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LIBERTY TRACTS

From estate Of Jjlf^rji^g^l.^^^

I
The President's Policy
War and Conquest Abroad
Degradation of Labor at Home

.Address by
HON. GEORGE S. BOUTWELL
PRESIDENT AMERICAN ANTI -IMPERIALIST LEAGUE
At Masonic Hall, Washington, D. C.
January I 1 , 1 900

CHICAGO:
AMERICAN ANTI-IMPERIALIST LEAGUE
JANUARY, I goo

PLATFORM OF THE
AMERICAN ANTI-IMPERIALIST LEAGUE
We hold that the policy known as imperialism is hostile to liberty and tends
toward militarism, an evil from which it has been our glory to be free. We regret
that it has become necessary in the land of Washington and Lincoln to reaffirm
that all men, of whatever race or color, are entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness. We maintain that governments derive their just powers from the
consent of the governed. We insist that the subjugation of any people is "criminal
aggression" and open disloyalty to the distinctive principles of our government.
We earnestly condemn the policy of the present national administration in
the Philippines. It seeks to extinguish the spirit of 1776 in those islands. We
deplore the sacrifice of our soldiers and sailors, whose bravery deserves admiration
even in an unjust war. We denounce the slaughter of the Filipinos as a
needless horror. We protest against the extension of American sovereignty by
Spanish methods.
We demand the immediate cessation of the war against liberty, beg^n by
Spain and continued by us. We urge that Congress be promptly convened to
announce to the Filipinos our purpose to concede to them the independence for
which they have so long fought and which of right is theirs.
The United States have always protested against the doctrine of international
law which permits the subjugation of the weak by the strong. A self-governing
state cannot accept sovereignty over an unwilling people. The United States
cannot act upon the ancient heresy that might makes right.
Imperialists assume that with the destruction of self-government in the
Philippines by American hands, all opposition here will cease. This is a
grievous error. Much as we abhor the war of "criminal aggression" in the
Philippines, greatly as we regret that the blood of the Filipinos is on American
hands, we more deeply resent the betrayal of American institutions at home.
The real firing line is not in the suburbs of Manila. The foe is of our own
household. The attempt of 1861 was to divide the country. That of 1899 is to
destroy its fundamental principles and noblest ideals.
Whether the ruthless slaughter of the Filipinos shall end next month or next
year is but an incident in a contest that must go on until the declaration of
independence and the constitution of the United States are rescued from the hands
of their betrayers. Those who dispute about standards of value while the
foundation of the republic is undermined will be listened to as little as those who
would wrangle about the small economies of the household while the house is on
fire. The training of a great people for a century, the aspiration for liberty of a vast
immigration are forces that will hurl aside those who in the delirium of conquest
seek to destroy the character of our institutions.
We deny that the obligation of all citizens to support their government in times
of grave national peri! applies to the present situation. If an administration may
with impunity ignore the issues upon which it was chosen, deliberately create a
condition of war anywhere on the face of the globe, debauch tiie civil service for
spoils to promote the adventure, organize a truth-suppressing censorship, and.^
demand of all citizens a suspension of judgment and their unanimous support while '^
It chooses to continue the fighting, representative government itself is imperiled.
We propose to contribute to the defeat of any person or party that stands for
the forcible subjugation of any people. We shall oppose for re-election all who in
the white house or in congress betray American liberty in pursuit of un-American
ends. We still hope that both of our great political parties will support and defend
the declaration of independence in the closing campaign of the century.
We hold with Abraham Lincoln, that "no man is good enough to govern
another rnan without that other's consent. When the white man governs himself.
,that IS self-government, but when he governs himself and also governs another man.
that IS more than self-government — that is despotism." " Our reliance is in the
love of liberty which God has planted in us. Our defense is in the spirit which
prizes liberty as the heritage of all men in all lands. Those who deny ifreedom to
others deserve it not for themselves, and under a just God cannot long retain it "
* i.u J * cordially invite the co-operation of all men and women who remain loval
to the declaration of independence and the constitution of the United States

C.l..L:)'l

[Adopted by the Chicago Conference, Oct. 18, 1899.]

