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MowRY Tavern, where Williams Held Meetings. Built about 1653.

EARLY RHODE ISLAND

A SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE PEOPLE

BY

' WILLIAM B. WEEDEN, A. M.
Author of " Economic and Social History of New England,"
"War Government, Federal and State," etc.

THE GRAFTON PRESS
PUBLISHERS NEW YORK

Copyright, 1910
Br THE GRAFTON PRESS

CONTENTS
CHAPTEB PAGE
I. Foundations of Rhode Island, 1636 ... 1
II. Planting in Providence, 1636-164<7 ... 28
III. The Island, 1638-1663  45
IV. The Colony and the Town of Providence,
1648-1710  73
V. King's County, the Patriarchal Condition,
1641-1757  133
VI. Period Under Charter of Charles IL, 1663-
1730  174
VII. The Commercial Growth of Providence, 1711-
1762  193
Vin. Newport in the Eighteenth Century, 1700-
1776  ms
IX. The South County, 1758-1787  279
X. Revolutionary Period, 1763-1785 . . . .316
XL The Union, 1786-1790  353
Index  363

ILLUSTRATIONS
Mowry Tavern, where Williams Held Meetings.
Built about 1653  Frontispiece PACING PAGE
Rhode Island's Magna Charta. Here occur the words,
" Only in Civil Things "  SO
The Bull House, Newport. Built about 1640 . . 58
Coddington's House at Newport, about 1650 ... 64
Copy of the Record Signed by Roger Williams in His
Only Service as Town Clerk  92
Csesar House. Type of the Houses Built in the Latter
Part of the Seventeenth Century  120
Residence of Dean Berkeley, Middletown (Near New
port, R. L). Built in 1730  268
University Hall and Hope College in 1825 . . . 334

FOREWORD
MUCH has been written concerning the disputes be
tween Massachusetts and Rhode Island. The
character of the technical rights of Roger Williams in
the Bay, and whether such a seditious outcast could have
rights, created volumes of discussion. These questions
have lost interest in the new perspective of the twentieth
century. Mr. Richman, inspired by Bryoe, and coming from
the great West, set forth the world-spirit of Roger Wil
liams. Moreover, he brought forward Jellinek's testimony
to the world-wide importance of our Magna Charta
" only in civil things," which he terms the first " unre
stricted liberty of religious conviction." In the recent
celebration of the memory of Calvin at Geneva, Professor
Borgeaud, of the University, said : " We had above all
to call up the vision of an American idea. , . . That
part which is not sufficiently known in the Old World is
magnificent. The man to whom it is due is Roger Wil
liams." In his " Modem Democracy," he said long ago
that the acceptance of the Rhode Island charter in 1647
was the " first great date in the history of modem
democracy." The solid work of Arnold sufficiently treated the polit
ico-theological principles of our State, and Brigham
brought up the history to our day. I have freely used
his authorities.
In these pages, I have studied to find out how the out
casts lived. Isolated without church or school, with
few men educated by system, how did the exiles in this

X Foreword
narrow territory build up a new civilization, sufficient
to attract the notice of Europe two centuries later? Lib
erty of the soul based on law formed a new citizen, freed
from feudal restraint and ecclesiastical heredity. Charles
II. gave Williams and John Clarke for their " lively expe
riment " a new standing place, from which to overcome
the world.
Information is meager concerning the early ways of
living in the society developed on Narragansett Bay;
but enough exists to enlighten the story, as heretofore
told, of theological controversies and political evolution.
The old records both in print and in manuscript yield
much that is significant of the thought and action of
these striving citizens. One of the rare and very valu
able collections of papers, descended from Nicholas Brown
& Co., is now in the John Carter Brown library. It
yielded much for our use, as shown herein. I have
grubbed considerably in the inventories ; for whether im
portant or not, they are certainly true.
Let us try to comprehend the social life of our fore
fathers !
W. B. W.
Provideh-ce, R. I., January 1, 1910.

EARLY RHODE ISLAND

EARLY RHODE ISLAND
CHAPTER I
FOUNDATIONS OF RHODE ISLAND. 1636.
THE long controversy between advocates of Massa
chusetts and of Rhode Island is losing interest by
reason of the change evolved in the relative importance
of the issues. The principles of Roger Williams have
become so much more weighty, while the world has been
advancing three centuries in a political development not
much affected by governmental control of religion that
the details of his disputes with Massachusetts Bay are of
less account. However the technical rights of the dispu
tants may be made out, the fact remains that Williams
was banished from his political home and deprived of
his spiritual privileges.
Massachusetts made an absolute theocracy.
Connecticut made a limited theocracy, which conducted
a much better developed and more orderly Puritan sys
tem of living than prevailed in Massachusetts.
Rhode Island constituted a limited democracy freed
from theocratic control.
These are the great historic landmarks; to ascertain
and to mark out this development in the events of the
time is the true historic question. To appreciate the
changes of sentiment concerning these great functions of
government, let us compare the present conception ^ of
1 Century Dictionary defines toleration to be " the recognition of
private judgment in the matter of faith and worship. . . . The

2 Foundations of Rhode Island
" toleration " with the idea held in New England in the
days of Williams.
Thomas Shepard in 1645 knew what was wanted among?
his brethren and his deep emotion revealed itself as he
named his discourse " Lamentations." He says " to cut
off the hand of the magistrate from touching men for their
consciences (a boundless toleration of all Religions, Hub
bard, 1676) will certainly in time (if it get ground) be
the utter overthrow, as it is the undermining of the Refor
mation begun. This opinion is but one of the fortresses
and strongholds of Sathan." ^
" Touching the conscience," that is the root of the
theocratic system, which separated Williams and his fol
lowers from the government founded on it. However
great and splendid the organization of the state, man
was bom first. Roger Williams saw, not only thought,
but saw with inward vision that man should look through
organized government directly, to the author and ruler
of his being — ^to God.
Toleration was the main doctrine, but the same habit
of mind and view of practical government ran through
effective recognition by the state of the right which every person
has to enjoy the benefit of all the laws and of all social privileges
without regard to difference of religion." The high-minded Paley
about 1800 had not quite risen to this elevation. " Toleration is of
two kinds; the allowing to dissenters the unmolested profession and
exercise of their religion, but with an exclusion from offices of trust
emolument in the state, which is a partial toleration, and the admit
ting them without distinction to all the civil privileges and capacities
of other citizens, which is a complete toleration." Morley gives the
present conception of this historic term in treating Cromwell (Cen
tury Mag., LIX. 675) " Toleration has become a standard common
place, springing often from Indifference, often from languor, some
times from skepticism, but rooted among men of understanding in
the perception that the security for a living conscience is freedom.
not authority."
¦f Cite^ Q, f, Adorns, " Massachusetts Historians," p. 16,

1636] Only in Civil Things 3
the consciousness of the average Puritan. The Durfees,
father and son, true descendants of Rhode Island, com
prehended the large differences between Massachusetts
Bay and the outcast colony on Narragansett Bay. Job
Durfee said the Puritan understanding "was not the
freedom of the individual mind from the domination of
the spiritual order, but merely the freedom of their par
ticular church; and just as the English government had
thrown off the tyranny of the Pope, to establish the
tyranny of the bishops, they threw off the tyranny of the
bishops to establish the tyranny of the brethren." *
Thomas Durfee* defined that soul-liberty was not
secured by grant, but by limitation, being " the constitu
tional declaration of the right in its widest meaning, cov
ering not only freedom of faith and worship, but also
freedom of thought and speech in every legitimate form.
The right has never been expressed with more complete
ness. ' Only in civil things ' was no lucky hit, but the
mature fruit of life and experience."
It is well to seek for the birth of " civil things " the
assured conception of the " limitation," as Judge Durfee
expresses it. Early in 1637 Williams writes ^ Governor
Winthrop, " the frequent experience of your loving ear,
ready and open toward me (in what your conscience per
mitted) as also of that excellent spirit of wisdom and pru
dence wherewith the Father of Lights hath endued you,
embolden me to request a word of private advise." There
was a broad difference at this moment in Williams' mind
between masters of families and proprietors deriving from
Williams purchaser from the Sachems, and seller of the
land to his companions ; and " those few young men "
3 Cited Straus, " Roger Williams," p. 43.
* Historical Discourses, 1886.
5 Narragansett Club, VI., 3.

4 Foundations of Rhode Island
who were coming in to be admitted as residents and citi
zens. He was contemplating in this letter two subscrip
tions : the first for the proprietors, and it was somewhat
elaborate, for "late inhabitants of the Massachusetts
(upon occasion of some differences of conscience) being
permitted to depart from the limits of that Patent."
The other subscription for the young men andi others,
was in substance the compact afterwards adopted, ex
cept that it does not reach the apothegm, " only in civil
things." Showing that he had not begun to consider (he never
did enter into and fully comprehend) the difference be
tween a patriarchal bargain or proprietor's sale and a
political solution which might embrace a world-state, he
asks, " whether I may not lawfully desire this of my neigh
bors, that as I freely subject myself to common consent,
and shall not bring in any person into the town without
their consent; so also that against my consent no person
be violently brought in and received." All these medita
tions and queries he had not suggested to his neighbors,
but waited until he " can see cause upon your loving coun
sel." In May of this year he wrote Winthrop ® again, " not
withstanding our differences concerning the worship of
God and the ordinances ministered by Antichrist's power,
you have been always pleased lovingly to answer my bold
ness In civil things." He asks what he shall answer to
" one unruly person " who has proposed often in town
meeting, " for a better government than the country hath
yet, and let's not to particularize by a general Governor,
etc." These debates and doubts were solved on the 20th of
August. The " second comers " by political action put
8 Narrangansett Club, VI, p. 23.

1636] Unrestricted Liberty Established 6
into definite shape the simplest possible form of govern
ment '' " only in civil things." ^
Years ago Mr. Straus brought forward the statement ®
of the eminent Gervinus in 185'3, showing that Roger
Williams has established a " small new society " based
on " entire liberty of conscience and the uncontrolled
power of the majority in secular affairs. The ' theories '
of Europe were here brought into practice." It was freely
prophesied that these democratic movements would soon
end themselves. But the institutions have not only main
tained themselves, but have " spread over the whole
union." They have given laws to one-quarter of the
globe, and " they stand in the background of every demo
cratic struggle in Europe."
Mr. Richman called attention to Dr. Borgeaud, of the
Faculty of Law in Geneva, a more recent authority in this
domain of history. His view of Roger Williams is that
his " mind was at once enthusiastic and systematic ; he
was a theologian who had been brought up by a law
yer." ^^ The disciple of Coke, an Anglican lawyer, took
on the beliefs of Brown,^^ the separatist theologian. Wil
liams pushed these views further, even to the complete
separation of civil and religious matters, and to an abso
lute democracy. In Rhode Island his community after
ward became the " Kernel of a State." It accepted the
charter granted by Parliamentary England. Citing from
7 " But ' only in civil things,' — religion was to be in no way a
subject of legislation. Here for the first time was recognized the
most unrestricted liberty of religious conviction, and that by a man
who was himself glowing with religious feeling." — Jellinek: " Rights
of Man and of Citizens," p. 66.
8 Infra, p. 31.
9 Straus, " Roger Williams," p. 334.
10 Borgeaud, " Modern Democracy," p. 156.
11 Cf. Carpenter, " Roger Williams," p. xix.

6 Foundations of Rhode Island
the records of the acceptance, Borgeaud says, " these texts
bear date 1647. If we compare them with what was tak
ing place in Europe during this memorable year, we shall
be ready to allow that this is the first great date in the
history of modem democracy." ^^
When Williams was in London ^* procuring this char
ter, he was associated with Milton, Vane, and especially
with the great revolutionist, Cromwell. He kept up his
personal and friendly relations with him.
We are not to assume that Rhode Island was the sole
source of democracy in New England. It simply carried :
the European movement — through the inspiration of Wil
liams — to its highest end and legitimate outcome in prac
tical political government. Connecticut and Massachu
setts were one to two centuries in arriving at equivalent
results. The imagination can hardly set forth what
might have been, if Massachusetts had grasped her whole
opportunity in the seventeenth century.^*
Borgeaud says, " if we trace the origin of American
democracy among the charters and constitutions of the
New England States, we find a startling proof of the
close connection, which we must recognize between the two
great movements (Reformation and Democracy) of mod
em thought." ^^ Again he defines the influence of Cal-
12 Cf. "Modern Democracy," p. 161.
13 Mr. Albert Mathews calls attention to Sir Thomas Urquhart's
expression of his obligations to Roger Williams for interceding in
his behalf with the "most special members both of the Parliament
and Council of State." . . . "He did approve himself a man
of such discretion and inimitably sanctified parts that an Archangel
from heaven could not have shewn more goodness and less osten
tation."— Urquhartt " Works," pp. 408, 409. Ed. 1834.
1* Witness Doyle : " The colony was only saved from mental
atrophy by its vigorous political life."—" Puritan Colonies," I., p.
187. 15 " Modem Democracy," p. 10.

1636] Freedom of Thought and Speech 7
vin, " Presbyterianism is Calvinism tempered by aristo
cratic tendencies of Calvin. Independency, or as first
called, Congregationalism, is Calvinism without Calvin." ^®
The German, Jellinek, sets forth the germinal idea
inhering in the final principles of our community. It in
terests us, as being essentially the same as that pro
pounded earlier by our own citizen, Thomas Durfee. As
we cited from Durfee, it was " not only freedom of faith
and worship, but also freedom of thought and speech in
every legitimate form." Jellinek says the Americans
gradually acquired a constitutional recognition of the
principle that " there exists a right not conferred upon
the citizen, but inherent in man, that acts of conscience
and expressions of religious convictions stand inviolable
over against the state as the exercise of a higher
right." "
Probably all will agree that however great and mag
nificent the organization of the state may be, that man
is yet greater. The state, through Magna Charta and
other great political monuments, has brought down the
statutes of freedom. But freedom of conscience was not
enacted by statute, it was the fruit of the Gospel. The
inherent and sacred right of the individual as established
legally was not the work of any revolution in Europe.
" Its first apostle was not Lafayette, but Roger Wil
liams, who, driven by powerful and deep religious enthu
siasm, went into the wilderness in order to found a govern
ment of religious liberty." ^*
18 Prof. H. L. Osgood in Pol. 8c. Quarterly virtually agrees with
Borgeaud, " Calvinism in spite of the aristocratic character, which
it temporarily assumed meant democracy in Church government.
It meant more, for its aim was to make society in all its parts
conform to a religious ideal."
17 Jellinek, " Rights of Man and of Citizens," p. 74.
18 Ihid, p. 77.

8 Foundations of Rhode Island
It was not holiday work in the plantations on Narra
gansett Bay, as the following pages will make manifest.
The German philosopher states, " to recognize the true
boundaries between the individual and the community is
the highest problem that thoughtful consideration of
human society has to solve." ^^ That this people kept
unimpaired the precious " kernel of a state," as the Gene
van doctor terms it, through all the turmoil was a marvel
of the moment and a permanent boon to mankind.
This seething democracy of Providence, which impresses
European scholars so forcibly, was established in the mid
dle seventeenth century, and was nourished by the infor
mal parliament in almost constant session at John Smith's
mill,^° as well as in irregular conferences that were ante
chambers of the town meetings. In these disputations and
debates, the public business was threshed out, before for
mal political action was instituted. Like many incipient
communities in history, this democratic government might
have come to naught, had it not been anchored to the
state and fastened to the crown by the charter of Charles
II. There is a divinity doth hedge a king, which pre
vailed in those days. This was plainly apparent to Roger
Williams. We are obliged to criticise him often for his
communistic vagaries and his inconsistent ways in mere
statecraft. But he was well-grounded in the great prin
ciples of authority underlying all practicable government.
In 1654-5 there was a party pushing soul-liberty and
the power of the individual toward anarchy. A paper was
sent to the town asserting that " it was blood-guiltiness,
and against the rule of the Gospel, to execute judgment
upon transgressors against the private or public weal."
Williams wrote to the town a masterly letter, defining
19 Jellinek, "Rights of Man and of Citizens," p. 98.
20 Infra, p. 43.

1636] Government Not Anarchy 9
individual liberty and the limits of governing power in
the state. " There goes many a ship to sea, with many
hundred souls in one ship, whose weal and woe is common,
and is a true picture of a commonwealth, or a human
combination, or society. Both Papists and Protestants,
Jews and Turks, may be embarked in one ship. . . .
I never denied that, notwithstanding their liberty of con
science, the commander of this ship ought to command
the ship's course, yea, and also to command that justice,
peace, and sobriety, be kept and practiced, both among the
seamen and all the passengers. ... If any shall
mutiny, and rise up against their commanders and officers ;
if any should preach or write that there ought to be no
commanders because all are equal in Christ, I never denied,
but in such cases, whatever is pretended, the commander
or commanders may judge, resist, compel, and punish
such transgressors." ^^
In a noble letter to Major Mason, of Connecticut, June
22, 1670,^^ Williams sets forth his own story with an
account of his sufferings in settling the plantation. And
he pictures in most graphic style the truly great concerns
of citizens, in particular his consciousness of the high
mission of himself and his fellows. " To mind not our
own, but every man the things of another; yea, and to
suffer wrong, and part with what we judge Is right, yea,
our lives and (as poor women martyrs have said) as many
as there be hairs upon our heads, for the name of God
and the son of God his sake. This is humanity, yea, this
Is Christianity. . . . The matter with us Is not about
these children's toys of land, meadows, cattle, govemment,
etc. But here all over this colony a great number of weak
and distressed souls, scattered, are flying hither from Old
21 Ibid, Nargt. CI., VI., 278.
22 VI., " Narragansett Club," 344.

10 Foundations of Rhode Island
and New England, the most High and Only Wise hath, In
His Infinite wisdom, provided this country and this comer
as a shelter for the poor and persecuted, according to their
several persuasions."
Mr. Richman considers Williams' system to have been
religious In his own view, but not so according to the
prevailing opinions of the time. He prefers to class his
opinions as " ethico-political." ^' We are to remember
in placing a principle and in making categories that,
nearly three centuries of progress — ^which the opinions of
Williams and those like him have greatly affected — ^have
passed since these colonies were struggling to begin politi
cal life. Some plain facts of the case have been neglected,
both by the persecutors of Williams and by his advocates.
Reformers must offend against the established order, by
which and in which they are conditioned. The radical
must go to the root of existing things, or he cannot grasp
or even touch the evil he would combat.
Williams struck at the foundations of the Puritan
church, and the social system carried with it. It was
absolutely necessary that individuals should revolt against
the old before a starting point for new life could be
attained. Williams was literally a voice crying in the
wilderness — so far as a representative of the individual
soul was concerned. To him, his Idea, his daimon was
the simplest principle possible — and two and a half cen
turies of progress have proved that he was right. To
them, this simplicity was complex beyond measure, and
destructive of established order.
Greece, Rome, Teutonic mark and meeting penetrated
by Hebrew insight, political England, are engraved deep
in the lines of our heredity But It is In the enlarging
growth of the modem mind after the Reformation that
23 Richman, " R. I., Its Making," I., 33.

1636] Soul-Liberty Bred New Men 11
Rhode Island has an especial place in history, as my
citations from European scholars have shown. As Roger
Williams led in soul-Uberty, so with his fellows he devel
oped a community, a possible state, giving superiority
lio the individual man — ^practical democracy in short.
Rough in poverty, rude in education, these pioneers kept
their individual entity springing from Williams, Harris,
Gorton, Coddlngton, and Clarke, as the following pages
will show; which Individual spirit finally pervaded and"
flavored the peoples roundabout. The most stormy
town meeting, the boldest privateer, the stoutest Revolu
tionary soldier, the most adventurous merchant, carried
forward this principle of expanding growth, proceeding
from Williams' discovery and the struggle of pioneers
for political life. A soul freed from ecclesiastical oppres
sion and the bonds of expiring feudalism, must possess
at last material things. Progress was slow in attaining
such wealth and culture as the surrounding colonies inher
ited passively. But through every political and social
movement a discerning eye can trace the individual man
forming a larger community of Individuals ; thus lifting
his own life and social opportunity into a freer atmos
phere. If this were not so, how could the little state
acquire wealth relatively equal to the most favored quar
ters of the Union. How else could a modem republican
state be formed on accidental charters of the common
wealth and of Charles II. ; which latter charter should es
sentially outlast two centuries, vmchanged.
Wherever we turn in the record of the past, signs of
representative govemment appear, as a great controlling
principle seeking expression as history opens out. Japa
nese scholars claim that this is not confined to. Anglo-
Saxon nor even to Aryan nations ; but prevails East and
West. " I believe that the seed of representative govern-

12 Foundations of Rhode Island
ment is implanted in the very nature of human society
and of the human mind." ^*
So far as our own part of the large question Is con
cerned, let us look into the course of affairs in Massachu
setts and Connecticut, ,to leam by contrast the true
essence and the essential characteristics of our own insti
tutions here in Rhode Island.
The colony of Massachusetts existed for fifty-five years
under a royal charter granted to the " Governor and
Company of the Massachusetts Bay In England." The
charter empowered the freemen of the Company forever
to elect from their own number, a Governor, Deputy-
Governor, and eighteen Assistants, and to make laws " not
repugnant to the laws of England." The executive, not
including the assistants, was authorized, but not required,
to administer to freemen the oaths of supremacy and
allegiance. Winthrop, the Governor, with Deputy-Governor and As
sistants, had been chosen in England. There were some pre
liminary meetings at Salem, but the first American Court
of Assistants was convened at Boston, August 2S, 1630.
Some one hundred and eighteen persons gave notice at
this Court asking admission as freemen. There were eight
plantations or towns that participated in this assembly.
The Court voted that Assistants only should be chosen by
the Company at large, and that the Assistants with the
Governor and Deputy-Governor, elected from themselves,
should have the power of "making laws and choosing offi
cers to execute the same." This movement, erratic in a dem
ocratic government, lasted only about two years. May 9,
1632, the freemen resumed the right of election, limiting
the choice of Governor to one of the existing Assistants.
I24lyenaga, "Constitutional Development of Japan," J. H. U.,
IX., 20.

1636] Early Massachusetts 13
These issues are interesting as revealing the tides of pub
lic sentiment for more or less aristocratic restriction in
the process of govemment.
In 1634 there were about three hundred and fifty free
men, more than two-thirds of whom, according to Pal
frey, had been admitted since the establishment of the
religious test, some three years previous. It was " ordered
and agreed that, for the time to come, no man shall be
admitted to the freedom of this body politic, but such
as are members of some of the churches within the limits
of the same." ^® As Borgeaud ^® remarks, " by law the
civic government was distinct from the ecclesiastical, but
In fact was strictly subordinate. The pastors and elders
spoke in the name of the Divine Will revealed in the Bible."
Compare the opinion after more than three-score years'
experience of a sufficiently orthodox interpreter. Cotton
Mather,^^ given below.
A curious side-light is thrown on the working of democ
racy in New England, by the aberrations of the freemen
in creating and abolishing a " Standing Council for life."
It was a new order of magistrates not contemplated by
the charter, constituted March 3, 1636. Winthrop, Dud
ley, and Endicott only were appointed under this author
ity " for term of their lives, as a standing council, not to
be removed but upon due conviction of crime, insufficiency,
or for some weighty cause, the Governor for the time
being to be always President of this Council and to have
such further power out of Court as the General Court
25 « Mass. Col. Rec," I., 87.
26 " Democracy in Old and New England," p. 148.
,27 « The civil magistrate should put forth his coercive power, as
the matter shall require, in case a church become schismatical, or
walke incorrigibly or obstinately in any corrupt way of their own,
contrary to the rule of the Word." — "Magnalia," Book V.,
Part II.

14 Foundations of Rhode Island
shall from time to time endue them withal."*^ It was
claimed that this movement proceeded from Cotton, who
derived his inspiration from Lord Sayand Sele.^^ The
act lasted only two years, and Mr. Savage *" claimed that
this institution was the only example of a political election
for life in our country. It was a bone of contention
until 1642. The extraordinary tenacity of this socio
political barnacle shows that Cotton, not to speak of
Wintlirop, did not easily give up the hope of bringing
some of the ragged offshoots of feudalism across the
Atlantic, to be planted in the soil of the new Puritanism.
Winthrop treats the affair earnestly, though patiently.
His caustic sagacity In construing popular characteristics
speaks forth in the following general consideration. " And
here may be observed how strictly the people would seem
to stick to their patent, when they think it makes for
their advantage, but are content to decline it where it
will not warrant such liberties as they have tahen up with
out warrant from thence, as appears in their strife for
three deputies," etc.^^
These are small matters, but they were beginnings of
popular govemment and they indicate one set of condi
tions which hampered Roger Williams in any search after
soul-liberty. Puritans hke Winthrop and Dudley were
not only church-bound, they were so wrapped in the
panoply of a feudal aristocracy that they could not con-
28 " Mass Col. Rec," I., pp. 167, 168, 178.
¦29 " Palfrey," I., 443.
so He was completely honest and judicious in interpreting history.
Rufus Choate had humor and was examining Savage once, in
some casual matter, wherein he treated the witness most courteously.
Then in a stage whisper, delighting the hearers, he said, " Now I
have him under oath, I would like to ask him why he hates Cotton
Mather so thoroughly."
31 " Winthrop, N. E.," I., 303.

1636] Development of Massachusetts 15
celve of freedom — ^whether ecclesiastical or political — in
any modem sense.
In 164'3 the Magistrates and Deputies established
bicameral legislation, the great modem improvement
adopted by all the colonies and by the Union of the
States. As Winthrop states, " there fell out a great
business upon a very small occasion." Mrs. Sherman's sow,
or her claim for one, became the occasion of a suit against
Captain Keayne. The suit went through the inferior
courts, and coming into the General Court set Magistrates
and Deputies at variance, and in a most unseemly way.
Sympathy for the poor woman against a rich man affected
the more popular representatives — the deputies — and jeal
ousy between the two classes of legislators or judges con
fused the whole matter. The judicious saw that oppor
tunity for such disputes must be stopped, and henceforth
the two houses held their sessions " apart by themselves."
Moreover, according to the Governor, " this order deter
mined the great contention about the negative voice."
Without doubt the simple trading corporation, while
making plantations, put forth more essential powers than
was ever intended in England; whether in controlling the
souls of men, or in extending the ground-work of a state.
But such was Inevitable. A corporation puts forth suckers
of sovereignty, and these branch out into more and more
power, as contingent life forces the issues.
Mr. Charles Francis Adams sums up his conclusions,
" the organization of the Massachusetts colony was dis
tinctly and indisputably legal, commercial and corporate ;
and not religious, ecclesiastical or feudal." ^^ In this he
Is supported by Professor Parker and Judge Chamberlain
and by Doyle in his Puritan Colonies. Others have viewed
the matter differently, and much learning has been devoted
t^Mass. Hist. 8oe. Proc, VII., pp. 196, 305.

16 Foundations of Rhode Island
to this historic question. We may be content with the
poetic rendering and rare insight of James Russell Lowell,
as he interprets the founding of Massachusetts Bay
through " the divine principle of Authority based on the
common interest and common consent."
A definition of an ordinary charter prevailing in the
seventeenth century runs thus: The owner does what he
will with his cattle " only by virtue of a grant and charter
from both his and their maker." A royal charter, based
on land and the feudal tendencies then inhering in land,
conveys legal and commercial privileges ; but In the hands
of an active, intelligent body of freemen, it conveys much
more. The Frenchman De Castine says " a charter can
not create liberty; it verifies it." No words could more
clearly explain the legitimate course of the chartered col
onies of New England.
It has been customary to treat Massachusetts Bay as
the headquarters and general source of Puritanism In New
England. But Connecticut was a better example in ap
plying the principles of the Puritans to every-day living;
it was more advanced, and, so to speak, more civilized in
the application. This was not by chance, but by natural
political evolution. The Connecticut men fully believed
in theocracy ; in a state governed by the Immediate direc
tion of God; yet this principle was to be in some degree
regulated by the action of the people, and not absolutely
controlled by the " Inspiration " of certain pastors and
elders of the church rendering the will of God.
Let us examine the beginnings of govemment in this
colony. Hooker's migration from the Bay had occurred
in 16'36. A commission issued from the General Court
of Massachusetts, March 3, 1636, to eight of the persons
who " had resolved to transplant themselves and their
estates unto the River of Connecticut." This commission

1636] Connecticut Best Puritan Example 17
was plainly limited, in that It took " rise from the desier
of the people whoe removed, whoe judged It in Convenience
to goe away without any frame of Government, not from
any clame of the Massachusetts Jurisdiction ower them by
virtew of Patent." **
This was manifestly a semi-political and not a corporate
and commercial evolution of power. The forthcoming
Yankees were careful to take to themselves only one side
of the obligation; to profit by receiving the attributes of
power, without rendering any allegiance in return. But
they took a political prerogative, not a commercial privi
lege ; a function of govemment and not a function of trade.
Just as the colony of Massachusetts, based on territorial
grants with trading privileges from the British Crown,
made war and peace or coined money if necessary, so it
put out a sucker of practical sovereignty which rooted in
the Connecticut valley.
The planters met January 14, 1638-9, and adopted the
" eleven fundamental orders," ^* by which the colony was
substantially governed until the year 1818, though it
obtained legitimate authority by charter from the British
Crown, as we shall see later on. This Is an early record
of a " frame of govemment." The men of Connecticut
claim It to be the first written constitution in history.
The germ of constitutional govemment in Connecticut,
whether it was by a formal constitution or otherwise, is
justly considered by Investigators to have been in a sermon
of Thomas Hooker preached before the General Court in
May, 1638, viz., " The foundation of authority is laid,
firstly. In the free consent of the people, — The choice of
public magistrates belongs unto the people by God's own
allowance, — They who have power to appoint officers and
33 Cited Trumbull, " Constitutions of Connecticut," p. 1.
3* Baldwin, " Constitutions," p. 180.

18 Foundations of Rhode Island
magistrates. It is In their power also, to set the bounds
and limitations of the power and place Into which they
call them." ^s
These views, as has been stated Indirectly, were advanced
to a higher ground than that held by the rulers of Massa
chusetts Bay. They were still entangled In those jun
gles of sovereignty — where church members only adminis
tered the state — ^jungles which easily put forth essential
tyranny. The Connecticut men found it better to get
out and move on. As above stated, it was not chance, but
political sagacity which precipitated the issue. We should
study Hooker's Survey of Church Discipline,^* published
after his death in 1648. As cited below, we find a dim
recognition of the absolute difference in administration of
spiritual and temporal things ; and this perception of
Hooker's brought about important results In Connecticut.
It is true, the freemen were practically church members,
but pastor or elder could not go Into town meeting and
cry out in form or substance " thus salth the Lord " after
such teaching as Hooker gave them.
Hooker was thoroughly Puritan, and believed in theo
cratic ascendancy. Yet though he might be loyal to the
dictates of conscience, he perceived that the will of the
35 Ool. Corm. Hist. Soc, I., 30.
38 At page 4 we read, " Men sustain a double relation. As mem
bers of the Commonwealth, they have civil weapons, and in a civil
way of righteousness, they may and should use them. But as mem
bers of a Church their weapons are spiritual, and the work is
spiritual, the censures of the Church are spiritual, and reach the
souls and consciences of men." He did not hold and is careful
at page 14 to guard himself from religious toleration. In the
passage he farther elaborates the idea of separation. " No civil
rule can properly convey over an Ecclesiastical right. The rules
are in specie distinct, and their works and ends also, and therefore
cannot be confounded. . . . But the taking up an abode or
dwelling in such a place is by the rule of policy and civility. Ergo
this can give him no Ecclesiastical right to Church fellowship."

1636] Hooker Moulds Connecticut 19
citizen and his political action, whether as ruler, judge,
or constable, must be firmly set within the " bounds and
limitations " of power constituted in a legitimate way.
This is of the essence of constitution-making.
If we adopt the large historic view of Bancroft in re
garding the Puritan, these beginnings of govemment in
Connecticut are worthy of constant notice. He says,
though the superficial may sneer at their extemporaneous
prayers and other formalities, if we look to the genius of
the sect itself, " Puritanism was religion struggling for
the people." Great England — freed In parts — absolutely
persecuted Nonconformists, until the repeal of the penal
statutes in 1690; driving two thousand ministers out of
their livings in 1662. Even after that repeal some stat
utes had to be " liberally Interpreted " through the nine
teenth century to give Nonconformists practical religious
and political liberty. Puritans might live, as it were, in
a detached and drained receiver, but the atmosphere
around was not free. Occasionally now an unscrupulous
politician sneers at the " nonconforming conscience." A
disinterested critic might remark that. It may prove to
be quite as important in England's future as the betting-
book or tennis-racket. As Emerson remarked, it would
be well to stop the people from doing many things, before
stopping their praying.
On the other hand, Puritanism proscribed In England
was virtually established in Massachusetts, where it
blocked religious liberty until well into the nineteenth
century. The development of Connecticut was not toward liberty
of conscience, but along the lines of a modified theocracy.
By a series of legislative acts in 1697, 1699, 1708," the
colony riveted an ecclesiastical system firmly on the necks
37 "Col. Rec. Conn.," IV., 198, 316; V., 87.

20 Foundations of Rhode Island
of all citizens. The act of 1708 was very positive, ap
proving " the confession of faith, heads of agreement and
regulations in the administration of discipline agreed to
by the synod at Saybrook and enacting that all churches
thus united in doctrine, worship, and discipline, should be
owned and acknowledged established by law." ^* Political
government might proceed without interference from
church or clergy, as Hooker had laid down. But the
conscience of the individual must be held by the church.
Provision was made " for the ease of such as soberly dis
sent from the way of worship and ministry established."
But however the dissenter might think, he must^® pay as
ordinary citizens did and could not be excused " from
paying any such minister or town dues, as are now or shall
be hereafter due." *"
After much discussion of these questions In the agita
tion for the constitution which replaced the charter In
1818; these restrictions were swept away and religion was
left entirely to voluntary support. With all his powerful
eloquence, Dr. Lyman Beecher preached against this, de
claring " It would open the floodgates of ruin on the
state." Connecticut writers have called this condition of
things " complete religious liberty." Their conception of
liberty within the bounds of Connecticut assumed in naive
manner that this was equivalent to liberty everywhere.
Their society being homogeneous and sufficient unto itself,
liberty of opinion elsewhere did not enter into consider
ation. This quietism Is finely' expressed in the words of
one of her ablest sons, Leonard Bacon, uttered in 1859.
He claimed that Episcopal, Baptist and Methodist
churches formed there were of the Connecticut sort, and
38 Trumbull, " Historical Notes," p. 30.
39 Ibid.
*o Bacon, " Historical Discourse," p. 70.

1636] Roger Williams an American Torch 21
" is there no meaning in the fact that not one of our
churches, and only one of our parishes fell in the Unita
rian defection .? " *^
The excellent political system of Connecticut created
a thriving and contented community under the charter, as
well as under the constitution. Perhaps no people in the
world were more happy. But such closed circuits and
local districts of universal truth could not survive the
free communication and exchange of thought prevailing
in modem times. The " land of steady habits," like
other parts of the Unltedj States, has become free in
thought and the open ground of liberty of conscience.
It is fair to observe that Thomas Hooker was the
greater statesman, while Roger Williams was the greater
prophet. Hooker brought a candle into state manage
ment that lighted a community through peaceful life for
one or two centuries. Roger Williams kindled a flaming
torch *^ in the fire of truth, which burned through the
fierce democratic disputes and town-contentions of the
plantations until its serene beams are now shed abroad
through the civilized world.
If we revert to the main colony, the home of Pilgrims
and Puritans, the early political aspirations of Massachu
setts can be hardly separated from the strong theocratic
tendency which moved her in applying a religious test
to practical govemment. There are not only the promi-
*i Rhode Island was moving in the opposite direction. In 1716
an act was passed preventing churches from using " the civil power
for the enforcing a maintenance for their respective ministers."
Support " may be raised by a free contribution and no other way." —
"Arnold," II., 58.
*2 In the words of Doctor King " he became not only an orthodox
Puritan, as Mr. Bryce calls him, but an intense logically consistent
ultra^rthodox, radical Puritan, outstripping his human teachers, a
Pilgrim of the Pilgrims."—" The True Roger Williams," p. 11.

22 Foundations of Rhode Island
nent proceedings like the banishment of Williams and
the Antinomians, the expulsion of Baptists and Quakers,?]
but other incidents, which show a constant adminis'i
tration of affairs on the narrow lines held by the In
dependent Congregational churches. In 1629, Endicott
sent out John and Samuel Browne, because they insisted
on using the Prayer Book. " New England was no place
for such as they." The case of William Vassall in 1646 *^
is very interesting.
It is pathetic to enter Into the doings of Massachusetts
In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and to per
ceive the struggles of well-meaning men trying to work
out their idea of good, yet producing only evil. The
ecclesiastical politicians of that time were centuries be
hind either Connecticut or Rhode Island ; but they fancied
they were the Lord's anointed. From John Cotton and
Hubbard, through Cotton Mather to Quincy and Palfrey,
one story filled the ears of these men and colored their
imagination, when applied to the facts of history and
government. In their distorted vision, an Inevitable,
providential necessity ** forced the admisistration of their
state from one form of bigotry to another, until the
widening political and social activities of the community
compelled her Into a complete separation of church and
state. When the nineteenth century was well advanced, Massa
chusetts finally swept away the despotic foundations of
*i " Winthrop," II.,> ,261
** " But to excommunicate an Heretick is not to persecute ; that
is, it is not to punish an innocent, but a culpable and damnable
person, and that not for conscience, but for persisting in error
against light of conscience, whereof it hath been convinced." Cot
ton's answer to Williams.-" N. Club," III., 48, 49; also II., 27.
The back action of the conscience of a theocratic persecutor could
turn any evil into good, or vice versa.

1636] Worid-Made States 23
her religious system. In the words of Mr. C. F. Adams,
" a modified form of toleration was. grudgingly admitted
into the first constitution of the state in 1780; it was
not until 1833 that complete liberty of conscience was
made part of the fundamental law." *^
The Puritans of the Bay fondly fancied that they were
creating a commonwealth, which through the support and
interaction of the churches should absorb the old political
functions of a state, and thus turn the world at large
Into a kingdom of heaven. Orderly political develop
ment was Impossible under this fanciful ideal; it was the
lack of such development that kept Massachusetts seething
and vibrating In political unrest. The actual movement
developing a modem state was in the opposite direction,
just as Mr. Doyle'**' viewing us from Europe, clearly
comprehended. The " worldly people," the men in the
street in Massachusetts as in other states, worked out a
political freedom culminating in the American Revolution ;
this finally penetrated the congregations of the churches
and converted them to practical Christianity. No episode
in history indicates more clearly the large currents of
evolution, which turn the swirling eddies of theocratic cul
ture to wider political development. As the eighteenth
century moved on, America discovered, by the second
quarter of the nineteenth she had developed into prac
tical politics, the large Idea that a free 'democratic
expression at the poUs was better political freedom and
even better religion than imperial decree, mandate of
synod or papal bull.
It Is often asserted In apology for the early rulers of
the Bay that, their course was inevitable — ^under the tacit
assumption that theocratic absolutism was the only pos-
*5 « Mass. Historians," p. 33.
*8 " Puritan Colonies," I., pp. 187, 188.

24 Foundations of Rhode Island
sible working govemment. But the Netherlands) had a
comparatively liberal administration, and Connecfcicut, as
we have shown, under Hooker was adapting theocracy to
democratic representation without persecution. We need
not change the colors of the rainbow to justify Cotton
and his fellow managers. At least, we can go as far as
Winthrop in his confession that there was " too much "
theocracy. There are two constant marvels In this bit of history,
as especially developed in these three colonies of the
new and newest England. 1. That, the idea of Roger
Williams once formulated, worked itself so slowly into
the consciousness of other communities, even in the ad
joining districts of Massachusetts and Connecticut.
2. That a civic principle deemed so revolutionary in
the seventeenth century should have affected the poHtical
and social development of Rhode Island so little, as the
principle emerged from theory and was adopted into
the life of a state. Rhode Island has been noted for
oddities and particular Individualities. Yet these per
sonal differences have affected very little the steady
development of the community along the lines inevitable
to the progress of America. In increase of population it
has averaged with the whole Union, surpassing most
Eastern states. In industrial progress and in acquisi
tion of property, it is equal to any district of the United
States. It is true that the infant colony suffered from
the vagaries of wild theorists ; Samuel Gorton and those
like him who drifted into these open harbors. But there
came with them much free thought which grew and pros
pered. Political order In some way established itself over
and through these chaotic elements of life.
The individual man may be odd in that he is uncommon,
but he must be strong, whatever his social condition and

1636] Individualism In Rhode Island 25
environment. In all the military development of our
country — that superior test which welds the right arm
of individual men into the true consolidation of the state
— ^Rhode Island has shown that individual Hberty works
toward the highest patriotism. In the old French and
Spanish wars, in the struggles with Great Britain, in our
tremendous civil war, Rhode Island, notwithstanding her
strong Quaker heredity, was ever at the front.
We could not fully comprehend the historic founda
tions of Rhode Island, without considering the relative
bearing of the neighboring governments. We would sub
mit that Massachusetts is set forth as an absolute theoc
racy. Connecticut starting under a theocratic impulse,
limited that form of rule by the first practical democracy
in representative action the world had known. Rhode
Island after turbulent struggles and contention, was
brought by her charters Into civic life, based on soul-
liberty and protected by the crown. This new form of
democracy, the achievement of men freed from every form
of absolutism — ^whether ecclesiastical or feudal — lived unto
itself, and now attracts the attention of the civilized
world. Roger Williams stands out in these studies, larger and
more heroic as time goes on. He did not create or invent
soul-liberty. The great Impulses of humanity spring
forth as the occasion ripens, and seldom can be wholly at
tributed to any one man. But some one man gives ef
fective life to each and every one of them. Primitive
men could conceive of a hero only in a demigod. We find
the man in history heroic, who had the courage to enforce
a great principle. Williams could brave power and place,
in his assured conviction that his soul was bound to Its
Creator, by ties that neither law nor custom, neither
priest nor magistrate should any longer control.

26 Foundations of Rhode Island
Williams was not skillful or wise in politics. He was a
good man of business in his private affairs. Mr. Don-
comments on this, as we know that he was so poor in the
first home on Towne street, that WInslow, visiting them,
gave Mrs. Wilhams a gold piece. He did not profit by
selling lands to the first settlers, but he acquired in trade
an Independent property. He sold his trading house at
Wickford to get funds to pay his expenses In London,
while procuring the charter. So, he was ready always to
sacrifice himself for the community. But in developing a
state out of turbulent, democratic town-meetings, in dis
putes with Harris and others, he was not able to separate
the body politic from his own communistic bent, or the
vagaries of his individual will.
The little community of the plantation appreciated him
according to Its own fashion and circumstance. He was
buried with military honors, and his fellow soldiers of the
Indian war fired a volley over his grave. Yet there were
no inscriptions over this grave for three generations.
Thomas Durfee states that " historians urge that he
was eccentric, pugnacious, persistent, troublesome. Un
doubtedly he was." With all his failings he was the
trusted and beloved friend of Winthrop, the best of the
Puritans. His nature was large enough to recognize in
the Governor of the Bay " that excellent spirit of wisdom
and prudence wherewith the father of lights hath endued
you." Urquhart could say*^ " he did approve himself a
man of such discretion and inimitably sanctified parts that
an archangel from heaven could not have shown more
goodness and less ostentation." This might indicate a
defective man ; but not a worthless man even by the stan
dards of Massachusetts Bay.
Whatever the limitations of his personality, whatever
i^Ante, p. 6.

