Cb62
178

mr

STAUB UNIVERSir/
XIBRARY

JAMKS BUCHANAN.

LIFE

OF

JAMES BUCHANAN,

O. J B R O XI E.

No North, no South, no East, no West,
He comprehends the whole who serves his country best.

CLAEEMONT, N. H.
TRACY, KENNEY & CO.

MDCCCLVl.

OFFICE OF THE CLAREMONT MANUF'G CO.
N. W. Goddard, printer.

I. I F E

JAMES BCCMNAIV.

Undoubtedly no fact gives so strong an assurance
of the stability and permanence of our National In
stitutions as this — that wisdom and integrity are
universally regarded, and generally received, as the
true tests of qualification for the highest office within
the gift of the people.
" The boast of lieraldry, the pomp of power,
¦" And all that beauty^ all ¦feat wealth e'er gave,"
can furnish no pledge whatever for the security of the
popular suffrage in support of any individual. In
truth, it often happens that, in early life, obscurity
hangs aj-ound the humble pathway of the man who is
destined to "sway the rod of empire" over our free
and intelligent nation. By the force of his native
energies, by his virtue and uprightness, he gradually
rises from his low estate, until his useful and honorable
career attracts the public gaze ajid draws down upon

4 LIFE OF
him the public admiration. And in a government
like ours, this is the true principle of promotion; be
cause the chief magistrate must be taken from the
ranks of the people at large, and he alone should be
selected — if it is possible to find him — who is most
worthy. True, it may be that this principle has not
always been strictly observed in selecting candidates
for the Presidency. The doctrine of availability may,
in some instances, have been relied upon for party
interests; but history, we believe, will abundantly
attest the fact that available Presidents, although
they may subserve the present purposes of a party, are
liable to" be a source of damage to the country. Nom
inating conventions should represent and scrupulously
regard the wishes of the people. That this was the
line of policy pursued by the recent Cincinnati Con
vention in the nomination of Hon. James Buchanan,
of Pennsylvania, as the President, to succeed the pres
ent chief magistrate, aU, even those who do not fully
sympathize with the party nominating him, will, we
doubt not, readily admit.
That aU, classes, especially those whose means will
not allow them to incur much expense in the Jjurchase
of books, may have within their reach some authentic
account of this truly great man, we propose to furnish
a brief sketch, in a cheap form, of the life and services
to his country, thus far, of the nominee of the Dem^
ocratic party for the next Presidency,

JAMES BUCHAKAN. .5
James Buchanan was born in Franklin county,
Pennsylvania, on the 23d day of April, 1791. His
father was a frugal and industrious farmer, whose
economy and prudence secured for himself and family
a comfortable support, and enabled him to provide
well for the education of his children ; which he re
garded as of infinitely greater consequence than the
mere possession of wealth. The subject of this sketch
was his eldest son. When but a mere boy, he seemed
to be possessed of a contemplative mind, combined
with an energy of purpose and self reliance, which is
always a precurser to success in life. At the age of
sixteen, he entered Dickinson College, whence he
graduated with high honors in 1809. Soon after the
termination of his collegiate course,, he commenced
the study of law in his own State. To this he vigor
ously applied his energies with a fuU determination to
make himself proficient in the principles and technic
alities of this difficult but honorable profession; and
so thorough and rapid was his progress, that many of
the most eminent gentlemen of the bar, in Lancaster
county, predicted that, at no distant period, he was
destined to take a high rank among his legal brethren.
A little incident which occurred about the time of his
admission to the bar, and in which he was somewhat
interested, may not, perhaps, be unworthy of insertion
here. It is well known to those who have passed thro'
the ordeal of examination for admission to the bar,
that a shrinking from the trial, a sort of dread of some

6 LIFE OF
calamity, which, at the same time, it is perfectly ap
parent will not occur, seizes almost every candidate,
as the time for his trial draws near. This was, to
some extent, the case with young Buchanan; and he
resolved to know, if possible, something of the modus
operandi in making a lawyer, before his turn should
arrive. A young man was studying in the same office
with him, and expected to be admitted at the same
time. The day was fixed for the examination, but
unfortunately Buchanan was obliged to be absent. —
His friend could not wait for his return, and accord
ingly presented himself for admission on the appointed
day. An elderly gentleman of the bar was selected by
the Court, as the examining committee. He notified
the Candidate to be present at a room in the hotel
nearby, where the Court and members usually boarded,
and informed him that the examination would take
place during the recess of the Court. The yoimg
gentleman proceeded to the room, and, as was usual
in those times, provided a decanter of brandy for the
occasion. At the appointed time, the Committee made his
appearance. After taking a glass of brandy, he sat
down and informed the candidate that he was ready to
proceed ; and immediately commenced a familiar conver
sation upon the passing events of the day. The young
man soon became interested, and before either were
aware of it, the time for the opening of the afternoon
session of Court had nearly arrived. The young man

JAMES BUCHANAN. 7
expressed his regret, and proposed to proceed with the
examination in the evening. " By no means," replied
the old gentleman, "we will go at it at once." "But
will there be time enough," eagerly asked the other,
dreading an intermission of the torture. ' ' 0 yes, ample
time," was the reply. Thereupon the Committee seat
ed himself more firmly in his chair, and for a few
moments seemed lost in- thought. At last he inter
rupted the silence. " Who made the Creator of the
Universe ? " was the inquiry. The young man started
back with confusion and astonishment. At length,
having recovered himself, he blundered "in reply,
"I-I- don't, know, sir." "Neither do I, — let us
proceed to the Court room — the bell has rung already."
The young man accompanied his committee with
hesitation, not knowing what his fate might be. —
At the proper time, the Committee asked the atten
tion ofthe Court for a few moments. "May it please
your Honor," said he, "I have attended to the duties
assigned me, and am prepared to recommend this
young man for admission to this Bar. He is possessed
of intelligence and ability. He answered correctly every
question I asked him but one, and that I could not
answer myself" It is needless to say that the candi
date was admitted at once.
On the following day, Buchanan was admitted, btit
the examination did not take the same direction as in
the case of his friend. His proficiency in his studies
had alreadv become a matter of observation with the

8 LIFE OF
members of the bar. Many and difiicult questions,
in the various branches of the Law, were propounded,
but he seemed to be as familiar with the several top
ics presented as the Committee himself From the
commencement of his professional career, his course
seemed to be onward and upward. In a few years, he
had acquired a high reputation for sound legal learn
ing and ability, and as a natural result, he was engaged
in most of the difficult cases, in his own and surroun
ding counties. Let it not be imagined that such dis
tinction was secured without effort. Mr. Buchanan
was indefatigable in his labors. WhUe others were
passing their time in ease, he was devoted to his studies.
Nor did he confine himself to the duties of his profes
sion alone. The history and politics of his own country,
of England, France, Spain and Germany, had been
for years a constant and careful study with him. At
a very early period in his life he had formed the resolu
tion to allow no subject worthy of attention, to pass
from his mind without the most thorough investigation.
Thus were fixed those rigid and scrupulous habits of
inquiry which have, in a great measure, contributed
to his success, both as a Lawyer and Statesman of the
first class. And thus, €00, as his stock of information
was daily increased, so his means and resources for
obtaining it, were proportionally enlarged. In the
discharge of the various duties which were crowded
upon him, his energies seemed to gather new strength,
and to grow brighter, notwithstanding the immense
weight imposed upon them. *

JAMES BUCHANAN. 9
Progressive, yet not fanatical, earnest, yet not obtru
sive, strict, yet not bigoted, it would seem that Prov
idence had designated him as the man in all respects
qualified to be a great leader in developing the exhausts
less resources of his country. In ajl his intercourse
with his fellow men, it may be said without fear of
contradiction, that he has invariably manifested that
integrity of purpose and high gentlemanly bearing
which are always infallible marks of a truly great and
noble mind. An ardent lover of his country, bold and
fearless in the defence of her rights, famDiar both by
study and experience in the theory and practical
history of legislation, a true patriot, he may with
safety be relied upon as the Standabd Beaeer of
the people. No flinching from duty, no sectional leg^
islation, no half or doubtful policy in the administration
of the aff'airs of government, at home and abroad,
will stain or deface the banner of the nation, while
entrusted to his hands.
In 1814, and 1815, Mr. Buchanan was a member of
the Legislature of Pennsylvania, the State of his na
tivity and his constant residence to this day ; except
ing during an occasional absence in the service of his
country. He entered at once upon the discharge of his
new duties as a legislator, with earnestness and activity.
It was at this time that we were involved in a war
with Great Britain ; and at the present time, Pennsyl-
vanians, who were then on the stage of action, remem
ber with pride the zeal and eloquence with which he
1