THE PRESIDENT'S POLICY
WAR AND CONQUEST ABROAD
DEGRADATION OF LABOR AT HOME

In the discussion on which I now enter, I pass by the moral con
siderations which are incident to any comprehensive treatment of the
Philippinean war, and I address myself to the questions of business and
labor in which the country is much concerned. In some of the aspects
of life, ethical" and moral questions occupy the highest place, but the
public mind cannot be directed to ethical and moral questions when
the masses are not in the enjoyment of a satisfactory degree of
domestic comfort. That degree of comfort can be found only where
there is also a good degree of public prosperity, which itself must rest
upon a-public policy that secures constant employment and reason
able wages for the laboring population.
My inquiry for the moment is this : Will the subjugation of the
Philippine Islands and their incorporation into the Union as equal
states, or their attachment to the government as colonial dependen
cies, elevate or depress the laboring population of the United States ?
I omit the consideration of other interests. They are all subor
dinate. A public policy which secures- to the laborers of the United
States constant employment with remunerative wages is the best secur
ity, not perfect security — that cannot be had — but the best security
attainable for the prosperity of all classes.
It has been the policy of one political party, to which a portion
of the rival party has assented, to protect the laborers of the United
States against the products of the cheap labor of other countries, and
then, as in the Chinese exclusion bill, to protect the American laborer
against the actual presence of the unpaid laborers of other countries.
Shall that policy be reversed ?
The inhabitants of Luzon, as an example, must be treated by us,
when we are called to decide upon our policy in that island, either as
capable of self-government, or as incapable. The population of the
island is not less than 4,000,000, or 95 persons to the square mile,
not excluding the portion that is covered by water. If these people
are an uncivilized people, as it is alleged, and a warlike people, as
3

warlike as they are, how many troops will be required upon a territory
as large as the states of New Hampshire and Maine combined, to
keep this vast multitude in subjection and ip peace ? Or, how many
troops will be required to maintain military stations within ten or
twenty miles of each other over the forty-two thousand square miles
of territory ? How much time will be required for that degree of
peace when ten soldiers can march ten miles in safety, in any and
every part of Luzon ?
How much time will be required to bring into view one native of
Luzon who will in truth say : " I vote with the army that wears the
uniform and carries the flag of my country," meaning the flag of the
United States ?
If the inhabitants of Luzon are incapable, as they are represented
to be by the President and his supporters, if they number four million
/or five million, and are a warlike people, as we know they are, are
there any considerations that should lead us to raake war for the con
quest of such a race ? We may overrun the island, but its subjuga
tion to a condition of quiet peace under the law is an impossibility.
And this is the entertainment to which we are invited and upon the
theory that the inhabitants of Luzon are an incapable people. The
difficulties which are thus indicated will be magnified not less than
two-fold when we contemplate the subjugation of the entire group.
Turn now to the other aspect of the case. Assume that they are
what they are, a capable people, and that they are competent for the
work of self-government ; that they have received the ideas that are
set forth in our Declaration of Independence. Assume, also, that the
war which they are now carrying on against us is by them waged, as
they think, in defense of the principles of justice, of equality, of the
right of self-government, indeed : then, I inquire, how long is this crusade
to be prosecuted by us, in the-hope of conquering a quiet peace ?
If they are a people capable of self-government, then, upon the
theory of the President, they are in the right, and we are in the wrong.
If the Filipinos are a capable or an incapable people, who can say
that this war is wise and just ? By what process of reasoning can it
be taken out of the catalogue of national follies and crimes, and who
can defend successfully those who are responsible for the inauguration
and prosecution of this criminal war ?
^ If the Filipinos are incapable of self-government, if they are
living in a semi-barbarous state, who rises to say that it is the part of
wisdom for us to continue a contest for the subjugation of a people
whom we cannot accept as political associates ? If they are what
4