1636] The Greater Roger Williams 27
petty ordinances and powers of state the rulers of Salem
might bring against him, in historic perspective these
facts and proceedings fade like rushlights in the rays of
the sun. He was driven from home and the body politic
for conscience's sake. In this sublime offering of him
self on the altar of conscience, he made the principle
sacred and appealed to the hearts of men. No longer
a mere disputant in theology, he became a heroic leader
of men. The founder of Rhode Island becomes greater
In history as the principle he embodied spreads its in
fluence far and wide in the world's development.

CHAPTER II
PLANTING IN PROVIDENCE. 1636-1647.
IN the spring or early summer of 1636, Roger Wilhams
with his five companions, WiUiam Harris, John Smith
(miller), Joshua Verin, Thomas Angell and Francis
Wickes, pushed out a canoe from the east side of the See-
konk, crossed into the cove southwestward, and landed
upon " the Slate Rock." An Indian on the hill above
saluted them " What Cheer, Netop ! " It was a signifi
cant and potential welcome. The peaceful and numerous
Narragansetts under the judicious direction of Canonicus
and Miantinomi had refused the passionate appeals of
warlike Sassacus and his Pequots to join In a confederated
effort to expel the English. The native on his own shore
spoke in effect for the great Narragansett people; as
the friend of his sachems, and these exiles from Puritan
civilization, approached this new territory. Continuing
around the peninsula and Fox's Hill — ^which will after
appear in surveyor's lines and boundary-disputes — these
six voyagers paddled up " the great salt river." The
land fall was made near the mouth of the Moshassuck, just
below the site of the present St. John's church, where
a flne spring of water tempted them to found the first
plantation, which the devout Williams named Providence.
Williams located his house across the way from the
spring, and immigrants from Plymouth and the Massa
chusetts Bay soon joined the planters. In the year 1638,^
twelve proprietors received from Roger Williams, in con-
1 The dates are somewhat confusing, as proceedings of the town
sometimes preceded the formal conveyance.

1638] The " Initial " Purchase 29
sideration of £30. for his expenses, all the lands deeded to
him by Canonicus and Miantinomi. These lands upon the
Moshassuck and Seekonk, and on the Woonasquetucket
southward to the Pawtuxet, had been obtained in gift from
the sachems; though there had been nominal considera
tion, the transaction was something that " monies could
not do." Williams, when pressed by the planters to part
with his title and convey to the first proprietors, consented,
intending a shelter for " persons distressed for conscience."
By conveyance he made " proprietors " of the twelve as
sociates and " such others as the major part of us shall
admit into the same fellowship of vote with us." This
" Initial deed " was reinforced by documents in 1661 and
1666 Intended to amplify and secure the title. The thir
teen proprietors, for convenience, divided their territory
Into the " grand purchase of Providence " and the
" Pawtuxet purchase." This division according to Judge
Staples^ caused much difficulty and dissension. The vague
boundaries of the deeds and the equally vague conceptions
of rights of grantees and qualifications of subsequent
purchasing proprietors alike confused the issues —
whether fiscal or political — and agitated the town-meet
ings of Providence for half a century or more. Williams,
pure in Intention, was poorly equipped for politics. Con
science and will worked together in complex personality;
until a controversy became polemic or fancied inspiraton,
as the occasion prompted. Like many reformers, he con
ceived that the " freed " citizen and upright believer should
be benefited not only in liis conscience, but in his financial
conditions. The first record of a town-meeting is intensely interest
ing, for these steps and fossil tracks were in the noble
2 " Annals of Prov.," p. 34.

30 Planting In Providence
path of soul-liberty. " 16 die. 4 month ^ the year not
given, after warning to attend towne-meeting," " whoever
be wanting, above one quarter of an hower after ye time "
was to pay two shillings fine, and the same for departing
without leave. The other entry provides for electing a
town treasurer monthly; two significant facts that, they
met each month and kept a close grasp on the public
purse. This was doubtless in 1637, as will appear below from
more important proceedings. In the beginning, " masters
of families " had met fortnightly to consult " about our
common peace, watch and planting," choosing also an
" officer " to call these meetings. But in the first year,
several young men admitted " inhabitants," yet discon
tented politically, sought equal representation and free
dom of voting. This shows a variance between family
organization and freedom for the Individual to act under
the state. Williams prepared a "double subscription," *
one for masters of famlHes, the other a sort of Indenture
for young men, admitted as " Inhabitants." These In
cidents are most interesting, as throwing light on the
next procedure; a momentous step and degree In the
world's progress toward individual freedom.
Aug. 20, 1637, the " second comers," thirteen in num
ber, subscribed to the following " civil compact." Thomas
Harris (brother of William), Benedict Arnold, Richard
Scott, Chad Brown and John Field were included among
the signers. This document has been Interpreted fre
quently as a special instrument to admit " young men."
But there was more conveyed in the procedure than such
purpose would account for. Richard Scott, John Field,
Chad Brown, Thomas Angell, Thomas Harris, Wm. Wick-
3 " Early Records Town of Providence," VI., 3.
i Cf. " Narr. Club Pub.," V., VI., 3.

— \ lUx? 4f tt -«* ^¦'^ ^^ -^ i^ % «'. *^ M ;_

*V

Rhode Island's Magna Charta.
Here occur the words, "Only in Civil Things."

1637] " Only In Civil Things '» 31
enden, as well as others, were in no sense " young men."
They were among the most responsible settlers. Wil
liams had even conceived, though it came to nought, as
shown in his letter to Winthrop, a " double subscription,"
one for masters of families, one for young men. These
thirteen signers were " second comers," and the adoption
of our famous Magna Charta indicates that it was an
evolution from the actual proceedings of the previous gov
emment. Whether these proceedings were based on a
written agreement we do not know. Certainly in their
actual experience they worked away from the Judaic con
ceptions prevailing at the Island. Witness below the
" Saints of the most High " embodied in the Code of
Laws. Providence developed out of this and put civic
govemment on every-day living, squarely down on the
foundation of " civil things."
" We, whose names are hereunder, desirous to inhabit
in the town of Providence, do promise to subject ourselves
in active or passive obedience to all such orders or agree
ments as shall be made for the pubhc good of our body
In an orderly way, by the major assent of the present
inhabitants, masters of families, incorporated together
Into a town fellowship, and others whom they shall admit
unto them, only In civil things." ® The positive matter
of this compact differed not from the Mayflower compact
and numerous other Anglo-Saxon conventions. The limi
tation " only " marks the new development outward and
upward. That order in civil govemment could be ® organ
ized In material form, leaving each individual free in his
conscience before his own Heavenly Father, was a discov
ery for human intelligence, an invention in governmental
procedure. 5 " Early Records," Vol. I., 1.
« " Narr. Club Pub.," Vol. VI., 3.

32 Planting in Providence
No property qualifications were directly instituted, but
divisions of land went with most early proceedings of the
"proprietors." At first, fifty-four settlers received
" home lots," a six-acre Idt and additional tracts of
meadow land. The home-lots of five acres ran In narrow
strips from the " Towne Streete "^ (now North- and South
Main) to the present Hope Street, and the six-acre lots
were in the southerly part of " Providence Neck," bor
dering on the Seekonk, or upon the Woonasquetucket
River. The govemment was the simplest form of democracy,
and it could not last long. All functions were lodged In
the town-meeting; for which a quorum was not easy and
difficult to manage, when it was assembled. In 1640, the
freemen tried to institute a choice of five men, arbitrators
or " disposers," to " be betrusted with disposals of land
and also of the town's stock and all general things." A
town clerk was to be chosen, who should call the disposers
together every month, and call quarterly town-meetings.
Former grants of land were to be valid. Mark this espe
cial provision as " formerly hath been the liberties of the
town, so still to hold forth liberty of conscience."
This might mitigate some ills, but it created others,
for the executive force of the disposers was almost fruit
less.. Roger Wilhams' pungent pen put it " our peace was
like the peace of a man who hath the tertian ague." Dis
order and in one Instance bloodshed occurred. The oppo
sition of Samuel Gorton and his fellows prompted thirteen
colonists to appeal to Massachusetts Bay for intervention.
7 This name was not local or fortuitous — rather, it reverted to
old English custom dear to the hearts of these wayfarers. Just
as in Boston Sewall notes " the house that was sometimes Sr. Henry
Vanes' bounded with the Towne Street on the East."—" Mass. H.
C," Sewall, VI., p. 59.

1636] Domestic Discord 33
The reply called for absolute submission of the plantation
to the Bay or to Plymouth. Though Winthrop confessed
to a sneaking fondness " for an outlet into the Narra
gansett Bay," and forcible intervention was afterward
attempted at Warwick, no practical change was effected
in the external affairs of the Plantation. But this move
ment of the Pawtuxet men aggravated the internal dis
cord for many years.
While the socio-political structures were being forged
out, a serious rift in the lute had been made by a cer
tain domestic discord. Joshua Verin, an original com
panion, had his backyard next and adjoining Roger Wil
hams' ; whence the good Verin dame found it easy, too ea^y,
to fht across to hear the prophet's sermons and exhorta
tions. Mr. Dorr suggests that the Verin stew-pot suf
fered in the too frequent spiritual aberrations of the house
wife. However it might be, Verin's soul could not stomach
wifely absence, and more disobedience, for he forbade her
attending the meetings. * Winthrop, our sole authority, re
joicing in these practical restraints of liberty of conscience,
with "grim humor " dilates on the proceedings of the Prov
idence council before the " disposers " attempted adminis
tration. The motion to censure Verin would virtually
establish that " men's wives, and children and servants
could claim liberty to go to all religious meetings, though
never so often, or though private, upon the week days."
In the debate " there stood up one Arnold, a witty man of
their own Company, and withstood it, telling them that
when 'he consented to that order, he never intended it
should extend to the breach of any ordinance of God, such
as the subjection of wives to their husbands,' etc., and gave
divers solid reasons against it. Then one Greene replied
' that if they should restrain their wives, etc., all the
8 " History of N. E.," VI., 383.

34 Planting In Providence
women in the country would cry out of them, etc' Arnold
answered him thus : ' Did you pretend to leave the Massa
chusetts because you would not offend God to please men,
and would you now break an ordinance and command of
God to please women ? ' " Arnold was a vigorous con
testant and he claimed that the desire to be gadding was
not prompted altogether by the woman's conscience ; that
Williams and others persuaded her. Arnold was of the
" Pawtuxet men," and these bickerings indicate the early
differences which were to harass the Plantation most
seriously. Roger Williams' influence appears in the final
action, which condemned Verin, May 21, 1638.® " It was
agreed that Joshua Verin, upon the breach of a covenant
for restraining of the libertie of conscience, shall be with
held from the libertie of voting till he shall declare the
contrarie." He soon left Providence. Much has been
written, to make of this affair a state question, but to
little purpose. The " woman question " inevitably leaves
unsolved elements in a political situation — ^whether the
time be of Solomon, of the seventeenth century, or of the
all-confident twentieth century.
We are neglecting the local habitation, which made
possible these domestic and social doings. The " Towne
Streete" wavering in outline, as it went up the valley
toward Constitution Hill, was in its name, according to
Mr. Dorr's sympathetic analysis, one of the earliest Eng-
9 It is proper to consider Williams' account and his view of Verin,
as given in a letter to Winthrop, "Narr. Club,' V., VI., 95, "He
hath refused to hear the word with us (which we molested him, not
for this twelvemonth), so because he could not draw his wife, a
gracious, modest woman, to the same ungodliness with him, he hath
trodden her underfoot tyrannically and brutishly; which she and
we long bearing, though with his furious blows she went in danger
of her life, at the last the major vote of us discard him from our
civil freedom, or disfranchise."

1638] Characteristics of Towne Streete 35
lish traditions accepted by the roving community gather
ing around Williams. Home-lots along this thoroughfare
were laid out by John Throckmorton, of the original thir
teen, Chad Brown, who came from England in 1636, and
was to be a pastor of First Baptist Church and ancestor
of " the Four Brothers " In the eighteenth century, with
Gregory Dexter, who appears as town clerk in 1651, and
became President of the Assembly in 1653. There were
five-acre lots appropriated to settlers along the way; a
narrow front with area stretching up the hillside and
eastward. Each settler persisted until he got his quota.
Thomas Olney, Jr., had his " house lot or home-share "
made up in 1661. The " Spring Lot" was retained by
the proprietors until July 3, 1721, when it was deeded to
Gabriel Bemon.
Opposite lived Williams, and he held religious meetings
in his house, as we have noted. Above were Verin and
Richard Scott, below was John Throckmorton. Accord
ing to Dorr, one of the strongest of this disputing neigh
borhood was Gregory Dexter, who dwelt up the hill at
the turn of Dexter's Lane, now Olney Street. William
and Mary Dyre settled at Portsmouth, but removed to
Providence. Ultimately the martyr went from Towne
Streete to meet her doom on Boston Common.
On the irregular lines of this street, houses were built
hastily, and generally of logs, the yards closely adjoining.
A narrow strip of green separated the dwelling from pass
ing traffic. The homesteads crept up the sloping side
and unyielding grades of the ridge, which made the penin
sular conformation of the early plantation. Bams shel
tered the cattle for a generation and orchards soon gave
plenty of fruit for the clustering families. Above and
often in the orchard preserves, burial grounds soon at
tached the planter yet more closely to his homestead, where

36 Planting in Providence
the individual literally stood and lived, as never before
In the history of the citizen. Along the middle of the
hillside, the patriarchs of the plantation were laid at rest,
and these particular personal burying grounds could not
be disturbed by any communal or social wants for a full
century. On the plateau above, home-lot pastures
stretched over to a highway (the modem Hope Street)
called Ferry Lane, after Red Bridge was opened across
the Seekonk River.
And we perceive here the meaning of the English term
plantation, as it developed under the necessities of vary
ing colonies. The settlers did not merely drop seeds in
the ground. They planted institutions in germ, which
grew Into communities at Plymouth, Boston, H'artford
and elsewhere, as the occasion made new citizens in new
homes. The close affinities cultivated in the Plantation
at Providence were powerful in affording stay and sup
port for a new religious life. Likewise, this close and in
tense method of living bred certain difficulties of its own,
as we shall see when social and political life expanded.
After the home, a church was Instituted, though the
apostles of the Bay had assured themselves no Christian
society could exist in a govemment based on " civil
things." The particular steps in organizing this church
have been matter of dispute. WInthrop's account ^^ that
Richard Scott's wife, a sister of Anne Hutchinson, influ
enced Roger Williams to become an Anabaptist, has been
criticised. Williams was baptized by Holyman,^^ and
then baptized a dozen communicants. He remained as
leader only three or four months, leaving the organization
to become a " Seeker." By some accounts he was a
10 Brigham, " Rhode Island," p. 38.
11 Cf. Carpenter, " Hoger Williams," p." 164, for Holyman and
Anabaptists.

1638] First Baptist Church 37
Seeker before he left England, though he kept member
ship In the Congregational church at Salem before his
banishment. Whatever the detailed steps may have been,
certainly the First Baptist Church was formed about the
end of the year 1638, attended to worship and Christian
culture, without meddling with civil govemment, and be
came a thriving influence in the community. That it sur
vived the defection of the powerful Roger Williams proves
that it met the positive wants of Its members.
We should now consider a matter — the beginning of
disputes — ^whlch will vex the colony for more than two-
score years. Said WiUiams, " W. Harris and the first
twelve of Providence were restless for Pawtuxet." In
1638 all the meadow ground at Pawtuxet had been " Im
propriated unto thirteen persons being now incorporate
Into our town of Providence," a consideration of £20 being
paid to Roger Williams. Uncertain and without bounda
ries, this deed bred many controversies, not finally set
tled until 1712. The "Pawtuxet purchase" conflicted
with the " grand purchase of Providence." Notwath-
standing the rebuff from the Bay cited above, William and
Benedict Arnold, Carpenter and others resident at Paw
tuxet submitted to the govemment of Massachusetts.
Samuel Gorton and his companions considered that this
movement affected them, and they moved to Shawomet,
buying land from the Indians and settling Warwick.
The plantation as it grew consisted of proprietors,
additional settlers, and those admitted to be freemen.
Nineteenth of eleventh month, 1645,^^ twenty-eight per
sons received " a free grant of twenty^five acres of land
apiece, with the right of commoning according to the said
proportion of lands." They agreed In positive terms
" not to claim any right to the purchase of the said plan-
12 "Early Records," Vol. II., 39.

38 Planting In Providence
tatlons, nor any privilege of vote In town affairs until
we shall be received as freemen."
Irritant and counter-irritant Samuel Gorton appeared
In Providence, probably In the winter of 1640-41. We
shall treat him in connection with Portsmouth and the
Island. We must consider him now in the early troubles
of the Plantation. Poor Williams wrote Winthrop, " Mr,
Gorton, having foully abused high and low at Aquidneck,
is now bewitching and madding poor Providence . . .
some few and myself do withstand his Inhabitation and
town privileges." Wm. Arnold was also opposed to ad
mitting Gorton. With his followers Gorton removed to
Pawtuxet, where they built houses and cultivated the land.
Massachusetts, availing of every pretext to obtain a foot
hold in Narragansett Bay, now accepted the submission
of the Pawtuxet men. Gorton made a vigorous protest,
and would acknowledge only " the govemment of Old
England." In their favorite scriptural invective, he fully
equalled the Bay parsons, but they could rejoin by calling
his arguments " blasphemies." A more effective argu
ment was put forth through the sword of the state. Mas
sachusetts sent an armed force and there was bloodshed.
Gorton and his companions were taken to Boston and to
the common jail. Carried to meeting on the Sabbath, he
was indulged after service In a theological discussion with
Cotton. They chopped metaphysics to their mutual de
light. The tyrannical court had caught a Tartar. They
thought Gorton ought to die, but did not dare to kill
him. They made a curious sentence for dispersion of
the culprits " into several towns " with " irons upon one
leg," etc. This wonderful product of the Bay civilization
may be best comprehended in the terms of the candid
Savage, a descendant of these same Puritans. " Silence
might perhaps become the commentator on this lamentable
delusion; for this narrative almost defies the power of

1643] Samuel Gorton's Exploits 39
comment to enhance or mitigate the injustice of our gov
emment." ^* The prisoners were actually sent around
into different towns, but the Ingenious magistrates at last
discovered that they had sapiently arranged for the pris
oners to " corrupt some of our people by their heresies."
The bolts were filed off, and the authorities got rid of
the offenders against the inspired govemment of the Bay,
as they might.
The Gortonlsts went to Aquldneck again, and the leader
went to England, where he found much favor with the
powerful Earl of Warwick and his Parliamentary Com
mission. In 164'3, as above stated, they named their
settlement for their English benefactor, and in their lead
er's words, lived peaceably together, " ending all our
differences in a neighborly and loving way of arbitra
tors." A most romantic incident in the growth of our Planta
tions grew out of Gorton's trial in Boston and his visit
to England. The Narragansetts conceived in some way
that a man or company who could overcome the English
In Boston and gain direct authority from the British
Government — source of all power — must possess a great
"medicine." Accordingly, Gorton, with a half-dozen
companions, visited Canonicus.^* April 19, 1644, they
obtained from all the chief sachems a formal cession of
the Narragansett lands and people to England. The
Instrument says directly they have " just cause and suspi
cion of some of his Majesty's pretended subjects. . . .
Nor can we yield ourselves unto any, that are subjects
themselves." Perhaps Gorton built better than he knew,
but this movement with the Indians was an element in
excluding Massachusetts and confirming the territory of
13 " Winthrop," Vol. II., 177.
1* Brigham, " Rhode Island," p. 70.

40 Planting In Providence
Rhode Island; as It was consolidated In the Patent of
1644 and the Charter of 1663.
We must glance at " Simplicities Defence against a
Seven Headed PoHcy," ^^ published in London, 1646;
wherein Gorton gives the full history of these painful
proceedings, assuming the offensive-defensive in a most
vigorous fashion. The title-page is an essay, and we
extract briefly. " A true complaint of a peaceable peo
ple, being part of the English In New England, made
unto the State of Old England, against cruel persecutors
United in Church Govemment. Wherein is made mani
fest the manifold out-rages, cruelties, oppressions, and
taxations, by cruell and close imprisonments, fire and
sword, deprivation of goods, Lands, and livelyhood, and
such like barbarous Inhumanities, exercised upon the peo
ple of Providence plantations in the Nanhygansett Bay
by those of the Massachusetts, with the rest of the United
Colonies." Massachusetts never caught a worse tiger in the field
than this fierce contestant. In logic and metaphysical
acumen, he was the equal of the Boston theologians ; in
matters spiritual, the illumined mystic could reach far
beyond their ken. In the forum of England he appealed
against them to the best men and won. Sufficient evi
dence that he was not the mere railing " blasphemer "
described by the magistrates of the Bay.
Mr. Dorr thinks the main highways laid out at first
show that the early planters conceived their work to be
a new creation and must partake of " the flavour of its
own soil." English as they were, they knew that the
social and political institutions Inherited and transported,
must be adapted to a new life, enforced by new conditions.
Nowhere was this inevitable tendency more manifest than
15 Original in R. I. H. S.

1643] Turbulent New People 41
in Rhode Island. We have seen the Towne Streete and
the home-lot worked out together. Dexter Lane went
over to the Ferry across the Seekonk, for communication
with Plymouth and Boston was by that route. Above
Dexter's corner a way ran from the main thoroughfare
down to the Moshassuck, where a bridge was thrown
across. Gaol Lane (now Meeting Street) had not devel
oped, but Chad Brown lived at the comer of the present
College Street and Market Square. A bridge was ulti
mately thrown over at ancient " Weybosset," which means
stepping stones. Here the " great salt river " disputed
with the waters of the Moshassuck and Woonasque
tucket, as the tides flowed in from the lower bay. Below,
WIckenden and Nicholas Power lived on the main high
way ; between them Power Lane stretched over for another
connection with Ferry Lane. Yet lower, lived Pardon
TUlinghast and Christopher Unthank. Across from the
latter's homestead was a landmark which has totally dis
appeared. The " Streete " wound round " Mile End
Cove " to reach the point below Foxes HIU. This cove
was filled in long ago.
The broad religious liberty of the Plantation brought a
good increase of population. Turbulent and difficult
neighbors, who agreed easily with Williams in " not doing
things," but were always ready to disagree and strive
against positive action. But they were generally of
strong character ; stiff timber for the framework of a state.
In 1646 there were in Providence and its vicinity — includ
ing Warwick probably — one hundred and one men capable
of bearing arms, according to the diary of President Stiles.
John Smith, one of the original six, was granted land at
this time for a town mill. An obsolete, upright, plunging
mill, that broke the grain as rice Is treated, gave the name
of Stampers Street to the locality. At a small fall on

42 Planting in Providence
the Moshassuck, Smith set up his useful occupation. A
volume might be written on the natural affinities of social
and pohtical influence. A miller, tavern-keeper, or
socially inclined storekeeper in these primitive creative
day|S immediately radiated influence and power. The
" Town-mill " was an instituted force long before the jail
or meeting-house gave opportunity for a regular town-
meeting. It was like a club-center or exchange. Here
was a parliament " in perpetual session," and minute regu
lation of town affairs was conceived and worked up In these
friendly debates.
Living was hard at first, in the homes along the Mos
hassuck and Great Salt River. Fish and game were
plettity,, but provisions for ordinary fare were scarce.
Williams' friendly connections with the Indians helped in
obtaining meat and com from them. Labor being scarce
and vitally necessary in every new settlement, the produc
ing power of the natives — brought in by exchange of
wampum — was a strong economic element in starting the
new life.
Moses Brown cites a sheet ^® written by his grandfather
James, which records traditions received from James'
grandfather Chad. This is fairly direct testimony. A
cow sold at £22 in silver and gold, which corresponds with
prices prevailing in Massachusetts in 1636 — a little earlier
— a pair of oxen at £40, and com at 5s per bushel. At a
feast in the early days the chief luxury was a boiled bass
without butter. There were numerous swine and goats
running on the commons, with few cattle. About 1640
there was a great decline In cattle throughout New Eng
land. In 1641-42 cattle became plenteous in Providence,
Warwick, and especially in Aquldneck.^'' Even then farm-
18 MSS. materials for " History of Prov., P. R. I. H. S.
17 Dorr, " Planting and Growth of Prov.," pp. 68, 59.

1643] Williams Gets the Charter 43
ing proper was in a crude state, for they worked with
" howes " Instead of plows.
The three independent colonies of Rhode Island, feeling
their lack of sovereign power and in their detached weak
ness, had sent WiUiams to obtain recognition from Old
England. He found favor, and through his powerful
friends secured from the Parliamentary Commission a
" Free Charter of Civil Incorporation and Govemment for
the Providence Plantations In the Narragansett Bay in
New England." This was not a " mere land patent," nor
a trading charter like that of Massachusetts. It was a
real, effective government charter, bestowing upon the
grantees the power " to rule ... by whatever laws
they desired." ^® Vane's name appears among eleven
signers. The exiled Williams returned through Massa
chusetts — his passage being exacted by the authorities
of England — and bearing this precious document — a tri
umph for civilization. At home his arrival was occasion
for the greatest communal expression the httle common
wealth had put forth. Fourteen canoes met him at Seek
onk and the voyagers fiUed the air with shouts of welcome.
The enthusiasm did not crystalhze immediately and
form a govemment. No organization was provided in
the instrument and one must be made. Independent com
munities acting or disputing through town-meetings with
jealous neighbors and some doubt as to the stability of
the home govemment — all combined to delay union under
the charter. Finally Providence, Portsmouth, Newport,
and Warwick sent committees to Portsmouth, May 18,
1647, to arrange for a General Assembly and to accept
the charter. Some facts should be noted, which indicate
deep principles underlying the formal proceedings of the
time. The Assembly finally acted on a Code of Laws,
18 Brigham, " Rhode Island," p. 75,

44 Planting In Providence
which had been formed and submitted to the towns. In
adopting it. Providence happily called it the " model that
hath been lately shown unto us by our worthy friends of
the Island." The code as relating to offenses ends with
the following expression, which Judge Staples well calls
" significant " : " These aro the laws that concern all men,
and these are the penalties for the transgression thereof,
which, by common consent are ratified and established
throughout the whole colony and otherwise than thus what
is herein forbidden, all men may walk as their consciences
persuade them, everyone in the fear of his God. And let
the Saints of the Most High, walk in this colony, without
molestation, in the name of Jehovah, their God, forever
and ever."
The Puritan walked with God literally, and his conduct
purified human history. But the process, as rendered
into common living, bred a more than doubtful civic effi
cacy. A cla,ss of worthy men hke Endicott, Welde, Dud
ley, in a degree Winthrop — while they walked, were much
more seriously concerned for v the walk of other men.
Each troubled his conscience for the acts of another fel
low. This was not a merely personal exertion, for it
was a natural result of theocratic, irresponsible power
diffused among common men.-'* Hooker getting partially
out of this thraldom, founded a stable govemment in
Connecticut — theocratic in origin, but democratic in prac
tice. Massachusetts labored for a century and a half
in throwing off theocratic limitations that Hooker avoided
practically in his Church Discipline. He did not, like
Roger Williams, free the soul absolutely, but he forged
out a working form of democracy from its theocratic
antecedents. 19 " The New England Puritan desired to force his own profession
of faith on his fellowman, till it had become a morbid and over
whelming passion."— Doyle, " Eng. Col. in Amer.," Vol. II., 245.

CHAPTER III
THE ISLAND. 1638-1663
BEFORE treating the settlements of Portsmouth and
Newport, we should consider the general significance
of the various proceedings in the colony of the Bay, which
compeUed the migrations to these places. There was a cer
tain compulsive unity and largeness of principle involved
in or evolved from aU the jarring discords, proceeding
from vagaries of theocratic govemment and the resultant
consequences. Some two and one-half centuries have been
required to grasp these occurrences, and to interpret them
according to the accepted principles of enlightened his
tory. The banishment of Williams, the condemnation of Anne
Hutchinson, the expulsion of Coddingtpn — fellow of
Vane — ^with a large company drawn from the better citi
zens of Boston, all these movements tended in one direc
tion. On the other hand, the reversion of Coddington
and the islanders toward conservative govemment evinced
the constructive sagacity of English commons, the heredi
tary reverence for English law. Mrs. Hutchinson could
not ahgn herself with any estabUshed govemment, and
soon migrated again to the Dutch settlements. Samuel
Gorton's career and his whole political action embraced
both characteristics of this developing polity. Again,
when Coddington's judicial prejudices would have ended
in actual " usurpation," the sturdy, practical sense of
these come-outers — ^whether from Massachusetts or Eu
rope — repudiated him and reset the govemment on the
concurrent action of the citizens. 45

46 The Island
Here was an idea, tending outward until held in and
controlled by traditional law and Its attendant institu
tions. It fermented again and again, leavening what it
touched, until Roger Williams' soul-liberty at last estab
lished itself under an orderly govemment, which was
based on representation of the people.
Anne Marbury, of Lincolnshire, a parishioner and be
loved disciple of Rev. John Cotton, in Boston, England,
soon outgrew the parson's teaching, for she assimilated
theology and philosophy as readily as she took her moth
er's milk. Moreover, according to Winthrop, she was a
" woman of ready wit and bold spirit." In InteUect and
vi^or of temperament she would have been remarkable in
any time or place ; she was extraordinary when women were
expected to listen humbly, and In no wise to create any
function of their own. Nothing astonished her prosecu
tors and judges in Massachusetts more than her mastery
of a situation, her speaking at will or holding her tongue
under provocation.
She married William Hutchinson and migrated to the
Bay in 1634. They occupied a house where the Old
Comer Book Store now stands, and the dame's parlor was
soon a literal center of light and leading. Meetings and
talks were held sometimes for women and sometimes for
both sexes ; illuminated gatherings, such as the Puritan
world had never known. The Hutchinsons were " members
in good standing" of the Boston Church, and the whole
community were much exercised in controversy about
" faith " and " works." Govemor Vane, John Cotton,
with a majority of the Boston Church, Mrs. Hutchinson
and her brother-in-law, Rev. John Wheelwright, upheld
the former doctrine. Against them, there stood for
"works," Winthrop, Wilson the pastor (Cotton being
preacher or teacher), and virtuaUy all the clergy of the

1637] Antinomians and Heretics 47
colony, outside of Boston. Frequent disputes, intense
excitement prevailed, yet the sensible Winthrop could say
of the doctrines, " no man could tell, except some few, who
knew the bottom of the matter, where any difference was."
Any powerful current opinion tends to differentiate
metropolitan and country politics. In December, 1636,
Vane, claiming that the reUgious dissensions had been
charged falsely to him, announced that he must return
to England. The court arranged for a new election,
when he changed his mind. In May following Winthrop
and the " implacable " Dudley ^ were elected Govemor
and Deputy. Boston could only return Vane and Cod
dington as Deputies. Vane could not withstand the strong
and sagacious Winthrop, and sailed away for England.
The partisans of " faith " were now classed as Antino
mians, and those of " works " as " legalists." Agitation
was developing new lines of division. Mr. Richman ^
considers the crisis most interesting. " Was not the
covenant of Works — i. e., Puritanism challenged to the
death by the covenant of grace — i. e., by Antinomianism
and Anabaptism; by the doctrines of the inward light,
by the very spirit of Roger Williams, now in exile.'' "
The legalists determined to crush their opponents. In
August, 1637, a synod at Cambridge condemned eighty-
two " erroneous opinions " and nine " unwholesome expres
sions " ; nice discriminations In heresy. The agitators
conformed to the new phases of affairs, or were reformed
1 Dudley was technical Puritanism incarnate. In the " Magnalia "
Cotton Mather says he had in his pocket these delightful verses;
" Let men of God, in courts and churches, watch
O'er such as do a toleration hatch."
The rhyme halts, but mark the exquisite harmony of church and
state; and consider whether Roger Williams and a new state were
not needed.
»" Rhode Island— Its Making," p. 46.

48 The Island
altogether. Vane, as we have noted, wobbkd and quit.
Cotton, anxious for "his former splendour throughout
New England," ranged himself with the strong party in
the state. Winthrop, too large a man not to love Roger
Williams, was too fond of statecraft to be left outside the
ruling element.
In the spirit of Dudley's blessed harmony, the Court
followed the action of the Synod. Wheelwright was ban
ished. Then petitioners, who had dared to approach the
authorities in his favor, were duly punished. Aspinwalli
was banished; CoggeshaU having merely approved the
petition, was disfranchised; Coddington, with nine others,
was given three months in which to depart; others were
disfranchised and fined; later, seventy-one more persons
were disarmed. Note the bigness and the degree of the
differing vials of wrath. Was the majesty of the great
Jehovah ever more minutely parceled out, against his
loving, If erring, children.''
The trial of Anne Hutchinson in November, 1637, in
cluded all of this and more; as Mr. Brigham^ shows, the
proceedings accorded better with " a Spanish Inquisitorial
Court " than with the ways of English law, for common
forms were disregarded. Judge, prosecutor, and jury, if
not always one, moved invariably as one against the unfor
tunate culprit, ordained and doomed to be a criminal. If
a witness dared to speak for the defendant he was speedily
Intimidated. The moral atmosphere was fetid with des
potic oppression. But Anne triumphed over all in the
visible world. So long as she trod the firm earth she
dominated Puritan parsons and ecclesiastical lawyers.
She was passing through the ordeal — unscathed — when
on the second day, unfortunately, she ventured into the
unseen world of inward revelation and claimed to be
3 "Rhode Island," p. 44.

1637] Anne Hutchinson 49
directly inspired. This boundless. Infinite realm belonged
to Puritan orthodoxy. Neither Anne Hutchinson, Roger
Williams, the Pope, Mahomet, nor Buddha had any busi
ness in this exclusive precinct. Welde and his fellows of the
prosecution seized this new and welcome opportunity.
Then Coddington protested in a largely human way.
" Here Is no law of Grod that she hath broke, nor any
law of the Country that she hath broke, and therefore
deserves no censure." * All opposition was useless, and
the sentence was banishment, to be deferred until May,
1638, when it was executed. Meanwhile the criminal was
confined under the care of Joseph Welde.
The thorough and absolute working of the methods of
the Bay is indicated in Cotton's discussions with Anne's
son. He had pirotested that his mother was accused
" only for opinion " ; hence he was included with his
brother in her sentence. Cotton amplified the judgment
in this conciliatory preachment : " You have proved
Vipers to eate through the very Bowells of your Mother
to her Ruine." ^
The capable, illumined and virtuous woman was " ex
communicate and delivered over to Satan." We are not
concerned with the success or failure of Antinomianism
in Massachusetts. The matter is amply discussed by
Charles Francis Adams.^ For the relation of such agi
tation to the history of the world we may cite Mr. Doyle,
a competent observer: "The spiritual growth of Massa
chusetts withered under the shadow of dominant ortho
doxy; the colony was only saved from mental atrophy
by its vigorous political life." ^
4 « Prince Soc. Pub.," Vol. XXII., 380.
5 Richman, " Making of R. I.," p. 133.
8 " Three Episodes," p. 574.
7 « Puritan Col.," Vol. I., p. 140.

50 The Island
The story of Anne may be completed here, for It has
little further bearing on our theme. Exiled from the
Bay, she went through Providence, with her family, and
settled at Aquldneck. Her husband died in 1642. She
soon removed to a spot near Hell Gate, controlled by
the Dutch. With her household to the number of sixteen,
she was murdered by the Indians in 1643; only one
daughter survived.
We do not part so easily with our good friend Welde.
He did not cease ministration with Anne's life, and we
must study his enlightened narrative of God's land in
this " heavie example." I said these ministers possessed
the infinite; witness how they entered into the inmost
purposes of the Almighty. " I never heard that the In
dians in those parts did ever before commit the like out
rage upon any one family or families, and therefore God's
hand is the more apparently seene herein, to pick out this
woful woman to make her, and those belonging to her,
an unhearde of heavie example of their cruelty above all
others." ^ This is not reporters' talk ; Welde and those
like him were the Interpreters of the religion of the time.
There is in this epic, a bitterness of bite, a certain vitri
olic essence of conviction that bigotry might admire In
any age. We are forced to dwell on It, for some vagaries
of the citizens of Rhode Island can only be imagined and
apprehended when light is thrown on the shadows of
their persecutors.
Some 200 persons were either exiled or laid under ban
by the prosecutions against Antinomianism at the Bay,
and they must seek a new home. Winthrop speaks of
those " of the rigid separation and savoring of anabap
tism, who removed to Providence." Some were more con
servative. John Clarke, an educated physician and very
8 Cited " R. I.— Its Making," p. 151.

1637] Purchase of Aquldneck 61
able man, with others, was deputed to explore. They
contemplated Long Island or Delaware Bay, but halted
at Providence, where Roger WiUiams received them
" courteously and lovingly." Under his advice, they chose
Aquldneck, after ascertaining It was not claimed by Ply
mouth. The Island was purchased March 27, 1637, by
William Coddington and his friends from Canonicus and
Miantinomi for forty fathoms of white peage, with five
fathoms paid to a local sachem, together with ten coats
and twenty hoes distributed to make diplomacy easy.
The exodus stopped at Providence to make this civil com
pact: " The 7th day of the first month, 1638. We whose
names are underwritten do here solemnly in the presence
of Jehovah, incorporate ourselves into a Bodie Politick,
and as he shall help, will submit our persons, lives and
estates unto our Lord Jesus Christ, the King of Kings
and Lord of Lords, and to all those perfect and most ab
solute laws of his given us in his holy word of truth, to
be guided and judged thereby. — Exod. xxiv., 3, 4; 2
Chron. xi., 3 ; 2 Kings xi., 17." * It was signed by nine
teen persons. Including Coddington, Clarke, William
Hutchinson, WilUam Dyre, Henry Bull and Randall
Holden. In the eighteenth century CaUender, In the nineteenth
Arnold, agree that this body at that time were " Puri
tans of the highest form." It is interesting to trace this
migrating development. For If a state poised half way
between the orthodox Bay and heterodox Roger Williams
had been possible. It would have reared itself on the
Island of Aquldneck. This community had much that
was lacking in Providence, as we shall perceive. The solid
Judaic principles, affiliated by the Puritans and so im
portant historically, are plainly visible. The King of
9 " Arnold," Vol. I., p. 134.

52 The Island
Kings was to govern by absolute laws in his holy word
of tmth. Evidently, a purified and sublimated theocracy
was contemplated. There is nothing to show whether the
compact at Providence based on " civil things " was con
sidered — probably it was not. It had existed only about
six months — moreover, it was not germain to the dearest
convictions of the Aquldneck settlers. Clarke and Cod
dington — ^large men for their time — would " tolerate "
Christians. Roger Williams — large for all time — ^had
beaten through the jungle and undergrowth of sects, out
into God's open — where Jew or Gentile, Christian or
Pagan could breathe freely. Likewise, aU societies have
based their institutions on property as well as on the ac
tivities of persons. Roger Williams in the turbulent com
munity of Providence, had avoided as far as possible the
limitations of property; in consequence much trouble re
sulted from neglect of some simple obligations of posses
sion. Liberty — ^^suddenly emancipated — had not learned ,
that its best exercise was to be In and through the out
come of highly civilized social institutions. At Pocasset
on the island, the settlers, especially those most Influential
and represented by CoddI,tigton, established necessary
laws for maintaining the solid order of society.
We repeat that. If any half-way house in reaching a
body politic had been possible, the Pocasset or Ports
mouth settlement would have afforded proper 'oppor
tunity. These men, bred as Hebraists and Puritans,
driven out from strict Puritan lines, halted in their jour
ney toward soul-liberty. In some respects their practical
abilities surpassed Roger Williams ; for their old and estab
lished principles of law, he was obliged flnally to adopt
into his colonial government. But the problem of a democ
racy administered according to liberty of conscience was
not solved; It was only scotched at Portsmouth. It was

1638] Puritan Attempt at Portsmouth 53
necessary to descend to the depths of no govemment with
Roger Williams ; and thence buUd solidly on the founda
tion of " only in civil things."
The first settlement was at Pocasset, now Portsmouth,
in 1638. Under the first compact, a complete democracy
had enacted laws In the general body of freemen, the
" judge " merely presiding. As in Providence, and be
fore a year elapsed, this cumbrous democracy creaked.
January 2, 1639, the freemen delegated power to the
judge, assisted by his three " elders," who should govem
" according to the general rule of the word of God." Re
porting quarterly to the freemen, their administration
could be vetoed thus : " If by the Body or any of them the
Lord shall be pleased to dispense light to the contrary of
what by the Judge and Elders hath been determined
formerly, that then and there it shall be repealed as the
act of the Body." ^^ This system lasted four months ; a
most curious formulation of vox populi. This modulation
of theocratic principles — whether autocratic or democratic
— ^is most Instructive.
The ultra democratic proceedings had offended Cod
dington and those who wanted an effective working gov
ernment. A minority in numbers, which constituted the
major strength and substance of the community, arranged
to secede. The mother settlement at Pocasset, April 28-
30, 1639, made a new compact as the " loyal subjects of
King Charles in a Civill Bbdy Politlcke," and elected Wil
liam Hutchinson judge, with eight assistants. A quar
terly court and jury of twelve was provided. This was
the first govemment in the colony, moulded according to
English law, and subject to the King. Theocracy and
democracy were gradually being shaped to the common
Uw, with Its Inherent obligations.
10 Brigham, " R. I.," p. 47.

54 The Island
Portsmouth preserved good records, and some details
of the life there are interesting. As usual, the matter is
chiefiy of land conveyance, highways, administration of
rates and such municipal affairs, with an occasional record
of marriage, birth or death, but we get now and then a
glimpse of something which interests more directly. For
example: ^^ May 15, 1649, Adam Mott, having offered a
cow forever and five bushels of corn by the year, "so
long as the ould man shall live," the neighbors, " every
man that was free thereto," made It up to forty bushels.
Mr. William Balston, a prominent citizen. In considera
tion, agreed to give " onto father mott " for a year
" house rome dyate lodging and washings " — quite an
instance of social co-operation. Ear marks of cattle were
frequently recorded, especially after 1650. The first
entry is Sept. 1, 1645, of Edward Anthony — " a hind
gad on the left ear."
The immortal Pickwick was anticipated in debate July
16, 1650. In an action for slander before the town Court
brought by John Sanford against Captain Richard Moris,
the latter said " he had not nor Could not Charge the
plaintiff to bee a thief In any Pticuler, and further sayd
that if any words passed from him at Which Jeames
Badcock (sic) tooke offence the said Captaine professed
he knew not that he did speake any such words nether
would he deny that he did but said if he did speake any
such words it was In a passion and desiered m"^ Sanford to
pass it by." After such lucid apology everybody was
satisfied. In 1651, the " Clarke of the measuers " was ordered to
inspect once per month that the " to peny white loafe way
16 ounces and beere bee sould for two pence a quarte."
For offense, forfeit 10s. In 1654 WiUiam Freebome was
11 " Records of the Town of Portsmouth," p. 40 et seq.

