
mar, lord of the bedchamber in waiting, was
the only person that came near him, to see if
he wanted any thing; and having waited some
time, without his majesty saying any thing to
him, the duke himself ventured to say, Sire, M. de
Frejus est parti pour la campagne, tant pis pour
votre majeste, et pour Tetat. The king made no
reply ; but having soon after got up to return
to his closet, he called to the duke of Montemar,
and said, Allez incessamment chez M. le Due, et
dites luy, queje luy ordonne d'ecrire sur le champ
a M. Frejus, queje V attends demain d mon levee.
Whereupon the duke said, L'ordonnez-vous, Sire?
The king replied, Ouy, je I 'ordonne. The duke
Went and delivered his majesty's command to
his highness, who -sent an express that night to
vol. i. o

194 CHAPTER 10.
the bishop; and he accordingly waited upon his
majesty the next mdrning at his levee. It is
said that nothing could equal the concern and
uneasiness that his majesty shewed at the
bishop's absence, except it be the pleasure and
satisfaction which appeared in his countenance
upon the bishop's return next morning.
" This is the best account, my lord, I can
get of this extraordinary incident, which during
the time that it lasted, employed the attention
and reflections of every body, both native and
foreigner, the whole court and town taking the
bishop's part, excepting his particular friends,
who thought that his departure, without being
first apprised of the king's behaviour, was too
hasty and precipitate, and might have given to
his enemies a great advantage over him. M. le
Due has thought fit to take the turn of wonder
ing extremely at the bishop's going away, with
out the least reason or provocation ; and he began
the letter he wrote by the king's command, to
M. Frejus, by expressing his own surprise at his
absence, I having had an audience, on Satuiy
day, of his highness, to talk with him about
the king of Sardinia's accession to the treaty of
Hanover ; and finding him very gracious, took
an opportunity, as I was going away, to tell him
I hoped that all the noise about divisions^at
court was over, begging his pardon for touch-

1725. 195
ing upon so nice a subject, which was no con
cern of mine, any otherwise than as the strict
friendship and union betwixt the two crowns
would make me sorry if any thing should hap
pen that might disturb or weaken the admi
nistration here. He very obligingly said, ' To
you I will speak plain on this matter, which is
the most ridiculous thing that ever happened ;
and my friend the bishop, as I have since told
him, said his highness, had he been a child,
deserved to be whipped. Had he said the least
word to me, nothing of this nature would have
been ; for he had no reason in the world to go
away. M. Frejus and I, continued he, have al
ways been very good friends. I do not doubt
but we shall always continue so ; though I am
very sensible of the endeavours of some to
divide us, if possible ; but they will not be able
to have their end.'
" I will not conceal from your lordship that
the bishop's country-house being directly in my
way from Versailles to Paris, I stopt in my
chaise at the end of the village, at my return
from court that Tuesday, and sent my servant
to inquire how the bishop did ; resolving, in case
he gave me any encouragement, to have made
him a visit, and to have exhorted him to return
to court if possible ; being persuaded, should
he retire from business at this juncture, that
o 2

196 CHAPTER 10.
things would go into the greatest confusion
here, and have a dangerous influence on the
foreign affairs. He returned me a civil compli
ment of thanks, and said he hoped that he
should see me in two or three days, and very
early next morning he sent his secretary to me
to acquaint me that he was setting out to return
to court. I did not think proper to wait upon
him at Versailles, until Saturday last, and then
I took care to see M. le Due and M. de Mor-
Ville first.
" It is impossible for me to express the oblig
ing manner in which the bishop received me,
full of acknowledgment for that mark of my
friendship in calling upon him in that doubtful day
of his retirement ; and I hope his majesty will
not be displeased at my having taken this step,
which honour and gratitude, for his constant
behaviour towards me, called upon me to take,
whatever his fate might have been, which I am
persuaded he will never forget."
The observation of Mr. Walpole that Fleury
never would forget his visit, was verified by the
event ; and their intimacy was strengthened by
this mark of regard. The deference of Fleury
to the English embassador gave umbrage to the
French party, who were adverse to the union
with England. Montgon says, that Mr. Wal
pole had subjugated Fleury, and calls them two

1725. 197
fingers of the same hand ; marshal Villars also,
and the due de St. Simon * made the most ur
gent remonstrances to Fleury on his subserviency
to the English ambassador, but without effect.
* St. Simon speaking of this visit of Mr. Walpole, says,
" M. de Frejus fut si touchy de la demarche de ce ruse' Anglois
dans cette crise, qu'il le crut son ami intime." ***** " H
s'abandonna entierement aux Anglois avec une dependance,
qui sautoit aux yeux de tout le monde. Je resolus enfin de
lui en parler. * * * Sur sa confiance en Walpole, cn son frere,
et aux Anglois dominans il se mit a sourire. Vous ne savez
pas tout, me repondoit-il : savez-vous bien ce qu' Horace a
fait pour moi ? et me fit valoir cette visite, coinme un trait
heroique d'attachement et d'amitie qui levoit pour toujours
tout scrupule." St. Simon, torn. x.

u S

I9S
CHAPTER 11.
1726.
Mr. Walpole supports the Treaty of Hanover in Parliament-
Deaths of his Sister Lady Townshend and of his Brother Gal~
fridus — Transactions of the allies of Hanover and Vienna —
Reciprocal Preparations for War — Mr. Walpole's return to
Paris — Divided State of the French Ministry — False Suspi
cions of Intrigues between Fleury and the Court of Spain —
Fall of Ripperda.
A/f R- Walpole had continued at Paris from his
first arrival in October 1723, to the end of
1725, engaged in the most arduous affairs, with
only the intermission of two months in the spring
of 1724, which he obtained with the greatest diffi
culty. At this period his presence became
necessary in London, to explain the real state
and intentions of the French cabinet, to assist in
arranging the complicated business arising
from the late negotiations, and to defend the
treaty of Hanover, to which much opposition
was expected, both by his writings and in par
liament. The affairs of England were, in the interim,,
committed to his confidential secretary, Mr.
Robinson, whom he mentions in the highest
terms of esteem and affection ; who, during his
short absence, had displayed great prudence and

1726. 199
sagacity in treating with the French ministers^.
and acquired the full confidence of Fleury.
On his arrival in London, in January 1726,
Mr. Walpole found the ministry embarrassed
with the wavering conduct of the king of
Prussia, and the kingdom threatened with
invasion, from the united forces of Spain, Russia,
and the Emperor. He found the opposition
strengthened by the recent accession of the
Pulteneys, and the different parties united into
a compact body, by the address of Bolingbroke.
The parliament was opened on the 20th of
January ; and the treaties of Vienna and Han
over were laid before the Commons, on the 9th of
February, by Sir Robert Walpole. Being taken
into consideration on the l6th^ Mr. Walpole.
opened the debate with a long and well arranged
speech. After perspicuously detailing the his
tory of the treaties, from the peace of Utrecht to
the conclusion of the treaty of Vienna, he de
fended with great abilities the motives and con
duct of the king, in contracting the treaty of
Hanover. He laid open the ambitious designs of
the courts of Madrid and Vienna, and developed
their views and engagements hostile to the com
merce and interests of England, in contradiction
to existing alliances.
He added, " His majesty, ever watchful for
the interest of his British subjects, had caused
o 1

200 CHAPTER 11.
lively representations to be made, both to the
emperor and Spain. At the court of Madrid
those complaints were received with coldness
at the court of Vienna with haughtiness ; the
imperial ministry did not scruple to insinuate,
that if the king persisted in his resolution to
take measures in opposition to the treaty of
Vienna, the emperor would not only think him
self disengaged from the guaranty of the pro
testant succession to the crown of Great Britain ;
but that such conduct might be attended with
serious consequences, in relation to his majesty's
dominions in Germany. These insulting me
naces made no impression on his majesty's firm
ness, nor deterred him from concerting, with.
other powers, such measures as might check the
ambitious views of those who endeavoured to
render themselves formidable."
He then dwelt on the attempts of Spain to
conclude a marriage between don Carlos and an
arch-duchess, and expatiated on the danger of
such a match, which at a future period might
unite the Spanish and Austrian dominions under
the same monarch. He concluded with declar
ing, that "the main view of the treaty of Han
over was to maintain the public repose and
tranquillity of Christendom, and secure to each
contracting party the possession of their respec
tive dominions, with the rights-, immunities, and

1726. 201
advantages, particularly those relating to trade,
which their subjects enjoyed, or ought by trea
ties to enjoy."
This speech was ably answered by Mr. Daniel
Pulteney, who urged, that the subject was of
too great importance for a precipitate decision ;
and by Shippen, on the plea that the treaty
would engage the nation in a war, in defence of
the king's dominions in Germany, contrary to
the act of succession. These objections were
refuted by Mr. Pelham ; and an address moved by
him, expressing the' resolution of the house to
support the king " against all insults and
attacks upon any of his territories and domi
nions, though not belonging to the crown of
Great Britain," was carried by 285'against 107.*
This triumphant majority decided the fate of
the treaty, and the session was closed on the
24th of May.
During Mr. Walpole's continuance in England,
he experienced a domestic misfortune by the
decease of his sister, lady Townshend, who died
of the small-pox, on the 29th of March. This
elegant and accomplished woman was a
severe loss to her husband and family. She
greatly contributed, by her engaging manners,
* Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, ch. 29. Chandler. Tin-
dal, vol. ix. p. 543 and seq.

202 CHAPTER 11.
to enliven the fatigue of business, in which lord
Townshend was involved. Though educated in
the country, and unaccustomed, till her marriage,
to the manners of a court, she soon acquired great
ease and address ; and when she accompanied
her husband to Hanover, " gave," as lord
Waldegrave expresses himself in a letter to Mr.
Walpole, " with so much good humour, into the
ways of the country, that she pleased every body
to admiration*." Her death was the greatest
misfortune at this critical juncture, on account
of the growing misunderstanding between lord
Townshend and Sir Robert Walpole t, which her
influence over her husband and brother had
greatly contributed to diminish. She died in
the 40th year of her age, " generally and justly
lamented for her uncommon merit, and the ac
complishments that adorned her mind as well as
her person t."
In the month of August, Mr. Walpole suffered
another domestic loss by the death of his brother
Galfridus, who had entered at an early period
into the naval service, and highly distinguished
himself in the reign of queen Anne. He
was promoted to the command of the Lion, a
third-rate man of war, and in a severe action
* Hanover, December 19, 1725. Waldegrave Papers.
t Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, chapter 30.
X Political State for March 1725-6.
16

1726. 203
with the French, lost his right arm by a cannon-
ball. Soon after the accession of George the
First, he sat in parliament for the borough of
Lestwithiel, was nominated treasurer of Green
wich hospital, and in 1721 appointed joint post
master general.
The treaties of Vienna and Hanover divided
the views and occupied the attention of Europe.
The courts of Vienna and Madrid prepared to
carry their gigantic projects into execution.
Spain disdainfully rejected all the overtures of
the duke of Bourbon to pacify her resentment
for the dismission of the infanta, and laboured
to realise the vast but incoherent plans of Rip
perda. Philip publicly received the duke of
Wharton as the accredited agent of the preten
der, countenanced the plans of the duke of Liria
for the invasion of England, treated Mr. Stan
hope as a proscribed minister, engaged officers
for the service of the pretender, and sent a
large body of troops into Gallicia, apparently
to attack France, or invade England. He also
made large remittances to the emperor, and
promised additional subsidies on the arrival of
the galleons from America.
The emperor, on his part, was no less active ;
he gained the electors of Treves, Bavaria, Co
logne, Mentz, and Palatine ; he had nearly suc
ceeded in detaching the king of Prussia from

204 CHAPTER 11.
the treaty of Hanover, and meditated to arm
the northern powers against England. Cathe
rine maintained a predominant party in Sweden
and Denmark, and, assisted by the golden
showers of Spain, prepared to co-operate in the
invasion of England, which was to be attempted
at the same time from the coasts of Russia and
Norway, Flanders and Spain. With this view
the emperor and Spain projected the establish
ment of a military force of 240,000 men, exclu
sive of the Russian and electoral troops.
The spirited resolutions of parliament, to
defend the king's dominions in Germany, as
well as Great Britain, were supported by equal
vigour in the ministry, to gain new accessions
to the treaty of Hanover, and to repel the hos
tile aggressions of Spain and the emperor. Vast
preparations were made by sea ; Admiral Hosier
was sent with a powerful squadron to blockade
Porto Bello, and prevent the return of the gaU
leons, which were to convey from the new
world the annual treasures of Spain. Sir Charles
Wager, with another squadron, sailed to the
Baltic to check the hostile attempts of the
czarina, and secure the co-operation of Sweden
and Denmark ; while Sir John Jennings, having
on board a large body of land forces, cruized off
the coast of Spain.
• Such being the general state of affairs, the

1726. 205
great object of the British cabinet was to keep
France steady to her engagements, notwith
standing her earnest desire of a reconciliation
with Spain ; to infuse vigour into her counsels,
and, with her concurrence, to overcome the
Russian party in Sweden, to form a convention
with Denmark, and detach the German princes
from their alliance with the emperor. With this
object in view Mr. Walpole returned to Paris
on the 1 4th of May, and found the French ca
binet in a sad state of weakness and disunion.
The king was indifferent to affairs, solely oc
cupied with hunting and his visits to Ram-
bouillet*, estranged from the queen, to whom
he did not even speak for three months after
the retreat of Fleury, and having no will but
that of his preceptor.
The duke of Bourbon was absolutely govern
ed by madame de Prie and Paris du Verney ;
he was disgusted with the bishop's predominant
influence, anxious to obtain a reconciliation
with Spain, yet desirous to preserve the union
with England, through a dread of the vengeance
of Philip ; therefore timid, wavering, and averse
to the adoption of vigorous measures.
Morville, though friendly to England, and
* The seat of the count of Thoulouse, natural son of Louis
the Fourteenth.

206 CHAPTER 11.
easy of access to the British minister, was jea
lous of Fleury, and caballed with the duke
of Bourbon. " His knowledge of foreign af
fairs," to use the expressions of Mr. Walpole,
" was very scanty, upon entering into business ;
and his genius was naturally so narrow, that
there was no great prospect that time and ex
perience would ever make him a considerable
man, or any thing more than a clerk to receive
and execute orders, even in which he was not
so expeditious as could be wished. And al
though he loved the appearance and credit of
doing every thing himself; yet he would readily
submit to the opinion of him, who had the chief
power and authority in the government*.
Marshal Villars was attached to the duke of
Bourbon, to whom he solely owed his introduc
tion into the council of state. Though grossly
illiterate, and ignorant of foreign affairs, his
vanity led him to consider himself as great a
statesman as a warrior. Servile in his flattery,
though affecting independence, he had no real
influence ; and his increasing age and infirmi
ties rendered him a mere cypher.
The duke of Orleans, as presumptive heir to
the crown, had a seat in the council of state.
Though a prince of the strictest virtue and
* Mr. Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, Sept. 28, 1726.

1726. 207
morality, he was minute and superstitious in the
forms of religion, and ill calculated for business.
His capacity was slow, and he had not made
that progress in the knowledge of affairs which
was expected from his high station, age, and
experience. From animosity to the duke of
Bourbon, he was inclined to oppose his views ;
and indiscreetly, though innocently, communi
cated to his wife * the secrets of State, which
were transmitted through her family to the em
peror. Fleury v> as the soul of the French cabinet ;
though personally attached to Mr. Walpole, and
friendly to the union of the two crowns, as far
as was consistent with the interest of his coun
try, he had been recently suspected of entertain
ing a secret correspondence with Spain, and
countenancing the cabals of the Jacobites.
During the absence of Mr. Walpole, a letter
from the abbot Montgon to Morville, contain
ing vague communications on this subject,
which was transmitted by Mr. Stanhope, filled
Mr. Robinson with surprise and alarm. Adopt
ing, however, the prepossession of Mr. Walpole
in favour of Fleury, he waited on the bishop
late in the evening, and with great caution and
address communicated the intelligence. Hav-
* Maria Jane, daughter of Louis William, margrave of
Baden, whom he espoused in 1724 ; she died in August 1726.

208 CHAPTER II.
ing hinted that in a discourse with Mr. Stan
hope, Ripperda mentioned a negotiation at
Madrid, and a proposal recently made for recon
ciling the two crowns, unknown to M. le Due,
and managed by some persons of the first dis
tinction in France : " I was agreeably surprised,"
continues Mr. Robinson, " agreeably to my
own wishes and thoughts of the affair, by the
bishop's interrupting me with a smile, and that
unaffected openness in his countenance, and
saying, ' Am I not the person ? Am I not the
man of distinction in France who am to have
the honour of reconciling the two crowns, and
obliging M. le Due to go throw himself at his
catholic majesty's feet, and beg pardon ? We
have had the news here, post after post, and M.
le Due is acquainted with all my ill offices.' "
On insinuating further intimations from Rip
perda, of Fleury's proposal, in conjunction with
the duke of Orleans, for displacing the duke of
Bourbon, inducing the king of France to accede
to the treaty of Vienna, and for setting the
pretender on the throne ; " The bishop," adds
Mr. Robinson, " continued his gaiety and
laughing at Ripperda, and the thin artifice he
used to throw jealousies and intestine divisions
into this court, which he said was the last effort
of Spain, after that minister had found his at
tempt baffled, to give a diffidence of France to

1726. 309
England." He added, "Ripperda is ill-informed
of the situation of this court, to imagine me
capable of entering into any design to displace
M. leDuc, much more to have recourse to Spain
and him for that purpose. My intentions and
sentiments, with relation to the pretender, are
too well known. I have too true a knowledge
of the interests of my country and king to pre
cipitate his majesty into measures so pernicious
to France as to think of abandoning the king
of England's friendship.
" But I need not trouble you with these re
flections ; I am accountable to nobody but the
king for my actions. I see you are concerned
lest these calumnies should do me an injury. I
thank you for your confidence ; it is kindly done ;
but I have been a long time acquainted with
this Montgon's suspicions. It is a poor credu
lous creature ; but God knows what he would
be at. I never thought it worth while to trou
ble Mr. Walpole with these accounts of myself;
I despised them ; acquitted myself to the king.
Surely any thing so personal to myself was not
worth mentioning. However, once for all, I
protest solemnly to you, and (lifting up his eyes
and hands) I protest before God, that I have no
correspondence directly or indirectly, in Spain,
with any one person whatever."
At the bishop's instances, Mr. Robinson car-
VOL. I. 1'

210 CHAPTER 11.
ried the letter to Morville, who laughed at these
vague insinuations, made a warm eulogium of
Fleury, and offered to forfeit his own life if there
was the least truth in that part of the calumny
which related to him. The duke of Bourbon,
with whom Mr. Robinson had an interview on
this subject, treated the letter as an artifice of Rip
perda, and solemnly disclaimed any intention of
effecting a reconciliation with Spain, but through
the mediation of England. He strongly vindi
cated Fleury ; declared that they both acted for
the same service, and upon the same principles ;
and, drawing his hand across his throat, said,
" I will answer with my head for the bishop's
fidelity *."
The suspicions of the British ministry were for
a time allayed by this circumstantial and candid
account. The artifices of Ripperda, and the
origin of these absurd insinuations, were after
wards satisfactorily explained by Morville to
Mr. Walpole, and justly attributed to the officious
interference of Montgon, and to the credulity of
Stalpart and Sartine, the agents of France at the
court of Madrid.
Soon after his return to his embassy, the at
tention of Mr. Walpole was occupied by the ac
counts transmitted from Madrid, of the fall of
* Mr. Robinson to the duke of Newcastle, Paris, March 13,
1726.

1726. 211
Ripperda ; of his taking refuge in the house of
Mr. Stanhope, and disclosing the secret transac
tions between Spain and the emperor*. The
earliest intelligence of these extraordinary events
was communicated in a letter, dated the 18th of
May, from count Konigseg, the imperial embas
sador at Madrid, to Fonseca, the imperial minis
ter at Paris. Mr. Walpole received the first hint
from the Bavarian minister, on the 31st of May,
and on the 3d of June a confirmation of the ac
count from Morville and Fleury, which Fonseca
had just imparted to them. The imperial mi
nister, in making the communication, expressed
his regret at what happened ; hoped the French
court would not increase the flame, by adding
oil to it; and apologised for the emperor, in
having negotiated with such a wretch as Rip
perda. The French ministers highly applauded
the dexterity and prudence of Mr. Stanhope,
and seemed pleased at the hopes of obtaining a
full knowledge of the secret negotiations be
tween the courts of Vienna and Madrid. They
at the same time expressed their doubts whether
Philip had violated the rights of nations by
* The reader is referred to the Memoirs of Sir Robert
Walpole for an account of the rise, administration, and fall of
Ripperda ; and for the letters of Mr. Stanhope, Memoirs of
Sir Robert Walpole, chapter 35, and Correspondence, voL ii.
p. 572. 622.
P 2

212 CHAPTER 11.
forcing Ripperda out of Mr. Stanhope's house.,
urged Mr. Walpole to moderate the resentment
of his master, and anxiously deprecated a rup
ture with Spain.
On the 9th an account from Mr. Stanhope,
which was delayed by the arrest of his courier
at Victoria, reached Paris; and Mr. Walpole,
the following day, imparted the intelligence to
Fleury at Versailles. In this interview, which
was short, and frequently interrupted, Mr. Wal
pole was struck with a remarkable expression,
uttered by the bishop in the heat of conversa
tion ; ' ' The reign of first ministers is but short !"
which seemed to announce an approaching
change in the administration of France.

213
CHAPTER 12.
1726.
Dismission of the Duke of Bourbon — Correspondence of
Mr. Walpole on that Subject — Conference with Fleury.
•"THE surprise excited by the disgrace of Rip
perda was soon obliterated by an unex
pected event of still greater importance, the
dismission of the duke of Bourbon.
The recal of Fleury having ensured his triumph
over the duke of Bourbon, and riveted the affec
tions of the king beyond controul, he resolved
to obtain the dismission of madame de Prie and
Paris du Verney. After ineffectual attempts to
induce the duke of Bourbon to sacrifice his mis
tress and his confidant, he had a long audience
of the queen, and urged her majesty to remove
those persons who disgraced her household.
" What antipathy," said the queen, " causes
you to make such strong representations for
their dismission ?" " I have no antipathy," re
plied the bishop, " and the sole motive of my
repeated exhortations to the duke of Bourbon
is the dishonour which they entail on his cha
racter and administration." " But how can I,"
rejoined the queen, " dismiss these persons
from my household, who have been proved guilty
p3

214 CHAPTER 12.
of no crime, and only desire that their conduct
may be scrutinised ? 1 will freely own that the
disgrace of persons with' whose services I am
satisfied, will displease me." The bishop made
no answer ; and when the queen hinted at the
change of the king's affections, he replied, " I
am not to blame." She then represented to him
the chagrin of the duke of Bourbon at the
king's refusal to admit him to a private audience,
and solicited his interposition, but in vain *.
The duke of Bourbon was naturally dissatis
fied with continuing at the helm of affairs as a
mere deputy to Fleury ; but, aware of the bi
shop's ascendancy, concealed his disgust, and
affected to express the highest esteem and con
fidence in his co-adjutor. He even seemed to
pay some deference to the repeated exhortations
of Fleury ; Madame de Prie made a journey to
her country-house in Normandy; Paris du
Verney appeared seldom at Versailles, and an
important transaction of finance took place
without his knowledge. Alarmed at this neg
lect, du Verney summoned madame de Prie
from Normandy : she unexpectedly arrived at
court on the first of June ; and du Verney again
frequented, as usual, the board of finance, and
reassumed his imperious language and haughty
* Memoires dc Villars, torn. iii. p. .215--

1726'. 215
manners*. They even made another attempt
to obtain the disgrace of Fleury by means of
the queen.
These efforts accelerated the catastrophe ;
and the duke of Bourbon, aware that the strug
gle would probably end in his own disgrace,
offered his resignation to the king in the pre
sence of Fleury. This unexpected proposal
embarrassed the young monarch, till. Fleury said,
" Will your majesty consent to the proposal of
the duke, and not persuade him to continue in
your service t?" The king, thus relieved from
his uncertainty, requested the duke of Bourbon
to continue at the helm of affairs, with expres
sions of kindness and satisfaction. A general
persuasion, however, prevailed at court, that a
change was meditating ; and on the 10th of
June, marshal Villars observed to the comptrol
ler-general Dodun, "I see a storm ready to
burst over the head of the duke of Bourbon."
" I do not believe," replied Dodun, " that he
will continue in office three months." "Nor I,"
rejoined Villars, " eight days." But on the fol
lowing day Villars observing the dukes of Mon-
temar and Charost, who were enemies of the
duke, extremely cheerful, expressed his opinion
* Memoires de Richelieu, torn. iv.
t Memoires de Villars, torn. iii. p. 244 ; and Memoires de
Montgon, torn. ii. p. 111.
P 4

216 CHAPTER 12.
to Dodun that the storm was approaching-
His prediction was soon fulfilled : after the
conclusion of the council, held in the presence
of the duke of Bourbon, the king, before he de
parted for Rambouillet, at three, said to him,
" I shall expect you in the evening ; do not
make me wait supper." The duke continued to
do business with Breteuil and Dodun till eight ;
and going to his carriage, which was to convey
him to Rambouillet, met the count de St. Flo-
rentin with his papers ; but postponed the busi
ness till his return. At this instant the duke of
Charost presented to him a letter from the king :
" I command you, under pain of disobedience,
to retire to Chantilly, and remain there until
farther orders." The duke replied, "Accus
tomed to make the king obeyed, I shall be the
first to set the example ; but I expected, from
the friendship of the king, and the earnest desire
I have long shewn to retire, that my retreat
would not have been attended with these marks
of rigour." He instantly entered his chaise, ac
companied by a lieutenant of the body guards,
and drove to Chantilly, where he arrived at one
o'clock in the morning.
Fleury announced to the queen the removal
of the duke of Bourbon, and at the same time
delivered to her a letter written in the king's
own hand: "I entreat you, madam, and if neces-

1726. 217
sary, I command you, to do whatsoever the
bishop of Frejus shall tell you, from me, as if it
was told you by myself." In shewing this let
ter to marshal Villars, the queen burst into
tears. The dismission of the duke of Bourbon
was followed by the exile of Paris du Verney
and his three brothers, and madame de Prie*
had orders to retire into Normandy.
At three o'clock in the morning, Mr= Walpole
was awakened by a messenger with a letter
from Fleury :
" Monsieur f, Ce 11 Juin, a cinq heures.
" J'ay ete tente souvent de reveler a votre ex
cellence ce qui vient de se passer ; mais je n'etois
pas maitre du secret du roy, et mes ordres etoient
trop expres pour les violer. Sa majeste supprime
la charge de premier ministre, et M. le Due a
ordre de se retirer a Chantilly. Je ne doute pas
qu'il n'obeisse, et j'ay 1'honneur de vousl'ecrire
* She survived her disgrace a little more than a year, and
died of chagrin for the loss of her power, at the age of twenty-
nine, in October 1727. According to the Memoirs of Richelieu,
she poisoned herself.
t "Sir, June 11, 5 o'clock.
" I have been often tempted to reveal to your
excellency what has just happened ; but I was not master of
the king's secret, and my orders were too positive to be dis
obeyed. His majesty suppresses the office of first minister,
and the duke of Bourbon is commanded to retire to Chantilly.
I have no doubt but he will obey ; and I have the honour to
write this to you before-hand, because I shall ha\e no time

218 CHAPTER 12.
a l'avance, parceque je n'en aurai pas le temps
apres. Votre excellence peut estre assuree,
Monsieur, et je vous supplie d' assurer sa majeste
Britannique que cet evenement ne changera rien
dans les affaires et qu'elie trouvera la meme
fidelite et la meme exactitude dans nos traites
reciproques. Je ne puis dans ce moment que
lui protester le respect avec lequel je suis,
Monsieur, " de V. Ex"
" le tres humble et tres
" obeissant serviteur,
" A. H. anc. ev. de Frejus.
" Mardi, a cinq heures du soir."
This note Mr. Walpole instantly transmitted
to the duke of Newcastle, in a letter dated June
12, three o'clock in the morning :
" I have the honour to send your grace, in
closed, by express, the copy of a letter, which,
though dated at 5 o'clock in the evening, I re
ceived but this moment from bishop Frejus, by
a servant of his, who caused me to be waked on
purpose to have it given into my own hands ;
by which your grace will see that the office of
after. Your excellency may be assured, and I entreat you,
sir, to assure his Britannic majesty, that this event will make
no change in affairs, and that he will experience the same
fidelity and the same punctuality in fulfilling our reciprocal
treaties. At this moment 1 have only time to declare the
respect with which I am, Sir, &c.
" Tuesday, 5 in the evening."