the President maintains they are, then there is no avenue through ^
which they can be permitted to become a part of our government
under the existing constitution.
Our territorial system is not a training school for the reformation
of criminals, or for the enlightenment of half-civilized races ; but our ~
territories, when created, are in the quality of the inhabitants equal
to the duties of statehood, wanting in numbers only. The Philippine
Islands furnish inhabitants adequate for ten states. If we hold them,
they are with us as states or as vassals. Whoever, and in this word
" whoever " I include the President of the United States, whoever
accepts them, either as equals or as vassals is the enemy of the
republic. The war is carried on upon the theory that the Filipinos are
incapable of self-government. Everywhere and always there is the
admission implied, if not expressed, that if the Filipinos were capable
of self-government it would be a crime in us to arrest or to thwart
their enjoyment of the right. But, assume their incompetency, and
I ask again, to what end is the war prosecuted ? To the general
public there can be no other end in view than the satisfaction that
may be derived from a brutal victory of arms over an inferior people.
But the war itself, however viewed, is only a step toward evil results
of greater magnitude if the President's policy should be sanctioned
by the country. Those results I am to consider.
This question I put to the defenders of this war. What is the
end that you seek ? Is it the vassalage of these people ? If so, then
you are the enemies of the republic and the betrayers of the prin-"
ciples upon which the republic thus far has been made to rest.
If you intend to endow them with statehood in the American^.
Union, then, whether they are a capable or an incapable people you
betray the Union to a fatal ending. Does any one believe, that with
safety, we can receive into this Union the millions of Asia, who have no
bonds of relationship with us, except that they are of the human family ?
The President and his adherents say : " We will prosecute this
war until these people are subdued, and then we will tell you what we
propose to do with them." They have not disclosed their purpose to
the American people. There is, however, one alternative that we can
comprehend. The American people ought not, on the one hand, to I
accept from the Philippine Islands ten states foreign in language,
compact in religion, alien to us in the habits of life ; nor, on the
other hand, ought we to consent to any system by which some are to
rule and some are destined to obey. 5

Terror-stricken by the foreshowing of the questions that are to
arise in case of success in war, the imperialists are about to submit
an amendment to the constitution, by which colonial vassalage shall
be made constitutional. Thus, by a simple process, they propose to
end the republic and create an empire. Do you ask for the evidence
on which this statement is based ? I answer, events are their masters.
Questions are arising which cannot be met, and, therefore, they
must be avoided. The laborers and producers of this country must
be deceived or cajoled, or the cause of the President is lost. Whenever
it is decided, and the President says that it is already decided, that
Porto Rico and the Philippines are within the jurisdiction of the
United States, then the country may be called to accept the provision
of the constitution as operative in the islands, or the imperialists must
show how it may be avoided.
" All duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the
United States."
The novel theory is raised that the islands may be treated as
American territory for certain purposes, and as a foreign territory for
other purposes. We are to enter upon an open market policy in the
east. The commerce of Russia, England, China, the states of conti
nental Europe and all the rest, from Japan to Australia and New
Zealand, is to pass in and out of the ports of Porto Rico and the
Philippines on a free trade basis, while as to the United States, not a
cargo of coffee, rice, sugar, hemp, tobacco or fruits can be brought
from the islands into our continental territory, except upon the pay-
merit of such duties as might be exacted upon the importation of like
products from Brazil or the British West Indies. It is apprehended
by the administration, and with sufficient reasons, that the supreme
court will say : "The islands, being within the jurisdiction of the
United States, the duties, imposts and excises must be the same as
in the country generally." Such a decision is not only required by
the constitution, but there can be no freedom of trade between the
islands and the mainland unless the duties, excises and imposts are
the same. For the purpose of government the District of Columbia is a
cipher, yet no one has ever broached the notion that it was possible,
under the constitution, to establish one system of customs and excise
duties for the district and another for states.
The administration must apprehend what everybody else foresees
as certain, namely, this : Wherever the supreme court shall reach
the conclusion that the islands are within the jurisdiction of the United
6

States, the court will hold also that the duties, imposts and excises ^
must be the same in the dependencies as in the states, and that the
freedom of trade between Manila and New York must correspond to
the freedom of trade between New York and Boston. Such a decis
ion means full freedom of trade between the islands and the states,
and it means much more. The inhabitants of the islands, from
Luzon to Sulu, slave and free, are made citizens of the United States,
and no puny legislative scheme, such as has been proposed for
Hawaii, can bar them out.
What does citizenship mean ? First of all, it means the right,
the unrestricted right, of movement, of travel, of residence, the right'""
to labor everywhere, in everything, and in competition with everybody ;
the right of purchase of every form of property, from a boy's marble
to the stateliest mansion in Fifth Avenue.
In fine, by one unfortunate treaty, the work of an hour, we have
called into existence ten million American citizens, all of another
race, all ignorant of our language, ignorant.of our traditions, and yet
they are to be endowed with the rights of citizenship, or they are to
be held in a condition of vassalage. If the supreme court shall
prove faithful to the ideas and doctrines on which it has acted through
a long century, a condition of vassalage will be impossible. Freedom
and an equality of rights for these ten millions and for all their
descendants through the centuries of the future, or an amendment to
the constitution by which colonial v'assalage shall be authorized as
fundamental law of the republic, is the alternative which the policy of
this administration opens to the country.
The laboring classes should have in mind the certain truth that
free trade between the colonies and the states will follow the estab
lishment of a colonial system, and without much delay. Such has
been the policy of England.
The question before the country will be this : ' Shall the laboring
and producing classes of America be subjected to a direct and never-
ending competition with the underpaid and half-clad laborers of Asia,
or shall the republic of America be transformed into a colonial
empire with like consequences to the laboring classes ? This, the
gravest question ever submitted to men, is the. question before the
country today, but happily a way of escape is before us if the way
can be accepted now.
The way of escape must be accepted now. There must be no
delay. In the month of November, 1900, the future of the nation
will be decided. Republic or empire ? That is the question, the
7