1640] Customs of the Time 56
aUowed ten pounds " at the Rate of silver pay," besides
the cow and five bushels com to " keepe ould mott " for
the year. This included clothing for the beneficiary.
A prison was ordered to be built near the " Stockes "
and a " dopplnge stoole was to be sett at the water side
by the po[ ]de." This year was memorable in super-^
vising and correcting the morals of this simple commun
ity. " In respect of several inconveniences that have
' hapined,' " It was ordered that no man sign a bill of
divorce, unless the separation be allowed by the Colony ; if
offending, he should be fined £10. sterling. More signifi
cant was the ordinance that no man should harbor an
other man's wife " after warlnge," and in case of offense,
he should forfeit £5. sterling for every night.
Manners as well as morals were overlooked by these
worthy burghers. In 1656 a committee, Mr. William
Balston, chairman, was appointed " to speake with shreifs
wife and William Charles and George Lawtons Wife and
to give them the best advise and Warning for ther own
peace and the peace of the place." We do not envy the
selectmen for their responsibility in adjusting the dis
putes of these jangling females. Of larger public con
cern was a committee to procure the powder and shot
ordered by the " generall Court " for Portsmouth. Roger
Williams' constant service in Colonial affairs appears ; for
the committee were to pay him for getting the ammuni
tion. There are frequent admissions of persons as " free
men " or as " inhabitants." There was also much detail
in the management of the common lands ; provisions
against cutting timber, handling of cattle, etc. In 1660
William Baker petitioned the town to take his sheep and
" Contrebute to his Nesesaty " ; for which there was ap
propriated £8, " after the Rats of wompom 8 per peny,"
for one year.

66 The Island
In 1662 at a meeting of " the free inhabitants of the
Towne" a curious form of citizenship was made mani
fest. Peter Folger, late of " martin's Vinyard, presented
to the free inhabitants of this towne " a lease of house
and land from WiUiam Cory, the said Folger shaU have
" a beinge amongst vs during the terme of the said lease."
Adam Mott, who so thriftily arranged In 1649 for
" ole father Mott " by giving a cow and five bushels com
per year toward his support by the town, died in 1661.
His inventory showed £371.6, besides some land previously
conveyed to his sons — a good estate for that time. Care
ful provisions were made to equalize the shares of the
sons. The executors, Edward Thurston and Richard
Few, were to receive each an ewe sheep for services. The
widow was to have the " howsage and land " for Ufe.
The executors were to persuade her at her death " in y°
disposinge of mouables with in howse or abroad to give it
to them accordinge, to discrecion whom beest desearues it
In there Care and Respect to hir while she Hves, vpon
which my desseir is you will have your Eyes as my
ffrinds, and harts Redey." He instructs further " If
my Children should be Crosse to there mother so y* it
should force hir to marey againe. I give full power to
my Executers to take good & full securitie for the makinge
good of y* Estate so longe as she lives that my will may
be performed." This provision might cut both ways.
Evidently, Mott's immortal, marital obligations were to be
as scrupulous as was his economic bargain with the to-wn
for supporting his father In old age.
Some prices may be noted, 4 oxen, £28; five cows and
one bull, £30; one horse, one mare and colt, £36; 32
ewes, 2 rams, £32 ; 6 swine, £4. Wearing clothes, books,
two suits, two doublets and breeches, one gown of gray
cloth, and every day clothes, in all £11 ; 4 yards coarse

1640] . Furniture and Dress 57
Kersey, £1 ; 8 pair stockings, £1.12 ; 1 feather bed and
furniture, £6; various beds not Included; 1 brass kettle,
£1 ; 6 pewter dishes (14 lbs.), 1 quart, 2 pint pots, £1.6;
iron pots, pans, etc., £3.14 ; 7 pair sheets, 2 table cloths,
6 napkins, piUowbers, £4; 2 tables, 1 joint stool and
chair, £1.4; 1 cart and plow, 2 chains, £3.10; 1 hoe and
axe, 2 scythes, 10s. The whole Inventory indicates a
comfortable household. And chairs were a luxury, as
they were in Providence at the same period, where people
were not as weU off.
These proceedings are worthy of study. Doubtless,
Newport was living in similar fashion, though the records
are lost. Providence hardly shows so close, domiciliary
superintendence; and there was no ecclesiastical interfer
ence whatever, such as generally Influenced New England
towns. The Portsmouth dwellers were Puritan in spirit
and brought their lives to as rigid civic regulation as was
possible. The common poor were cared for as usual, but
the especial responsibility for those only half pauperized
is very Interesting. The minute discussions of these free
men and selectmen look petty now, but the whole way
of Ufe was hard and petty.
April 30th, Nicholas Easton voyaged around to
Coaster's Harbor, now the United States Naval Station.
Following him, the seceders located southward, immedi
ately erecting a house or houses. May 16, 1639, the first
order recorded " the Plantation now begun at this South
west end of the Island shall be called Newport." The
body poUtic of the new plantation, now estabUshed at
Neivport, negotiated with the more Imponderable spirit
hovering at Portsmouth. November 25th, after some
communication back and forth, the Newport settlers made
an order for courts, adopting the Portsmouth principle
of allegiance to King Charles. They appointed two men

58 The Island
also to obtain " a Patent of the Island from his Majestie,"
styUng themselves as " the Body Politlcke In the He of
Aquethnec." March 12, 1640, union between the two
plantations was effected and the " brethren " at Ports
mouth came In. Coddington was chosen Govemor with
William Brenton as Dgputy. In the union, Newport took
the initiative, and her poUtical ascendancy prevailed in
the colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations
for a century and a quarter.
The tendencies of the Coddington party toward strong
govemment did not immediately affect the Newport plan
tation. In March, 1641, they could enact sensibly " the
Government which this Bodie Politick doth attend unto In
this Island, and the Jurisdiction thereof, in favor of our
Prince is a Democracle, or Popular Govemment." ^^ This
democracy lasted until the union of the towns under the
royal charter in 1647. In 1644, they adopted the name
" Isle of Rodes, or Rhode Island." ^* The name accord
ing to Williams, as confirmed by the best modem re
search, is " in Greek an Isle of Roses." ^*
The land system of the Island was like that of Provi
dence generally, and an Important act ordained In 1640-
41 that, " none be accounted a deUnquent for Doctrine :
Provided it be not " directly repugnant to the Govem
ment or Lawes established." The settlers at Portsmouth
would have been CongregationaUsts had the ruUng powers
at the Bay permitted. Winthrop says, In 1639, " they
gathered a church in a very disordered way; for they
took some excommunicated persons, and others who were
members of the Church at Boston and not dismissed."
And the lawyer Lechford, more orthodox than the par-
12 « R. I. Col. Rec," Vol. 1, 113.
13 Ibid, 127.
" Cf. Brigham, " R. I.," p. 51.

The Bull House, Newport. Built about 1640.

1640] Separation of Baptists and Quakers 59
sons themselves, said, "no church, a meeting which
teaches and caUs It Prophesle." ^* John Clarke preached
to the meeting. Winthrop said Anne Hutchinson broached
new heresies each year, Anne being " opposed to aU
magistracy." Yet in fact her husband was a magis
trate at Portsmouth. As noted, a court in regular form
was Instituted there. Newport soon foUowed the exam
ple, and stocks, whipping-post and prison — the enlightened
accessories of justice — ^were soon provided. The Puritans
of the Bay could not report exactly matters which they in
no wise comprehended. Richman thinks the impelling latl-
tudlnarianism fast drifted the would-be Congregation
aUsts toward the Baptist or at least the Anabaptist view.
Independency — Uttle comprehended then— Impelled Chris
tians toward freedom for the beUever and the separation
of church and state. Roger WiUiams, " the time-
spirit " ^^ was helped by unwitting instruments like Anne
Hutchinson and Samuel Gorton.
Further evolution was going forward at Newport. In
1640, a " church fellowship " " was gathered under the
leadership of Dr. John Clarke and Robert LenthaU. This
effervescing, doctrinal fellowship disagreed, Coddington
and his friends adopting views which were to end in
Quakerism, while Clark, and his foUowers formed a Bap
tist church In 1644.
In fact, the Island early developed stable Institutions,
which Providence lacked from the beginning. The Provi
dence planters sought freedom of conscience. It is true;
but historians sometimes forget that no community can
Uve by spirit exclusively. So the old Massachusetts fish
erman Interrupted the exhorter, claiming that the EngUsh
15 " Plain Dealing," p. 41.
18 "R. I.— Its Making," p. 136.
17 Keayne MSS., " Prince Soc. Pub.," Vol. XXII., p. 401.

60 The Island
emigrants crossed the seas to worship God, saying, " No,
we came to Uve." The land system at Providence afforded
a good opportunity for new planters to become Independ
ent. Having acquired this material security, their varying
views in theology tempted differences in social action. Some
four-fifths of the community for many years would not
directly aissist the only church.^* Dissent apparently
agreed only In further dissent. Political and social
development necessarily halted. The desiderated pure
democracy failed for lack of legislative and executive
power, — whether in initiative or In restraint. Town meet
ings made poor substitutes for courts of law. As late
as 1654, Sir Henry Vane remonstrated to WilUams,
" How Is it there are such divisions amongst you?
Such headiness tumults, injustice. . . . Are there no
wise men amongst you, who can find out some way or
means of union and reconciliation for you amongst
yourselves, before you become a prey to common
enemies.'' " ^^
The Plantations north and south were unlike as a yeast
cake varies from a wholesome loaf of bread. Williams,
educated and lofty — ^but not a political and social organ
izer — was alone in his university training; his neigh
bors, many of them able, were not instructed men. In
Newport, Coddington, Clarke, CoggeshaU, Jeffries, the
Hutchinsons, were men of wealth and culture, eminent
before they emigrated to New England. Among the very
first schools supported by taxation In America was Lent-
hall's " publick school " at Newport in 1640. In formal
legislation, in courts, church and school, Newport was in
advance of Providence. But let us remember, the yeast
18 Brigham, p. 65.
19 " R. I. Col. Rec," Vol. I., p. 285.

1640] Samuel Gorton Again 61
cake has potentiaUty far beyond that of the developed
bread. It was in the future, in the domain unknown, that
Providence was to excel.
None of the founders had more yeast in his make-up
than Samuel Gorton, who was introduced in the Paw-
'tuxet controversy and the interference of Massachu
setts.^" In nature he was modern — If not the most
modern of all the Puritan counter-irritants. We must
now trace his first relations with our Plantations. Mor
ton caUed him " a proud and pestilential seducer." Per
haps it would be too much to say that condemnation by
agitators at the Bay would now be sufficient praise, but
all Morton's direct charges have been disproved.^^ The
prosecution of Antinomians at the Bay was not agree
able to him, and he left for Plymouth. He defended a
servant girl, whom he beUeved to be unjustly accused, and
he was banished from Plymouth in December, 1638. The
offense was mainly technical, for beyond aU theological
or legal differences, was his " exasperating spirit of in
dependence." True to the essence of English law —
though an obstinate extremist — ^he protested against the
methods of the court "let them not be parties and
judges." Driven out in a heavy snow storm, with his
wife nursing an infant, he joined the exiles at Ports
mouth. In defending a suit against another servant he
fared no better, for he insisted that this court had no
authority from the Crown. After much controversy, Gov
emor Coddington summed against him. When he re
sisted, the Governor said, " All you that own the King,
take away Gorton and carry him to prison." Then Gor
ton exclaimed, " All you that own the King, take away
^oAnte, p. 38.
21 Brigham, p. 57n.

63 The Island
Coddington and carry him to prison." This retort direct
could hardly accord with any course of law then possible
on the Island. If the transcendentalist were the one In
dividual in the universe, he would be complete. It has
been urged reasonably ^^ that Gorton would rebel against
any legal system the colonies could maintain ; but we must
consider his whole career and not any one technical point.
He was a sincere individualist before the legal and social
rights of such a creature were known — ^not a mere out
law. In his letter to Morton ^* he said simply, " I would
rather suffer among some people than be a ruler together
with them, according to their principles and manner of
management of their authority." He has outdone the pa
tience of all historians ; but let us handle him tenderly. It
was this self-centered adamantine firmness In him and those
similar — if not so able — ^which made of Rhode Island a
rock in a shaken world ; or a resisting govemment against
theocratic systems and encroaching neighbors.
Coddington, supported by institutions, was not much
Intimidated by the remonstrant. Gorton Influenced a few
comrades, and they migrated together to Providence,
proba/bly In the winter of 1640-41. He made some prose
lytes there, but the town would not grant him the privi
leges of a proprietor and citizen. Williams bewails the
situation to Winthrop. " Mr. Gorton having foully
abused high and low at Aquedneck, is now bewitching and
madding poor Providence ^* . . . some few and
myself do withstand his inhabitation and town privi
leges." ^^ He finally joined the Pawtuxet settlers and
became a leading founder of Warwick, as has been noted.
22 Sheffield's " Gorton," p. 38.
23 Ibid, p. 8.
24 Cotton taunted Williams as being superseded "by a more
prodigious minter of exhorbitant novelties than himself."
2B Brigham, p. 61.

1640] A True Mystic 63
Mystics rarely found sects and Gorton could not per
petuate himself. Yet, in himself he will always Interest
all students of Individual development. Dr. Ezra Stiles
heard and recorded the testimony ^^ of his last disciple,
John AngeU, in 1771. The actual memorials of Gorton's
Ufe are not as important as the traces of his inevitable
influence, as it affected other lives in the genei-atlons fol
lowing him. We cannot read the poetic utterance of
Sarah Helen Whitman, descended from Nicholas Power,
an adherent of Gorton, or the philosophic writings ot
Job Durfee, as well as others, without recognizing that
Rhode Island has drawn intimately and effectively from
the sources of eternal truth. Mr. Lewis G. Jaynes has
lately asserted ^'^ sensibly that Samuel Gorton was the •«
"premature John Baptist of New England transcen-
destalism," the spiritual father of Channing, Emerson
and Parker. When a mystic doctrine has penetrated and
impressed a people. It needs no ecclesiastical formula or
dogmatic foundation on which to rest. Active theology
is the passing record of the time-spirit.
The winter of 1639-40 was memorable for the Island
28 " The Friends had come out of the world in some ways, but
still were in darkness or twilight, but that Gorton was far beyond
them, he said, high way up to the dispensation of light. The Quakers
were in no wise to be compared with him; nor any man else can,
since the primitive times of the Church, especially since they came
out of Popish darkness. He said Gorton was a holy man; wept
day and night for the sins and blindness of the world; his eyes
were a fountain of tears, and always full of tears — a man full of
.thought and study- — had a long walk out through the trees or woods
by his house, where he constantly walked morning and evening, and
even in tlie depths of the night, alone by himself, for contemplation
and the enjoyment of the dispensation of light. He was univer
sally beloved by all his neighbors, and the Indians, who esteemed
him, not only as a friend, but one high in communion with God in
Heaven."— aoZ. B. I. H. 8., Vol. IL, 19.
27 Richman, " Rhode Island— Its Making," VoL I., pp. 108, 109.

64 The Island
in scarcity and privation. For 96 people there were only
108 bushels of com to be divided. Lechford visited In
this or the following year and estimated the population
at 200 famiUes. Mr. Richman thinks 200 persons would
be more likely and considers that Providence had about
one-half as many.^® At this time the Bay sent three
" winning " men to negotiate with members absent from
the Boston church and sojourning on the Island. The
settlers refused to treat, as one Congregational church
had not authority over another.
Coddington tried to obtain recognition from the United
New England Colonies In 1644 for the Island govern
ment. The United Colonies would receive the petitioners
only as a portion of Plymouth Colony. Hie failed as an
executive and direct leader of men, as we shaU see In the
" Usurpation." He could not comprehend the people
as it existed in any form of popular expression. Mr.
Richman terms the govemment sought by Coddington an
" autocratic theocracy." Perhaps the record justifies
this discrimination, but it is hard to treat Coddington
justly from the records existing. He was a man of sub
stance materially and mentally. He could not follow
Gorton or even Williams in their efforts for social order —
all of which were disorderly vagaries to him. Judge
Durfee considers that the well-organized judiciary of the
Island, locally adapted "betokens the presence of some
man having not only a large legal and legislative capac
ity, but also a commanding Influence." ^^ It was prob
ably Coddington. " Whoever he was, he was certainly
after Roger Williams and John Clarke " a principal ben
efactor of the infant colony. It Is more than doubtful
whether Rhode Island could have attained a stable gov-
28 " R. I.— Its Making," p. 131.
29 Durfee, « Judicial History of R. I.," p. 6.

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1661] Coddington's Usurpation 65
emment without Coddington's effort or something equiv
alent. Coddington and Captain Partridge made a definite
proposal in 1648 to the Commissioners of the United
Colonies to submit the Island to them, and would even
place It under the jurisdiction of Plymouth. This scheme
did not succeed. Coddington, according to Doctor Tur
ner, *" would be a monarch, and, going to England,
strangely succeeded in obtaining from the Long Parlia
ment a commission, making him " in effect the autocrat of
the fairest and wealthiest portion "^^ of our territory.
In 1651 he established himself in his " Usurpation," and
this constitutes a remarkable episode in the history of our
state. Shipbuilding began early at Portsmouth, and there
was built there or at Newport in 1646 a ship of 100 to j
ISO tons for New Haven. She made an Ill-fated voyage
under Lamberton and was lost. In 1649 Bluefield, with
his crew of Frenchmen, came into Newport and sold a
prize. The authorities would not allow him to purchase
a frigate o^ Capt. Clarke, as they feared the pirates
would attack our coastwise commerce. These transac
tions show that a commercial market was well estabUshed
already. The West Indies needed the products of any rich agri
cultural region, and the fertile lands of the Island fur
nished the required exchanges. ' The sugar-mills used
horses and these appear in Coddington's exports in
1656.^^ These West India goods were sold to Connecticut
and to the Dutch at Manhattan. Then as always, the
central port of Manhattan affected all American trade.
30 Brigham, " R. L," pp. 87-89.
31 Arnold, " R. I.," Vol. I., 238.
32 " R. I. Col. Rec," Vol. I., 338.

66 The Island
Our commercial Intercourse was Important, and the name
" Dutch Island," at the mouth of the Bay, leaves a trace
of it. Cross marriages occurred, and an occasional
Dutch name in early Providence indicates the intercourse.
There was considerable trade with Connecticut, and
the Influence of this intercourse is shown by Isham and
Brown in the type of houses adopted at Newport. The
Coddington House, built possibly In 1641, and certainly
before 1650, was an example of the comfortable dwell
ing which succeeded the early log house of New England.
Though rude in appearance, it was certainly substantial
and serviceable, or it would not have survived until 1835.
It had an end chimney and the second story overhung, as
in houses at London and elsewhere In England in the
early seventeenth century. The Henry Bull house, dat
ing from 1638-40, had the central chimney, distinctive of
the better class of houses in Connecticut.
This early commerce of Newport, exchanging the rich
products of the Islands so profitably, promoted comfort
able living for the settlers accordingly. When Providence
*had no blacksmith, Newport had three, with masons,
joiners, coopers and cordwanlers. Jefferay's Journal
notes that the houses in Newport about 1650 were as
" yet small with few good ones." Some had glass from
England, with furnishings like the " old home," but in
ferior. They had a few books, a little plate, and their
dishes were mainly of wood or earthenware. Their tables,
chairs and beds were rude, excepting the few brought
from over sea.
During some two years of the " Usurpation," there were
virtually two governments in the colony, often conflicting
with each other.^^ Coddington's commission was revoked
in England and the formal news was brought by William
S3 Brigham, " R. I.," p. 93, a full account.

1657] Persecution of Quakers by the Bay 67
Dyer to Rhode Island in 1653. Among other negotia
tions for a suzerain, the usurper had coquetted with the
Dutch at Manhattan. This proceeding materially helped
WilUams and Sir Henry Vane in their efforts with the
Parliamentary Commission for the revocation.
Perhaps nothing more clearly reveals the strangely in
human and ferocious sentiment prevailing in Massachu
setts at this period, than their wanton persecution of the
Quakers, or Society of Friends, as they finally became.
Such cruelty was not a necessary outcome of the Puritan
spirit of govemment, for Connecticut, an orderly com
monwealth, did not actively persecute In the name of Chris
tianity. That community was unfriendly and banished
Mary Dyer from New Haven for preaching in 1658 ; but
they did not whip nor hang these heretics. Bradstreet
and the Commissioners of the United Colonies In Sep
tember, 1657, addressed this gentle request to the Gov
emor of Rhode Island: "... to preserve us from
such a pest the Contagion whereof (if Received within
youer CoUonie were dangerous, &c., to bee defused to the
other by means of the Intercoui^se, especially to the
places of trad amongst us ; which wee desire may bee with
safety continued between us ; Wee therefore make it our
Request that you Remove those Quakers that have been
Received, and for the future prohlbite theire coming
amongst you." ** The conscience of Rhode Island was
hardly worth considering by Boston magistrates. But
evidently these governors thought that a direct thrust at
the pocket by threatening " trad " might touch an uni
versal passion and move the deepest springs of civilized
feeling. The Rhode Island outcasts did not regard the
appeal to covetousness, but answered immediately through
Govemor Benedict Arnold, "We have no law among us
3* " R. I. C. R.," Vol. L, p. 374.

68 The Island
whereby to punish any for only declaring by words their
minds conceming the things and ways of God." *'
Fines, the jail, whipping-post and gaUows were used
to reform these simple believers, and they throve upon
such severe regimen. Mary Dyer, a devout and much
respected woman of Newport and Providence, was arrested
in Boston and executed on the Common, June 1, 1660.
When expecting death, she said, " It Is an hour of the
greatest joy I can enjoy In this world. No eye can see,
no ear can hear, no tongue can speak, no heart can under
stand, the sweet Incomes and refreshings of the spirit of
the Lord which now I enjoy."
The large incoming of the Quakers was an important
factor in the early prosperity of the colony. Many lead
ing men like Coddington embraced their doctrines, and
their social Influence can hardly be exaggerated. Ana
baptists and Antinomians, all ready for assimilation,
often adopted the better formulated Ideas of Fox and
Barclay. While the majority of Friends were not learned
in the schools, their whole system was a severe method
of mental discipline. Their complete self-repression, their
close study of the Bible, their gentle manners, all af
fected profoundly the ways of a new community. Rhode
Island lacked the regulated ecclesiastical methods of Mas
sachusetts and Connecticut. But we may remember that,
while It lost much in a positive way. It gained somewhat
by not having to unlearn. Compare the above utterances
of Bradstreet and Mary Dyer. For a century, until the
schools of our colony were regularly developed, the cul
ture of the Friends was education In the concrete.
Significant evidence of the Increasing trade of Newport
appears In the immigration of wealthy Jews, the har
bingers of active commerce throughout the world. A
35 «R. I. C. R.," pp. 374-380.

1668] Jewish Immigration. The Charter 69
large immigration from Lisbon came In 1665 and fifteen
families came from Holland in 1658.*® They brought^
besides capital and mercantile skill, the first three degrees
in Masonry. Religious freedom admitted them, but they
would not have settled where there was not an abounding
trade. Their people were to become an Important ele
ment In our colonial Ufe, and they appeared before the
General Assembly by petition In 1684.
John HuU, the mint master. Major Atherton and
others purchased of the Indians the southeastern por
tion of the Narragansett lands, to be known as the Petta-
quamscutt Purchases. John Winthrop, the younger, ob
tained a charter from King Charles II. , giving Connecti
cut jurisdiction over all Southern Narragansett. This
movement In London was checked and reversed by the
timely, discreet and vigorous action of John Clarke, our
agent there. He convinced the King's advisers, the Earl
of Clarendon especially, of the injustice to Rhode Island,
in this contemplated extension of Connecticut over her
territory. Clarke obtained the liberal charter "to hold
forth a lively experiment," which was adopted by the
whole colony in 1663.
This royal patent became the basis of colonial gov
ernment and carried Rhode Island through the struggle
against the Crown of Great Britain. Then the independ
ent state went Into the American Union, and the Charter
lasted until 1843. Granting liberty of conscience to Its
citizens, it governed first a remote colonial dependency,
then a state warring for independence, then a common
wealth merged into a great republic. In all, this docu
ment stood for one hundred and eighty years, certainly
establishing a brilliant chapter in political history.
Whatever the vagaries of the small commonwealth — and
38 "Mag. Amer. His.," Vol. VI., p. 456.

70 The Island
they were many — It pursued an onward political develop
ment, proving that an orderly state might exist without
theocratic control of the Individual citizen. Person and
property were safe.
Our charter *^ with Its fellow given Connecticut in the
previous year formed a new departure in royal govem
ment. The early colonial charters, following the exam
ple of Spain, had been commercial adventures. It is at
least doubtful whether any political initiative was in
tended in the incorporation of Massachusetts in 1629.
Massachusetts assumed such power, organized towns and
courts, levied taxes and enacted laws for persons and
property, most efficiently, even If done In a way only
half legitimate. The American political efficiency — supe
rior to every emergency or accident — showed itself in the
germ. Recognizing these great facts, the revolutionary parlia
ment, influenced by Vane and the personal persuasion of
Roger Williams, granted Rhode Island in 1644 splendid
powers for political initiative and religious freedom. The
King was very liberal to Connecticut in 1662 and went
farther in the Rhode Island patent of 1663. In this nego
tiation, John Clarke, more practical than Williams, seized
every opportunity to ally himself with the most liberal
religious thought of continental Europe, as well as of
England. There was not religious toleration at home,
but for his distant colony the King pronounced this ex
traordinary manifesto : ** " Our royal will and pleasure
Is that no person within the said colony at any time here
after, shall be anywise molested, punished, disquieted, or
called in question, for any differences In opinion in mat
ters of religion, and do not actually disturb the civil
37 Brigham, " R. I.," p. 102 et seq.
38 Cf. " R. I. C. R.," Vol. IL, pp. 3-31.

1663] New Charter Founds ReUgious Liberty 71
peace of our said colony . . . any law, statute or
clause therein contained, or to be contained, usage or cus
tom of this realm, to the contrary hereof, in any wise, not
withstanding." The divine right of Kings for the nonce
justified itself, for here was perfect religious liberty be
stowed through an executive decree. Simple and natural
as the King's action appears to-day, it seemed al
most revolutionary to statesmen then, as Roger Williams
reported in plain terms :^® "This, his Majesty's grant,
was startled at by his Majesty's high officers of state,
who were to view It In course before the sealing, but, fear
ing the Uon's roaring, they crouched against their wills
in obedience to his Majesty's pleasure." Sagacious as
Charles was, he built better than he knew, when he al
lowed absolute freedom of conscience in the little depend
ency of Rhode Island.
John Clarke laid his topographical lines as skilfully
as he negotiated politically. Wisely basing his claims
on title by Indian purchase, he kept the land away from
Massachusetts and Connecticut, seeking to encroach on
either side. The north boundary was the south line of
Massachusetts ; the west along Connecticut and down
ward to Pawcatuck river; on the south the ocean includ
ing Block Island; the island of Rhode Island and three
miles to the east and northeast of Narragansett Bay —
substantially our present territory. Great disputes with
the larger Puritan colonies conceming 'boundairles on
either side, distracted the next half century ; but Clarke's
positions were so well chosen that they held the territory.
If George Bancroft was correct in affirming that more
ideas finally becoming national have proceeded from
Rhode Island, than from any other colony, we should
consider well the " llvelie experiment " in John Clarke's
39 " Letter to Mason," Narr. Club. Pub., Vol. VL, p. 346.

72 The Island
charter. In the process of organization and develop
ment, Mr. Foster's dates and definitions are significant.
1636-41. Providence, Portsmouth, Newport were dis
tinct sovereignties.
1641-47. Providence, Aquldneck, Warwick were dis
tinct sovereignties.
1647-51. Colony Providence Plantations was a dis
tinct commonwealth.
1651-54. Providence, Warwick (the mainland), Ports
mouth, Newport (the island), were a distinct common
wealth. 1654-86. Colony Providence Plantations was a distinct
commonwealth. Mr. Richman *° remarks that Providence disliked au
thority from any source. Newport sanctioned authority
only when it proceeded from itself. Portsmouth was like
Providence. Warwick varied, but approached Newport in
theory. We dwell on these features not so much for the tech
nical divisions, as to mark the distinguishing character
istics of the novel ways of state-making. Williams,
Clarke, Coddington, Gorton all appear in the varying
life of the towns. The planters, seeking a civic structure,
forced their will into submission to the larger principles
of govemment and gradually methodized a citizenship
under the royal govemment.
40 " R. I.— Its Making," p. 309.

CHAPTER IV
THE COLONY AND THE TOWN OF PROVIDENCE.
1648-1710
WE may turn back to the story of Providence after
the adoption of the first charter In 1647, when
discussions around the town-mUl, where there was " a par-
Uament In perpetual session," were developing new com
munal life. The first houses about Roger Williams'
Spring and along the Towne Street without doubt were
of logs halved together at the comers.^ Having only
one room they were roofed over with logs or thatched on
poles. The chimney was probably of logs, outside at
the end and plastered with clay. The houses succeeding
these log huts were similar — they being a single or " Fire
Room." One end was almost given up to the stone chim
ney and cavernous fireplace. These conclusions of
Isham and Brown correspond with those of Mr. Dorr,
though the architects investigated independently and by
different methods.
There were no larger houses of the comfortable type
introduced from Connecticut, as we have noted at New
port. Mr. Dorr found In the probate records that houses
until the last decade of the seventeenth century had two
apartments only, a " lower room " and a " chamber."
Often there were no stairs, and a ladder communicated.
Most dwellings were destroyed In 1676 by the Indians, and
the pioneer work of our plantation had to be repeated. One
of the most interesting dwelUngs built about 1653 sur-
1 Isham and Brown, " Early R. I. Houses," p. 16.
73

74 The Colony and the Town of Providence
vived the ravage of King Philip's War, and until our own
time. It was known as the Roger Mowry house, or tav
ern, and recently as the Abbott house. It was a small
building, and originally had a huge stone chimney. It was
the first licensed tavern, where town meetings were held
and the council assembled. Roger Williams gathered peo
ple there for worship.
To enter into this pioneer living we must remember
that these planters made their habitations and the furni
ture chiefly with their own hands. ^ They framed the
soUd chests and tables — rude but strong — which stood on
the sanded floors. The clumsy but hospitable old EngUsh
settle * lifted its high back at the family table ; then by
the fireplace It afforded a room and partial exclusion from
the fierce wintry drafts. In summer it was moved out of
doors, and helped to make the evening cosy and agreeable.
Regular chairs were a luxury — many having none, some
possessing one or two. John Smith, the miller and town
clerk, had four. The Inventory of John Whipple, inn
keeper, recorded In 1686 " three chaires." The way of
living and the comforts were such as English yeomen of
the period enjoyed. There was little table linen. The
ancient wooden trencher held Its place — little disputed by
earthem ware or " puter." Culinary utensils were Umited,
and the ancient iron pot served in many functions. No
early Inventories carried silver plate or carved furniture, as
in Massachusetts ; for Providence was striving hard to
maintain life by agriculture alone.
Living was very simple, except when some large political
2 " R. I. Hist. T., No. IS," Dorr, p. 38.
3 " It is, to the hearths of old-fashioned cavernous fireplaces, what
the east belt of trees is to the exposed country estate, or the north
wall to the garden. Outside the settle candles gutter, locks of hair
wave, young women shiver, and old men sneeze. Inside is Paradise."

1650] Simple Living 76
question Involving colonial administration forced the lit
tle community to go beyond its own narrow affairs.
An ordinance* in 1649 compelled every man to mend
and make good the highway " before his house Lot or
Lots." Suits at law regulated differences, for the attor
ney's fee for preparing a cause and pleading was fixed at
6s. 8d. ; " if any man will have a lawyer he shall pay Is."
We have noted the secondary proprietors, who received
a gift of twenty-five acres, and they are voted in from time
to time. In 1650 it was enacted ^ that in future all men
received should pay for their " home-share Is. per acre
and 6d. per acre for the rest not exceeding twenty-five
acres." Outside their lots and farms, privilege of pasture
on the common lands helped the semi-pastoral cultivation.
Rates were 3d. for cows. Id. for swine and Id. for goats on
the common, assessed In 1649, and collected by the town
constable. There was much legislation conceming the
commons, and in 1650, it was forbidden to take off lumber
or timber. As the cattle ran in a common herd Uterally,
marks identifying the ownership were quite important.
These were formaUy enrolled on the records of the town.
Many only cropped one ear in some way, but others intro
duced an elaborate device; as a crop from the top of the
right ear, and a halfpenny behind under the ear. Another
has a flower de luce on the left ear. The sale of Uquors,
to Indians especially, caused constant annoyance and
tinkering of statutes. Entertainment of travelers and
strangers seemed to be a burden requiring supervision,
before taverns were regularly installed and maintained.
An ordinance In 1650 allowed any one to seU " without
doores " ; but if " any man sell Wine or strong Liquors in
his house, he shaU also entertaine strangers to bed and
* " Early Rec," Vol. IL, 44.
sibid, p. 53.

76 The Colony and the Town of Providence
board." Notice for sale ankers (10 gaEs.) Uquors by
sundry persons appear from 1666 to 1664. In all
American hostelry, while the weary and hungry traveler
might need rest and food, the necessary profit has come
from the alcoholic thirst of the majority.
At the only town-meeting when Roger WiUiams appears
as moderator June 24, 1656, the sale of wines or Uquors
to Indians was absolutely forbidden, under a penalty of
six pounds, one half to the informer.
In 1657 Mr. ffenner was allowed by vote to exchange
a six-acre lot at Notakonkanit bought of " Goodman
lippet " for — acres. The distinctions Mr. occasIonaUy
old EngUsh Gfoodman and Yeoman frequently were used,
but the differences marking the titles were not altogether
clear. In common names, EngUsh uses prevailed. As might
be expected Gideon, Daniel, John, jJames, Simon, Zacha
riah; Mary, Rebecca, Esther, Ruth were frequent. A
person might be denominated or designated by these
familiar words, but the extraordinary fashion of the Puri
tans appeared occasionally. What conceit, fancy or Ideal
spelled out Mahershalalhashbaz ? It might be consid*-
ered unique, were it not recorded twice before 1680. A
name preserved through many generations of honorable
men, according to tradition, marks an event in colonial
history. Richard Waterman set to keep the garrison at
Warwick " firmly resolved " to hold out to the last. In
reminiscence he named his son " Resolved." ®
The apprentice system was Important In this period
of colonial life. When unkindly fate had left lad or
girl without parental care, he or she was bound out in
order to leam. We shall note many interesting examples
In the life at Portsmouth. In 1669 at Providence
8 Moses Brown MSS., " R. I. H. S."

1660] Apprentice System 77
WiUiam Field took in charge WilUam Warner, who was
bound " his Secretes to keep and not to frequent Taverns
or Ale-Houses, except about my said master's bussenes."
At the end of his subjection, he was to receive the cus
tomary freedom suit of clothing.
The community of interest and feeling which makes
a state, appears to have been of slow growth In our plan
tation of Providence. Clarke was not fully paid for his
proper expenses. Roger WilUams was obliged to berate
the town they " ride securely by a new cable and ankor
of Mr. Clarke's procuring" and refused his just claims.
In 1660 when the charter had been working a dozen years
or more, a petition was sent to the commissioners at
Portsmouth asking release from an assessment of £30
toward building a common prison at Newport, which
" wiU be in no ways beneficlall to us." Moreover, Provi
dence was expending £160 for a bridge over the Moshas
suck which was completed in 1662. The colony would
not relieve the plantation from its proper burden and a
tax for £35 was laid in 1661 to discharge the responsi-
biUty. The community of the plantation at Providence grew
out of the determination of Williams and his near asso
ciates to have absolute freedom of conscience. They must
Uve, whether worshipping freely or under theocratic
tyranny as they conceived it. WilUams' own views of
practical govemment were simple and notably naive,
whenever he came into conflict with the proprietors.
Without doubt, he had expected greater practical
authority in the town than had fallen to him. He at
tempted in that time to assert political Influence In a com
munity which had no religious establishment. Mr. Dorr ''
sagaciously points out that he expected substantial
7 « R. I. H. S.," New Series, IV.,' p. 81.

78 The Colony and the Town of Providence
results without due causes. He forgot that a theocracy
plants its feet on the earth and that the civil power made
John Cotton the foremost man in Massachusetts. Yet
Williams in inmost conviction, cared far more for the
spiritual than for the material conditions of life. This
appears in most striking form, as he writes his friend
Major John Mason in Connecticut in 1670. * What
ever might be his deficiency as statesman and executor of
civil law, certainly the seer and prophet spoke In him.
A controversy in the turbulent winter 1654-1655 sug
gests much In the development of our early history. We
, should bear in mind that two main parties at this time
were constantly struggling for control of the to-wn,'
meeting. One led by WiUiam Harris and Thomas Olney
represented the Proprietors or original purchasers under
Williams' " Initial deed." The other led by Roger Wil
liams and Gregory Dexter generally consisted of small
freeholders admitted afterward.^ All these men had
resolute wills, while Harris and Olney had much execu
tive ability. This difference began early, and for some
two-score years, disputes growing out of these peculiar,
differentiated land-titles convulsed the little plantation.
Many small freeholders believed with Williams that the
lands bought from the Indians were a virtual trust for the
whole body of freemen. Proprietors on the contrary held
that the lands were administered by the central authority
in town meeting, for the benefit of private owners who
had paid for them. The economic principle of ownership
and the larger political motive involved in govemment,
did not coincide in practical action.
Williams was never able to induce the town meeting
to decide on any definite and particular sale of lands.
a Ante, p. 9.
« Cf. " R. I. H. S.," New Series, Vol. III., Dorr, " Proprietors and
Freeholders."

1660] Differences of Proprietors and Citizens 79
The Proprietors Insisted on their view and they alone
acted on such propositions. It appears from WiUiams'
own writings ^° that the smaUer freeholders came to
Providence with no clear understanding of their relations
to the first Proprietors. The " Initial deed " created no
definite trust. Instead of such legal obUgation, there
was in WiUiams' mind a moral duty — an Inference. In
the absence of coercive judicial power, this was " the
weak point of all WilUams' machinery."
The first organization of our Plantation in Providence
— a voluntary association or " town fellowship," without
coercive force — was ill adapted for the political regula
tion of a community, in which there were many discon
tented people. The small freeholders were hazy about
rights in pubUc property and they fed their goats and
swine on the common; taking thence, timber, firewood
and other supplies. " Common " in Providence was not
in the legal sense an " incorporeal right " of pasturage
or other profit on land of another or of the town, but it
meant unenclosed or nonimproved land claimed by the
Proprietors. There was a process of development going on step by
step, as was indicated In the twenty-five- acre agreement of
1645. Then the pressure of Massachusetts and the fear
of intervention on the part of England, warned both
proprietors and freeholders that mutual concession must
be made. Whatever the technical proprietary right
might be, the sensible forecasting American saw that
a monopoly could not avail, when the whole Institution of
property was supported only by voluntary association.
The disputes tended toward settlement, by the creation
of new classes of citizens, who, though they might be
lower in property qualification, could vote if respectable.
10 Cf. Mr. Dorr.

80 The Colony and the Town of Providence
By 1649, there were oxen enough In use to compel the
dweUers on Towne Streete to make a good highway before
each estate. In the autumn of 1654 there was a tumult
occasioned by a voluntary training. The record says
Thomas Olney, John Field, William Harris and others
were implicated. In the names reported, we see the pro
prietary party, striving for order according to their
own notion. Those remonstrating against their action
sent a paper to the town asserting " that it was blood-
guiltiness and against the rule of the gospel, to execute
judgment upon transgressors against the private or pub
lic weal." This not only rebuked a particular executive
act, but would have upset the authority of all civil
society. These aberrations of his followers drew from
Williams an expression which the learned and sedate
Arnold well defines to be a " masterly " analysis of the
limits of civil and religious freedom. It shows moreover
that though executive facility might be lacking in Wil
liams, the preacher and prophet yielded In him, to the
greater powers of the civilized man.
^^ This admirable statement sufficiently rebukes the
main detractors of Williams. A society based on these
divine principles, could never go far astray though it
might Indulge individual aberrations. A generation
later. Cotton Mather busied himself In slurring Rhode
Island for its many social defects. He wrote like one
blind, who had never seen the light.
Reinforced by this moral support of Williams, the
party In power — the proprietors — forebore wisely and con
doned the civic offense. It was voted, " that for the
Colony's sake, who have since chosen Thomas Olney an
assistant, and for the public union and peace's sake, it
(the tumult and disturbance) should be passed by, and no
11 Ante, p. 9. ,

1666] Actual Living 81
more mentioned." ^^ Thus, the temperance and com
promise of true politics worked itself out, among these
hardy exponents of the human will.
The effect of such disputes on practical politics and
daily Uving was shown In the matter of Henry Fowler's
marriage. For the greater part of the seventeenth cen
tury, there was so Uttle religious organization that
banns could not be pubUshed before a congregation.^^
Accordingly, notice of this ceremony, so dear to all Anglo-
Saxons, was literaUy civic, and was made to the to-wn
meeting, June 4, 1666. ^* Fowler was warned to the
Court to answer for his marriage without due pubUcation.
He answered that, " the divisions of the town were the
cause," and the town remitted the penalty. Mr. Dorr
considers this a " bold and successful answer."
As bearing on Industries we may observe that Thomas
Olney, Jr., ^^ was granted a house lot in 1655 " by the
Stampers " provided he would " follow tanning." This
lot gave water power which was not all used until sixty
years later in 1705*
There was constant difficulty through sincere effort to
reconcile communistic (in our phrase) desires with pro
prietary rights In the growing settlement. We may well
study the meager records of divisions of land, so far as
we can. We remember ^® that in 1646, twenty-five-acre
or quarter-right purchasers were admitted to " equal
fellowship of vote " with the first purchasers. This class
received In every division of land one-quarter part as
12 Staples, " Annals," p. 113.
13 Marriage was legally a civU contract throughout New England.
Generally the statutes required the banns to be published at two
town meetings.
" Early Rec. Prov., Vol. IL, p. 81.
15 Dorr, "Planting and Growth," p. 50.
16 Cf. Ante, p. 37.