1726. 219
prime minister is suppressed, and that M. le
Due has orders to retire to Chantilly, which, I
do not doubt, will be a surprising piece of news
to his majesty, having received no intimation of
it any sooner. I should indeed, had not this
midnight message prevented me, have given
your grace, by the messenger that carries this,
some account of some particulars that have lately
occurred to me, which gave me reason to suspect
that something of this nature might happen,
though not so suddenly ; and that from some
discourse I have lately had with the bishop, and
more particularly from what he said to me, even
yesterday at Versailles. For my friend, Mr.
Gedda, hinted to me some days since, in great
confidence, that the queen had let count Tarlo
know (who came hither about ten days ago)
that M. le Due had pressed her to speak to the
king to decide who should have the authority
of prime minister, his highness or bishop Frejus ;
and insinuated to her to do it in such a manner
if she could, as might determine his majesty in
favour of his highness. But she was too sensi
ble of the hazard she had formerly run of the
king's displeasure, who did not speak to her for
three months (as the bishop himself lately told
me) after the queen had taken part in favour of
M. le Due against him, and he had retired to
his country-house before Christmas. This con:

220 CHAPTER 12.
sideration determined her, by the advice of
count Tarlo, to let M. le Due know that she
could not venture to engage herself against
bishop Frejus ; but if any attempt was made
against M. le Due, she would oppose it ; and
that if she knew where the dispute lay, she
would endeavour to accommodate matters be
twixt them. She gave the same answer to ma
dame de Prie, who being newly come out of the
country, had earnestly talked to her majesty to
the same purpose.
"This intelligence, with other advices, (though
not from good hands,) that the king's frequent
journies to Rambouillet would prove prejudicial
to M. le Due ; the countess of Thoulouse hav
ing got possession, by a natural way of talking,
agreeable to the humour of the king, to speak
freely to his majesty of all things, and even
against the administration of his highness, de
termined me, yesterday was se'nnight, to sound
the bishop upon the situation of affairs betwixt
him and M. le Due, by which I easily perceived
a great coldness with regard to his highness.
The bishop freely owned to me' that he was by
no means pleased with M. le Due's, measures,
with regard to their domestic matters, and par
ticularly their finances ; his highness being en
tirely delivered up to the pernicious counsels of
madame de Prie and her creatures. As he let

1726. 221
fall to me some strong expressions, that the
service of the king his master was what he pre
ferred to all other considerations, and that he
could not sit easy and see things go on in the
manner they did, to the ruin of the State, which
in a short time would be out of capacity to
support itself, if other measures were not taken ;
I began at first to apprehend that he might
think of retiring again from court ; but, having
sounded him on that head, he gave me his
solemn promise and assurance that he had no
such intentions. ' I then gently touched upon
the French king having perhaps thoughts of
making him prime minister ; upon which he
declared there was no such design, and that
he would never take that weight upon him.
However, I could still perceive there was some
thing in his breast with regard to M. le Due,
which gave me occasion to intimate to him,
that I did not see how his highness's place
could be supplied, (unless the bishop himself
would take it,) by another person, without
hazard of greater inconveniences, and even to the
bishop himself, all things considered. But I
could get nothing else from him, besides that
nobody else could be prime minister ; continu
ing to shew, at the same time, a dissatisfaction
against M. le Due.
" I was since informed, that application had

222 CHAPTER 12.
been made, by some that are friends to the
Orleans family, to count Tarlo, for engaging
the queen to enter into a scheme for making
the count de Thoulouse prime minister ; which
determined me to make use of that handle for
discovering more fully the bishop's thoughts
with regard to M. le Due, and the administra
tion, when I was at Versailles on Monday last.
But I was so often interrupted when with the
bishop, that I had only time to communicate to
him Mr. Stanhope's account of what had hap
pened with regard to Ripperda, at which time
this remarkable expression fell from him, that
the reign of first ministers was but short ; but
I had no opportunity of talking more to him on
that subject then, at which I was the less con
cerned, because he had invited me to dine with
him the next day, in company with the marshals
d'Huxelles and Berwick.
" As I was alone with him yesterday, before
dinner, I took an occasion to intimate to him
the report I had heard that the count of Thou
louse was to be first minister. He not only
o-ave me the strongest assurances to the con
trary, but also represented to me the inconve
niences that he was sensible would happen from
thence. He let me know, at the same time,
that the nation would be pleased to see the ad
ministration of affairs in the king's own hands,
18

1726. 223
with a council to assist him. I told him, that
as I hoped I might venture to say that the king
himself appeared to have no application to
buiness, nor any turn that way, I thought, by
the nature of things, that however the autho
rity might seem to be in his majesty's power
only, yet there must be somebody who should
have the particular confidence of the king, and
to whom the principal resort and court should
be made by the subjects, to prevent a confusion
in business. " Yes," says he, " and so I think
there must." From whence I inferred, that he
meant himself; and as he said no more, I could
not pretend to press him any farther upon this
subject. But in taking my leave of the bishop
at seven o'clock, he stopped short twice, as I
was going out, as if he had something to say to
me ; and though 1 put the question to him, yet
he let me go without speaking out."
This dispatch was soon followed by another,
bearing date June 18th, (very private,) contain
ing an account of his first conference with
Fleury after this important event :
" I had the honour to send your grace yes
terday morning, by Lyng the messenger, a
copy of the letter bishop Frejus wrote to me in
his own hand, to acquaint me with the removal
of M, le Due. I can now let you know, that I

224 CHAPTER 12.
having, in the answer I returned to thank him
for that early communication, desired to wait
upon him when he should think fit, he imme
diately sent me word that he should expect me
with impatience this day to dine with him at
Versailles ; where I having accordingly been, I
began the conference with expressing my grate
ful sense of this fresh instance of his confidence
and friendship in the notice he had been pleased
to give me of this new and extraordinary revo
lution at court ; but I hoped at the same time,
that he would suffer me to make use of the
same amicable freedom, with which he had
always indulged me, to let him know I could
heartily have wished that he had extended his
usual kindness and confidence to me so far as
to have given me such early notice of this event,
that I might have prepared his majesty and his
ministers for it, for some important reasons,
which, I must own, in some measure nearly
affected me, and which, for want of such no
tice, would occasion, I was afraid, various re
flections at our court. He desired me to speak
my mind freely in every respect, and he hoped
he should give me an entire satisfaction. I
then continued my discourse to the following
effect : ' Sir, you may remember that some time
since, when I was in England, we received ad
vices from Spain, that intrigues were certainly

1726. 225
carrying on at this court, in concert with that,
by great men, with whom you was principally
concerned, for the removal of M. le Due ; which
made not the least impression on his majesty or
his ministers, chiefly on account of the assu
rances I gave them at that time, of there being
no foundation in it, from the knowledge I had
of your character and sentiments. Since, there
has been several reports of this nature which I
have hinted to you, of your being in close con
cert with the duke of Orleans and the count de
Thoulouse against M. le Due, and that the jour
neys which his most christian majesty made to
Rambouillet were contrived for that purpose :
and I will now tell you, sir, what I never would
do before for fear of making you uneasy, when
I thought the thing entirely groundless, and
therefore unnecessary, which was, that our con
stant advices from Vienna informed us that the
imperial court depends upon your friendship, if
M. le Due was out of the way. I then added
what Mr. Palm had lately said to Mr. Pozzo-
bueno, of count Broglio's doing nothing but by
order of the duke of Bourbon, and that the great
stroke of eclat which would happen in France
would be public before the said duke, or Broglio,
could have the least notice of it ; and it was so
strong and lively a resemblance of the case
that had now happened, that although it had
VOL. I. Q

226 CHAPTER 12.
gained no credit, and was looked upon by out
ministers as an invention ; yet it will, I am
afraid, joined with the other considerations,
much affect his majesty when he shall have
heard this news, and I shall (you will pardon me,
sir, my heart is so full, for saying it) be suspected
of having been mistaken in my thoughts and
accounts of you, and particularly as to your
confidence and friendship towards me.'
" I spoke to this purpose in such strong, but
at the same time in such cordial and friendly
terms, that he appeared a good deal touched,
though not at all displeased at it; and then
said; *« You have not been at all mistaken in me,
nor have I in the least deceived you ; when I
spoke to you formerly in confidence of M. le
Due, I never meant otherwise than what I said ;
my intentions were always sincere for his conti
nuation to be first minister ; and even after my
retreat into the country, and return to court,
notwithstanding his ill treatment of me, so little
deserved from him, I still resolved to live in
friendship with him, though with the same free
dom of speaking my mind to him as I had done
before ; but his unalterable perseverance in being
governed entirely by those whom I detested for
the sake of my king and country, made it im
possible for me to go on with him at that rate ;

1726. 227
and I had no other way to take, unless I would
absolutely withdraw myself from business,
which you had constantly engaged me not to do.
You may remember when you last week hinted
to me your apprehensions of disorders at court,
and of a difference between M. le Due and me ;
I did net then speak of his highness in the man
ner I had formerly done, and gave you plainly
to understand, that the situation of things, with
respect to us two, was a good deal altered. But
I could not venture to tell you, though I was
extremely desirous to do it, what was then in
agitation ; for the king had engaged me to the
utmost secrecy, by letting me know that he
would keep the secret, and desired that I would
do so too. However I was almost tempted to.
tell it you when you left me on Tuesday in the
afternoon : and I went so far as to send my
valet de chambre to look for you at five o'clock
on purpose, but you was gone to Paris ; and the
king's letter to M. le Due was not delivered till
six, and neither M. de Morville, nor any person
whatsoever but the duke de Charost, who waa
to execute his majesty's orders, knew of it till
after it was done. The whole matter passed
betwixt the king and myself, and even without
the queen's knowledge ; from whence you may
conclude, that the reports from Spain, as well as
whatever you may have heard here, of my cabal-
a 2

228 CHAPTER 12.
ling with the duke of Orleans and others, were
entirely groundless ; for neither he nor the
count de Thoulouse had the least intimation or
apprehension of it ; and when his highness
came post hither yesterday morning, with a
design to go immediately to Rambouillet, he
was desired to return back again to Paris.
What you mention of the imperial court depend
ing upon my interest in their favour, I can
assure you, to my certain knowledge, that M.
Fonseca not long since wrote the contrary, and
assured the emperor that he found me firm to
the engagements with England. As to what
Mr. Palm said to Pozzobueno, which he had
from one Falnie, I must own it has a great re
semblance to the event, and it struck both M.le
Due and me extremely when it was read ; but
it is one, of those accidental things that are said
sometimes by hazard, without any foundation,
and yet prove true.
"You may depend upon it (which he accom
panied with the strongest assurances) that this
alteration in our government will not make the
least change in our measures, particularly with
regard to the strict union and friendship between
his majesty and the king of Great Britain ; and
you know I have been the author and chief pro
moter of it. And as I have the same opinion of
you which I always had, and of your character,

1726. 229
I am resolved to do nothing without you ; and,
as a convincing proof of it, I desire you will read
this letter, which I have just wrote to the king or
Spain, but would not send till you had seen it ;
which he then put into my hands. * *
" He then told me that this letter was to be
sent to Madrid by the nuncio here, inclosed in
a letter which he (the bishop) would write to
the king of Spain's secretary of the cabinet, de
siring him to deliver it to his catholic majesty,
when he should have an opportunity of doing
it alone ; and he added, that the nuncio had not
seen it, and nobody else but myself. * * *
" In my conversation with the bishop alone,
which was continued after dinner, (the marshal
Berwick being the only person that dined with
us, and having retired as soon as we had dined,)
I began again with thanking him for the great
satisfaction he had given me in his assurances
and confidence on this occasion, which, I was
persuaded, would be agreeable to his majesty ;
but I told him that certainly this great event
would upon the first eclat have an effect to the
disadvantage of his majesty' s affairs, with re
gard to the union between the two crowns,
which . I had already perceived by my intelli
gence among the Jacobites and others, founded
upon a wrong notion they have of things, par-
ticularly with respect to his, the bishop's, prin.
Q.3

230 CHAPTER 12.
ciples and zeal for his religion. I therefore
hoped the liberty he had given me would excuse
my enquiring, as far as was proper, about the
form the administration might take, and the al
teration that was like to be in the present mi
nistry ; because, although it was not the business
of one court to concern itself about the persons
to be employed in another, yet neighbouring
princes and states would make their judgment
and reflections upon the measures that are like
to be taken by a court, from the known princi
ples of the persons that are like to be employed.
He then told me, with a ready freedom and
cordiality, that the administration was to be
carried on as in the time of Louis the Fourteenth,
when he took the government into his own
hands. There would be no prime minister, nor
any council, any otherwise than the council of
State that at present subsisted ; the respective
secretaries and other officers were to receive
from him, the bishop, their orders, and attend
and wait, in his presence, upon his most chris
tian majesty, for all matters of expedition that
required the king's sign manual ; and as for
matters of grace, they should pass entirely be
tween the French king and himself alone.
" I then said, that I supposed the council of
State would be augmented by the addition of
marshals d'Huxelles and Berwick, and some

1726, 231
others : he said, as to marshal Berwick, although
he had all possible confidence in him, yet as he
was to be the general to command in chief) he
would be contented with that employment^ and
did not care to be of the council. As to the
marshal d'Huxelles, he did indeed heartily wish
he would be of the council, but he made some
difficulty on account of the rank, which he
would not dispute, and yet could not yield to
him (the bishop) : and I believe the same rea
son, besides his thinking himself still of a higher
quality by his birth, makes marshal Berwick.
decline it too. I told him there would be an
easy expedient with regard to marshal d'Hux
elles, which was by his being made a cardinal.
He owned he thought that must be the case,
and then the marshal would come into the coun
cil ; and he assured me that nobody else was at
all thought of.
" I then asked him, if M. de Morville was to
continue in the same station ? Having given me
an answer as if he had really such intentions,
but not as an absolute determination ; I told
him, that if I might be so free as to give him
my opinion, I thought he could not do better ;
for M. de Morville was of a capacity proper to
be a subaltern, had no great nor extensive ge
nius, nor had any other ambition but that of
being subservient to the person in chief power,
q 4

232 CHAPTER 12.
was supple and diligent, and consequently would
now shew the same fidelity and attachment to
him as he had done before to M. le Due, for
fear of losing his station. And he was of a
temper, though not so open and free in his con
ferences with the foreign ministers as they
could wish ; yet he was mild and agreeable
enough in his manner of treating them, and had
in general the character of an honest man. All
these qualities and considerations made him, I
thought, proper to work under the bishop, who,
I hoped, would keep the conduct of affairs en
tirely in his own hands, without any partner or
competitor whatsoever; representing to him
that in case there were any thoughts of M. de
Torcy, I apprehended that the impression he
had made in his former administration upon
the minds of all good Englishmen, as a deter
mined enemy to our present government, and
established succession, the name of his being
employed again would occasion such a general
alarm in our nation, that no reasons or allega
tions whatever of his having changed his mea
sures and maxims would be able to remove it ;
and that notwithstanding whatever I might say
by his, the bishop's, authority, to the contrary,
I should be looked upon as a dupe. To this I
added, that as M. de Torcy had, in the time of
Louis the Fourteenth, the chief conduct of fo-.

1726. 233
reign affairs, his opinion of his own abilities in
that province, and his natural ambition to be at
least as considerable as he formerly was, would
not make him easily acquiesce with a subordi
nation ; and consequently he might embarrass
the bishop, who would not be able to remove
him afterwards so easily, as he might be to
keep him out of power at present. Besides he
knew very well M. de Torcy's principles as to
religion, being a thorough jansenist, which was
very opposite to his notions. He then most
solemnly assured me, he had not the least inten
tions of employing M. de Torcy, for the reasons
I had alleged.
" I then asked him, whether I might make
M. de Morville a compliment, of the great satis
faction I had of his being still to be employed ?
The bishop said I might go further, and tell
him I was , sure there were no thoughts of re
moving him, and that he had a particular friend
ship and regard for him. He then told me,
that notwithstanding he had lately given me
an answer, as if he should not take in M. le
Blanc, as he was not indeed absolutely deter
mined then about him; yet he must acquaint
me, that it is impossible for him to do without
him, especially in case of a war, he being the
only person in France, by the voice of the whole
nation in general, that was capable of that post.

234 CHAPTER 12.
I gave him to understand that he was looked
upon as no friend to England, and I had certain
knowledge of his being intimate 'with madame
de Mezieres, and even, in the time of the duke
of Orleans, of having a correspondence with the
Jacobites and particularly with my lord Orrery,
in the last conspiracy.. He told me, the late
duke of Orleans was a great genius, but cun
ning and inconstant, and too apt to act a double
game, and give trouble to those with whom he
was in the strictest friendship ; that M. le Blanc
should be no minister, but only secretary in the
room of M. Breteuil : and he would take effec
tual care he should do nothing that should give
the least jealousy and umbrage to his majesty.
" It was impossible for me to oppose M. le
Blanc's coming in any further, when the bishop
gave me to understand that he was already sent
for to court. I am sensible that his arrival will
at first occasion reports to the disadvantage of
his majesty's affairs, among the Jacobites, and
the ordinary news-mongers ; but as we are al
ready prevented, on his account, we shall soon
see either those insinuations entirely removed,
or what we are like to expect by his way of
working. But I do flatter myself, that we shall
have nothing to fear from him, as long as the
bishop continues to govern ; and it is certain
his prejudice against England was in a great

1726. 235
measure occasioned by Sir Luke Schaub, who,
by entering into all the little intrigues of the
late cardinal du Bois, personally offended and
affronted those that the cardinal disliked and
designed to remove. However, I shall be very
watchful of the part that M. le Blanc shall take ;
and should he act a right one, his boldness and
abilities will certainly alarm the imperial court,
more than any other step that could be taken
here. " The bishop afterwards gave me to under
stand, that M. Peletier des Forts, a great friend
of Marshal Berwick, and uncle to M. Broglio,
would succeed M. Dodun as controuler of the
finances ; he is looked upon as a very capable
and honest man, but of a warm and hasty tem
per. I do not doubt but M. St. Florentin and
M, Maurepas will continue in their posts : but
I did not think it decent to ask the bishop any
more questions about the administration. I
only earnestly recommended to him to keep
the entire management of affairs, as much as
possible, in his own power, and under his own
thumb ; since it was plain that nobody had the
least credit with his most christian majesty but
himself, and that was the only way to preserve
it. I exhorted him to mix with that sweet and
agreeable temper and address, with which he
charmed every body that approached him, vi-

236 CHAPTER 12.
gour and resolution in his councils and measures,
as the only way to preserve the peace of Europe
so desirable to us all.
*« I then asked him, whether he would not,
besides what he had wrote and said to me, give
the other foreign courts and ministers here to
understand, that this revolution should make
no alteration in the present system of affairs,
and particularly in the union and confidence be
tween his majesty and France ? He having re
plied that M. de Morville was ordered to prepare
and sign proper letters to the principal courts
of Europe for that purpose, I told him that
would be at first looked upon only as a usual
circular, which would have been sent of course,
although there had been thoughts of this court's
taking new measures ; but what should come
from himself would be considered as certain
and authentick, his character as to his word
and honour being so well known. He answered,
he never designed to write himself, not taking
upon him the style of prime minister ; but, for
the reason that I alleged, he would speak to
the ministers here, in their first audience of him,
especially to those of the: imperial faction and
influence, to the effect that I desired. Having
just then received from M. Fonseca/ a letter in
closing M. Orendayn's * circular to the foreign
* The Spanish secretary of State," afterwards well known
under the name of the marquis de la Paz. i

1726. 237
ministers relating to Ripperda's affair, he gave
it me to read, and told me he would take the
opportunity, in answer to that letter, to let M.
Fonseca see that France should continue to pur
sue the same system of affairs and alliances that
were now subsisting, for the preservation of the
peace of Europe.
" Thus, my lord, ended the long confer
ences with the bishop, in the account of which, if I
have given your grace too much trouble, I hope
the importance of the occasion will excuse me ;
thinking it necessary to give his majesty the
best light I could of what is and is like to be
the present administration of affairs here, which
in short will center in bishop Frejus, who, with
out the title of prime minister, will have the
power in a more absolute manner than it was
ever enjoyed by cardinal Richelieu or Mazarin.
" I am sensible that there will be various
refinements and speculations, as if the bishop
had it always in his mind to be prime minister,
but staid until, by establishing an undoubted and
unrivalled authority in the mind of the young
king, he had fully prepared matters for this
great stroke. But I am still of another opinion,
and that he would never have had the least
thoughts of removing M. le Due, had his high
ness not persisted in being delivered up entirely
to the advice of madame de Prie and her crea-

2S8 CHAPTER 12.
tures, instead of acting in concert with the
bishop's opinion, for the good of the nation ;
until the whole nobility, clergy, and gentry, and
populace, cried so loudly against M. le Due,
that it may be truly said, there never was so
universal a joy in France as his removal has
occasioned. Your grace may perhaps likewise
hear, as most of the foreign ministers believe,
that I was entirely in the secret, on the account
of my not having by accident seen M. le Due,
that day, and of my having almost all the day,
besides dining with the bishop, been in confe
rence either with him or M. de Morville. Your
grace will have seen, by what goes before, that
I had not that honour; yet this report may
have the good effect to make it sooner believed,
that through my intimacy with the bishop,
there is no likelihood of there being any altera
tion with regard to the union between England
and France ; and, all things considered, perhaps
it was better that the bishop did not tell me of
the resolution he was determined to take, since
it might very much have embarrassed his ma
jesty as to his opinion and advice about it. I
think, in the main, he has shewn me a greater
confidence than he has done to any one person
whatever, at least of a foreigner, not excepting
the pope's nuntio, who is a great favourite of
his ; and given me such assurances of his admi*
18

1726. 239
nistration being steady to the engagements of
France, and agreeable to his majesty's interest
and sentiments, that his future conduct, he be
ing entirely the master now of this kingdom,
must prove him the honestest man or the greatest
 living; I own I have still the best opi
nion in the world of him.
" To conclude : after I left the bishop, I
made my compliments to M. de Morville, upon
the assurances I had of my being so happy as
to have still the honour and pleasure of negotiat
ing with him, which I was sure would be agree
able news to his majesty and ministry ; and not
to trouble you, after so long a dispatch, with
what passed between us, he shewed me the
letter the king wrote to him with his own hand,
which was to this effect :
" We do order the sieur de Morville to do
" and dispatch all matters, that shall be told
" and directed by bishop Frejus, as much as if
" we should speak to him ourselves/' " Louis."

240
CHAPTER 13.
1726.
Commencement of Cardinal Fleury' s Administration — Council
of State — Characters of Marshals Tallard and D'Huxelles 
Continuation of Mr. Walpole's Influence.
"ipLEURY was in the 70th year of his age,
when the helm of government was thus en
trusted to his direction. Soon after this event
he was nominated cardinal, a dignity which he
had repeatedly refused to accept, through the
interest of the dukes of Orleans and Bourbon,
or through the mediation of the kings of Eng
land and Spain ; resolving, with no less patrio
tism than independence, to owe his elevation
solely to the interposition of his own sovereign.
On the removal of the duke of Bourbon, the
co-adjutors of Fleury, in the council of State,
were the duke of Orleans, marshal Villars, and
Morville. Mr. Walpole, - after -drawing' their
characters, in a letter to the duke, of Newcastle,
explains the motives and conduct of Fleury, in
admitting the marshals d'Huxelles and Tallard :
" This was the state of the ministry when his
most christian majesty declared that he reposed
his most intimate confidence in the cardinal;
and that minister became sensible, that while
his authority and power, in the management of

1726. 241
affairs, would be equal to that of a prime minis
ter, he would likewise be accountable for the
event of them ; and that the good or bad suc
cess of the administration would entirely re
dound upon him. As he certainly has the best
intentions, as well as a perseverance to do that
which is right, so he is likewise desirous that
the voice of the nation should accompany his
good actions. This love of popularity, joined
with the natural mildness of his temper, is some
times a restraint upon him, and subjects him to*
a management that in some cases proves incon
venient ; but as it never makes him swerve or
deviate, in the least, from pursuing the point
he has in view, he has steadiness, and with it
dexterity enough to compass what he designs,
without the displeasure or resentment of any
body. I must do him the justice on this occa
sion to declare, that I believe the preserving of
a strict union between his majesty and France,
pursuant to the engagements now in force be
tween the two crowns, is the foundation of his
present thoughts and system, relating to the af
fairs of Europe.
" This being the situation and temper of- the
cardinal, upon the removal of M. le Due, he
thought it necessary, considering the mean
opinion the world had of the council in the time
of his highness, as well as consistent with the
VOL. I. R

242 CHAPTER IS.
dignity of the government, to increase the num
ber of ministers of state*. *****
" The cardinal, as your, grace knows, imme
diately took, while he continued bishop, the
marshal d'Huxelles t into the consultation upon
foreign affairs, until the difficulty, on account
of the rank, for admitting him formally into
the council, was removed ; which being done by
his promotion to the cardinalship, and he, think
ing it proper to add one to the council, took an
occasion, as I informed your grace, to let me
know that he had pitched upon the marshal de
Tallard ; and in talking to him upon this sub
ject, he has told me, that he has reason to believe
that marshal would act as he, the cardinal, should
think fit, and that any other person that he
* Fontainebleau, Sept. 28, N. S. 1726. Walpole Papers.
f Nicholas du Ble-, marquis d'Uxelles, was born in 1652.
He was educated for the church, but, on the death of his
elder brother in 1669, engaged in the military line. He dis
tinguished himself on many occasions, and was rapidly pro
moted to the highest military honours, until he obtained the
rank of marshal of France in 1703. No less fit for negotia
tions than for arms, he was one of the plenipotentiaries at
Gertruydenberg and Utrecht. In 1718 he was constituted a
counsellor of the regency. Marshal d'Uxelles is described by
Si. Simon as indolent, vain-glorious, voluptuous and liber
tine ; haughty and domineering to his dependants, and servile
to "his superiors ; full of intrigues and cunning, under the mask
of the greatest simplicity. He was, however, a man of talents
and business, and better acquainted with foreign affairs than his
colleagues, Memoires de St. Simon, torn. xi. p. 12. Dicti-
onnaire de la Noblesse, art. B16.

1726. 243
could have thought of would have been more
liable to objection. **»*»*
"" They are both (speaking of the marshals
d'Uxelles and Tallard) of the old court, which
had indeed a most inveterate aversion to Eng
land, and the present happy establishment.
But the continuation of so long a peace between
the two nations, the low condition of the affairs
of France, the apprehensions of the emperor's
power, the disposition that his majesty has
shewn, during his whole reign, to maintain a
good understanding with this nation, joined with
the general opinion here of his majesty's virtue
and steadiness, and of his being daily more and
more adored by his subjects, has, in a great mea
sure, worn out the former hatred of France against
England, even among the old courtiers ; though
there still remains a pride, which makes some
of them think that England makes too great a
figure, and that France should take the lead,
more than they do, in the concert between the
two nations. But as I have taken care to pre
vent the cardinal against any such notions, I
think that if either marshal d'Huxelles, or Tal
lard, should let them appear, in some cases, it
will have no effect upon the present system and
measures. " Marshal d'Huxelles will, in order to keep
up that dignity which he thinks becomes his
r 2

244 CHAPTER IS.
person and character, of speaking his mind
plainly, and without reserve, sometimes growl ;
but, to give him his due, as he becomes every
day more and more instructed in the points of
mpment, that are in dispute with the emperor,
he is more and more convinced of the justice
and necessity of the measures taken by his ma
jesty, in concert with France, before he came
into the administration. His inclinations for a
reconciliation with Spain are certainly greater
than that crown deserves of France ; and, con
sidering the haughty temper of the queen of
Spain, will rather contribute to keep it at a
greater distance than to advance it. His pre
cautions, for fear of a war, are certainly greater
than the danger of one, and considering the
nature of the imperial court, are more proper
sometimes to make that court imperious than
submissive. However, he does extremely well
in the main, and has a strong aversion for the
ministers of Vienna, and especially count Sin-
zendoff, who has no better liking to him, as the
marshal has told me himself.
<( The marshal Tallard * loves business ex
tremely, to talk much, and to give his own
* Camille d'Hostun, compte de Tallard, and due d'Hos-r
tun, was bop in 1652, and embracing, at an early
period, the profession of arms, raised himself so much
into notice, "by his courage and skill, that in the 23d year

1726. 245
opinion, but by his behaviour yesterday, and
by his character of having been always a most
servile courtier, I believe he will never differ
with the cardinal in any material point.
" This account, together with what your
grace will see in my other dispatch, about what
has passed relating to the Ostend company, will,
I presume, make his majesty extremely easy as
to the present situation and disposition of this
court*." The union and friendship between Mr. Wal
pole and the cardinal triumphed over all the en
deavours of the imperial and Spanish courts to
of his age, Turenne entrusted him with the command of
the main body of his army at the battle of Mulhausen. He
was created, in 1703, marshal of France ; but he is less known
for his various successes than for his memorable defeat at the
battle of Blenheim, by the duke of Marlborough, where he
was taken prisoner. The loss of the battle, however, was not
imputed to his misconduct ; for the same year he was appointed
governor of Franche Comte", and on his return from England,
in 1712, created due d'Hostun.
He is thus described by the caustic St. Simon : " C'etoit un
homme de taille mediocre, avec des yeux un peu jaloux,
pleins de feu et d'esprit, mais qui ne voyoient goutte, maigre,
have, qui representoit l'ambition, l'envie et l'avarice ; beaucoup
d'esprit, et de graces dans l'esprit ; mais sans cesse battu du
diable, par son ambition, ses vues, ses menses et ses detours,
et qui ne pensoit et ne respiroit autre chose ; un homme,
enfin, a la compagnie duquel tout le monde se plaisoit, et a
qui personne ne se fioit." Memoires de St. Simon, torn. xiv.
p. 21. * Fontairiebleau, Sept. 28, N. S. 1726.
R 3

246 CHAPTER 13.
infuse jealousy between France and England,
and defeated all the intrigues of the Jacobites,
who founded sanguine hopes on the elevation
of a catholic bishop, and of the Spanish party in
France, who thought the glory of their country
was tarnished by her alliance with England.
But, to use Mr. Walpole's own expressions,
" these artful designs were soon all disappointed
by the cardinal's firmness ; and he wrote him
self, at Mr. Walpole's request, and caused the
secretary of State, Morville, to write letters,
conceived in the strongest terms, to Spain, in
justification of his Britannic majesty's measures,
by sending his squadrons into the West Indies,
the Mediterranean, and on the coast of Spain, to
testify the French king's resolution to stand by
his engagements with England, to the great
surprise ^of the Spaniards, and indeed of all
Europe, considering the cardinal's supposed
bigotry, and his antient attachment to king
Philip. And such was Mr. Walpole's manage
ment and influence with him, that although his
eminence had nothing more at heart than to
bring about a reconciliation of the family differ
ence, between the nephew and the uncle, yet
he never could be worked upon by the turbulent
spirit of the queen of Spain, by the intrigues of
Jesuits, nuntios, and other emissaries, to attempt
to do it at the price and hazard of breaking the
14

1726. 247
union of France with England ; and while the
malevolent patriots and Jacobites industriously
exposed, in their libels, Mr. Walpole as a dupe to
the cardinal, the queen of Spain used to say pub
licly, that his eminence was a poltron, and go
verned entirely by that heretic Horace Walpole.
" The cardinal's steadiness, in concurring with
his Britannic majesty, in all his negotiations with
foreign powers, so strengthened the treaty of
Hanover, as to frustrate and defeat all the views
and resources employed in all parts by the Ger
mans and the Spaniards, to enable them to execute
the vast projects of their Vienna treaties*."
Soon after Fleury's elevation, Mr. Walpole
experienced a striking instance of his confidence
and sincerity. He had determined to remove
the duke of Orleans from the council of State,
with a view of placing the government on the
same foot as under Louis the Fourteenth, when
the princes of the blood were excluded from all
share in the administration of affairs; but he
was diverted from this resolution, by the strong
and friendly remonstrances of Mr. Walpole.
After complimenting him on the general appro
bation he had gained by the removal of the duke
of Bourbon, and the moderation he had displayed
towards his enemies, the British minister dis
played the fatal effects which might arise from
* Mr. Walpole's Apology.
R4

248 CHAPTER IS.
the exclusion of the duke of Orleans, and the
embarrassment it might produce in administra-
tion, by uniting the princes of the blood against
him. He then urged, in strong terms, the jea
lousy which such a step would occasion in those
powers who were guarantees to the succession of
the house of Orleans, as settled by the peace of
Utrecht, as if he was preparing to undermine
that succession, by removing the presumptive
heir to the crown.
These remonstrances staggered Fleury, and in
a subsequent conference he thanked Mr. Walpole
for his advice, and assured him that he had re
linquished his intention of removing the duke of
Orleans from the council of State.

249
CHAPTER 14.
1726—1727.
Proceedings in Parliament relative to the Treaties of Vienna und
Hanover — Embarrassments of Cardinal Fleury — His Decla
rations to Mr. Robinson — Mission and Character of the Abbot
Montgon — Uncertain State of the French Cabinet — Siege of
Gibraltar — Successful Representations of Mr. Walpole — ¦
Vigorous Resolutions of the French Court — Measures of the
Hanover Allies — Preliminaries of Peace signed at Vienna —
Death of George the First.
A/TR. Walpole quitted Paris on the 12th of
December, leaving, as usual, the conduct of
the British affairs to Mr. Robinson ; and passing
through Holland, where he concerted with the
leading members of the republic, the plan of
operations for the approaching contest, reached
London before the meeting of parliament.
The speech from the throne, on this important
occasion, contained a remarkable passage : " I
have likewise received information, from different
parts, on which I can entirely depend, that the
placing the pretender upon the throne of this
kingdom is one of the articles of the secret en
gagements." This charge, formally announced from the
mouth of the king, was as formally disavowed by
the emperor, and occasioned his imprudent

250 CHAPTER 14.
appeal to the British nation, by the publication
of his minister, count Palm's memorial, which
roused the spirit of the people, and united all
parties in support of the dignity of the throne.
This formal charge on one side, and denial on
the other, of the two sovereigns, gave rise to a
controversy, which occupied the attention of
Europe at the period, and is still undecided.
Mr. Walpole, whose sagacity and information
cannot be disputed, and whose sincerity cannot
be questioned, believed the existence of these
secret articles ; as appears from numerous docu
ments and observations in his own hand-writing,
found among his papers, not only during the
negotiations against Spain and the emperor, but
even in the latter period of his life, when he had
no views or interests to promote. Perhaps no
proof made a stronger impression on his mind
than the communication of the secret articles
by two Sicilian abbots, of great birth and con
sequence, who received them from king Philip
himself, on the 15th of November 1725, for the
purpose of making their observations*.
* I have, in the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole t, asserted,
" that the papers and documents submitted to my inspection
fully display the proofs on which the reality of the secret arti
cles was formed," and which occasioned, the public declara
tions of the king and ministers in parliament ; that the empe-
f Chap. 28, and Vol. ii. Correspondence, particularly the article Ripperda.

1726—1727- 251
The spirit of England was roused by the
imperious conduct and menaces of the emperor
and Spain ; and the efforts of parliament co-ope
rated with the zeal of the nation. The address
ror and king of Spain proposed to attempt the recovery of
Gibraltar, and the restoration of the pretender. 1 nattered
myself, that the documents I had inserted in the Correspon
dence, and the proofs I had given in. the Memoirs, would be
sufficiently decisive, in the opinion of any reasonable and un
prejudiced person, to certify (as far as was compatible with
the nature of such evidence) the existence of the secret arti
cles. The only contradiction to these proofs was the simple
disavowal of the emperor ; but his assertion can be of little
weight in this instance, as he equally denied other secret stipu
lations, which were afterwards proved. In fact, the confidential
letter from count Zinzendorf, the emperor's favourite minister,
to Palm, confirms beyond a doubt the secret resolutions of the
emperor. " Do they say there is a secret engagement entered into in
the offensive alliance concerning Gibraltar ? That is the greatest
untruth, as the treaty itself shews. Do they say an agreement
is made concerning the pretender ? That is likewise the greatest
untruth that can be imagined. Let them ask all the Jacobites,
whether they have heard one word from us or from Spain that
could be construed to mean such an enterprise, so long as
we don't enter into a war ? but then we shall help our
selves as well as we can. In short, the mad English ministry
shall never bring us to any thing through fear : our measures
are so taken, that certainly we shall be able to oppose the
aggressor." These words, if they mean any thing, prove the point in
dispute. For it cannot be supposed that the emperor intend
ed to assist the pretender, unless he entered into a war with
England ; and that war could only be avoided on the part of
England, by acceding to the treaty of Vienna, which stipulated
the restitution of Gibraltar, and contained articles inimical to

252 CHAPTER 14.
to the king was carried in the house of com
mons by 251 votes against 81, and in the house
of lords by a great majority. A subsidy was
granted to the landgrave of Hesse Cassel for the
the commerce of England, and the subsisting treaties in
Europe. It is needless to quote any more of this extraordinary letter,
which contains only vague assertions of the emperor's peaceable
desires ; yet Mr. William Belsham cites this very letter as
"an historical demonstration, that the intelligence upon which
the court of London relied in this instance, was wholly erro
neous, from whatever quarter, or with whatever view or
intention it might have been communicated." I must, how
ever, remark, that this author, with, his usual inaccuracy of
quotation, when a passage militates against his own opinion,
has omitted two threatening sentences ; the first beginning
with, " In short the mad English, &c." and the second, which
thus concludes the letter, " What then is the cause and reason
for making war ? The augmentation of 30,000 men goes on, and
u)e ate sure of many friends."
The same author, after citing the sentence of the Memoirs,
at the beginning of this note, adds, " If this cloudy jargon be
intended to convey a belief of the reality of this design, let him
produce those papers and documents which he pretends to have
been submitted to his inspection, and which shall outweigh
and supersede the positive and confidential declaration of the
imperial prime minister to the imperial embassador, actually
resident at the court of London." Mr. William Belsham's Two
Historical Dissertations, page 82.
I am unwilling to deluge the public with more State papers,
aftfer having published two thick quarto volumes ; but it will
be a sufficient answer to Mr. Belsham's challenge, to subjoin
the fifth article of the secret treaty, which was communicated
to Platania and Carraccioli, the two Sicilian abbots, by king
Philip himself :
" 5° Their cesarean and catholic majesties, foreseeing that
the king of England will oppose the execution of such designs,

1726^1727- 253
maintenance of 12,000 men ; and a vote of cre
dit passed, empowering the king to defray the
expences of his engagements. Before the close
of the session, which terminated on the 15th of
May, the critical position of affairs hurried Mr.
Walpole to Paris, to keep France steady to her
engagements, and to concert active operations ;
as Spain had already commenced hostilities by
the siege of Gibraltar, and the emperor was
making vast preparations to carry his threats into
execution. During the absence of the British minister*,
the jealousy entertained by the court of Versailles
of the English squadrons had increased ; and the
alarm at the stoppage of the galloons, which had
occasioned bankruptcies among the French mer-
as well in regard to his particular interests, as not to lose his
umpireship in Europe, for which reason he will undoubtedly
engage the English nation, and unite the Dutch and other prin
ces in his league, they oblige themselves to seek all methods to
restore the pretender to the throne of Great Britain ; to which
end the catholic king was to make use of the pretence of the
restitution of Gibraltar, which he was to demand immediately
as soon as the peace of Vienna was published."
The free remarks which these ecclesiastics made on the se
cret articles, inflamed the resentment of Philip, and he ba
nished them from Spain. They then retired into France, en
joyed the protection of the French government, and imparted^
much, useful intelligence to Mr. Walpole. I trust this docu
ment, in addition to those already published, will shew the
futility of opposing vague conjectures and perverted reasoning
against positive fact.