0 life OF
advocated and sustained the measures and policy of
our Government in that- controversy. In all parts
of the country many were found who bitterly opposed
the war, virtually maintaining that it was the part of
America to submit to British authority, imperious,
unreasonable and unjust as it was ; that we should meekly
suffer our ships to be overhauled, and searched, our prop
erty sacrificed, and our seamen, sailing under the protec
tion of our stars and stripes, seized and hurried away into
British captivity. Mr. Buchanan was no calm looker on
while these indignities and outrages were perpetrated
upon our fiag. He did not hesitate to denounce such
acts as oppressive and infamous, and the men who
would, under such circumstances, cry peace ! peace !
as pusillanimous, and either ignorant of, or unfriendly
to the cause of Liberty.
At the battle of New Orleans was a soldier, who had,
until a few months previously, lived in Franklin
county, near the residence of Mr. Buchanan. He was
a robust, brave and kind-hearted fellow, and nad just
located himself in New Orleans, for the purpose oi
seeking his fortune in mechanical pursuits. Immedi
ately upon the sound of danger, he flew to arms, and,
on the eighth of January, 1815, — a day ever to be had
in remembrance — was in the thickest of the fight;
and was one of the six who were wounded in that
remarkable engagement. He had received a bullet
wound in his left arm, which forever disabled him
from following his trade. Surrounded by strangers

JAMES BUCHANAN. , 11
and destitute of jfiinds, he determined, as soon as his
wound was sufficiently healed, to return to his native
home. His resources were nearly exhausted in defray
ing the expenses of his iUness, and therefore he was
compelled to perform the greater part of his journey
on foot. But his stout heart quailed not under his
heavy misfortune, and he travelled homeward .with
good courage, believing that "if nobody else could
help him, his old friend Jim would study up something
for him to do." On reaching his journey's end, he
was indeed a pitiable object. His clothes were ragged
and soiled. The blooin of health upon his countenance
had faded to a sickly palor. Scarcely, however, had
he entered the village, when his old friend Jim met
him. " Gracious Heavens ! and is this you!" "Yes
it is me, James — but, thank God, I poked over at
least four red coats before they hit me."
" Come along with me," said his friend — for he was
indeed his friend — "you are weary and need refresh
ment and rest. Thank Heaven, I can help you, at
least a little."
He conducted him to the hotel, provided a room
and board for him, for a few days, till he should recover
from the fatigue of his journey, and regain somewhat
his usual health ; and furnished him with a new change
of clothing throughout. At the end of two weeks,
he placed twenty-five dollars in his handS and said —
"I have founda situation for you, in Philadelphia, where
you can earn four hundred dollars a year, as head clerk

12 LIFE OF
in a grocery. I have told the owner of the establish
ment that you are intelligent, and honest. Go, — and
may Heaven make up to you, in some way, the loss
of that arm." Tears of gratitude filled the eyes of the
brave soldier ; words could not express his emotion.
He went, and prosperity attended his steps.
We relate the above as one of the numerous and
similar incidents, which reveal to us the private char
acter of the man who now stands before his country,
as a candidate for the highest office within the gift of
an intelligent and generous people. It is not our ob
ject to herald his good deeds through the land, but
merely, as far as our brief space will admit, to present
him to the public as he is.
In the year 1820, at the _age of twenty-nine, Mr.
Buchanan was elected to Congress, receiving a large
majority of the votes in his district. For five succes
sive terms he was chosen to fill that office, and at the
close of the last, withdrew from the field as a candidate
for re-election, against the earnest wishes of his con
stituents. He was an ardent and able defender of the
administration of Mr. Monroe, and firm in his opposition
to that of John Quincy Adams. It will be recollected
that during the administration of Mr. Monroe, arose the
exciting question respecting the admission of Missouri.
Strong objections were urged against her admission into
the Union, on account of a clause in her Constitution
sanctioning Slavery, and forbidding the Legislature to
interfere with it. The history of the compromise,

JAMES BUCHANAN. 13
through which Missouri at last gained admission, is
fresh in the minds of all, and it is no part of tlfxe pres
ent work to enter into the details of that controversy.
Suffice it to say, that, Mr. Buchanan had for years
maintained that no territory, asking for admission,
should be refused, provided there is nothing in its Con
stitution repugnant to the Constitution of the United
States. This, undoubtedly is the true position, for if
the general government undertake to decide upon the
domestic institutions of one State, why may it not
decide upon the domestic institutions of all the States ;
and if so what is the federal government but an abso
lute power .P
But the support of Monroe, and the opposition to
Adams, was not the result of party spirit with Mr.
Buchanan. He believed that the policy of the one was
favorable to the welfare and progress of the whole
country, beneficial to all classes, and, in all respects,
devoid of sectionalism, while that of the other was
devoted to the interest and advancement of a single
class at the expense of aU the rest ; in a wordj that
its tendencies, in a practical view, were constantly
towards an aristocracy. In fact Mr. Adams was far
from being the choice ofthe people ; behaving received
but 84 votes of the electoral college, to 177 against
him ; but as there were four candidates in the field,
in the campaign of 1824, his election was effected
in the House of Representatives. The doctrine ot
internal improvements has never yet secured the pop-

14 LIFE OF
ular favor ; because, viewed in its true bearings, it is
strictly local, and in its application, must be main
tained on the ground of present expediency, and
in violation of the provisions of the Constitution of
the United States. That Mr. Adams was honest in
his convictions,, was a man of the strictest integrity,
was devoted to the interests of his country, and a great
statesman, no one will presume to deny. But it is
not doing him the slightest injustice to say that his
views were probably modified, to some extent, by the
prejudices of his party ; and that party was largely in
the minority, both at the time of his election to the
Presidential chair, and during his whole administration.
In 1825, there was a decided majority in the Senate
against him, and in 1827 the majority of the House Of
Representatives was also against him.
In the Presidential campaign of 1828, General
Jackson and Mr. Adams were the candidates. Jackson
was elected by 178 votes of the electoral college to 83
in favor of his opponent. Mr. Buchanan was one ofthe
first advocates of the great hero of New Orleans. On
his first appearance in public life, he was recognized
as among the most earnest and devoted friends of that
man, the mention of whose name awakens emotions
of gratitude and veneration in the great heart of the
nation. Eminent for his eloquence and judgment,
even at that early period of his life, he contributed
largely to produce that state of feeling in the public
mind which resulted in bringing forward General

JAMES BUCHANAN. 15
Jackson as the candidate of the Democratic party in
1824. Pennsylvania has the honor of taking the lead
in this great movement ; and although the first step
proved a failure, yet the success and prosperity, which
afterwards followed, will never be forgotten or unappre
ciated by the American people.
At the time of the election of Mr. Adams by the
House of Representatives in 1824 — to which allusion
has just been made — an attempt was made by his
friends to conduct the election with closed doors. In
dignant at this unreasonable device to debar the people
from witnessing the acts of their servants in the dis
charge of a most important duty, Mr. Buchanan burst
forth in the following eloquent strain. "I protest.
Sir, against the sly resort of a secret conclave while the
House proceed to the decision of this all-important
question. What are the consequences which must
result from closing the doors of the galleries.^ We
should impart to the election an air of mystery.
We should give exercise to the imaginations of the
multitude, in conjecturing what scenes are enacted
within this hall, the place, of aU others, for public
deliberations. Busy rumor, with her hundred tongues,
will circulate reports of wicked combinations and
corruptions which have no existence. Let the people
see what we are doing. Let us render to them an
account of our action, at the time, and upon the spot.
Let them know that it is neither more nor less than
putting our ballots into the boxes, and they will soon

16 L^fE OF
become satisfied with the spectacle, they will quietly
acquiesce in the result, and peaceably retire."
When the memorable contest of 1828, which was to
elevate Jackson to the office of chief magistrate, had
commenced, Mr. Buchanan was one of the first to
buckle on his armor, and was one of the most promin
ent and efficient workers in the field. So conspicuous,
so powerful were his labors, thai the opposers of Jack'
son could not refrain from pouring upon him a large
share of the bitterness, which they seemed to have
carefully hoarded for the old hero himself But
neither Jackson, nor his faithful and highly valued
friend, were to be intimidated by all the vials of
wrath and vengeance which their enemies could uncork
upon them. True, opposition sometimes arrays itself
with a force apparently irresistible, but truth and
justice never provide their followers with blunt or
inefficient weapons. These were the friendly compan
ions and guides of Jackson. From thence he drew
constant and unfailing supplies, in the varied and
almost insuperable difficulties he was destined to en
counter. These too, are the watchwords and guidcr-
star of him, who, at a distance of twenty years, is to
follow in his illustrious path.
Mr. Buchanan was teturned to the House of Repre
sentatives for the last time, in 1829. It was during
this term, that he exhibited that power of intellect,
that inexhaustible fund of ready information, and that
force of eloquence which showed him to be one ofthe