82 The Colony and the Town of Providence
much as a full purchaser. The number of purchasers of
both kinds never exceeded 101 persons. They were ad
mitted at various times on various terms ; the date of the
last admission cannot be determined. March 14, 1661-2,
an act "¦ was passed to divide the lands " without the
seaven mile line." In this outside division the " twenty-
five-acre men " were allowed each " a quarter part so
much as a purchaser," paying one-quarter of the charge
for confirmation. The right arose from " commoning
within the seven mile bounds," only those having full
right of commoning within, being equal to a purchaser.
The grant was allowed on condition that each should
break up one-half acre of " his home lot before next May
12 mos."
The communistic sentiment noted in the original
allotment, was manifest in various movements for demo
cratic equality. The home-lot of five acres, the distant
meadow or six-acre lot, the " stated common lot," to
gether with land-dividends among the proprietors, all
resulted In numerous small estates, widely separated.
Economically, the yield was not equal to that of the
Pawtuxet settlement, where the methods were more like
those of ordinary pioneers. Pawtuxet for the first eighty
years, paid nearly as much tax as the much larger Provi
dence. And the effect on the future development of the
plantation was more important and far reaching. While
the elaborate system of home-lots created strong local
attachment it cultivated prejudice as well. All the limi-
I tatlons of farming life, extended Into, warped and
biassed a community, which should have grown Into a
commercial center two generations before It actually did.
The proprietors clung to every habit and privilege,
driving the settlement outward and westward, as the
""Early Rec Prov.," VoL III., 19.

1656] Life More Social than ReUgious 83
expanding commercial life compelled progress of some
sort. Let us remember that, then nowhere in the world per
haps were the two greatest motives affecting human
society at work so freely and practically as in the little
colony and especially in the plantation at Providence.
Freedom of conscience and desire for land animated the
settlers there, and often struggled for mastery. The
individual sacrifices of WilUams, Gorton and the Quakers
for soul-liberty are well known.
ReUgious organization among the planters at Provi
dence had little influence until commerce had fairly begun
in the eighteenth century. Politically the associated
religionists acted in the town meeting as proprietors or
freeholders. There was nothing like the direct influence
of a Puritan congregation, or Its indirect movement.
In what we call pubUc opinion. About twelve families
sympathized with Williams in forming the early Baptist
society, but the majority refrained from all religious asso
ciation. William Harris, after WiUiams the most in
fluential citizen, belonged to no reUgious body after
seceding from the Baptists. WilUams kept on with the
Baptists only about three months, and was known as a
" Seeker." Mr. Dorr, a conservative churchman, severely
criticised all these movements, but, we must consider his
facts. ^* He said the worshipers of Liberty had some
noisy declaimers like Hugh Bewett, and some political
agitators like Gregory Dexter who were revolutionary in
England. There were two Baptist churches In Pro-vl-
dence as early as 1652;^^ one of the six and the other
of the five principle Baptists. The First Church kept its
continuous life. It differed from the communion in New-
18 " R. I. H. S.," New Series, Vol. HI., 304.
19 Staples, " Annals," p. 410.

84 The Colony and the Town of Providence
port. July 10, 1681, the record ^^ Is preserved of a long
disputation based on scriptural texts between Pardon
TUlinghast, Gregory Dexter and Aaron Dexter of
Providence and Obadiah Holmes of Newport. Providence
contended, whether " repenting believing Baptized Dis
ciples are visible members of Christ's body and have right
to Fellowship breaking of bread and prayer, we deny
according to our understanding of your sense."
Political force as embodied in citizens, is necessarily
wiser and more enlightened than the mere grasp of a land
holder. It was obliged to recognize that man as well as
property must join in making a state, and that actual
freemen must be encouraged. At an early (unknown)
date, the suffrage had been restricted to married men.
The young men — ^probably then In the majority — ^were
discontented under the restriction for nine years. In the
fifties it was decreed that " all inhabitants not as yet
accounted freemen should be Uable to do service not only
military but mending roads and like hard work." In the
mid-century, the plantation had three distinct classes of
voters not sympathizing,^^ proprietors, quarter-rights
men, and small freeholders at large. These divisions not
only marked estates, but social distinction and privilege
as well. The newest freeholders were smallest in estate
and least in political influence. Meetings sometimes in
cluded proprietors in the same persons. In later days,
only proprietors could vote on questions involving " com
mon lands."
Inevitably there was political agitation and social
friction between these varied and variable persons seeking
liberty and the practical privileges of freemen. Each
home-circle was a debating school where talk served Instead
20 Moses Brown MSS., Vol. XVIII, p. 347, R. L H. S.
21 staples, p. 318.

1666] How PoUtlcs Were Made 85
of bookf to draw out the mind. As an ample fire roared
in the massive chimney, or a blazing pine knot lighted the
eager faces, all contemporary history, aU theology in
fixed fate or foreknowledge absolute, was discussed by
these new Americans. But at the town mill these
educated wranglers met In more serious controversy. The
Intense English ambition for possessing land, the political
passion of a freeman, were here exercised in exciting dis
cussions. Sometimes opinion degenerated Into license,
as we have noted at the training In autumn 1654. But
generally questions were threshed out in these whole
some If exciting discussions, and were decided In some
fashion at the turbulent town meeting.
Manners as well as morals and statutes were matter
of Uvely interest. The natural man was disciplined in
some way, and reduced into new forms of social order.
To wit " that they that whisper or disturb ye Court or
useth nipping terms, shall forfeit six pence for every
fault." More strenuous was it, when if " any man shall
strike another person In ye Court, he shaU either be fined
ten pounds or whipt."
We cannot repeat too often, nor mark too forcibly,
these new and complex modes for educating and evolving
a citizen ; for forging out a working member of the body
poUtic. All these moral and political influences acting
on the first generations of planters, positively affected
their descendants. State heredity Is even more powerful
than individual descent. Roger WilUams, Gorton,
George Fox, Coddington and WilUam Harris in the
seventeenth century. Issued In Stephen Hopkins of the
eighteenth, and Thomas W. Dorr, of the nineteenth. The
latter, a conscientious patriot in theory, In practice be
came a civic rebel.
The pregnant disputes between proprietors and free-

86 The Colony and the Town of Providence
holders were gradually wearing out and a final »process
of economic adjustment prevailed over the crude com
munistic theories, which had vexed the Ufe of the early
plantation. The date Is not positive, but about 1666. ^^
A town ordinance laid out a four-mile line within the old
seven-mile line. A second or " 60 acre division was made
by lot to every ' purchaser.' " Lime rock was to be left
In common. As usual, discussion outside had prepared
the voters for these propositions. The result in town
meeting was concord and not the strife of old time. The
day arrived, with no lack of quorum at the Inn, where
the freemen assembled; while intense curiosity preserved
order. Before formaUties began " arose the gaunt and
picturesque figure of the founder." Williams' stock argu
ments against the " usurpation of the proprietors "
would not hold now, for he was partaking as a " pur
chaser." He " witnessed " against the " prophaning of
God's worship by casting lots." The stalwart prophet had
nothing more to say of " up streams without limits " or of
the " fellowship of vote."
We may note a very interesting episode In crude law
making. May 27, 1667,^* In town meeting a will was
made for Nicholas Power, who died intestate some ten
years earlier. Endeavors had been made meanwhile to
settle the estate under the general laws of the colony ; but
the widow would not consent and the council had not
power to compel her. At last a will was made as above
stated. As Judge Staples ^* remarks, where the power
was obtained, does not appear, but It was exercised
repeatedly, not only in Providence, but in other towns,
22 "Early Rec," Vol. HI., 93.
23 « Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. I., 31.
2* " Annals," p. 134.

1667] The Town Makes WIUs 87
" Wills so made were not simply divisions and distribu
tion of the intestates' estate among heirs, but in some
instances specific bequests and devises were made, and
estates for Ufe, In tail and fee created, as the council
supposed the interests of all concemed required." This
practice continued into the nineteenth century in the
smaller towns. It was a return to social ethics, when
the law for Individuals failed to award justice. It served
the time well, and was almost never abused.
Staples ^^ cites In 1662 a privilege given one Hackleton
to bum lime, from stone taken from the commons, as the
earUest notice of that manufacture. The kiln was near
Scoakequanolsett. AU lime ro|ck was for some years
kept in common, but was ultimately conveyed with the
lands. Mr. Bowdltch thinks lime from shells or probably
from stone was made as early as 1648. There was little
lime produced until brick building was Introduced a half
century later. Probably the earliest list of tools belonged
to John Clausen, a Dutch carpenter, about 1660.^®
Froe, bench hook hammer, 1^ x 1 Inch augers, narrow axe,
haUowing plane, cleaving and moulding do, three other
sorts, chlzells, gouge, three Brest wimble bitts, a joynter
plane. This list shows the condition of carpentry. Wm.
Carpenter, an English-bred carpenter, came from Ames-
bury and built a house for Wm. Harris before 1671
(probably) .
The authority of the crown was demonstrated for the
first time, by the visit in 1665 of a royal commission —
NicoUs, Cartwright and others. The commissioners met
a better reception than in Massachusetts, and their pro
posals for the general guidance of the General Assembly
25 staples, " Annals," p. 613.
26 Field, " Providence," Vol. III., 583.

88 The Colony and the Town of Providence
were promptly accepted, as being "In perfect unison with
the principles of Rhode Island." ^'^
Much controversy with Connecticut for possession of
the Niarragansett country, vexed the colony for several
years. Connecticut was favored by some of the local
residents about Wickford and incidentally by William
Harris. He offended his own colony so much by this
action that he was imprisoned at Newport and not al
lowed bail. He was finally released and restored to office,
when the Quakers controUed the poUtics of the colony
in 1672.
An indication and permanent sign of progress in the
plantation was in the erection of Weybosset Bridge in
1672. This was a great effort for the little community.
Expedients for a bridge had been maintained by toUs
from strangers and contributory work from townsmen;
one day's work of man and team per year, for each family.
Roger WiUiams showed his customary public spirit, ^®
by assuming the burden of the bridge under these con
ditions in 1667-8. A committee had previously failed In
getting support to care for the bridge.
After Williams and Gorton, the most positive and
formative influence In early Rhode Island, was the society
of Friends. The " cruel and sanguinary laws " of Massa
chusetts drove out these pilgrims — harmless In our view
— and they flocked into Newport. Here they found a
free atmosphere and many people with minds open for the
reception of their Ideas. In England, the seventeenth
century had gathered from Geneva and Holland the most
Illuminating as well as the most vague doctrines of the
Protestant faith. Anabaptist and Antinomlan — though
frequently used — were vituperative names, rather than
27 Brigham, " R. L," p. 113.
28 Staples, " Annals," p. 144.

1672] Quaker Influence 89
terms philosophical and descriptive. In England and
America, these floating doctrines were best represented
by the society of Seekers with which Roger WilUams
finaUy associated himself. But WilUams never could
formulate his own large conceptions into dogmas capable
of founding solid societies.
These elevated incorporeal Ideas possessing the In
dividual soul were gradually concentrated in the " Inner
Ught" of George Fox. This asserted a constant com
munion of the spirit with Its creator — moving Independ
ent of all constraint and of all ecclesiastical control.
That mere crotchets should incumber these true spiritual
conceptions was Inevitable. But notwithstanding some
Individual vagaries, the Friends or Quakers as then
caUed were an immense Influence for good, and especially
in our colony. As above Indicated in treating of educa
tion,^* the Friends self -regulated in themselves were
especiaUy beneficent in a self-governed community that
lacked self-control.
At Newport, the seed sown by Anne Hutchinson had
prepared ample growths for the Quaker propaganda.
In the course of development the Baptist church had been
separated, a part holding to regular ordinances under
John Clarke, and others Uke Coddington and Easton
adopting Quaker tenets. The great apostle of the
" inner Ught," George Fox, visited there In 1672, and
was the guest of Govemor Easton. For the reasons
stated, he found himself quite at home and the " people
flocked in from all parts of the island." When he came
to consider Providence, though It had no estabUshed
church and no hierarchy, he soon discovered theological
wheels within wheels, and that every man his own priest
may become a very priestly factor. On his visit there
29 Ante, p. 68.

90 The Colony and the Town of Providence
the reformer said the people " were generally above the
priests in high notions." They came to his meeting to
dispute and, in his own words, he was " exceeding hot, and
in a great sweat. But all was well, the disputers were
sUent, and the meeting, quiet." ^° The silence could not
last long, for the storm was gathering. Williams chal
lenged Fox on fourteen points of doctrine; seven to be
publicly discussed in Newport and seven in Providence.
Williams rowed himself to Newport in one day — a won
derful feat for a man over seventy. Fox had departed,
but his followers debated with Williams for three days
and then concluded at Pro-vldence. The result was an
easy victory for each, in the opinion of both. WilUams
summed up in a volume, whose title " George Fox digged
out of his Burrowes " shows the cheap controversial wit
of the time. Fox with his disciple Bumyeat replied in
" A New England Firebrand Quenched."
The arguments and figures of rhetoric stand to this
day, but the propaganda then went with the Quakers.
Men like William Harris in Providence took up the doc
trines. A week-day meeting was estabUshed In Provi
dence In March, 1701, and a " fair large meeting house
was built in 1704." ^i From 1672 to 1676, the colonial
politics were controlled by the Friends, and it was mainly
due to their non-combative policy that the colony was so
poorly prepared to meet King Philip's War.
In 1665, the controversy began in 1667, *^ between
William Harris and the party of freeholders was much
aggravated, and it lasted until his death In 1681, at
times convulsing the whole colony.*^ As has been noted,**
so Brigham, " R. I.," p. 117.
31 Staples, " Annals," pp. 423, 424.
32 Staples, "Annals," p. 118.
33 Brigham, pp. 113-116.
3* Ante, p. 79.

1667] Characteristics of Wm. Harris 91
the Proprietors and Freeholders were generally at vari
ance, but these contests Involved great personal bitterness
as well as self-interest.
William Harris with his brother Thomas came in the
ship Lyon. According to tradition, the famUy were
"harsh and irregular of feature, brawny, resentful and
pertinacious in temperament, and,^ in speech rasping."
Harris' own writing Is preserved; It is most Individual,
thoroughly his own and is even more difficult of Interpre
tation than the ordinary chirography of the seventeenth
century. It is thoroughly elegant, as would hardly be ex
pected from the above rendering of the family traits.*^
Like many strong men of his time, he was educated by
affairs and not by the schools, had great facility in busi
ness and a fair knowledge of EngUsh statute law. His
books *® were few but useful ; bibles, concordance, diction
ary, surveyors learning and legal treatises including Coke
on Lyttleton, medical treatises, several on " faith,"
" nature's Explecation," " the effect of war," " contem
plation moral and devine." Evidently this was a collec
tion much used by a busy man of affairs who thought for
himself. The main contention of Harris was that the " Initial
deed " in its clause " up the stream of Patuxet and
Patuckett without limits we might have for our use of
cattle " gave not only a right of pasturage, but the
land In fee simple. To further this the contestants
bought " confirmation deeds " both for lands and rights
of pasturage of the degenerate sachems coming after
35 " He brought to whatever he undertook the resources of a
great mind and, to all appearance, the honest convictions of an
earnest soul. On this account he was a more dangerous opponent
and required stringent measures to suppress the errors of his political
creed."- Arnold, Vol. I., 363.
38 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VL, p. 75.

92 The Colony and the Town of Providence
Canonicus and Miantinomi, extending twenty miles
westward from Fox's hill. Roger Williams always
solemnly protested that possession of the land was never
Intended by the great sachems In the conveyance for the
"use of cattle." This seems reasonable either in the
seventeenth or twentieth century.
In 1667, the quarrel broke out anew in the town meet
ing, the factions being led by William Harris and Arthur
Fenner. The two parties chose contesting delegates to
the General Assembly. If our forefathers had not report
ers and newspapers, they revelled in pamphlets, fiercely
polemical. The Fenner party Issued a most bitter one,
" The Firebrand Discovered." ^"^ This fiery distinction
was a customary title, eminent, but not honorary conferred
on William Harris. As this contestant was strong in law
as well as In language, he Induced the Govemor to call
37 We may cite a few sentences from this dissertation, written
by Williams doubtless, for they correspond with his statements in
" George Fox digged out of his burrowes." These phrases show
the way of thinking and method of expression among neighbors in
the Plantation, "fflrst his nature, he is like the salamander always
delighting to live in ye fire of contention. 2, his nature qualities and
conditions doth further appeare, he is a Quarilsome man (beat Adam
Goodwin, an officer). 3, he is like the raging sea casting forth mire
and dirt. Men of high degree or lowe degree; he casth on them
foole, knave, base fellowe, scounderiU or the like. 6, you question
with ahasuerus who is he, we answer with Queen Esther, the enemie
(Esther, VII., 5-6). The firebrand is this wicked Harris, commonly
called Mr. WiUiam Harris."— R. I. H. S. Col., VoL 10, p. 78.
In this Pawtuxet controversy involving Proprietors' interests, a
whole literature was developed. In 1669 Harris took part by pro
testing against a paper presented by Gregory Dexter " an instru
ment and a soveren plaister or against our Rights in lands, lawes,
ye Common law, statut law of England, and our rights in Magna
Charta soe soundly confirmed by 32 parliaments. ... I not
only take myself bound to protest against ye said poysonous plas
ter but also to complayne of Gregory Dexter for his notoryous
crime against ye King's law and peace."—" Mr. Harris."— J6id!, pp.
93, 94.

%f^d

""^kji^ ^trtci *"f}t^ii^ cUl^ )^ <hc2i -f-o
/f^ ^Vciy)--t'aycOf t-o r}cAy 044^ -A>*

K

Copy or THE Record Signed by Roger Williams
IN His Only Service as Town Clerk.
1669] Warwick's " Impertinent File " 93
a special session of the General Assembly, which was
the court also, and lodged a suit against his opposers.
But the legislative and judicial petard gave him a sorry
" hoist " ; for the tribunal chose Fenner's delegates from
Providence, cleared the charges against him, and dis
charged Harris from the office of assistant. In addition,
on petition of the town of Warwick, the assembly fined
Harris £50. for imposing an extra session on the colony
In the busy season of the year. Harris was chief of the
committee to collect from the colony the tax to pay John
Clarke's expenses in England, while procuring the char
ter, and had made himself especiaUy obnoxious to War
wick. The to-(vn of Warwick was particularly deUnquent In
this affair; one of the most discreditable episodes in our
colonial history.^® Doctor John Clarke's expenses in
England, while procuring the royal charter, the secured
foundation of the colony, had been slowly paid and never
were fuUy Uquidated. Yet no one deserved more from the
planters than this esterprlslng, wise and forecasting
statesman. Roger Williams berated Providence that,
they " ride securely by a new Cable and Ankor of Mr.
Clarke's procuring" and refused his first just claims. He
wrote Warwick a letter, powerful and befitting in our
view, ^^ but " pemltlous " In the view of the town, who
protested against it unanimously. Warwick had some
reasons for objecting to its proportion of the tax. But
these reasons did not prevail with the General Assembly,
which ordered a letter " to provoke and stirr them up to
pay." This caused some noteworthy proceedings —
curious even for Rhode Island. Warwick considered a
letter from the committee on tax in 1669 " as If it had
88 Durfee, " Judicial History R. I.," p. 124.
39 " R. I. H. S. Pub.," Vol. VIII., 147.

94 The Colony and the Town of Providence
been Indicted in hell." Unanimously the town ordered
the " Clarke to put It on a file where Impertinent papers
shall be kept for the future ; to the end that those persons
who have not learned in the school of good manners how
to speak to men In the language of sobriety (if they be
sought for) may be there found." *° This sublime cour
tesy from a debtor who was arraigned " out of hell "
might have graced a Chesterfield. This " impertinent
file " became a customary parliamentary instrument. That
it was lost, is a misfortune ; for its peremptory and excel
lent system of classification might have enlightened these
modem times. In another connection this remarkable
instrument appears as " the dam-file."
The disputes of Warwick with the colony were con
tingent to the constant controversy of Wm. Harris
against Williams and his associates. Harris availed of
every circumstance to push his own polemics. Now in
1672, he became the ally of Connecticut ^^ in her attempts
to get possession of the Narragansett country. The
planters there inclined toward the movement of Connecti
cut. The govemment of the colony was changed on this
issue, the moderate Quakers joining with the Narragan
sett planters who favored Connecticut; Easton becoming
Govemor in place of Arnold. But subsequently the
people checked this unwise movement, and repeUed the
action of Connecticut. Harris was styled " traitor " and
Imprisoned by his opponents, after the controversial
methods of the time; but he hardly committed overt
treason. These transactions in town and assembly meet
ings seem very petty now. We are to remember that,
not only was the citizen uneducated in the modern politi
cal sense, but he had much to unlearn that had been
<o Arnold, I., 336n.
41 Brigham, p. 131.

1672] No TippUng on the Sabbath 95
forced into him by feudal usurpation and ecclesiastical
oppression. The democrat was coming to his own
through all sorts of vagaries. The process was petty
and defaced the body politic on many occasions, but it
formed a practical working democracy.
We should notice the social function of the colonial
tavern, everywhere necessary and nowhere more impor
tant than in the Uttle community at Providence. The
intense individuality of the planter must have some social
vent and opportunity for expression. The modem club,
caucus and festive church meeting were anticipated
mostly In the taverns of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries. The first inn In the colony was licensed to William
Biaulston at Portsmouth in 1638.*^ In March, 1655-6,
the colony passed an ordinance, closing bars at nine
o'clock. But the Assembly probably found that taverns
were better regulated by local authority, for in 1686
all laws relating to excise on liquors, keeping taverns
and selling arms to Indians were repealed.
Gatherings at the town mill and later at the better
taverns afforded a constant round of discussion and gave
play to social excitement. A very curious sideUght is
thrown on Providence society by a town ordinance in
1679. The religious excommunication of Rhode Island
imposed by the other colonies of New England was so
severe that the planters were often impelled to impose
ordinance and law to maintain public decorum. Others
thought so ill of our colonists it was necessary to show
that they thought well of themselves. This act enjoined
employment of servants for labor on the first day of the
week; all sporting, gaming or shooting was likewise for
bidden — simple and proper, civic regulation. But for
42 Arnold, Vol. I., p. 139.

96 The Colony and the Town of Providence
taverns all tippling was suppressed on the Sabbath
"more than necessity requlreth." We may readily
Imagine that a fierce discussion on proprietary rights
or an evolution of Calvin's institutes might produce a
stomach ache requiring necessary flip or toddy.
The acrimony of the town meeting was Ughted up by
an occasional joke. Regulating the Common lands was
a constant annoyance. Pigs especially disturbed the
over-burdened administration. In debating an ordinance
to fence them out, Wm. Harris said, " I hope you may goe
looke as Scogglne did for ye haare."*^ Scogan's Jest
Book was one of the most popular chap-books in the six
teenth and seventeenth centuries.
The regulation of traffic In liquors was a constant
source of trouble. An act July 3, 1663,** declared
some sellers to be so " wicked and notorious as to
deserve to be Branded with the name of Jaackes
Cleansers." Circumstantial evidence and the testimony
of Indians have always troubled jurists. In these cases
the planters made one positive good out of two possible
evils. For it was provided at this time that the testi
mony of " an Indian, circumstances agreeing with such
testimony " should convict under the ordinance of 1669.
In 1676 and the year following, Rhode Island was
shaken to its foundations and the plantation of Moshas
suck at Providence was destroyed for the time. The con
centrated Indian uprising known as King Philip's war,
greatly injured Massachusetts and Rhode Island, while
It ruined the native Indians. There were grievances on
both sides, as always when barbarism encounters civiliza
tion. Philip and Canonchet in no wise equaUed old Can
onicus, one of the greatest North American aborigines.
43 « R. I. H. S. Col.," Vol. X., p. 75.
« " Early Rec Prov.," Vol. III., p. 38.

1676] King Philip's War 97
We shall never know what might have occurred in the
thirties, had the Indians resisted the EngUsh outright;
but in the seventies to hurl savages against the solid
growth of EngUsh civiUzation as Philip did, was simple
madness. These desperate contests have been amply re
corded and we may only refer to the voluminous history.
Ellis and Morris ** have shown that the slaughter of the
Narragansetts at the swamp fight was not as complete
as was formerly Imagined ; but the impairment of the na
tion caused by the whole war was thorough. Scanty
remnan-ts finally settled in Charlestown, leaving the rich
territory of aboriginal thousands. The mainland, about
and through which the Indians lived, was a very theater
of war. The power of govemment and administration
of affairs was on the island controlled by the Quakers,
and it was five times as wealthy as the other plantations.
Whatever place — and it should be a very worthy place —
we may assign the Quakers, in the building of individual
character and in religious development, their function
and their doings in poUtical govemment have brought
failure, wherever their principles have been enforced. Ac
cording to Richard Smith, a prominent settler In Narra
gansett, " the Govemor of Rhode Island being a Quaker,
thought It perhaps not lawful either to give commission
or to take up arms ; so that their towns, goods, com, cat
tle were by the savage natives burned and destroyed." *®
Govemor Coddington was old and the ruUng citizens
comfortable, quite willing to rest and be thankful. Mod
erate garrisons would have saved Providence, Warwick
and outlying Narragansett, but the mainland was left to
sorry fate.*'' Narragansett and Pawtuxet were cleared;
45 King Philip's War.
46 "R. I. C. R.," Vol. III., p. 51.
47 Brigham, pp. 125-139.

98 The Colony and the Town of Providence
Warwick kept one house, while Providence had not above
three.*® The wretched and monotonous litigation over proprie
tary rights and disputing plantations was not lessened
by conflicting titles, left by the devastation of fire.
Wrangling disputes over rights to the land continued to
vex the community for some ten years.
" Whatever may have been their motive In deserting
the mainland towns — whether It was political enmity,
Quaker antipathy against war in general, or a selfish
desire to preserve their homes — such action did much to
foster an alienation between the mainland and the Island
which hindered a united colony growth for many
years." *^ In 1676 died John Clarke, scholar, physician,
minister and statesman; above all a pure patriot. Al
ways in public affairs, his " blameless self-sacrificing life "
left him without an enemy, although In these times strife
everywhere prevailed.
Woman, the true helpmate of those days, was not in
the best position when she was " unattached." The
maiden, the unmarried female or spinster, was not in the
best circumstances when she did not spin at her own
wheel. The wiUs show many curious arrangements, where
the maidens were controlled by a rigid family discipline.
48 Rates assessed in 1678 show the relative conditions of the towns.
Newport £136, Plymouth £68, New Shoreham and Jamestown
each £39, Providence £10, Warwick and Kingston each £8, East
Greenwich and Westerly each £3.
A flotilla of sloops and boats was employed by the General As
sembly to sail around the Island and defend it. "This is the first
instance in the history of the Colonies where a, naval armament was
relied upon for defence. It was the germ of a future Rhode Island
squadron, one century later, and of an ultimate American navy." —
Arnold, Vol. I., p. 409.
49 Brigham, p. 137.

1680] Independent, but not Free, Spinsters 99
Zachary Roades, In ie62,5f(\able to give his daughters
handsome legacies for XT ^ time, bound the wiU of the
spinsters in summary fpT"^!. To his eldest daughter
Elizabeth he gave £80 s.y^i years, or at marriage. To
Mary and Rebecca £60 each on same conditions. But,
if either " shall Marry or match themselves with any Con
trary to ye Mind of their mother or of my two overseers
(executors), then it shaU be in their Mother's what to
give them, whether any thing or No." Independent but
not free spinsters ; if concord followed there must have
been some forbearance among those many wills.
Sometimes consent of parents was advertised In the
notice of banns. Feb. 1, 1680,^^ It comes from another
colony, " I, John Wooddin of beverly in the covnty of
essexe In New England doe not see now anything but
that lawrence cllnton and my daughter may proceed in
the honorable state of matrimony," cited from the " sec
ond publishing."
The hardest municipal task — beyond early theological
differences or proprietors' disputes for lands — was in the
control of sexual ImmoraUty. Persons offending in one
town were handed over to the next en route. June 17,
1682,^^ Ephraim Prey and EUzab'eth Hoyden of Bralntree
were caught in flagrante delictu. The father of the girl
agreed to remove her with Prey to his home in Bralntree
by June 22, at sunset, or both culprits would have been
delivered to the next constable (at Rehoboth) " to be
Conveid to their dwellings."
In some cases, proceedings were very dilatory. Rich
ard Bates ^^ appears April 25, 1683, having " a woman
60 « Early Records Prov.," Vol. IV., p. 80.
St Ibid., Vol. VL, p. 37.
s^Ibid., p. 43.
53 Ibid., pp. 100, 107, 113.

100 The Colony and the ToVn of Providence
abldeing with you " and both weire ordered off July 26.
With his " pretended wife " he/vas questioned for con
tempt and obtained a stay i/te'pu-utlon until Oct. 21. In
December he was granted iurtjajir courtesy until March
31. We can only suppose- that the facts were not posi
tively as bad as the judgments specify. Meanwhile the
offenders must have gained some kind of better recogni
tion from the neighbors, or this lax procedure would not
have been allowed.
Mary Bellowes having come into town with a young
child and " no bond for town's security," was ordered
off in four weeks. This sentence was afterward extended
about 8 months, July 12, 1683. AbigaU Sibley, ^* with
her child, was ordered off. Thomas Cooper published his
Intention of marriage with Abigail, which was forbidden,
because he had "manifested himself a person infamous
In that he hath forsaken a sober woman, who is his wife."
Mistress Abigail, with her child, appears again, Dec. 13,
" entertained by Thomas Cooper." Her time of removal
was extended to the first Monday in March, " not to live
with Thomas Cooper" meanwhile.
Mr. Dorr notes the increase of creature comforts after
King Philip's War. Kitchen utensils and other improve
ments in the household showed more abundance. Frying
pans, gridirons, spits and skillets manifested the departure
from the boiling pot, and to some housewives these utensils
appeared to be extravagant. Abigail Dexter, adminis
tratrix, valued in 1679, " a frying pan, a skillet and other
trumpery," at 10s.
There were few candles to bum, some of them being
made of bayberry tallow. In 1681 the town-meeting for
bade making tar from pitchwood beyond ten gallons per
man for his own use on his own land. Pitchwood was " a
54 "Early Records Prov.," Vol. IV., pp. 109, 114.

1681] Frying Pans and Pitchwood Light 101
great benefit for candle light." As naval stores were
then greatly desiderated In all countries, this shows how
little the agriculturists appreciated the commercial possi
bilities of their o-wn land.
Tobacco was generally raised by the farmers and ap
peared upon the inventories in small quantities. Mostly
for domestic use, in some instances it was gathered for
export. Ephraim Carpenter, probably a small shop
keeper, had In 1698, 313 lbs. at 3d. £3.18.3. In " cotten
wooU," which was always coming from the West Indies,
he had a value of 3s. 6d. Flax was grown as table linen
became a necessary comfort. Linen-wheels for spinning
were common.
Mr. Dorr notes that long after King Philip's War there
were meetings of the town held under the buttonwood tree
opposite Crawford Street.'^
We may note rates of taxation and prices of com
modities. In 1663, ^® £36 was levied toward the expenses
of John Clarke, while procuring the charter in England.
Pork was received at 28s. per cwt. ; wheat at 4s. 6 per
bu. ; peas at 3s.6 ; butter at 6d per lb. In 1664, ^^ the
rate was £130, levied according to the apportionment of
the General Assembly. Wheat and peas were unchanged
and pork was at £3.10 per bbl. Horses and cattle were
received at prices equivalent.
In 1678-9 ^® for a rate of £20, the prices were for oxen
£4 ; cows and 3 yrs. old, £3 ; horses and mares, 4 yrs. old,
£3; swine, 16s. ; sheep above 1 yr., 4s. Improved planting
land was at £3 per acre and vacant land not Improved
3s. per acre. Mr. Richman ®® records the positive fall in
55 "Planting and Growth," p. 94.
56 « Early Records Prov.," Vol. III., p. 91.
57 Ibid, p. 58.
58 Ibid., VoL VIIL, p. 41.
59 " R. I.— Its Making," p. 537.

102 The Colony and the Town of Providence
prices of food from 1676 to 1686, after the ravages of
King Philip's War had passed away. Good pork was at
£2.10 per bbl. ; good beef, 12s. per cwt. ; peas, always a
staple, 2s. 6. per bu. ; wool, 12d. to 6d. ; butter, 6d. to 6d.
The abundance of other articles shows agricultural in
crease, and the relatively small decline in butter Indicates
a demand produced by more comfortable living.
Sept. 1, 1867, ^° the rate was £33.9.6. Silas and Ben
jamin Carpenter jointly paying £1.3 and Stephen Arnold
£1.1.10, the highest indmdual taxes. Oct. 31, 1687, for
another rate of £16.12.2. Indian com was taken at 2s.
per bu. ; rye, 2s. 8 ; beef at three halfpence per pound ;
pork, 2d. ; butter, 6d. For the rate of £37.12.3 in Au
gust, 1688, ®^ apparently they had rated more persons or
had increased the portions of the majority, for Silas and
Benjamin Carpenter stand at 16s. 9 and Stephen Arnold
at 17s. 6; these magnates being reduced.
The disputes about land titles between Providence and
Pawtuxet ®^ complicated the struggles of Proprietors and
Freeholders, besides creating every possible difference
among the direct contestants. Suit and cross suit, writ
of ejectment with timid ineffective service, embarrassed
these times and convulsed the community. The vigorous
William Harris generally got his verdict, but failed in
obtaining practical execution from the feeble adminis
trators of law. This shows that public sentiment leaned
against him.
We ought to look into the " Plea of the Patuxet Pur
chasers," before the King's Commissioners, Nov. 17,
1677. *^ This whole document iUustrates the curious
60 " E. R. Prov.," Vol. XVII., p. 103.
ei/6iU, p. 12.
62 Arnold, Vol. I., p. 432-438.
63 « R. I. H. S. Pub.," Vol. I., 185 et seq.

1681] Captivity of Harris 103
compound of English law and judaic interpretation which
prevailed in the mind of New England ..." The
said discomposed Soules that so Object, do not believe
such a bound. If any, my Charity toward them, as to
their Actions or wisdom not being so simple in doing as
Saying." The essential argument is given In summing
up. " That the words (might have for our use of cat
tle) doth give a property In a sound sense by words of
Scripture '36 of Numbers and 3d verse, ' And the City's
shall they (have) to dwell in and the suburbs of them
shaU be for their Cattle.' Verse 3d." «* This was the
outcome of the simple privilege " up streams for cattle "
given by Canonicus to Roger Williams.
But in this fishing upstream for land, both parties
went into muddy waters according to Mr. Richman. By
" erratic and erring process in the field " seeking " where
is the head of the Wanasquatucket," Roger Williams and
Arthur Fenner in 1678 surpassed William Harris " that
master of tergiversation at his own game." ^^
At Christmas in 1679, Harris, in pursuit of " more
specific execution," went to England for the fourth time.
On his passage he was taken by Algerine corsairs, who
were even more ferocious than the Christians of the six
teenth and seventeenth centuries. In the summer of 1681,
he was ransomed, released and went to London, where he
died in three days from debility Induced by his captivity.
The ransom was mainly paid by the colony of Connecti
cut, for which he was acting abroad in the disputed Nar
ragansett boundary. The ransom was afterward repaid
by his family. In 1680 he wrote, " Deare wife and Chil
dren let us Cast our Care on god without distracting
feare, thouh I should here dy yet god Uves, and I am not
64 « R. L H. S. Pub.," Vol. I., p. 211.
65 "R. I. H. S. Col.," Vol. X., p. 19.

104 The Colony and the Town of Providence
without hope but that I may see you againe, let us pray
fervently and Continually to god that Is able to deliver
and soe I commend you aU to god aU way."®^
Could there be a more pathetic situation? Bad, as
were the greedy claims and angry quarrels of Pawtuxet
and Providence — the barbaric Saracen was worse. And
the fierce individual contestant out of this turbulent
colony, was nevertheless in his heart the gentle Christian
father commending all to his heavenly Father in pure
faith. Mr. Richman ^'^ has studied the Harris and WiUiams
controversy in every detail and probably knows more
about it than any one. He Is severe in his view of Harris.
Let us quote the words of Arnold, whose judgment cannot
be neglected, " Thus perished one of the strong men of
Rhode Island. He filled a large space In the early history
of the Colony, as an active, determined man, resolute In
mind and vigorous In body, deUghtIng in conflict, bold in
his views of the political dogmas of his time, fearless In
his mode of expressing them, striking always firmly, and
often rashly, for what he believed to be the right. His
controversy with Roger Williams was never forgotten,
and scarcely forgiven, by either of these great men, and
presents the darkest blot that rests upon their char
acters." ®^
Mr. Dorr's general view of these differences and con
flicts is just; for the system was more at fault than the
men. Lack of legal knowledge, still greater lack of judi
cial organization and executive power, Inevitable In a
66 " R. I. H. S. Col.," Vol. X., p. 331.
67 Cf. " R. I. H. S. Col.," Vol. X., pp. 11-137, for his study with
original documents.
68 Arnold, Vol. I., p. 437.

1681] Ignorance Made Disputes 106
colony forced by circumstances into irregular existence;
noble motives struggling with ordinary greed and necessity
of living — aU these compelling forces produced the disputes
of Providence Plantation, too often ending in a quarrel. ^®
But let us not dwell on these minor shadows. These In
dividuals were great as a whole, if faulty in detail, and
they wrought even better than they knew. WbUe recog
nizing the smaller defects, let us cherish the grand result.
In the years 1677 and 1678 — contemporary with the
withdrawal of Harris — there occurred the deaths of three
most prominent citizens. Samuel Gorton, '"' one of the
most remarkable " men that ever lived," passed away.
With the -vision of a seer, his mental astuteness, his scrip
tural learning, his deep reverence for estabUshed law,
made of him an extraordinary conserving radical.
Quite unUke was Governor Benedict Arnold, who had
lived at Ne-wport twenty-five years, removing there from
Providence. He was not moved by the arguments of
George Fox and followed John Clarke politically, op
posing the usurpation of Coddington. President of the
colony under the patent, he was named govemor In the
second charter, and was elected by the people seven times.
The confidence of his constituents proves his integrity
and poUtical sagacity. One act alone — his reply to the
Inhuman and arrogant demand of the United Colonies, for
69 Cf. Chief Justice Thomas Durfee, " Judicial History," p. 18.
The influence of Newport in the early history of the State has not
been appreciated. TJie rest of the colony was very heterogeneous,
the home of soul-liberty being the home of rampant individuality.
Ne-wport had " higher civic or communal sentiment, a more educated
public spirit, a profounder political consciousness." The best law
yers, ablest politicians and public men lived there. Sectional, local
" Rhode Island men " broadened out at Newport, as government
went on.
TO Ante, p. 40.

106 The Colony and the Town of Providence
the expulsion of Quakers from Rhode Island, ^^ — would
give him a high, permanent place in history.
Govemor WiUiam Coddington died in office. As he
built the first brick house In Boston, so he laid the founda
tions of Newport on a solid basis, being pioneer in her
commerce. In his course as judge, he probably made
the first code of laws, which lasted for generations, and
without which we may safely assume, Rhode Island never
could have been developed. But In the significant words
of a judicial descendant, " he had In him a little too much
of the future for Massachusetts, and a Uttle too much of
the past for Rhode Island, as she then was." ^^ This ten
dency resulted in the vagary of "Usurpation." He be
came a Friend and in his latter years was again active in
public affairs, in a legitimate way. As we have noted
above,'^^ Rhode Island owes him a great debt.
When Ufe was monotonous and news-prints were un
known the talk of Towne Streete was of constant in
terest. Beyond this, scandal, slander and gossip too often
filled the air and occasionally went on record. August
27, 1684,''^* S. Bennett was obliged to retain John Whip
ple, Jr., an attorney to defend him against the suit of
Bridget Price. In September, Bridget signing with an
X declares that the said Bennett in his own home charged
her with being " a thiefe, a  , and a vagabond." Even
Boston furnished its share to these proceedings, for
Thomas Clarke In " his pewtour's shopp " there, had an al
tercation with one Mary Brattle (not connected with
Brattle Sq. probably) and followed her to Providence,
where he arraigned her through the busy attorney Whip-
71 " R. I. Col. Rec," Vol. I., pp. 376-380.
72 C. J. Job Durfee, " Historical Discourse," p. 16.
''^Ante, p. 64.
74 " E. R. Prov.," XVIL, p. 41.

1683] Marital Proceedings 107
pie, Nov. 24, 1684. ^^ Whipple deposed for Clarke that
in the said shop Mary Brattle demanded the "key of a
house of office." Clarke refused and Mary gave him
"very Taunting speeches." In answer, Clarke said,
"prateing hossey," Then Mary called Clarke " Beg-
gers Bratt, and Cheate, and sayd shee kept a better man
to wipe her shoees." Then the said Clarke bid her get
out, " for yov are prateing hossey, for yov had need to
have had a hundred pounds Bestooed upon you at a
boardeing scoole ; to leam manner and breeding then shee
ye said Brattle called ye sayd Clarke Rouge and soe went
out of ye shopp." The views of Clarke on education in
dicate the standard of culture prevailing among Boston
pewterers. However simple the social proceedings of the planta
tion, man and woman were sometimes unaccommodating
In their vital intercourse. Whatever Margaret Abbott's
faults may have been, her explicit consort Daniel shines
forth in no favorable Ught. Aug. 7, 1683,^® Abbott
records his woes. " Through her Maddness of folly and
Turbulency of her Corrupt will. Destroying me Root
and Branch, putting out one of her owne Eyes to putt
out Both mine. And is since departed takeing away my
Children without my Consent and plots to Rifle my house
to accomplish her Divellsh Resolution against me."
The spirit of peace hovered over another couple even
In temporary estrangement. In this methodical fashion,
they wore no sackcloth, but coming before their towns
people, they laid these substantial foundations for new
marital relations. It Is to be hoped that gay Cupid
smiled on sober Justice, Dec. 29, 1699. '''' Agreement be-
75 " E. R. Prov.," XVIL, p. 53.
76 Ibid, Vol. XVIL, p. 37.
tilbid. Vol. v., p. 9.