254 CHAPTER 14.
chants, raised a clamour against the administra
tion of Fleury. Mr. Robinson having delivered
to the cardinal a strong memorial from Mr.
Walpole, urging him to listen to no proposal
from Spain, but to declare war on the first hos
tility against Gibraltar ; he candidly displayed
the embarrassments under which he laboured,
and expressed a desire to open a negotiation
with the emperor, or Spain, rather than court
hostilities. " The allies," he said, " may trust me, that I
shall never receive any proposal, without com
municating it to them, nor give any answer but
what is agreeable to their sentiments. But as
much management as I am bound to have for
them, I am no less obliged to have some for our
own people. The king has, and still honours
me with his most intimate confidence; but I
am far from having that of the nation in general,
who, by the arts of some, or the ignorance of
others, are taught to imagine that I myself am
too easy, and entirely led by the English.
What is still worse, this evil has crept into the
council ; and I am often obliged to hear these
reproaches thrown to my face ; or when certain
persons dare not contradict, at the board, the
force of my reasons, they are afterwards weak
or malicious enough to give out in the world,
that I am the only author of all : it is in vain

1726—1727. 255
that they oppose me, and sometimes truly, some
times falsely, arrogate to themselves the public
merit of having done so. This is my situation,
which would be much worse if I did not appear
to be as ready and willing to hear all proposals
for an accommodation, as I am resolute and de
termined to reject all such as cannot be received
by the allies. An instance happened yesterday
in council, to whom I appealed ; applying my
self to the king, whether they had not all been
of opinion that the first proposal from the empe
ror was not receivable ? they answered yes ; and
so of the second. I asked the same of the last,
to which they gave the same reply ; I then de
sired they would remember it, that on my side I
might hear no more reproaches, and that on theirs
they might expect to see me act in consequence
of what they then avowed.
" I speak to you," he added, " with sincerity,
and as frankly as I write. I flatter myself this
openness made my late letter as well received
by the king of England as all my others are, I
hope, by Mr. Walpole. I shew the difficulties
I labour under at home, as well as point out to
you what you have to rely upon. There is that
difference between what I appear to do here,
and what I am resolved to do in the main ; the
one is for my honour, the other for my self-
preservation. To do otherwise than I do for

256 CHAPTER 14.
the allies, would be to forfeit my word ; and I
might run the risk of being stoned, if I was
thought here to do so much ; for you must not
imagine that this nation is universally disposed
to a war, or will easily be brought to make one
upon Spain ; and therefore I am at a loss how to
answer Mr. Walpole, when he demands that we
should declare immediate war against that na
tion on the first hostility of Gibraltar. There
is the same reason for me not to disoblige the
people of France, as there is with him for satis
fying the people of England. But we have one
method left still to dispose the French to a war,
which is by turning wholly upon the emperor,
and making him the chief author of it, and su£
ferer by it; which will have this good effect;
to convince the king of Spain, better than all
the force in the world, of the emperor's weak
ness, of which, as well as of his insincerity, his
catholic majesty is already grown sufficiently
jealous *."
At the conclusion of this discourse, the car
dinal added, that the sentiments he then dis
closed were of too delicate a nature to be com-
munioated in a dispatch to the secretary of
State, and were only suitable to the intimacy
between Mr. Walpole and himself.
*, Mr, Robinson to Mr. Walpole, Paris, Jan. 8, 1727.

1726—1727. 257
The embarrassments of the cardinal do not
seem to have been sufficiently appreciated by
the British cabinet, who urged him to reinforce
the garrison of Gibraltar with a corps of French
troops, which would have been an instant de
claration of war against Spain. The extreme
delicacy of his situation was heightened by the
arrival of the abbot Montgon at Paris, with
overtures for an accommodation from Philip,
who was not unacquainted with the wavering
state of the French cabinet, and was supported
by a numerous body of adherents.
Charles Alexander de Montgon, descended
from the antient family of Cordebeuf was born
at Versailles in 1690. His father had served
under Philip the Fifth as lieutenant-general,
and his mother had been lady of the bed-cham
ber to the dauphiness. At an early period he
embraced the military service ; but seized with
a fit of devotion, renounced the profession of
arms, resigned his inheritance to his brother,
and entered into the church. Having expressed
a desire to live in Spain, d'Aubenton, confessor
of Philip the Fifth, prevailed on the king to ap
point Montgon preceptor to his children ; but
the nomination was frustrated by the death of
d'Aubenton. His hopes, however, of gaining an establish
ment in Spain, did not subside ; and on the ab-
vol. 1. s

258 CHAPTER 14.
dication of Philip, he obtained, through the
mediation of father Bermudas, the new confes
sor, the permission of accompanying the abdi
cated monarch in his retreat to St. Ildefonso,
" without any other view," as he says, " than
that of being a nearer witness of his virtues,
and of strengthening, by his example, his own
good resolutions." His journey, however, to St.
Ildefpnso being prevented by Philip's sudden
resumption of the crown, Montgon was not de
terred by the corruption of a court, and after
some negotiation with father Bermudas, was
permitted to attach himself " to the person of
so pious a monarch,"
As he repaired to Madrid soon after the dis
mission of the infanta, he was commissioned by
the duke of Bourbon to bring about a reconci
liation between the two crowns, which he readily
accepted, though he affected an aversion to all
worldly affairs. Being of a lively imagination
and plausible manners, and blending the fervour
of devotion with the spirit of intrigue, he ren
dered himself acceptable to the king and queen
of Spain, and was employed by them in the
delicate negotiation of detaching France from
England, and of securing the eventual succes
sion of Philip.
Montgon had offended Fleury by his officious
communication of thebishop's supposed intrigues

1726—1727. 259
in Spain, and on his mission to Paris, increased
that disgust by his petty cabals and aspiring
views. Fleury described him to Mr. Robinson
as "a poor credulous creature." "The abbot,"
he said, " had hitherto appeared to him a poor
simple kind of man, susceptible of believing
every thing he heard, and officiously good
enough in the communication of it. But, per
haps, now he should alter his judgment of the
man, and look upon him as an ambitious med
dler, under the mask of a religious retreat*."
* Though Montgon affected to decline riches and dignities,
he aspired to be embassador from France to Spain, and soli
cited a rich abbey in France Failing in these objects, which
he justly imputed to the opposition of cardinal Fleury, he re
turned to Spain. His reception from the king and queen, and
the encomiums lavished on his address and abilities, revived
his hopes of promotion. Affecting to decline the offer of
minister of State, he requested the embassy to Turin, and
even expected a cardinal's hat ; but all these hopes ending in
disappointment, the credulous abbot retired from Spain, and
passed his days in a private situation and straitened circum
stances. With a view to revenge himself on Fleury, to whom he
attributed his disgrace and disappointments, he published his
Memoirs in eight volumes. The greater part of these Me
moirs is filled with eulogiums of his own address, prudence,
disinterestedness and moderation ; hints of his high lineage,
declamations on the storms and corruptions of a court ; effu
sions of religious fervour, aud details of his petty disputes,
and the grievances which he experienced from the cardinal.
They are larded with perpetual quotations from the scriptures
and the fathers; but, in the midst of this farrago, contain
many curious anecdotes, develope many interesting events,
s 2

260 CHAPTER 14.
The object of Montgon' s mission was two
fold; first to separate France from England,
and secondly to secure to Philip the eventual
succession to the throne, Montgon arrived at
Versailles on the 30th of January, and on the
31st had his first interview with the cardinal.
He delivered a memorial, written by the queen
of Spain herself; in which she expressed the in
clination of the king, her husband, to renew the
friendship interrupted by the dismission of the
infanta, provided the king of France was dis
posed to prefer the alliance of Spain and the
emperor to that of protestant princes, and would
separate himself from England, by acceding to
the treaty of Vienna. Fleury received this in
timation with great appearance of deference ;
but declared the condition of acceding to the
treaty of Vienna inadmissible, being no less
derogatory to the glory of France, than contrary
to their engagements with their allies. But in
the course of this, and subsequent conversations,
he testified his intention to defer hostilities
against Spain, as long as was consistent with
honour and propriety ; though he expressed a
wish that Gibraltar might be taken by a coup
de main, because if the siege was prolonged, the
and exhibit a striking picture of the policy and finesse of the
cardinal, and of the weakness and ambition of the court of
Spain.

1726—1727. 261
French must fulfil their engagements with Eng
land. In regard to the second object of his mission,
Montgon had received specific instructions
written by Philip himself, to arrange a plan with
his partisans for his eventual succession ; and
was furnished with a letter of credence to the
parliament, enjoining them to proclaim him king,
should Louis the Fifteenth die suddenly without
issue*. With a view to facilitate the execution
of this project, Montgon was instructed to gain
the duke of Bourbon, by offers of pardon for the
past, and promises of future favours ; but he
was ordered to make no communication either
to Fleury or Morville. Yet even in the first
interview, Fleury, by his respectful attentions,
apparent candour, and the warmest expressions
of attachment to king Philip, gradually drew
from Montgon the whole purport of his mission.
In reply to some insinuations that he was
governed by England, " I am not English," ex-
* C'est que si (ce qu'a Dieu ne plaise) le roi mon neveu
venoit a inourir sans heritiers males, etant, comme je le suis, le
plus proche parent, & mes descendans apres moi, je dois &
veux succ^der a la couronne de mesancetres.
" IX. Je vous donne une lettre de creance de ma main
pour le parlement, pour la presenter a l'instant de la mort du
roi mon neveu, dans laquelle j'ordonne qu'a l'instant que ce
cas arrivera, on me proelame roi." Memoires de Montgon,
torn. iii. p. 70, 74. s 3

^"i CHAPTER 14.
claimed the cardinal, " and I am anxious you
should know, what the king of Spain cannot
but recollect, that during the whole administra
tion of cardinal du Bois, and even after his
death, the king of England always suspected
me of being hostile to his views. Have I not
been always sincerely attached to the pretender ?
And as a bishop, must I not ardently desire to
see the re-establishment of a catholic prince on
the throne of England? The late queen of Eng
land*, who honoured me with her attentions,
and I may say with her confidence, was well
acquainted with my sentiments."
After urging his inviolable attachment to
king Philip, and insensibly leading the conver
sation to the marriage of the king of France, he
suddenly asked, " What part do you think the
king of Spain would act, should the king die
without issue ?" Montgon, however, with affect
ed reserve, replying, " That his catholic majesty
would open himself to the cardinal, as to an old
and faithful servant of the king his grandfather;"
Fleury continued, " Should God, as we trust
and hope, preserve the king, and give him heirs,
this event will not happen ; but should we unfor
tunately lose our king, can their catholic majes
ties doubt, that in so deplorable a case, I should
forget what I owe to the blood of Louis the Four-
* Alluding to the queen of James II.

1726—1727. 263
teenth ?" Montgon, affected with this artful
apostrophe, instantly communicated the whole
secret of his mission, and delivered a copy of
his instructions.
Fleury received this communication with great
composure, and, anxious to learn the sentiments
and conduct of the duke of Bourbon, whp, he
knew, was caballing with the duke of Maine
and Morville, even promoted a secret interview
between the duke and Montgon.
In consequence of this arrangement, Montgon
had a meeting at night with the duke of Bour
bon, at his seat of Ecouen, between Paris and
Chantilly; but without apprising him that it
was by the contrivance of Fleury. After a con
ference of several hours, the duke promised to
promote the succession of Philip, and was per
suaded to write conciliatory letters to the king
and queen of Spain. Montgon hastened to
communicate the success of his conference, and
a copy of the letter, which he afterwards re
ceived, to Fleury, who testified no less approba
tion than surprise at his diligence, secrecy, and
address. He even enlivened the conversation
with much pleasantry, and rallied the honest
abbot on the credit which he had derived from
his nocturnal visit, in his passage through St.
Dennis, as a man of bonnes fortunes *."
* Memoires de Montgon, torn, iii, p. 244, 245.
S4

264 CHAPTER 14.
Although Fleury despised the capacity of
Montgon, yet he felt the ill effects of his mission,
from the increasing cabals of the Spanish party,
and the opposition of his colleagues in the cabi
net. He fluctuated, therefore, between his
anxious desire to avoid hostilities against Spain,
and to preserve his engagements with England.
In this situation of affairs, the Spanish party
dreaded the arrival of Mr. Walpole ; and Villars
said to Montgon, who was urging the necessity
of permitting the siege of Gibraltar, and of se
parating France from England, " It would be
no great misfortune were the English driven
from the continent of Spain ; and truly, I believe,
we should not much regard either their chagrin
or resentment ; but as the siege will be pro
tracted, and the event doubtful, it will be ex
tremely difficult, not to say impossible, to resist
the instances of Mr. Walpole to engage us in
hostilities ; and what interest has Spain in push
ing things to such extremities?" When Montgon
urged the common topics of the haughtiness
and aggressions of England, Villars rejoined,
" All you say is fine and specious ; but I repeat,
Walpole is urgent, importunate, and much lis
tened to here. He will soon arrive, and you
will yourself witness the result of his solicita
tions *." * Memoires de Montgon, torn. iii. p. 296.

1726 — 1727. 265
The event justified these observations : Mr.
Walpole arrived at Paris on the sixth of March ;
in his first interview with the cardinal he fixed
his wavering resolutions ; and on the 30th
Fleury made an animated speech, before the
council of State, in favour of their engagements
with England. " The cardinal," writes Mr.
Walpole, " then from the fulness of his heart,
told me, if I had heard what he had said, no
longer than yesterday at council, in the presence
of his most christian majesty, I should no longer
be under the least uneasiness about his steadi
ness and resolution. " I took an opportunity,"
said he, " to let the king and council know, the
time was now near that would certainly deter
mine peace or war. His majesty must be pre
pared to act accordingly, pursuant to his en
gagements with his allies. The king of Eng
land, a prince of the greatest honour and inte
grity, had been in every respect faithful to his
union and alliance with France ; had constantly
acted with the greatest harmony and concert
with this crown in all his measures ; had suffi
ciently shewn his sincere desire to preserve the
peace, by agreeing to the propositions now to be
offered to the emperor and Spain, which were
originally from England, by his not only con
senting that France should suspend the declaring
war against Spain, but he had himself likewise

266 CHAPTER 14.
deferred doing it, (notwithstanding his town of
Gibraltar is actually besieged,) until he sees the
success of the preliminaries now proposed, and
that there can be no hopes left for an accommo
dation. His most christian majesty must ac
cordingly think, if they should not be accepted,
of taking measures, in conjunction with the
allies, for carrying on the war : the Dutch have
equally shewn their desire of peace, as well as
deference to the opinion of France ; for although
they had demanded twenty-five years for the
suspension of the Ostend charter and commerce
with the Indies, as necessary for the abolition of
that trade, yet, in complaisance to the senti
ments of this court, they had agreed to accept
of seven years only for that suspension : and
therefore, as their allies had acted with all pos
sible concert and regard for France, and with
some good inclination for preserving, if possible,
the peace, there would be no manner of difficulty
or hesitation on the part of France to act with
the same steadiness and regard for them ; and
he must lay it down for a maxim, from which
he thought his most christian majesty must not
deviate, and upon which the prosperity of his
future government must entirely depend, which
was to begin his reign by a strict and inviolable
observation of his treaties and engagements with
his allies." 12

1726—1727. 267
" This," said the cardinal, " was what I spoke
but yesterday at council, without the least op
position or contradiction ; while the marshal
d'Huxelles hung down his head, silent, and
sullen ; and if you can put M. de Morville upon
this subject, without taking any notice of what
has passed between us, he will tell you the same
thing*." The conduct of the French cabinet did not
belie the assurances of Fleury ; France, notwith
standing her jealousy of the English squadrons, co
operated with effect and vigour in counteracting
the designs of the imperial and Spanish courts.
At this crisis Mr. Stanhope, who quitted
Madrid in consequence of the commencement of
hostilities, was received with high marks of ap
probation by the French king and ministry, and
conveyed to the British cabinet the satisfactory
intelligence of the good intentions of the French
court, and particularly the firmness and sincerity
of the cardinal. " Upon which," writes the
duke of Newcastle to Mr. Walpole, " I must
Congratulate your excellency, as what is in great
measure owing to your great abilities and care,
in the conduct of his majesty's affairs under your
management t."
* Mr.Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, Paris, March
31, 1727.
f Whitehall, April 6, 1727. Walpole Papers.

268 CHAPTER 14.
The affairs of the Hanover allies now wore
the most favourable aspect. The States-General
had acceded to the treaty of Hanover on the
ninth of August 1726, and Sweden and Denmark
at the commencement of the ensuing year. On
the 23d of March the trenches were opened
before Gibraltar ; and Philip anxiously expected
the co-operation of the emperor and Russia.
But the situation of Charles was considerably
changed : he was disappointed of the subsidies
from Spain ; he was awed by the assembling of
the Hessian, Swedish, and Danish troops, subsi
dised by England and France, and alarmed at
the approach of a French army, collecting on
the frontiers of Germany ; he was deserted by
the circles and princes of the empire, he dreaded
the defection of Prussia, and was dispirited by
the death of the czarina. He therefore made
private overtures to cardinal Fleury, and hastily
negotiated the preliminaries of a peace, without
the consent or knowledge of Spain, with Eng
land, France, and Holland, which his plenipo
tentiary signed at Paris, in the name of his
master, and the king of Spain, on the 31st of
May. Philip, thus deserted by his only ally, seeing
his frontiers exposed to the invasion of France,
his coasts menaced by the English fleets, and
his treasures detained in America, was compelled

1726—1727- 269
to accept the conditions obtained by the empe
ror ; and the preliminaries were signed at Vienna
in June, by his embassador the duke de Beur-
nonville. But this favourable aspect of affairs was over
clouded by the sudden death of George the First,
who expired on the 31st of June at Osnaburg,
on his journey to Hanover.

270

CHAPTER 15.
1727.
Critical Situation of Mr. Walpole on the Death of George
the First — Cabals of the Jacobites at Paris — Rumours of
a Change in the British Administration — Conference with
Fleury — Letter from the Cardinal — Departure of Mr.
Walpole — Arrival in London, and Audience of George the
Second — Letter from the King to the Cardinal — From Mr.
Robinson to the Duke of Newcastle — Mr. Walpole returns
to Paris — Spain refuses to ratify the Preliminaries — Op
posite Views of the Allies of Vienna and Hanover — War
like Preparations — Anecdotes of Marshal Berwick.
'J'HE death of George the First placed Mr.
Walpole in a critical situation. The news no
sooner reached Paris, than the Jacobites, particu
larly Atterbury, who considered the commence
ment of a new reign as a favourable juncture,
caballed for the restoration of the pretender,
and openly displayed the most sanguine hopes
of success. Their hopes were strengthened by
the officious declarations of Montgon, who was
considered as the confidential agent of Philip,
that their cause would be supported by the
whole force of Spain, that a reconciliation was
on the point of taking place between the two
branches of the house of Bourbon, and that

1727- 271
England would be compelled to drive the house
of Brunswick from the throne, and re-establish
the lawful sovereign*. Rumours were likewise
circulated, that if the accession of George the
Second was undisturbed, a change of adminis
tration would take place, lord Townshend and
Sir Robert Walpole be driven from the helm,
and Mr. Walpole recalled from Paris. Reports
were no less industriously spread, of Fleury's
duplicity, and his equivocal insinuations con
strued into positive declarations in favour of the
pretender. Mr. Walpole, who had vouched for his sin
cerity to the British cabinet, requested an imme
diate interview with the cardinal, who was with
the king at Rambouillet. Fleury repaired, with
out delay, to Versailles, where a conference
* Montgon afterwards weakly and confidentially avowed
these sentiments to Mr. Walpole ; and informed him that he
had a written letter to the queen of Spain's confessor, predict
ing great troubles in England, and urging Spain to act accord
ingly ; but the cardinal diverted him from sending the letter.
Mr. Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, August 16, 1727.
Montgon has detailed a curious conversation with Fleury,
who was anxious to learn whether the king of Spain would
interfere in favour of the pretender, on the death of George
the First. The abbot speaking of his restoration, with full
certainty, the cardinal, after reiterating his good wishes, added,
" But it is useless to feed again on chimeras, and it is a chi
mera to believe that the death of George the First will make
any change in England. Nothing less than a miracle will
operate in favour of the pretender." Tom. v. p. 5.

272 CHAPTER 15.
took place on the following day. This inter
view dissipated in a moment all doubts, if Mr.
Walpole may be supposed to have entertained
doubts, of the cardinal's sincerity. Fleury re
ceived him with the highest marks of cordiality,
testified the strongest personal attachment to
him, and the greatest regard for his brother ;
and expressed his earnest wishes that no change
of administration might take place in England.
He renewed his solemn assurances, that France
would not interfere in the government of Eng
land, and would inviolably maintain the engage
ments between the two crowns. After this
amicable conference, which lasted till near mid
night, Mr. Walpole returned to Paris with an
intention to forward a messenger to the British
ministry ; but had scarcely arrived before he
received a letter from the cardinal.
" Versailles*, 26th of June I727. After hav
ing reflected, Sir, since your departure, on all
the measures to be taken, under the loss which
we have recently sustained, I am persuaded that
your excellency cannot do otherwise than re
pair instantly to London, to receive in person
the orders of his Britannic majesty, and explain
to him the situation of the present affairs, of
which he cannot as yet be duly informed. Your
* The original letter, of which this is a translation, is among
the Walpole Papers, in the cardinal's own hand.

1727- 273
excellency will do more in one or two confer
ences, than in volumes of letters ; and you can
settle with his Britannic majesty all things
which may concern the common interests of
the Hanover allies. From the manner in which
your excellency has spoken of the new king, I
doubt not but he will follow the same principles
and the same system as the king his father. In
regard to us, your excellency may assure his
Britannic majesty, that we will not depart from
that system ; and that our reciprocal security
consists in being firmly united.
" I have only to add the assurance, sir, of the
share which I take in your regret, and that I
shall honour you my whole life more than any
other person on earth."
In conformity with this prudent and friendly
advice, Mr. Walpole departed instantly from
Paris, and on . his arrival at London found his
friends extremely embarrassed, and uncertain
of their destiny. The king had announced a
resolution to place Sir Spencer Compton at the
head of the treasury, in the room of Sir Robert
Walpole ; and the opposition expected that a
mixed administration of Whigs and Tories
would be appointed ; while queen Caroline was
labouring to conquer the king's aversion to Sir
Robert Walpole, and to convince him that a
VOL. 1. T

274 CHAPTER 15.
change of the ministry, at this period, would be
unfavourable to his interests.
In this uncertain state of affairs Mr. Walpole
was admitted to an audience, experienced a cold
reception, and found the king extremely dis
satisfied because he quitted his post without
orders. As an apology for his sudden departure,
he delivered the letter from the cardinal, which
appeared to soften the king's resentment. Mr.
Walpole availed himself of this favourable change
to display the state of foreign affairs, confirmed
the sentiments of the French cabinet, contained
in the letter of cardinal Fleury, and, after an
audience of two hours, was dismissed in terms
of approbation.
This interview, and the letter of Fleury, as
sisted the endeavours of queen Caroline in
favour of the ministry ; and fixed the king in
his resolution to maintain the same system
which his father had pursued. Impressed with
these sentiments, he wrote, with his own hand,
a gracious letter to Fleury, which announced
his full approbation of Mr. Walpole's services,
and his confidence in the cardinal's sincerity.
" Kensington, the 20th* of June, 1727-
«' My Cousin,
" The obliging manner in which you ex-
* O. S. 1st July, N. S. This letter is translated from a
copy preserved in the Walpole Papers.

1727- 275
pressed your wish, that my embassador Walpole
should instantly depart to give the most posi
tive assurances of the intention of my good
brother, the most christian king, to cultivate
that union which is so happily established be
tween the two crowns, as well as his desire to
perfect the great work of a general pacification :
and the strong expressions you have used in
your late letter to the said embassador, to tes
tify your zeal for the public good, and the par
ticular interest you take in every thing which
regards my government, have so moved me,
that I would not defer shewing you how much
I am sensible of it ; and of acquainting you
with my decided resolution, to pursue the same
wise and fair measures which have placed affairs
in their present happy situation, and to draw
closer the bonds of friendship which unite me
to his most christian majesty.
" I, with pleasure, embrace this opportunity
to testify my high sense of your merit, my reli
ance in your sincerity, and the good will with
which I am, " My cousin,
" Your affectionate cousin,
" George Rex."
The extreme satisfaction which the cardinal
expressed, at the reception of the king's letter,
is described by Mr. Robinson in a dispatch to
t2

276 CHAPTER 15.
the duke of Newcastle, dated Paris, July 4, 1727.
" Your grace's other dispatch, inclosing his ma
jesty's letter to the cardinal, required immediate
execution ; and having heard that his eminence
was at Issy, near Paris, instead of accompany
ing the French king, as it was thought he would
have done, to Rambouillet, I sent thither to de
mand his leave, and his hour, for my waiting
upon him ; which he having given for any time
of the day, I did not lose a moment in going to
present to him the king's letter, which his emi
nence opened and read in my presence ; and it
was easy to perceive, by his looks, what sensi
ble pleasure it gave him, even before he ex
pressed, as he did in the handsomest manner
and words, his acknowledgements and thanks
for so high and early a mark of his majesty's
esteem and affection.
" He told me he had indeed been already
prevented with the hopes of having a place in
his majesty's good opinion, by what count Brog
lio had acquainted him of the king's sentiments
and regard for him, which his majesty had so
strongly expressed at that minister's last depar
ture from England. He repeated often being
no less pleased with the civilities that were then
made by the prince of Wales, than with the dis
tinction now shewn him by the king.
" As I found that this circumstance seemed

1727. 277
to have made much impression upon his emi
nence, I could not forbear, in order to make
him as sensible as lay in my power, of his ma
jesty's personal esteem for him, to acquaint him,
that when I was in England, and had the ho
nour to be presented to the king, his majesty, in
enquiring after France, had had the goodness to
turn the questions he was pleased to make me
entirely to the cardinal's subject, and particularly
with relation to his eminency's health, and to
his drinking the waters at that time. ' And had
the king that goodness ?' replied the cardinal,
' and was it possible he should know I was-
drinking the waters?'
" I beg pardon, my lord, for mentioning these-
little incidents of conversations ; they are little
indeed, but, even as such, may perhaps serve to-
shew how extremely pleased and flattered the
cardinal is with his majesty's past and present
goodness to him."
The cardinal was equally pleased with the
account of the king's quiet accession, and was
particularly gratified with the paragraph of the
declaration to the council, which expressed a-
resolution to " cultivate the alliances entered
into by the late king, for restoring the tran- -
quillity and preserving the balance of Europe,
and to improve and perfect this great work, for
the honour, interest, and security of his people,"

278 CHAPTER 15.
Mr. Walpole hastened to announce, in a letter
to his friend the cardinal, the gracious reception
he had experienced from the king his master,
and the strong impressions which the letter had
made in his favour. And he concludes by ob
serving, " Your eminence may be fully satisfied
that, both in regard to foreign and domestic af
fairs, every thing will go as you wish."
This letter was written on the 3d* of July,
and on the 4th Sir Robert Walpole was re
appointed first lord of the Treasury, lord Towns
hend and the duke of Newcastle secretaries of
State ; Mr. Walpole received his new credentials,
but delayed his departure to Paris at the express
command of the king, who required his assist
ance at the ensuing session of parliament, when
the increase of the civil list, and the jointure
of queen Caroline, were to be moved by his
brother. The session t was uncommonly short and
tranquil. The two houses agreed to support the
king in all his foreign engagements, and the
commons voted an addition to the civil list, with
the single dissenting voice of Shippen.
After the unanimous proof of attachment and
loyalty displayed by the parliament, the pre
sence of Mr. Walpole was no longer necessary.
* 22d June, O. S.
f The Session opened the 27th June, O. S.

1727- 279
He returned to Paris on the 18th of July, and
on the 22d was received by the cardinal with
increased esteem and cordiality. They acted
together more like friends than ministers, and
renewed their mutual endeavours to establish
the tranquillity of Europe, which the death of
George the First seemed likely to disturb.
Philip, flattered with the hopes of commotions
in England, and of the concurrence of France,
delayed the execution of the preliminaries, de
clined raising the siege of Gibraltar, and refused
to restore the prince Frederic, a ship which he
had taken from the South Sea Company. He
was privately encouraged by the emperor, who.
expected new subsidies from Spain, and made
vast preparations to open the campaign in Ger
many, by attacking the electorate of Hanover,
and the United Provinces. Europe was again
threatened with hostilities ; and the same chain
of negotiations was to be recommenced, as had ,
preceded the signature of the preliminaries.
The allies of Hanover were not disconcerted
by this change of affairs ; England continued to
reinforce her naval armaments, and to summon
into the field the subsidiary troops. France re
sisted the specious offers of Spain, and the machi
nations and threats of the emperor, and concurred
with England in forming a plan of hostile ope-
T 4

280 CHAPTER 15.
rations, to pour their combined forces into the
heart of the Austrian dominions.
This contest, which united the rival powers
of England and France on one side, and of Spain
and the empire on the other, exhibited a no less
extraordinary phaenomenon in the annals of his
tory. Marshal Berwick, natural son of James
the Second, was employed in concerting with
Mr. Walpole, the brother of the great Whig
minister, and supporter of the Brunswic family,
operations against the emperor and Spain, who,
on their side, were meditating to place his bro
ther, the pretender, on the throne of his an
cestors. James Fitz-James was natural son of James
the Second, by Arabella Churchill*, sister of
John duke of Marlborough. He was born in
1670, at Moulins, in the Bourbonnois, as his
mother was returning; from the medicinal waters
of Bourbon, and in the seventh year of his age
was sent to France to be educated in the roman
catholic religion. He was destined to the pro
fession of arms ^ at seventeen he served his two
first campaigns with the imperial troops in Hun-
* Arabella Churchill, after bearing the duke of Berwick,
and Henrietta^ who espoused Henry earl of Waldegrave, mar
ried colonel Charles Godfrey, master of the Jewel Office, by
whom she had two daughters ; the first espoused Hugh Bos-
cawen viscount of Falmouth, the second Edward Dunch of
Wiltenham in the county of Bucks.

1727. 2S1
gary, against the Turks, and signalised himself
at the siege of Buda, where he was wounded, and
at the battle of Mohatz. He was created duke
of Berwick in 1687, and at the revolution ac
companied his deposed father into France.
During the campaign of 1690, in Ireland, he
particularly distinguished himself at the siege
of Londonderry, and at the battle of the Boyne,
where he had a horse killed under him. In
1703 and 1706 he commanded the French army
in Spain, and re-established the affairs of Philip
the Fifth, which were in a desperate condition.
In consequence of the victory of Almanza, gained
in 1707, over the united forces of the English
and Imperialists, which contributed to fix Philip
on the throne, he was made a grandee of Spain,
and knight of the golden fleece, with the title
of duke of Liria. He was also created duke
and peer of France, under the title of due de
Fitz-James, marshal and knight of the holy
ghost. After the battle of Ramillies, so fatal to the
French, his skill and promptitude checked the
progress of the victorious army. In 1710 he
received a striking proof how highly his mili
tary talents were estimated : Marshal Villars,
though not quite recovered from the wound he
had received at Malplaquet, determined to open
the campaign in person ; but requested thai

282 CHAPTER 15.
marshal Berwick might be joined with him, in
terms highly flattering. " It is sufficient to in
form him, that, the king cannot save his king
dom without a battle, and the wings of the
enemy are led by the duke of Marlborough and
prince Eugene ; it is therefore necessary to op
pose to them the best generals in his majesty's
service *."
Berwick waved the pretensions of his birth
and rank, served under marshal Villars until he
was wholly recovered, and then resumed his
command in Dauphiny.
In 1719, during the breach between France
and Spain, he led the French army against the
monarch whom he had contributed to place on
the throne, and in one successful campaign
curbed the daring efforts of Alberoni, and hum
bled the pride of the Spanish monarch. This
singular war, between the uncle and the nephew,
was rendered still more extraordinary by the
hostilities between the father and the son. The
duke of Liria was a general in the Spanish army
opposed to marshal Berwick, and was exhorted
by his father to fulfil his duty to the sovereign
whom he served.
Berwick was a hearty friend to the act of
succession to the throne of France, as estab-
* See History of the House of Austria, vol. i. pt. 2, p.1207,
1229. Memoires de Villars, tom.ii. p. 107.
*7

1727- 283
lished by the treaty of Utrecht, and for that
reason was in high favour with the regent duke
of Orleans, who entrusted him with the com
mand of the army against Spain, and appointed
him in 1721 governor of Guienne and the south
western provinces which were most exposed to
the aggressions of Philip. In his frequent con
versations with Mr. Walpole, with whom he lived
in habits of the strictest intimacy, he mentioned
that act as indispensable for the peace of Europe
and the interest of France ; and testified his re
solution to take a vigorous part in favour of the
princes of the blood, should Louis the Fifteenth
die without issue.
He was equally convinced that the union be
tween England and France was calculated for
the interest of both kingdoms ; and he who had
been once so active in the service of his brother,
the pretender, considered his cause as hopeless,
and even hinted to Mr. Walpole his desire to
pay his respects to George the First in per
son*. He experienced much attention from
the king and the British cabinet ; he obtained,
through the mediation of Mr. Walpole, the pay
ment of a pension, with the arrears due to his
mother-in-law, lady Sophia Bulkeley ; the king
also readily granted him licence to visit his mo-
* Mr.Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, April 28, 1727.