JAMES BUCHANAN. 17
ablest constitutional lawyers, statesmen and orators in
the country. Among such men as McDuffie of South
Carolina, Evans of Maine, Hubbard of New Hampshire,
Speight of North Carolina, Wickliffe and Yancey of
Kentucky, Bell of Tennessee, Shields of Ohio, Storrs
of New York, and a host of others of high standing and
ability, Mr. Buchanan was regarded as the leading
spirit. He was appointed chairman of the Judiciary
Committee, a position he had been thoroughly prepared
for, in the debates of former sessions in which Messrs.
Clay, Lowndes, Randolph, himself and others of equal
eminence had taken a conspicuous part.
In December, 1829, a memorial relating to the im
peachment of Judge Peck, for high misdemeanor in
office, was referred to the Committee of the Judiciary.
This furnished one of the most exciting topics of the
day. An impeachment had been preferred by the
House of Representatives against Judge Peck, in
December, 1826. It was referred to the judiciary
committee of which the lamented Webster was then
chairman, but no definite action was taken upon the
subject, until 1828. It was an extremely delicate
matter, and for a time the House seemed to shrink
from the responsibility of an inquiry. At last, on the
27th of January, 1830, the consideration of the sub
ject was resumed with earnestness. On the 23d of
March following, Messrs. Buchanan and Storrs of New
York, were selected as a committee to inform the Senate
ofthe proceedings ofthe House, and "in the name of

18 LIFE OF
the House of RepresentatiA^es, and the people of the
United States, to impeach Judge Peck of high mis
demeanor in office ; and to acquaint that honorable
body, that the House will in due time exhibit articles
of impeachment against him, and make good the same."
On the 4th of May, 1830, "the Senate resolved itself
into a High Court of Impeachment, to hear and decide
upon the articles which might be preferred against the
said Judge Peck." Mr. Buchanan acted as chairman of
the board of managers appointed by the House. After
several adjournments of the Court, the trial was opened
December 20, 1830. The articles of impeachment
set forth that Judge Peck was chargeable with oppres
sion and tyranny in bringing: before his Court in a
summary and unlawful mariner, a member of the bar,
whom he had accused of making severe comments, in
the columns of a St. Louis paper, upon one of his ju
dicial opinions, which had also appeared in a pubhc
journal. For this alleged offence, he condemned the
accused, without a trial or hearing, to suspension from
practice in the court, during the term of eighteen
monjhs, and to the common prison for the space of
twenty-four hours. Regardless of the protestations of
The bar, he carried the sentence into effect.
. Messrs. William Wirt, one ofthe most accomplished
scholars and orators of the times, and Mr. Jonathan
Meredith, appeared as counsel for Judge Peck; and,
on the part of the managers, Mr. Buchanan made the
closing argument in a speech of considerable length

JAMES BUCHANAN. 19
and -of profound ability and research. It is often re
ferred to as one of the most masterly expositions of
Constitutional law on record. That the reader may
judge somewhat of the importance of the case under
consideration, and the value attached to the freedom
of the press, by the speaker, we take a short extract
or two, from that justly celebrated speech.
"I concur with the gentleman (Mr. Wirt) who
last addressed you in behalf of the respondent, that
the fate ofthe judiciary of the United States may, to a
considerable extent, depend upon the event of this
impeachment. I believe his position to be true, and
it is that characteristic of this proceeding which has
impressed me with the deep sense I feel of its great
importance. If this High Court of impeachment
shall establish ihe claim which has been asserted by
the respondent in behalf of himself and all other
judges, that they possess power to proceedin a summary
manner against the authors of all publications which
they fancy or believe to be derogatory to their judicial dig
nity — if they may deprive such authors of their constitu
tional right to a trial byjury, and subject them to fine and
imprisonment at discretion, then, indeed, the judiciary
will be in danger. The people of this country love
their judiciary well, but they love the freedom of their
press still better ; and if these two great branches of our
civil policy shall be placed in hostile array against each
other by the decision of this Senate, God only knows
what may be the consequences. It is this consideration

20 LIFE OF
which has given such solemn importance to the trial in
which we are engaged.
}> ¦:.'; 'Ai ^^_ *^f ^'•- ^' '.'
"In the letter which Judge Peck addressed to the
House of Representatives, in explanation of the charge
which had been made by Mr. Lawless, he uses this
strong language : — 'The liberty of the press has always
been the favorite watchword of those who live by its
licentiousness — it has been from time immemorial, is
Still, and ever will be, the perpetual dedxktatum on
the lips of all libellers.' My colleague thought
that this remark was a sneer at the 'liberty of the press,'
and for expressing that conviction, he has been severely
reproved by the respondent's counsel. Be that as it
may, I will here observe, that if the 'liberty of the
press has always been the watchword of those who
live by its licentiousness,' the licentiousness of the
press has always been the watchword of those who are
afraid of its liberty! It has been the pretext used in
every age, since the art of printing was known, by every
tyrant who sought to demolish its freedom. Even
Charles the Tenth himself, when he passed those edicts
against the press, Avhose effects upon the people hurled
him from his throne, attempted to justify his atrocious
conduct by abusing its licentiousness. The counsel
who last addressed you in behalf of the respondent,
has presented to us several figures of speech, for the
purpose of illustrating the necessity of restraining this
great instrument of our freedom. However happy

JAMES BUCHANAN. 21
and however eloquent these illustrations may have been,
they might, with equal truth and propriety, have been
applied (though that gentleman would be the last
to apply them,) to the edict of Charles the Tenth.
Figures of speech prove only the ingenuity or the
eloquence of the orator who uses them. They are
always dangerous in a grave discussion, when the guilt
or innocence of an accused person is to be established.
It would be easy for me, in answering the gentleman,
to turn his figures against himself, and say : Better
that the noble vine should shoot into rank luxuriance
than plant a canker in its root which would destroy
the tree, or even commit it to the care of such a vine
dresser as the respondent, to lop away all its fruitful
branches, and leave it a naked trunk."
Judge Peck was acquitted by a majority of a single
vote. It is impossible to calculate the immense value of
the principles laid down by Mr. Buchanan in this ar
gument, in their effect to establish the security and inde
pendence of the press. To him in a great measure it is
owing, that the acts and sayings of high public function
aries maybe commented upon and exposed to the public
censure through the journals ofthe day. And no injury
has resulted to the country from the exercise of this lib
erty. If a man has been unjustly assailed by the press,
the law gives him an effective remedy against ;the of
fender. Such was the position of Mr. Buchanan ; and
who at this day would think of assailing it ?

22 LIFE OF
On his retirement from Congress in 1831, he received
from General Jackson, without solicitation from him
self or his friends, but through the earnest wishes of the
President and his cabinet, the appointment of minister
to Russia. The manner in which he discharged the
grave responsibilities thus imposed upon him, the
results of his labors, are before the country and have
long since met Avith the hearty approval of his fellow
citizens. During the short period of his residence in Russia,
he succeeded in negotiating an important commercial
treaty with the Emperor Nicholas, which had been
beyond the power of diplomatic skUl for more than
twenty years. By this treaty, the ports of the Baltic
and Black seas were opened to our, commerce, thus
securing to us a valuable and constantly increasing
trade. His gentlemanly deportment, his manly dignity
and sound judgment won for him the esteem and
confidence of the Emperor, who often afterwards spoke
of him in the highest terms.
Soon after his return from Russia, the Democrats
of the Pennsylvania Legislature elected him to tHe
office of Senator in Congress. He presented his cre
dentials and took his seat in that body, Dec. 8, 1834.
He continued to act in that capacity until his resigna
tion in 1845, when he was appointed to fill the first
place in Mr. Polk's cabinet, as Secretary of State.
Of his official acts while Senator, it is unnecessary
to speak, — of his views relating to the admission of

JAMES BUCHANAN. 23
Arkansas and Michigan ; his opposition to the designs
of the abolitionists; his resistance and exposure -of
the schemes of the Bank of the United States,
after its location in Pennsylvania, as a tremen
dous political monied monopoly ; his vigilance in
detecting and preventing profuse expenditures of the
public revenue, for the creation ofa useless and cum
bersome debt ; his opposition to the establishment ofa
government bank of discount, circulation and deposit,
under the gu^se ofa British Exchequer; to a substitution
of paper money for the constitutional currency of gold
and silver, the surrender of McLeod upon the haughty
demand of England ; the unjust distribution of the
public revenue among the States ; his unyielding
hostility to special legislation, in whatever form con
cealed ; it is enough to say that he cooperated with
Woodbury, Benton, Wright, King, Linn and the other
leading democrats of that day. In the Senate, he
occupied a position as the acknowledged equal of the
most distinguished members of that august body. As
Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations,
during a series of years, in the Senate, he sustained
the honor ofthe nation, by his unanswerable exposition
of the right of each State to punish a foreign offender,
who, in time of peace, takes the life of an American
citizen, within its limits. His masterly demonstration
of our indisputable title to the Northeast boundary
line, was finally recognized as correct by the decisions
of Congress; and he gained to himself a high reputation