only question of any importance before the country. If any false
financial or industrial policies are entered upon by a new administra
tion, adequate corrections may be applied in four or eight years, but
a policy by which Porto Rico and the Philippines are incorporated in
the union, or attached to it as vassal dependencies, can never be
reversed until this republic is numbered among the states that have
fallen through an unjust and criminal greed of empire and power.
To me the contest of 1900 is not doubtful. We are summoning,
and summoning successfully, the laboring and producing millions from
every field of industry, and while we shall appeal to them upon the
higher considerations of justice, of duty, of regard for the rights of
others, we shall not hesitate to appeal to the selfish interests of those
who are most concerned in preserving for themselves the share of
independence and power which the laborers of America have
enjoyed. Some of the supporters of the administration, particularly some
of the newspapers, have stouted the assertion that the annexation of
Porto Rico and of the Philippines can work any competition with the
laboring classes of the United States.
I ask : Are we to compel millions to submit to our authority
and exact allegiance from them, and then deny to them the right to
travel and to labor in the country to which they belong ? Are we to
extort from them contributions of money in peace, and exact ser^-ice
of them in time of war, and yet deny to them the privilege of visiting
the capital of the country that they serve ?
These promises of security to the laboring populations are vain.
The acquisition of these islands, in whatever form the acquisition
niay be made, will be followed by freedom to travel, freedom to labor,
freedom to pursue every industry, freedom to practice every art, and
in the next generation, if not earlier, freedom to take an equal part in
the government of the country. At this point I interject an observa
tion : If the President's claim that these islands are now in our
jurisdiction is a valid claim, and if judicial decisions are of any value
as precedents, the inhabitants of Porto Rico and the Philippines
are citizens of the United States, and already entitled to the freedom
of which I have spoken.
The attempt to engraft a colonial policy upon the republic is
beset with difficulties, with perils, in every direction. This adminis
tration, elected as a protectionist administration, is following the lead
of England in what is called an open-door policy in trade, and to
what end ?

In the treat)' for the partition of the Samoan Islands we agree
that English and German products and manufactures are to be
admitted free of dut}', into the islands conceded to the United States.
That is to say, we stipulate for free trade between two countries and
a portion of the territory of the United States, and yet duties are to
be levied upon everybody else and everywhere else. How does this
treaty run with the constitution, or is the constitution to be made " of
none-effect " with the Declaration of Independence ? Or how is
security to be taken that goods so entered in the Samoan Islands free
of duties may not be reshipped to San Francisco, and to other parts
of the continent as coastwise trade ?
'\^'e are demanding an open door to all the markets of China
and heralding the demand with a menace of war. If we establish
our tenancy in the Philippine Islands can we press a demand upon
China, and close the Philippines to the Chinese ? And if not to
China, how about England and the rest of the world ? Where is our
open-door free-trade policy to end ? And with what results to Ameri
can labor and American industries ? If we establish our tenancy in
the Philippine Islands, do not the islands become an open door for
the free ingress of the Mongolian race ; peoples in no way dis
tinguishable from the present occupants of the islands ? If the islands
are treated as of the United States, then the United States becomes
the receptacle of the I\Iongolian race. The thousand islands are so
near to each other that passage from neighbor to neighbor is a jour
ney of minutes or hours only, and a police of the islands to prevent
immigration into them, or migration from island to island is an
impossibility. Thus does the administration invite the country to a
policy by which these islands are to become an open avenue through
which so many, and as many as may choose to pass over, are to have
an opportunity to pass over to this continent.
On what ground and for what reasons have we excluded Chinese
Mongolians from the states and territories of the American Union ? '
Forthis, and this assuredly — that they outnumbered our millions many
times over, and that in labor contests our laboring classes would be
broken down, impoverished and ruinecf. That was our defense, and
a sufficient defense for a policy which otherwise was indefensible.
But, now by a course of indirection on which the administration has
entered, that bar which was wisely set up is to be broken down.
When this country shall realize the truth that the perils of which
I am speaking are not imaginary, but that they are inevitable in some
degree of magnitude, and when the administration shall be forced to
9