284 CHAPTER 15.
ther in England ; but he did not venture to avail
himself of the permission, as the act of attainder,
which could not be reversed, rendered him
liable to be arrested and tried for high treason,
though the king condescended to demand the
opinion of the attorney-general, and even assured
marshal Berwick that he would expose himself
to no danger.
During the administration of the duke of
Bourbon, he was removed from the government
of Guienne, on account of his attachment to the
house of Orleans, and was never consulted on
affairs of state. But he possessed the confidence
and esteem of cardinal Fleury, of which Mr.
Walpole records a striking instance, and at the
same time does honour to the character and con
duct of the marshal :
" This being the situation and temper of the
cardinal upon the removal of M. le Due, he
thought it necessary, considering the mean opi
nion the world had of the council in the time
of his highness (the duke of Orleans), as
well as consistent with the dignity of the go
vernment, to increase the number of ministers
of state ; and his immediate thoughts were to
take in the marshals d'Huxelles and Berwick ;
the first on account of his popularity, being
generally esteemed as a good patriot, of plain
downright sense and integrity, and well affected

1727. 285
to his country. As to the marshal Berwick, the
cardinal has for a great while had a good opi
nion of his modesty, uprightness, and abilities,
having thoughts worthy of his quality, and
above the little intrigues of women and syco
phants at court, which, to do him justice, he
always despised, and which is so agreeable to
the cardinal's disposition, that it was no wonder
that he put so much confidence in him ; besides,
the marshal being the only person fit to com
mand the French army, in case of a rupture.
But the cardinal having sounded the sentiments
of several persons of consideration here, with
regard to the admission of marshal Berwick
into the council, he found it would by no means
be agreeable to the nation, on account of his
not being a Frenchman born, and therefore he
has endeavoured to make that matter easy to
the marshal, who, without doubt, will command
the army if there be any occasion ; and I sup
pose is to have some recompense for the loss he
suffered by M. le Due's removing him from the
government of Guienne. However, he still con
tinues to live in the country, and I believe his
character in general is, that he heartily wishes
the continuation of a good understanding be
tween England and France, in opposition to the
emperor : that although he is certainly the pro
tector of the Irish officers, who serve in this

286 CHAPTER 15.
country; yet I am persuaded that he has no
manner of understanding or cabals with them,
or with any of the jacobites, in favour of the
pretender, thinking it below him to be concerned
in such mean and despicable work. He has,
besides, a just opinion and respect for the many
great and valuable qualities possessed by his
majesty, though it is not to be concluded from
hence that he is so good an Englishman but
that he would still, in case affairs should ever
take such a turn as to occasion a war between
England and France, command the French army,
in any manner suitable to his quality, that he
should be directed, in opposition to his majesty
or his dominions, as any Frenchman would do*."
Marshal Berwick passed his days principally
in retirement, at his delightful seat of Fitz- James,
until he was again called forth to action in 1733,
and had the honour of being opposed to prince
Eugene. He was killed by a cannon bail at the
siege of Philipsburgh, on the 12th of June 1734,
in the 64th year of his age.
Marshal Berwick was in private life a man of
high integrity and unsullied honour ; in his
public character, a general of equal coolness and
intrepidity. He was fortunate in all his military
enterprises, excepting in the disastrous cam-
* Mr. Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, Fontainebleau,
Sept.. 28, 1726.

17^7. 287
paigns in Ireland, when his genius was counter
acted by the weak and pusillanimous conduct
of his dethroned father, and when his military
talents were employed to force upon a free na
tion a sovereign whom they had deposed.
Montesquieu, in an historical eulogium, which
is prefixed to the Memoirs of Berwick, pays a due
tribute of applause both to his public and private
talents. Speaking of him with the fondness of
a friend, who frequented him in his hours of
retirement, he says, " It was impossible to see
him and not love virtue. I have seen at a dis
tance, in the works of Plutarch, what great men
were ; in him I behold, at a nearer view, what
they are. He had a great fund of religion ; no
man ever followed more strictly those precepts
of the gospel which are most troublesome to
men of the world. In a word, no man ever
practised religion so much, and talked of it so
little." Berwick was twice married ; his first wife was
lady Honora de Burgh, daughter of William
earl of Clanricard, and widow of general Swars-
field, created earl of Lucan, by James the Second,
after the revolution. By her he had one son,
James Francis, who formed the Spanish branch
of his family, and is often mentioned in the
dispatches of lord Harrington and Sir Benjamin
Keene, from Madrid, under the title of duke of

288 CHAPTER 15.
Liria. His second wife was Anna, daughter of
Henry Bulkeley (son of Thomas viscount Bul-
keley} by lady Sophia Steuart, who was lady of
the bed-chamber to the exiled queen of England,
at StGermains. By her he had thirteen child
ren, of whom the fourth, Charles, inherited the
title and estate of Fitz- James*.
Horace Walpole, the late earl of Orford, paid
an elegant tribute of applause and regret to the
memory of marshal Berwick, in the person of
his grand-daughter mademoiselle de Clermont,
(who espoused M. de Vaupilliere), on her visit
to Strawberry-hill :
'* Shall Britain sigh, while zephyr's softest care
" Wafts to her shore the bright La Vaupilliere ?
" Ah ! yes : descended from the British throne,
" She views a nymph she must not call her own ;
" She sees how dear has Stuart's exile cost,
" By Clermont's charms, and Berwick's valour tost." ;

* For these Anecdotes have been principally consulted the
Correspondence of Mr. Walpole, passim ; Memoires de Ber
wick; Vie de Villars, torn. ii. ; and Dictionnaire de la Noblesse,
art. Fitz-James.

289
CHAPTER 16.
1727—1730.
Reconciliation between France and Spain — Dismission of Mor
ville — Rise and Character of Chauvelin — Dissatisfaction of
Mr. Walpole — Extract from his Apology on the remaining
Period of his Embassy, and the Conclusion of the Treaties of
Seville and Vienna — His Return to England — Succeeded
by Lord Waldegrave — Mr. Robinson appointed Envoy to the
Court of Vienna.
A Tthis period the long-expected reconciliation
between Spain and France took place. The
cardinal imparted to Mr. Walpole the whole
progress of the negotiation, which he had con
trived to take out of Montgon's hands, and con
duct by means of the papal nuntios at Madrid
and Paris. In communicating, the draughts of
the letters from Louis the Fifteenth to the king
and queen of Spain, Fleury endeavoured to
obviate the impression which this event would
make on the British cabinet, by declaring to Mr.
Walpole, that he had written to the king of
Spain, to testify his regard and friendship for
England, and his resolution to maintain the
union subsisting between the two kingdoms ;
adding, that he had likewise endeavoured to
dispose his catholic majesty for a reconciliation
with England. " To this I made," obseives
vol. t. v

290 CHAPTER 16.
Mr. Walpole, " no opposition in my discourse
with the cardinal, as being understood to be an
accommodation of a family difference, as what
I have all along appeared to approve, and what
is so popular in France, that any dislike to it, on
my part, might have had an ill effect upon the
cardinal, especially when it is offered without
any conditions disadvantageous to his majesty,
or that can tend in the least to separate France
from England*."
This event was soon followed by another, no
less unfavourable to the views and interests of
England, the appointment of Chauvelin to the
offices of garde des Sceaux and secretary of
State. As a prelude to this change, the office of chan
cellor was taken from Armenonville, the father
of Morville, and restored to the venerable d'
Aguesseau t, who had filled that high station
* Mr. Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, Paris, August 3,
1727. f Henry Francis d'Aguesseau, descended from an antient
family of Saintonges, was son of the intendant of Languedoc,
and born at Limoges in 1668.
At the age of twenty-t nee he so much distinguished him
self as avocat-general of Paris, that Talon, president a mortier,
said of him, " I would gladly finish as that young man has
begun." In 1 700 he was promoted to the office of attorney general ;
but offended Louis the Fourteenth, by the freedom with
which he delivered his sentiments against the Bull Unigenitus.

1727—1730. 291
with great integrity under Louis the Fourteenth
and the regent, and was dismissed in 1722 by
cardinal du Bois. Although the place of chan
cellor and of garde des S9eaux, or keeper of the
seals, were two distinct offices, and the seals
were not demanded ; yet Armenonville quitted
Versailles, in disgust, on the 17th of August,
and resigned them to the king, through the
hands of his son. The resignation of the father
was expected to be followed by the dismission
of the son ; and Chauvelin, who was to succeed
Armenonville as garde des sceaux, was also
designated as the successor of Morville.
Morville had rendered himself disagreeable to
the king of Spain by his attatchment to England;
On the death of du Voisin, in 1717, he was created chancellor
and garde des sceaux ; but on the following year was deprived
of the seals, for his inflexible opposition to the system of Law.
He was reinstated in 1 720, and again exiled in 1 722, for refus
ing to give precedence to cardinal du Bois.
Like his immortal predecessor, the chancellor de l'Hdpital,
he was a man of the strictest honour, integrity and disinterested
ness ; like him, he was attached to literature, and versed in the
study of the mathematics, and, for his skill in that science, was
consulted by the English on the reformation of their calendar.
He was now appointed chancellor, but was not reinstated
in the office of garde des sceaux, which was deemed a hard
ship, because it was the most lucrative post, until the removal
of Chauvelin in 1737. In 1750 he resigned the seals on
account of his advanced age, and died in the ensuing year. 
Dictionnaire de la Noblesse, and Dictionnaire Historique, art.
d'Aguesseau.
U 2

292 CHAPTER 16.
and on the first overtures of a reconciliation
insinuations were conveyed to cardinal Fleury,
that his removal from the office of secretary of
State, would please their catholic majesties.
He had endeavoured to infuse jealousies into the
minds of those who were attached to the cardi
nal ; he had likewise personally offended him,
by holding private conferences with Montgon,
and by caballing with the duke of Bourbon,
and forming a scheme to unite the princes of
the blood against his administration.
Fleury, impressed with these sentiments, had
for some time entertained a resolution to dismiss
Morville ; but deferred the execution of his de
sign, until he had found a proper person to sub
stitute in his place ; and maintained the most
inviolable secrecy, from a delicacy to his friend
Mr. Walpole, and to avoid exciting cabals in
the court. In this state of /suspense, Chauvelin
was introduced to his notice by marshal d'Hux
elles, and other persons attached to the system
of Louis the Fourteenth.
Germain Louis Chauvelin, descended from a
noble family, distinguished in the military and
civil line, was born in 1685. He followed the
profession of the Law ; and after successive
promotions, was, at this period, president a mor-
tier of the parliament of Paris*. He was re-
* Dictionnaire de la Noblesse, art. Chauvelin ; Branche de
Girsenoy.

1727—1730. 293
markable for quick apprehension, indefatigable
application, and facility in transacting business ;
and possessed pleasing manners, and a concili
ating address. " He was," to use the words of
Mr. Walpole, " a busy lawyer, of some parts
and knowledge ; of a most treacherous, false,
and ambitious spirit ; but, at the same time, of
an assiduous, supple, dissembling, and insinuat
ing disposition, where it was his interest to
please *." He had fortunately been useful to
the cardinal, by his influence in the parliament,
and by supplying information relative to the
foreign and domestic affairs of France, in which
the narrow genius of Morville was deficient.
He derived his knowledge principally from some
valuable manuscripts, which he purchased with
the library of the president Harley, and which
he abridged with great skill and assiduity.
He availed himself of the first favourable im
pressions which his manners and information
made on the cardinal, and which were strikingly
contrasted with the confined, phlegmatic, and
dilatory spirit of Morville ; he was forcibly re
commended by marshal d'Huxelles and the
Pecquets, who were under-secretaries of State,
and by other persons who possessed influence
over the cardinal. His principles were decid
edly hostile to the union between France and
* Mr. Walpole's Apology,
U 3

294 CHAPTER 16.
England ; and he was no less warmly disposed
to renew the antient connection between France
and Spain.
The nomination of a man of his character and
principles, could not be agreeable to the British
cabinet ; and Mr. Walpole, who had never ex
perienced any difficulty in his transactions with
Morville, expostulated with the cardinal for
admitting, into the chief conduct of business,
so dangerous an assistant. But though Fleury
entertained great personal regardfor Mr. Walpole,
and was anxious not to displease the British
cabinet, yet he was too independent to be con
trolled in the nomination of his coadjutors. He
therefore persisted in his choice ; but excused
his conduct, by stating the necessity of removing
Morville, on account of his incapacity and petty
cabals, and the difficulty of finding a person so
proper to succeed him as Chauvelin.
When Mr. Walpole adverted to his character
and principles, and mentioned him as a creature
of marshal d'Huxelles, the cardinal replied ; " I
am sensible M. de Chauvelin has many enemies,
who envy him ; but I have made a strict enquiry
into his behaviour, and the facts alleged against
him, and have no manner of reason to suspect
his not being an honest man. Of his capacity
nobody can doubt ; and you will soon find, notr
withstanding any airs the marshal d'Huxelles

1727—1730. 295
may give himself, that M. de Chauvelin will be
entirely devoted to my will and directions. I
must request you," he added, " to take no notice
of M. de Morville's removal, which I have, as
yet, mentioned to no one but yourself; although
he is to resign this night, you will, with the
rest of the ministers, have an audience, as usual,
of him, without seeming to know any thing of
the matter*."
Fleury renewed, in the strongest manner, as
surances of his inviolable attachment to the
strict union between the two crowns ; and still
further to remove Mr. Walpole's apprehensions,
caused Chauvelin to declare in his presence,
" that he would co-operate under the directions
of the cardinal, in supporting the same system
and measures, that had been hitherto pursued
with such good success ; and would endeavour
to deserve the intimacy and friendship of the
British embassador."
Notwithstanding these professions, Mr. Wal
pole felt the extreme embarrassment of his situ
ation, as appears from a curious passage in the
Diary of lord Waldegrave t, who was waiting
* Mr. Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, August 16th, 1727.
t James, first earl Waldegrave, was son of Henry, baron
Waldegrave, of Chewton, in Somersetshire ; and distinguished
himself for his diplomatic skill, as embassador to the courts of
Vienna and Paris. For a further account of him, see Memoirs
of Sir Robert Walpole, chapter 38.
U 4

296 CHAPTER 16.
at Paris till he could proceed on his embassy to
the court of Vienna.
" September 22. — This morning Mr. Walpole
went to the cardinal, who gave him fresh in
stances and assurances of his designing to stand
by us in our pretensions about the prince Fred
eric. Mr. Walpole told the cardinal, every body
said that nothing but his answering for his emi
nence made people believe him in earnest ; that
the Dutch minister at Madrid said they had
nothing else for it; that, in fine, it was the
common talk. To which the cardinal answered
in obliging terms, and cleared Mr. Walpole
from all fears on that account ; though Mr.
Walpole, walking the day before with Mr. Pes
ters and me, seemed under a good deal of unea
siness at his own situation ; since, should the
cardinal prove false, Mr. Walpole having so
continually answered for him, would make him
liable to pretty severe censures. Mr. Walpole,
in a jocular way, told the cardinal, that if his
eminency cheated or deceived him, the conse
quence would be, that he, Mr. Walpole, would
be censured, and probably sent to the Tower for
five or six months ; but his eminence would have
that said of him that would hurt his character,
and consequently his person, more than any harm
that could happen to Mr. Walpole."
In fact, Mr. Walpole foresaw difficulties

1727—1730. 297
which he had to encounter, from the intriguing
spirit and hostile principles of Chauvelin, that
he was desirous of retiring ; ' but he was sensible,'
as he says himself, ' that his connection with the
ministers at home would not suffer him to resign
his station in France, while negotiations of such
extent and moment were carrying on there with
great activity.'
I cannot better conclude the account of Mr.
Walpole's embassy at Paris, and of the compli
cated negotiations at the congress of Soissons,
where he was one of the plenipotentiaries, than
in the words of his own Apology.
" It is unnecessary here to enter into a detail
of several disagreeable particulars, that occurred
to Mr. Walpole's close observation, of M. Chau-
velin's intimacy with certain persons, no friends
to the good understanding between England
and France. His fallacious and equivocal way
of talking and writing to different persons,
upon matters of great moment, relating to both
courts, gave Mr. Walpole great disquiet. The
cardinal, indeed, used his utmost endeavours to
remove all his jealousies, and redress his com
plaints ; yet Chauvelin, by his address, flattery,
and indefatigable attention, to ease and please
his eminence, had gained such an interest and
credit with him, that the remaining part of Mr.
Walpole's ministry in France was disagreeable

298 CHAPTER 16.
and painful. However, the union between
England, France, and Holland, continuing
firm in all their measures, the precarious and
changeable state of the emperor's affairs, (now
the payment of subsidies from Spain has been
stopped,) made that court extremely uneasy,
and desirous to see the queen of Spain more
tractable. At last Philip's health was grown so
desperate that the queen was alarmed, and caused
the preliminaries to be ratified at the Pardo, in
March 1728 ; and the congress of all the mini
sters concerned, was soon after signified at
Soissons. " It would be tedious to specify the artifices
employed there, and particularly the practices
of count Sinzendorff, upon the pliant and paci
fic temper of the cardinal, to create jealousies
and divisions among the allies of the Hanover
treaty. Those vain attempts had no other effect
than to draw the imperial ministers themselves,
tired with their disagreeable situation, into a
negotiation of a plan for a general peace, with
those of the Hanover allies, without the consent
and concurrence of the Spanish plenipotentia
ries. And although count Sinzendorff would
not venture to sign it ; yet these separate pro
ceedings so exasperated the Spaniards, who had
got intimation of them, that they made the
most pressing and reproachful instances to the

1727—1730. 299
imperial ministers to fulfil the articles in their
secret engagements, particularly with regard to
the marriages between the two families ; to
which they received nothing but dilatory and
evasive answers. Their catholic majesties highly
resented this treatment ; and, from bitter expos
tulations, they came, in a manner, to a direct
breach with the emperor ; and consequently, as
the transactions of the Spanish court were
usually sudden and violent, they lost no time to
discover a disposition to come to a better under
standing with England and France.
" The plan of a treaty, for that purpose, was
projected by Mr. Patino, prime minister at Ma
drid, and transmitted from thence to monsieur
Chauvelin, (who was thought to have had a pri
vate correspondence with that court, separately
from the cardinal ;) and he having readily adopted
it, took care immediately to represent it in so
favourable a light to his eminence, as what
would put an end to all differences, and make a
perfect peace with Spain, that the cardinal, hav
ing nothing more at heart, seemed mightily
pleased, and flattered himself that it would be
agreeable to the British plenipotentiaries, Mr.
Stanhope (now lord Harrington), Mr. Poyntz,
and Mr. Walpole. But when the project came
to be considered by them, they found it com
posed of articles conceived in terms very loose

300 CHAPTER 16.
and vague with respect to the interest of Eng
land, leaving our antient privileges of trade
with Spain, and the right for our possession of
Gibraltar and Port Mahon, to be contested and
decided before other powers. They represented
to the cardinal, how impossible it was for them
to approve so deficient and imperfect a scheme,
letting him know that England had been en
gaged in a war with Spain, by the siege of
Gibraltar, which had made all treaties between
those two crowns void ; that the first and fun
damental step to be taken for a reconciliation,
and an absolute peace, must be a specific re
newal and confirmation of all treaties, on the
same foot, and in as ample a manner, as they
had subsisted before the troubles began. His
eminence was extremely disturbed and embar
rassed, and gave the strongest assurances, that
the British plenipotentiaries might depend upon
the same steadiness and fidelity, on the part of
France, to support them in the discussion of
their just rights, as she had shewn in the whole
course of the negotiations. But they being too
well apprised of the artful designs of Chauvelin,
to keep the pretensions of England in an
unsettled state, and in a manner at the mercy of
France, and of the great power and influence
he had gained with the cardinal, which they
plainly intimated to his eminence, gave him to

1727—1730. sol
understand, that they could by no-means be satis
fied with his plausible declaration and assurances ;
and left him in a very peevish and discontented
mood, without coming to any determination,
until his majesty's sentiments and instructions
upon this subject should be known.
" The conduct of the plenipotentiaries was
extremely approved at Hanover and England,
and they were directed to draw the plan of a
plain, explicit, and decisive treaty, with a renewal
and confirmation of all former treaties with
Spain, leaving nothing to be discussed and
decided by the intervention of other powers ;
and the disputes relative to captures (which
could not possibly be determined by any other
way) to be settled, as usual in cases of the like
nature, by commissaries to be appointed by
Great Britain and Spain.
" The British plenipotentiaries having accord
ingly framed such a plan, Mr. Stanhope and
Mr. Poyntz earnestly pressed Mr. Walpole to
go to Versailles, and communicate it to the
cardinal, in a particular conference with him
alone, and to employ his utmost address and
influence, which had so long subsisted and
prevailed in the most difficult conjunctures,
with his eminence, to induce him to agree to
their plan. Mr. Walpole, considering the great
ascendant which Chauvelin had gained over the

302 CHAPTER 16.
cardinal, and how strongly he had prepossessed
him in favour of another scheme, was diffident,
for the first time, of his success, and extremely
unwilling to act by himself in a matter of such
importance. However, as his colleagues thought
there was no other possible means of serving his
majesty, in such an exigency, he waited upon
his eminence at six o'clock in the morning of
a day appointed for that purpose, at Versailles.
The cardinal received him with a cheerful coun
tenance, but a civil reproach for having not
seen him for a considerable time. Mr. Walpole
having then desired and obtained of his emi
nence an order to his servant not to be inter
rupted by any visit whatsoever, during his
conference with him, (upon the result of which
he gave his eminence to understand the good
intelligence for the future between England
and France, as well as the finishing or prolong
ing the troubles in Europe, would absolutely
depend,) he proceeded to read to his eminence,
article by article, the whole plan. This confer
ence not only lasted the whole morning, but
Mr. Walpole having dined with his eminence
alone, it was continued some hours after. Mr.
Chauvelin attempted several times to be admitted,
as having earnest business with his eminence ;
but the valet de chambre*, according to his
* Barjac.

1727—1730. 303
orders, and being ever Mr. Walpole's friend,
would not so much as deliver the secretary of
State's message to the cardinal while the confer
ence lasted.
" Not to enter into the observations and
answers that passed on both sides, in the perusal
of the articles, his eminence approved them all,
and proposed no material alteration ; and with
his hand gave Mr. Walpole the most solemn
assurances that he would support the project in
council with his authority, should there arise any
opposition to it.
" It is easy to conceive what satisfaction the
success of this conference gave Mr. Walpole's
colleagues, whom he had left in a desponding
way in the country, and in particular Mr. Poyntz.
His dejection of mind had flung him into a ner
vous fever ; but he soon recovered his health and
his spirits.
" I cannot omit mentioning an anecdote on
this occasion, when Chauvelin could not prevail
with the cardinal to make the least alteration
in this new plan, marshal d'Uxelles (with whom
Chauvelin often previously concerted matters of
State, in confidence, independent of the cardinal,
and without his knowledge,) upon hearing it
read in council, was struck on a heap ; and
although, seeing the cardinal's firmness in recom
mending it to the French king, he would not

304 CHAPTER 16.
venture to speak against it ; yet, in a week after
it was approved, he resigned his place as minister
of State, pretending his ill state of health, but
telling his particular friends, in private, that he
would not sit in council to obey the dictates of
an English embassador, and act subservient to
the interest of that nation.
" In transmitting to England the project of
the treaty, when it was agreed and settled in
France, Mr. Walpole would not suffer an account
of its having been effectuated by his particular
weight and credit with the cardinal, as a merit
due to him separately from his colleagues, to be
mentioned in their joint dispatch ; and therefore
this anecdote was known to some few friends
only. " This plan having been sent to Spain, sup
ported by the orders of the cardinal, to Monsieur
Brancas, the French embassador, that court
immediately acceded to it, which, in consequence,
entirely dissolved all manner of connection be
tween the emperor and their catholic majesties,
and disposed the first, being disappointed in all
his chimerical views, to renew his antient good
understanding with his majesty, by a treaty signed
at Vienna, March 16, 1731 ; to which the States
acceded in 1732."
Soon after the conclusion of the treaty of
Seville, lord Townshend resigned, in consequence

1727—1730. 305
of a misunderstanding with Sir Robert Walpole *.
This misunderstanding had deeply affected Mr.
Walpole, not only from his obligations and per
sonal attachment to lord Townshend, but from
unjust surmises that he was instrumental in fo
menting the division, with a view to succeed in
the office of secretary of State. He frankly
avowed his disapprobation of lord Townshend's
violent plans against the emperor ; but declared
to their common friend, Mr Poyntz, that should
his lordship quit his post dissatisfied, no person
or consideration in the world should prevail
upon him to accept it, if offered to him. He
did not belie his promise ; but when that unfor
tunate event took place, declined the offer, and
promoted the recommendation of the duke of
Newcastle, in favour of his friend and co-adjutor
at the congress of Soissons, Mr. Stanhope, after
wards earl of Harrington.
On his resignation of the embassy, Mr. Wal
pole supported the appointment of lord Walde
grave, who had displayed great skill and abili
ties in negotiating with the French cabinet
while Mr. Walpole was attending his duty in
parliament in 1728, and in conducting with
equal address, the affairs of England, as embas
sador at the court of Vienna. " I must own,"
he observes to his brother, " I think lord Wal-
* See Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, chap. 37.
VOL. I. X

306 CHAPTER 16.
degrave as proper a person, as minister, as could
possibly be sent hither ; for, besides his having
a very good understanding, his supple and inof
fensive disposition is the best talent against the
artifices of monsieur Chauvelin : for, as his
lordship will have caution and prudence enough
as to take nothing upon himself without orders,
he has at the same time patience and phlegm
enough to parry the dangerous attempts and
insinuations of the other, without disobliging
him *."
His instructions to lord Waldegrave, on this
occasion, explain the method which he em
ployed to manage the temper and gain the con
fidence of Fleury : " I think your lordship has
done extremely well to cultivate, if possible,
a friendship with M. Chauvelin, because you
find that he has such an influence over the car
dinal; but as M. Chauvelin's friendship, I be
lieve, is found to be very shallow and journa-
liere, I am of opinion that you should now and
then talk very forcibly to the cardinal, and
make him the confidence of distinguishing him,
with regard to integrity and good intentions,
from any other minister. I know he loves that
distinction, and, if applied in a proper manner,
and on the topic of sincerity, he is liable to flat-
* Correspondence to the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole,
vol. iii. p. 8.

1727—1730. 307
tery; and you may venture, on a foot of con-
fidence, to go great lengths with him, even with
regard to his own sentiments, as well as to the
conduct of other ministers in France .*."
Mr, Walpole was also highly gratified with
rewarding the zeal and fidelity of Mr. Robinson,
by obtaining for him the appointment of envoy
and plenipotentiary to the court of Vienna,
where his address, activity, and prudence, during
a period of eighteen years, justified the propriety
of the recommendation.
The services of Mr. Walpole, during his em
bassy at Paris, were highly appreciated by the
British cabinet ; and the letters, both private
and public, of the duke of Newcastle, lord
Townshend, and Sir Robert Walpole, are filled
with the highest eulogiums on his conduct. It
would be endless to enumerate the passages;
but an extract from one letter of lord Towns
hend will suffice : " You have exerted yourself
all along with uncommon talents in the man
agement of those important affairs under your
care. But as to these last efforts you have made,
it is impossible to express the satisfaction your
zeal, abilities, and success have given univer
sally. I congratulate you most heartily on your
serving your king and your country, with so
* Mr. Walpole to earl Waldegrave, Cockpit, Jan. 14, 1730-J.
Waldegrave Papers.
X 2

808 CHAPTER 16.
much capacity, and a superior spirit in business.
• ••#••* you will find, by what the duke
of Newcastle writes, that the king consents to
give you leave to come ; but I must take the
liberty, at the same time, to tell you, that as all
the letters from France are filled with the highest
commendations of your extraordinary address,
influence, and credit there, so they dread and
lament the ill consequences of your absence in
this most critical conjuncture, that no one can
be capable of supplying your place, and that
the business will fall and flag when you are
gone ••"
* Lord Townshend to Mr. Walpole, Whitehall, Jan. 4, 1727-8.

309
CHAPTER 17.
1730—1735.
Mr. Walpole appointed Cofferer of the Household — Sent pri
vately to the Hague — Object of his Mission — Nominated
Embassador — Difficulty of his Situation — Characters of
SUngelandt and Fagel — Views of the Prince of Orange —
Mr. Walpole's Account of his Negotiations.
C)N his return from the embassy, Mr. Walpole
was graciously received by George the Se
cond ; and queen Caroline was pleased to express
to him her particular satisfaction with his dili
gence, fidelity, and success, in negotiations of so
much perplexity and trouble, and ever afterwards
gave him distinguishing marks of her confidence
and protection*.
The favour of the king, the protection of the
queen, and the ascendancy of his brother, en
sured to him a distinguished office in the State ;
but his unaspiring temper, and dread of exciting
jealousy, by the elevation of two brothers to the
highest posts of government, induced him to
decline the most advantageous offers, and he
accepted the post of cofferer of the Household.
In this post, as well as from his relationship to
the prime minister, he had constant access to
* Mr. Walpole's Apology.
X 3

310 CHAPTER 17-
the closet ; and whenever he was consulted,
always gave his advice with sincerity, and with
a freedom which offended the king, and some
times even displeased his great patroness queen
Caroline. Mr. Walpole had the satisfaction of contri
buting to the conclusion of the treaty of Vienna,
which was retarded by the difficulty of settling
the dispute between the emperor and the king,
as elector of Hanover, and by the suspicions
which the imperial court entertained that the
Walpoles were unfavourable to the house of
Austria. A letter to Mr. Robinson, at this cri
tical juncture, removed these impressions, and
conciliated prince Eugene, who had been prin
cipally instrumental in opening and conducting
the negotiation.
" The best answer," writes Mr. Robinson to
Mr. Walpole, " I can make to the honour of
your letter, is to send you a treaty, to which it
certainly contributed much. Nothing was
more seasonable ; and luckily it was seconded
by the faithful reports which a cornier about
that time brought from monsieur Kinsky, con
cerning yours and Sir Robert Walpole's senti
ments. The moment I received your letter I
read it to the prince, and can only say, in one
word, he was charmed with it. The business
is now done, I will not say well or ill. If well, I

1730—1735. 311
desire, sir, you will take to yourself the reputa
tion of it, whatever good I have in me I owe to
your example ; if ill, I must, as I ought, take
to myself the shame of having made no better
advantage of what you are pleased, in your
letter, to call the intimacy and confidence with
which I lived with you for many years at Paris,
and of the opportunities I had of knowing your
most secret sentiments *."
" Thus," to use the expressions of Mr. Wal
pole, " the situation of affairs in Europe, whieh
had been flung into the greatest convulsions by
the wild and extravagant projects of enterprising
ministers, to flatter and satisfy the pride and
ambition of certain powers, was, by the firm and
prudent conduct of his majesty, brought back
to a calm and natural state, without the calami
ties of a general war. And notwithstanding the
impotent efforts of pretended and discontented
patriots, to vilify an administration whose em
ployments they wanted, joined with a desperate
clan of disaffected Jacobites, to distress a govern
ment they would gladly subvert, no prince was
ever in a higher point of glory and respect,
from all foreign powers, for the steadiness and
wisdom of his measures, than his majesty was at
* Mr. Robinson to Mr. Walpole, Vienna, March 20, 1731.
Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, Correspondence, vol. ii.
p. 100.
X4

312 CHAPTER 17.
this juncture ; nor any ministers in greater
credit and esteem abroad, than those who were
employed in the direction and execution of these
measures *."
Although Mr. Walpole had no ostensible part
in administration, and did not hold a responsible
office, yet his extensive and accurate knowledge
of foreign affairs, his profound sense and manly
spirit, rendered his advice highly useful. He
was consulted by the king, queen Caroline, and
his brother, in all affairs of importance ; and was
employed in drawing up, or revising, the principal
memorials, manifestos, and other State papers,
which were issued during the remainder of his
brother's administration. From 1730, the period
when he quitted his embassy at Paris, till 1733,
Mr. Walpole remained in England.
During this period, he assisted his brother
by his efforts in parliament as well as by co
operating in the transaction of foreign affairs.
In the stormy session when the project of the
Excise excited such unmerited odium against
his brother, he laboured by means of his con
nections and influence abroad, to counteract the
efforts of the opposition in parliament, and the
disaffected party in the country. Among other
documents of this period is an interesting letter
to his friend Baron Gedda at Paris, in which he
* Mr. Walpole's Apology.