24 ' LIFE OF
throughout the country, for hfs opposition to a treaty
wliich gave a large portion of the American territory
to, a foreign government. He advocated a liberal
and enlightened policy in relation to the disposal of
the public lands. During the memorable and exciting
extra session of one hundred days, when the opponents
of the Democracy in the Senate were unyielding in
their efforts to push through a series of extreme federal
measures, commencing with,the Bank of the United
States and closing up the list of latitudinarian
schemes, with the infamous bankrupt law, Mr. Bu
chanan was ever watchful, constantly in his seat, and
was frequently put forward as the leader of his party
in certain trying emergencies. In these and other vexed
questions of public policy, he grappled successfully
with those champions, mighty in debate, Henry Clay
and Daniel Webster ; and most conclusively showed
that he was deserving of the exalted opinion, then en
tertained, of his abilities as a statesman and of his
devotion to the principles he had espoused. His speech
in favor of the admission of Texas, is a production that
reflects the highest credit upon the intellect that con
ceived it.
In the exciting debate during the session of 1836,
which grew out of the circulation of incendiary doc
uments through the mails of the United States, urging
the slaves of the South to rise in servile insurrecti^n-
against the free whites in that section of the country,
and violently demanding the abolition of Slavery in .

JAMES BUCHANAN. 25
the District of Columbia, Mr. Buchanan repeatedly
spoke in support of President Van Buren's message
recommending the interference of the National Legis
lature, to prevent the dissemination of documents cal
culated only to arouse sectional animosity and strife.
On one of these occasions he addressed the Senate in
the following emphatic language. : —
"What is now asked by these memorialists ? That
in this District of ten miles square — a district carved
out of two Slaveholding States, and surrounded by
them on all sides — slavery shall be abolished ! What
would be the effects of granting their request ? You
would thus erect a citadel in the very heart of these
States, upon a territory which they have ceded to you
for a far different purpose, from which abolitionists
and incendiaries could securely attack the peace and
safety of their citizens. You establish a spot within
the Slaveholding States which would be a city of ref
uge for runaway slaves. You create a central point
from which trains of gunpowder may be securely laid,
extending into the surrounding States, which may at
any moment produce a fearful and dangerous explosion.
By passing such a law, you introduce the enemy into
the very bosom of these two States, and afford him every
opportunity to produce a servile insurrection. Is there
any reasonable man who can for one moment suppose
that Virginia and Maryland would have ceded the
District of Columbia to the United States, if they had
entertained the slightest idea that Congress would
ever use it for any such purpose ? They ceded it for

•2(; LIFE OI-'
your use, for your convenience, and not for their owa
destruction. When Slaverj^ ceases to exist under the
laws of Virginia and Maryland, then, and not till then,
ought it to be abolished in the District of Columbia."
Who can doubt for a moment, the reasonableness,
the justice of these views, or the stern patriotism of
the man who gave them utterance ? Here ia no one-
idea-policy — no catching at a plank, in tbe vain hope
of quickly drifting to some enchanted isle of glory ; but
the manly expression of sound principles, contempla^
ting the harmony and welfare of the whole country.
When a statesman advocates sentiments like these,
his mental yision takes in at a glance the whole polit
ical firmament. He admires the beauty of order and
system which pervades the sphere, and remembers
that the slightest interruption would result in universal
confusion and ruin.
During the sa,me session of Congress, bills were re
ported for tbe admission of Arkansas and Michigan as
States into the Union, and Mr. Buchanan was selected
as the Northern Senator, who should present the biU
for admitting Arkansas, and advocate it before the
Senate. This he did with his usual ability. Mr.
Benton was chosen as the Southern Senator to advocate
the admission of Michigan. Several objections were
urged against the admission of the foimer, and Mr.
Buchanan was often upon his feet. He assumed and
maintained the broad position that the people of a
territory, having formed a Republican Constitution,
after the model ofthe ot^ier States, could and should be

JAMES BUCHANAN. 27
admitted into the Union, irrespective ofthe question of
Slavery, and that Congress could not, and should not,
interfere to prevent their admission for any such reasons
as are now urged against the admission of Kansas.
In April, 1836, upon the question relating to the
admission of Michigan, then under discussion in the
Senate, he used these memorable words : " The older
I grow, the more I am inclined to be what is called a
State rights man. The peace and security of this
Union depend upon giving to the Constitution a lit
eral and fair construction. Of what benefit is the
Constitution ifwe may torture it into a thousand shapes
so as to make it apply to'any and every emergency
which may arise, and satisfy the present demands ofa
particular locality. It is the chart of the country,
the whole country, and no single State can claim any
special or exclusive benefits under it. The rights of
the States together, secured to them by that instrument,
should ever be regarded as sacred.
US' i'tf %i i|5 ilff i',^ ^ il^
The territory ceded by Virginia to the United States
was sufficiently extensive for an immense empire. The
parties to this compact of cession contemplated that
it would form five Sovereign States of thi^ Union. At
that early period, we had just emerged from our Rev
olutionary struggle, and none of the jealousy was then
felt against foreigners, and partieularly against Irish
foreigners, which now appears to haunt some gentle
men. There had been then no attempts to get up a
Native American party in this country. The blood of

28 LIFE OF
the gallant Irish had flowed freely upon every battle
field in defence of the liberties which we now enjoy.
Besides the Senate will well recollect that the ordinance
was passed before the adoption of our present constitu
tion, and whilst the power of naturalization remained
with the several States. In some, and perhaps in all
of them, it required so short a residence, and so little
trouble to be changed from an alien to a citizen, that
the process could be performed without the least diffi
culty. I repeat, that no jealousy whatever then existed
against foreigners."
What a comment upon the views entertained at this
day, by some of the citizens of this powerful and pros
perous Republic ! If our fathers, in their weakness,
in their struggles against the encroachments and
oppressions of foreigners, could safely confide in for
eigners, welcome them to their firesides and embrace
them as brothers ; if foreigners enriched our soil with
their blood, and poured out of their treasures for our
necessities, what are the true lessons which experience
offers for our guidance, and instruction ? Those who
violently denounce the name and presence" of foreign
ers, cannot be too careful readers of those times in the
history of our country Avhich "tried men's souls."
After the brilliant campaign of 1844, which result
ed in the election of James K. Polk to the Presidency,
to which result Pennsylvania, under the lead of her
favorite son — Mr. Buchanan — contributed her electoral
vote, the President elect, having carefully surveyed the
ranks of democratic statesmen, then living, who had

JAMES BUCHANAN. 29
been faithful to the principles of their party, and of
course, true and able patriots ; having weighed the
claims and qualifications of each, deeply sensible ofthe
numerous and exciting questions which must, from
time to time, come up for adjustment during his admin
istration, aud having consulted the venerable sage,
over whose honored brow the sunset of life was shedding
its gentle and mellow rays, dispensing peace and
quiet rest to the Hermitage, invited Mr. Buchanan
to share his duties and responsibilities, as Secretary of
State. To show how faithfully and honorably he
filled that high office, would be to spread before the
reader the record of Mr. Polk's administration. His
argument in favor of the clear and unquestionable
title of the United States to the whole of Oregon,
secured for him the applause of all liberal and enlight
ened men, and Avas published in several languages in
Europe. The State papers, relating to other great
subjects, emanating from his pen, while in the depart
ment of State, are so many indubitable proofs of his
unsullied integrity, and his eminent fitness for the
highest office in the gift of the people.
It was during the administration of Mr. Polk, that
Mr. Buchanan, in his letter to the Democracy of Berks
County, Pa., first recommended to the North and
South that the Missouri line should be extended to the
Pacific, and that this should be made the basis of a
final settlement of the Slavery question in the terri
tories. The war with Mexico, growingout ofthe annex
ation of Texas, gave us a vast empire in addition to

30 LIFE OF
the area which constituted our Union, and in the
questions arising from the acquisition of California,
Mr. Buchanan labored earnestly and effectually on the
side of progress. From a careful perusal of the history
of the country it is easy to see that the great meas
ures of the Democratic party have always been favor
able to the promotion of a healthy, steady and conser
vative progress ; as exemplified in this justly celebra
ted production from his pen. The vituperation
and abuse which this letter brought down upon him
from the fanatics of the North, is fresh in the recollection
of all who take common interest in the passing events
ofthe day. Let it be borne in mind, that the recom
mendation of Mr. Buchanan, to extend the Missouri
line, was a project conceived by himself, and was far
in advance of public sentiment. It was regarded by
the South as an exhibition of firmness and integrity
quite too rare among Northern men ; still, it was justly
appreciatedby the truly national men ofthe free States.
It was not then so much in vogue, as in these times, to
know only the North, and to consider it an honor to
affect ignorance or contempt of the South. Undoubt
edly the motives, which actuated Mr. Buchanan to
recommend the extension of the Missouri line, Avill*
be assailed with all sorts of Aveapons in the hands of
his opponents, but impartial history Avill scatter them,
aad will hand down this, Avith all his other efforts for
the good of his country, to an admiring posterity.
To promote harmony among the States, by recognizing
the principle of equality throughout the entire Union,