108 The Colony and the Town of Providence
tween George Potter of Mashantatuck and Rachel his
wife. She had with his " Consent and In hope of More
peaceable liveing withdrawne herselfe and removed to
Boston for sometime ; and now finding it uncomfortable ''^
so to live and I being desireous to Come together againe,
doe here for her further in Couragement and to prevent
after Strifes and Alienations propose these Artickles.
1. She has given some things to her children. I shall
never abrald her or seek a return to them. 2'^. Our house
and land, if I dye before my wife she shall have It during
widowhood and bearing my name. In case of Marriage,
she shall enjoy 1-3, other 2-3 to my nearest Relations —
at her decease her 1-3 to return. 3'^. I will not SeU or
Mortgage any house or lands. 4'''. I promise to dweU in
all loveing and quiet behavours. All Moveables as Cattell
and household goods vessels or Boates she shall possess
solely at my decease."
The wife on her part appreciated such liberal treat
ment and showed that she was not making a merely
formal or ineffectual contract.
" 6'^. I RacheU Potter if It appear I have disposed of
more than one bed since our departure, said bed shall be
returned." In treatment of the poor, especially those fallen from
a better estate, the finest qualities of the planters stood
out in full relief. The support of the poor caused a sub
stantial portion of every rate assessed. Once within the
town, the poor were well cared for, though the burghers
were constantly struggling against tramps, vagabonds
and persons whom they did not choose to admit as citizens.
78 Mark the delicate variations and subtle suggestion in this re
newed courtship. Both " uncomfortable " and he ready to give
further encouragement. Modern Nevirport might learn some things
of old Providence.

1683] Treatment of the Poor 109
However iUiberal or undesirable this municipal hostility
appears to be now ; then it seemed to be the only mode of
ruling a plantation.
We cannot follow in detail the administration of par
ticular cases, though they are interesting and often
pathetic. A negro, not enslaved, had rights, for Samuel
Reep's servant appealed to the town, Feb. 19, 1672, '^^
Reep having refused to " Receue him or Releaue him for
his presant nessety." John Joanes ®° frequently appears,
decUning into the vale of years, and always as " our An
cient Neighbour." Dec. 24, 1677, repairs were ordered
for his house to make It " comfortable for the winter."
Nov. 24, 1680, the same ancient neighbour is allowed
maintenance according to " his minde and will." The old
gentleman's will could still prevail over the committee, for
he repudiated their arrangement Dec. 15, and asked for
an inventory of his estate. In April the poor " neigh
bour" submitted to the inevitable resigning estate to the
to-wn. House and lot were sold by " Inch of ye Candle,
highest bid, £17.6. May 3, 1684.^^ His Inventory showed
£8.4.1, of which £2.4. was in wearing apparel. Jan. 27,
1682-3, Joseph Smith received a grant of forty feet square
on Towne Streete — as they were constantly being made —
on condition that he lay a row of " steplng's stones along
the fence of John Joanes' lot."
Wm. Harris died In London, but we may cite from his
inventory, January 21, 1681, ^^ some items which are
Interesting from every point of view. He had a story
and a half house, with many bams and cribs well stored
and perhaps the largest estate In the colony, leading a
79 « E. R. Prov., VoL VIII., pp. 23, 88, 89, 123.
no Ibid, Vol. III., p. 337. ,;
nibid. Vol. VL, p. 132.
82 « Early Rec. Prov., Vol. VL, p. 75.

110 The Colony and the Town of Providence
most active and enterprising life. Pewter was the main
article in the outfit of table and kitchen, and his stock was
worth £2. 0. 4., including syringe at Ss. 6d., and a cham
ber pot at Is. 6d. These durable conveniences were com
mon and in this instance coincided in value with a copper
candlestick. This metal was unusual, and the por
ringer — a dish so much used in pewter — stood at Is.
Brass kettles and candlestick £1. 0. 6-, and this metal as
well as iron was used in almost every kitchen; there was
also wooden and earthen ware. We have referred to
Harris' library, which was then far better than that of
the ordinary man of affairs. Fortunately, the list may
be given in detail. 1 Dixonary 6s. ; London Despencet-
torey 8s. ; Chururgion's mate 10s. ; Norwood's Tryangles
6s. ; 1 Bible 2s. 6d. ; 1 Great do 5s. ; 1 Contemplations Mor-
all and devine 2s. 6d. ; Cooke's Commentarey upon little-
ton £1. (this was given to Thomas Olney) ; The Compleat
Concordance Clarke 8s. ; Touchstone of wills 2s. ; "3 bookes
Is. — 1 naturs Explecation ; 1 treatise of faith ; 1 ye effect
of warr ; 5 books 6s. — Gentleman Jockey, Gospel Preacher,
New England Memorial, Method Physic, Introduction
Grammar, Lambath's perambulations, not valued ; Statute
poulton £1. 15. ; Declarations and Pleadings 3s. ; The
Executors Office 2s. ; Exposition law terms 2s. ; layman's
lawyer 2s. ; Saw juryers Is. 6d. ; Justice Restored Is. 6d. ;
Dallon's Country justice 5s. A set of surveying Instru
ments. A collection of books In a community where they were
scarce; it was very strong In law, moderate in theology
and ethics, sufficient in medicine and surgery, useful in
surveying ; altogether the mental nutriment of a powerful
citizen who touched life on all sides.
As Wm. Harris was in the way of the time a statesman,
Thomas Olney, called Senior in distinction, was a poU-

1683] How the Planters Lived 111
tician and manager of men. One of the original thirteen
proprietors with WilUams and Harris, the first treasurer
of the town ; he was often town clerk, when the clerk was
the mainstay of order, and of such propriety as prevailed.
He was very acrimonious in the dispute with George Fox
and the Friends. His disputation mingled politics with
doctrine in a manner worthy of an ecclesiastic. He was
always prominent in the affairs of plantation and colony.
October 9, 1682,®^ his inventory showed the moderate
personal estate of £78. 9. 5., of which only £3. 17. was in
wearing apparel. There was a change in the dress of
this class of citizens in the next score of years. In the
pioneer period and until after King Philip's War, the
planters were homely in all their habits of life. Brass
was represented in 3 kettles £1. 6. ; In a candlestick and
other articles 5s. Pewter dishes £1., with 1 dozen trench
ers 6d. The furniture was meager, 2 old joynt chairs
and a joynt stool 3s. 6d. ; 1 great chair Is. ; 1 " fourme "
6d. ; 1 small table 4s. There was no loom or spinning
wheel, but considerable evidence of home-made cloth. As
2| yds. Carsey 13s.; 10^ yds. blanketing £1. 5.; 4 yds.
woollen homespun 7s. ; 2^ yds. home-made cloth 4s. 2d.
Almost 2 yds. white fulled cloth 4s. Dry hides, includ
ing what Thomas Olney took to tan; £2. 14. in money
and 4 cows at £10. Evidently he farmed only for his
own household, and commingled other interests, as in tan
ning, wea-ving, etc. He did not read as Harris did, for
his Ubrary was small, even in a small environment of
books. One bible 4s. ; 3 old pieces bible 2s. Three
books — Ainsworth's Annotations, a Concordance, " fisher's
Ashford Dispute " — ^were valued at £1. 10. Though
church connections were few and not very binding, the
Scriptures were clearly used in a practical way. In the
S3 « Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VL, p. 90.

112 The Colony and the Town of Providence
dearth of printed matter, pieces and bits of Bibles and
Testaments were appraised in many inventories.
In the same month passed on John Smith, the miller;
not so conspicuous or famous, but an influential factor
in the communal Ufe of the early plantation. Before
there was a room of size in a dwelling, or a tavern to
accommodate loiterers and talkers, the town-miU gath
ered a throng who discussed the whole affairs of those
concemed — political, reUgious, or social. Seated on bags
of grain, they did not mind the rumbling of the stones, as
they disputed and threshed out matter for a future town
meeting. John Smith, of the widely extended name, hos
pitable and hearty, must have made happy the early
townsmen assembled for these rare opportunities. His
estate was £146. 6. 3., ** the corn-mill, house over it and
all appertaining was valued at £40; one-seventh part of
the saw-miU adjoining £3. 10. The furnishings were sim
ple, 2 bedsteads and bedding £2. ; 1 do and bedding " In
ye lower Roome " £3 ; Brass and copper kettles £2. 16. ;
2 tubs and tobacco 6s. 6d. Flax 10s. Cattle with 2
mares, 3 young horses, 16 swine £22. 9. " Ye Booke of
Martirs " 16s. Old bible, " some lost and tome, 9d."
In 1683, died Roger Williams the founder. He built
the state even better than he knew — and his knowledge
was great for his time and opportunity. The principles
he conceived and set forth were larger than any man; as
the centuries have shown.
An important function In the early life of New Eng
land lay in the making of apprentices; binding out a
minor to learn an " art or mystery." When children
were bereaved, it often created a temporary home for a
waif, and finally gave him capacity for a good livelihood.
After the vocation of a smith, one of the greatest
84 « Early Rec Prov," Vol. VL, p. 73.

1683] The Art of Weaving 113
needs was for a weaver. Cloth making was carried on in
nearly every household, and sometimes experts went about
using the family looms. Again, there were shops for
weaving yam taken from farmers who carded their own
wool and spun it on domestic wheels.
July 3, 1674, ®^ there appears a name well known In
textUe industry. Moses LIppItt, with the consent of his
father-in-law, Edward Salrle, and Anna Salrle, his mother,
was apprenticed to WiUiam Austin for fifteen and one-
half years and two months to leam the " art and trade "
of a weaver. There were the usual covenants and at
majority he was to have his freedom and "two sufficient
Suites." If Austin should die, he could assign Lippitt
for the balance of his term.
March 30, 1696, John Sayles took Job LIddeason for
14 years, who promised to keep his master's secrets, not
to contract matrimony, nor frequent taverns or ale houses,
nor absent himself night or day. Sayles on his part was
to give the " Nessessaryes to an apprentice doth belong "
and to " endeavour to learne him to Read and write." *^
Jan. 11, 1708-9, *^ Thomas and Hannah JosUn took
Jerusa Sugars from her mother; who was to pay them
£8 In silver and 40s. In a yearling heifer. The payment
was changed Jan. 20 to £10. sUver. The child was about
one year old, and was to receive sufficient board, lodging
and apparel for a servant. The Joslins were " carefully
her to keepe " and to leame " the said Jerusa Sugars the
art and mistry of a Tailor, well and sufficiently to make
appariU both for Men and Women and to leame her to
Read well." At eighteen years of age, she was to receive
two sufficient sutes."
85 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. V., p. 293.
86 Ibid, p. 147.
ST Ibid., p. 18.

114 The Colony and the Town of Providence
Richard Amold in his will, 1708, directed his son
Thomas to free the negro Tobey in February, 1716-7,
when he would be 26 years of age, and should receive two
suits of clothes.
Nov. 26, 1687,** Gideon Crawford, a Scotchman, was
granted liberty to. " Reside and here to follow his way of
dealeing In goods." This was a memorable event,
for he was the first to develope an orderly trade
among the not too Uberal planters of Providence. Com
merce was not unknown, for William Field, in his
will. May 31, 1665, *® gave to his " cousin Thomas now
, at Providence, all that Cargo that Is now upon sending
to the Barbados." And in further bequest gave to his
wife " that which is as Yett coming to me from the Bar
bados." But the traces of exports are few, and though
Mr. Dorr excludes them altogether In his view of indus
trial progress in the latter seventeenth century, commerce
prevailed. If it was not Important. The community pur
sued agriculture too closely, and suffered from the con
tracted ideas prevailing in consequence. It was not until
1711, when Crawford and his imitators had taught the
value of enlarged Intercourse with the world that Nathan
iel Browne established ship-building at the head of the
" Great Salt River."
The most definite account of Rhode Island exports ap
pears in William Harris' testimony In London before Sir ¦
J. Williamson, ®" in 1676. This was carried on from
Newport, but Providence must have profited indirectly
through the demand created for produce. There were
more sheep In Rhode Island than anywhere in New Eng
land. Wool was exchanged with France for linen. Deer-
88 « Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. V., p. 170.
B^lbid, Vol. VIL, p. 335.
80 " Col. Br., State Papers, 1675, 1676," pp. 331, 333.

1683] Character of Exports 116
skins, sugar, and logwood went to England for cloth and
Iron ware. Horses, beef, pork, butter, cheese, flour, peas,
and biscuit went to Barbados for sugar and indigo.
There was " a great trade " in cod, haddock, and mackerel
with West Indies, Barbados, Spain, and the Straits. I
think much of this fish came from Massachusetts in ex
change for West India goods. He mentions obtaining
linsey-woolseys and other coarse cloths from Massachu
setts. Citizens of another sort were admitted occasionally,
though many were refused. William Ashly and his wife
were driven out from " Wels " by Indian depredations
to Boston. Then they came to our plantation, where
Abraham Hardin permitted them to unload their house
hold goods, " which I took to be a lo-ring-klndness in dis
tress." ^^ He asked for a habitation In 1693.
The Indians, though much weakened, were a factor and
caused alarms in the quiet life of the plantation. April
23, 1697, °^ there had been " a late in Curtlon and inva
sion by the Cruel and Barbarous Indian Enemies." The
Council appointed twenty prominent citizens to com
mand ten men each, and to " scout, kill and destroy."
We have noted the political organization of govem
ment under the charter. Quite as important was the char
acter of the judicial system introduced then.°^ The chief
officers were a President and four assistants — one from
each town — ^making a General Court of Trials for the
Colony. This was the origin of our present Supreme
Court; lesser tribunals appealing to It. As showing the
curious Interplay of EngUsh legal procedure, with the
planters' notions of independence and town govemment,
91 " Early Rec. Prov., Vol. XVIL, p. 146.
»2lbid, p. 163.
83 Durfee, " Judicial History R. I.," (Tracts), p. 11, et seq.

116 The Colony and the Town of Providence
there had been a mingUng of the head officers of a town
with the Court, and they had sat together. This was
remedied after 1647 by rules " to add to the comely and
commendable order of the Court."
The General Assembly had fuU governmental powers,
and consisted of the Govemor, Deputy-Governor, ten as
sistants, and a body of deputies- The deputies, or house
In modem parlance, were a purely legislative body; the
Govemor, Deputy-Governor, and assistants (senate) had
magisterial duties as well. After the old court became
mainly a tribunal for appeals, the new court exercised
original jurisdiction.
In 1749 a change in organization was effected. From
the Govemor, Deputy and ten assistants, five judges, a
chief and four associates were selected. In 1781 final
separation was made between legislature and judiciary,
for members of either house of the Assembly were for
bidden to sit as justices of the Supreme Court.
The earlier judges Included Roger WiUiams, Samuel
Gorton, John Clarke; not lawyers, but men of broad cul
ture for the time. Perhaps .they were quite as useful in
a common world as the strictly trained Puritanic jurist,
steeped In Judaic precedent and tradition. The whole
system was a local and essential outgrowth of the soil.
The orderly sense of law, transported with every English
Immigrant, was Incorporated with an intense Individual
desire of the citizen to Imprint his own Ideal of Immediate
justice on every public act. Some of the most vital issues
of Rhode Island life — potential for good or evil — ^were
bom just here.
We should note that this remarkable creation of a sub
stantial judiciary out of very rough material, which
worked out justice according to English law, was accom-
pUshed by men outside the lines of C^athoUc or Protestant

1683] Humane Proceedings In the Courts 117
education. Churches do much good, as well as some
ecclesiastical harm. In Massachusetts and Connecticut
they educated the people. Outcast Rhode Island must
educate Itself, not by academic forms, but through the
business of a hard, stringent life. A university was impos
sible, but nature Uved and moved all about these men.
After aU, to do is better than to construe or to imitate.
William Harris, Thomas Olney, Arthur Fenner, Pardon
TilUnghast, the cooper-preacher, and many less conspicu
ous, took and assimilated life from the kernel.
A record book of the " Ancient Court of Last Resort "
has been preserved fortunately at Newport.®* All the
cases are curious and some Indicate remarkable efforts to
apply a large humane spirit to the Inevitable burdens of
the law. In the period 1672-1678, Stephen Sabeere, of
Newport, obtained judgment against Wm. Blandin £7.
14. 6. N. E. silver. However modem civiUzation may
err in treatment of the debtor, Its humane Intention Is a
great gain over the severity prevaiUng two centuries since.
In the procedure with Blandin, clumsy though it was, the
Court was trying sincerely to distinguish between a disas
ter and a crime. It laid down the general proposition
" poor persons that have not to pay their debts, shall
not Ue languishing in prison." The Court adjudged,
considering " the debtor's poverty, and creditor's due
debt, not for profuse expenses, but for diet for himself
and wife, do order." Blandin was to work out his debt
" on carpentry upon this island, being boarded by the
creditor." And there were minute provisions for valuing
work and trading in Sabeere's timber to help " work out."
Altogether, It was a careful finding of justice In the con
crete, and In advance of the times In procedure, whether
of Massachusetts, Connecticut, or England.
84 Durfee, p. 134, et seq.

118 The Colony and the Town of Providence
Indictments for the " vague misdemeanor denominated
contempt of authority " were common. Theft was
severely punished. Uriah Clemence, for steaUng a watch,
was sentenced to be " severely whipped and If the fine of
£12. be not paid " the general treasurer was directed to
" sell him for a servant for the full term of 7 years."
It was the custom of the time to impose heavy fines, and
the alternative of servitude was occasionally enforced.
Whipping was imposed for various crimes, and the pun
ishment for theft generally included a twofold restoration
of the property. There are traces of the Talmudic
method, in trying to pry into the intention of an offender.
Sexual offenses prevailed abominably; thirteen indict
ments being recorded in one term, 1672. The same ten
dency appeared in other colonies, especially on the rec
ords of Plymouth. As Judge Durfee remarks, they were
largely due to the " vacuity of life."
The execution of the law appears to have been quick
ened in general about 1686.®^ In Providence the " towne
was destitute " of stocks. It ordered Samuel Whipple
to provide lumber and John Dexter to finish them. In
1687 Anne Waters, a married woman, was " transported "
for felony. The care of her young child was assumed by
the to-wn.
In 1684 and 1686 there appears an Interesting Instance
of law changed and formed anew out of public opinion, In
the loss of Wm. Dyre's suit. A public officer, he had
seized the estates of eight Jews for " alienage," but the
verdict was rendered for the defendant Jews. The Jews
petitioned the General Assembly for relief. It voted that
they " might expect as good protection here, as any
stranger, not of our nation, ought to have, being obedient
to ' the laws.' " As the Jews had been most useful resi-
85 "Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VIIL, pp. 143, 174.

1684] Development of the Judiciary 119
dents largely engaged In commerce at Newport for more
than thirty years, their questionable position under the law
shows the generaUy eccentric treatment of this remarkable
race. We may cite the words of C. J. Thomas W. Durfee,""
whose learned, calm, and judicious conduct in its tum,
duly contributed to the results achieved. " Step by step
the judiciary has gone on gradually consolidating and
developing Itself to answer to the growing and varying
needs of the state. Our ancestors held that a judiciary
like any other political institution exists not for itself, but
for the work which it has to do. Such a growth Is accord
ing to the law of evolution, by progressive adaptations."
In 1663 the proprietors passed an ordinance reserving
106 acres land for the maintenance of a school. It does
not appear that action followed. The first schoolmaster
was Wm. Turpin, who became representative to the Gen
eral Assembly In 1722; town clerk in 1727. June 11,
1684, he agreed to furnish Peregrine Gardner with board
and schooling for one year for £6. The record referred
to the grant of land for the " use and benefit of a school
master," which was the " occasion of my settling at this
town." He maintained the " worthy art of learning,"
but there was no transfer of land. In 1694 John Dexter
and others obtained a grant for a schoolhouse on Dexter's
Lane (now Olney Street), but no action is recorded.
Judge Staples ®^ found no evidence of a public school in
the seventeenth century.
Soon after the middle of the century, planters built a
" house in the woods," even when they had regular resi
dence In town. Arthur Fenner ®* has a house of this kind
96 « Judicial History," p. 153.
87 " Annals," pp. 492-494.
88 Isham and Brown, p. 24.

120 The Colony and the Town of Providence
In 1655 at Cranston, near the village of Thornton. After
King Philip's War he could safely build a comfortable one
in 1677 ; and the first shelter probably survived In the lean-
to. The first type of houses described on Towne Street,
in the period of building toward the end of the century,
grew along the ground, before rising into a full second
story. GeneraUy there were four apartments. Chimney
in the center or at the side, and more or less chambers.
There were also a few narrow ones of two stories, with two
rooms on each floor, a garret above and a leanto. Thomas
Olney, one of the most wealthy planters, dying In 1682,
had a " parlour," a kitchen " and chamber." ®* There
were evidences of comfort, not only in the massive chim
ney and occasional end waU, but in windows placed Irregu
larly, yet showing better — the active life therein.
It is unfortunate that we have not better records of an
annual fair In Providence. September 23, 1696, ^"^ one
was held and Captain William Hopkins was appointed
" Clarke of the Market." Olney's, Turpin's, and Whip
ple's inns were centers of public excitement throughout
colonial times, where people gathered and Information was
circulated. By these resorts the temporary market-place
was constituted and stalls were set In the public highway.
It was an interesting phase of early communal life, and
doubtless took effect in the habits and manners of the
rural citizens.
December 12, 1699,^" the inventory of Stephen Arnold,
a wealthy man In Pawtuxet, is worth noting. The lands
do not appear, but the personal estate was £496. 11. 1., of
which £130. was in gold and silver, £146. 5. '3. In " money
89 Probate Rec, Vol. I., p. 33.
100 Dorr, "Planting and Growth," p. 190.
101 "Early Rec. Prov.," VoL VL, p. 307.

C^SAR House.
Type of the houses built in the latter part of the seventeenth century.

1699] Comforts Increase 121
due by biUs." Plate now appears worth £17. Pewter
and Glasses £4. 6. His wearing apparel, better than the
average, stood at £12. Books £6. In cattle and sheep
he had £76. 10., without horses ; £10 In home-made cloth,
and two stocks of bees at £1.
In a personal estate of £68. 16. 2. four years earUer
the male apparel was £6. 11., and the wife's adomment
only £3. 3.
In rebuilding the town after King Philip's War, there
was a decided advance in the architecture and provision for
comfortable living. William Harris' house, one of the bet
ter sort, was a story and one-half high. His barns were
even more ample than his dwelling. The confined, rough
structure of the early pioneers had been succeeded by a
house of several rooms, and In many cases the peculiar
leanto (often caUed " Unter ") was added. The chimney
was large and usually at the end ; ^"^ at this time and in
the beginning of next century. There were several his
toric houses of this period which lasted well Into modem
times. T. Fenner's at Cranston, built in 1677, Eleazer
Whipples at Lime Rock, built in 1677, Edward Manton's
at Manton, built in 1680, Eleazer Arnold's at Moshassuck,
built in 1687, Thomas Field's at Field's Point, buUt in
1694. There were horse carts and wheeled vehicles In wealthy
estates before 1700 ; ^"^ but they were Uttle used. Saddle
and pillion were better adapted to the bridle-paths, which
Madam Knight found so difficult when she journeyed
through our colony from Boston to New York on horse
back in 1704. She came with the post-rider from Ded-
ham, Mass. " We found great difficulty In TravaiUng,
102 Isham and Brown, " R. I. Houses," pp. 16, 30.
103 Dorr, p. 133.

122 The Colony and the Town of Providence
the way being very narrow, and on each side the Trees
and bushes gave us very unpleasant welcome with their
Branches and bows." ^°*
Intercourse In the seventeenth century tended toward
canoes and boats along the waters of the Bay, rather
than to bridle-paths on shore.
Toward 1700 and thereafter, we have ample Inventories
of the planters' estates; which will assist In working out
the change of living, as we pass from agriculture to com
merce. Shipbuilding, begun In 1711, marks this passing
of a community.
The pecuUar probate customs have been noted. ^"^ A
practical illustration Is recorded in 1676. ^"® Resolved
Waterman, of Providence, had died intestate at Newport
in 1671. The Town Council then " made a will," allotting
to the widow Mercy the enjoyment of the house and lot,
other lands and meadows, with the cattle for her " mainte
nance and ye bringing vp of ye orphans five small chil
dren." Samuel Windsor had persuaded the widow Mercy
to reinforce her lone estate, and " publication of mar
riage " was made. As the former council did not for
mally " perfect their agreement," this council virtually
confirms the former action. It also voted to carry out
the items in will of the grandfather, Richard Waterman.
Silk grass beds were frequently used. One appears
In 1695 ^"'^ with a feather bolster and pillow " much worn,"
all to the value of 16s. All the money found In this
case was laid out In the funeral, but the party was respect
ably dressed, for his apparel was valued at £8. 6. Out
fits of tools showed the improvement in carpentry In the
104 Journal, p. 30.
losAnte, p. 87.
106 " Early Rec," Vol. VIIL, p. &'S7.
107 " Early Rec," Vol. XVIL, pp. 63, 159.

1699] Interesting Customs 123
second generation. Wm. Carpenter, of Pawtuxet, had
£2. 16. worth. Including " tenn ogegers Greater and
Smaller" at 12s. in 1685.
The most careful provision was made for widows, and
minute changes were prescribed in case they married again.
August 21, 1694, ^"^ Thomas Man devised various lega
cies of lands and goods to his sons and daughters. To
the widow was given the use of all the household goods,
while she remained a widow. In event of marriage three-
quarters of the household goods was bequeathed to the
five daughters and one-quarter to their mother. The
personal estate amounted to £149. 11. 6.
February 1, 1695-6, Wm. Vincent left £4. 6. in wearing
apparel, £1. 10. in pewter, 12s. in bookes, out of a per
sonal estate of £63. 2. ExpUcitly and with excellent
brevity the appraisers recorded:
" As to debts wee know not
" As to money wee find not."
The prudent Ephraim Carpenter ^"^ had only £3. in wear
ing apparel, with " Boots and Portmanle " 7s. 6d. He was
a small shopkeeper, probably, having 313 pounds tobacco
at 3d., £3. 18. 3. and 3s. 6d. In " Cotten WooU." Shortly
after, Valentine Wightman appeared, leaving wearing ap
parel at £4.2. " Kash " In N. E. Coyne £38.6. " Kash "
in Spanish Money £42. 8. One testament, part of a
bible and another small book. In all only 3s.
Curious and Interesting forecast was often manifest
in arrangements for inheritance between parents and chil
dren. June 26, 1701, ^"^ Joseph Aldridge and J. A., Jr.,
108 "Early Rec," Vol VIL, 185.
108 Ibid, pp. 177, 195, 303.
loalbid, p. 206.

124 The Colony and the Town of Providence
both signing with marks make over " to son," the house-lot
and orchard of about 20 acres, retaining the use of one-
half the orchard. The son was to maintain three cows for
the use of his father and mother for life and to plow one
acre for them. Aldridge had other property and other
children. Arthur " ffenner," a country gentleman, residing on his
estate In Cranston, died In 1703. His inventory is worth
considering, as he was a miUtary man In public life, as
weU as a farmer. The personal estate was £166. 8s. He
had 3 shirts, 6 waistcoats, 7 pair breeches, 1 pair drawers,
3 loose coats ; and he walked bravely in boots and spurs
with a buff belt, and he could adorn himself with 3 pair
silver buttons. There were some shoes and other articles
bringing up his wardrobe to £8. 6. In money £2. 16.
The great bible stood at £1. 18., a statute book £2. 10.,
7 small books 19s. ; a respectable Ubrary for such a man
in times not given to much reading. Bridle, saddle, port-
mantle and " male pillion " £1. ; 2 guns and 1 pistol £2.
Warming pan 8s., 3 greatchairs and 7 small at 12s. ; 2
spinning wheels and cards 8s. In cattle and horses £49.
16., -with some horses and mares " not yet found," being
on the common. In farm produce 29 loads hay and 1
stack stalks £20, 12.
A fair supply of chairs was common now for well-to-do
people and they were a comparative luxury a generation
earUer. In a small farmer's estate, where the personal was
£93. '3. with wearing apparel at £4. 2., there were 4 chairs
at 6s. and a small table at 3s. ; 1 joynt-stool at Is. 8. The
" joynt-stool " was almost invariably represented from
the beginning. It was made of parts morticed and in
serted together, and probably was of home construc
tion. Major John Dexter had the large personal estate of

1699] Intestate Estates and Feather Beds 126
£767. 19. 6., in 1706. His wardrobe was £9. 1. 6., rein
forced with a cane when he walked, worth 14s.; and he
could choose between a sword and belt at £4. 6., and an
other at 16s. When he mounted his horse, saddle, bridle,
boots, spurs and portmantle stood at £11. 10. This was
a brave outfit for a farmer, but he was forehanded, having
in cash £168, and in bills for money lent £343. 8. 6. A
concordance and several books £1. 17. Now appears sil
ver in 2 " Dram Cupps " 16s., and " some glass cupps."
Without doubt silver plate was used early In Newport,
and It appeared in a Portsmouth inventory In 1667. Dex
ter had a moderate farming outfit. Including 25 goats and
7 kids (unusual as this period), with 56 sheep and 30
Iambs. August 9, 1711, WiUiam Turpin died " Intested," and
the more delicate problem, occasioned by a mother-in-law,
must be met. These settlements of intestate estates are
especiaUy significant, for they directly Indicate the state
of pubUc opinion. There were the widow Anne and three
children, one a son. Wm. Turpin, the son, agrees ^^° with
his mother-in-law to allow her the room now occupied by
her In his father's house for Ufe, with one good bedstead,
1 good feather bed and bolster, 2 pair good sheets, 1 pair
good blankets, " cupple " good pillows, 2 pillow beers, 1
good coverlid, to be " her own estate." To maintain her
for life, -with sufficient victuals and drink and washing
and suitable attendance. The benefit of the fire to go to
and from and abide by it, with " free Recorse to and
from said Roome." To allow her £40. current silver, to
be paid £10. annually for four years. If she be sick so
that " she must Improve a Phlsltian," that charge to be
bome out of her own estate.
In the seventeenth century, feather beds were of the
110 " Early Rec," VoL VIL, p. 180.

126 The Colony and the Town of Providence
very most Important personal effects. After a roof for
shelter and a fire In the chimney, the best comfort was
to be found in a good nest of feathers. Samuel Whip
ple's inventory ^^^ affords an example, for it contains 4
feather beds and complete outfit £38. 5., and one flock
bed complete £3. 10. Wearing apparel averaged £6. to
£7. for the ordinary citizen. Unless there was positive
poverty it did not generally fall below, and the well condi
tioned man seldom wore better clothing in the agricul
tural period. After commerce widened out, we shall see
a change. Military men had swords, belts, etc., in addi
tion. Elisha Amold left £4. 2. In 3 small guns, sword,
" bagginit and cadous box." He had more than the usual
number of 5 spinning wheels with old cards and " woos-
ted " combs, all worth £3. 1. His brass ladle, pots and
kettles of iron and brass, with dripping pan and frying
pan, stood at £11. 12. In cattle, horses, sheep, and swine
he had £78. 5., with " money and BiUs and Plate " £26.
1. 4. in 1711. "'^
Febmary 27, 1710, 1, Thomas Harris, ^^^ a leading citi
zen, divided his estate between five sons and three daugh
ters. To his other sons he gave outlying lands ; to
Henry one-half of his homestead house and 120 acres, the
other half to Elnathan, his wife, for life, and afterward to
Henry. Three " purchase rights of common " were given
to the five sons. To his daughter. Amity Mors, £20. In
money. To his two daughters unmarried, Elnathan and
Mary, he gave each one feather bed and furniture, £20. in
money, one-half a weaver's loom with its tackling. His
wearing apparel was appraised at £7. Henry Harris
and the widow were executor's, receiving the personal
111 " Early Rec," Vol. VIL, p. 25.
112 Ibid., p. 44.
113 Ibid., p. 48.

1699] Women Sign with a Mark 127
property, cattle, one negro at £10. and they were to liqui
date the debts.
Occasionally we perceive the Infelicity of common life.
December 30, 1711, ^" Thomas Cooper gives his son Rob
ert 6s. and no more " by Reason he has disobeied my Com-
ands and left me in a strait of time before he was of age."
There was a Bible at 4s., and there were very few books
in the earUer inventories. Three spinning wheels and a
pair of cards at 10s. Many Inventories have flax and
smaU quantities of tobacco, as grown by the farmers.
Cooper's whole personal estate was £96. 11. 5.
The men usually signed their names, and the women as
generally signed with a mark X • They were educated, or
rather brought up In conspicuous famiUes. The men got
their training from everyday life ; but women employed at
the dairy, the spinning wheel or the loom, had not as good
an opportunity. In provisions made for apprentices, ^^^
we have seen how much reading and writing was desider
ated. The inventory of Solomon Thornton dates two
years later than our period, but it reflects so fully the
Ufe of this time that we may study its details. His
personal estate was £147. 5. 2., of which £1. 8. 6. was in
money, and In wearing apparel he had expended £8. 5.
One loom and its tackling stood at £2. 10. A small par
cel of worsted with " other yam," flax, wool, and 1 woollen
wheel was worth only 4s. Probably Thornton bought
yams to supply his weaving. Worsted combs appear in
many of the farmers' Inventories. There were three pieces
" new cloath " 9i yards — " Cursey and plaine fulled," 3
yds. ozen brigs, 14 yds. tow cloth, in aU £4. 9. 6. In
yams 7i lbs. worsted £1. 11. 6. ; 3 lbs. hose do with 19^
lbs. colored £1. 13. In wool 9^ lbs. worsted £1. 3. 6. ;
114 " Early Rec," VoL VIL, p. 123.
lis Ante, p. 113.

128 The Colony and the Town of Providence
17 lbs. " sheep's wooU " — . There was a large supply
of pewter in lots, as a pewter " Tanker " and two beakers,
two dram-cups and a salt cellar, " 9 spoones being one
occamy (alchemy) and the Rest Pewter," all valued at
12s. Some wooden and a lot of earthen ware, a cream
pot, 3 earthen pans, an earthen jug and 6 glass bottles,
aU worth 5s. Six new pewter platters were appraised
at £2. 8., with a small quantity of flax and tobacco at
£2. 1. Glass bottles appear frequently, but no drinking
glasses as yet. Wooden and earthen ware served for
kitchen utensils, with pe-wter for the better table service.
A few years later we shall see a more elaborate arrange
ment and a better service for the table.
In 1696,^^® apparently the first monthly meeting of
the Town Council was ordered by the Town. The ferry at
the narrow passage over the Seekonk was in the possession
of widow Mary Edmond In 1696, when the " King's
Post " was permitted to pass free of ferriage. This was
the first public post and marks the increase of Intercourse
in the developing plantation. Prisons were erected In
1698 and 1705 northwest of the present Benefit Street.
The year 1700 marks a most significant departure from
the individuality shown In burial customs of the early
settlers. Nearly every family had a burial-ground of
its own — generally in or near Its home-lot In our planta
tion. The parish churchyard of England had been fol
lowed in the other colonies by common burial places, at
tached or at least near to the meeting-house. It was a
feature of communal life and partook of the ecclesiastical
sanctity descended from the Roman through the Protes
tant church. In Providence, death even could not end
separatism ; and a common burial-ground could not be
attained until commerce began to relax the prejudices
116 Staples, p. 184.

1700] Division of Labor Beginning 129
of the individuals, whose ancestors had been driven out
from Puritan commonwealths. Now the land on the
Moshassuck and eastward to the Pawtucket highway by
Archibald Walker's was appropriated " for a training
field, burylng^ground and other public uses." The pres
ent North Burial Ground is a part of this tract and grad
ually the family cemeteries were abandoned in favor of it.
Of the colony tax of £400 ordered in 1701, £65 was as
signed to Providence, showing complete recovery from
the depression after King Philip's War. A subscription
amounting to £21. 9. was opened for rebuilding Weybosset
Bridge in 1705. Gideon Crawford subscribed £6. This
method of raising funds must have been abandoned, as
only fourteen citizens responded.
Weaving was recognized as an important function in
colonial life.-'^'' Land was assigned early to " a weaver,"
and we have noted that Wm. Austin took an apprentice in
1674 for the " art and trade." " John Angel, weaver,"
was appointed by the town to serve In place of the " Towne
Sargant," ^^* an Important official early In the eighteenth
century. An interesting instance shows custom and the inter
play of necessary regulations in a farming community.
Stray cattle and horses were a constant trouble. Often
impounded, sometimes they were sent to Rehoboth or else
where, and the charges collected. There are nearly one
hundred pages of record, 1678-1746,^^® devoted to cattle
117 Division of labor began to manifest itself as the century went
out. In 1700 Joseph Smith was granted 3 acres near Wanskuck for
a weaver's shop. A fulling mill had then been operated for some
time Jan. 37, 1703-4 (" R. I. H. S.," New Series, Vol. IV., p. 314)
Wm. Smith was granted a lot 40 ft. square for a " weaver's shop."
He was to build within one year and follow his trade.
118 "Early Rec Prov.," Vol. XVIL, p. 291.
118 Ibid., Vol. IX., pp. 103-197. Enrolment of Deaths, Marriages,
and Births, 1679-1734 appears in " Early Records," Vol. V., p. 203.

130 The Colony and the Town of Providence
marks and the taking of strays. Valuations of horses
varied from £1. when afflicted with the pole evil, to £6. and
£7. July 7, 1909,^^° occurs a case which shows the con
flict of rules. James Thornton, of Providence, complains
that a sorrel white face jumped fences and continually
damaged his grass. There being no pound, he was
obliged to " secure him In my yard." He learned the
owner had gone to Block Island, " a Souldiar, therefore
could not proceed against him as a stray, but as a ' Tres
passer.' " Thornton would keep the horse, valued at 25s.
for one year, when, unless the damages were paid, he
would ask the authorities to dispose of him.
The century did not exhaust the pest of wolves, for the
bounty was paid for killing fourteen in 1687.
f Gradual increase of commerce Is Indicated by the
frequent grants of " ware house lots " about 1697-1698.
The proprietors, acting slowly, as always, took each to
himself a lot for a warehouse and sometimes a wharf in
Weybosset or on the To-wne Streete. These were not
distributed by the favorite lottery, but the petitioner gen
erally took the water lot opposite his own homestead.
Febmary 17, 1703-4,^^^ the influential Thomas Olney,
town clerk, obtained a resolution which attempted to check
the granting of these lots and confine them to " those who
may legally vote." ^^^
120 "Early Rec Prov.," Vol. IX., p. 177.
121 " R. I. H. S.," New Series, Vol. IV., p. 211.
122 A resolution was enacted by the Purchasers & Proprietors
July 37, 1704 (E. R., Vol. XL, p. 88), that no more wharf lots
should be granted on salt water, north of Town Wharf (about
present Crawford St., and west of the River), "Because there
is so Constant a Passing to cross the Water (and back) from
Wayboysett side to the Towne with Cannoes and Boates, Rideing
and Carting and Swimming over of Cattell from side to side; and
the streame often times Running so swift, and many times Rough
water by Reason of stormy Winds."

1709] Communication Improves 131
Farming life still encumbered the ways of the settled
plantation. So late as 1716, goats, swine and horses
belonging to the freeholders " ran riot in the woodlands."
The dread of absorption by Connecticut had kept back
westward communication. The Plainfield highway voted
in 1706 — begun 1709-10, showed the passing of this prej
udice. Movement for a road to Woodstock and KlUIngly,
Conn., indicates progress. But the backward condition
of Providence is clearly shown by the fact that they still
sent for medical and surgical aid to Rehoboth, then in
cluding a part of Attleboro.^^' But as the century turned
the old " tumults and heats " ¦'^* of to-wn meeting ended.
The seething and fermenting process of the early planta
tion had worked out a community, not of the most orderly
kind, but sufficient for tolerable govemment. Institutions
were estabUshed slowly ; but the time had passed when an
Indi-vidual — however great — ^might be an institution unto
himself. Mr. Dorr's significant phrase, " the planting and
growth of Providence," may be considered as worked out
and completed with the century. The greatest personal
influences like WiUiams, Gorton, and Coddington had
long passed by. The secondary men also had finished
their work. William Harris was far unlike the men bred
at Cambridge or the new order being formed at Harvard ;
but he had gro-wn up In the school of affairs, and had
been much in England, engaged in large transactions.
He read not only law, theology and medicine, but turned
the pages of the " Gentleman Jockey." There was some
thing cosmopolitan In this hearty pioneer. Most planters
read Scripture and concordance, but Thomas Olney, man
ager of meetings and Incipient ruler of men, could unbend,
123 Dorr, "Planting and Growth of Providence," p. 77.
124 Ibid., p. 312.

132 The Colony and the Town of Providence
while soothing his poUtician's spirit with the Independent
Ainsworth's " Annotations " on the Psalms and Song of
Solomon. Coddington was on the whole the largest and most effec
tive Unk between the practical life of the Old World and
the forming growth of the new community on Narragan
sett Bay. Commerce at Newport, introduced by him and
powerfully conducted by the Quakers, was opening the
way for the very best colonial life of the next century.
The most casual survey of this developing commonwealth
should include the remarkable outgrowth of the judiciary.
It moved on the old lines of established law, but adminis
tered penal measures in a humane spirit — far advanced
over the olden courts or ecclesiastical procedure.
Meanwhile the poorer agriculture of Providence Planta
tion was painfuUy expanding toward a larger develop
ment, as commerce should widen out the little community
in the early eighteenth century. The forming period had
passed with scanty help from the learning of Europe;
such as this was, it would be had no more in the expanding
f period next to come. Men like the cooper-preacher Par
don TilUnghast carried over the average citizen until new
American life could produce the Hopkinses, the Browns,
and their fellows.

CHAPTER V
KING'S COUNTY, THE PATRIARCHAL CONDITION.
1641-1757
THE southwestern portion of our mainland contained
the larger part of the Narragansett nation. Roger
WilUams, whose Instincts for business were better than his
poUtical understanding, early saw the economic impor
tance of the Narragansett ^ Country, and he built a trad
ing-house near the present Wickford. It Is claimed by
some ^ that his adventure was even earlier than that of
the actual settler, Richard Smith, who afterward added
Roger Williams' possessions to his o-wn, when the proprie
tor needed the funds for his expenses in London, as he
was getting the first charter.
About 1641, Richard Smith, who had been a resident
of Taunton, bought land from the sachems and began
" Howsing lands and meadow." In the words of Francis
Brinley, " among the thickest of the Indians (computed
at 30,000) he erected a house for trade, and gave free
entertainment to travelers ; It being the great road of the
country." * The " Pequot Path " became a bridle path in
the seventeenth century; In the eighteenth it was a link
in the " Post Road," then the most traveled way between
Boston and New York. Smith's settlement did not attain
a permanent character, until the Pettaquamscutt pur
chase made by John Hull and others of Boston in 1658.
1 For the name cf. Rider, " Indian Lands," p. 203.
2 Brigham, p. 98n.
3 Updike, " Narragansett Church," Goodwin's Ed., Vol. L, 13.
133

134 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
The next year Major Atherton and his partners acquired
the second purchase, covering Quidnesset and Boston Neck,
the southeastern comer of our mainland.
Richard Smith deserves notice from his association with
Roger Williams, and In that he was an important pioneer
in the settlement of Rhode Island. In the words of his
memorial tablet, " He lived near Wickford at Cocum-
scussuc commonly called Smith's Castle and there Roger
Williams often preached to the Indians and William
Blackstone held the first regular services in the colony of
Rhode Island." *
At this period, contemporary with the coming of num
bers of Quakers to Newport, our colonists were firmly
established in the Narragansett country, until the Indian
war of 1675 and 1676 should harass and Interrupt them
for a time. The " Swamp Fight " abolished this constant
If latent source of peril. The Narragansetts were de
stroyed as an organized nation or political force, though
the individual barbarians lived alongside our colonists.
Tjils early interim of occupation — peaceful so far as the
red proprietors were concemed — did not mean that aggres
sive Puritans would leave the govemment of Rhode Island
In peaceful possession. Massachusetts reached through
Warwick, and down to Pawcatuck, arresting the citizens,
Burdick and Saunders, for imprisonment in Boston in
1661. On the other side, the strong colony of Connecticut
claimed jurisdiction by the King's grant as far eastward
as Narragansett Bay. John Crandall and others were
seized and imprisoned In Hartford in 1671.
Misquamlcut or Westerly had been purchased from
Sosoa, chief of the Niantics, in 1661 by William Vaughn
Stanton and others of Newport.
Proprietors from Newport bought lands across the
4 Updike, " Narragansett Church," Goodwin's Ed., Vol. I., p. 330.