1730—1735. 313
exposes and reprobates the unbecoming cabals
of the French minister Chavigny with Boling
broke and his adherents. This letter,, evidently
written for the purpose of being communicated
to the cardinal, produced a considerable effect
on his mind, in counteracting the false and
exaggerated representations of the French minis
ter, and baffling the hopes which Bolingbroke
and the disaffected party entertained of turning
the influence of France against Sir Robert. Wal
pole. " SIR, " You would do me great injustice if
you did not attribute my long silence to so
good a friend to the multiplicity of affairs in
parliament, and particularly at a time when
things have been carried on both sides with so
much spirit and vivacity. But I can assure you
that notwithstanding the artful representations
and hopes of our enemies to get the better, I
was never under the least uneasiness for the
consequence of these troubles. For as it is well
known that the king our master has never had
any design, and never will have, to attempt any
thing against the liberty and laws of this nation,
and his minister never did and never will give
any advice contrary to the constitution of the
country, and the well-being of the people, it
is impossible that the false insinuations of the

314 CHAPTER 17.
disaffected and discontented should have any
greater effect than to delude the ignorant and
misguided people for the present, until things
should be put into a clear and just light.
*' The affair of the Excise, although calculated
to no other purpose than to procure an honest
and fair collection of the duties on Tobacco
and Wine, which are really paid by the people,
but lost in a great measure to the public on
account of the variety of frauds in the collection,
occasioned a more than ordinary convulsion in
the nation, on account of the groundless sug
gestions of our enemies, as if every thing ne
cessary for life was to have a new tax upon
it, which were artfully stirred up by the multi
plicity of merchants that would lose by the
correction of frauds, and promoted by the male-
contents disappointed in their views. How
ever, this matter was in an honourable manner
withdrawn, and the country gentlemen were
convinced that the intended Excise was founded
on an honest principle to prevent frauds, and
with a view to ease them of the burthen of
the Land Tax, which they had borne for so
many years. The designs of the enemies of the
administration, by his majesty's resolution and
courage, have proved entirely abortive, and
things I think are, notwithstanding the industry
used to keep the nation in a ferment, upon as

1730—1735. 315
firm and quiet a footing as ever. I am per
suaded, from what you write to me, as well
as from the representations I have had of the
cardinal's integrity and discretion, that his
eminence gave orders to M. Chavigny not to
trouble himself any ways in these disturbances ;
but I can assure you, that notwithstanding these
orders, this minister has been as industrious as
possible, by underhand management, not only
to foment these troubles, but also to make them
appear abroad much greater than they are, in
order to give the worst impression and opinion
of his majesty's affairs ; and for that purpose on
one side he has constantly frequented those
persons that are most inveterate against his
majesty's government and administration, acted
in a strict confidence with them, and especially
with Lord B — ke and his particular intimates,
has received his intelligence from them, given
the most malicious turns in prejudice of those
that serve his majesty, to every thing that has
passed in parliament, and constantly alarmed
the rest of the foreign ministers, as if the
government was in the greatest danger, or at
least the administration, and would never stand.
He lives, eats, and drinks with the enemies to
the king's government, and after a bottle carries
his liberties so far as to join with them, as we are
informed, in talking high treason.

316 CHAPTER 17.
" No sooner has any body felt the disgrace of
the court, but he immediately finds a kind wel
come from Mr. Chavigny. Lord Stair, with
whose character you are well acquainted, and
whose haughty and intriguing conduct has
drawn upon him the displeasure of the king,
was immediately upon it extremely caressed
and taken into the friendship of this minister,
notwithstanding his lordship's known antipathy
and inveterate aversion to the French nation ;
and others that have found the same fate for
their opposition to the king's measures, have
met with the same kindness from Chavigny, as
if by their behaviour they had done what
would be agreeable to the French court. In
short he is, as I hinted before, the creature of
lord Bolingbroke, his devoted admirer and dis
ciple, idolises him as the ablest, the honestest,
and the best of men ; and every body that is no
friend to that Lord is a knave or a fool, or the
weakest of men, in Mr. Chavigny's eyes, and his
constant discourse. In concert with this Lord
this French minister has, as we have good rea
son to believe, undertaken to foment a convul
sion in this government and a war in Europe.
In order to bring about the first, he encourages
all persons and practices against the court, ridi
cules, blames, and decries all the English mini
sters, paints them on all occasions as having lost

1730—1735. 317
their parts as well as their credit, as being so
odious to the nation, and in so tottering a con
dition, that their fall is inevitable, extols their
enemies as able men and sound patriots, and as
having concerted such measures as cannot fail
of success. In concert with lord Bolingbroke,
he has undertaken, as we are informed, to en
gage France in a war as soon as possible, as
what may embarrass this nation, and in conse
quence the ministry, extremely. For that pur
pose he describes us, as well as Holland, in con
versation with his confidents, to be embarrassed,
and in so weak and divided a condition as not
to be able to take any vigorous measures in
defence of ourselves, much less to support
our allies, if called upon. But to remove all ob
jections he artfully suggests, that in case a
blow was struck that does not immediately af
fect this nation or the low countries, he flatters
himself that we shall keep at a distance, shall
in effect, on account of our divisions,* the
small credit of the ministers, and the little
resource which he pretends we have in our
finances, abandon our allies, and be glad to
keep our neck out of the halter. This is
a language that he is so fond of, that he does
not only hold it to particular persons in con
fidence, but ventures to talk to the same pur
pose even to the face of the king's servants ;

318 CHAPTER 17.
and in case he is contradicted in his vain and
arrogant surmises, he represents the persons that
presume to have so much courage as enemies to
France, and as such, as only put on a good
countenance in a bad cause. In case he is suf
fered to talk thus impertinently without an an
swer and with a silent contempt, he immediately
plumes himself upon it, thinks himself all trium
phant, and looks upon such a silence as a certain
concurrence in his opinion. Thus he struts
and looks big, swells with the thoughts of a
noble war, and supporting the glory of France,
which, he says, cannot be done without an im
mediate war. All this while he continues a
certain suppleness and grimace towards some of
the ministers, of whom I am one, pretends that
he avoids importuning them, (while he is night
and day with their enemies), because they are
so taken up with parliamentary and other affairs,
that he would not incommode them. Thus
while this poor creature, as you know he really
is, (any otherwise than as he represents so great
a sovereign) is acting the part of a charlatan, a
part entirely unworthy of the character he bears;
and I am persuaded both contrary to the incli
nation and orders of the cardinal, and M. Chau
velin, he looks upon himself as the most refined,
the most capable, and the deepest politician, as
being able to create a flame in Europe and a
civil war in England,

1730—1735. 319
" In the mean while his artifices and little
tricks are thoroughly known and equally des
pised, neither will any notice be taken of him
by way of complaint to his court, or rebuke to
himself; and if he has that mighty power which
he assumes and does not doubt of effecting, to
bring on a war in Europe, we shall patiently
expect the blow without being prepared to de
fend ourselves, and to make our engagements
good with our allies. But what is most extra
ordinary in this unaccountable conduct is, that
while every day of his life he acts a part which
ought to send him from hence and make us in
sist upon his being recalled, I am lately told, he
has complained of Mr. Pelham's * having held
a discourse to the disadvantage of France, and
made such an impression on your court to Mr.
Pelham's prejudice as if they had thoughts of
demanding his recall. This matter having been
sounded, is found to be entirely false with re
gard to the pretended discourse of Mr. Pelham,
and indeed it is impossible for any body on all
occasions to express himself with more regard
than that gentleman does towards the French
court, where he has met with particular civili
ties, and is daily proud of them, nor with more
attachment personally towards his eminence
and M. Chauvelin. But is it not amazing that
such a creature as M. Chavigny, who observes
* Then British Envoy at the court of France.

320 CHAPTER 17-
no measures here, who even is often very free
with the person of the cardinal himself, as being
the author of all the recent disgrace which
France, according to him, suffers by his meek
and pacific temper, would intimate any thing to
the prejudice of a young gentleman that is by
his comportement agreeable to every body in all
places." In October 1733 Mr. Walpole was sent to the
Hague on a secret mission of great importance,
which occasioned his subsequent nomination to
the post of embassador to the States General.
The causes which led to this mission will be best
related in his own words :
" Upon the death of the king of Poland, the
opposite declarations and measures on the part
of the emperor and France, in favour of the
royal candidates, occasioned a rupture between
those two powers, although his majesty and the
states had caused the most friendly and earnest
representations to be made at the court of
Vienna, upon the imprudence of taking any
step that might hazard a war with France, on
account of a Polish election ; a contest entirely
foreign to the concerns of England and Holland
in their defensive alliance with the emperor.
The Dutch found that the imperial court had on
this occasion immediately stript the barrier
towns of 10,000 men, part of 16,000 they were

1730—1735. 321
obliged by treaty to keep there in time of peace,
by removing them to Luxemburgh, and declar
ing that the maritime powers must take upon
themselves the care of the barrier; that the
important fortresses of Mons, Aeth and Charle-
roy, which ought to be garrisoned by the im
perial troops, were entirely defenceless, without
fortifications, magazines, or men; and that
France had engaged the kings of Spain and Sar
dinia in the war against the emperor. This ex
posed situation made the ministers of the States
think themselves obliged, for their immediate
security, to enter into a negotiation with the
French embassador at the Hague, for a neutra
lity, by which it was agreed that the States would
not concern themselves in the affairs of the
Polish election, nor in the troubles that might
be in consequence of it ; France agreeing, on
her part, not to carry the war into their low
countries, nor attack their barrier. This un
expected declaration surprised his majesty ; but
before it was formed into a resolution, Mr. Wal
pole, on account of the credit which he was
supposed to have with the ministers and mem
bers of the States, from his former negotiations
at the Hague, and the confidence with which
he had acted towards' their embassador at Paris,
was sent to Holland with instructions to endea
vour to divert the States from concluding a
VOL. I. Y

322 CHAPTER 17.
precarious neutrality with France. But the
defenceless condition of their frontiers, and the
formidable power of France in their neighbour
hood, had pushed on that affair so fast, that it
was in a manner concluded before his arrival
there. However, Mr. Walpole prevailed with
the pensionary to get a clause inserted in that
act, by which the States reserved to themselves
a liberty to fulfil their engagements with the
emperor, with whom they had contracted alli
ances, as well as with France. This left a door
for them to take a part to stop the progress
of the French arms, when the exigency of affairs
and their common danger should make it prac
ticable, in a government so weak and divided.
"In the mean while the imperial court was
as solicitous in their instances with his majesty
and the States, to join in his defence, as the
French were to shew them that the emperor had
been the aggressor, by concurring in violent
measures with Russia, to interrupt the freedom
of the Polish election.
" It being evident that this perplexed situa
tion of affairs must necessarily bring on negotia
tions of a very nice and difficult nature, Mr.
Walpole was ordered again to repair to the
Hague, with the character of embassador, to act
at this critical juncture in confidence and con
cert with the States. Cardinal Fleury had caused

1730—1735. 323
the most plausible and pacific declarations to be
made in England and Holland, of his readiness
to accept the good offices of his majesty and
the States, for accommodating the difference
between the emperor and France. The imperial
court, on the other hand, was as positive and
peremptory in rejecting them; not bearing to
hearken to any terms, until the maritime powers
should have previously declared themselves in
his favour, and sent, as guarantees, succours to
his assistance, which gave France a great advan
tage over them, by her apparent disposition
towards a peace.
" Mr. Walpole, to whom the late queen was
always extremely gracious, endeavoured by his
credit with her, to decline the acceptance of an
employment, which he foresaw would give him
infinite trouble, and was liable to many inconve
niences and reproaches, according to the nature
of events, and the readiness of a factious party,
then in parliament, to condemn all measures,
though executed with the greatest fidelity and
judgment. But her majesty having promised
him her countenance and protection, he under
took this great, but disagreeable office, at this
critical juncture."
Considering the situation of Mr. Walpole in
England, unincumbered with a responsible office,
enjoying the favour of the court, and delighted
y 2

324 CHAPTER 17-
with his improvements at Wolterton, it is not
a matter of wonder that he accepted with re
luctance a post full of embarrassments. The
government of the United Provinces was still
in a state of discord and anarchy; and the
difficulty of conciliating the different interests
was increased by the views of the prince of
Orange, and the jealousies of the republican
party. His friend pensionary Slingelandt still re
tained his great influence and authority in the
counsels of the republic, and was inclined to
promote the union with Great Britain ; but he
was a martyr to the gout, and his temper natu
rally warm, exasperated by pain, was become
peevish and intractable.
His other friend, the greffier Fagel, in whom
he reposed the fullest confidence, and whose
mild temper was not soured by age, was equally
attached to England; but, by the reserve of
Slingelandt, was almost excluded from the know
ledge of foreign affairs *.
* In some of his confidential letters to Mr. Trevor, Mr.
Walpole contrasts the mild and placid temper of greffier Fagel,
with the fretful and inflexible spirit of the pensionary. Hampden Papers.
" If the pensionary," he says, " had M. Fagel's temper, it
would be pleasant to do business ; but we must bear with men
as they are, and do as well as we can.
" January 23, 1 735-6.— I told you, in my last, I had received

1730—1735. 325
William prince of Orange had now attained
his majority; and with the fervour of youth;
and the elevation of an aspiring mind, ill
brooked his exclusion from the power and dig
nity formerly enjoyed by his family. His views
were encouraged by the ardent temper of his
consort the princess Anne, eldest daughter of
George the Second, and by his expectations
of his father-in-law's support. He was, therefore,
eager to involve the States in a war with France,
that he might be appointed generalissimo of the
Dutch forces; a promotion which might lead\to
the revival of the Stadholdership in his favour*
The natural jealousy which the republican party
entertained of the house of Orange, was in
creased, as well by this alliance, as by the
imprudent zeal which George the Second dis
played in favour of his son-in-law. The French
a peevish letter from the pensionary ; I now send you a copy
inclosed, with my answer. It is a great pity the pensionary,
who is otherwise so great a man, will on any occasion that does
not please him fret himself so much.
" October 3-14, 1736. — As to . what the two great ministers
said to you, they both talked in character. The greffier is so
mild in his temper, that he dreads the effect of the least step
taken in their distracted government,, that is not agreeable to
you all : the pensionary, is so rough,, that he cannot give his
real or imaginary reasons,, upon, a point where he is particularly
to act the minister, with common decency. What a pity that
such a Billingsgate tongue and temper should belong to such aa
excellent understanding."
Y 3

326 CHAPTER 17.
availed themselves of these suspicions, to increase
their own party, and thwart the designs of the
British cabinet.
The Hague, at this critical juncture, became
the centre of business and intrigue ; the British
embassador at Paris acted principally from the
impulse of Mr. Walpole ; his correspondence
with cardinal Fleury was revived, and the nego
tiations with the different powers of Europe
passed through his hands.
" Not to enter," continues Mr. Walpole in his
Apology, " into a detail of the various and
interesting transactions, public and secret, that
passed at the Hague on the part of the respective
powers concerned in this embarrassed state of
affairs, Mr. Walpole, perfectly well acquainted
with the pusillanimous and pacific temper of
the cardinal, took care, in his correspondence
and eoncert with lord Waldegrave, then his
majesty's embassador at Paris, that his eminence
should be kept under constant apprehensions
of Mr. Walpole's being able, by his memorials,
and other representations to the ministers and
members of the States, of the dangerous conse
quences to the republic, from the formidable
progress of the confederate arms, to engage
them at last to take a vigorous part in favour
of the emperor as a common cause. And it is
certain, that his eminence was so affected and

1730—1735. 32?
alarmed with this apprehension, that notwith
standing the artifice of Chauvelin to keep up
his spirits, and that the armies of France and
her allies continued victorious on all sides, he
would not suffer the Spanish and Sardinian forces
in Italy, as it had been projected, and was very
practicable, to take Mantua, lest it should have
animated the maritime powers to declare war in
support of the emperor ; and his eminence was
not easy, until after having set on foot several
negotiations in several ways, and at several
places, the preliminaries for peace were signed
at Vienna in 1735.
" And I believe it may be affirmed, without
vanity, that this management between Mr. Wal
pole and lord Waldegrave, seconded by pen
sionary Slingelandt, in his letters to the Dutch
embassador at Paris, in keeping the cardinal in
perpetual agitation and fears of a general war,
saved the important city of Mantua, the key
of Italy, from falling into the hands of Spain.
" I cannot conclude the Apology for Mr. Wal
pole's conduct, at this great epoch, without
making one observation. His majesty was ex
tremely desirous to give the emperor assistance
in this war with France ; and it is imagined
that count Kinsky flattered the imperial court
with such expectations. But the minister, who
had the greatest credit with the king, by having
y 4

328 CHAPTER 17.
the greatest penetration and judgment in affairs,
represented how difficult, if not impracticable,
it would have been, after the States had agreed
to a neutrality with France, and the kings of
Spain and Sardinia had actually joined in a war
against the emperor, to have prevailed upon the
parliament to grant supplies for carrying on so
extensive a war, of which this nation must have
borne the greatest, and in a manner the whole
burthen; especially as the cause of it was a dis
pute about a Polish election, and could not be
looked upon to be the concern of Great Britain,
nor a case in which the emperor had a right to
demand succours by virtue of his defensive alli
ance; and that if the parliament could have
been brought into such a war, it was morally
impossible that the utmost efforts of this nation,
with those of the emperor, could have resisted
so powerful a confederacy. His majesty, by
the credit and salutary advice of that minister,
in which the rest of his servants, in the confi
dence of affairs, (for, as powerful as he was, he
never would let his own opinion, in matters of
State, prevail against the majority of them,)
was diverted from taking any part but in con
cert with the States, with a view to bring mat
ters, by their joint good offices, to an accommo
dation between the belligerent parties ; or if
the dangerous consequences attending the pro-

1730—1735. 329
gress of the confederate arms, should have suffi
ciently alarmed the Dutch, and made an impres
sion that might have induced them to join in
defence of the emperor, that his majesty should
have readily joined with them in a plan of vigo
rous measures for that purpose.
" However, the king was extremely displeased
with this state of an inactive neutrality, in being
prevented from giving the emperor assistance,
which Mr. Walpole perceived in several con
ferences he had the honour to have with the
late queen, by her majesty's own desire, on this
subject; and, as she might be apprehensive that
it might diminish Sir Robert Walpole's credit
with the king, she would, in an ironical manner,
reproach Mr. Walpole, by saying to him, That
Sir Robert would have gone into the war, but you
would not let him; by which Mr. Walpole plainly
understood (and let her majesty see that he did,)
that it was better his majesty should be dis
pleased with Mr. Walpole, than with Sir Ro
bert ; and it is very possible that, for that reason,
the queen might, in discourse with the king,
have laid the fault of disappointing his majesty's
inclinations to succour the emperor upon Mr.
Walpole, and that it may have made a lasting
impression upon his majesty's mind to his dis
advantage. " But here I cannot forbear adding, that the

330 CHAPTER 17.
late queen was pleased to honour Mr. Walpole
with her most gracious approbation of his con
duct, by letters constantly wrote with her own
hand, during his negotiations at the Hague,
while she was regent in England. The good
opinion of so wise and judicious a princess, who
had always the public good at her heart, not
only supported his spirits in the most unplea
sant and fatiguing station, but has ever since
flattered him with conscious satisfaction of his
having done his duty, and the best that could
be done, for the service of his majesty and his
country, in so great and difficult a conjunc
ture *." * Mr. Walpole's Apology.

331

CHAPTER 18.
1735—1737.
Letter from Mr. Walpole to Queen Caroline — He remonstrates
against the premature Communication of the Plan of Pacifi
cation to the Imperial Court — Relates his Efforts to re
establish the Union between England and. Holland, the Origin
of the Secret Convention, and his various Negotiations at the
Hague — Extracts from Queen Carolines Letters to Mr.
Walpole — Continuation of Mr. Walpole's Apology — He
accompanies the King to Hanover as Secretary of State —
Danger of the King in his Passage from Helvoetsluys —
Letters from the Princess Amelia and Queen Caroline — Mr.
Walpole's Remarks on Sir John Barnard's Bill.
rpHE interesting correspondence with queen
Caroline, to which Mr. Walpole alludes in his
Apology, was so frequent, that the letters, if
preserved, would fill a volume. Many of these
letters have been destroyed ; but several fortu
nately still remain. The greater part were in
serted in the Correspondence which accompanies
the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole ; one, how
ever, which was written at this period, and was
not published in that collection, contains a
curious account of the origin, progress, and
conclusion of the secret convention with cardinal

332 CHAPTER 18.
Fleury*, and Mr. Walpole's transactions at the
Hague, and evinces the manly freedom with
which he delivered his sentiments, even in direct
contradiction to the wishes of the king and
queen, and the views of the British cabinet.
Mr. Walpole to Queen Caroline t.
" Madam,
" The unexpected step in communicating to
the imperial court, without a previous concert
with the States, the plan of accommodation,
seems liable to so many dangerous consequences,
and has put me under such difficulties with re
spect to his majesty's service, that, not knowing
where it may affect, I have reserved my senti
ments of it for this particular and confidential
letter to your majesty only.
" I must beg your majesty's goodness and
indulgence to believe that what I am going to
say does not proceed from ill-humour, or a
disposition to find fault with what is done and
cannot be recalled, but from a desire, if possible,
to obviate future mischiefs, which, if I rightly
apprehend the motives of this measure, will
constantly, if care be not taken, embarrass his
majesty's affairs*
* For an account of this secret negotiation, see chap. 44,
Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole.
f The draught of this letter, in Mr. Walpole's hand-writing,
is without a date ; but it was evidently written in the beginning
of 1735.

1735—1737- 333
" I must beg your majesty's patience for
reading a short account of the rise, progress, and
present state of this negotiation, as necessary to
put my thoughts into a clear light, and to enable
your majesty to judge whether it is better to
pursue a plain, regular system, built with strength
and caution, by a natural coherence and a pro
portional relation and dependence of the parts on
one another, or by the impulsions of sudden starts
and flights, to disorder the whole, and reduce a
great work from the hopes of perfection to the
hazard of the utmost confusion, which I appre
hend may probably prove to be the case from
this communication ; ready at the same time to
be transported with joy if I should, as I hope in
God I shall be, mistaken.
" Upon the war breaking out between the
emperor and France, on account of the Polish
election, the antient confidence and intimacy,
(the best guaranty of their mutual interests and
security,) between England and Holland, for
what reasons I will not enquire at present, was
on a very precarious foot, and the measures to
be taken at so great a crisis for their common
safety and the public good, were entirely discon
certed, and running counter to one another,
which induced his majesty to send me hither in
October was twelve months, to sound the inten
tions of the States, and reconcile the counsels

334 CHAPTER 18.
between his majesty and them to one accord at
a conjuncture so important.
" This mission was thought by some of his
majesty's servants, unacquainted with foreign
affairs, as useless and vain, they being persuaded
that the Dutch had taken their ply, and, by
the bias and tendency of their actions, parti
cularly on account of the neutrality for the Low
Countries then on foot, were determined, without
consulting his majesty, to act in confidence with
France. " Upon my arrival here, I found indeed the
principal ministers (whose former ideas and
system of politics were, to my knowledge, built
upon a strict union between the two nations,)
prepossessed with the most unreasonable and
unaccountable notions of his majesty's inten
tions and actions, both with respect to their
government and the state of affairs in Europe,
and for that reason, being at the same time
extremely ill-used, as they thought, by the impe
rial court, disposed to manage so formidable a
neighbour as France is to them. But as yet
they were got no farther into a confidence with
France than what was necessary to conclude
the act of neutrality relating to the Low Coun
tries, which, on account of the barrier towns
under the emperor's care being destitute of
troops, ammunition, and every thing requisite

1735—1737. 335
for their defence, and for want of a due concert
and harmony with England, they considered as
the only means to preserve the Low Countries,
and consequently themselves. On the other
side, I found the antient friends of England
and the present establishment fully persuaded
that his majesty was entirely under the direc
tions and influence of the imperial court ; that
he had entered into all the engagements and
measures concerted by the emperor, Muscovites
and Saxons, for opposing the election of Stanis
laus by force, and consequently that he was
obliged and determined to take part in the war,
had given the emperor private assurances of it,
and that by degrees the States were in a manner
to be forced into it too, and that the putting a
stadholder at the head of their government was
part of the scheme concerted by the imperial
and British courts. My antient acquaintance
and intimacy with the pensionary and the
greffier, ministers of undoubted abilities and
integrity, and always disposed to make the union
between England and Holland the basis of
their politics and measures, soon gave me an
opportunity to destroy these ill-grounded pre
judices and preventions, against his majesty's
counsels and measures, by shewing them that
his majesty had no other concern than that of
good offices in the affair of Poland, was under

336 CHAPTER 18.
no engagements but what were common to the
States, and was desirous to act in concert with
them in the present great and critical juncture.
At the same time I had the pleasure to discover,
that the opinion entertained of them in England,
of this government having flung themselves
absolutely into the hands of France, was equally
groundless; and I had the satisfaction of removing
these prejudices, on both sides, by degrees to
bring matters to a perfect good understanding,
and a resolution to pursue the same measures
jointly in counsels and actions, with respect to
the troubles that threatened the public tranquil
lity of Europe.
" Having settled this great point, of a mutual
harmony between his majesty and the States,
and also a particular correspondence between
lord Harrington and the pensionary in matters
of the most secret nature, I returned to England;
and soon after my arrival, the States, in conse
quence of this harmony, came to a resolution to
sound the emperor and France whether our
offer of good offices would be accepted. This
was transmitted to England for his majesty's
concurrence, which I thought so natural a step,
in consequence of what I had done, that there
could have been no difficulty in it ; when, at a
meeting of some of his majesty's servants, I was
surprised to find most of them, with lord Har-
15

1735—1737- 387
rington at the head for various and different
reasons, against agreeing with the states in this
point. Even the person* on whose opinion and
influence I chiefly depended, changed his mind,
and so I was left alone, with nobody on my side
but lord Wilmington and the duke of New
castle, when he came to town ; but to no pur
pose. I had nothing to do but to let them
know my mind, in foretelling that it would
create new jealousies and coolness between the
English and Dutch administration ; and five
weeks time being spent without returning an
answer to the resolution of the states, the confi
dential correspondence which 1 had settled be
tween lord Harrington and the pensionary was,
by sharp expostulations, at once confounded.
In the mean time the opposite resolutions and
memorials that had passed between the imperial
ministers and the republic had brought things,
as far as words could go, to the greatest height
of animosity and resentment ; and a misappre
hension of their respective views and designs, in
the papers that had passed between England
and Holland, had begun to create such strong
expostulations as would have occasioned a paper
war, instead of an amicable union, between his
majesty and the states, had not care been taken
* Sir Robert Walpole.
VOL. I. Z

338 CHAPTER 18.
to put a stop to such extremities, by sending me
again over, in last May, to this country, with
proper instructions for reconciling the differ
ences between us.
" I arrived here soon after the vote of parlia
ment was passed for reposing an entire confi
dence in his majesty concerning the augmenta
tion of his forces ; and I could not imagine but
that the carrying with me such a mark of the
parliament's regard for the king, by strengthen
ing his hands in such a manner as to give him
the greatest weight and influence in his delibera
tions about the affairs of Europe, would have
made me acceptable to my old friends, and par
ticularly the pensionary. But, on the contrary,
in the first visit I made him, confined to his bed
with the gout, he looked upon me in such a
manner as if I was come to drag him away by.
force, and place him as a Dutch deputy to fight
against France. Having let him cool, and taken
opportunities of seeing him alone, (for Mr.
Finch* was present at the first visit,) I desired
to know, in a quiet way, the occasion of such
agonies and transports. His respect and de
cency for the king's person made him at first
very reserved, until I told him it was impossible
to cure a disease without knowing the nature
* At that time British envoy at the Hague, until he was
superseded by Mr. Walpole.

1735—1737. 839
and symptoms of it. He then, shewing all pos
sible respect in his expressions towards his ma
jesty, gave me to understand, that the principal
regents of the government were of opinion, that
his majesty was actually concerned in private
engagements with the emperor, independent of
the states, and had given the strongest assur
ances to his imperial majesty that he would give
him his assistance ; that he must temporise for
the present, but that the emperor might depend
upon his (the king's) declaring in his favour j
and that this vote of confidence was procured,
not with a view of giving weight to negotia
tions, but with a design to make use of it for en
gaging in the war, and force the States into it
if possible, along with him ; and that the king's
bias, as elector, in favour of the emperor, would
get the better of all other considerations with
regard to England and Holland, and that his ma
jesty's readiness, in that quality, on being the
foremost to dispose the empire to declare war
against France, when the empire had taken no
precautions nor measures to be in a condition to
carry it on, was what had increased among the
regents the jealousies they had entertained of
his majesty's warlike designs.
" I had the happiness to state his majesty's
views, in the quality of king as well as elector,
in such a light as to undeceive the pensionary
z2

340 CHAPTER 18.
on the extravagant notions unjustly conceived
here, and to give him entire satisfaction, by
shewing how impossible it was for his majesty,,
after the siege of fort Kehl, to do otherwise, as
a prince of the empire, than he had done • that
as king he had sent me once more, with the
strongest assurances and instructions to act in
perfect union and concert with the states in
every step that should be taken in the present
state of affairs in Europe ; that the vote of con
fidence could not fail of having the effect for
which it was calculated in giving great weight
to their joint measures and negotiations ; and
that all the king desired was, that in consulting
together, some means might be found out for
keeping inviolably secret what should pass in
conferences until things should be brought to a
maturity for being communicated as a joint re
solution, and that a particular committee should
be appointed for the purpose to treat with me.
The form of their government would not permit
such a distinction to be made among their depu
ties. However, an oath of secrecy being taken
by them, the conferences were carried on with
out the least discovery of what passed, either by
the French or imperial ministers, until the reso
lution, taken in the name of his majesty and the
states, for the offer of good offices, to the respect
ive powers, for accommodating matters, was
actually communicated to them.