JAMES BUCHANAN. 31
was the sole purpose of his aim. And now that the
same object has been attained by another plan — the
Kansas and Nebraska Act — established upon the
same basis of State equality, all patriotic men
will cheerfully abide by and rigidly maintain it against
all the inroads of that fanaticism which has once more
threatened to assail the constitutional rights of the
SouA. That this, and kindred measures will always
secure the firm support of Mr. Buchanan, the past
sufficiently assures. The country will never find,
among its public men, a more true and consistent
advocate and defender of that great principle of popu
lar sovereignty and State rights, than James Bu
chanan. Mr. Buchanan continued in connection with Mr.
Polk's cabinet until its close, when he once more re
turned to his native State, to occupy himself, in the
retirement of private life, with those pm-suits congen
ial to a statesman and scholar of large experience and
iiigh accomplishments. But the repose he had sought
was not without frequent interruption. Although
holding no pwMic office, yet the public made constant
demands upon his abilities. He was still the front
rank of the democratic party, and, as such, he could
not quietly suffer the principles of that party to be
assailed from fiay quarter. He asked for the South
no unmeaning or hypocritical platform, but a distinct
recognition of all those rights which constitute equality.
Everywhere, the democracy of Pennsylvania acknowl
edged aud observed his wise and patriotic counsels. —

32 LIFE OF
When he emerged from his quiet home, it was to
demand the recognition'of all the guaranties of the
Constitution to all the States. His letters and speech
es in favor of the enforcement of the fugitive 'slave
law — in favor of the repeal ofthe laws of his own State,
enacted for the purpose of depriving the Southern cit
izen of the use of its jails for the safe keeping of his
runaway servant, and his appeals to the democracy of
the State never to yield to the spirit of sectionalism,
conclusively show that he was ever on the alert for the
preservation of great principles, and that his attention
was constantly fixed upon the importance of discharg
ing every obligation to his country. He was as vigils
ant in his duties while a private in the ranks of the
people, as he was prominent as a counsellor in the
cabinet, and as a representative and senator in Con
gress. During the Presidential campaign of 1852, Mr.
Buchanan was constantly at the post of duty. We
give below a few extracts of a speech delivered by him
at a mass meeting of the democracy of Western Penn
sylvania, Oct. 7th of that year, at Greensburg, in
Westmoreland county, as characteristic of the man,
and a fair expose of his opinions at that time :
"From my soul, I abhor the practice of mingling up
religion with politics. The doctrine of aU our Consti
tutions, both Federal and State, is, that every man
has an indefeasible right to worship God according to
the dictates of his own conscience. He is both a bigot
and a tyrant who would interfere with that sacred

JAMES BUCHANAN. 33
right. When a candidate is before the people for office,
the inquiry ought never even to be made, what form
of religous faith he professes ; but only, in the lan-
' guage of Mr Jefferson, 'Is he honest, is he capable.?'
Democratic Americans ! What a name for a Native
American party ! When all the records of our past
history prove that- American Democrats have ever
opened wide their arms to receive foreigners flying from
oppression in their native land ; and they have always
bestowed upon them the rights of American citizens
after a brief period of residence in this country ! The
great democratic party haA'e always gloried in this
policy,and its fruits have been to increase our population
and our power with unexampled rapidity, and to fur
nish our land with vast numbers of industrious, patri
otic and useful citizens. Not a sail under our broad
flag whitens the ocean, not a railroad train that bears
its precious freight of human life over the iron track,
not a battle for American rights and the cause of
liberty on American soil has been fought, from the
days of the Revolution to the present time, but we are
most forcibly reminded of the energy, honesty and
devotion of those foreigners who fly from the oppres
sions of their native land, to contribute their labors
and mingle their fortunes with ours. Surely the name
of 'Democratic Americans' was an unfortunate desig
nation for the Native American party.
"The Native American party an American excellence
and the glory of its foundation, belongs, to George
Washington ! No, fellow citizens, the American people
2»

34 LIFE OF
will rise up vrith one accord, to vindicate the
memory of that illustrious personage from such an
imputation. As long as the recent memory of our
revolutionary struggle remained vividly impressed on
the hearts of our countrymen, no such party could
exist. And while the toils, sufferings and sacrifices of
those times, are permitted to leave their appropriate
impressions on the minds of the people, no such party
can succeed. Let it be a cause of deep regret, that any
in our land should so far lose sight of the landmarks
of the fathers, as to wander in such crooked and dan
gerous paths. But let us rejoice that the number of
those who thus allow themselves to be cajoled by
fancies like these, are, and always must be, insignifi
cantly small. The recollections of Montgomery,
La Fayette, De Kalb, Kosciusco, and a long list of
foreigners, both officers and soldiers, who freely shed
their blood to secure our liberties, would have render
ed the ingratitude of forgetfnlness impossible. Our
revolutionary army was filled with tbe brave and
patriotic natives of their lands ; and George Wash
ington was their commander-in-chief. Would he ever
have closed the door against the admission of foreign
ers to the rights of American citizens .? Let his acts
speak for themselves. So early as the 26th of March,
1790, General Washington, as President of the United
States, approved the . first law which ever passed
Congress on the subject of naturalization ; and this
only required a residence of two years, previous to the
adoption of a foreigner as an American citizen. On

JAMES BUCHANAN. 35
the 29th of January, 1795, the term of residence was
extended by Congress to five years, and thus it remain
ed throughout General Washington's administration
and until after the accession of John Adams to the
Presidency. In his administration, which will ever be
known in history as the reign of terror, as the era of
ahen and sedition laws, an act was passed, on the 18th
of June, 1798, which prohibited any foreigner from be
coming a citizen until after a residence of fourteen years;
and this is the law, or else perpetual exclusion, which
General Scott preferred, and which the Native Ameri
can party now desire to restore. The Presidential
election of 1800 secured the ascendency of the Dem
ocratic party, and under the administration of Thomas
Jefferson, its greatapostle, on the 14th of April, 1802,
the term of residence, previous to naturalization, was
restored to five years; what it had been under
General Washington, and where it has ever since
remained. No, fellow citizens, the father of his
country was never a Native American. This sort
of ' American excellence' never belonged to him.
i',i T^i i'ti iii i,e ft ifi ft
"The Fugitive Slave Law is all the South has ob
tained in this compromise of 1850. It is a. law
founded both upon the letter and spirit of the Constitu
tion, and a similar law has existed on our statute books
ever since the administration of George Washington.
History teaches us that but for the provision in favor
of fugitive Slaves, our present Constitution never
would have existed. Think ye that the South will

36 LIFE OF
ever tamely surrender the Fugitive Slave Law to
Northern fanatics and abolitionists ? Never, so long
as they stand up, not merely for their own rights, but
so long as they hold dear the rights guarantied by
the Constitution to the whole country. For an incli
nation to suffer an infraction upon it in the sUghest
degree, is indicative of a readiness to consent to its
entire mutilation.
And now, fellow citizens, what a glorious party the
Democratic party has ever been ! Man is but the being
of a summer's day, whilst principles are eternal. The
generations of mortals, one after the other, rise and sink,
and are forgotten, but the principles of Democracy,
which we have inherited from our revolutionary fathers,
vrill endure to bless mankind throughoutall genera tions.
Is there any democrat within the sound of my voice,
is there any democrat throughout the broad limits of
good and great old democratic Pennsylvania, who will
abandon these sacred principles for the sake of follow
ing in the train of a military conqueror ?"
Thus will be seen at a glance, the views put forth on
that occasion, by this great expounder of the glorious
principles of Democracy, in regard to the important
questions of slavery and the rights and privileges of
foreigners. It is easy to see that these principles are
the same which were maintained by Washington,
Jefferson, and all the eminent patriots and leaders of
the democratic party, from the time of the illustrious
Washington to the present day. Hence no charge of
demagogism, no schemes for exciting popular fancy for