1671] Seventh Day Baptists 135
Bay, and the estates Improved under their care developed
a social atmosphere differing from that of other parts of
the colony. The merchants — as in the fable of Antseus —
enjoying their return to mother earth were not quite like y
cltizens of to-wns struggling to establish a new civic life.
We shaU see early in the eighteenth century how this
social life affected the community at large.
Along with this patrician culture, there was another
element in the Ufe of the Seventh Day Baptists, a denomi
nation very strong in Hopkinton and Westerly The
meeting of John Clarke and of Henry ColUns, who was
called a " Medici," waned in Newport,^ in the latter eigh
teenth century ; but it waxed strong in the western towns
and by emigration into western New York. Seven persons
seceded from the First Baptist Church at Newport In
1671 and organized the first Sabbatarian Church. A few
of these soon joined the first freemen at Westerly. Their
first meeting house was built about 1680, between Shat-
tuck's Weir and Potter Hill In the present town of Hop
kinton. When Mr. Prince of Cambridge visited Westerly in
1721, he reported " the Sectaries here are chiefly Bap
tists that keep Saturday as a Sabbath." They were very
Uberal and catholic in their treatment of Prince. Earnest
and conscientious, excellent citizens, the main tenet of this
division of Baptists was separative rather than concilia
tory, and they were protestants of the Protestants, tend
ing toward isolation.
The Indian and negro population — ^well mixed after
the abolition of slavery — ^was a drag on the best life of
the time. Some colored families emerging from the mass,
became landowners or mechanics and were most helpful
citizens. When Winthrop and Clarke negotiated In London for

136 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
agreement in securing the charters of both colonies, the
latter obtained a favorable position for Rhode Island,
which Winthrop undoubtedly yielded lest he might lose
the Connecticut charter altogether. Connecticut claimed
that he exceeded his powers and asserted her sovereignty
over the Narragansett country as has been noted.
Twenty of her armed men crossed the Pawcatuck. On
her part, Rhode Island seized John Greene of Quidnesset,
who favored Connecticut, and carried him to Ne-wport,
threatening others with arrest.
The Narragansett proprietors, Includ(ing Richard
Smith and Increase Atherton, met July 2, 1663.^ They
recorded that as " Poynt Juda " had no harbor and could
not be Improved for farms and plantations, for the present
it should lie common to the twenty-two proprietors for
their " Drye Cattle " and that two houses should be built.
The next day they voted to place themselves under the
protection of Connecticut Colony In preference to that of
Rhode Island.
King PhUip's War in 1675 and 1676 laid waste the
dwellings of the Narragansett Country, but the settlers
soon recovered from these disasters. Industries were
started In Westerly on the Pawcatuck River before the
eastern part of the county had advanced so far. Joseph
Wells at that point, built vessels for buyers In Connecti
cut as early as 1681.
We have details of the schooner " Alexander and
Martha," built by him and which sailed from New Lon
don, and the builder was to own at least one-eighth part.
She was forty feet long, her deck falling by the main
mast, and had a cabin, cook room and forecastle. ®
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes sent out an emlgra-
5 " Fones Record," p. 23.
6 Meld, " Providence," Vol. IIL, p. 579.

1686] Huguenot Culture 137
tion, which became an important element in the population
and in the life of America. No community then existing
more effectually developed arts and crafts with cor
responding culture than the Huguenots. Rhode Island
gained much thereby and might have profited more had
not the turbulent neighbors oppressed the first Hugue
not settlers. In 1686, some forty-five of these French
families settled in northern Kingstown and southern East
Greenwich, buying a large tract of the Atherton pro
prietors.'^ Unfortunately this land was claimed by ad
joining English settlers, with some show of right. In
1687, these contestants carried off forty loads of hay
from the meadows of Frenchtown, as the hamlet was
called. Governor Andiros could not finally adjudicate
the matter, and ordered a division of the hay, half to the
English and half to the French. Two dozen dwellings
had been occupied and a church built. Such oppressive
treatment crushed this settlement and scattered the In
habitants. The Ayraults went to Ne-wport. Many of
the names, slightly AngUcIzed, remained In the South
Country, and we may note the Ma-wneys (LeMoines),
Chadseys, Tourgees, Tarboxes, Frys, and Nicholses.
Remains of the original French orchard on the Mawney
farm were visible in the nineteenth century. * Current
tradition attributed to the French the introduction of
many fine varieties of the apple, pear, peach, plum and
cherry and of choice flowers. The influence of these in
teresting pilgrims was an abiding one.
A horse-ferry was established between Kingstown and
Conanlcut, continuing to Newport in 1700. A new ferry
from Kingstown to Conanlcut was Instituted in 1707.
The Queen's, afterward the " Post Road," was laid out
7 Brigham, " R. I.," p. ISO.
8 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. L, p. 365.

1'38 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
about 1703. It was still a bridle path when Madam
Knight went over it in 1704. This indicates the settle
ment and improvement of the South County. The first
bridge over the Pawcatuck at the old ford " Shaw's " on
the " Indian Trail " was built by contribution about
1712; the next In 1736, was one-half at the charge of
the Rhode Island colony, and one-half was paid for by the
town of Stonington. The fact that Stonington did so
much, shows how important was this communication with
New York and Boston.
Proprietorship In lands by the seashore influenced the
community and carried it along lines differing somewhat
from the ordinary town in New England. The Puritan
element existed, but It proceeded differently. Prior to
1700, there came to this region, families attached to the
worship of the Church of England. They were few in
number, but " They were very earnest " ^ for that faith.
According to Doctor MacSparran, Trinity Church was
built at Newport in 1702, and St. Paul's, his own, in Nar
ragansett in 1707.^" The first existing record of the lat
ter is dated April 14, 1718,^^ and Gabriel Bemon was a
vestryman. He was a Huguenot refugee from Rochelle
and, soon remo-vlng to Pro-vldence, became very prominent
In founding King's or St. John's Church there. He pos
sessed a keen InteUect, was Uberal minded for his time
and a firm believer in self-government. His positive views
were formulated according to the time, but they were ex
plicitly free and adumbrated the modem citizen. " Roger
Williams and all those, that have settled in our Provi
dence town, have been persecuted, bruised and banished
out of Massachusetts govemment, for not submitting
8 Updike, Goodwin's Ed., Vol. I., p. 337.
10 Ibid., p. 31.
11 Ibid., p. 38.

1718] Gabriel Bemon the CosmopoUtan 139
themselves to the arbitrary power of the Presbytery and
we fear nothing more than this arbitrary power of the
clergy. Power before Popery did ruin the world, and,
since Popery, the arbitrary power of the clergy hath
ruined Europe." ^^ An early effort to aid the woollen In
dustry dates from 1719, when Col. George Hazard gave
Thomas Culverwell one-half acre of land for a fulling-
mill for "Promoting ye Wooling Manufactuary which
may be for my benefit and the PubUck Good." ^* The land
was to be " dro-wned " in making the dam. These central
fulUng mills were essential for converting the homespun
fabrics Into substantial cloth. A fulling mill was estab
Ushed at Hamilton, then BIssell's MiUs, In 1720.^*
One of the earliest Inventories recorded is that of George
Cook Feb. 3, 1703-4. ^^ His wearing apparel and arms
stood at £14. Of the great household staple, the feather
bed, he had two at £40, together with one silk grass and
one wool bed at £.. Six pair sheets and one pair pil
low beers at £6.10. One dozen napkins and one table
cloth were appraised at £1.10. Brass, iron and pewter
appropriated £8. In silver plate there was one cup and
six spoons at £4.6. A fair line of cattle and sheep with
ten of horsekind worth £40.16 comprised his stock; cared
for by one negro at £30. The personal estate was
£342.19. There seemed to be a large proportion of horses in the
different estates, caused by the demand for export prob
ably. James Wilson with personal property at £367.7, in
the following year had 31 horsekind at £74. Cattle and
sheep at £187.6. He spent £20 on wearing apparel,
12 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 60.
13 " So. Kingstown Rec, Vol. I., p. 101.
14 " Hazard Family," Robinson, p. 29.
15 Council Records So. Kingston, Vol. I., p. 3.

140 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
while his household furnishing was narrow; the pewter,
earthem ware and three candlesticks being worth only
£3.10. One negro woman £15.
Robert Hannah In 1706 held the same tenets concerning
corporeal immortaUty, we have noted elsewhere in the
colony. " Nothing doubting but at the general Resur
rection I shall receive the same (my body) again by the
mighty power of God." He was a thrifty man with
£378.12 personal estate, and having left his sons pro
vided with lands, cattle and negroes. His stock was worth
£167.14. A negro woman and five children were valued
at £110; three feather beds and one flock with furniture
£26. Almost everybody had spinning wheels and cards or
combs, for woolen, worsted or linen yams. There were
many personal estates about £360 to £376. Young negroes
appear to have been valued at prices relatively low. In
1710, one negro of 17 years, one boy of 4 years, one girl
of 2 years, were lumped with a cart; yokes and tools at
£93.18. A different class of society is represented In the
property of Bethiah CoUvill, widow, altogether £28.15.
Her cow, swine, mares and eight sheep were worth £16.17.
She had one bed and 7s. in pewter; two wheels and one
pair cards at 8s. And in 1713, Katharine Bull had one
new " sute uper clothing " £4.12. In head Unen and rest
of the wearing apparel £7. In pewter and tin £1.14, in
Iron and brass 9s., in wooden ware, etc., 7s. Her total
personal estate was £30.16.
There were very few books mentioned. Rowse Helme in
1712, with personal estate of £284.17.1, had one bible and
small books at 10s. His outfit Indicates the sUghtly bet
ter style of living which was creeping In. Four feather
beds, bedsteads and furniture stood at £30.9. One table
cloth, 7 napkins, 1 sheet were valued at £1.11 ; nineteen

1716] Comforts Increase 141
napkins and two table cloths at £1.7 ; one bolster and
nine pillow cases at £1. In pewter there was £4.1.
There was £1.17.6 In 12i yards new " flannen " and some
cotton and woolen yam. A negro man at £30, a woman
at £16.
Samuel Perry in the year 1716 ^^ marks a social lift in
the various Items of his personal estate £730.16. He not
only dressed better but he displayed a watch and cane in
his outfit of £53. The household furnishing was decid
edly better; five feather beds and hangings with furni
ture at £100, one flock bed and fittings at £6, three beds
and bedding for servants at £13.10. In cattle and cows
£129.10. In horses, one three years old, five two years old
and a yearUng represented £62, with six mares and three
colts at £52. The table and cooking service showed con
siderable betterment; £6.11 In tin ware, £11.5 in pewter.
In brass Ware including a wanning pan £2.8 ; a bell metal
skillet, a teapot and quart pot in copper £1.10; four
brass candlesticks and snuffers £1.16. A chafing dish
with box iron and heaters. One chest " draws " one
" ovel " table (so much prized in Providence) all at
£5.10. Chairs, two tables, joynt stool £2.16. One clock
£18, (the first mentioned). One dozen silver spoons 8s.
All his books £7. Smith's " voyce and gleaszer's " tools
£5.6. Two negro slaves £130.
Perry was a considerable manufacturer for the time,
having 8 looms and tackling at £20; two coppers one pair
clothier's shears, two press " plaits " and press papers,
all at £21.16. If we compare the style of Uving Indicated
here, with that prevailing in Providence at the same
period, we shall find It similar except In the table service
of china and glassware.
Rowland Robinson, the father of Govemor William,
16 Council Records So. Kingston, VoL I., p. 79.

142 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
was a large landholder In the tract extending from Sugar
Loaf HiU to the present Narragansett Pier and Into
Point Judith Neck. His house was on the site now oc
cupied by Mr. Welch as " Shadow Farm " easterly from
Wakefield by "Kit Robinson's Pond." The Robinson
Inventory was dated in 1716, the will having been made In
1712. He bequeathed his wife for life the house and 80
acres of land. To three married daughters he gave £40
each in money.
At his home farm, there were 462 sheep, 266 lambs,
valued at £304.12. Fifty cows and a buU at £254, four
oxen at £27. Horsekind worth £142, and 53 swine at
£33.5. At the Point Judith farm there was £304.2 in
cattle, sheep and horsekind. Nine negroes at £375, fur
nished the labor.
The feudal proprietor dressed about as well, expending
£31.19, as the incipient manufacturer Perry, though he
did not affect a watch and cane. The house furnishing
was moderate, in four feather and two wool beds and
furniture £47.6, in servant's bedding £7. In table linen
£4.18, and £24.19 for 21 sheets and 21 bolster and pil
low cases. £5.9 was In 12 chairs, 1 table, 1 wheel, etc.
Again 6 chairs stood at 14s. and one looking glass at 8s.
There was an entire absence of the better class of fur
niture appearing elsewhere In the estates of wealthy men.
In pewter ware, there was the respectable and usual sup
ply, costing £10.16, and there was £5.12 In silver spoons.
The great bible, other books and a desk were appraised
at £2.16. The total personal estate was £2166, the
largest recorded as yet.
Robert Hazard In 1718, left a personal estate of
£748.9, and had expended £17 for wearing apparel.
There were the usual moderate comforts.
In the case of Nathan Jakwise, 1722, we have an ex-

1718] How Poor People Lived 143
ample — ^^dlfficult to trace — of the laborer's condition in
an estate of £28.19. Wearing apparel was 12s., about
the lowest recorded. A woolen wheel 9s., a linen do. 7s.,
and one pair of cards 2s. A beetle ring Indicating a
chopper's work out of doors 12s. Some wool and 8s. in
woollen yam. In linen he had 4s., ajid £2.14 in pewter;
£1.13 in iron ware, and 10s. In wooden vessels. He had
one cow at £6 and thirty bushels of Indian corn at the
same value.
Ephraim Smith In 1722 left a moderate estate and
farming outfit. Hie had one loom and tackling at £1.15.
Looms were not as common as spinning utensils. Though
he had expended only £13. In wearing apparel he had
11 oz. of plate at £4.8, in buttons, buckles and money.
He enjoys the distinction of wearing the first recorded
silver shoe buckles. Most people had a few silver spoons
and 1718-9 there appears a silver drinking cup and spoons
at £8.7. Another cup is found in 1721.
There were records duly kept of ear marks of cattle, and
of births and deaths among the people. The wearing
apparel of the citizen — excluding laborers generally —
ran from £10. to £20., with an occasional outlay of £30.
to £40. We have not enough data to average the ex
penditure of the fair sex, even If such mathematical
adjustment were proper.
Slavery was closely intertwined with life on the planta
tion or farm, and with domestic service. About every
person living comfortably had more or less slaves. If
only one woman. There were a few Independent white
laborers, and we have cited some instances, but the work —
especially out-of-doors — was done by slaves The average
price of a mature and able negro man was about £60. ;
of a woman, about £40. The largest number so far
was the nine men owned by Rowland Robinson. Proba-

144 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
bly he had given away his women slaves. There were all
sorts of fractional ownerships and time valuations. The
service of a negro boy for six and a half years was
appraised at £19.10. Three Indian children servants were
worth £23. Two-thirds part of a negro boy was put at
£15. Indian slaves appear under various conditions, and
they must have been descended from the captives in King
Philip's War.
This period in Narragansett corresponds with the
third social condition In Providence, though nearly a score
of years behind in Its development. Necessaries in the
colonial home were served by means of earthen ware and
wooden trenchers ; comforts by the useful pewter ; luxuries
came in with silver, china and glass. There were few
forks used until after 1700. In the seventeenth century
a family beginning to live comfortably increased its sup
ply of napkins.
Madam Knight In 1704 complained of the familiarity
with slaves along the Connecticut shore.^^ The horse
woman struck the poorest homestead ^® at Shaw's Ford,
now Westerly, " This little Hutt was one of the wretched-
est I ever saw a habitation for human creatures." It was
clapboarded, with no windows and an earthen floor. No
furniture, but a bed with a glass bottle hanging at the
head, an earthen cup, a small pewter " bason." A board
" with sticks to stand on " served for a table, and a
block or two for chairs. This was a poor evolution from
a loghouse. " Notwithstanding both the Hutt and Its
17 " They Generally lived very well and comfortably in their
famelies. But too Indulgent (especially ye farmers) to their
slaves: suffering too great familiarity from them permitting ym to
sit at Table and eat with them (as they say to save time), and into
the dish goes the black hoof as freely as the white hand."— " Jour
nal," p. 53.
18 Ibid., p. 40.

1721] Doctor MacSparran 145
Inhabitance were very clean and tydee." TJie philosoph
ical traveler depicted in verse the relative lot of mortals :
" Tho' lU at ease, a stranger and alone.
All my fatigues shall not extort a grone.
These Indigents have hunger with their ease.
Their best Is wors behalf than my disease."
Dr. MacSparran settled at Narragansett in 1721, was a
man of parts and of ardent Celtic temperament, a strong
ecclesiastic. He was not as considerate of the unchurched
at Newport or Providence, as Rev. Mr. Honeyman, of
Trinity, or Gabriel Bemon; but he was much respected
as a man, and was quite a factor In the life of early Nar
ragansett. Mr. Updike considered him " the most able
Dl-vine sent over to this country by the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel."
In 1722, Mr. MacSparran was sent for to visit twelve
men of the Church of England imprisoned by the Bay-
Government at Bristol for refusing to pay rates for sup
port of the Presbyterian minister.^® Bristol, R. I., was
then under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. This year
the worthy rector confirmed and extended his social oppor
tunities by marrying Miss Hannah Gardiner, of a large
and Influential family in South Kingstown, allied to the
Robinsons and Hazards. She was beautiful and her
spouse enthusiastically characterized her as " the most
pious of women, the best of wives in the world." Among
his early converts the rector baptized in 1724, Thomas
Mumford, of Groton, Conn., and Captain Benoni Sweet, of
North Kingstown. The captain had been in the British
army, was weU Informed and polished in manner. He was
reputed a " natural bonesetter," and his descendants prac-
18 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. IL, p. 469.

146 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
ticed largely in repairing dislocations. Colleges of phy
sicians have never recognized this sort of heredity, but
numbers of people In southern Rhode Island and eastern
Connecticut trusted It Implicitly for a century and a half.
An effort in 1726 was made to maintain a parish school
at St. Paul's Church. The London Society for Propa
gation of the Gospel sent out Mr. James Delpech, paying
him a salary of ten pounds to serve as schoolmaster of
the Society. Such schools hardly met the colonial spirit,
and this lasted only about two years.^**
An epoch In the history of Narragansett occurred
when Dean Berkeley in 1729 or soon after his arrival in
Newport, began his visits to the Glebe-house. He
preached for Doctor MacSparran once by record, and
quite likely at other times. Familiar Intercourse with the
Dean and his accomplished fellow-travelers was one of
the forming influences of the period in the society about
Pettaquamscutt. It gave a cosmopolitan outlook to the
quiet neighborhood. It would be superfluous to dilate
upon the influence of such a man as Berkeley. Among
his companions was Smibert, the founder of portrait paint
ing in America ; and he painted Doctor MacSparran and
his wife. Perhaps Smibert, when depicting the ladies
of Narragansett, did not contribute much to ethno
graphic science, but he must have intensely stimulated the
gossip of the neighborhood when he recognized the
Indians around Tower Hill as veritable descendants of
the Siberian Tartars, transposed by the way of Behring
Strait. While in Italy Smibert had drawn the Tartars
from original pictures belonging to Peter the Great.
The imagination of the artist could easily transport the
Tartar lineaments and locate them anew in Narragansett.
With the Dean came Peter Harrison, assistant architect
20 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. IL, p. 489.

1729] Dean Berkeley's Influence 147
of Blenheim Palace. He built the Redwood Library and
other notable buildings.
The Doctor built the " Glebe House " on Pettaquam
scutt or Narrow River, accessible from, but not near, St.
Paul's Church. The church has been removed to the
village of Wickford, and Is a most interesting memorial
of the times. The parsonage was of good size, two-
storied and gambrel-roofed, with a narrower wing on the
southern end. There was a long family room, where
Sunday services were held in very -wintry weather.
Host and hostess, both social and hospitable, though
-without children of their own, gathered young people
about them. In the " Great Room " on a rainy day of
October the Doctor would busy himself with writing, while
his wife put her " Rev. Durance petticoat " into the
frame, which was a most necessary domestic equipment.
Here she quilted, assisted by her niece. Miss Betty Gar
diner. Robert Hazard, her nephew in another line, was
" reading Physic," as faithfully as the distractions of
such agreeable company would allow. The Doctor fav
ored marriage and domestic life. Out of his respectable
and useful library, he loaned Christopher Fowler a volume
on " Religious Courtship." It would seem that Venus
must be approached and sued in an ecclesiastical way.
The Ufe was plain, but generous and comfortable.
The occasional discomforts of crowds of guests show the
pleasures of a hospitable household. Once when more
than fifty years old he named a full dozen of visitors " all
here at once." Weary for the moment, he remarked, " so
much Company fatigues me at one time."
The Quakers were strong socially and absolutely
opposed to an ordained and settled ministry. Some Bap
tists and CongregationaUsts partook of this feeling. Our
priest went to the other extreme. Like all functional wits.

148 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
he was sometimes upset by an opponent and prostrated
among his own witticisms. A poor Quaker neighbor was
a famous preacher, who maintained himself by labor of
his hands, and at the time was laying stone-wall. The
Doctor elate at least, if not inflated, from his easy seat
on horseback said, " Well, James, how many barrels of
pudding and milk wiU It take to make forty rods of stone-
waU.? " James dropped his stone into place, looked
squarely at his bumptious questioner, answering, " Just
as many as It will take of hireling priests to make a
Gospel minister." If the answer was not Homeric, it
was because Homer did not know priests who preached.
Like many of the most useful missionaries In various
parts of the world, our rector ministered to the body as
well as the spirit. He often acted as physician in this
new country, where such service was In demand.
North and South Kingstown were set off from the origi
nal town in 1722. The western territory of the county
was divided as settlement moved forward. Charlestown
being taken from eastern Westerly in 1738. The new
town, In Its tum, lost Richmond on the north in 1747.
Hopkinton, the northern part of Westerly, was made a
town In 1767.
The great estate of the Champllns, originally coming
from Newport, fell into Charlestown. There were 2000 acres
and the homestead farm contained seven or eight hundred.
The proprietor kept thirty-five horses, fifty-five cows, six
hundred to seven hundred sheep, and slaves in proportion.
A large mansion-house stood well into the nineteenth cen
tury. Captain Christopher Champlin and Hannah, the
daughter of Captain John Hill, were married by Doctor
MacSparran in 1730. Their son Christopher, bom at
the homestead, went to Newport to become an enterprising
and successful merchant. He was president of the Bank

1729] Berkeley's Silver Flagon 149
of Rhode Island and the first Grandmaster of the Masonic
Fraternity In the State.
Colonel Daniel Updike, the son of Lodowick and grand
son of Richard Smith, spent his youth at Cocumscussuc or
Smith's Castle. He removed to Newport, where he prac
ticed law and was Attorney-General of the colony twenty-
four years. He was county attorney for King's, the pres
ent Washington County; and was prominent In founding
the Literary Society at Newport. The relations between
the Colonel and the Dean were most friendly and cordial ;
on the departure of the latter for Europe, he gave his
friend an " elegantly wrought silver flagon," now in the
possession of Daniel Berkeley Updike. Though strict in
some ecclesiastical canons and practice, the Doctor was
liberal in administering baptism. He immersed Colonel
Updike and frequently used that form of the rite. Moses
Lippet, of Warwick, he dipped " above his own Mildam."
In another account he says, " at the Tail of his Grist
Mill," showing that facts are difficult as well as doctrine
In ecclesiastical history.
The Updike Ubrary, descending from Daniel to Wil-
kins,^^ is of Interest. The coUectlon was strong in Latin
classics, with Heslod In both Latin and Greek, and ren
dered into an EngUsh translation. All the good readers
had Pope's Iliad. Books on law were represented, as a
matter of course. Voltaire's Philosophical Dictionary,
Dryden's Plays, with Defoe's History of the Devil, indi
cate some variety of culture. Leslie against the Deists
would confirm the orthodoxy of these good Episcopalians,
If such support could be needed. According to Hallam
the Short and Easy Method was as able as it was popular.
Erasmus's " CoUoquia Selecta " was considered by the
author " a caprice of fortune " in being his most popular
21 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., pp. 126, 433.

150 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
work, " full of foolish things and bad Latin." But In
our generation it would pass for a learned book. Young's
Night Thoughts was a frequent book In those days. The
works of Nicholas Rowe found place, and Moliere relieved
the somewhat somber shelves. The collection was con
siderable and we have given but few titles.
Matthew Robinson, bom in Newport, studied law in
Boston and practiced In Newport. He removed to South
Kingston in 1750 and bought a large farm west of the
present station of Kingston, naming his residence Hope
well. His legal practice was extensive, and he was a
student and zealous antiquarian. " He had a large and
well-selected library In law, history, and poetry, prob
ably the largest of any Individual In the colony at that
time." 22
The drawing of portraits introduced by Smibert was
kept up among the wealthy families. Later In the century
Copley practiced his art, and put the stately dames of
Narragansett and Newport on his excellent canvas.
There were many notable families in this precinct, which
included the Champllns in Charlestown and the Wards of
Westerly. Locally, the Browns, Hazards, Robinsons,
Willets have been well known. The Gardiners became
famous in Boston and in Maine, while the sea-going and
mercantile Mintums were transferred to New York.
In the middle eighteenth century, the estates of the
large landholders were extensive and deserved their local
designation of plantation, though the system of farming
by slaves was unlike that practiced In the South. Ordi
nary farms contained about three hundred acres ; the
plantations coming over from the seventeenth century
were much larger.^* Robert Hazard owned sixteen
22 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 14.
23 76W, Vol. IL, p. 14.

1730] The Plantations and Slavery 161
hundred acres on Boston Neck and about Pettaquam
scutt. The wealthy Robert Hazard, father of College Tom,
made a wIU, though he did not execute it, in 1745. 2* It
shows the way of Uving, especially In the provisions for
his dearly beloved wife. Fifty pounds a year, four cows
to be kept through each year. A negro woman Phebee.
One riding Mare, the best, with new saddle and bridle.
Wood, beef and pork ; the beef to be dressed and brought
Into her house. Fowls and geese. One feather bed and
six chairs, two Iron pots, one brass kettle, two pair pot
hooks, two trammels. Pewter dishes and platters, basins
and silver spoons. One piece " CambUtt," one of Unen
caUed the " fine piece." Forty pounds wool yearly, two
wheels linen and woolen. She was to have two rooms,
one " a fire room, the other a bed room such as she shall
chuse in either of my two Houses." Tlhe improvement of
a quarter acre of land. The upper part of the Neck,
occupied by the Willets, was the home of Canonicus and
Miantonomi. Colonel Joseph Stanton's property In
Charlesto-wn was said to be four and one-half miles long
by two miles -wide. Govemor William Robinson's land
on upper Point Judith was subdivided and inherited by
descendants. Samuel Sewall, son of the Judge, suc
ceeded to the John Hull purchase on Point Judith,
of sixteen hundred acres, finaUy divided into eight farms.
The number of slaves, generally overestimated, was
1000, according to Updike in 1730, and it was about
equal to that of the horses employed in tiUing the land.
The Indians settled through these districts and most
numerous around the reservation in Charlestown were
valuable auxiliaries, especially in haying and other periods,
requiring extra labor. Com, tobacco, cheese and wool
24 « Hazard College Tom," p. 31.

152 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
were the chief staples sustained by hay; and horses were
exported largely. Vessels were despatched from the
^^South Ferry direct for the We^st Indies. They were
loaded with cheese, grain, beef, and pork in the hold, and
with horses on deck.
Douglass in 1760 ^^ says, " Rhode Island Colony In
general is a country for pasture, not for grain ; by extend
ing along the shore of the ocean and a great bay, the air
Is softened by a sea vapour which fertilizeth the soil;
their -winters are shorter and softer than up Inland ; It is
noted for dairies, whence the best of cheese made in any
part of New England is called (abroad) ' Rhode Island
Cheese.' The most considerable farms are in the Narra
gansett country. Their highest dairy of one farm, ordi-
narly milks about one hundred and ten cows, cuts two
hundred loads of hay, makes about thirteen thousand
pounds of cheese, besides butter, and sells off consider
able In calves and fatted buUocks. In good land they
reckon after the rate of two acres for a milch cow."
Fortunately, Doctor MacSparran left a Diary and Let
ter Book for the years 1743-1751, which has been amply
edited by Doctor Goodwin. We may cite some facts and
matters of experience, which will serve to illustrate the
general accounts of Narragansett life, which will follow.
Though the worthy parson was strictly ecclesiastical,
severe in any point of discipline, separative where any
difference obtained -with " the Conventicle which is the
sink of the church," ^^ he was reasonable in the substantial
practices of reUgion. For example, he occasionally
preached at Conanlcut. July 5 he did not go, as the
" drought and worms " compelled the farmers to attend
25 « Hazard College Tom," p. 317, citing D. Mr. I. P. Hazard, p.
318, gives details of farming.
26 MacSparran Diary, p. 8.

1743] Farming Practices 163
to their harvest even on Sunday. Wheat was still raised
now and then in the Colony of Rhode Island. July 19th,
" with moonUght " the Doctor's two negroes and his
brother-in-law's oxen, mare and cart, carried the wheat
Into the bam. A pretty pastoral picture. The thresh
ing and wlnno-wlng was quite a circumstance In farm
Ufe. August Sth, he turns the cows into the " after
feed " and sends Stepney to Town (Newport) with a
packet of letters and to buy nails and salmon, likewise
a pound of chocolate. The latter was a frequent neces
sity at the Glebe house.
Our diarist's duties extended as far as Providence
sometimes. He went to Moses Lippet's in old War
wick In " the great tempest " to marry his daughter
Freelove to Samuel Chase in the midst ,of the storm.
Moses was grandson of John Lippet, an original settler
in Providence.
The " Great Awakening " under Whitefield's preach
ing excited New England and penetrated this comer
of our colony. In 1750,2' the " HiU Church " In West
erly and the Indian Church were formed, largely under
this Influence. Now In 1743,*® our Doctor labored with
one Avery " & a new light," saying something to " do
him good." We may well Imagine this wholesome coun
sel contained no heresy.
We may sympathize with the parson and the head of a
family in the complicated duties June 25, 1746. Harry
was hilUng com. George Fowler was bled by the amateur
surgeon. He gave Maroca (a negro girl, who had had
two illegitimate children), one or two lashes for receiving
presents from Mingo. But the sequel was worst of all.*"
27 « Westerly Witnesses," p. 69.
28 Diary, p. 13.
28 Ibid., p. 39.

154 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
" I think It was my duty to correct her, and w*ever Pas
sion passed between my wife and me on y^ occasion. Good
L* forgive It."
Our worthy parson was like many who have been seri
ously affected by dreams. He frequently underwent noc
turnal imaginary perils in boats, and always regarded
such conceptions as warnings of accidents to come by
water. Perhaps the experience In 1751, to be cited, car
ried an absurd dream as far Into historical exegesis as
was ever done. He had been reading a tale and next
morning he sets forth his " ugly dream " with a full diag
nosis as follows : " I beUeve y* reading the Life of Cleave-
land nat' son to Cromwel gave me all y^® Distresses. The
whole Is certainly a Fiction, y" never having been such a
man, nor such occurrences as It relates. I beUeve It is
wrote to blacken y^ Stuart Family, to raise men's Esteem
of y^ Revolution w* seems now to be sinking; But
Romance can't, ought not to discredit Realitys." ^° The
Doctor's high Tory procUvities shine forth admirably.
But how imagination by night or day runs riot; while
romance and reality dance in and out !
It might have been fancy farming, but " my two
Negro's " were plowing In buckwheat in 1751, for manure
for English wheat.*^ MacSparran was more practical in
teaching morals to the negroes by admonition and by lash
than in inveighing against lay-reading in the church. He
¦writes freely against this practice, which he abhors.
" Peter Bourse read Prayers and preached in y^ c'^'' there
(Newport) last Sunday w*"^' any kind of ordination. May
God open y' young man's eyes y' he may see y' he has
transgressed against y® Lord in offering up y* Publick
Prayers, w*^*" is y^ Same in y^ X° Ch'' y* offering Incense
30 Diary, p. 46.
31 Ibid.

1743] Discipline of Negroes 156
on y° Altar was in y° Jewish." ^^ On the next Sunday, he
preached against this irregular practice. He then re
galed himself with " suckatash " or succotash, also in
Indian msick quatash, the excellent com and beans
adopted from the natives. A comber was at the house,
for all these small proprietors combed or carded, spun and
wove at home. The cloth was scoured, fulled and pressed
at a fuUIng estabUshment. Sheep marks were recorded as
for example : " Crop the right Ear, and a gad under the
Left Ear."
Hanlbal was a most obstinate and intractable servant;
finally sold, after domestic discipUne had been exhausted.
Rising early, the master found Hannibal " had been out,"
and stripping, whipped the negro. In this case feminine
sympathy did not, affect Mrs. MacSparran, as in the case
of Maroca, for as the man was being untied " my poor
passionate dear," saying he had not had enough gave him
a lash or two. Hie ran away and two chasing him,
brought him home at night, having put " Pothooks "
about his neck. " So y* It has been a very uneasy Day
with us o y' God would give my Servants — the Gift of
Chastity." With such real troubles abounding in daily
life, one would think lay-reading might be let alone.
The worthy parson's relations to negroes were both cler
ical and patriarchal. He tried to do his full duty. It
was his custom to catechize them and once there were
present fully one hundred. It seems eccentric to baptize
PhlUis, the daughter of his slave, before seUing her, but
that was incidental to the social situation. On more
than one occasion he record's attachment ito Stepney,
drowned in Pettaquamscutt Pond, " the faithfuUest of
all servants." The baptism of one Freelove, " a Mustee
by colour and her child Katharine Lynalies Gardner " is
32 Diary, p. 46.

166 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
recorded with the note that Gardner was the master's

name.^^

There were more Irishmen among the settlers of New
England than is generally estimated. Doctor MacSpar
ran was Irish and at the harvest in September he mentions
Johnson and Kerigan, two young helpers. Next day " y°
3 Irishmen took y*'' leave"; two were going to South
Carolina, but Kerigan intended to stay and peddle. An
other day one Shirley, an Irish peddler, called. There
are many indications of good relations and pleasant Uv
ing with the slaves In the harvest time. " I gave 4 of
Bro' Jn°'^ negro's 10^ among them, and 2^ between Pom-
pey and Jemmy Smith."
Travel by land was not easy, and It was worse by
water. Tbe Doctor late In October, 1761, went by the
Conanlcut ferry to Newport, and by Borden's or Bristol
ferry to Bristol to preach. Fearing a storm he hurried
home, though the ferries were troublesome. Next day he
records " Cold and windy with y* wind at Northwest.
I thank God I came yesterday since I could not have
crossed y* Ferrys with so much wind ag^* me." Novem
ber 1st he notes for a fine day, "but I fear a weather
breeder, as y® wild Geese flew to Day."
The wife of Richard Smith, the first settler, brought
from Gloucestershire to Narragansett, the recipe for mak
ing the celebrated Cheshire cheese, hence the quality and
just repute of our product. Rents of farms were payable
in produce. From the time of the French Revolution to
the general peace after Napoleon, the United States were
the neutral carriers for Europe. This favorable position
gave great advantage to our farm products. Cheese
brought ten dollars per hundred, with com, barley, etc.,
in proportion.**
S3 Updike, Goodwin, IL, p. 467. 84 Ibid., p. 2S0.

175.1] Narragansett Cheese and Pacers 157
The Niarragansett pacer, exported so freely to the West
Indies, should be noted. According to Mr. Isaac P.
Hazard,^^ Govemor Robinson imported the original stock
from Andalusia, Spain. The breeding extended, and the
horses being greatly appreciated In the West Indies were
regularly sent out; Robert Hazard exporting about one
hundred annuaUy. Their gait was marvelous, affording
comfort in the saddle, which we can hardly conceive. The
purely bred could not trot at all. According to authori
ties of the eighteenth century, the horse's backbone moved
In a straight line, without swaying to either side, as in
the pace or racking gait of this day. We have Mrs.
Anstis Lee's account*^ of a journey Into Connecticut In
1791, when she rode the last mare " of pure blood and
genuine gait." She went thirty miles, lodging at Plain-
field, next day forty miles to a point near Hartford,
where she stopped for two days. Then she made forty
miles to New Haven, thence forty miles (sic) to New
London, and forty miles more to reach her home in Narra
gansett. Such endurance, whether In horse or rider, has
gone out of fashion.
There might have been some local exaggeration, but
the remarkable powers of the horse are well attested.
They were obtained for racing In Philadelphia. In South
Kingstown they raced on Little Neck Beach, and Doctor
MacSparran said they went with great " Fleetness and
Swift Pacing." From any point of view we may wonder
that such valuable powers In a horse could have been
allowed to pass away and disappear. Mr. I. P. Hazard
said a chief cause proceeded from the extraordinary West
Indian demand. Sugar brought sudden wealth, and the
planters could not get pacers fast enough for their wives
35 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. IIL, p. 37.
36 Ibid., p. 101.

158 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
and daughters. An agent stayed at Tower Hill, and from
season to season he would never " let a good one escape
him." This affected the general breeding. Also, they
were not adapted to draught and farm work. Losing
the jennet descended by crossing from a Barbary horse
was an incident in the passage from slave-holding habits
to the more moderate ways of a farming people.
Old Narragansett was famous for Its hospitality. Inns
were poor, as Madam Knight depicts in her journey in
1704, and they continued relatively the same through the
century. Strangers and gentlemen traveling were intro
duced by letter and they were welcomed as guests by the
free living residents of the country. Doctor FrankUn, a
frequent traveler, always arranged to spend the night
with Doctor Babcock at Westerly. " Well-qualified tutors
emigrated to the colonies, and were employed in family
instruction, and to complete their education the young men
were afterwards placed in the families of learned clergy
men.*^ Doctor MacSparran received young gentlemen
Into his family to be Instructed. Thomas Clap, the able
president of Yale College, was a good example of his
work. Doctor Checkley, a graduate of Oxford, located
as a missionary, taught several sons of Narragansett.
Residence in such families was an exceUent school in man
ners, as well as for improvement of the intellect. Young
ladies were taught by tutors at home and " finished " at
schools in Boston. Books were not common in those
days, but there were good private libraries, as we have
cited; and paintings, if only portraits, indicate culture.*®
37 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 222.
38 Professor Channing, in a discriminating study of the Planters
(J. H. U. Studies), says, . . . " a race of large land-owners who
have been called the Narragansett Planters, unlike the other New
England aristocrats of their time, these people derived their wealth
from the soil, and not from success in mercantile adventures . . .

1761] Narragansett Culture Local, not Imported 159
We have cited freely from Professor Channing, for It
illustrates completely from another point of view the essen
tial character of this society, " an anomaly in the institu
tional history of Rhode Island," as he terms it in another
connection. The same cause produced the aristocracy *^
of Narragansett, the ultra-democracy of early Providence,
and the modified representative government of Newport.
That great cause was freedom. The privilege granted by
Charles II. was developed by Roger Williams and John
Clarke Into power to make a free man Into a political being
— a citizen. A new political entity was bom Into the
world, as European scholars are coming to recognize.*"
For further elucidation, compare Doctor MacSparran's
view in the opposite direction In America Dissected. The
Doctor in the eighteenth century shows by his shadows *¦*-
deep-drawn of the body politic, the features which have
become the high lights of history in the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries. The eccleslast, by his own showing,
the routine of their daily lives was entirely unlike that of the
Virginia planters. ... In fine they were large — large for the
place and epoch — stock farmers and dairymen. ... It has been
claimed that the progenitors of the Narragansett farmers were
superior in birth and breeding to the other New England colonists,
and that to this the aristocratic frame of Narragansett society is
due. I do not find this to have been the case. . . . This refine
ment, however, belongs to the best period of Narragansett social
life. It was the result of a peculiar social development and not a
cause of that development." — Ibid., pp. 529-531.
38 Aristocracy and democracy, as usually held, are conventional ex
pressions. I knew a sagacious old son of Rhode Island, a Jacksonian
and democratic follower of Dorr. Arguing with him on some
political matter, I used the first term when he answered emphatically,
" Aristocracy ! a woman who seeks work with her own wash-tub is
one thing, she who washes clothes in somebody else's wash-tub is
another thing — that is aristocracy ! " My friend personally was an
aristocrat. Doctor Eliot was a democrat.
40 Ante, pp. 6, 8.
41 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. IL, p. 556.

160 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
had neither lungs nor gills and could not breathe on
land or water that was free. He could not conceive of
religion without some sort of worship on Sunday .*2
The frankUns and manorial gentry of Narragansett
were a picturesque feature In the more sober life of New
England. Rowland Robinson,* father of the " unfor
tunate Hannah," in the middle eighteenth century, was a
type of these citizens. When In full dress he usuaUy wore
a dark silk, velvet or brown broadcloth coat, light yellow
plush waistcoat, with deep pockets and wide flaps resting
partly on the hips, short violet colored breeches buckled
at the knee, nicely polished boots with white tops, or silver-
buckled shoes, a fine cambric shirt profusely ruffled
at the bosom and wrists, with silk neck-tie to match. On
his head was set a looped-up triangular hat, and in hand
he carried a stout gold-headed cane.
Dr. MacSparran visited England in 1764 with his wife,
where she died of small-pox. He was much affected by
the loss of this " most pious of all women, y® best wife In
y® world." He came back to his home in 1756, his health
broken and his constitution failing under his sorry be
reavement. He performed his clerical duties as far as he
could. He died In December, 1757, and was buried under
the Communion Table of the church he had created.
" There was Rings mourning weeds & Gloves gave to y"
Paul Bearers." While rector he had baptized 638 per-
42 " Besides the members of our Church, who I may say are the
best of the People, being Converts not from Convenience or Civil en
couragement, but Conscience and Conviction; there are Quakers,
Anabaptists of four sorts. Independents, with a still larger number
than all those of the Descendants of European parents, devoid of all
religion, and who attend no kind of Public Worship. In all the
other Colonies, the Law lays an Obligation to go to some sort of
Worship on Sundays; but here, Liberty of Conscience is carried to
an irreligious extreme." — ^Updike, Goodwin, Vol. IIL, p. 36.
* Thomas R. Hazard, " Reminiscences," p. 19.