admit the existence of these perils, there will then be set before us
two ways of escape, and I assume that the resources of statesman
ship cannot furnish a third.
For a long twelvemonth the anti-imperialists have been the advo
cate of a way of escape, and to that way they adhere. They claim
that Cuba, that Porto Rico, that the Philippine Islands, either as one
state or as several states, may set up and maintain independent
governments, guided, if such shall be their wish, by our friendship
and protecting hand. For this and for this only, for this is the extent
of our demands, and the aim and end of all our doings, we have been
arraigned as the enemies of the country by General Otis, in Manila,
and by the President in America. On the issue so raised the judg
ment of the country will be rendered in Noveniber next.
The country has a right to know the object, the specific object,
for which the war is now prosecuted.
The congress has not spoken. The President conceals his pur
pose, but, from the circumstances, it may be inferred, in part at least,
with unerring certainty. He intends to prosecute the war until the
Filipinos are subdued. This is announced. We demand peace with
out delay, and without submission on the part of the Filipinos. If
the outcome of the war shall be victory and the abject submission of
the Filipinos, their exercise of the right of self-government must
depend upon our opinion of their ability to govern themselves. Such
is the policy and the purpose of the President. It cannot be the pur
pose of the President to admit the Filipinos to the right of self-
government, as that admission must bring the war to an end at once,
and it would be admission also that the war is unnecessary and unjust.
Thus is the proof sufficient that the President intends to hold the Phil
ippines as subjugated possessions.
Our claim is that the Filipinos shall be free at once and set up
such a government as may be agreeable to them and independently of
any dictation by us. This plan so presented to the country, in the
presence of the perils that are incident to the acceptance of the Phil
ippines either as colonial possessions or as prospective states, will
compel the administration imperialists to present a counter scheme.
It is affirmed, with a show of probability, that a scheme has been
prepared or contemplated already.
The scheme must be this :
An amendment of the constitution by which the United States
may be authorized to acquire and to hold colonies, and to exercise full
and exclusive jurisdiction over them. Thus is the republic to be
transformed into an empire. 10

Nothing less will meet the exigency in which the administration
will be involved.
Fortunate it is for us that the question of an amendment to the
constitution must be delayed, and that the question arising on our
demand takes precedence in time.
Our issue is made up for November next, and on that issue we
expect a controlling vote from the laboring and industrial classes, if
not indeed a unanimous vote, which is our reasonable demand in the
circumstances that exist. We shall be told that the laborers need not
fear competition, and that the laborers of America are so intelligent
and expert that they may defy competition. The experience of the
country is answer to these delusive promises. The Chinese will pur
sue employment aad attractive wages the world over, and they become
imitative workers in every branch of industry. Of this we have
knowledge from experience. I now repeat what I said of the Chinese
on a former occasion, and as long ago as December 28, 1898. I then
said: "They can defy competition, and that peculiarity is the only
adequate defense for our hostile legislation. They can manage a
bank or run a laundry with a certainty of success that cannot be fore
told of any other people, whether English or American or Hebrew."
The laborers of this country have now an opportunity, and the
only opportunity they can ever have, to put an end to the scheme of
establishing a colonial empire, to be followed by the degradation of
the laboring population through competition with the laborers of the
east and the products of the cheap labor of the east. Whatever may
be the purpose of the President, his policy contemplates the establish
ment of a colonial empire, and the downfall of the labor class, which
now is a necessary and intelligent force in the civilization of America,
and in the progress of the world.
There are those who affect to excuse the President upon the ground
that he is in the hands of men abler than himself. At this point I
am with the President in not accepting that excuse. It is now many
months since I gave the President credit for signal ability in the work
of transforming this republic into an empire. Since that time his con
duct and career have strengthened my conviction that he is supreme
over all the men who are around him, whether of the cabinet or of the
members of the republican party in congress who give him their
support. By the criminal law every man is responsible for the natural con
sequences of his acts. This rule is applied in affairs of government.
Nor can any public ofiicer plead good motives as a defense for bad
11