1735—1737. 34 1
«' It is material to observe here, that the re
solution in consequence of the particular confi
dence established between his majesty and the
states, of keeping inviolably secret from all
other powers what should pass between his ma
jesty and the states, was equally disagreeable to
the imperial and French courts.
" The imperial court was extremely desirous
of acting in conjunction with the maritime
powers ; but as they had no other view but to
involve his majesty and the states in the war,
perceiving the backwardness of the republic to
engage, their whole care and attention was to
obtain a particular and previous concert with
the king, and by that means to draw the states
into the troubles they endeavoured to avoid.
Count Uhlfeldt also expressed his great uneasi
ness to me at the secrecy of the maritime powers,
and what he called his majesty's preference of
the friendship of the states to that of the empe
ror ; and nothing would content him but my
bullying the states into a resolution to declare
in favour of the emperor against France.
" The French court, on the other side, was
thunderstruck with this union and secrecy of
measures established between us. Mr. Fenelon
was surprised to the last degree when he saw
me present at a conference which the deputies
had desired with him, and Mr. Chauvelin ex.
zS

S42 CHAPTER 18.
pressed his great concern at it. It destroyed
all his hopes of being able to carry on the war
as long as he pleased, without any fear or check,
while England and Holland were diffident of
one another, and had separate measures and
views. My old friend, the cardinal, was so
alarmed that he made Mr. Van Hoey * dispatch
an express to the pensionary, with an account of
a confidential discourse his eminence had with
him, all turning upon his apprehension of my
journey and, conduct in Holland.
" Having had the good fortune to settle an
entire confidence of counsels and actions be
tween his majesty and the states (which, once
for all, madam, 1 hope your majesty will give
me leave to observe, must at all times be abso
lutely necessary in foreign affairs, for the
interest and security of both), I returned to
England to give his majesty an account of my
conduct, who was pleased, after a short stay, to
order me back hither again in the quality of his
embassador, with instructions to continue my
best endeavours to maintain that confidence
which had been so happily restored between his
majesty and the States.
" Upon my return hither, having communi
cated to the pensionary a letter I had received
* The Dutch minister at Paris,

1735—1737- 313
from Mr. Gedda*, intimating, in stronger terms
than ever, the cardinal's disposition to bring
matters to an accommodation, with a desire to
have an opportunity of conversing with me on
that subject, Mr. Slingelandt thought this let
ter, which was ridiculed in England, of moment
enough to deserve an answer, which I having
drawn, and obtained his majesty's approbation
of it and sent it to France, it had such an effect
as to lay the foundation of the secret correspon
dence that has passed, and is advanced so far
since between the cardinal and me.
" It is not to the present purpose to enter
into the particulars of that secret negotiation,
which is so fresh in your majesty's mind ; but it
may not be amiss to observe, that it took its
rise from the effect which the re-establishment
of the union between his majesty and the states
had upon his eminency's mind. In order to
destroy this correspondence, Mr. Chauvelin
charged Mr. Fenelon with a particular letter,
wrote with the confidence of the French king,
the cardinal and himself only, offering to enter
into a particular and secret correspondence with
Mr. Slingelandt, unknown to every body else,
for the immediate and lasting security of the
states. * Swedish envoy at Paris, by whose means Mr. Walpole
occasionally carried on a secret correspondence with cardinal
Fleurv. Z 1

344. CHAPTER 18.
" This letter extremely embarrassed the pen
sionary, being apprehensive, on one side, that
if he shewed it to others, considering the then
state of affairs, with respect to the emperor,
they might have given attention to it, and been
inclined to hear what France would say, for the
particular interest and safety of the states,
which would immediately have put a stop to
the correspondence between the cardinal and
me, and by degrees might have dissolved the
confidence newly established between his ma
jesty and the states.
" On the other side, to sink this letter with
out communicating it to the principal regents
of Holland, at least, while in the mean time my
correspondence with the cardinal might come to
nothing, or any thing might happen, from the
different opinion of measures or otherwise, to
occasion a fresh coolness between England and
Holland, the pensionary would be exposed to
the utmost resentment of the states, to whom
he is accountable for all matters relating to their
interest that come to his knowledge. However
naturally inclined to preserve the good Under
standing with his majesty, and firmly convinced
by the reasons suggested to him, of his majesty
having the same intentions with respect to the
states, he made no other use of this extraordi
nary letter and offer from France, but to com
municate it to me in confidence, as an instance

1735—1737. 34,5
of his zeal to strengthen the bond of. union be
tween the two nations.
" When the cardinal, began to speak out in
his letters to me, and required as a condition
for his doing it, in plain. terms, the most solemn
assurances from the pensionary and me, to have
the secret inviolably kept, and that it should
be agreed on both sides to disavow the whole if
any part should get air ; this condition embar
rassed the pensionary extremely, and he saga
ciously observed to me, that if this negotiation
should employ a great deal of time, and break
off at last without a good issue, this obligation
of secrecy would put it out of his power to
justify his conduct to the states. However,
from the consolation of being under the same
engagement with the British minister, he re
solved to consent to it, and to take, in the mean
time, the proper precautions for his security, by
his great skill and address in his management
of the states of Holland, and the deputies
for foreign affairs. Of all these steps, I
have, as they occurred, given an account to
lord Harrington ; and therefore, I shall touch
upon them no farther than is necessary to
show, when I come to that point, the danger the
pensionary may be exposed to, with respect to
himself, and the inconveniences his majesty's
interest may be exposed to from a disso-

346 CHAPTER 18.
lution of the confidence between his majesty and
the states, which may be occasioned by this se
parate and untimely communication of the plan
to the emperor.
" The pensionary having communicated, un
der great secrecy, to two or three of the regents
of Holland, in general terms, what was trans
acting with the cardinal, he caused a motion to
be made in the states of Holland, founded upon
the nature of affairs in the present state of
Europe, to show the necessity of keeping the
secret in the nogotia tions to be held with the
British embassador, and consequently of repos
ing a particular trust in some person or persons,
for carrying on that negotiation, which, after
some debate, without a formal resolution, was
understood to be the pensionary. He then ob
tained a resolution among the deputies of the
states-general for foreign affairs, which con
cluded with showing, that it Would be impos
sible to negotiate with success unless France
could have sufficient security of the secret being
kept. This opinion being supported by memo
rials, delivered by me, the difficulty still remain
ed about the method of doing it, which the pen
sionary settled, by obtaining, in a private con
ference with them, a verbal consent that they
would permit him to negotiate, in confidence
with me, where and in what manner he should

1735—1737. 347
think fit, without giving an account of what
passed, until matters should be ripe for their
participation, and for taking a resolution upon
them ; they giving at the same time the strong
est assurances not to impart what should be
confided to them, either to their colleagues or the
states-general, nor to make a report of it to their
respective provinces, but by common consent.
" This foundation being laid, and confidence
reposed in the pensionary, supported his spirits
in our private transactions with the cardinal, and
made him resolve not to give the least account
of that part of the negotiation to any of the de
puties, and not to lay the plan of accommoda
tion before them, until it was finally adjusted
with his majesty, and ripe for an immediate re
solution, without any time for reflection or
alteration ; and his great comfort at the same
time was, that neither the imperial nor French,
nor indeed any of the foreign ministers, would
be able in the least to penetrate what had been
doing. " Thus matters stood, when I received an
account of the communication having been
made first verbally to Kinsky, and since by a
messenger dispatched to Mr. Robinson, of the
plan of accommodation, without any notice or
concert with the pensionary ; and here I am to ob-

348 CHAPTER 18.
serve to your majesty, that by a word which
fell from count Uhlfeldt, in talking of count
Kinsky's courier that passed this way, by way
of reproach for my not telling him any thing
that had passed, I suspected some such step
had been taken. My suspicions are, I find,
but too true, and I am flung under the great
est difficulty and perplexity of mind, not
withstanding the discretionary power given me
to acquaint the pensionary or not with this
step. " Should I acquaint the pensionary with it, I
should cast him into the greatest agonies of de
spair, to see, after the indefatigable pains taken
to re-establish a particular confidence between
his majesty and the states, and that at the king's
most earnest request, under the seal of secrecy ;
and after that secrecy had been confirmed by
an authority and trust reposed in him, scarce
ever known before in this government, and after
a hopeful prospect, that by a joint concert of
measures previously taken by his majesty and
the states, and by holding the same language
with firmness and union both to the emperor
and France, we should be able to bring those
two powers to reasonable terms of accommoda_
tion; and after the pensionary had been so jea
lous and careful of the secret, as not to let any

1735—173?. S4[)
part of it transpire to any of the states, not
even to those concerned in the secret affairs,
and indeed to nobody but to two or three of the
province of Holland. After all this, to see the
secret discovered to one of the parties concerned
in the war, from whom it should have been prin
cipally kept, until opened in a proper manner
by a joint application and influence of his ma
jesty and the states ; I say the knowledge of
such a communication must needs cast him
into the greatest agony, with respect to himself,
as being exposed, if the communication should,
as most things do, transpire at Vienna, to the
utmost danger of censure and reproaches, to say
no worse, from his masters, for having kept
them in the dark so long about a business of
such moment, of which the emperor is sooner
apprised than they. And with respect to the
public, and particularly the union between his
majesty and the states, should it ever be known
that the discovery of the secret was untimely
made by his majesty's servants to the emperor,
it must needs weaken the confidence that was
so happily established here, by calling to mind
the former impressions and preventions, as if
the king could not venture to do any thing
without the approbation and influence of the
emperor, the great inconveniences of which opi
nion to his majesty's affairs are too obvious, as

350 CHAPTER 18.
well as disagreeable to repeat. Into this notion
I am afraid the pensionary himself would infal
libly fall, if he should be told that this weakness,
if I may call it so, proceeded from a bullying
menace from count Kinsky, of declaring all the
treaties with England void.
" These melancholy reflections, flowing from
the nature of the thing, suggested another diffi
culty against my communicating to the pen
sionary this affair in the manner suggested to
me by lord Harrington, which was, that the
pensionary might think himself obliged, after
what has passed, for his own justification and
security, to acquaint the deputies for secret af
fairs with it, that he may wash his hands of all
the inconveniences which might follow from
such a measure taken without his consent or
knowledge. " On the other side, when I considered the
great risk the pensionary would run of censure
and reproach from this government, if, while
we were managing the secret with respect to
his own regents, the communication of it to the
court of Vienna should in the mean time get air,
as most things that pass there do, and be known
here before he had informed the deputies of it ;
it would be a cruel thing, after the zeal he has
exerted for his majesty's service, to leave him in
that ignorance, and not enable him to take the
18

1735—1737. 351
necessary precautions for his own safety, after
all the pains taken and address used by him
to conceal the secret, for fear of inconsequences,
even from his own masters ; especially since
count Uhlfeldt might have made him the same
reproach, as he did to me, of being so reserved
after count Kinsky's courier was past by
Vienna. " These considerations determined me, with
out acquainting the pensionary with the com
munication of the plan having been made from
England to the court of Vienna, to lead him,
if possible, by some other means, into a way
that might induce him to take the necessary
precautions for his own security, by deferring
no longer to let the deputies for secret affairs
into the general knowledge of the heads of
accommodation, so that they might not be able
to reproach him with his reservedness towards
them, in case Monsieur Bruynix * should be able
to discover the confidence that has been made
to Mr. Kinsky or Robinson, or that it should
come to be known by any other channel. Ac
cordingly, having received, by the same post,
orders from lord Harrington, that the plan, when
adjusted here, should, before itbe offered, be trans
mitted to his majesty for his approbation, when
* The Dutch minister at Vienna.

352 CHAPTER 18.
I acquainted the pensionary with these orders, I
suggested to him whether i^ might not be time
to break to the deputies for secret affairs, in
confidence, the substance of the plan, since they
appeared extremely impatient, as I had been
told, to know something ; and I pressed this
affair the more, because I was under, as he knew,
an engagement to make the same confidence to
the prince of Orange, and his affairs called him
immediately to Frise for three weeks, and I
would gladly discharge my promise to his high
ness before he went, since he was to be absent
so long. The pensionary, with his usual pene
tration, combined this hint, and the orders upon
which I founded it, with the courier that lately
passed by here to Vienna from count Kinsky, and
expressed his apprehensions of our having com
municated this affair to the imperial court with
out any concert with the states. He said he saw
he was to be the sacrifice of this affair, which
would come to nothing, that he was entre Ven-
clume et le marteau ; that it was plain his majesty
could do nothing without the emperor, and that
that plan was not to be finally adjusted until
the king had received the sentiments and ap
probation of his imperial majesty upon it ;
adding other things, though with all personal
deference and veneration for his majesty, rela
ting to the consequences of this step, that I do not

1735—1737. 353
care to remember. Having avoided, as much
as I could, the discussion of such a disagreeable
subject, I kept to the point of obtaining his per
mission, that I might let the prince of Orange
know what I was engaged to do ; to which the
pensionary consented, and said that he would
also, but verbally only, communicate to the de
puties, under the greatest secrecy, the substance
or heads of the plan.
" This is the situation of this great affair, for
which I beg ten thousand pardons, in giving
your majesty so much trouble ; and I hope, from
your known goodness, to have your indulgence
and forgiveness, while I add a few observations
upon the whole :
" l". I am afraid that the emperor, having
obtained this confidence, by the means of a
menace from such a child in business as Kinsky,
far from appearing to take it kindly, will shew
at first great reservedness ; will, with much
seeming reluctance and reproach, at last give
an answer; will require some addition to the
cessions to be made him, and a reduction of
those to be made to others ; and insist as a con
dition of his acceptance, that the maritime
powers shall declare, first, that they will engage
in the war on his behalf, if the terms of the plan
to be resumed, according to his will, shall not
vol. 1. a A

S54 CHAPTER 18.
be complied with by the allies in a certain
time. " 2°. If this condition should be demanded
by the emperor, and application shall be made
by the king to the States to consent to it, they
will absolutely refuse it. And being fully per
suaded, by the emperor's conduct, that his chief
view is to lead them into a war, they would -be
apprehensive that this condition is required with
no other design, and that when the emperor has
obtained that, he will take care to prevent the
peace. " 3°. From hence it will be imagined here, as
well as from the favourable disposition towards
the emperor in England, that instead of his ma
jesty and the states acting in concert and with
firmness, to dispose the emperor, as well as the
allies, to agree to the terms of peace, the concert
will be transferred from the states to the impe
rial court ; and the imperial and English, instead
of the English and Dutch ministers, will, act to
gether, which, by degrees, will create a differ
ence between England and Holland, and in
sensibly fling the Dutch into a confidence with
France. " Lastly, the system so absolutely necessary
for preserving the balance of Europe, and con
sequently the liberties and commerce of the
British and Dutch nations, by a perfect harmony

1735—1737. 355
and union of councils, will be crumbled to no
thing. These are my apprehensions, which I
hope in God the wisdom and steadiness of his
majesty's counsels will entirely disappoint."
The sincerity and freedom which are so re
markably displayed in this letter, seem to have
offended the king, and even displeased the
queen ; for, in a letter to his brother, written
about this period, Mr. Walpole observes, " I am
extremely sorry to find that the dress of my
letters to the queen is not liked, although the
matter is approved. I solemnly protest to you,
I do not affect that free stile ; but I can no
more write otherwise than I can tell how to
dress my person better than I do."
The irritable temper of George the Second
was not easily conciliated ; but the queen, whose
character was more mild and condescending, was
soon reconciled to his frankness, and treated him
with more confidence than before. A few of
her letters are still preserved at Wolterton, from
which are inserted some extracts, to shew the
extreme condescension of that amiable princess,
and • the high confidence which she reposed in
Mr* Walpole #.
" Richmond, May 21, (June 1,) 1734.— I am
* These letters were written in French, and in the transla
tion I have endeavoured to retain the ease and familiarity of
the original. A A 2

356 CHAPTER 18.
j greatly obliged to you for your letters ; they are
{. received with pleasure. I make no doubt but
I you will be satisfied with the answer of to-day ;
.and I flatter myself that your affairs there are
in a good train. I congratulate you on the
/ success of your election : I wish the same suc
cess to that of the county. Yorkshire does not
go so well ; although all hopes of success are
/'not yet lost. In all other respects every thing
goes here according to our wishes.
" My daughter appears contented with her
situation. I flatter myself that she will give
satisfaction more and more. I entreat you to
propose to the pensionary my ptisan as a re
medy for the gout, with which he is so griev
ously afflicted. I cannot but interest myself
for the life and health of a person of his merit.
I trust that my daughter will find in him a
friend, and she will always receive strict orders
to do nothing without his advice, and I beg you
will tell him so. I do not make you any com
pliments ; you know me too well, sir, not to be
assured that I am always the same for you.
Caroline."
" I shewed your letter to the chancellor, who
would have known nothing without me. Write,
I beseech you, in the same manner."
C " Richmond, June 15, 1734. — I begin with
the happy news that you will soon see your

1735—1737. 357
family, on condition that you return as soon as
your Superieur shall judge necessary. Having
thus given my orders, I must thank you for
what you say in your letter, concerning what I
wrote to you about. You know my sentiments
for you ; and that, notwithstanding your grum
bling, I highly esteem you. I pity the poor
pensionary more, because his disorder gives, him
lowness of spirits as well as bodily pain. In.
short, it is necessary to take men as God has
made them, and overlook their frailties as we
hope God will overlook ours.
" Sir Robert will inform you of our affairs,
as well foreign as domestic. I leave it to a
better hand. He is returned, as you well know,
in good humour. He complains less than others,
and does not give credit to all the ill reports
which are spread of Anne. It appears to me
that the gentlemen of Holland might pay their
respects to her, although she is in the house of
the prince of Orange ; not as his wife, but as
the king's daughter. It strikes me that this
would take away all subject of dispute from the
ladies. You know that things are changed in
Holland since the time of the princess Mary.
She saluted only married women, and single la
dies now demand it. The best way to avoid
all disputes would be to salute none. The Eng
lish ladies might wait upon her in private. The
aa 3

358 CHAPTER 18.
French, embassador was, I believe, mistaken,
when he spoke of a visit to. his > wife. I do not
believe that Mrs. Walpole ever . received rone
from the French princesses. As for saluting her,
that is proper." . ;.
"Kensington, Oct. 18, 1734. — I have re
ceived three of your letters with pleasure, as I
do every thing which comes from the best heart
and the most honest man I know. I will: send
you by Anne my answer to that which I received
yesterday. She is very sensible and prudent,
and has in many things my approbation.
"I now return to answer that of the 4th.
I laughed heartily at the prohibition of not
appearing at court, and no less at the history of
Henry IV. * * * * *
" I do not see the danger of my daughter's
lying-in at the Hague ; she will not be in any
one's way ; and a lying-in cannot be dangerous
to a government, nor give jealousy, especially if
she and the prince of Orange conduct them
selves with propriety and discretion; and I
believe I can answer for both. It is desired
that she should lye-in in Holland^; she is thus
snatched from my care. I submit to it, how*
ever, because it is reasonable ; but what reason
can there be to remove her still further from me ?
to make her lye-in in a village, without succour
without assistance, not to reckon the alarms I

1735—1737. 359
shall experience after her delivery *. * * * * *
In regard to her conduct, I am convinced she
will endeavour to gain the esteem of all ; and if
her manners have any effect, she will render her
self beloved. But enough of this business.
" I believe we shall soon have an account of
the king of Prussia's death ; he is in a most
deplorable state. Sir Robert will have informed
you that your advice has been followed, and
that the man f who is sent appears to be a
person of merit; he has succeeded in other
affairs, and I sincerely hope he will have the-
same good fortune in this, which is of the great
est consequence.
" The bishop of Namur t, from his discourse,
appears to me light-headed : we will endeavour
to send him away as soon as possible. * * *
will deliver this letter, and will acquaint the
prince of Orange that my daughter departs on
* Some of the leading men in Holland seem to have been
alarmed lest the princess of Orange should lye-in in England,
and remonstrated with Mr. Walpole on the subject.
f She alludes to the secret negotiation just opened between
cardinal Fleury and Mr. Walpole, and to the mission of
Jannel to the Hague. -See Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole,
chap. 44.
J For the character and intrigues of Strickland, bishop of
Namur, who was sent to England as an agent of the emperor,
to overturn the Walpole administration, see Memoirs of Sir
Robert Walpole, ibid. See also the spirited letter which Mr.
Walpole wrote to the queen on this subject, Correspondence,
vol. iii. p. 198.
A A 4

360 CHAPTER 18.
Monday. She goes by Harwich, which is the
nearest passage.
" Fritz * is now returned to his good beha
viour. We have written for the character of
the princess of D. and I intreat you to make
inquiries concerning the person, age, understand
ing, and disposition of the princess of Wirtem-
berg. Serious thoughts are entertained of mar
rying him. Make the same inquiries concerning.
the princess of Gotha. *****
" Here is, my good friend, a long letter ; but
that which Anne will bring will be still longer^
Do not fall asleep in reading it, since it comes
from a good friend."
Queen Caroline fully appreciated the abilities
and integrity of Mr. Walpole ; and, convinced,
from long experience, of his diplomatic talents,
recommended him to the king as the fittest
person to fill the office of secretary of state.
The motives which induced Mr. Walpole to
decline this station will best appear from his
own narrative : " In 1736," he writes in his
Apology, " when the king was preparing to go
to Hanover, lord Harrington having fallen under
* The prince of Wales.
f Augusta, princess of Saxe Gotha, whom he afterwards
married. \ The princess Anne, in several of her letters, also rallies
Mr. Walpole for sleeping occasionally at the queen's Sunday
evening parties.

1735—1737. 361
their majesties' displeasure, the queen let Sir
Robert Walpole know that his majesty was
resolved to remove his lordship from being secre
tary of state, and pointed at Mr. Walpole's suc
ceeding him in his room. But Mr. Walpole,
sensible of his own inabilities to discharge so
great a trust, and of the envy it would create in
seeing two brothers employed in the two prin
cipal stations of the government ; and being
desirous to prevent a division among the minis
ters, which is always in this country attended
with disagreeable consequences, begged his bro
ther not to give any attention to so kind an
insinuation from her majesty in his behalf.
The queen at last was pleased to tell Mr. Wal
pole, that his majesty would not suffer lord
Harrington to wait upon him again at Hanover ;
that if his lordship continued secretary of state,
he (Mr. Walpole) must attend the king as
minister of state to his electoral dominions.y
Mr. Walpole would gladly have been excused
that great and honourable office, for the same
reasons, apprehending that if any disagreeable
events should happen during his majesty's resi
dence abroad, that the two brothers, and parti
cularly Sir Robert Walpole (right or wrong,)
would be answerable for the ill consequences.
However, he found it impossible to refuse such
particular tokens of their majesties' kindness

362 CHAPTER 18.
and good opinion of him ; and having, under
the auspices of the late queen's goodness, at
tended and obeyed his majesty's commands
seven months at Hanover, in dispatching the
public business, he had the good fortune to
conduct himself so as to meet with his majesty's
approbation, without the least frown or reproof
during the whole time of his ministry. The
king was pleased to express his satisfaction for
his behaviour often to his ministers and other
considerable persons at Hanover, as well as to
her majesty and his servants upon his return to
England." During his residence at Hanover in the capa
city of secretary of state, he maintained, in ad
dition to his official communications, a confi
dential correspondence with Sir Robert Walpole,
on the state of foreign affairs. The interesting
letters which passed between the two brothers
are inserted in the correspondence annexed to
the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole ; and the
history of foreign transactions during the same
period is also detailed in that work, which ren
ders it unnecessary to repeat the account.
In December Mr. Walpole quitted Hanover,
and accompanied the king to Helvoetsluys,
where they were detained by contrary winds.
At length the king, impatient to depart, ordered
Sir Charles Wager to put to sea, which the

1735—1737. 36.3
admiral declining on account of an approaching
storm, his majesty replied, " I have never seen
a storm,", and repeated his commands in so pe
remptory a manner that Sir Charles was obliged
to obey. The king embarked on board the royal
yacht, and sailed under convoy of several men
of war. They had scarcely got out to sea be
fore a storm arose, which dispersed the ships ;
several were driven on the coast of England ;
the Louisa was wrecked, and it was supposed the
yacht could not weather the storm. So great
was the alarm, that the cabinet council met at
the duke of Devonshire's, steward of the house
hold, and preparation was made to issue the pro
clamation for the accession of the prince of Wales.
On Sunday morning, the queen being at St.
James's chapel, a messenger brought a letter
announcing the safe arrival of the king at. Hel
voetsluys. Lord Lifford, who had just returned
from walking in the garden, met the messenger,
took the packet, went into the church, and de
livered it to the queen, saying, " Here is news
from the king!" AU present were filled with
apprehension ; the queen was alarmed, and her
hand shook so much that.she could not open
the letter- The duke of, Grafton accordingly
broke the seal, and immediately declared that the
king was safe. This good news was instantly
circulated, the service, which had been suspend
ed, was continued, and satisfaction restored.

364 CHAPTER 18.
We give two letters from the princess Ame
lia, to Mr. Walpole. The first will display the
amiable familiarity with which he was treated
by the princesses, the second the general alarm
at the king's danger, and the joy at the news of
his safety.
" The hopes of the wind's changing hath re
tained me from answering your's sooner, and
thanking you for your last. We are all here
very uneasy and peevish at the obstinacy of the
south-west wind, and we would compound hear
tily at another time to keep it for years to
gether provided it would change now, and we
had die pleasure of seeing you all here in good
health. One talks of nothing else but weather,
which you may imagine, my good Horace, Per
mit * does nor the least teize one with. He
asks one more question, and now and then frights
one with his hasty entrances of a Monday morn
ing. Est-il permis de demander s'il y a des
nouvelles du Roy, that one dreads he should
have had some intelligence of something bad.
Sir Robert of a Monday gives us hopes the wind
is good, and even goes so far that he can tell
where the king will land, and seems pretty posi
tive ; but after enquiries it is captain Jackson
that assured him of it, and he is an able man at
* A cant name for the duke of Newcastle, from his usual
form of address, " Est-il permis, &c. ?"

1735 — 1737. 365
his, guess at sea. The duke of Grafton says all
this is nothing, provided he is safe, and stares at
the weathercock. This is our daily bread, and
I may safely say we have heard nothing else
these four weeks. If this should last longer I
shall not be able to talk of any thing but astro
nomy, which does not fit my genius at all.
Then we play of evenings in mama's room.
There one hears debates of strength and reason
ing ; how far the new and full or quarters of the
moon have influence over the changing of
winds ; and mama is always of the side of what
is likeliest to make you come over soon. Thank
God, mama's spirits are always so good that
she will hardly ever believe but what she likes.
" This is the way we go on here. I hope your
dish of coffee in the afternoon at madame Hat-
torf's, goes down with some such instructive con
versation. Good bye, good Mr. Walpole."
" December 28. — You have been very good
and obliging, my good Mr. Walpole, to take the
trouble of writing to me, and I assure you my
joy is too great to be exprest, that you are all
safe at Helvoet. What mama underwent, ever
since Friday last, can't be imagined ; for she ne
ver was easy since she heard that the sloop of
the English secretary's office was come here with
so much difficulty, and that they had left you
all at sea. But a Sunday morning, before nine,

366 CHAPTER IS.
Sir Robert came to mama to give her the dread
ful account of the three men of war being come,
and lord Augustus's ship without masts or sails ;
then you may imagine what we all felt: We
went to church as usual, and about two the
messenger came in, and made not only mama
and her children happy, but indeed everybody:
The consternation was great before, and they
seemed all to dread to hetfr some bad news; but
now pray be careful, and don't get out till you
are sure of seeing our sweet faces, and then we
will all make you as welcome as we can,; for I
cannot afford any more to be so frightened, for
we are1 all still half dead.
" I pitied poor Mrs. Walpole extremely ; but
Isaw her yesterday, and we thanked God hear
tily together that' you are all safe. Sir Robert
hath been very childish, for he drunk more than
he should upon the arrival of the messenger, and
felt something of the gout that same night ;
but he is perfectly well again. I hunted with
him yesterday at Richmond, and he was in
excellent spirits.
" I thank you, dear Horace, for letting me
know so exactly how my sister does ; I am very
happy she is so well. Mama commands me to
make you her compliments : Caroline desires
her's to be given you also, and I remain your
sincere friend upon land, but hate you at sea;

1735—1737. 367
for you take my stomach and rest away, and I
love both eating and sleeping."
He was honoured at the same time with a
letter from queen Caroline :
" St. James's, 11-23 Jan. 1736-7—1 received,
with great gratitude, the letter containing your
kind wishes. The king, as I trust, will soon
arrive. ******
"You may judge of our alarms: you may
believe they were much greater than yours, who
were exposed to the danger, I am under great
uneasiness for Sir Charles Wager.
" I am charmed with your memorial ; I have
given it to your brother, who will communicate
it to the duke of Newcastle. He wishes you
to continue your work, that he may know your
sentiments. You will believe me when I tell
you of my impatience for your return ; you will
always find me the same."
Mr. Walpole accompanied the king to Eng
land, and attended the whole difficult and
stormy session, which commenced on the 1st of
February 1737.
The principal transactions which occupied
and embarrassed the ministry, were the bills re
specting the tumults at Edinburgh, Sir John
Barnard's scheme for reducing the interest of
the national debt, the play-house bill, and the
application to parliament for augmenting the

368 CHAPTER IS.
revenue of the prince of Wales. Among the
correspondence and papers of Mr. Walpole,
which are not published in the Memoirs of Sir
Robert Walpole, I find no additional informa
tion on these interesting subjects, except on the
scheme of Sir John Barnard. Two letters from
Mr. Walpole to Mr. Trevor explain the nature
and principle of the bill ; they unfold the mys
terious conduct, and display the embarrassments
of Sir Robert Walpole, during the progress of a
measure, in regard to which the friends of the
minister were divided, and even Mr. Walpole
was found in the majority against his brother.
" April 1, 1737- — I send you inclosed, al
though I suppose you may have seen it before,
Sir John Barnard's scheme. It was debated on
Monday last, and the impracticability, compul
sion, and consequently the injustice of it, was
fully exposed by various speeches ; and at last
in an ample and ingenious manner by Sir Wil
liam Yonge, who concluded by what was can
did and voluntary ; he had no objection to the
offering to the proprietors of the redeemable
debts carrying 4 per cent, the accepting of 3
per cent, per annum, irredeemable for fourteen
years, by a voluntary subscription, and the com
ing to another resolution for authorising his
majesty to take in subscriptions in the exchequer
for annuities carrying 3 per cent. These two

1735—1737. 369
propositions were, after some debate, in which
my brother Walpole concurred, or rather acqui
esced, as what was more fair and just than Sir
John Barnard's, which, in every part, was com
pulsive, (and indeed to put an end to the bank,)
passed in a committee without a division.
" The report being made of these resolutions
on Monday morning, those that were against the
redemption of the debts, or reducing them from
4 to 3 per cent, moved to have the consideration
adjourned for a fortnight. After some debate
the house divided, and it was carried in the
negative by a great majority. It was a very
extraordinary division with respect to persons :
my brother Walpole and Sir William Yonge voted
for the adjournment ; Mr. Pelham and I voted
against it; and so it happened in many other
instances among persons related to one another
in the house, who never separated before ; and
as none of the Treasury could be named for
bringing in the bill, that is left to Sir John Bar
nard and friends, &c. Particular people that are
affected, and especially those in the city, are
much hurt, and complain loudly ; and I don't
doubt they will make their friends uneasy abroad,
the consequences of which will be, that those
that are frightened so far as to sell their stocks
will be bit at last ; for in all likelihood their
advisers will get into their places."
VOL, I. b B

370 CHAPTER 18.
" Cockpit, April 29, 1737. — I am now to re
turn you my particular thanks for your favour of
the 19th, relating to the proposal for continuing
the redemption of the national debt, by offering
to the creditors that have 4 per cent, an
immediate term of 3 per cent, or opening books
for taking in subscriptions for annuities at 3
per cent. These plain propositions, thus stated,
shews there is no need to have recourse to any
reasoning on the justice or right, on the part of
the public, to take this step, if prudent, on
account of political considerations ; for it is no
more than pursuing the same method used to
bring the national interest from 6 to 5 per cent.
and from 5 to 4 per cent, founded upon the
clauses of redemption contained in the acts of
parliament made when the money was borrowed,
which clauses were inserted at the request of
the lenders, who then thought it an advantage
to be redeemable. And therefore, whatever the
pamphlets may say, of which I have read some,
the public, in this case, make no alterations in
their contracts ; but follow a right they have by
their contracts with the proprietors of stocks."
* * * # # * * ^
After fully justifying the principle of the bill,
he adds ; " But to conclude, I do allow that the
unpopularity of those that are concerned, who
are legions, is so great, and consequently their
18

1735—1737. 371
resentment will be so violent, when they feel
that policy and prudence (among the great
variety of ill-humours that prevail with people of
rank, to the prejudice of the government,) makes
it well deserve consideration, whether these
plain propositions of an offer of redemption, and
a right for redemption, should be pushed and
pass into a bill, at present ; especially since Sir
Robert Walpole, who I take to be the best judge
of us all, as to what is most feasible, and most
politic for the sake of the whole, in pecuniary
matters, continues to be still so much against it,
and will make such an opposition to it as will
leave no room to doubt of his sincerity in this
affair." In a letter also to the princess of Orange* Mr.
Walpole relates the general satisfaction in the city
on the rejection of the bill, which fully displays
the policy of Sir Robert Walpole, irt counteracting
the specious scheme of the redemption. A gene
ral illumination took place in the city, and the
mob were with difficulty prevented from pulling
down Or setting fire to Sir John Barnard's house ;
a warning to those who, in the Instance of the
excise, inflamed the passions of the people, and
who would now have experienced, themselves-,
the dreadful effects of popular indignation, had
they not been pfotected by the officers of go
vernment. b b 2

S72

CHAPTER 19.
1736—1737.
Embarrassments of Mr. Walpole from the Views of the Prince vf
Orange — Arrangements relating to the Jointure . of the
Princess of Orange — Correspondence with Sir Robert Wal
pole and the Princess on that Subject — Application of the
Prince of Orange to obtain Promotion in the Dutch Army —
Extracts of Letters from the Princess to Mr. Walpole, and
from Mr. Walpole to the Queen — Correspondence of Mr.
Walpole on the Illness artdTDewtfi of Queen Caroline.
TN addition to the difficulties of his public sta
tion at the Hague, Mr. Walpole experienced
great embarrassments from the views of the
prince of Orange, which were supported by the
unceasing importunities of the princess. The
first object of embarrassment was the settlement
of the princess's jointure, the circumstances of
which are best explained in his own words.
Mr. Walpole to Sir Robert Walpole.
" Dear Brother, Hague, Oct. 17-28, 1735.
" I am much embarrassed by my commission
relating to the princess royal's jointure ; the case
is this: " By the marriage articles the princess royal
is to have a real security in lands for her join
ture, and the remaining 40,000/. is not to be

1736—1737. 373
paid until that security be obtained. By the
laws of this country it is necessary that the lands
should be registered to become a real security,
and in those -cases the 40me denier, or 40th penny,
is paid to government. The. prince of Orange
pretends an exemption from the payment of this
40th penny, as belonging of right to his family,
which is disputed by the States : for this reason
the registering is suspended.
" It has been proposed, that application should
be made to the States for permitting these lands
to be registered, for a security to her royal
highness, without prejudice to either side. The
best and most able lawyers say it cannot possibly
be any prejudice to the prince of Orange's right;
and lord Hardwicke has given the same opinion,
and I am ordered to sound the principal regents,
to know whether they will come into it. In the
mean time his highness declares, that he will, by
his friends, oppose, in the States, the granting
the permission for enregistering, sans prejudice ;
and if I proceed, there will break out an open
opposition between the king and the prince. If
I continue to stand still, I do not pursue my
orders ; and if I give the reason for standing
still, which is, that the prince will oppose the
enregisterment, I presume his majesty will be
extremely angry with his highness for such an
unreasonable and unjust proceeding.
b b3

374 CHAPTER 19.
" In the mean time, they ask that the
40,000/. should be put out at interest, and the
prince should receive the benefit of it ; so that
although he cannot have the money until the
security for the jointure is given, he is to have
the use of that money, or the interest of it, with
out giving that security ; which being once fixed
in that manner, do you think he will ever con
sent to give the real security, that is, to enre-
gister the lands ? And therefore I submit it to
you, without quoting me for ft, to consider
whether the interest of the 40,000/. should not
attend the contract relating to it, that is, to be
received and reserved for the use of his highness,
as soon as the real security is given for the
jointure ; or else the princess royal, in case of
any accident to the prince, will have nothing.
certain for her jointure of 10,000/. per ann. and
for tke repayment of her portion if there be no
children, but this bare 40,000/.; the lands will
go for the payment of personal- debts, and the
princess's pretensions wiU be considered, as other
personal creditors, and no otherwise.
" The truth of the matter is, I~am afraid,
that his highness has- contracted great debts
upon his obligatory notes, and daily contracts:
more ; and he will find money as long as his-
lands are free ; but as soon as they are tied up
for a real security, nobody will lend him any

1736-1737. 375
more money, and his present creditors will press
to be repaid.
" But what am I to do in this case ? I desire
your advice. All that has passed is in the secre
tary's office ; the princess royal is infatuated
with the prince, and they are both angry with
me for not concurring in the most unjust pro
ceeding ; while, in the mean time, for fear of
disobliging them, or of making them disoblige
the king, I forbear doing my duty. Take a
serious minute to consider this affair, which per
plexes me much."
Many letters passed on this subject, between
the queen, the princess of Orange, and Mr. Wal
pole, before any final arrangement could be
made ; and the business was principally directed
in consequence of his advice. He experienced,
however, great anxiety, from the unbending
temper of the prince, who was displeased with
the expedient to secure the jointure of the prin
cess, in a manner which might prevent him
from raising money on his landed property.
This expedient was to obtain the consent of
the States to register the contracts, by which
the jointure was secured on certain estates,
without prejudice to the right of an exemption
from the payment of the fortieth penny, claimed
by the house of Orange. The prince even ac
cused Mr. Walpole of a breach of his promise
b b 4

376 CHAPTER 19.
in divulging this expedient, as appears from a
letter of the princess :
" Loo, 14th August. — Having found, by the
conversation that M. d'Aylva related to me,
that you had been surprised at the prince's seem
ing to reject the expedient you thought of, I
would not omit putting you in mind of the pro
mise you made him, not to name it till he had
consulted whether he could consent to it. I am
entirely convinced that he cannot agree to it,
without running the risk of the greatest incon
veniences; so that without staying for his re
turn, I must desire you, good Mr. Walpole, to
think of it no more. I must own, I should
think it a terrible circumstance to have my
future security be a pretence of hurting him in
present, and think it much better rather to ven
ture not to be so easy as I could, in case he
should die, than to find us both uneasy while
together. I cannot imagine that papa or mama
should be displeased if he cannot submit in this
point, which certainly is only by necessity, and
depend too much upon their justice to imagine
that it should be possible. Mama writes me
word that they are going this week to put out
the money at interest; that I am very glad of,
and believe for the rest there will be nothing to
be done but to trust to the prince, not seeing
any other way to finish this troublesome affair.