1726] Typical Examples of Living 161
sons, besides receiving many from other churches. For
thirty-seven years he served the parish faithfully ; while he
led In spirit, he ministered in all ways of Uving to his trust
ing followers. Southern Rhode Island will always hold
his memory dear.
Going back to the beginning of the second quarter of
this century, we find the comforts of Uving enlarging as
the county Improved its agricultural condition. Samuel
Tifft,** In 1725, with a personal estate of £947. 12., is a
typical example. Wearing apparel at £27. 19., his gun,
sword and razor stood at £1. 11., his saddle, bridle and
male pillion at £1. 10. The household furnishing included
five feather beds and furniture at £58. 12., one old flock
bed and furniture £1. 2. and 13 chairs at £1. 14. Of the
desirable warming pans, he had two at £1. 10., In other
brass ware £1. 12., in pewter £7. 1. 8., In silver plate £6.
12. and bottles were frequently valued In the various es
tates. In the humble tin ware there was Is. 2d. and the
early wooden trencher was still used to the number of two
dozen, valued with other pieces at 6s. Books were repre
sented by two old bibles at 4s. and a moderate farming
outfit nourished the family. More or less butter and
cheese — the latter in larger quantities — was in the inven
tories. He had cards, spinning wheels and worsted
combs ; and as an example of home industry 20f yards
" whome spun " broadcloth at £10.7., 29^ yards cotton
cloth and Unen cloth at £6. 10., 3 yards linen do at 9s.
and 20 yards " corse " cloth at £3. 15.
Stephen Hazard was slightly better off, as befitted an
owner of £2760. 15., in personal property. His best suit
was adorned with sUver buttons and he wore a beaver hat
— all costing £19. 5., while his wear for €;very day stood
43 These inventories are from South Kingston MS. Probate Rec
ords, Vol. IL, p. 34, et seq.

162 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
at £10. 5. In a pair of silver shoe buckles and two but
tons there was £1. 3. 6. and In a silver seal 5s. ; 4 silver
spoons were valued at £6. 8. 2. Mr. Hazard owned the
first silver tankard on record, costing £24. 18. 8. One
case bottles and metheglin was appraised at £1. 10.
There were 36 milch cows at £193., 4 working oxen at
£35., besides 22 fat Cattle on Great Island. He had 29
yearling neat cattle at £72. 10., 32 two and three years
old £144, turkeys and fowls at 6s., with 24 geese at £.8.
Geese were very common.
Caleb Hazard lived on 160 acres land, valued with his
dwelUng at £1400. He had moderate stock and furnish
ing out of doors and within. Two small tables and a
high candlestick were valued at £1. ; a case of drawers
with the inevitable oval table £6. 15. ; one looking glass
£5. 10., another £4. 10. A linen wheel employed the femi
nine spinners. For kitchen and table service there was
iron ware £3. 1. Tin do., £1. 4. A brass kettle, skillet
and pepper box £6. 2. 6., a slice, chafing dish, etc., £4. 12.
10., wooden ware and trenchers 6s., pewter platters and
other ware £6., 6 silver spoons £3. 16. He worked his
farm with one old negro at £20., a better one at £70., a
young negro girl at £35., two Indian boys at £20. and
£15. His wearing apparel cost £23. 11., and he was a
type of the smaller land holders to come in a generation
or two later.
Another class in society was represented by N. Osborn,
dressed in wearing apparel at £7. 1. 6., and with a per
sonal estate of £64. 12. 6. This Included one feather bed
(not the best of the time) at £17. 26. ; tin and brass ware
with pepper box at 2s. 6d. and a warming pan at 5s.,
one knife with fork and tobacco box at 2s. He was a
spinner and shoemaker.
Daniel Landon was a working carpenter, possessed of

1730] Habits of Working Men 163
£22. 14. in personal estate. His woollen clothing and
hat were worth only £1. 16., a very low outlay for any
man. A " whone, razor " and penknife were lis., wooden
ware 6s. 6d., pewter and earthen ware 14s., five old chairs
10s. No books and they were rare generally; in an
other case the library was valued at 10s., in yet another
14s. There was often a family bible, but it was not as
general as in Providence. The old-fashioned joynt stool
was often used, and razors had become almost universal In
this century.
It was not often that feminine dress had developed to
Its proper superiority over the male. In 1730 Josiah
Sherman, with a personal estate of £188.9., expended
£17. '3. on his clothes. His wife was allowed £26. 8., an
appropriate difference, further accentuated by a gold
ring and three ribbons, costing £1. 4.
Gold Rings were becoming common, as in 1732 Thomas
Raynolds had three at £3. He was a tailor probably,
having a goose and shears, a thimble and needles. Ex
pended moderately in clothing £17. 11., including gloves
and garters and a "Rokelo." We should not neglect
one silver buckleband and a bottle at lis. or two links of
silver buttons at 6s.
Wm. Gardner was of another class, with £897. 4. in
personal property in 1732. He walked bravely, clad at
a cost of £33. 16., carrying a cane and a gold ring. His
riding horse, saddle and bridle, holsters, pistols and pow
der flask were worth £40. Knives and forks at 16s., tin
ware at lis. 6d., silver plate £7.6. His farming outfit
was small, worked by a negro woman at £90, a boy at
£30. and two girls at £66. and £46. In books he had
£3. 5.
A still Is mentioned valued at £11. Christopher Helme
Yeoman from a personal estate of £1274. 19. had ex-

164 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
pended £37. 9. for his wearing apparel. His cattle and
swine were worth £497. 1., and his four negroes £195.
This title of yeoman was occasionally used ; If used at all,
why should it not have been used more frequently?
Wm. Gardner, of Boston Neck, had the large personal
estate of £4946. 17., as well as his valuable lands. Dr.
MacSparran married into this family. Mr. Gardner's
clothing was valued at £78. 10., and his " Rought plate "
£92. 8. Three beds and furniture at £40., one warming
pan at £3. Pewter at £13. 7. There were spinning and
linen wheels — no loom — and a large number of cattle,
sheep and horses. The force of slaves was large, three
Indians at £176., six negroes at £470., three negro women
at £420.
OccasIonaUy we get the details of a funeral. Caleb
Hazard's was in 1726-6, and the cost of the coffin was £1.,
with stones to mark the grave at £2. The expenditure for
rum at the ceremony was £1. 10. Has son died soon after
and the expenses were very closely scaled to mark two
ranks of men. For the young man's coffin they paid 17s.,
and for the gravestones £1. 6. For rum to ameliorate
the condition of the sympathizing neighbors, the family
allowed only 6s.
Silver plate was becoming diffused among people of
moderate means. The majority of inventories had a few
spoons. In 1738, Jeremiah Clark, In a personal estate
of £285. 10., had a smaU farming outfit, a loom and a
spinning wheel, £8. 10. was in pewter. In plate, there
were 10 silver spoons, a silver cup, one piece silver, two
pieces gold (possibly coin), all valued at £20. The
most expensive silver seal at a cost of £14. was worn by
George Belfore. He was a trader, having £1350. in shop
goods, in a personal estate of £4499. 9-
The widow Knowles, of moderate circumstances in 1734,

1734] A Widow's Outfit 165
aUowed herself £25. 16. in linen and woollen clothing and
in three beds with furniture £48. 14. In table Unen and
pewter ware there was £. 6. 6-, in iron ware £5. She had
a large bible at £2. 19., and her personal property was
£167. 6. Bibles were becoming more frequent; In an
other case In 1734, there was £4. 6. In a. bible and other
books. Probably Doctor MacSparran would have said
this improvement was due to the good influences of St.
Paul's Church.
It is Interesting when we can get at the details of a
personal wardrobe. In 1735, George Webb ** had a suit
of " fuU cloath " at £5. 10., a suit of Duroy £4. 10. and
other apparel costing £18. 10. In five pairs of shoes
and one pair old boots, there was a value of £2. 13. His
large bible was £3., but he was a citizen of the church
mlUtant, having two old cutlasses, a pistol and two guns.
His personal estate was £253. 18.
Josiah Westcott, in a personal estate of £643. 16., had
carpenter's and glazier's tools. With moderate furnish
ing in his house, he kept one cow and one mare without.
He expended £40. upon his wardrobe, and better £5. for
books. Charles Haginbotham In 1736 varied somewhat from
the customary dress of the small proprietors. To his
apparel at £30. he added a hat and cane at £3., a pair of
spectacles " sllper " and boots at 15s. He possessed the
first recorded wig at £1. His riding horse, saddle and
bridle were appraised at £26. and there was added £1. for
portmanteau and bridle bitts. Knives and forks were 16s.
He had £36. In '36 ounces of silver plate and £8. 10. in
books, a respectable Ubrary for the time. Notwithstand
ing a comparatively small personal estate of £446. 2. he
had In slaves a mulatto woman at £70., a " mustee " boy
44 South Kingston MS. Rec, Vol. IIL, p. 3.

166 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
at £30., a similar girl at £20. Robert Hannah sported
a watch at £10. He had silver plate, gold and silver
buttons and shoebuckles, with a snuff box. There were
four negroes at £226. In the personal property of £1207.
15. John Smith, of the universal name, was evidently a
poor person, though he lived In comfort on personal prop
erty of £55. 10. His apparel cost £2. 10., a small amount
even for a laborer, and he had £3. 3. in pewter. One cow,
four pigs and poultry afforded the basis of a good liv
ing, while two spinning wheels gave employment.
Elizabeth Gardner In 1737, a modest widow with prop
erty of £111. 17., expended on her wardrobe only £11.
In pewter she had £2. and In one bible £3. ; in an old settle
12s., in a spinning wheel £1. There were four cows and
one heifer at £44., and three mares, old and young, valued
at £5. Mary Bunday's was one of the smallest estates
recorded, with wearing apparel at £2. 16., buckles at 6s.
and a testament at 4s.
In 1738 we have John JulUen, with a personal estate of
£1605. 18. He had a watch and cane with hatter's
" utentials " at £16. 13.
Honorable George Hazard in 1738, with a personal
estate of £6288.16., brings us back to the semi-feudal pro
prietors. His house, built about 1733, was at the " Fod
dering Place " on the northeast shore of Point Judith
Pond. Existing until a generation ago. It was a type of
the good houses of that period. It was two stories high
on the front of fifty feet, slanting to one story at the
rear. Over the entrance was a fan light and above this
a large arched window, giving light to the hall. This
square hall had a handsome staircase of oak and a bal
ustrade. At the south end was the parlor, a very large
room with the favorite Colonial buffet, where the silver

1738] Ways of Semi-Feudal Proprietors 167
plate was displayed. In the better houses these buffets
were ornamental as weU as pretentious, scrolled at top and
back with quaint carvings. The house was given to his
son George, Mayor of Newport.*^ One suit of his clothes
cost £61. 5. and other apparel £71. 2., while a sword, cane
and horsewhip stood at £12. 10. Hazard was generaUy
the name best dressed. In sUver plate he was weU sup-
pUed, Including a tankard at £30., two porringers, salt
ceUar and 11 spoons at £49. 10. Of pewter articles he
had the value of £8. 18., and in 11 silver buttons there
was £1. 16. The clock was valued at £35., thirteen chairs,
the Gist mentioned of leather, were £27., two oval tables
£5., the inevitable joynt stool £1., a high case of drawers
£9., a looking glass £6., and two more at £3. The general
housefurnishing was ample. The first specified " drink
ing glasses " stood at 13s., with other glasses at the
same rate. " Pipes and glasses also were 3s. Five punch
bowls were £1. 15. Glasses again and stone ware were
£3. 9. Teacups and saucers 10s. Bohea tea 14s. The
honorable gentleman had books at £38. 6., as he should
have had. A saiUng boat and canoe were appraised at
£41. There was a large supply of cattle, sheep and
swine. Eight acres in com stood at £44., one acre in
wheat at £8., nine acres In oats at £27. In slaves there
were four negro men at £440., one girl at £90., the time of
a " mustee " boy at £26., do. of an Indian boy £28.
Betty Heeth, 1738-9, owned a pair of worsted combs
at £2. 6., without spinning wheels. Evidently she combed
and carded; if she spun also, she used her employer's
wheel. In another case a spinner and weaver with linen
wheel at £1. 10. and loom at same price, owned a " nat
ural pacing" mare and colt at £26., a low price. Her
wearing apparel cost £15. 7. Silver shoe buckles and but-
45 Robinson, " Hazard Family," p. 24.

168 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
tons, as well as the " wigg," were common, and punch
bowls went along with tea cups and saucers. Ichabod
Potter in 1739 had a fancy for " lingomvata," for a punch
bowl of this with a sugar box was only 6s., while the two
regular punch bowls were at £1. He had the favorite
mortar of the same hard wood costing 15s.
A large bible with "y° Hypocriphy," one colony laws
and other smaU books were worth £5.
Elizabeth Tefft, In 1740, with personal estate of £401.
12., was a typical woman in moderate circumstances.
Her wearing apparel with two beds and bedding at £30.
10., showed that she cared more for silver than for dress
and furniture. For in silver plate there was 7 oz. 3 pwt.
7 grains at £9. 17. 10., while in gold not specified there
were 52 grains at £1.6. In brass ware she had £6.3., in
iron £9. 11., In pewter £6. 11. Her stock comprised four
cows and a calf at £51., one mare and yearling colt at
£25., and three swine at £4. 6. She was a sensible and
economical manager.
In 1738, we noted the effects of Hon. George Hazard,
his elegant attire as he walked abroad ; his fine display
of punch bowls and drinking glasses at home ; with a
library suitable for a gentleman. Sarah his widow died
In 1740 and her equipment was worthy of her station
and her personal estate of £5324. 12. The comparative
wardrobe of this husband and wife, enjoying what they
wanted, shows clearly that the men dressed better than
the women. Mrs. Hazard's clothing at £59. 12. was less
than half the value of her husband's. In jewelry she
excelled, though the outlay was not excessive. Her gold
necklace and locket cost £10. These gold beads —
afterward so common In women's wear — ^were the first
recorded. A gold ring, jewels and snuff box stood at
£6. 10. Apparently gold rings were more often worn by

1740] How Wives of the Proprietors Lived 169
men than by women. The snuff box was a necessity ; for
nearly a century ago everybody, men and women together,
took snuff. The lady's riding horse, saddle and bridle
cost £70. 12.
At the same time Toby ChampUn, " an Indian man,"
stood at the other end of the social scale with effects at
£36. 13. It was the humblest sort of an outfit, including
scythes, tools, fishing gear, oyster tongs and an old horse
at 5s. Ann Kelly was not as provident as Elizabeth
Tefft, for in an estate of £16. 16. 6., she left £12. 7. 6. in
wearing apparel. In 1741 a negro girl about two years
old was valued at £40. In most cases the fair sex took
care of their persons, though they were relatively more
moderate than the wealthy men. In 1743, Mary Vileat,*®
single, invested £33. 16. in her wardrobe from an estate
of £113. 4. In one case we find 2160 lbs. of cheese at
£135. The proprietor had 12 negroes. A negro boy
nine years old was worth £70. Hour glasses appeared
occasIonaUy. In 1744 a chamber pot was appraised with
a warming pan at £1. 7. It does not appear whether
the convenience had changed from pewter to white stone
ware, as was occurring elsewhere. A silver watch comes
In at £26., with a pocket compass at £1. In 1746, Simon
Ray was recorded " Gentleman " with one of the largest
collections of books worth £32. 18. Courtesy treated him
more kindly than circumstance, for his estate was only
£74. 9. A clock at £65., with a better looking glass at
£18., shows an advancing scale of housekeeping. Silver
buttons increase, and were needed to match the shoe
buckles. And wigs were well established. Silver plate
was the frequent luxury turning into comfort, just as pew
ter was two generations previously.
In 1746-7 Jonathan Hazard Yeoman, with an estate
48 S. K. MSS. Rec, IV.

170 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
of £7971. had £78. In wearing apparel, while "the
weoman's " was £22. 8. Only £2. for the bible and other
books. He had twelve negroes to do his work and stored
£100. worth of cheese in his " Great Chamber bedroom."
In another inventory we may note the first definitely Indi
cated white " stone chamber pot " at 6s., about one-
quarter or one-fifth the value of the article in pewter.
A small farmer wearing silver shoe buckles had £40. in
carpenter's tools. In 1748, Benjamin Perry, with estate
of £2935., gets a detailed record of his wardrobe, the
first whole suit standing at £39. 10., the second at £32. 10.,
the third at £20. 17., with a pair of boots at £2. His
walking stick was ornamented with an ivory head, and
cost him 5s. His riding mare, saddle and bridle were
£60., and his hunting saddle and bridle £5. There was a
set of glazier's tools and " a still which goes by the name
of Limbeck " at £10. Equipped with silver spoons, he
had the somewhat unusual earthen-porringer, three at 3s.,
and a wooden candlestick at 3s. His were the first noted
" beaker " glasses, two at 4s. Altogether, his life was
out of the common way of a Narragansett proprietor.
In another case, the estate was £9943., the wearing ap
parel £142., with one looking glass at £20., another at
£15. There were earthen cups and saucers and other arti
cles, including porringer, at 16s. Here was found the first
recorded " Chany " ware, four bowls, four saucers, seven
cups at £8. 10. Silver, as usual, with books at £3.
Earthen ware in some degree took the place of pewter;
very likely it served for the slaves, of whom there were
seven In this instance. Wm. Gardner Yeoman had an
estate of £1604. In 1749, while Ebenezer Nash Labourer
had £48. 9. Another laborer was well to do with
an estate of £310., of which £41. 8. was in his ward
robe, £9. 11. in carpenter's tools, and £1. 10. in a linen

1750] A Mulatto and a Govemor 171
wheel. John Taulbary, mulatto, left estate of £36. 17.
distributed in a significant manner. Against a gun at
£4. 10. may be set two wheels at £2. A bedstead and
bedding at £3., made him comfortable, as it was reinforced
In cold weather with a warming pan, which was valued
with " a how " at £2. 10. A fiddle at 10s., a teapot and
drinking glasses at £1. 10., provided for the aesthetic
sense of a lone darky, who was probably not lonesome.
After studying these varying grades of social develop
ment we rise to Governor William Robinson. His Ufe
was the culmination of the mid-century system of Uving
In this nook of Rhode Island. Quaker by connection,
bom In 169'3, dying in 1751, he inherited land and bought
largely, leaving some 1385 acres to be divided among his
sons. He had previously given them farms at their
majority. In pubUc life for 24 years he held responsible
places; being Speaker of the House for four years and
Deputy-Govemor 1745-1748.
Hon. William Robinson *'' inventoried a personal estate
of £21,573. 5. to his widow and executrix Abigail. Here
were large affairs entrusted to a woman. He dressed well
for a Quaker from a wardrobe at £130., though not as
well as his neighbors, the Hazards, such as were not
Friends. His large house was on the site of the Welch
viUa just east of Wakefield. On the first floor were the
great-room, great-room bedroom, (fining-room, dining-
room bedroom, store bedroom, northeast bedroom. Kitchen,
closet, store-closet, cheese-room, milk-room, etc. There
were sleeping-rooms corresponding above, but from the
number of these accessible bedrooms, we may perceive, that
our ancestors did not like to climb stairs. In the open
attic, weaving and spinning were carried on. There was
47 S. K. MSS. Records, Vol. IV., p. 335. Robinson, " Hazard
Family," p. 34.

172 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition
ample bedding, and two beds and bedding at £160. stood
In the " Great Room Bedroom." A clock at £145. and a
large looking glass at £45. 14 chairs at £20. helped the
furnishing. The silver plate " In the bowf att" of the
Great Room was worth £374. 8., the largest so far re
corded. The table outfit was suffiiclent, but not equal to
that of the better sort of neighbors. " Chane " ware £26.
Pewter plates £36. 10. Knives and Forks £4. Tin ware
£1. 10. Iron £22. Earthen £5. Note four " smaU
mapps " and one set " bruches " at £3., while the library
and an old desk were appraised at £5. Evidently this
planter and statesman did not trouble himself with book
learning. There were 4060 lbs. of cheese at £658. 5. and a good
line of cattle and horses in the stables. He bred the
' pacers largely and always rode one when he superintended
his farming. These fleet creatures took water readily.
There were many streams to be forded, and after a storm
the Pettaquamscutt especially would change its fords.
If a slave could not find a safe footing, a good woman
rider would swim the turbid stream. The Govemor had
20 negroes, the largest number found in King's or the
South County. The highest value for a negro was £500.,
and two more were £450. each, the highest woman stood
at £320. There were debts on his books due him for
£1316. The funeral charges of this magnate were £269.
17. The wearing apparel of the respectable citizen in 1725
to 1750 cost from £14. to £40. In the depreciating cur
rency. It very rarely dropped below the first sum. As
prices expanded under the Inflation the amount went up
to £76. and £95. ; for the Govemor £130. and two of the
well-dressed Hazards appropriated £142. and £184. The
women dressed less expensively, expending generally less

1760] Slaves and Paper Inflation 173
than £25. The most extravagant only spent £69. and
£70. We have noted the estates of George Hazard and
his widow, for relative expenditure of the man and woman.
This outlay for dress was materially lower than that pre-
vaUIng In Providence at the same time. Books were
scarce and little used among the people at large.
The price of slaves in King's County responded to the
inflation of the paper currency in the second quarter of
the century, quite as rapidly as any kind of property.
There were more men than women enslaved, and descend
ants of the old Indian captives often appear. The rough
average value of men and women was curiously equivalent,
running from £107. to £108. for either sex. The number
of slaves has been greatly exaggerated by tradition. Mr.
Updike *^ says about 1730, " famiUes would average
from five to forty slaves each." The greatest number I
have found In any inventory was twenty — ^in Govemor
Robinson's. Other wealthy estates had about a dozen
each, never more.
The whole scale of Uving in the Narragansett country
at this period has been equaUy exaggerated by tradition.
They hunted foxes occasionally, raced their pacers on
the smooth beaches and had good times as compared
with Puritan colonists. They Uved handsomely, even
luxuriously, if we consider other agricultural communities
In New England. But tradition has outrun the facts.
Mr. I. P. Hazard and Shepard Tom having a fine romantic
vein In their imagination, sketched freely. We should
imitate their admirable romantic spirit, as far as we are
able, In contemplating this Interesting social period. But
for digits and calculations, we must study the inventories
and such absolute facts as remain-
48 Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 208.

CHAPTER VI
PERIOD UNDER CHARTER OF CHARLES II.
1663—1730
THE Inherent fundamental right of religious Uberty,
for which Roger Williams had striven so earnestly,
found also in the seventeenth century its offiicial recogni
tion In law, first in the laws of 1647 of Rhode Island and
then in the charter which Charles II. granted the colony
of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in 1663.
The wide separation of the colonies from the mother-
country did not make this liberty appear dangerous,
though it was In such contradiction to the conditions In
England. " Charles II. sought further In his aversion to
the Puritans to favor as much as possible the colonies
that had separated from Massachusetts." ^
The EngUsh commonwealth did much for our colony,
but perhaps the easy-going King Charles did more. The
definite promulgation of religious liberty in the charter
adopted in 1663, with practical provisions for maintain
ing It as a common right of the citizen, placed the colonial
government on a new basis. The crown being the neces
sary center in the course of legitimate govemment, it had
come to be regarded as the source of polity. In Rhode
Island, loyalty to the crown carried the right of freedom
of conscience as well. This great principle gave power
and progress to the little community. Whatever might
be the defects In organization of such a heterogeneous
people, they were graduaUy overcome by the new unify-
1 Jellinek, " Rights of Man and of Citizens," p. 69.
174

1663] Freedom of Conscience Supported by Law 175
ing princlple.2 The results of the visit of the Royal Com
missioners in 1665 justify this statement. Their wel
come was better here and they found a more concordant
administration than in the neighboring colonies. The
constant pressure of the neighbors on Rhode Island had
been severe. The legitimate authority of the crown
seemed light in comparison with the Massachusetts effort
for dominion, regarded as tyranny.
Prosperous Newport was moving on. Coddington In
his " True Love " mentions the good business of the
Island shipping carried on -with the Barbados. The
enforced immigration of the Quakers gave economic prog
ress to Newport, as the direct result of persecution in
Massachusetts and antipathy In Connecticut. A vigorous
and thrifty element in the population, they " set up "
their Yearly Meeting as early as 1661. By 1666 they
received John Bumyeat, a distinguished missionary, and
by 1672 George Fox and others * came to look up these
prosperous brethren. In 1672 one of their number,
Nicholas Easton, was elected governor.
Better houses of the type of Coddington's were being
erected in 1665 to 1670. The pioneer or end-chimney
design was giving place to the central chimney or more
prosperous Connecticut form, with two or four rooms on
each floor. The population of the colony In 1675 was
2500 to 3000. Providence and Portsmouth had about
200 houses each, Newport having as many as both.
2 Up to 1663 Rhode Island had been only a confederation of
towns; Clarke now made it a kind of federal republic under the
name of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations.
3 The point of view controlled the conception and portrait of a
Quaker in those days. Roger Williams set forth one Edmundson,
an ex-soldier, then a Quaker preacher, " a flash of wit, a face
of Brass and a Tongue set on fire from the Hell of Lyes and
Fury."

176 Period Under Charter of Charles II.
About the same time Pardon TUlinghast was building the
first wharf in Providence ; the beginning of an important
commerce a generation later. Meanwhile the rich fields
of the Island and afterward the Narragansett country
were furnishing large exports for the West Indies and
even for Europe. In 1674, Govemor WilUam Brenton
bequeathed 1500 sheep. As WilUam Harris reported,*
Newport could furnish wool to Europe. The Brentons
farmed on a large scale, and the larger proprietors lived
in a manner more manorial than was customary in New
England. Elizabeth C. Brenton describes the outdoor
equipment of the family In the spring of 1675. Six
large riding-mares came to the door, three bearing side
saddles. Three taU young women, daughters of the late
Governor Brenton, prepared for the mount. Each lady
wore a broadcloth riding habit, with high-heeled shoes.
Her beaver hat was adorned with black ostrich plumes,
and was turned up to show roached and powdered hair.
We have more detailed information of the smaller way
of living among the farmers at Portsmouth. In 1667,^
Restand Sanford, a bachelor, with five brothers and one
sister, makes his brother Samuel and sister Ellphel Straton
his heirs. He gives legacies to Samuel, the executor, one
mare, one silver cup, a bed and bolster, to sister Sara
wife of Samuel a mare-colt and a five-shllUng piece of
gold, to each of her children a ewe lamb. To his brother
Esbon, absent, he gives 4 ewe sheep ; but If he is not heard
of in one year, the ewes should go to brother Samuel and
sister EUphel. Should Esbon finally return, he was to
receive the ewes. The Inventory summed up £35.3.10.
Among the Items were Indian com on the ground £2.,
ten ewes and four lambs £6.16. Woollen apparel stood
4 Ante, p. 88.
5 Records Portsmouth, p. 405. i

1668] Way of Living at Portsmouth 177
at £6., three hats at 16s., four neckcloths and a cap at 7s.
The Ubrary consisted of three books at 6s. 8d. One old
bed and bolster was worth £3. and three small sheets and
two shirts 4s. A bridle and saddle were valued at 16s.,
a mare and colt £7. One silver cup and spoon stood at
£1.16.9. Silver utensils came into use on the Island earlier than
they were used In the Plantation of Providence.
Joseph Wayte, who was drowned, left a better estate
amounting to £89.15.10. His woollen and linen clothes
with his hats were appraised at £10. In pewter ware he
had £1.10., in tin and brass £1.2., in iron £1.5., In wooden
ware £1. A smoothing iron was 7s., a spinning wheel
8s., and four pounds of cotton yarn 10s. The com
fortable feather bed and bedding was worth £16., and a
cup and six spoons 4s. Two guns and a pair of " Banda-
leers " stood at £2., and two peaceful scythes at £2.16.
The bequest of Alice Conland ® shows the growing In
terest in the Society of Friends, Ninth month, 1664. Her
husband approving, she gave a stone house and land for
" friends in the ministrey Cauled Quakers by the world,
that they may be entertained therein, in all times to come
Even for Ever." She gave also a featherbed, two pillows,
three blankets and one coverlet, two pairs of sheets, two
" piUowbers," two towels, one basin, one candlestick and
one chamberpot.
Apprentices of both sexes were bound under conditions
of all sorts. Mary Holson In 1668 was not to " keep com
pany with deboyst or vncivell Company," and at the end
of five years was to receive a new suit of apparel suitable
for holidays or other days. Henry Straight in 1667
contracted with a most particular master, Gershom Wod-
dell. There were all the customary stipulations for six
6 Records Portsmouth, p. 403,

178 Period Under Charter of Charles II.
years ; moreover he was " neither to buy or sell " nor to
" Commit fornication nor Contract matrimony." Wod-
dell contracted for the usual support and to give " next
Spring one ewe lamb and all increase," but Woddell was
to retain the wool. These provisions conveying increase
of animals are Interesting, for they strengthen the social
bonds between the haves and have nots.
Woddell was an omnivorous buyer of labor. He bought
in 1676 ^ an Indian woman, Hannah, condemned to per
petual slavery by New Plymouth. The bill of sale to her
original proprietor, Adam Right, of Duxbury, was " un
der the hand of Captain Benjamin Church." It would
seem that the town had reversed its policy. For in 1675,
several persons having purchased Indians " which may
prove very prejuditlall " were given one month to dispose
of them.
In 1665, William Earle and William Correy were
granted 1^ acres of land to maintain a -wind-mill. In
1668, the lot was increased to 2 acres. This was the
customary method for encouraging Industries. In 1670
Thomas Brooke received a grant of land " for his trade
beinge a Lether dresser."
Alas ! all these simple people were not Industrious, for
a sufficient pair of stocks were ordered by the town.
There were occasional votes admitting " an Inhabitant "
without conditions. In 1672 ® the prices fixed for prod
uce to be received for taxes were, com at 3s., peas at 3s.,
pork at 3d., beef at 2d., wool at 12d., peage at 16 per
penny for white, cheese as agreed upon. In 1676, the
rate assigned to Newport and Portsmouth amounted to
£400., and the share of the latter was £120.
We must consider larger matters, for Rhode Island and
7 Records Portsmouth, p. 434.
sibid., p. 173.

1686] Govemment of Andros 179
Providence Plantations was to feel now a stronger hand,
and to come under Immediate control of the Crown of
England. The Provisional Govemment of New England
under Dudley, of Massachusetts, and Randolph had not
accomplished much in the way of executive effort. June
3, 1686, Sir Edmund Andros, formerly governor of New
York, was appointed Govemor of all these provinces. In
cluding ours. He was directed to demand surrender of
our charter, but this was not effectively carried out.
Mr. Brigham properly points out,® though he attempts
to prove too much in consequence, that Rhode Island suf
fered more in the seventeenth century, from the fierce
differences between her own parties than from attempted
oppression on the part of the neighboring colonies. At
the time of this new movement, six factions were sending
memorials to London asking for something especial as a
privilege. Naturally so many opposing variances neu
tralized themselves.
However, this new period was to open practical rule by
the home govemment in the colonies. Theocracy might
dread this, but representative govemment would not suf
fer so much. Theocratic advocates have always treated
the movements of such times, as if they were the expression
of the people. But in fact, the theocratic functionaries
represented a small, though able, function of the state.
Progressive govemment has been constantly expanding
to ernbrace all, as well as the -wiser or better portions of
the people. In Rhode Island then, the governing force
issued from the very basis of the towns. Turbulent and
often Irregular as it was. It came nearer to representation
than anything the world had known previously. The
action of these towns as well as their aberrations were
civic and politic ; they were not theocratic.
8 "Rhode Island," p. 141.

180 Period Under Charter of Charles IL
Notwithstanding disorderly factions and powerful op
pressive neighbors, an incipient state was being formed
around Narragansett Bay. The population was nearly
equal to that of Plymouth, amounting in 1686 to about
4000." Of these, some 2600 were on the Island, 600 in
Providence, and the remainder settled In the other towns.
Andros established himself In Boston In December, wrote
a very friendly letter and demanded our charter of Gov
ernor Walter Clarke. Tihe reply was urbane enough for
a more polite community, though it did not answer directly
to the autocratic deputy. The charter " was at their
Governor's house in Newport, and that it should be forth
coming when sent for, but in regard to the tediousness and
bad weather. It could not then be brought." The precious
document was never obtained by the Royal Govemor,
though he took the colony seal and broke It. He at
tempted to collect taxes, excise on liquors and occasional
quit-rents on lands ; ^^ little money was received. When
William Invaded England in 1689, Massachusetts was
quite ready for revolution and drove out Andros.
Rhode Islande resumed her charter govemment, and
adopted a new colony seal with the motto of " Hope."
The charter was finally confirmed under the opinion of the
English attorney-general In 1693, and the governor was
appointed by the Crown. A small party, chiefly of land
holders in Narragansett, led by Francis Brinley, who hated
the towns and democratic govemment, opposed as far as
possible. Brinley threatened to remove and withdraw
from the control of the " Quaker mob govemment." As
his land could not move with his ideas, he remained and
bitterly opposed the govemment.
While these great political changes were occurring, the
10 " Rhode Island," p. 142.
11 Ibid., p. 146.

1686] Life at Portsmouth 181
commerce of Newport was going ahead on an enlarging ,-
scale. In 1682 a naval office was opened there to register
all " deck vessells." This was concurrent with an exten
sion of commerce throughout New England. Salisbury
on the Merrimac became a port of entry in 1684, and
Ipswich In 1685. The Navigation Acts abhorred by many
American historians Injured the Dutch, but actually
helped the commerce of New England; which traded
largely in smuggled goods, carried in ships of Its own
building. Boston had much more wealth and established
trade, but was not as enterprising. Maverick wrote in
1669, " shipg i& stirringe merchts are the only want
heare." ^^ John Hull would not even receive wines on
consignment nor ship lumber and fish to the Canaries,
preferring the West Indian trade.
We may note some Items from the Interesting records
of Portsmouth. The power and scope of domiciliary
supervision was beyond any civic function conceived of
In our day. We have given instances, as it was exerted
over the household. With travelers and interlopers it
was even more remarkable. The stranger, if not suspected,
must be watched and attended carefully in any sojourn.
An ordinance In 1671 ^* provided that " Islands prudence
& patience shaU not receive nor entertaine any Strainger
¦without the consent and aprobation of the Towne (Ports
mouth ") . WiUiam Cadman was to be notified of the order
forbidding entertainment for more than one month, and
to be forewarned In the case of William Maze to apply
the restriction. On the other hand, hospitality must not
be affronted. " Several countrymen " in a particular in
stance had arrived " exposed to some present hardships."
Anybody was authorized to entertain these, orders to the
12 4 M. H. C, VIL, p. 318.
13 Records Portsmouth, p. 168.

182 Period Under Charter of Charles II.
contrary notwithstanding. Anyone not especially licensed
to sell strong drink to Indians was liable to a fine of 20s.
Ordinary tavern Ucenses were 10s. per annum.
Regulation of the common lands was a fertile source
of trouble, as it was elsewhere. The " Newport men "
were particularly debarred from cutting and carrying
wood away. In the troublous times of 1676, 100 acres
of the common was set off for those driven from their
homes by Indians. The land was " lent for two years,"
to be sowed or planted. The customary Industrial privi
leges were allowed. Richard Knight, a weaver, was
granted a residence for four months. Land was awarded
one acre in extent to W. Ricketson and liberty given for
dams and trenches for a " water mill for public use."
Prices for rates were fixed In 1680, land at 40s. per
acre, horses and cattle over one year old 40s. ea. Swine
over one year 6s. each, sheep £4. the score. In 1688
Indian com was at 2s. per bushel, barley 2s. 6d., oats 12d.
and wool 71d. per lb.
Pay in kind for all sorts of public service often appears
In these times, when actual money was a very scarce arti
cle. T. Jennings was awarded six pounds of wool to pay
him for " warning of a town meeting." A register of mar
riages was kept. In all the towns, recorded cattle marks
were important factors in regulating this species of prop
erty. Fancy and caprice were freely put forth, in getting
some characteristic mark, which might assure possession.
For example, let us look in upon Thomas Cook, Senior, as
he wrought at the ears of his cows. He made a crop
on the left ear and " a hapeny " under the lower side of the
same ear and a slit on the right ear. This was entered
March 9, 1667-8, having been In use about twenty-six
years. If Nature was bountiful, giving soil and sunshine for

1699] BeUomont and Piracy 183
the com, she sent her own busy blackbirds to exercise their
privUege and take toll away from the toiling farmers.
The town compeUed every householder to kiU 12 black
birds before May 10 or to forfeit two shillings. Those
klUIng more were to receive a bounty of one penny each.
In 1699 Newport was to be brought to account by
Lord BeUomont — one of the few active and sensible royal
governors — for transactions with pirates. The Board of
Trade two years before had cautioned Rhode Island that*
It was " a place where pirates are ordinarily too kindly
entertained." Probably these diplomatic words express
an exactly just view of the situation. Plunder on the high
seas then ran along with irregular commerce. Governors
In America and in the West Indies were negUgent, and
sometimes were interested and impUcated. The people
wanted to buy the prize cargoes ^* — cheap In the sudden
abundance — the sailors wanted the prize money. So an
irregular traffic throve; and whatever the moral principle
involved, it enriched the colonial ports, especially at New
port and New York. No port was exempt. If caught
on the wrong tack an enterprising rover might be con
demned as a pirate. Or if lucky, he might live out his
days in the character of a " rich privateer " like Thomas
Cromwell of Boston.^®
BeUomont inspected and reported,^® severely condemn
ing the administration of Rhode Island, and the whole
character as well as conduct of the people. The " assist
ants are generally Quakers, Illiterate and of little or no
capacity." BeUomont, if able, was a courtly official, and
sojourned with the small aristocratic element, chiefly repre-
14 Cf. Weeden, " E. and S. N. E.," VoL I., p. 343, for an
example of a pirate's cargo.
15 5 Mass. H. C, Vol. VL, p. 48.
16 Cf. Brigham, pp. 155-158, for these interesting proceedings.

184 Period Under Charter of Charles II.
sented by Brinley. The virtues of a democracy would
appear to Lord BeUomont not much better than Its de
fects and vices. Mr. Brigham holds that our govemment
though censurable for irregularity and laxitude was never
absolutely at fault. " Actual compUcity between the col
ony as a govemment, and the pirates, as so often
charged, was never shown by any letter or report sub
mitted to the English authorities." ^''
The next distress our vexed colony suffered from a
royal govemor, befell at the Instance of Joseph Dudley, of
Massachusetts. This Puritan with the royal power at
his back, naturally was not a friend of Rhode Island, nor
an easy ruler. His report ran that " the govemment of
Rhode Island is a scandal to her Majesty's Govemment."
The Board of Trade did not consider the colony's direct
denial of many of Diudley's charges, but sought from the
attorney-general his assistance to obtain revocation of our
charter. That official held that the matters proven did
not warrant a forfeiture of the charter. The bureau offi
cials of the Board of Trade were firmly convinced of " the
advantages that may arise by reducing the chartered
govemment" In the colonies. They strengthened their
movement in 1706 by a bill for " regulation." By good
fortune the measure was lost between the two Houses.
We bring out these details in that they are essential
parts of our history. The charter was obtained through
the fact that both the English Commonwealth and the
sagacious Charles II. comprehended the large personality
of Roger WilUams and of John Clarke. When the irreg
ular and Inconstant govemment of the colony two gener
ations later was misrepresented by virulent parties and
tenacious officials In London, there was still welfare and
prosperity enough realized in our little territory to con-
17 Cf. Brigham, p. 160.

1707] National Responsibility Recognized 186
vince the more sensible statesmen of England that the
colonial govemment should be let alone. The pressure
against the charter helped to enlarge the spirit of our
colony and force her out of narrow provincialism.
Though she as weU as Connecticut was not exposed like
Massachusetts and New York to French and Indian at
tack, she began to recognize a national responsibility.
In 1707 and 1710 she acted efficiently, sending ships and
soldiers for the expedition against Canada at heavy ex
pense. In 1712 Dudley reported about 2600 fighting men In
the colony.
The English law of primogeniture was repealed in
1718.^^ It was readjusted ten years later. The sub
stantially equal distribution of estates has continued to
the present day. The change of the eldest son's position
most affected the ways of the Narragansett country.
Probably the social changes there occurring late in the,
century were magnified and accelerated by the equal sys
tem of inheritance.
The first official census taken in 1708 showed a popula
tion of 7781. Newport had 2203, Providence 1446,
Kingston 1200, and six other towns 200 to 600 each. The
planters around Narragansett Bay were becoming more
and more amphibious with every generation. Govemor
Cranston set forth the IncUnation of the youth of Rhode
" Island have to the sea." Families increased, while the
land did not, and the boys went into a larger world both
physical and mental. As we have noted in Providence
there was great activity In business of all kinds at the
tum of the century. The General Assembly encouraged \
several kinds of manufacture, as hemp, duck, nails, cord
age, etc. Production on shore fostered commerce at sea.
IS Arnold IL, 61.

186 Period Under Charter of Charles II.
Commerce increased largely after the peace of Utrecht.
Our vessels traded with both British and Dutch West
Indies, Bermuda, the Bahamas and Surinam, with Madeira
and the Azores and especially with our middle and south-
em colonies. They carried out rum, lumber, staves and
hoops, horses and provisions ; they brought back salt,
rice, sugar, molasses, wines, cotton, EngUsh woollen and
linen goods. Flour and often Indian corn came freely
from our own colonies.
Here was not only trade and commerce, there was the
development of a people. The vessels were small — sixty
tons or less — and they required wary and skillful naviga
tion in seas always liable to tempestuous weather. War
and piracy brought especial risks. Bold and ready sea
men with adventurous traders flourished in this hardy and
stimulating Ufe.
This lively commerce was carried on by paper money.
" Banks " or bills of credit were continually being issued
by the General Assembly, which in the most reckless way
took little care for their redemption. Depreciation nat
urally followed and was almost constant. Yet the cur
rency In some way went, and business went with it. Gov
emor Richard Ward held the satoe opinion with the pres
ent writer, that an active community must have a working
currency ; If It be not good, then it will have a poor one.
The govemor said In 1740, " we never should have enjoyed
this advantage had not the government emitted bills of
credit to supply the merchants with a medium of exchange.
In short, if this colony be in any respect happy and
flourishing. It Is paper money and a right application
of it that hath rendered us so." ^* The historical ques
tion is not, how it might have been better, with better
legislation, but to narrate what was done.
18 " Rider Hist. Tract," Vol. VIIL, p. 158.