doings, and in an intelligent magistrate good motives and bad doings
can never be associated. The President accepted the war with Spain
which he might have averted and yet have secured the freedom of
Cuba in the next six months. Such was the statement of Mr. Wood
ford, our late minister to Spain.
The protocol was dictated by the President; the treaty was
extorted from Spain through a commission that was subservient, dem
ocrat as well as republican, and without a show of resistance; the
treaty was ratified by his persistency and the aid of such appliances
as he could command; and, finally, his proclamation of power and
purpose, of December 21, 1898, became a declaration of war without
the authority of congress, as early as the fifth day of January, 1899,
by its publication in the city of Manila. It is nSw eleven months
since war flagrant was begun, and it is now eleven months since Gen
eral Otis first, and the president afterwards, refused to listen to terms
of peace or to concede an hour's delay in the prosecution of the war.
In these eleven months of hostilities the war has been the President's
war. Congress has not been consulted, and the country has not had
an opportunity to speak.
An account current cannot now be written, but trustworthy gen
eral statements may be made.
Thousands of young men have fallen in the skirmishes, or died
in the morasses, or lingered in the hospitals to a fatal ending, and
thus grief inextinguishable has been sent into thousands of otherwise
happy homes. Of these, and many unknown, I mention Lawton and
Howard and Logan, and others whose names are familiar to the
country. What return has as yet been made for these sacrifices?
What return is promised by those who defend the war? Some say it
means an enlargement of the field for missionary undertakings, as
though the propagation of any form of religion can justify war and the
sacrifice of human life.
Some say it means more markets and more trade, forgetting that
human life is more valuable than merchandise, and that the lives of
our young men already sacrificed cannot be compensated for by the
extension of markets for liquors and cotton cloths. Some believe
that new markets can be gained by making enemies of mankind.
Some are animated by a vindictive spirit, and they urge on the
war that the Philippines may be punished for refusing to submit to
our demands. And some there are who fear that they may be counted
as " Little Americans," and they vainly imagine that something of
honor may come to them if America shall be recognized as a world power.
12

And some there are who favor the war because they have out
grown the Declaration of Independence and the preamble of the con
stitution, and they are urging the country on to the same conclusion.
If the war should be closed in February our expenditures will
have then exceeded ^200,000, ooo, and of the deficiency of J5 1,000,-
000 now called for, a large part will be required for the support of
the army during the current six months.
The vote upon that appropriation bill will be a test of the
strength of the war spirit in the present congress, and it will be so
treated by the country. Whoever can justify a vote for the prosecu
tion of the war until July next can justify his votes for the further
appropriations until President McKinley has accomplished his pur
pose — the subjugation of the Philippine Islands. That defense will
be required of democrats and republicans alike.
Thus far what has been accomplished? I ask. Commissioner
Worcester boasts that two regiments can march anywhere in Luzon.
That is not a condition of peace. It is a condition of war.
We hold a number of posts in Luzon and in other islands.
Wherever we are in force there is peace, and there are pretended
friends; wherever we are not. in force there are enemies and threaten
ings of war. The ground that we occupy is under our rule, but all
else is foreign territory.
In Luzon we may have one soldier to every square mile. In the
other Islands we may have one soldier for every five and twenty
square miles. In Luzon the natives number ninety-five to the square
mile, and in the group they number seventy-five. The President
demands military rule for the Philippines. One foreign soldier to
rule and seventy-five natives to obey. And yet the President tells us
that liberty, equality and justice go with the flag.
Our demand is always the same and it must be often repeated.
Our conclusion, from whatever quarter we approach the subject,
must always be the same. This is our demand : Allow Cuba, allow
Porto Rico, allow the Philippine Islands to set up governments for
themselves, free from any dictation by us.
This is a policy of justice ; a policy of peace. This policy ends
the war in the Philippines ; it ends the sacrifice of the youth of Amer
ica ; it puts far away the perils to which the laboring populations are
now exposed ; it guarantees to us perpetual friendship of three new
born republics, and it relieves us from the suspicion that we are to
cooperate with England in an attempt to subjugate the weaker states
of the world to the domination of the Anglo-Saxon race.
13

Additional copies of this tract may be had upon
application to
W. J. MIZE, Secretary of the American Anti-Imperialist
League, 517 First National Bank Building,
Chicago,
It is requested that applications be accompanied by
postage. All persons in sympathy with the object of the
League are requested to record their names with one
of the Secretaries. This does not imply any pecuniary
obligation. Funds are desired, however, for carrying
on the work, and the League will be glad to receive
subscriptions of any amount, large or small.

B120&
ROGERS A WELLS
ENGRAVERS AND PRINTERS
CHICAGO

YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

3 9002 01505 5362

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