1736—1737. 377
I hear you have some thoughts of coming here,
if your business will permit it ; I shall always
be glad to see my old friend Horace, provided
he leaves the embassador at home, who I must
continually quarrel with."
Mr. Walpole was too much chagrined with
the conduct of the prince of Orange to be con
ciliated by the compliments contained in this
letter, and justified himself against the imputa
tion of having broken his promise, in a style
of manly resentment, which does honour to his
feelings. Mr. Walpole to the Princess of Orange.
" Madam, Hague, August 30, 1735.
" Although I can have no greater honour
than that of hearing from your royal highness,
I must own I was extremely concerned at the
receipt of your letter by M. Brinckman, charg
ing me with having acted contrary to a promise
I had made to the prince of Orange ; a thing I
never remember to have done towards the most
ordinary persons, much less would I be guilty
of such a crime with respect to his most serene
highness, whose personal great qualities and
merit (not to mention other very obvious rea
sons,) have engaged my utmost attachment
and veneration. I am sure there must have
been some great mistake in imagining I ever
promised him not to mention the expedient

378 CHAPTER 19.
about enregistering the acts; and if his most
serene highness had been regularly informed by
his ministers of what had passed between them
and me, it is impossible that I should have done
it, or that any body could think that I had. I
do not indeed remember that any thing like it
passed between the prince and me ; but the
state of facts will make it plain that there must
have been some misunderstanding in entertain
ing a notion of my having made any such pro
mise." He then enters into a minute detail of the
whole transaction between him and the prince's
commissaries, which is too long to be inserted,
and concludes, " This being a plain and true
deduction of this affair, in which I have taken
no step without the knowledge of the prince's
commissaries, who I ought to presume had con
stantly given his most serene highness an ac
count of what had passed between them and
me, I appeal to your royal highness, from the
nature of the thing, whether I could possibly
promise not to mention the expedient proposed
for securing your jointure, and for saving, at
the same time, the just pretensions of his high
ness. " The prince's commissaries were acquainted
with the expedient when first mentioned; the
prince's commissaries had a long conference in

1736—1737- 379
my presence with the lawyer we had consulted
about it: they desired to have, and had a copy
of that lawyer's opinion in which that expedi
ent was contained, by a letter from M. Dayrolle
and me ; they returned an answer to it, and it
was thereupon agreed and understood, that this
whole affair should be referred to their majesty's
consideration and sentiments ; and the said
commissaries often expressed great impatience
at the delay in my receiving an answer from the
king's ministers.
" I say I take the liberty to appeal to your
royal highness, whether these facts do not un
doubtedly prove that there must be some mis
take in thinking that I had promised not to,
mention the expedient, and that I do not de
serve to be charged with having broken my pro
mise to the prince."
He accompanied this justification with a more
private and conciliatory letter, in which he says,
" The vindication of my own honour, by un
doubted facts, insensibly drew my letter into a
greater length than I intended. After all is
said, I am at a great loss to know what to do in
your royal highness's affair. The prince is, I
do not doubt, impatient and solicitous to have
the 40,000/* put to interest. If I press that af
fair, I am apprehensive that I shall be asked
from England, what proposals I had made ac-

380 CHAPTER 19.
cording to orders, in forwarding the expedient. -
I have the materials for a memorial ready; but
since your royal highness's letter I have taken
no step in it. I wish you would direct me what
I am to do, and what I am to say, when. I shall
be called upon by the secretary of State to
know what I have done. If his most serene
highness will please to direct some of his minis
ters to draw out the reasons he has against this
expedient, for enabling him to execute the mar
riage articles, I shall readily lay them before
their majesties in the best manner I can. Pray,
madam, what can I do more? I would willingly
do every thing in my power to shew that I
am," &c.
This tedious affair, after much consultation
and delay, was at length finally arranged, by
vesting the money in the English funds; and
the princess of Orange does justice to the good
offices of Mr. Walpole.
" Lewarde, Feb. 7, 1736.— Finally, Horace,
you have honoured me with a letter, and it was
high time, for I began to think great . people,
and quantity of business, had quite made me be
forgot; but I should be in the wrong to find fault,
after the pretty conduct you have had ; and
seriously I return you thanks, with all my heart,
for having taken care to have the proper me- ;
thod settled for putting out the 40,000 pounds

1736—1737. 381
at interest, which, I believe, without you, would
never have been done, since it has been about
these six months, and which 1 hope will imme
diately be put in execution."
" Groningen, 12th May. — Though you have
been indeed the most lazy correspondent that
ever I knew, my good Horace, since you have
been in England, I hope you will mend, now
you are at the Hague ; and therefore I would
not defer thanking you, for the consideration
you sent, about the placing the 40,000 pounds,
which the prince and I have submitted to, and
have sent to England the proper memorial as
you had directed."
The next object of embarrasment to Mr.
Walpole, arose from the extreme eagerness of
the prince of Orange to obtain promotion in
the army of the republic, which his sanguine
disposition led him to consider as a step towards
the rank of generalissimo, and the revival of the
stadtholdership ; for which reason his attempts
were opposed by the republican party. The
princess entered eagerly into his views, and
supported his 'application to the king, by her
importunities to the queen, and to Mr. Walpole.
A few extracts from her letters will shew the
unabating perseverance with which she urged
the request.

382 CHAPTER 19.
The Princess of Orange to Mr. Walpole.
" Dieren, July 4. — I was very glad to see by
your letter, my good Mr. Walpole, that you
was got safe at your journey's end, and that you
had had so happy and quick a passage. I re
joice that you left papa and the whole family
in good health, and thank you for letting me
know what I always have so much at heart.
The prince bids me make you his compliments,
and will be obliged to you if you will make use
Of your good offices, in what regards his interest
during your stay at the Hague, especially touch
ing his promotion, which lately has given occa
sion to so much discourse. He is either willing
to write you all the particulars that have pass
ed about this affair lately, or if you like it better,
to send you some person that may set you en
tirely au fait about it; and I believe every im
partial body will tell you the violent republicans
have found little applause, as to their last reso
lution, even in their own provinces."
" Breda, Nov. 14. — Finding by your last let
ter my good Mr. Walpole, that you are ready
to pass your good offices in papa's name, for the
prince, in the affair of the promotion, I must
desire you to take the time, now the States of
Holland are assembled, to speak to those mem
bers of credit you think proper, and to tell them
that though papa desires nothing for the prince
that could give them any uneasiness, he cannot

1736— 17S7. 38S
see, with indifference, that some among them
would exclude him entirely out of the army, in
which all his ancestors have always been em
ployed. And without my putting any words
in your mouth, I am sure your eloquence will
find matter enough to exert itself. If you
please to speak warmly to them, count de Rand-
wyck, intending to be at the Hague in a few
days, will deliver you a letter "from the prince,
and speak to you more at large upon this sub
ject ; but I write this, in order that no time
might be lost, if you pleased to prepare matters."
The answer of Mr. Walpole, and two of his
letters to the queen, will exhibit the difficulties
under which he laboured, and the frankness
with which he delivered his opinion.
" Madam, Hague, Nov. 9. 1737.
" * * * I suppose your royal highness
will have seen what I have wrote to the prince
of Orange, in answer to his most obliging let
ter, inclosing to me a copy of the clear and in
structive deduction, which his highness sent some
time since to the queen, of all that has passed
for his being promoted to the generalship.
" If the voice of reason and justice could
prevail, I think there could be no difficulty in
the affair. But I find (I am sorry to say it)
that unaccountable prejudices and animosities
seem to have a greater influence than ever here

384 CHAPTER 19.
to his highness's disadvantage ; too great, I am
afraid, to be removed by any thing that I can
say with any authority whatsoever at this time ;
and I must not conceal from your royal high
ness, that there are those whose zeal and affec
tion for the prince, and his interest in every
respect cannot be questioned, that think his
majesty's name will rather increase than dimi
nish the spirit of opposition to his highness's just
pretensions in the present disposition of the
States relating to the promotions in the army.
" I can sincerely assure your royal highness
that this disagreeable observation does not pro
ceed from any backwardness, on my part, to
serve the prince. I have nothing to manage
here. There is nothing at present depending
relating to his majesty's particular service, or
my own' credit, that should check my zeal and
inclination to promote the prince's interest to
the utmost of my power. Nay, there is nothing
wherein my credit, as his majesty's embassador,
can be better employed, if there be the least
prospect of its being successful, than [in being
exerted for the advancement of his most serene
highness, according to his dignity, and to the
justice he desires in the army. Nothing, ma
dam, could do me more honour, nor indeed
pleasure, than to be the useful instrument of so
good and meritorious an office.

1736—1737. 385
" The queen's, your royal highness's, and the
prince of Orange's commands, not to say any
thing of my own attachment and zeal to pro
mote any thing that concerns his highness's ho
nour or interest, cannot suffer me to be cold or
indifferent in a matter of this nature ; and I
shall, inconsequence of these powerful motives,
(having hinted my apprehensions, founded upon
the better judgment of others,) take proper op
portunities to speak to the persons recommended
to me by the prince, in the manner that shall
seem the most probable to forward and obtain
what his most serene highness desires, and cer
tainly deserves." Mr. Walpole to Queen Caroline.
"Madam, Hague, Nov. 5, 1 737-
" Since I had the honour to write to your
majesty, by last post, Mr. Duncan has delivered
to me a letter from the prince of Orange, in
closing a copy of what his highness wrote to
your majesty, relating to his promotion in the
army ; desiring me, at the same time, to speak
in his behalf, to be general of the infantry, to
the pensionary, Mr. Opdam, and others, and
not to hearken, at first, to any expedient that
may be proposed for his accepting a commission
of a lower degree.
"¦ The prince's reasons for what he desires,
founded upon the dignity of his own situation
as governor of three provinces, and upon antient
vol. i. c c

386 CHAPTER 19.
practice and examples in his own family, are
put indeed in the clearest and an unanswerable
manner. But the misfortune is, that he has to
do with an unreasonable, and at the same time
a most powerful opposition ; and they, who
have a right to vote, will be themselves judges
of the reasons for which they give their vote.
And these reasons are often such as have no
relation to the thing in question ; but are found
ed upon personal preventions, jealousies, and
particular views, either of a public or private
nature, which they will not openly own, but
from which they will not be brought to depart.
And I am afraid, madam, this is a good deal the
state of the present case.
" The opposition to his highness's promotion,
proceeding from some such motives, is stronger
than ever ; and, indeed, some of his enemies are
so violent, that no reasons or considerations will
ever move them. Notwithstanding that, there
might be some hopes of serving the prince at a
proper juncture ; but (I am sorry to say it) the
number of his friends, not only in this province,
where the most powerful towns will always be
against him, but also in the other provinces, even
where he is governor, is extremely diminished -t
several of them having taken the other side ;
and others, who wish him and his cause well,
are grown very cool and indifferent, from rea
sons mentioned in my last to your majesty.

1736—1737. 38?
" However, in obedience to your majesty's
and the prince's commands, (not to say any
thing of my particular respect and attachment
to the princess royal and his highness,) my best
offices shall not be wanting to serve him as he
desires. I have thought fit, for that end, to
consult the good old greffier Fagel, and to let
him know how well pleased the king and your
majesty would be at the prince of Orange's being
promoted according to his dignity. Mr. Fagel
immediately, with great concern, made the same
melancholy observation, that the credit and in
terest of his highness was very low among the
States ; and the few friends he had left appeared
silent and indifferent about him. I then told
him, that, perhaps, if I should exert myself in
his behalf, as what would be agreeable to the
king and your majesty, for his being promoted
to the generalship of the foot, it might recover
and encourage his friends, and damp the spirits
of his enemies. The greffier replied, that he
would not pretend to put his opinion in compe
tition with their majesties, or to divert them
from what they might think would be of service
to the prince ; and then he would have changed
the discourse. But I having pressed him, as a
friend, for his private sentiments, he at last told
me, as such, that he really thought my interven
tion and good offices amongst the regents, in
cc2

888 CHAPTER 19.
behalf of the prince, might alarm his enemies,
and animate them to take some step to his dis
advantage, at a time when there is a general
discontent against his highness, for having
opposed the late proposition for a promotion of
the officers in the army, and making it abso
lutely depend upon his becoming general of the
foot, in which the province of Gueldre, where he
is stadtholder, has given a different opinion.
Therefore the greffier seemed to be of opinion,
that it would be better to let this matter sleep at
present, and expect a more favourable opportu
nity for pushing the prince's pretensions.
" However, I will take some proper occasion
to talk to the pensionary, and to sound Mr.
Qpdam on this matter, in a manner that shall
at least, I hope, do his highness no harm. But
then I am afraid, if I do not talk in his majes
ty's name, and in a certain tone/the prince will
be made to believe that he is not supported as
he ought to be, by the king's embassador ; and
yet I am confident, as things stand at present
here, that even a proposition for making the
prince lieutenant-general only, would not pass ;
and therefore there is no fear of its being offered,
I believe, by way of composition."
Mr. Walpole to the Queen.
" Madam, Hague, Nov. 12, 1737-
" Since I did myself the honour to write to

1736—1737. 389
your majesty last, I have received a letter from
the princess royal, of which I take the liberty
to send you a copy inclosed. Upon the receipt
of it, I immediately consulted my old friend, the
greffier Fagel, whose good sense, prudence, and
knowledge of the disposition of the States,
as well as his affection and zeal for the prince
of Orange's service, are unquestionable ; and he
told me, in a free but confidential manner, that
if I should espouse the prince of Orange's pre
tensions to the generalat, in the name of the
king, and with the warmth proposed by her
royal highness, at this time, when the prince's
opposition to the promotion of officers as far as
lieutenant-generals, had put the spirits here into
so great a fermentation, I should do the prince
no service ; but, perhaps, on the contrary, animate
his enemies to cabal, in order to procure a reso
lution to exclude him for ever from a command
fit for him in the army. This way of reasoning.
has been confirmed to me by others, who are
naturally disposed to favour the prince's preten-,
sions, but have been of late dissatisfied with the
counsels and conduct he has for some time
pursued. " The case, about the promotions in the army,
stands at present thus : A proposition was made
by the deputies of Overyssel, to the States
c c •'

390 CHAPTER 19.
General, for making a general promotion in the
army, with a Clause, that no promotion of gene
rals should be made for the future, otherwise
than according to their rank, without an unani
mity of the States. This clause was certainly
inserted by the enemies of the prince, with a
view of excluding him for ever out of the army.
And, indeed, it is so exceptionable and odious,
that there was no doubt but it would be re
jected by the majority of the provinces, at the
same time desirous that a promotion should be
made of the officers of the army. But the
prince having not only opposed that clause, but
the whole promotion ; (insisting that the rest of
the officers should not be advanced, unless he
was made general of the foot), upon a presump
tion, I suppose, that the four provinces, which
had declared two years ago in favour of his ad
vancement, would have been of the same
opinion, found himself extremely mistaken ; for
whether his credit and interest is much lessened
since that time, or the concern which affected
the many friends and relations of such a number
of officers, stopt in their preferment on account
of his highness, was more prevalent, 'tis certain
his opposition on this occasion caused a general
discontent in all the provinces, even in those
that were before most attached to his service,

1736—1737. 391
not excepting Friesland, although they were so
complaisant there as to take a resolution agree
able to the sentiments and desire of his high
ness. " The prince, no doubt, flattered himself with
the expectations that Guelderland, Overyssel,
Utrecht, and Groningen, would have taken re
solutions agreeable to that of Frise. But as to
Guelderland, where the prince's interest and
credit was some years since very great, your
majesty will see, by the inclosed copy of the
letter they wrote tp the province of Frise, in
answer to one they received from those states
on this subject, that however desirous they may
be to have his highness advanced to the gene
ralship, they would not make it a condition of
the promotion of the other officers in the army.
As to Overyssel, their States have not met yet
on this matter ; but as the proposition, s.o pre
judicial to his highness, was made by their depu
ties to the States General, 'tis thought that the
same deputies will think themselves sufficiently
authorised to conclude in favour of the same
promotion. Utrecht has referred themselves to
a former resolution, which was indeed rather
favourable to the prince than otherwise. But
as the town of Utrecht is most prevalent in that
province, and by no means in the interest of the
prince, I am told that the province of Holland
c c 4

392 CHAPTER 19.
can make that town do as they please ; ana as to
Groningen, that province is so equally divided
that they can come to no resolution ; and, con
sequently, their vote can go for nothing.
*• This being the situation of matters, your
majesty sees that the prince stands alone, with
one province only avowedly declaring for him ;
and, as I have hinted before, most of his own
friends in that province would have been glad
that his highness would not have insisted upon
their coming to the resolution they have taken,
much against their real opinions, purely to
oblige him ; foreseeing, that it would create a
great deal of ill-will towards the prince. It is
indeed true, that as long as the province of Frise
only stands out, the States cannot come to a
resolution, agreeable to the first proposition, be
cause an unanimity is requisite for that purpose :
but, as the greffier has observed to me, should I,
in the king's name, insist warmly upon the
prince's promotion, (though never so just and
reasonable in itself,) the enemies of the prince
finding so general a coolness and even a dissatis
faction towards the prince, from his behaviour
on this occasion, by the advice, 'tis thought, of
no one person but Mr. Duncan, may endeavour
to carry some very disagreeable and shocking
point in opposition to my offices in behalf of his
highness.

1736—1737. 393
" However, in obedience to your majesty's *
commands, and the earnest solicitations of her
royal highness and the prince of Orange, I will
endeavour to serve him in all that is in my
power ; although I foresee, that my fate. will be,
that I shall not be able, at this time, and in
this affair, to do him any service. And yet her >
royal and his most serene highness will conclude,
that it was my want of zeal, and not the nature
of the thing, and other circumstances that I
don't care to name, that keep the prince from
his being advanced according to his dignity and
merit." Soon after the date of this letter, queen Caro
line being seized with a mortal complaint, Mr.
Walpole was commissioned to impart the me
lancholy tidings to the princess of Orange, and
was instructed to prevent her, in the first mo
ment of her surprise and distraction, from taking
a voyage to England : " I write this," says Sir
Robert Walpole, " on purpose to desire that
you will use all your reasoning, skill and influ
ence to prevent any such attempt. It is said
you must assume authority, although you have
none. You will inform her of the whole truth,
as you shall, in discretion, think it will have a
good or bad effect for the present purpose. I
am told she is now at Gumberg, where you must
go as soon as you receive this. A messenger is

394 CHAPTER 19.
sent with this, that you may see this before the
post arrives *."
Mr. Walpole executed this commission ; and
in two letters to Mr. Trevor, describes his visit
to the princess.
" Dear Sir, Breda, Dec. 1, 1737-
" My wife will give you an account of my
motions hither, since I left you yesterday in
the evening. I am extremely obliged to you
for the extracts of your letters, relating to the
great important crisis which keeps all the world
in suspense between hopes and fears. God
grant the decision may be answerable to our ar
dent desires !
" The princess royal having received, by the
last mail, a full account of the illness and cause
of it, with some comfortable news at the con
clusion, and there being no fever, and the pulse
being good, agreeably to what I had read to her
out of my brother Walpole's letter to me by
Bill, she is grown tolerably easy, especially since
the extracts of your letters correspond with
what she has heard from others. I have not
yet perceived any token of her having had the
least design of going to England ; and I have
not. as you will easily imagine, mentioned any
thing of that nature to her royal highness ; but
* Memoirs o: Sir Robert Walpole, Correspondence, vol. iii.

1736—1?37. 39^>
I must be secure about that point before I leave
this place, for which I have not yet fixed any
time ; but shall expect the arrival of Friday's
letter first. * * * *
" Breda, Dec. 3, 1737, at night.
" Dear Sir,
" Bill, the messenger, brought me your favour
of nine o'clock last night, with your postscript
dated at midnight, about five this afternoon,
while 1 was at dinner with the prince of Orange.
I left the table to read my letters with fear and
trembling, and I must own I cannot recover
from the alarm they have given me. Having
agreed with the prince to apprise him first, that
he might break it to the princess in case the
news was very bad ; I had scarce perused my
letters before her royal highness's constant at
tention, and as it were prophetic concern, sent
to know whether my courier was not come ;
and the prince was obliged immediately to go
to her to intimate that things were desperate ;
I followed, after some interval, and read to her
the ostensible extract of your brother's letter,
and one more comfortable from Mr. Grill, as
well as Mrs. Colledge's to Mrs. Walpole. Mrs.
Hines's was in a great measure agreeable to
your brother's melancholy account ; but I took
care, in reading it, to omit some melancholy
expressions, and even lines, particularly what

396 CHAPTER 19.
relates to the prayers in the church, and the
archbishop's daily attendance on the queen.
However, we wanted cold water, and also cor
dials, to support her spirits ; and after I left her,
she has fallen into a flood of tears and loud
lamentations, crying out, She must and would
go into England to receive the benediction of
the queen. The prince of Orange, whom I had
apprised of the orders I had received to prevent
her by all means from taking the journey, used
all his -eloquence and influence to divert her
from such a thought; and I believe, at this
present writing, she will content herself with
sending. M. Gravestein thither, so as to go by
the mail, or, in case that be gone before his ar
rival, I am to give an order for another boat,
which I shall not refuse to do, because it is
gaining so much time ; and I think she will be
in a manner tied down to stay here untilshe
hears from M. Gravestein, and by that time the
great and doubtful crisis will be over, I am
afraid, in a manner that will occasion more gene
ral affliction in Great Britain, and in Europe, than
ever happened in any age. But I can no more.
However, I am well in body, and so you may
assure my wife and Molly; in all. conditions
ever yours most affectionately."
The queen died on the 20th of November,
O. S. ; and, Soon alier the news of this melan-
17

1736—1737. 397
-choly event, Mr. Walpole returned to England,
and records in a letter to Mr. Trevor, of Decem
ber 9,3, 1737> an instance of the king's extreme
sensibility, and affliction for her irreparable
loss.* " The king was so kind as to enquire often
after my arrival, in a manner as if he was wil
ling to see me (for as yet he has seen none but
the ministers of State and his own children) ;
when I was at the closet-door, he told my bro
ther he could not do it. But I having seen the
two older princesses, and waited upon them, at
their desire, before eleven o'clock; while I was
with the princess Caroline, word was brought
that his majesty was coming to their apartment
(as he usually does as soon as he is drest), which
made me retire. I was immediately called back
and left alone with his majesty, whose inexpres
sible grief burst out into a torrent of tears, as
put me, at the same time, into such a situation
as to want comfort as much as his majesty, and
I had almost like to have retired ; but he made
me walk with him, and talked to me all the
while amidst the strongest commendations of
* The character of queen Caroline, and the circumstances
of her death, are related in the Memoirs of Sir Robert Wal
pole, ch. 48.

398 CHAPTER 19.
the poor queen ; giving me an account of his
way of living with her, the great use she was to
to him in all conditions of life, of her behaviour
during the time of her illness, and particularly
of the character which she gave of my brother
Walpole, which his majesty was pleased to en
large upon in the most confidential manner;
concluding, that the queen did him so much
justice as to recommend him (the king), his
children, and the kingdom, to the care of Sir
Robert Walpole, which, though an encomium
too great for any subject with respect to his
sovereign, his majesty was pleased to dwell
upon for some time with great satisfaction ;
adding, that although his value and esteem for
Sir Robert Walpole was certainly greater on ac
count of the queen's judicious apostrophe of
him, yet he knew that he, himself, had made
him his chosen minister, as superior and prefer
able to all his subjects.
" All this, indeed, is too much to be repeated
by me, so nearly related as I am ; and indeed
nothing but my particular friendship for you
would have drawn it from me. I cannot, how
ever, conclude this, without letting you know
that notwithstanding the malicious insinuations
that have been scattered about the immense
riches left by the queen, her receiver's accounts,

1736—1737. 399
now all the bills are brought in, make her in
<lebt 5,700/. ; and, by what I hear from un
doubted hands concerning her effects, after the
balance is paid, she may have died worth about
20,000/. all which she has given to the king by
will. " Dec. 19, 1737.— The States letter on the
queen's death was very cordial, and so moving,
that the lecture of it flung his majesty into a
flood of tears. He has not yet seen company ;
it was thought he would have taken a resolu
tion to do it after the interment, which was
mournful, decent, and orderly ; but the king is
still undetermined about it, and cannot bear to
have it mentioned to him."
We find among the Walpole papers, the fol
lowing memorandum on the death of his great
patroness, which shews her extraordinary re
signation and fortitude.
Memdum- — By Horatio, first Lord Walpole.
" The last letter I received from the late
queen, was dated from St. James's, the 8-19 of
November, 17S7» in which there were these
following remarkable expressions.
" Je vous ecris de ma charmante biblioteque
dans le pare.
" Je suis comme (l'Opera dit) dans une paix
profonde ; je ne me soucie pas du reste de monde,
vous excepte."

400 CHAPTER 19.
" These lines I did not comprehend until I
learnt by your next post, that her majesty was
extremely ill. She declared the nature of her
illness two days after writing this letter, and
died Nov.'BVDec. 1, 1737."

•J> (;

401.

CHAPTER 20.
1738—1739.
Mr. Walpole supports the Spanish Convention in Parliament —
Returns to the Hague — Disgusted with his Situation — Quits
his Embassy — Honourable Testimony of the States to his good
Conduct.
J)URING 1738, Mr. Walpole continued to re
side principally at the Hague, and was em
ployed in conducting the negotiations which
succeeded the signature of the pacification be
tween the emperor and France. In consequence
of the disputes with Spain, and the conclusion of
the convention, he attended his duty in parlia
ment, in the stormy session of 1739, and sup
ported the pacific arrangements of his brother.
He drew up several interesting memorials on this
subject, still extant among his papers, and moved
the address for the approbation of the conven
tion, which he defended in an able speech.*
At the close of the session he returned to the
Hague, for the last time. He had now been six
years embassador, and though highly respected
by the leading men of the republic, yet he was
extremely disgusted with his situation, and
had long expressed his desire to return, and his
* See Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, chap. Iii.
VOL. I. BD

402 CHAPTER 20.
resolution never again to accept any foreign
employment. His disgust was heightened by
the narrow policy of George the Second, who at
this great crisis suffered his antipathy to the
king of Prussia, and his electoral views, to pre
ponderate against the interests of Great Britain
and of Europe.
The principality of East Friesland, which is
contiguous to the province of Groningen, was
at this period governed by Charles Everard, last
sovereign of his line. Being without issue, the
succession was liable to be contested by the
king of Prussia and George the Second ; by the
king of Prussia, in virtue of an expectative
made by the emperor Leopold in 1694, to the
house of Brandenburgh ; by George the Second,
in virtue of a family compact between prince
Christian Everard and the family of Brunswick,
in 1691. The States General were exceedingly
alarmed lest it should fall either to the king of
Prussia, or to the king as elector of Hanover ;
and the eventual succession became an object
of the most serious negotiation. The simple
question was, whether East Friesland should be
considered as a male or a feminine fief ? If a
male fief, it lapsed to the house of Branden
burgh, by the grant of the emperor Leopold ;
if a feminine fief, it might be conferred by the
¦emperor on some prince of the female line : at

1738—1739. 403
all events the house of Brunswick seemed to
have no just and rightful claim.
In the commencement of 1739, the greffier
Fagel, and Vanderheim, who had succeeded
Slingelandt* in the office of pensionary, pro
posed to Mr. Walpole, that the king of England,
in conjunction with the States, should endea
vour to procure the entail of the principality on
some prince of the female branch, with the con
sent of the reigning sovereign, and the appro
bation of the emperor, to be guarantied by the
king and the States. Mr. Walpole laid the propo
sal before the king, at the recommendation of the
Dutch ministers. But George the Second, anxious
to secure the principality for himself, rejected
the scheme ; and as he could not brook the inter-
* M. Slingelandt died in 1736, during the absence of Mr.
Walpole ; an event which, from their long aud tried friend
ship, afflicted him extremely. He received the account from
his friend and secretary, Mr. Trevor, who observes, " How
ever indisposed I may be for writing, through the surprise
and affliction 1 am at present under, I am sensible I should
be wholly inexcusable before your excellency, not only as the
king's embassador to the States General, but even as a per
sonal friend of M. Slingelandt, the grand pensionary of Hol
land, did I not acquaint you, with the utmost expedition, with
so important an event, both with respect to the affairs of your
excellency's station, and to those of the public in general, as
the loss of that able and worthy minister, which happened
this morning about five o'clock, so suddenly, that the servant
who always attended him at nights, had but just warning
enough to call his lady to be a witness of it." Hague, Dec. 1,
1736.
n d 2

404 CHAPTER 20.
ference of his EngUsh ministers in electoral
concerns, expressed great resentment against
Mr. Walpole. By this ill-judged policy the king
displeased both the king of Prussia and the
States, at a time when England was actually
engaged in a war with Spain, and threatened
with hostilities by France. He did not, how
ever, attain his object ; for Frederic the Second
occupied East Friesland on the death of the
prince, and retained it in opposition to the re
monstrances both of the king of England and
the States.
The conduct of the king towards Mr. Trevor,
his secretary, added to the dissatisfaction of
Mr.Walpole. Since the commencement of his embassy at
the Hague, Mr. Robert Trevor*, half-brother of
* Mr. Robert Trevor, afterwards lord Hampden, was third
son of Thomas lord Trevor, by his second wife Anne, daughter
of Robert Wilding, esq. and widow of Sir Robert Baroard,
bart. of Huntingdonshire. He was born in 1701, and edu
cated in a private school at Bishops Stratford, where he made
a considerable proficiency in classical literature, and was re
moved in the nineteenth year of his age, to Queen's College,
in the university of Oxford. Being afterwards a candidate for
a fellowship of All Souls, the votes were equally divided. be
tween him and another student, and both parties underwent
a strict examination by the archbishop of Canterbury's chap
lain, who decided in favour of Mr. Trevor. He was early
initiated in diplomatic business, being introduced into the
secretary of State's office in 1729, and in 1734 appointed se-

1738—1739. 405
lord Trevor, had served him in the capacity of
private secretary ; he was likewise secretary to
the embassy, and, during his absence, had acted
as charge d'affaires, with great discretion and
ability. Mr. Walpole destined him as his suc
cessor in the quality of envoy and plenipoten
tiary, and obtained the promise from his brother
and lord Harrington, to whose department the
embassy belonged. But the king had conceived
a prejudice against Mr. Trevor, and after throw
ing many difficulties in the way of the appoint
ment, instead of conferring the titles of envoy
and plenipotentiary, would only nominate him
envoy. Mr. Trevor, offended with this slight,
refused to accept the post on that condition.
During this struggle, Sir Robert Walpole and
the chancellor condemned Mr. Walpole's ex
treme eagerness to return, and represented the
urgent necessity of his continuance in Holland
at this critical juncture ; but no solicitations
could induce him to remain. In reply to their
instances, he expressed his uneasiness at the
disappointment of his friend Mr. Trevor ; " not
only," he says, " on account of my affection for
him, who has many good and rare qualities,
but for the sake of the public." He adverted,
cretary to the embassy at the Hague, where he gained the
esteem and full confidence of Mr. Walpole, who promoted him
with all his influence.
DD3

406 CHAPTER 20.
with concern, to the conduct of the kinp-, in
regard to continental politics, and complained
that " low, partial electoral notions, are able to
stop or confound the best conducted project for
the public." " We have," he adds, "jealousies
of one power, aversions to another prince, con
tempt for this or that state ; we have preten
sions or desires of our own, that must either be
made ingredients in any scheme for the public
good, or that scheme must not go on. * * *
" In the mean time those that serve abroad
have no comfort ; they are liked and disliked,
not according to their fidelity and diligence,
but by humour and fancy ; and were I not your
brother, you would soon hear, nay, perhaps you
do hear, of me, with my friend Trevor, in the
list of those who are of no consequence but to
receive their pay, which is grudged them. And
therefore I must freely own to you, that dangers
and difficulties from abroad do not discourage
me ; but the not seeing the least likelihood of
right measures being pursued at home, to obvi
ate or withstand them, although such measures
might be found out, that is what disheartens
" While I am employed, I will serve with the
utmost diligence ; but I see nothing but dis
grace and disappointments, and, as the world
ever judges by events, and not by conduct, I

1738—1739. 407
am sensible of what I am to apprehend from my
continuance here. However, I should be glad
to know how long this servitude is to endure,
that I may take my measures accordingly *."
Several of the other letters which passed be
tween Mr. Walpole and his brother, as well as
those of Mr. Trevor to Mr. Walpole, are pub
lished in the Correspondence annexed to the
Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole t. But some
letters to Mr. Trevor, preserved in the Hampden
Papers, which were not given in that publica
tion, will still further display his esteem for Mr.
Trevor, and the exertions which he employed
in his favour.
" Dear Trevor, Hague, Sept. 1, 1739.
*' Your letter of the 14th t, and one I received
from my brother at the same time, on your ac
count, gave me the greatest affliction, for seve
ral reasons, that are too many, and which would
only serve to increase the melancholy scene be
tween us, to expatiate upon. I must only desire
you to be persuaded, that I have used my ut
most instances and credit with my brother, and
that he has exerted, in the best and strongest
* Correspondence to the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole,
vol. iii. p. 535, 538.
\ Vol. iii.
t See this and the following letters here alluded to in the
Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, vol. iii. p. 532, 539.
D D i

408 CHAPTER 20.
manner he could, his with the king, to obtain
what you desire, and what you so much deserve.
And, lest any impression, which is too usual in
cases of disappointment, should catch hold of
you, to make you imagine (though you will for
bear saying it) the contrary, I send you inclosed
the letter I received from my brother on this
occasion, but in the greatest confidence, desir.
ing you will return it to me with that which ac
companies it from the lord chancellor to Sir
Robert Walpole on my subject, that you may
see the whole state of this affair, and make your
proper and most prudent reflections with respect
to your own interest, and take your measures
accordingly." " Hague, Sept. 4, 1739. I have been this
day favoured with yours of the 20th and 21st*,
and you will see by what I wrote to you al
ready, that there is nothing 1 believe that can
be imagined, to shew that you deserve, and his
majesty's service requires, your coming hither,
upon the foot you desire, that I have not repre
sented to my brother ; and I am fully persuaded
that my brother has represented, with all his
skill and credit, the same things to the king;
and therefore I cannot agree with you (pray
(don't suspect my friendship, for indeed I don't
* See Memoir*, vol. iii- p- 540, 541,

1738—1739. 409
deserve such a suspicion), that you should per
severe in your hopes that our royal master may,
upon re/lection and proper representations of the
nature of things, and of his service at the Hague,
be inclined to, 8$c. The conclusion of which is in
your mind, that Sir Robert Walpole has not con
vinced you of his having done his best for your
service ; which reflection, believe me, between
you and me, and I can assure you it goes no
farther, my brother does not deserve.
" Pray now, dear Trevor, what does lord
Harrington say to you on this subject ? Does
he, who has often seen his majesty, and knows
his temper, imagine there is the least probability
or possibility of my brother's being able to com
pass this point ? I protest I don't know the par
ticular things which the king says, when he
gives his refusal ; but perhaps if we did know,
it would * * * * t you and me more than the
refusal itself. But, in short, that nothing may
be concealed from you, I send you, and to you
alone, the letter I have received on this disa
greeable subject, this day, from my brother.
That part which relates to myself would have
made any one, that is not so intimate as I am
with you, have forborne making such a commu
nication ; but as I can assure you that I shall be
governed by no concern for myself, because I
f Illegible, probably convince?