JAMES BUCHANAN. 37
the purpose of securing the advantages of temporary
power and position, can be brought against or imputed
to those who have always stood by these principles,
without regard to consequences. It will be remem
bered that the love ofthe perpetual exclusion of foreign
ers, or one ofa kindred character in its practical results,
was professedly a favorite with General Scott; and
yet when, in the campaign of 1852, he was a candidate
for the Presidency, it was, by no means, an uncommon
thing for him, in his addresses in various parts of the
country, to court the favor of foreigners ! And this has
ever been the. line of policy pursued by the opponents
of democracy. During Presidential campaigns, they
have uniformly been mild and complacent in their
manners and in the expression of their views towards
foreigners ; but when aU their efforts and machinations
to overthrow their opponents have resulted in total de
feat, as they must always, as a general rule, then their
course is open, and they sound the tocsin of alarm
throughout the country, warning the people against
the dangers of foreigners and foreign influence ! Is this,
in proper terms, a species of demagogism .?
Such has thus far been the position of Mr. Buchanan,
as one of the most eminent leaders of his party ; and
by a careful observation of principles, it will appear
that during his public career of more than forty years,
he has unwaveringly adhered to the doctrines of the
Democratic party ; accepting, sustaining and endea
vouring, by all suitable measures and efforts, to carry
out the views of that party in relation to all great and

38 LIFE OF
national questions which have agitated the people of
this country. Upon those sectional controversies
which, with greater or less animosity of feeling, have,
for several years past, entered into political strife, his
sentiments have been uniformly harmonious with
those of the vast majority of the party of which his
political career forms a part. It is asserted Avith the
fullest confidence, that his position, upon all topics of
general interest, has been, without exception, eminent
ly national. Undoubtedly to this fact is owing his
strength in the Southern States, which probably ex
ceeds that of any other man. Let us briefly examine
the reasons of the existence of this fact.
The South as a whole, have invariably insisted upon
a strict and literal construction of the Constitution of
the United States in all its details. With them, no
exigency has been deemed of sufficient importance to
warrant a_ breaking away from the most rigid adher
ence to this rule. The Constitution was established
by general consent and for the general welfare. Sec
tionalism in no shape whatever was suffered to insinu
ate its narrow and selfish views into a single line or
word of that sacred instrument. And the South, as
they reasonably may, look with jealousy upon the man
or the party, who are disposed to put a liberal construc
tion upon it, or to bend any of its provisions, to meet
the demands or desires of a particular locality, or
for the furtherance of any scheme. And in this posi
tion the South have, thus far, been sustained by a
large majority of the people of the North.

JAMES BUCHANAN. 39
Ever since the adoption of the Constitution, there
always has been, and probably always will be, a party
composed of men who have been desirous to give a
free and loose construction to the Constitution, so as to
render it applicable to the wants of individuals, cor
porations, and sections ofthe country ; to cover up, or
annul, certain of its provisions, without the insertion
of which, the Union never would have been known.
Now it is perfectly clear, that this selfsame doctrine
of free construction is the mother of all those unsight
ly forms of fanaticism, which have, for many years, agi
tated the country, and, more than once, threatened its
dismemberment. It was engendered by candid displays
of oratory; it was nurtured by constant encroach
ments of unrestrained license. It now stalks forth
with unblushing effrontery, demanding immediate dis
solution of the Union, if its cherished projects cannot
otherwise succeed.
Against all such tamperings with the Constitution,
against all such incendiary movements, Mr. Buchanan
has, from the beginning, arrayed himself in the armor of
sound Democracy. In no instance has he faltered ;
in no contest has he laid down the weapons of his
defence. In this fearless and faithful maintenance
of truth and right, he has been fully appreciated by the
South, and by all patriotic men at the North. Hence,
the confidence reposed in him by his party. Hence,
the moral certainty of his success in the results of the
present campaign. We utter this prediction under no
Winding inspiration of enthusiasm, or overweaning zeal.

40 LIFE OF
We simply draw our conclusions from the lessons ofthe
past. The campaign of 1852 resulted in the unprece
dented triumph of Democratic principles. It was a
complete overthrow, a total destruction of aU opposing
parties; leaving to discomfited fanatics the forlorn
hope of embarking upon a boundless ocean, Avith a
miserable raft, constructed from the rotten and splint
ered fragments of a craft which had been unseaworthy
for half a century. And, huddled together upon this
narrow and rapidly sinking foundation, they strive to
revive their perished hopes, by vain delusions and pros
pects which grow darker the nearer they approach the
end of their bootless journey.
Soon after his accession to the Presidential chair.
President Pierce tendered to Mr. Buchanan the
mission to Great Britain, which he accepted. Owing
to the numerous and complicated relations which exist
between that country and the United States, arising
from an immense commerce, contiguity of possessions,
and we might add, the struggles of competition, in all
those enterprises which enlist the energies of rival
nations, the American mission to the court of St.
James has become one of singular importance, and it
has happened that, during Mr. Buchanan's stay in
London, many great questions of a vexatious and intri
cate character have interrupted, to some extent, the
harmony of intercourse between the two countries.
Besides, the condition of things in Europe, during a
greater part of this time, would naturally tend to add
weight to responsibilities, sufficiently onerous in a time

JAMES BUCHANAN. 41
of profound peace. Great Britain was absorbed in the
contest with Russia. She was in constant need of men
and munitions of war : If she could add to the number
of her forces by recruits from the United States, she
would gain so much material aid. But, on the other
hand, it was the duty ofthe United States to .carry out,
with the utmost rigidness and impartiality, the prin
ciples of neutrality between all- the belligerent powers.
It is possible, nay probable, that Great Britain, consid
ering the identity of our origin and language with hers,
looked for such a preponderance of sympathy in her
behalf, as would induce the United States to wink at a
few slight encroachments upon the rights and duties
of enlightened nations in so pressing an emergency.
But so Scrupulously did our government adhere to its
position, as a neutral ; so promptly did she interfere
to put an end to the system of recruiting, carried on
by special agents, and countenanced and supported by
British ministers resident in this country, that it
seemed necessary for Great Britain, in order to extricate
herself from this unpleasant dilemma with some sort
of grace, to insinuate that our sympathies and hopes
were aU on the side of Russia. Such a condition of
things rendered the .position of Mr. Buchanan, as min
ister to England, delicate and trying in the extreme.
It has become proverbial that the selection of a wise,
prudent and experienced man to represent this coun
try at the British Court, is one of the first duties of
an executive, hardly secondary to tlie appointment of
its own chief cabinet ministers, because the English

42 LIFE OF
mission is always intensely important to the immedi
ate interests of our people. During the trying time
of Mr. Buchanan's mission, the whole country seem to
have been fully impressed with the appropriateness of
these observations. They were proud in the reflection
that, in the American minister they had a man, upon
whose safe character and wise counsels they could se
curely lean. Their eyes were confidently fixed upon
him. Every steamer brought news occasioning the
most intense anxiety to the commercial, manufactur
ing and other classes. Frequently collision seemed
inevitable, but every panic passed off. Judicious
management averted the stonn which seemed ready
to burst upon us, and brought back the sunshine of
peace. The correspondence of Mr. Buchanan, such
of it as has been published, exhibits, on his part, a
vigilance, a discretion, a depth of research, an indus
try, and, at the same time, a dignity of character,
which has made his name a favorite in all parts of our
Union. In the recent troubles which have been the
occasion of so much excitement and discussion in Con
gress and throughout the country, he has towered in
all the magnitude of his character and in intellectual
superiority. He has shown himself competent to
grapple with the most intricate and abstruse subjects,
and exhibit them in a plain and thoroughly practical
light. He has left his post to give way to his successor,
having established renewed friendly relations between
the two countries, and having fixed in the hearts of
Englishmen the impress of a republican character,

JAMES BUCHANAN. 43
which has never, for a moment, yielded its simplicity
and its truth to aristocratic forms and display.
Even now, while the probability ofa war with England
is discussed in some quarters, the subjects of that
country are indignant at the very thought of such an
event, and it has been declared that any moA'ement in
that direction would meet with serious opposition on
the part of the people, and would doubtless result in a
complete change of the ministry which might under
take to bring it about. The measures of Mr. Buchanan
have been judicious, magnanimous, pacific and just,
and this is well understood and appreciated by the
people at large. An attempt to embroil the two na
tions in war, would at once be regarded by a large .
majority of the people of Great Britain as arising from
the jealousy, of a very limited class, against the increas
ing love of republican institutions. Much has been
said of Mr. Buchanan's position in respect to the
Ostend Conference. That he was the leading spirit in
this, as in many other great movements, directed to
the welfare and honorable prosperity of this country,
we do not hesitate to maintain. That the topics under
consideration at that, celebrated conference were well
worthy the attention of the distinguished characters
that composed it, as well as that ofthe whole country,
will be freely admitted by all who view the subject in
a calm and dispassionate light.
It is now proposed to insert a short extract of the
opinions proclaimed to the world by Messrs. Buchanan,
Mason and Soule, in respect to our relations with