410 CHAPTER 20.
don't care how soon I retire, not only from hence,
but from all business, so you will see that my
brother's sincere thoughts are, that my pressing
to come home, and his pressing the king to send
you in my place, on the foot we all desire, will
have no other effect than to provoke his majesty
to call for the nomination of another minister
for the Hague ; and although our friends may
be so partial to us, yet his majesty, I am afraid,
will not, as to think that we are the only per
sons that can serve him at this place. The ap
prehension of a contingency, against which you
apprehend your philosophy would be a proof,
strikes and affects me very much, though it did
not occur until you mentioned it ; especially
considering that a person, who is, I am afraid,
more in his majesty's favour (for princes take
fancies and humours for persons) than either
you or I, will soon return from his employment,
where he had 8/. a day. But I have troubled you
and myself too long upon a most disagreeable
subject. Let not, dear Trevor, your personal
desires and disappointment alter your personal
friendship and regard for those that have it
not in their power to prevent this disappoint
ment." " Hague, Sept. 11, 17^9. I have received
your favour of the 28th*, returning me the pa-
* Memoirs, fee. vol. iii. p. 546.

1738—1739. 411
pers I sent you, and I am glad to find you are
fully convinced of my brother's cordiality and
seriousness in endeavouring to procure for you
what you desire, and so well deserve. I must
own freely to you, that my suspicion of your not
being perfectly easy in that respect, made me not
venture, for fear of incurring something of the
same nature, to write to you directly myself, my
opinion as to what you should determine to do,
upon the supposition that his majesty was abso
lutely determined not to allow you any more
than 51. per diem, and that the 31. was abso
lutely desperate. For I know how unwilling
every body is to believe any thing impracticable
which they have at heart, and is reasonable too ;
and I don't doubt but when you state your case
to all your friends and relations they will en
tirely approve the reasonableness of your de
mand, and that you should not accept the post
there at less than 8/. per diem. But have you
stated to them the impossibility of obtaining from
his majesty any more at present than ol. and the
consequence of another being named in your
room, and your being put out of your rank of
business and preferment, and of his majesty be
ing disobliged, and that your future hopes and
expectations must depend upon some contin
gency at home, in consequence of your merit
aad the interest of your friends and relations r1

412 CHAPTER 20.
all which are certainly very great, and I think
you can yield to nobody in these respects.
" But don't be uneasy at what I am going to
say. There are a great many others who have,
or pretend to have merit, have great friends and
relations, have served a considerable while in
parliament, have solicited for vacancies, have
been disappointed, have hopes and promises upon
new vacancies, of such places as you would de
sire and accept, which are not near so numerous
as there are competitors. Joined with these
considerations, the humour and predilection of
our master, when various pretenders are named
for a place ; I say, dear Trevor, I am afraid
these things have not been stated by you to
your friends and relations ; nay, perhaps they
have not occurred to you, and indeed they can
not occur to you in so strong a light as I see
them ; because you cannot have had that op
portunity of seeing them in that light, although
my brother has hinted something of that nature
tenderly to you, and tenderly only for fear of
disobliging, and being thought to give a prefer
ence to others.
" After having said all this, you may equally
depend upon my friendship at home as well as
abroad, though you must not depend upon the
success of it. I am, after having said this, by
no means averse to my brother's making another
19

1738— 1739. 41S
trial with the king in your behalf; but I hope
that trial will be soon, and in consequence your
determination too ; for I find we shall be at
cross purposes. You defer making your option
until my return home is fixt, I defer sending for
the yacht until I hear you have made your op
tion, and I think it is absolutely necessary, both
for your sake as well as mine, that you should
be here some time before I leave this place, if
you intend to be here at all. I shall therefore
write by this post that the yacht may be sent
for me ; for as the States of Holland will, I hope
and believe, come to some resolution upon the
ten men of war during this meeting, and that
will, I am afraid be taken ad referendum by the
provinces ; or if Holland should put it off again,
it will be so long before they resume it, that I
don't see that there will be any occasion for my
staying after the separation of the present as
sembly of Holland. * * *
" On reflection, I shall not write till next
post for the yacht. Your friend Charles will
go over with the mail, and if he will be free
enough, he will tell you what your friends (I
mean nobody but his brother and the greffier,
for I have acquainted nobody else, besides Mill
ing, with your difficult situation,) think you
should do, if you are reduced to the extremity I
apprehend. Remember, once upon a birth-day,

414 CHAPTER .20.
a great string of coaches following one another
close to get to St. James's, a person in a very
fine equipage and clothes went out of the rank,
because he was afraid he should not get there
so soon as he desired, and, according to his
dress, deserved. But being once out of the
rank, other coaches proceeded in his place, and
he did not get to court until the drawing-room
was over."
Mr. Walpole having at length persuaded Mr.
Trevor to accept the post of envoy, and by un
ceasing importunities obtained his own recal ;
" You will see," writes lord Harrington to him,
in a private and particular letter, dated Septem
ber 11, 1739, " by my dispatch to you of this
day, that the king has complied with your re
quest of returning to England, whenever you
shall think it may be done without prejudice to
his majesty's service ; and you will also find, in
the same letter, that Mr. Trevor is appointed to
succeed you, but as envoy extraordinary only.
I can assure you, with the greatest sincerity,
that every thing possible has been tried, both
by his friends and yours, to procure for him,
what you and he, and indeed I may say all of
us, most heartily desired ; but found it abso
lutely impossible. Nor had we much less diffi
culty to prevail upon Mr. Trevor to accept of
all that was possible to obtain of the king for

1738—1739. 415
him for the present. But as he has now sub
mitted himself to the king's pleasure, I dan't
but hope that a little time will procure for him
what he so much desires. Mr. Weston will have
acquainted you that the project of an answer
to the Spanish manifesto, which you sent hither,
has been extremely approved ; and that orders
have been given for printing it in the manner
you desired."
In consequence of this permission, Mr. Wal
pole took leave on the 13th of October 1739,
and quitted the Hague with much joy to him
self, but to the great regret of the States, which
they expressed in their reply to the king's letters
of recal, in a manner highly honourable to their
own feelings and his character :
" We have so perfect a confidence in the pro
bity of the said embassador extraordinary, whose
person and ministry here have been most agree
able to us, that we willingly refer ourselves to
the report he shall make to your majesty on this
head. We regret his leaving us, because we
looked upon it as an advantage to have such a
minister residing with us, endowed with extraor
dinary talents, a vast capacity, and uncommon
prudence, confirmed by long experience, of
which he has given proofs in every thing that
he has had to treat here, as well as of his noble
zeal for your majesty's service, and his laudable

416 CHAPTER 20.
earnestness to cultivate and cement the happy
union between your majesty and our republic,
and the good understanding between the two
nations ; two points which are, and ever will be,
the object of our wishes and desires."

417
CHAPTER 21.
1739—1740.
Mr. Walpole returns to England — Supports the Convention
with Spain — Proposes an Alliance with Prussia — Origin
and Progress of the Antipathy between the Houses of Bruns
wick and Brandenburgh — Death of Frederic William —
Plan of a Grand Alliance.
f~\N his return to England, Mr. Walpole found
the people in a state of ferment and agitation,
wild with schemes of vengeance for the Spanish
depredations, and sharing in imagination the
treasures of Peru and Mexico *. He was not,
however, hurried away by these dreams of
vengeance and conquest; he had uniformly
promoted the pacific system of his brother, and
united with him in opposing the precipitate de
claration of war.
" About this time," to use the words which
conclude his Apology, " the depredations of
the Spaniards on the British commerce in the
* In a confidential letter to Mr. Trevor, dated March 16,
1 739, he thus describes the agitated state of the public mind :
" I am afraid that the words of the address, with regard to
searching, are already so strong, for the sake of popularity, as
to make, between you and me, a war with Spain inevitable. But
that is not the question ; ambition, avarice, distress, disappoint
ment, and all the complicated vices that tend to render the
minds of men uneasy, are got out of Pandora's box, and fill all
.places and all hearts in the nation."
VOL. 1. E E

418 CHAPTER 21.
West Indies, encouraged by the turbulent spirit
of the queen of Spain, and out of resentment
for the great illegal trade, carried on, contrary
to treaty, by the English, with the Spanish-
American coast and ports, had given a handle to
the disaffected and discontented party, (increased
by the accession of those in parliament who
belonged to the court of the late prince of
Wales,) to raise a great ferment in the nation, to
occasion warm debates in parliament, and strong
resolutions and addresses to the crown, against
such violent proceedings : with an advice to
his majesty to try once more amicable measures
io obtain reparations, and to prevent the like
injuries for the future. In consequence of which,
a convention was negotiated and concluded
vvith Spain, by which that king acknowledged
our grievances, agTeed to pay in three months
a certain sum in satisfaction, and to discuss and
determine in five months, by plenipotentiaries
on both sides, the respective complai'lts, in
order to put a final end to all differences be
tween the two nations. This convention, after
a long and solemn debate, was approved by
parfiament ; but most of the members of his
majesty's council, excepting Sir Robert Walpole
and his brother, were so alarmed, and betrayed
such apprehensions of the popular discontent
and cries, that their catholic majesties, being

1739—1710. 419
informed of it by their minister in England,
and convinced that these clamours would force
his majesty and his ministry into war with them,
refused to make the payment of the money
stipulated for satisfaction, at the stated time;
and consequently a rupture ensued between
the two nations, in which France privately
supported the Spaniards, while neither the em
peror nor the States seemed disposed to take any
part." From this period Mr. Walpole remained in
England ; but held no ostensible place under
government. He did not, however, intermit
his political labours ; but continued the same
attention to public business, and supplied the
cabinet with numerous papers, deductions, and
memorials, relative to the conduct of foreign
affairs, during that critical period which imme
diately preceded and followed the death of the
emperor Charles the Sixth,
His sagacity led him to foresee that the war
with Spain must occasion a rupture with France,
and to appreciate the necessity of forming some
plan of united measures to counteract the pre
ponderance which that power had acquired on
the continent. He had no reliance on the co
operation of the emperor, whose rash and impo
litic schemes had reduced his country to a state
ee 2

420 CHAPTER 21.
of weakness and degradation*. Charles had no
sooner concluded a pacification with France,
Spain, and Sardinia, than, in alliance with
Russia, he attacked the Turks, with the sanguine
hopes of procuring an indemnification on the
side of Hungary for his losses in Italy. But the
disasters of a single campaign compelled him to
desert his allv, and purchase a dishonourable
peace, under the dictates and mediation of
France, by the cession of Servia and the important
town of Belgrade. His finances were exhausted,
and his armies reduced and dispirited.
Mr. Walpole well knew, from long experience,
that the States would not take an active part in
opposition to France, unless the barrier towns
were put in a state of defence, and unless they
were secure of being supported by an army, not
depending on the uncertain contingents of the
Austrian levies, but effective in the field. On
considering the situation of the European
powers, none appeared capable of promptly con
tributing this support, but the king of Prussia,
who had an effective army of 80,000 men, and
possessed a 'considerable treasure in reserve.
* In one of his letters to Mr. Trevor, he says, "We find they
(the court of Vienna) begin to open their eyes ; it is better
they should do it themselves, than we should pretend to lift up
Jheir eye-lids for them ; for we can't make them see if they have
a mind to be blind ; and if that be the case, things are well
enough." January 25. 1 738-9.

1739— 17 tO. 421
Both Mr. Walpole and his brother had long urged
the policy of forming an alliance with Prussia ;
but their proposals met with insuperable difficul
ties, from the inveterate antipathy between the
houses of Brunswick and Brandenburgh, which
originated in the reigns of Frederick William and
George the First.
Frederick William was nearly connected in.
blood and marriage with George the First ; he
was son of his sister Sophia Charlotte, and
had espoused his daughter Dorothy. On the
death of queen Anne, he offered to support the
right of his father-in-law to the British throne
with all his forces, and for many years continued
to treat him with marks of high respect. They
shared together the spoils of Sweden in 1716, and,
co-operated in many schemes of German politics;
the bands of amity were drawn closer by the
accession of Frederick William to the treaty of
Hanover ; and a double marriage was negotiated
between the prince of Wales and a Prussian
princess, and the prince-royal of Prussia, after
wards Frederick the Second, and one of the
English princesses.
But this good understanding was interrupted
by the capricious and brutal behaviour of
Frederick William to his queen and children, and
bv his defection from the alliance of Hanover.
Hence arose the suspension of the marriage
B K J

¦m CHAPTER 21.
contracts, and the coolness between the two
monarchs continued till the death of George
the First.
George the Second brought to the throne, in
addition to political reasons, a personal antipa
thy to his brother-in-law. Having been asso
ciates during their youth, their discordant tem
pers had inspired them with mutual contempt,
and their aversion was heightened by a disagree
ment relative to the will of George the First.
The British monarch, in allusion to the minute
attention of Frederick William to his military
arrangements, and his uncourtly manners, call
ed him " My brother the corporal ;" while
Frederick, retaliating on the punctilious eti
quette of George the Second, styled him " My
cousin the dancing-master." The negotiation
for the double marriage between the two sove
reigns contributed to increase their irritability ;
and Frederick William frequently declared, in
his paroxysms of passion, " that he had already
too much of the Brunswick blood in his family,
and should think himself culpable if he admit
ted more *." His anger was also roused by sus-
* For an account of the early life of Frederick the Second,
and this singular attempt to escape from the tyranny of his
father, see History of the House of Austria, vol. ii. p. 211.
Polnitz, Histoire des quatre derniers Soilverains de h Maison
de Brandpbourg, torn. ii. p. 208.

1739—17*0. 423
picions that the attempt of the prince-royal to
escape from his dominions was made at the sug
gestion of the English court ; but his fury was
inflamed to the highest degree, by the treat
ment of his recruiting parties in Hanover, and
the arrest of his agents for kidnapping men from
England. Agents from Frederick William having en-
ticed several tall men to enlist in the Prussian
service, their relations and friends made repeated
complaints to government ; and two of his Ger
man emissaries were arrested for attempting, by
large offers, to enlist a corporal of the guards.
Mr. Walpole transmitted to Mr. Guy Dickens,
the British envoy at Berlin, the act of parlia
ment by which the offence was made capital ;
desiring him to lay it before the Prussian minis
ters, and represent the necessity of discontinu
ing so illegal a practice. As baron Borck, the
Prussian minister, was proved to be the princi
pal manager and most active director of such
enrolments, representations were made for his
recal ; but Frederick William, declaring that
he would not be prescribed to by England,
restored him to his mission : he threatened,
that, should his envoy be contemptuously re
ceived, the English minister at Berlin should be
treated in the same manner ; and if Borck was
desired to withdraw from England, he would
E K 1

42-* CHAPTER 21.
instantly order Guy Dickens to quit the Prus
sian dominions. He also gave him an addi
tional pension of 1000 crowns, which, as the
Prussian ministers insinuated, was granted be
cause the English had complained against him.
George the Second, incensed at these insults,
sent orders from Hanover not to receive Borck
as the Prussian envoy.
It was now apprehended that Frederick Wil
liam would carry his threats into execution, by
instantly dismissing the English envoy; and Mr.
Guy Dickens entertained the same suspicions,
on being unexpectedly summoned to a confer
ence with the Prussian ministers of state. To
his astonishment, however, no notice was taken
of Borck ; but two objects of complaint were
brought forward: the first related to the arrest
of the Prussian agents in England; and " the
second point," to use the words of Mr. Guy
Dickens, " was a personal quarrel to me, about
a dog belonging to one of my neighbours,
which some of my servants stole away, not long
since, because he had been very troublesome to
the whole family. This affair was treated in a
very serious manner, and as if they had a mind
to make me believe that the stealing away of a
Prussian dog was a matter of much greater con
sequence than the stealing away several score of
our master's subjects. But this most important

1739—1740. 425
dispute was at last settled ; the ministers pro
mising me that my neighbour should be no
more troublesome to me, and I agreeing to make
him a few apologies for the too warm zeal my
servants had shewn for my repose and their
own. So that if I am to be served with a con
cilium abeundi, or any other out-of-the-way com
pliment, it will entirely turn upon the answer I
shall receive from England, upon the affair of
the Prussian agent *."
The dispute relating to Borck and the agent
occasioned " a paper war," as Guy Dickens calls
it, between lord Harrington and the Prussian
ministers ; and Frederick William became calm
or warm as the situation of Europe rendered him
of greater or less consequence.
This unfortunate misunderstanding, between
two sovereigns of the same family, and of the
same religion, had given great advantage to the
French interest in Germany, and crippled the
efforts of the house of Austria. Sir Robert Wal
pole was the only minister who had ventured to
represent the policy of a reconciliation with the
king of Prussia, and endeavoured to overcome
the repugnance of George the Second. His
efforts were ineffectual ; but as the health of the
Prussian monarch declined, he looked forward
* Mr. Guy Dickens to Mr. Tilson, Berlin, March 2, 1737.

126 CHAPTER 21.
to the accession of Frederick the Second, with
hopes of effecting a reconciliation between the
two houses. With this view Mr. Walpole, in
the beginning of I74Q, drew up some thoughts
on the utility of an alliance with Prussia, occa
sioned by the approaching death of the king.
Frederick William died on the 31st of May
1740, and was succeeded by his son Frederick
tbe Second. This illustrious prince was in the
28th year of his age when he ascended the
tin-one, and aspired to rival Caesar both with
the pen and the sword. An army of 80,000 the
best disciplined troops in Europe, and a consi
derable treasure, rendered him the arbiter of
Germany, and placed in his hand the power of
pacifying or convulsing nations. He was in
stantly and assiduously courted by the principal
states of Europe ; Berlin became the centre of
multifarious negotiations, and the wily monarch
complacently listened to the respective over
tures, without adopting a decisive line of con
duct. He temporised with more prudence and
discretion than was expected from a young and
spirited sovereign; until a scene of action
should present itself worthy of employing those
talents for the cabinet and the field, with which
nature had endowed him, and which education
and reflection had matured.
A favourable opportunity now occurred to the

1739—1710. 427
British cabinet for renewing the antient and
natural connection between sovereigns so nearly
related by blood, which might be rendered
highly advantageous to both parties. Accord
ingly, soon after the arrival of George the Se
cond at Hanover, a negotiation for a new defen
sive alliance between England and Prussia was
opened, with reciprocal professions and promises,
which seemed to ensure success. But, in the
course of this negotiation, the exorbitant claims
of Prussia on one side, and the petty interests of
Hanover on the other, obstructed its progress,
and delayed the conclusion. Neither party was
actuated by serious intentions, and both were
desirous rather to impose upon each other, than
to form a solid and well-grounded alliance. On
both sides extreme jealousy prevailed, and both
were anxious to discover the inclinations of each
other, before they explained then own. No
precise stipulations were brought forwards ; only
general insinuations made ; and those particular
interests which each sovereign had at heart
were studiously concealed from view. The mi
nister was merely consulted for the sake of
form ; and the whole business was conducted
by the king, or by lord Harrington under his
direction. We insert a confidential letter from
Mr. Walpole to his brother, which displays his
political foresight, his accurate knowledge of

428 CHAPTER 21.
the real situation and interests of England and
Europe, and the important advantages which
might at this time have been derived from a
close connection with Prussia. It presents at
the same time a curious picture of the British
cabinet, and the difficulties which Sir Robert
Walpole encountered from the private senti-
ments of the king, and the discordant principles.
of his colleagues.
" Wolterton, Aug. 18, 1740. — I have received
yours of the 14th giving me an account of what
has passed at Hanover relating to the negotia
tion with Prussia : and I must own that the .
manner which this last court seems to pursue
in transacting business, resembles but too much
the little low cunning constantly practised by
his late Prussian majesty, which was to have at
the same time negotiations on foot with dif
ferent and opposite powers, and to endeavour,.
without opening his own thoughts and desires,,
to discover the disposition of others relating to
his own particular views, and to make use of
that discovery on one side, as a shoeing horn,
to get a better bargain for himself on the other..
The consequence of which was, that it was dif
ficult to make any treaty at all with him, and
none was ever made that lasted long ; and as I
have perceived no alteration in the ministry,
since this king of Prussia came to the throne, I

1739—1740. 429
sun apprehensive that the same selfish principles
and uncertain measures prevail, and the same
little genius, although seated in a mind not so
violent and cruel.
" However, the union with Prussia is of such
consequence to the liberties of Europe, and to
the particular interest of his majesty, both as
king and elector, considering the present situa
tion of affairs and disposition of powers in Eu
rope, and especially in the North, that supposing
the king of Prussia to be (though no great
prince) of a more steady and amicable temper
than his father was, nothing should be left that
is reasonable and just, untried to gain him, pro
vided it be managed in a manner not to betray
any weakness on our side.
" The first great and essential point, and with
out which every thing else is vain, is to know
whether there is on both sides an equal good dis
position to enter into a strict union for mutual
security and advantage.
" I suppose as far as general words and pro
fessions can go, that appears evident enough ;
and in consequence of that evidence, a defensive
alliance ought to be the foundation of that
union. " But a bare defensive alliance in the present
state of things, will not answer the ends and in
tentions of either party without some additional

430 CHAPTER 91.
secret articles, adapted to what is now, or may
be soon, the situation of Europe.
" His majesty is actually engaged in a war
with Spain, in support of his just rights and
possessions ; the king of Prussia apprehends that
he may be soon involved in a war with the
palatine family, to vindicate his pretensions to
Berg and Juliers. As it cannot be desired or
expected that his Prussian majesty should in
consequence of a defensive alliance immedi
ately declare war against Spain, so he cannot
desire and expect that the king should, on ac
count of his Prussian majesty's pretensions upon
those, duchies, enter into a war with the palatine
family. But as we may justly insist upon the
king of Prussia's taking part with us in case any
other power should attack his majesty, on ac
count of the war with Spain as well as on any
other account, so it may be reasonable for us
to agree to assist his Prussian majesty in case
any other power should attack him on account
of any steps he shall take against the palatine
family, for obtaining satisfaction with regard
to Berg and Juliers, as well as on any other ac
count. And here seems to be a reciprocal and
similar interest and obligation proper for secret
articles explanatory of the defensive alliance,
and indeed a general defensive alliance unac
companied with an explanation of these two

1739—1740. 431
rases, would, as the Prussian minister has hinted,
at this juncture be of no consequence or use at all.
" And supposing both sides sincere at bottom
for a good understanding, the difficulty at pre
sent seems to turn only upon the nicety of
which side should open and explain themselves
first, which may by degrees (without being at
first intended) unless care be taken, create such
a jealousy and punctilio as to break the negotia
tion entirely off.
" And therefore as each side may soon have
an occasion for the assistance of the other in the
present critical juncture, the method of proceed
ing should be not to exact from each other in
writing a specific demand of desires and expec
tations, but in a conference between minister
and minister to let them appear by degrees.
From thence things may be stated in writing,
and an account rendered to their masters respec
tively of all that passed ; and any difficulties
may be cleared up in another conference, in or
der to reconcile them, and to make the mutual
engagements parallel with respect to the parti
cular cases existing, or likely to exist soon ; and
part of the general defensive alliance.
" Lord Harrington (for example) might with
out difficulty let the Prussian minister see, that
in consequence of this defensive alliance his ma
jesty must expect the king of Prussia's assistance

432 CHAPTER 21.
in case any other power should attack the king
on account of the war with Spain. The Prussian
minister having already mentioned the affair of
Berg and Juliers, cannot in a conference decline
letting his lordship see what his master desires
and expects from the king relating to that point,
and in consequence of such an opening by con
ference the desires of both may be brought upon
an equal foot, and accordingly stipulated in
secret articles, to make such and such points a
casus foederis of the defensive alliance, and by
this means the sincerity of the Prussian court
may be discovered, without hazarding on either
side an ill use being made of pro memorias de
livered in writing, which each side seems jea
lous of.
" The lords of confidence have certainly done
extremely right in desiring to know what parti
culars could be asked and expected before they
could possibly give their opinion about them ;
and lord Harrington should not hazard any
thing in writing about Berg and Juliers, unless
the Prussian minister will explain his master's de
sires on that head. But why his lordship should
not endeavour to bring out the desires and de
mands on both sides by an amicable conference,
I cannot tell, unless our master himself is un
willing to have any thing done in that affair
without some other particular consideration,
17

1739—1740. 433
besides the assistance of Prussia in the troubles
that threaten Europe. But sure I am if the ne
gotiation goes on in this general way of band
ing the ball from minister to minister at Hano
ver, and from Hanover to England, without
learning in a confidential manner the sentiments
of both kings on the points they have each at
heart, this negotiation will be all amusement,
and that amusement will produce jealousy, and
jealousy a coolness, which will end in the usual
family aversion and constant opposition in their
respective interests both as kings and electors ;
for all which the emperor according to his per
verse politics will not be sorry, and of which
the French will not fail to make a solid advan
tage, and will find means to gain the Prussian
court, which means are not difficult to foresee,
and I shall take notice of them by and by.
" I have hitherto confined my self to Berg and
Juliers, as being a point in which the king and
the king of Prussia have no dispute with one
another ; but unless the affairs of Mecklen-
burgh (which I forgot to mention in my paper
at Houghton), where their interests and preten
sions clash extremely, as well as that of Ostfrise,
be adjusted in the treaty to be made, at least so
far as to prevent all forcible means in support of
their respective rights, whatever treaty is made
will hardly be cordial or of long duration.
vol. i. f F

434 CHAPTER 21.
" And here I cannot forbear observing that
although the Prussian minister mentioned at
first Mecklenburgh and Ostfrise as well as Berg
and Juliers, he has omitted the first points in
his reply to lord Harrington ; and demands to
know what the king would do for him towards
the conquest of Berg and Juliers. That omis
sion joined with so strong a request, makes me
apprehend, that if the king's answer be not sa
tisfactory, his Prussian majesty will renew his
negotiation with France, and finding that he
cannot get the cardinal to go further than the
treaty at the Hague, he will be content with
that, if his eminence will engage to guaranty or
support in a proper manner his succession to
Ostfrise and his pretensions to Mecklenburgh
by good offices at the imperial court. And if
the emperor finds that there is a coolness be
tween his majesty and the king of Prussia, he
may be induced to oblige that prince at the
king's expence, especially if he still continues
under the awful influence of the French court.
" But I have troubled you longer than I in
tended and indeed than is necessary, because I
think it not prudent for you to venture any no
tions of your own or mine, as such, in a letter to
lord Harrington ; for I am persuaded he will
not make a good use of them, and therefore you
will pardon this tedious epistle."

1739—1740. 435
Notwithstanding, however, these unfavourable
appearances, and the impolitic behaviour of
George the Second, Mr. Walpole did not relin
quish all hopes of success. He even formed a
plan of a confederacy, to unite Austria, Russia,
Prussia, and Saxony with England and Holland,
in one grand defensive league, as a counter
balance to the power and efforts of the house
of Bourbon, should France, as he expected,
come forward to the assistance of Spain. The
plan being submitted to Sir Robert Walpole
and the duke of Newcastle, was highly ap
proved by both * ; but Mr. Walpole himself
was too sensible of the prejudices fostered
against Prussia, to entertain sanguine hopes of
success. " There is such a contrast, " he writes to Mr.
Trevor, " in our way of thinking and talking,
and a mixture in some of dulness and cunning,
that I don't expect much light from this chaos.
Lord Harrington, as I am told, (for we have
not seen one another,) says that a negotiation
with Prussia is not desperate. His majesty, by
a short conversation I have had with him, is far
front thinking any such thing : and I believe his
lordship does not press him upon it, but would
have others do it in order to get anger without
* The duke of Newcastle to Mr. Walpole, Oct. 9, 1/44.
FF 2

436 CHAPTER 21.
any success, while his lordship is all complai
sance, and says nothing to incur displeasure.
On the other side the king was pleased to tell
me, that you and lord Harrington had found the
States very well disposed to assist him. I did
take the liberty to let his majesty know that I
heard they had declared the same thing to you
as they had last year to me ; which was, that in
case his majesty was attacked here, they would
and must go to his assistance. But I could not
forbear adding, that unless they immediately set
about an augmentation of forces, either by fo
reign troops or raising new regiments, should
France at the same time as she ventured to at
tack Great Britain, march a body of 50,000
men towards Flanders, I could not see how the
States could put that good-will in execution. I
could perceive that his majesty's present plan is
to go directly to the emperor, and to press him
to put the empire in a condition to act. What
ever we should offer to his imperial majesty for
this purpose, without having formed an alliance
with other powers, I am afraid he dares not ac
cept ; and the money, if taken, would be squan
dered away. 1 have, indeed, drawn out my no
tions* too long to be sent you by post, and
not worth the carriage. Two or three persons
have seen them, and particularly our friend
* He alludes to his project of a grand alliance.

1739—1740. 437
Mr. Poyntz and I have canvassed them over ;
but we both think them so disagreeable to the
present temper here, with respect to Prussia,
that they will never be relished, and conse
quently will never be pressed by him whose
business and office it is to do it ; and, therefore,
I shall lock my thoughts up, and keep by de
grees as much as I can out of the scene of fo
reign affairs.
" I am fully convinced that the king of Prus
sia is against the formidable power of France ;
nay, I know that in his correspondence with
ladies of wit here, he has said that he loved the
French people, but that he hated the power of
the crown, and must oppose it, although he
was sorry for it. But I am as fully convinced
that we do not think here of getting him. I
believe I described to you the same person as
you mention to be sent to Berlin, and I named
him here long before ; but the duke of New
castle does not care he should be engaged so
far in business, and Sir Robert Walpole does
not care to have him absent from the house of
lords. But he that governs all, will not be dis
posed to make his relation so great a compli
ment at present : perhaps necessity, and finding
all things standing still, may at last make an im
pression. I have suggested another plan, which
is, that the Russian court having declared that

4S8 CHAPTER 21.
they cannot make an alliance with us, but in
conjunction with other powers, (meaning parti
cularly Prussia,) and having hinted that they in
tend to give us a counter project, in which they
propose to include Prussia and Denmark, I
would stay for that counter project, to make it
the foundation of a grand alliance*."
Meanwhile, however, the court of Petersburgh
was sounded ; and the empress Anne, the im
placable enemy of France, appeared inclined to
co-operate. At the same time secret applica
tion was made to the court of Vienna, and the
emperor, who was proyoked with the duplicity,
and alarmed at the aspiring views of France, was
anxious to renew his antient connection with
the maritime powers. In conformity with this
plan, instructions were forwarded to Mr. Robin
son at Vienna, and directions framed for the re
spective ministers abroad ; when the deaths of
Charles the Sixth and of the Czarina deranged
the measures of the cabinet, and gave a new as
pect to the system of European politics.
* Cockpit, Oct. 21, 1741.

END OF VOL. I.

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