44 LIFE OF
Spain ; the complicated condition of which, was the
occasion of the conference at Ostend. " But if Spain,
deaf to the voice of her own interest, and actuated by
stubborn pride and a false sense of honor, should refuse to
sell Cuba to the United States, then the question wiU
arise, what ought to be the .course of the American
Government under such circumstances.? Self-preser
vation is the first law of nature with States as well
as with individuals. All nations, have, at different
periods, acted upon this maxim.
The United States has never acquired a foot of
territory except by fair purchase, or, as in the case of
Texas, upon the free and voluntary application of the
people of that independent State who desire to blend
their destinies with our own. Even our acquisitions
from Mexico are no exception to the rule, because,
although we might have claimed them by right of con
quest, in a just war, yet we purchased them for what
was then considered by both parties a full and ample
equivalent. Our past history forbids that we should
acquire the Island of Cuba without the consent of
Spain, unless justified by the great law of self-preserva
tion. We must, in any event, preserve our oivti con
scious rectitude, and our own self-respect. While
pursuing this course, we can afford to disregard the
censures of the world, to which Ave have so often and so
unjustly been exposed. After we shall have offered Spain
a price for Cuba, far beyond its present value, and this
shall have been refused, it will then be time to consider
the question, does ' Cuba, in the possession of Spain,

JAMES BUCHANAN. 45
seriously endanger our internal peace and the existence
of our cherished Union ?"
Can any man of truly national views, who desires
peace within his own borders, and harmony throughout
the civilized world, find aught in sentiments like these
that is unworthy the representative of a free and en
lightened nation ? No one will for a moment deny
that it is a duty imperative upon government to
protect its citizens in the lawful prosecution of their
pursuits. This must be done at all hazards, or the
nation loses its dignity, and is liable to constant dep
redations and embarrassments from all quarters.
Again: There can be no valid objection to the
peaceful acquisition, by purchase, of new territory,
provided the contracting nations consent, and the
party purchasing is able to make the purchase, with
out imposing a burdensome debt upon the people ;
and especially if the advantages to be secured therefrom
would, in a few years, considerably overbalance the
expense of purchase.
But it may be said that the doctrine of acquisition
on the ground of self-preservation is quite variable, is
liable to abuse and may be applied on mere pretext,
when, in a moral point of view, wrong and injustice
only would result. This is indeed true ; but the same
may be observed of every rule of law, whether as between
nations or individuals. Questions arising from such
principles must be left to the intelligence, integrity,
and honor of courts and nations. If, as has already
been stated, facts exist which warrant the forcible

46 LIFE OP
seizure of a territory by a nation for its OAvn preserva
tion, then there can be no doubt as to the right and
duty of such nation. She is bound to make .the sei
zure if in her power. For the law of self-preeervation
is but the law of self-defence, couched in different
language. The right of self-defence forms a part of
the law of our nation, and it is the indispensible duty
of government to protect its subjects in the enjoyment
of their rights. "An injury either done or threatened
to the perfect rights of a nation, or of any of its mem
bers, and susceptible of no other redress, is a just cause
of war." The injury may consist in the inability, neg
lect or refusal, to make a fair and reasonable repara
tion for injuries committed. It is indeed true, as tbe
late Chancellor Kent observes, that war is not to be
resorted to without absolute necessity, nor unless peace
would be more dangerous, and more miserable than
war itself. An injury to a single member of society is
a just cause of war if redress be refused, but it would
be hardly becoming the dignity of a sovereign power to
declare; war on account of a single instance of the
kind. But where individual instances constantly occur,
and where the offending party makes no provisions
for reparation of the injury sustained, and takes no
measures to prevent their repetition, then the course
of duty is perfectly plain. And when war actually
exists, the seizure of territory belonging to the party
in wrong, and the retention of it to defray expenses
incurred by reason of his wrongful acts, is a ri^t
which has never been seriously called in question, but,

JAMES BUCHANAN. 47
on the contrary, has often been carried into effect. The
wresting of New York from the Dutch, the Canadas
from the French, by Great Britain, and numerous
other cases familiar in the minds of all, might be
cited to show what has been the policy of enlightened
nations from the earliest records of society to the present
time. True, the possession of territory so acquired is
matter of treaty after war has ceased ; but this in no
way affects the principle as stated above.
The neglect and refusal of Spain to make reparation
for injuries sustained by our commerce with Cuba for
the last twenty years furnishes a long list of griev
ances for which, owing probably to the distracted
state of things at home, she has been unable to make
honorable amends. It is not improbable that her do
mestic difficulties and embarassment will continue to
accumulate ; thus rendering her authority over Cuba,
situated at a distance of four thousand miles, more
and more inefficient. It requires no keen prophetic
vision to see that, in the progress of not many years,
the government of Spain over Cuba must cedse. In
such event, the latter must become an independent
State, with a population of a million inhabitants, a
large proportion of whom are slaves, or it must be incor
porated into this Union. Which of the two results
would contribute most to the welfare of Cuba, the
United States, and the whole world, is too ©bvious to
require discussion. Groaning under the burdens impos
ed upon them, to supply the demands of an exorbitant
revenue, and to fill the coffers of greedy resident offi-

48 LIFE OF BUCHANAN.
cials, the inhabitants sigh for deliverance. Tntercourse
with our people has given them some insight into the
character of our republican institutions. Thus they are
carefully learning the way to freedom, and thus they
look to us for symphathy and aid. When the proper
time for their deliverance shall have arrived, it would be
unjust, it would be subverting the designs of a wise
Providence, to deny them that protection which it may
be in our power to bestow.
That Mr. Buchanan, in his elevation to the Presi
dency, wiU, in regard to this as in all other great questions
which may arise under his administration, exercise that
wisdom, prudence, and discretion which has thus far
characterized all his acts, both public and private, the
large majority of his country are fully confident. To
guide the ship of State in safety over the restless ocean
of political strife, to unfurl her white sails to the fresh
breezes of liberty, to preserve her broad banner from
every dishonorable stain, is, we trust, the noble career
marked out for him, by that Omnipotent Ruler, who
"holds the winds in his fists and takes up the isles of
the sea as a very little thing."

97

CHARLES W. CATHCART,
Senator from Indiana, was born at Funchal, Madeira, July
24, 1809. Though born abroad, he was a natural born
citizen of the United States, his father and grandfather
on the maternal side having served as officers in the Revo
lutionary Avar. The little education he received was at
Cadiz, in Spain, and in the District of Columbia. At
the age of twelve, he left school, and from that time until
he went to the West, he went to sea and worked at the
trade of a carpenter. Twenty-five years ago he went to
Indiana, making the journey on foot, and settled on lands
then belonging to the Pottowatamie Indians, and has re
sided there ever since. Mr. Cathcart was for three years
a member of the Senate of Indiana ; an Elector of Presi
dent and Vice-President in 1844, and a member of the
United States House of Representatives for the 29th and
80th Congresses, and in 1852, was appointed United
States Senator, to fill a vacancy, occasioned by the death
of James Whitcomb.

86

99

JESSE D. BRIGHT,
Senator from Indiana, was born at Norwich, State of New-
York, December 18, 1812. At the age of seven years,
he emigrated with his family to Indiana, where he has ever
since resided. At the early age of nineteen, he was
admitted to the bar. When in his 22d year, he was
elected to the office of Probate Judge, which place he re
signed in 1839, on receiving the appointment of Marshal
of the United States for the district of Indiana. From
tins office he was removed by Mr. Tyler, ten days before
the annual election in 1841, and was immediately an
nounced as a candidate for the State Senate, to which
office he was elected by a decided majority. In 1843, he
was elected Lieutenant-Governor of Indiana, by greatly
more than his party vote. In 1845, he was elected to the
Senate of the United States, and was reelected in 1851.

100

101

STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS,
Senator from Illinois, was born at Brandon, Vermont,
April 23d, 1813. In early life he worked upon a farm,
and afterward at the cabinet-making business. His health
failing, he removed to Ontario county, New-York, and
entered the academy of Canandaigua. Afterward he com
menced the study of law. In 1833, he left Canandaigua
and went to Cleveland, Ohio, where he was taken sick.
On his recovery he left Cleveland, and obtained the place
of teacher of a school at Winchester, Illinois, in Decem
ber, 1883. He here opened a law office, and was soon
chosen, by tbe Legislature, State Attorney. In 1836, he
was elected a member of the Legislature. He was ap
pointed Register of the Land Office at Springfield, and in
December, 1840, was appointed Secretary of State of Illi
nois. In 1841, he was elected a Judge of the Supreme
Court ; and in 1843, a member of the Congress of the
United States ; in .1847, he was elected to the Senate.
9*

102

103

JAMES SHIELDS,
Senator from Illinois, was bom in county Tyrone, Ireland,
in 1810, and emigrated to America about 1826. In 1832,
he went to Illinois, and practiced law at Kaskaskia. In
1886,. he was elected a member of the Illinois Legislature,
and Auditor of the state in 1839. In 1843, he was ap
pointed Judge of the Supreme Court ; and in 1845, Com
missioner of the General Land Office. At the commence
ment of the Mexican war he was appointed by President
Polk a Brigadier-General in the United States army, and
for his distinguished services during the course of the war,
promoted to the rank of Brevet Major-General. About
1849, he was elected to the Senate of the United States
for the term of six years.

104

105
LEWIS CASS,
Senator from Michigan, was bom at Exeter, N. H., Oc
tober 9th, 1782. When he was eighteen years old, he
taught school some months, and then started on foot across
the Alleghany mountains, and established himself at Ma
rietta, in the northwest territory. In 1802 he- was admit
ted to practice at the^bai:. In 1806 he was elected to
the Legislature from Muskingum county. In 1807 he
was appointed by Mr. Jefferson, Marshal of the United
States for the District of Ohio, and remained in that office
five years. In 1812 he was chosen Colonel of a regiment
of Ohio Volunteers. On the 12th of July he crossed,
with the army of General Hull, into Canada, and being
detached on separate service, had a skirmish with the
British, in which he was successful. The ensuing winter
he was appointed Brigadier General in the United States
Army. On the 5th of October, 1813, he was at the bat
tle of the Thames with General Harrison. In the same
year he was appointed by Mr. Madison, Governor of Mich
igan, and continued in office under seven administrations.
In 1831 he was appointed Secretary of War in the Cabi
net of General Jackson. In 1886 he went to France as
Minister Plenipotentiary. In 1844 he was elected to the
Senate of the United States, and in 1848 was the Demo
cratic candidate for President of the United States, and
resigned his seat in the Senate. He was subsequently
elected to the United States Senate.

106

107

ALPHEUS FELCH,
Senator from Michigan, was born at Limerick, Maine, Sep
tember 28, 1806. He was fitted for college at Phillips
Academy, Exeter, N. H., and entered Bowdoin College
in September, 1823, and graduated in September, 1827,
studied law, and was admitted to the bar in the fall of 1830.
He practiced law in Maine until June, 1833, and removed to
Monroe, Michigan, in the August following, where he pur
sued his profession. In 1885 he was chosen a member of
the State Legislature, and in the year following was re
elected. In February, 1838, he was appointed a Bank
Commissioner, which office he held until March, 1839,
when he resigned it. In February, 1842, he was ap
pointed Auditor General of the state. He continued in
this office one month, when he was appointed a Judge of
the Supreme Court. In the summer of 1845 he was
elected Govemor of the state. In Febraary, 1847, he
was elected to the Senate of the United States for the
term of six years, and, having resigned the office of Gov
emor, took his seat in the Senate on the first Monday of
December, 1847.

108

109

SOLON BORLAND,

Senator from Arkansas, was born in Nasemond county,
Virginia, on the 8th of August, 1811. Removed to North-
Carolina in 1823, and into western Tennessee in 1836.
In 1843 he went to Arkansas. In May, 1846, he raised
a company for the Mexican War. January 23d, 1847,
he was taken prisoner at Encainacion by Gen. Minon.
On the 1st of August he made his escape. He was at the
taking of Chapultepec, Churubusco, San Cosmos and the
city of Mexico. He returned home in December, 1847,
and on the 1st of April, 1848, was appointed by the Gov
ernor of Arkansas to the United States Senate, to fill a
vacancy occasioned by the appointment of A. H. Sevier,
Commissioner to Mexico. His credentials were presented
on Monday morning, by Hon. Chester Ashley, Senator
from Arkansas, who was taken ill the next day, and died
in the course of the week. On the next Monday morning
Mr. Borland performed the melancholy duty of announc
ing the death of Mr. Ashley, and pronouncing a eulogy
upon his character. Mr. Borland was subsequently elected
to the Senate for six years from March 4th, 1849.

10

110

Ill

AUGUSTUS C. DODGE,
Senator from Iowa, was bom at St. Genevieve, west of
the Mississippi, on the 2d of January, 1812. He removed
to Wisconsin with his father, Henry Dodge, in 1827. He
resided in that territory eleven years, and helped defend
its frontiers, as a private, in the Winnebago and in the
Black Hawk wars of 1827 and 1832, in Wisconsin and
northern Illinois. Appointed Register of the Land Office
at Burlington, Wisconsin, June 20th, 1838, and in 1840
elected to the lower House of Congress, to which he was
reelected four times. Mr. Dodge did much to effect the
admission of Iowa into the Union in 1846, and in 1848
he was chosen one of the first Senators from that state,
and during the short term, was reelected at the same ses
sion of the Legislature for six years.

112

113

GEORGE WALLACE JONES

Senator from Iowa, was bom at Vincennes, Indiana, April
12th, 1804, and was educated at Transylvania University,
LeHngton, Kentucky, where, under the guardianship of
the late Henry Clay, he graduated with distinguished
honors in 1825. In 1827, he removed to Sinsinawa
Mound, Wisconsin, and engaged in the mercantile and
smelting business. As early as 1828, he purchased lead
ore of the Sac and Fox Indians upon the spot where the
city of Dubuque now stands. In 1832, he was aid-de
camp to Gen. Henry Dodge in the Black Hawk war, and
in 1833 was appointed Judge of the Superior Court of
Wisconsin. In 1835, he was elected delegate to Congress
from Michigan Territory, and was reelected in 1837. He
was appointed Surveyor General to Iowa in 1840, and at
the end of one year was superseded by General James
Wilson of New Hampshire, but was reapppointed by Mr.
Polk in 1845. In December, 1848, he was elected to the
United States Senate for the term which expired on the
3d of March, 1852, and in the fall of the same year was
reelected for the full term of six years.
10*

HI

115

HENRY DODGE,

Senator from Wisconsin, was born at Vincennes, Indiana,
Oct. 12, 1782. He was raised in Kentucky, and at an
early age removed to Missouri. In the war of 1812 he
commanded the troops raised for the defence of Missouri,
having been appointed, by President Madison, Brigadier
General. In 1827 Gen. Dodge removed to Wisconsin,
and commanded the mounted forces in the Winnebago dis
turbance, and in the Black Hawk war of 1832, and beat
Black Hawk's followers in several desperate engagements.
At the conclusion of this war, he was appointed, by Gen.
Jackson, Colonel of 1st Regiment of Mounted Dragoons,
which he led on two long and successful campaigns to the
Mexican frontier and the Rocky mountains, in 1834-35.
In 1836, appointed Governor of Wisconsin by Gen. Jack
son, and reappointed, at the end of three years, by Mr.
Van Buren. Removed by John Tyler, and immediately
elected to the U. S. House of Representatives, in which
he served four years. Appointed Govemor of Wisconsin
by Mr, Polk, m 1845. On the admission of Wisconsin
mto the Union, he was elected to the United States Sen
ate in June, 1848, and in 1852, at the expiration of the
term, he was reelected for six years.

116

117

JOHN B, WELLER,
Senator from California, is a native of Hamilton county,
Ohii|fe.nd is now forty-two years of age. He was edu
cated at the Miami University. At the age of twenty-one
he was elected prosecuting attorney for the county of But
ler, and held the office until his election to Congress in
1838. He was a member of the House of Representa
tives for six years. Upon the breaking out of the war
with Mexico, he was elected Lieutenant Colonel of the 1st
regiment of Ohio volunteers, and served under General
Taylor at the battle of Monterey. In January, 1849, he
was appointed by President Polk, under the treaty of
peace. Commissioner to run and mark the boundary line
between the United States and Mexico, for which office he
was dismissed by the Whig administration in 1850. In
January, 1852, he was elected to the Senate of the
United States, from CaUfornia, for the term of six years.

118

'^^ryK^ ^y/^^>-^^f^

119

WILLLA.M M. GWIN,
Senator from California, Avas bom in Sumner county, Ten
nessee, October 9th, 1805. He was educated for the
medical profession, and took his degree as M. D. at the
Transylvania University, Kentucky, in March, 1828. In
1831 he removed to Mississippi, where he practiced his
profession until 1833, when he retired from it, having been
appointed Marshal of the state by General Jackson. On
the election of General Harrison to the Presidency, he re
signed his office, and became a candidate for Congress,
and was elected. He declined a reelection, and soon after
removed to New-Orleans, where he was appointed Com
missioner to superintend the building of the new Custom
House. In March, 1849, he removed to California. He
was elected a member of the Convention to form a State
Constitution, and on the assembling of the first Legislature
under the new Constitution, was elected United States
Senator.

YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

* 6 f h.

( *-' ' Wt r ' >' (""' n' ASS

r .pivGj

"' ''^1'!^' imp
\ - ^f ,< . " • Cf fSJ.'Ti Si's * «(, ' , ¥
T,ii,;.J y '>t'||,X.«||. „ WW w

ft.i

m

"*!•?'

^^::>:f^A^
»af(f >! !