1707] African Slave Trade 187
The most important — indeed the controlling — factor
In Newport commerce for fully half a century was the
African slave trade.^" The mother country led the way
in this unsavory traffic and the colonies foUowed. New
port was the leading port for New England, though
most ports were somewhat interested. In 1708 the Brit
ish Board of Trade addressed a circular to all the colonies
relative to trade in negro slaves. To stop such Iniquity
says the twentieth century Inquirer — far from it ! " It
being absolutely necessary that a trade so beneficial tov
the kingdom should be carried on to the greatest advan
tage." Govemor Cranston replied that from 1698 to
December 25, 1707, no negroes were imported into Rhode
Island from Africa. This must have been a technical
statement. The privileges of the Royal African Com
pany underlaid these investigations. In 1696 the report
said the brigantlne Seaflower, Windsor, master, brought
from Africa 47 negroes, sold 14 in our colony at £30. to
£35. each ; the rest he carried by land " to Boston, where
his owners Uved." In 1700 one ship and two sloops sailed
directly from Newport to the African Coast ; Edwin Car
ter commanded the ship and partly owned in the three
vessels. With him sailed one Bruster and John Bates,
merchants of Barbados, and " separate traders from
thence to the coast of Africa." All these vessels carried
cargoes to Barbados and sold them there. It Is evident
that our commerce was ramifying and that the capital
of West Indies availed of the advantages of Newport.
Govemor Cranston carefuUy limited his statement. In
February, 1707-8, the colony laid an Impost of £3. on
each negro Imported. In April the tax was allowed in
drawback If the negro was exported. The act was tin-
20 Cf. Weeden, " E. and S. N. E.," Vol. IL, pp. 449-473, for a
full account.

188 Period Under Charter of Charles II.
kered In 1712, and again in 1715. The impost was of
such consequence in 1729 that it was appropriated one-
half toward paving the streets of Newport, one-half to
ward " the great bridges on the main." The tax was
repealed In 1732.
Judge Sewall in Massachusetts was about the first to
speak out conceming the ethical bearing of slavery. The
Quakers instituted the first practical opposition, which
became quite effective a half-century later. Moses
Brown ^^ cites from the Yearly Meeting Record in 1717,
" the subject of Slaves considered, and advise given that
Letters be Written to the Islands & Elsewhere not to
send any more slaves here to be sold by any Friend."
The African trade from Newport and Boston was con-
it ducted in smaU craft, usually of 40 to 50 tons burden,
never over 60. Small vessels were considered most profit
able, and were handled generally by a captain and mate
with a crew of two or three men and a boy. When the
voyage was by way of the Islands, a cooper was included,
who made bungs, heads, etc., on the outward voyage, to
be set up with staves from Taunton or elsewhere, and
bound by Narragansett hoops, Into barrels and hogs
heads, when he came into port. White-oak staves went
Into rum casks and red-oak Into sugar hogsheads.
The West Indies afforded the great demand for negroes ;
the climate rather than the morals of New England kept
away the blacks. The Islands also furnished the raw
material for the main merchandise, which the thirsty Gold
Coast drank, when bartered for Its poor banished chil
dren. Govemor Hopkins stated that for more than
thirty years prior to 1764, our colony sent to the Coast
annually 18 vessels carrying 1800 hhds. of mm. It dis
placed French brandies on the Coast after 1723. The
21 MSS. R. I. Hist. Soc

1726] DIstiUing Rum 189
commerce in rum and slaves afforded about £40,000 per
annum for remittance from Rhode Island to Great Britain.
Molasses and poor sugar distilled in Boston and Provi
dence, and more in Newport made the staple export.
The most important change in the manufactures of the
early eighteenth century was in the introduction of dis
tilleries for rum; Massachusetts and Connecticut partici
pated, but Rhode Island surpassed them in proportion.
Newport was growing rapidly in wealth and commerce
and had twenty-two still-houses. Massachusetts held the
fisheries by preoccupation and advantage of natural situ
ation. Newport found outlet for its Increasing energy
in import of molasses, in manufacture of spirit, and the^
daring voyage for slaves. The consumption of beer or
ale — the favorite drink of the seventeenth century — ap
parently diminished. Lumbermen and fisher-folk de
manded a strong stimulant to ameUorate their heavy diet
of pork and Indian com. The trade in negroes from
Africa absorbed immense quantities of spirit. Rum from
the West Indies had always been a large factor, impelling
trade. Distilling In New England brought far-reaching
consequences, social as weU as economic. It was found
that molasses and sugar could be transferred here and
converted Into alcoholic spirit more cheaply than It
could be done in the lazy atmosphere of the tropics.
The African demand was very Importunate. Captain
Isaac Freeman with a coasting sloop In 1762 wanted a
cargo of rum and molasses within five weeks from New
port. His correspondent wrote that the quantity could
not be had In three months. " There are so many ves
sels lading for Guinea, we cant get one hogshead of
rum for the cash. We have been lately to New London
and all along the seaport towns, in order to purchase the
molasses but cant get one hogshead." Let us remember

190 Period Under Charter of Charles IL
how rare cash was In the operations of those days. In
1740 Captain George Scott tried some dry goods with
most pathetic experience; they left him dry, and were
hardly touched by the dry savage. He lost one-third
of his 129 slaves, while waiting to trade off his goods.
He sailed, carrying off a third of his stale cargo of goods,
believing that if he had stayed to dispose of them, he
would have lost aU his slaves. " I have repented a hun
dred times ye bying of them dry goods. Had I laid
out two thousand pound in rum, bread and flour, it would
purchase more in value than all our dry goods." Cer
tainly the thirsty Guinea man had keen and sympathetic
Interpreters of his appetites.
Bristol followed Newport closely in the latter half of
the century. Captain Simeon Potter, the famous priva-
teersman In the Spanish and French wars, appears as
early as 1764 investing his profits drawn from the Span
ish Main in outfits for the Guinea coast. Forcible as he
was on the Main, he was even more crafty in circumvent
ing the poor Africans. His instructions are most naive.
" Make y' Cheaf Trade with the Blacks and Little or none
with the white people If possible to be avoided. Worter
y'' Rum as much as possible and sell as much by the short
measuer as you can." Again, " Order them In the Bots
to worter thear Rum, as the proof wiU rise by the Rum
Standing in y" Son." ^^
These were the doings of the rough privateersman ; but
what shall we say of the pious and most respectable
" elder " of Newport, who sent slavers with uniform suc
cess from Newport? On the Sunday after arrival, he al
ways returned thanks " that an overruling Providence
had been pleased to bring to this land of freedom another
cargo of benighted heathen to enjoy the blessing of a
22 Weeden, Vol. IL, p. 465.

1729] Newport RespectabiUty 191
Gospel dispensation." And Peter Faneuil, builder of the
" Cradle of Uberty " in Boston, had actual ventures on
the Gold Coast, planned and sent direct by him.** Every
thing is not better than it was in the olden time, but we
have improved some things.
Govemor Samuel Cranston died in 1727 after an admin
istration of thirty successive years, under his wise and effi
cient headship. That the turbulent colony of the seven
teenth century should move steadily In any one direction
so long, is remarkable from any point of view. It Is
significant that the satisfactory ruler of a people holding
so many beUefs was an " impartial and good man not
assembling with any sect." Even Cotton Mather, who
in the MagnaUa expressed his horror conceming the " col-
luvies " in Rhode Island, admitted in 1718, ia condi
tion of efficient Christianity. Not only had toleration in
worship estabUshed Itself, but it was proving that an
organized state, with Its varied Interests, could thrive
politically and economicaUy, under Uberty of conscience
for each individual citizen.
In 1729 the colony was divided into three counties,
with corresponding courts. Newport County comprised
the Islands with New Shoreham; Providence included the
to-wn, Warwick and East Greenwich; King's North and
South Kingston with Westerly, the shire centering at
South Kingstown. In 1730 a census ordered by the
Board of Trade showed a population largely increased to
17,935, which included 1648 negroes and 985 Indians.
Newport had 4640, closely followed by Providence with
3916; North Kingstown 2105; Westerly 1926; South
Kingstown 1523; East Greenwich 1223; Warwick 1178;
Portsmouth 813; Jamestown 312; New Shoreham 290.
The growth In Narragansett was remarkable. The
23 Weeden, Vol. IL, p. 468.

19a Period Under Charter of Charles II.
Indians were nearly all settled there, in the district now
known as the town of Charlestown. Of the 1648 colored
slaves Newport had 649 and the two Kingstowns 498. The
colony owned about 5000 tons of shipping and employed
400 sailors.

CHAPTER VII
THE COMMERCIAL GROWTH OF PROVIDENCE.
1711-1762
HISTORY is imbedded in chronology; though dates
are more significant of superficial events than of the
deeper causes which produced those events. Even the
death of a king or a change of dynasty is but a way-
mark indicating the origin of changes in govemment.
The course of events proceeds from subtle causes, making
changes on the surface of affairs which we can only
follow through dates.
It Is convenient to fix the passing of the plantation
from agriculture to commerce at the coming of the ship
builder, Nathaniel Browne, In 1711, though the trade
which should employ his prospective vessels had been long
growing. Pardon TlUInghast was granted land Janu
ary 27, 1679^80,^ opposite his dwelling place, twenty
feet above high-water mark for a store and wharf. This
was below the present Power Street and across the Towne
Streete, being the virtual shore of the Great Salt River.
The " town wharf " was subsequently established a little
farther north. It is hard to believe that a ton of tobacco
could be exported so early as 1662. But the record ^ in
two places states that Wm. Almy shipped this quantity
to Newfoundland. Placing the wharf was a momentous
step, for it was to wake up the torpid. Inert planters
and send their produce down the Salt current into Nep
tune's domain. The voyagers halted at the West Indies,
often went on to Gibraltar and ultimately rounded the
1 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VIIL, p. 62.
2 Ibid., Vol. XV., p. 591 ; again at p. 55.
193

194 The Commercial Growth of Providence
great southern capes, seeking the wealth of Ormus and
of Ind.
The bold, farseeing cooper, TilUnghast, was only mak
ing a way-mark, as has been described. For Njew Eng
land commerce* showed many signs of Increasing activ-
jfty, profiting largely — and not losing, as Is often stated
— ^by the Navigation Acts of Charles II. , which checked
the Dutch. In Newport a naval office was opened in
1682. Salisbury on the Merrimac became a port of en
try in 1684. Ipswich escaped the leading-strings of
Salem and got Its port In 1685. All around our Bay
at Bristol and Wickford as well as at Newport, trans
port was seeking convenient carriage by water, and ven
turing out into the larger sea.
The coming of Gideon Crawford, a trained Scotch
merchant. In 1687, gave stability and due direction to the
rising trade. The movement toward commerce was so
zealous that Thomas Olney tried to check the granting
of land for wharf lots about the end <of the century.
However, the Internal life of the plantation had not been
much affected by the outward commerce. For the water-
power on the Moshassuck, granted In 1666, had not been
all employed in 1706. Then a lot for a saw-mill was
assigned to Richard Arnold.*
The population of the colony trebled itself in the first
quarter of the eighteenth century. But the whole econ
omy of life in the plantation was stimulated and devel
oped by the ship-building instituted in 1711. A new in
dustry applying native material and employing a variety
of workmen increased the wealth and stimulated the intelli
gence of a community in equal proportions. It was said
that the " intolerance of Massachusetts " drove Nathaniel
3 Weeden, " E. and S. New England," Vol. I., p. 264.
4 Dorr, " Planting and Growth," p. SO.

1711] Browne Begins Shipbuilding 196
Browne® from Rehoboth. January 28, 1711, the town
granted him one-half an acre on " Waybosset Neck on
salt water," so long as he shaU use it for building vessels.
He was an AngUcan and the ground was afterward made
the site of King's, now St. John's Church. He had suffi
cient means as well as skUl, and built sloops and schooners
up to sixty tons in size. These vessels carried horses as
weU as other farm-produce, with timber, staves and hoop
poles to the West Indies. The common lands were now
to afford exports as well as pasturage. It will be ob
served that the early planters lack the enterprising ele
ment bred in the fisheries of Massachusetts.
Great Interest attaches to pioneers In aU new move
ments in civiUzation. When Gideon Crawford settled in
the little farming hamlet of 1687 he married ffreelove
Fenner, a daughter of Arthur Fenner, the strongest
friend of Roger WiUiams and the granddaughter of
Wm. Harris, his strongest opponent. Such stock gave
heredity and fitly endowed the mother of a race of enter
prising merchants. Crawford died In 1709, having im
pressed his methods on the community for about a score
of years. To such a wife a good merchant could be Ut-
eraUy a good husband. Accordingly, he left his whole
property to her for Ufe — after her death to be divided In
halves between the sons William and John. She survived
her husband five years, carrying forward the business In
aU Its details ; and the results justified his prudent con
fidence. The mother was to elect which son should Uve
with her. If WilUam be chosen, at twenty-one years he
was to pay John £100. His daughters Anne and Mary
were to receive each £60. whenever married. The whole
" moveable " estate (household goods) was given to his
wife. 5 Dorr, " Planting and Growth," p. 58.

196 The Commercial Growth of Providence
The personal estate, November 5, 1707,^ was £1556.12.,
not including book debts, of which £776.10. was In " bills
and bonds," £16.9.10. in silver. In shop goods £365.9.
Two negroes were valued at £56. Sheep were £13.10. ;
2 horses £18. ; hogs £3.4. In furniture, the feather bed
always was the first choice of rich or poor and 6 good
examples with equipment stood at £60.16. Tablecloths
and napkins £2. Chairs £4. Pewter and brass £10.17.
Books could only muster £2.12., showing that the new
merchants and the granddaughter did not read as much as
William Harris did, two generations earlier. Plate was
valued at £16.11., not equal to the £17. belonging to the
wealthy farmer, Stephen Amold, in 1699.
But the wearing apparel showed the greatest change,
as it proceeded in the habit of living. For the time in
1699, £12. was a large outfit for a rich farmer like Ste
phen Arnold. Eight years later the record shows £20.17.
for the merchant as he walked " on change," and his
ways were far from extravagant. In swords, pistols and
small arms, he had £10.18.
June 17, 1712,^^ ffreelove Crawford, the widow's inven
tory Is set forth. We cannot compare the two estates
precisely, but from other sources leam that her manage
ment had been very energetic and successful; increasing
' the property. The personal estate was £947.1., of which
£188.4.6. was in shop goods, £642.12. In " biUs, bonds and
mortgage deeds," £26.15.6. In paper and silver, £12.17.6.
in gold. Clearly, the mercantile business was conducted
largely on credit, as considerable evidences of debt ap
pear in nearly all estates of any size.
There is a moderate increase in the plate, £21.6.6. over
6 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VIL, p. 271.
7 Jbid., Vol. VIL, 117.

1712] How the Merchants Lived 197
the amount left by her husband. It consisted of a silver
" Tankard," salt seller, 2 porringers and 7 spoons. £34.
in three feather beds and outfit; two having been given
to John and Mary, the daughter ; 6 pewter and 1 basin, 1
" alequart " £2.6. ; 6 platters, 6 basons, 10 porringers, 11
plates, 1 alepint, 2 plate rings, 1 alequart and small pew
ter, altogether £3.19. Evidently the merchants, as well as
the farmers, ate from pewter. The utensils at £11.13.
were chiefly in brass and copper, with a few in iron. In
wooden ware and 6 spoons £6.8.2. For her business and
her pleasure, the feminine merchant had five of the " horse
kind " at £24.16. Other animals have disappeared.
She gave to her son, Wm. Crawford, her part in the
sloop Dolphin. To Wm. and John Crawford Vs part of
the sloop " now building " by Nathaniel Browne to be fin
ished and rigged by the estate. To Wm. and John £137.
each in merchantable shop goods or current money of
New England. To her daughter, Ann Carr, £100. in
money or goods, and the same to Mary. In wearing
apparel the wealthy widow left £47.7. If her widow's
weeds were duly maintained it was done In the spirit of
the Quakers, with enforced humiUty. Like the modest
Friends, her costume, if not brilliant, was rich and royal.
At the same date Nathaniel, one of the solid family of
Watermans, left £1019.3.7.* in personal estate and a
moderate outfit. His wearing apparel was £12., befitting
a proprietor who Uved quietly.
A steady-going farmer, Obadiah Browne, rich In lands
with £377.0.1. in personal estate September 12, 1716,®
had felt the social changes sufficiently to expend £17.5. in
dress. Adding a pair of shoe buckles lis. and eleven
8 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VIL, p. 102.
8 Ibid., Vol. VI., p. 187; again Vol. XVI., p. 6. s

198 The Commercial Growth of Providence
" black doggs " " 6s. we have about as good a wardrobe
as the first merchant Crawford allowed himself. For his
wife's apparel. Including 2 table cloths, napkins and a
child's " stifen coate," only £16. was estimated. Observe
the contrast with the widow Crawford and the social posi
tion of the two dames must have been about the same in
the plantation. Two years earlier Benjamin Greene, Jr.,
a bachelor apparently and something of a " swell,"
arrayed himself at a cost of £18., though his personal
estate was only £88.17.4. He Improved his mind by read
ing two bibles, a testament and Hodder's arithmetic, cost
ing 15s.
Browne's library contained only 1 bible and othet
books at lis. 6d. He had a good stock in cattle, £98.6.,
the cows appraised at £3.10. each, 2 mares £19., 30 loads
EngUsh hay £30., 16 loads meadow hay £10., 2 linen
wheels and 1 old woollen 8s., 1 pair worsted combs 2s.
Hemp on stalk 18s., 6 lbs. dressed hemp 5s., 17 lbs.
dressed flax 14s. 2d. Flax In Sheaf £1. " Hatchel sum
tow geame and feld hemp 9s. 6d." There was a moderate
supply of pewter £3.17.10., including the durable chamber
pot at 4s. Brass kettles £4. A table with the inevitable
" Joynt Stoole " 12s. and 7 chairs at 10s. But now
appears a Looking Glass and hour glass at 4s. Quite
often scales for weighing money are found in the inven
tories ; In this case they were appraised at 6s.
Another vocation is represented by Captain John Dex
ter, Mariner, August 3, 1716,^^ In a personal estate of
£297.11., with 1599 gallons molasses at Is. 8d., £133.6.,
sugar £17.1. and a negro woman and boy appraised at
10 These canine names appearing now and then trouble a social
investigator until he perceives that they describe an article of
dress. 11 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. V I, p. 180.

1716] Wigs Are Wom 199
£60. His wearing apparel was £10.12. and probably he
went where other fashions prevailed, for two wigs, a rare
article, appear at £1. A pair of shoe buckles lis. 8.
and two gold rings at £1.0.3. completed the sailor's adom
ment. His ten books were estimated at £1.12. and the
" EngUsh PUatt " at £1.8.
OccasIonaUy a woman's -{- is found in the records of
this period. The culture of English descended ladies in
the West Indies hardly exceeded that of Rhode Island.
In 1719,^2 Agnee King, wife of Thomas, a planter In
Barbados, conveys the estate of Joshua Verin in Provi
dence, signing with a -\-.
As Pardon TlUInghast closes the regime of the seven
teenth century, we may note his Inventory, February 15,
1717-18,^* for our interest In one so much Identified with
the plantation, rather than for Its particular details.
The personal estate was £542.4.3. and his sober apparel
only £10.19. Beds and bedding £32.7. Table cloths,
napkins and towels £2.10. A beU metal mortar 8s.
Glass bottles and a glass cup 5s. Bottles are valued In
nearly all the households, but seldom a cup of that mate
rial, which was to become so useful. " Hatt Paper " and
Pillion 12s. In books and 1 silver spoon £1. The cooper-
preacher took his " learning " direct from the Scriptures
and rendered It Into wisdom, through discreet intercourse
with busy men. Silver plate was coming in slowly. The
well-to-do Thomas Fenner had only £1.6.
Negroes appear in many estates, in moderate as well
as large fortunes. The women are valued from £10. to
£40. ; doubtless their use In house service increased the
prices. Men are valued generally at £40., In one Instance
£47. 12 "Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. IX., 39.
13 Ibid., Vol. XVI., p. 36.

200 The Commercial Growth of Providence
The lowest wardrobe recorded was 8s. in an estate of
£11.9.7. Samuel Wright, a spinner certainly, a wood-
chopper probably, spent in clothing £4.10. out of his
£13.12.6. Flax appears in many of the farmers' stores, and table
linen was spun and woven at home, or in the " shops," we
have noted It found a loom. Mary Borden had wearing
apparel at £18.10.6. Beds, rite, £41.7. £5.10. in 7
small table cloths, 14 napkins and 11 towels. Mary
Inman spent £21.2. for her wardrobe out of a property of
£128.8.1. Books and Looking glass 14s.
The Crawford sons did not long survive father and
mother. Captain John died in 1718-19, leaving In per
sonal estate £1614.2.11., in lands £1666." In wearing ap
parel £41.2.9. he far surpassed his father's outfit; 2 canes,
sword, belt and a pair of pistols added £6.3.6. to the
captain's attire. The books were few. More substantial
furniture was coming in. Chest, Drawers and 19 Chairs
£9.14. Again, Chest, Drawers and Looking Glass £8.10.
" One ovell table and Iron bach, 2 Jappame tables £14."
" Campine " Bedstead and furniture £12. Table linen
£3.6. Desk, Pewter, Glass bottles, spoons and pepper
box £22. Pewter, " suger," knives and forks, " salt
seller " £9.15. Earthen and glass ware £1.13. Iron
ware £9.15. Kitchen ware, earthen and wooden £1.10.
Bottles, wine glasses and brandy £4.2. This Is the first
mention of a wine-glass. Previously drinking vessels of
glass were called " cups." The inevitable " joynt stoole "
was not absent. Silver spoons, porringers, cups, pepper
boxes and grater £30.10. The porringer, a very con
venient dish, was appearing now in silver. It was used
constantly for a century, and many Rhode Island families
have these heirlooms.
14 "Early Rec," Vol. XVI., pp. 507, 517.

1720] Another Crawford 201
In tobacco the merchant had £24., a pocket book silver
clasp and pencil 10s. One new sloop on the stocks, nearly
finished, was valued at £82., 2 boats " as are " £10. Sloop
Indian and appurtenances " as is " £210.
August 31, 1720,^^ we find the inventory of Major Wil
liam Crawford. The estate £3651.19.6. was all personal
and larger than his younger brother's. As the Captain
doubled the wardrobe of his plain Scottish father, so the
Major surpassed the Captain more than twofold. The
miUtia-officer walked brave, having apparel to the value
of £83.15. In plate he was moderate, with 22 oz. in spoons
and porringers, 29 oz. 7 dwt. 12 g. in a tankard; the
whole at 12s. per oz., £17.12.6. There was 1 oz. '3 dwt.
18 g. in gold — ^probably plate — at £8. or £9.10. Two
plates and 7 porringers were probably in pewter, with
12 "picturs" valued at £1.6. Again 12 " picturs "
£2.9. 2 great glasses £10. One great glass £10. A
Umited supply of books valued with other articles at £13.
Perhaps they were merchandise, for they come between
dry goods and 3 hhds. tobacco at £7.10. For the first
time a valuable " clock and case " appears, appraised with
20 chairs at £27. 5 Chairs separately 18s. 3 negroes, a
woman, man and boy, at £120. ; an Indian girl's time £6.
Sloop Sarah, boat and appurtenances £400. " All the
lumber of all sorts and masts " £136.8.
The household goods of the planters were almost always
bequeathed to the widow for Ufe, and to the daughters,
after their mother. The daughters received land but
seldom, and masculine heirs had a preference generally.
We may note som,e prevalUng prices. One-quarter part
of the sloop Dolphin's " cargo and her disbursements "
was valued at £60.17.10. A loom and tackling at £2.15.
A spinning wheel and 4 pair of cards 14s. A warming
15 « Early Rec," Vol. XVI.,I p. 148.

The Commercial Growth of Providence
pan 16s., a luxury fast becoming necessary. Tin ware
appears occasionally. In an estate of £495.4.5. personal,
we find an outlay of £21. for silver plate. Stephen Ar
nold, a wealthy landholder with £608.1. personal property,
more consistently Invested £4.11. in plate — lone silver
cup — and £20. in books. Thomas Olney was conspicu
ous in the number of his volumes, though we do not know
the quality; there were 55 bound and 23 small and not
bound at £14. Solid Resolved Waterman, in this gener
ation an " Ensign," had " a considerable estate," the
personal being £446.16.1. His library consisted of a
Great bible, little bible and several small books at £5.15.6.
with a bible and testament " by first wife " at 12s.
We should study the Inventory of Captain John
Jenckes, June 30, 1721,^® for it throws Ught on many
customs of the period. Not all the men of affairs could
be landholders or merchants, and -the Captain managed a
small shop. All the physicians were apothecaries then,
and made up their own prescriptions. Jenckes kept drugs
and the miscellaneous articles pertaining to that trade.
Roger Williams prescribed minor remedies for his friends
and was obliged to send his own daughter to Boston for
medical treatment. There must have been practitioners
of some ability in the plantation. Frequently in wills of
the seventeenth century, provision was made for an aged
person ; if needing a " phisitian," then the expenses were
to be bome by the estate. The first physician of record
found by Mr. Dorr,^'^ was in 1720, when the town voted
to Dr. John Jones £1.10. for the cure of Richard ColUns.
Prudently, the municipality was to pay the money when
" he Is well." Soon after this Dr. Jabez Bowen moved
from Rehoboth, where better comfort had prevailed in the
16 " Early Rec'" Vol. XV., p. 180.
17 " Planting and Growth," p. 131.

1720] The First Physician 203
agricultural period. His removal to Providence marks
social improvement. He was a skilled physician and an
example of those able professional men devoted to
public affairs, and who served the colonial communities In
all capacities.
Captain Jenckes' estate In personal was £644.3.10. and
there was no farming outfit such as generally belonged to
villagers a generation earUer. His apparel at £11.16.
was reinforced by a broadcloth suit at £8. and a pair of
silver buckles at 12s. A suit of " Duroy, a hat and a
grate Coate " at £12. may have been his own clothing or
merchandise. A clock at £5. Interests us. Phisick books
18s. Bible £1.1. 4 books £1.2. One pair candlesticks
16s., two pair do. 13s. One pair brass snuffers at 5s., the
first recorded. One copper coffee pot £1. One tea pot
9s. A knife and fork at 15s. Table knives were used
here In the seventeenth century, but forks were not to be
had in Boston until after 1700.^^
Such were the personal belongings, while in merchandise
there was £60. in " apotlcary drigs," £5 in " Cheriorgiry
instruments," £1.15. in books, £2. in 14 " Roles salve
gallepots and drigs." In fanciful articles 16s. in 2 doz.
necklasses, 12s. in six do. and 15s. in silver lace. Chief
of all the goods for sale was the first recorded toothbrush,
there being one dozen with 600 needles, valued at £1.10.
The Captain and his friends could have hardly foreseen
the civilizing mission ^* of these bits of bone for the com
ing two centuries. If dress makes a habit and nine
tailors make a man, the incoming of this little utensil is
important. The personal mark of an individual is pretty
weU defined by this symbol of cleanUness.
18 Weeden, " E. and S. N. E.," Vol. I., p. 415.
19 Booker Washington says the first practical step in lifting the
negro, is to teach him the use of a tooth-brush.

204 The Commercial Growth of Providence
Perhaps the clearest evidence of change and enlarge
ment in the community of our plantation is in the new
religious movements Instituted about this time. The Bap
tists had tended toward narrowing their basis of fellow
ship. According to Govemor Jenckes, there had been
fellowship in the original church with those believing in
" the laying on of hands." These separated under
Thomas Olney (probably the Junior). After his death
there was probably^" only one church under Elder Pardon
TUlinghast. He built the first meeting house on the
north side of Smith Street at his own expense about the
year 1700. In 1711 he conveyed the house and Iof to the
church or society. He described the church as " Six
Principle Baptists."
Our century vainly tries to comprehend the dismay and
detestation possessing all estabUshed order in New Eng
land, when outcast Rhode Island was considered. Cotton
Mather was not a fool or mere vlUfier. A grave and
learned scholar, he was only setting forth the Ideas of his
time. In 1695 he found ^^ a " coUuvies of Antinomians,
Famillsts, Anabaptists, Anti-Sabbatarians, Armlnlans,
Socinlans, Quakers, Ranters, everything in the world but
Roman Catholics and real Christians." 22 Somewhat later
in 1718, he had come to recognize that Calvinists with
Episcopalians, Pedobaptists, with Anabaptists, " behold
ing one another to fear God and work righteousness,"
20 Staples, pp. 411, 414.
21 " Magnalia," Book VIL, p. 30.
22 The worthy expounder is neatly satirical in excepting Catholics,
whom he hated as much as any of the outcast dissenters. A clause
in the Digest of 1719— mooted earlier — did debar Catholics from po
litical rights. Doubtless it was prompted by severe legislation in
England ("Rider Hist. Tract," 2d Series I.). The colonists were
trying to save their charters. No one suffered by the R. I. Act
and it was afterward repealed; but it is a technical blot on the
colonial record.

1721] ReUgion Widens Out 205
could delight to sit at " the same table of the Lord."
Even in 1738 the genial Baptist CaUender referred to the
" terrible fears " of the previous century, which were at
last dismissed, that " barbarity would break In " where
church and state were positively separated.
The rigorous ice was broken in 1721 when Thacher,
Danforth and Belcher, a distinguished committee of the
" Presbyterian Ministry " in Massachusetts, addressed a
civil and respectful note to " fifteen leading citizens " and
others, " proposing a new meeting for their own faith."
Their clergy as well as those of Connecticut had preached
there and prompted by " the freedom and safety they
have enjoyed under the wise and good government of the
place ... we hope and pray that ancient matters,
that had acrimony in them, may be buried in oblivion;
and that grace, and peace, and holiness, and glory, may
dwell in every part of New England." 2* AU happily
conceived and expressed. The wide-eyed, perspicacious
eighteenth century had penetrated Massachusetts.
Whatever the Baptists and Quakers of Rhode Island
learned of Puritan Massachusetts — and they learned much
— it did not include tolerance or Christian peace and holi
ness. Whether the men responsible for govemment in
Providence thought a theocratic quid pro quo should re
ward inter-colonial courtesy in theology, or whether mere
pride of controversy prevailed, we do not know. After
waiting four months, February 23, 1722, Rev. Jonathan
Spreague,2* for the inhabitants, answered at great
23 Staples, " Annals," p. 433.
24 Came to Providence in 1675 (Good-win's, Updike, Vol. I., p.
356). In 1687 he was fined for refusing the oath as a jurjonan.
He was a fair example of the men qualified all around for pub
lic duty. He served as a deputy, a justice of the peace, a speaker
of the House of Deputies, and as Clerk of the Assembly. He
also preached as an exhorter, but was not ordained.

206 The Commercial Growth of Providence
length,2^ with arguments direct If not gracious. " We
take notice, how you praise the love and peace that dis
senters of aU ranks entertain one another with, in this
govemment. . . . We answer this happiness princi
pally consists in our not aUowing societies to have any
superiority one over another, but each society supports
their own ministry of their own free wiU, and not by con
straint or force upon any man's person or estate. . . ,
At this very present you are rending towns in pieces, ruin
ing the people with innumerable charges, which make them
decline your ministry, and fly for refuge, some to the
Church of England, and others to dissenters of all de
nominations, and you, like wolves, pursue. . . . Since
you admire the love and peace we do enjoy, we pray you
to use the same methods and -write after our copy.
And so hoping, as you tender the everlasting welfare of
your souls and the good of your people, you will embrace
our advice. We your friends of the town of Providence
bid you farewell."
We cite freely, not merely for the points of delicious
sarcasm, but from a deeper motive. There was some
thing more than mere ecclesiastical sharp-shooting here.
The American Idea, rooted in soul-liberty, was beginning
to sprout and overspread the harsh theocracy of Massa
chusetts. Jonathan Mayhew, bom in 1720, in the mid-
century from the West Church pulpit In Boston, supported
Otis and put forth the new ideas of freedom — strange in
a community based on authority and organized by the
close embrace of church and state. Whether he learned
from Spreague and those like him, we know not; but he
might have learned. And the marvel Is that these homely
Protestants — spawned by Roger WiUiams — could and did
work out such great Ideas, with so Uttle of the world's
25 Staples, " Annals," pp. 434-438.

1721] Tme ReUgious Liberty at Last 207
learning to aid them. As Wm. Harris, a half-century
earUer, became a statesman, through the vigorous educa
tion of affairs; so Spreague put soul-liberty into the
common formulas of freedom, by Ufe and contact with
individuals freed from outworn trammels, who were con
serving the true principles of order.
Diplomatic controversy with Massachusetts produced
little direct effect. An abortive attempt was made in
1721 when a meeting house was begun. This movement
was abandoned from local differences. In 1723,2® the
First Congregational Society erected a house for worship
at the comer of College and Benefit Streets ; occupying it
until 1794, when it was sold to become the " Old Town
House." As the Quakers formed a constituent element in the
seventeenth century and much influenced the whole com
munity of Rhode Island, so in the early eighteenth
century, the CongregationaUsts and the Episcopalians
became an Important factor in developing the outcast
colony, now coming to its true place In civilization.
There had been missionary meetings for the Episco-
paUans at Providence conducted by Mr. Honeyman, of
Newport, and Dr. MacSparran, of Narragansett. The
former said there was no house and he was obliged to
" preach in the open fields." Dr. Humphries, an Episco
pal historian, gave a most pessimistic account of the
social condition of the plantation.2'' " The people were
negligent of all religion, till about the year 1722; the
very best were such as called themselves Baptists or
Quakers, but it was feared many were Gertoneans or
Deists." The people raised £260., obtained £200. more
In Newport, £100. in Boston, borrowed £200. more, and
26 Staples, p. 438.
27 Ibid., p. 443.

208 The Commercial Growth of Providence
In 1722 built King's, now St. John's, Church. It was
placed on the lot given by Nathaniel Browne, an active
co-operator, who had had his shipyard there.
The most efficient helper was Gabriel Bemon, a char
acter who deserves more than passing notice. The
Huguenots contributed forcibly to the race amalgam
which was forming the larger citizen of Rhode Island.
Bemon was a Protestant merchant of an " ancient and
honourable family of Rochelle," who emigrated to escape
the Edict of Nantes. He was in Narragansett, sojourned
at New Oxford, Mass., and at Newport, settUng in Provi
dence In 1721. Active in founding the churches at New
port and in Narragansett, he was probably as good a
churchman as Dr. Humphries and a far better philoso
pher. Writing Mr. Honeyman and canvassing for the
new movement in Pro-ridence, he said : " We have In our
town, learned men. Let them be Popish Churchmen,
Presbytery, Pirotefstant Quakers or Gartonian — and if
there be some Profanes that call them to hold no reli
gion at all — we have a great many worthy gentlemen that
make their application to read the Holy Scriptures
and are very well able to give an account of their
faith." 28
We may continue Mr. Bemon's account of the " learned
men," as " Mr. Jenckes, our" Lieutenant-Governor, by
his answer to Wm. Wilkinson, the greatest preacher among
the Quakers, and Mr. Samuel Wilkinson, the old man, (a
Quaker had edgetools, worth 21s. taken in 1707 to pay
a fine of 12s. for not training) deserves dignity for his
erudition in divine and civil law, historical narrative,
natural and politic; and you may see by the letters of
Mess. Jonathan Sprague, Richard Waterman, Harris and
several gentlemen, by their answers to Mess. Danforth,
28 Goodwin's, Updike, Vol. I., pp. S3, 54.

1721] Bemon's "Leamed Men" 209
Thatcher and Belcher of the Presbyterian Ministry. We
have also Mr. Winsor, Mr. James Brown, Mr. Hakin, of
the Anabaptist Church, and great preachers ; and their
auditors, Mr. Outram mathematician. Mess. FllUness,
Power, good Harris, merchant — all sober men, that can
leam and teach things by true demonstration." — Updike,
Goodwin, I., 54.
There are churchmen and churchmen. Compare this
account of Bemon's with the ecclesiastical Humphries'
Idea that the people were " negligent of all religion until
about the year 1722." Bemon was bred in wise old
Europe, whence he fled to preserve his faith. He had
sacrificed In every way to promote the church holding
his own tenets, yet he found in these dwellers at Providence
" sober men that can leam and teach things by true
demonstration." Nothing could more clearly prove the
growth of citizens of the world out of the narrow oppor
tunities of Providence Plantation, than this disinterested
testimony of a Frenchman and an Episcopalian. Gideon
Crawford, the Scotch merchant, worked on the cooper-
preacher TlUinghast's wharf to open the little settlement
on the Great Salt River to the world of commerce. The
merchants traded in produce, while making men. In a
score or two of years, the accomplished Huguenot could
recognize " sober and leamed men " in the representatives
of this same narrow district.
In the second decade, commerce was well established on
the wharves of the Great Salt River. To the West Indies
the exports were salted beef and pork, peas, butter,
boards, staves and hoop poles, while horses were in fre
quent demand. Cider was made in large quantities for
domestic use, as well as peach brandy, for in any good
orchard " apple and peach trees fruited deep."
Tobacco was generally grown by the farmers in the

210 The Commercial Growth of Providence
seventeenth century, and we have noted a somewhat
mythical large shipment in 1652. But it was a very
thrifty ilUcit trade, which avoided the heavy English
revenue taxes. Nine New England vessels were selling
tobacco at New Amsterdam in one week in 1669.*" Some
times only a four-shillings' worth appeared, but the most
of the farmers raised It, generally in quantities of 100 to
400 lbs. E. Carpenter inventoried 313 lbs. in a small shop
in 1697-8.*^ The Olneys were said to have 400 lbs. in
bam at the same time. John Crawford, the merchant,
had in stock £24. worth, about a ton.
Sloops were employed in the foreign trade and sixty
tons burden was the largest size. Ketches and snows were
used in other parts of New England, but we find no trace
of them In the upper Bay.
There seems to have been a new impulse in the foreign
trade In 1717 and 1718, for a new demand sprung up for
warehouse lots and wharves. Probably this was one of
the first results following the Issues of paper money. A
momentous step was taken In both political and economic
affairs when the first paper was Issued by the colony in
1710. Paper currency, properly controlled, is a great
blessing to civilization. But unlimited public credit car
ries evils far surpassing any possible good to be derived
from it. It overstimulates Industries and demoraUzes
the citizen. This departure was occasioned by the great
effort made by the little colony to join In the expedition
of 1710 against Port Royal.*^ It raised 200 men and
the proportion of Providence was 40 with 8 Indians.
There was no actual money to be had, and the paper
substituted was Issued in this and the following year for
30 Weeden, « E. and S. N. E.," Vol. IL, p. 363.
31 " Early Rec Prov.," Vol. VIL, p. 195.
32 Staples, p. 188.

1721] Outward Communication Increased 211
£13,000 to £14,000 in " bills of pubUc credit." In 1715
the issue began again and continued until the state's
credit was overwhelmed in 1786.
Trade and commerce brought necessity for increase in
outward communication with the town. No seine was to
be set or drawn on the great river above Weybosset
Bridge after 1716. A vote of 30s. for repairs to Wey
bosset Bridge, October 28, 1717, was a petty expedient
until " some more Legal method be taken for repairing."
The colony had appropriated out of its treasury for this
and other bridges in 1711.
The main travel In or across the colony came over the
upper ferry at Red Bridge in Seekonk, and passed over
the bridge at Weybosset. Captain Scott was allowed as
late as 1716 to fence with gates across the " Country
Roade (main highway) over Pawtucket River," for four
years, provided " Pawtucket Bridge is passable so long."**
Fences with gates were aUowed on Hemden's Lane and
thence to Pawtucket, January 20, 1720-1.
In providing new highways and caring for the poor,
the to-wn had run in debt. The tax had rarely exceeded
£60., but £150.16.3. was assessed March 20, 1718,** and
the apportionment by districts is interesting:
The Towne's part  £56. 0.11.
The Northern woods  65. 4.10.
The Southern woods  39.12. 3.
In early times the valuation of the rich fields of Paw
tuxet, which Included the " southern woods," was greater
than that of Providence proper. This is the first rate in
S3 « Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XIII., pp. 4, 4^.
Si Ibid., p. 48.

212 The Commercial Growth of Providence
which the homestead and commercial part exceeded the
agricultural division of the northern woods.
A bounty of 20s. was paid In 1719,*^ for a wolf's head
which had been delivered to Major Thomas ffenner living
In the present town of Cranston. The premium offered
for gray squirrels was '3d. ; this was made equal for Rats
(muskrats probably) and afterward reduced to 2d. ; 5s.
raised to 10s. in 1729, was offered for a wild cat's skin;
£16. was once raised for bounties on squirrels. These
struggles with Nature's last representatives entertain us
now, but another side of the cogitations of the town
council is more than diverting. When the Puritan-bred
citizens who were not Puritans give themselves to strict
reverential decorum, the legislative result is something
grotesque. For example, January 27, 1723-4, the peti
tion of several leading citizens represented that the munic
ipal act for squirrel bounties had no restriction. There
was an act of the General Assembly preventing " Sports "
and pastimes on the first day of the week, and these citi
zens asked for restriction of squirrel shooting on that
day, or the municipal act would be an " Encouragement
to vice and Immorality." The leading citizens ask for
the " Encouragement of Good Manners." When the
pence ran up Into pounds, the canny burghers asked them
selves whether the farmers' hunting of vermin was not
turning into " Sport." Civic economy concurring with
the ethical and respectable observance of the Sabbath Is
most delicious as well as suggestive. The bounty for
squirrels was soon repealed.
Public offices were seldom sought for In those days,
and were held to be a burden, even when the service was
paid for. Robert Curry was chosen Town " Sarjant," a
responsible post, but he was not a freeman in 1718.
85 " Early R«c. Prov.," Vol. XIII., pp. 17, 20, 68, 30, 64.

1726] Expenses of the Town 213
Lieutenant James Olney engaged In town meeting to pay
all damage to the sheriff or any person, incurred by
Curry's not being a " freeman or of a Compitent Esstate."
The detailed expenses of the growing town may inter
est, as they were audited May 29, 1726.*® The expen
diture in transporting criminals to Newport for the
colonial prison was very large, and was later replaced
by the stiU greater expense of a prison at home. At this
time there was paid:
Sergeant Westgate for keeping and carrying
one Corrill to Newport  £10.13.
Laying two highways, one " from ToWn to Bay
Line," one from Pawtucket to Jeremiah
Browne's  4.
Repairing Weybosset Bridge, 1 year, £2.7.6.,
R. Curry, T. Sergeant, 1 year, £4  6. 7. 6.
For Poor, Mary Marsh, M. Owen, " Marjary
Indian," Mary Pettes child  14. 6. 4.

£35. 6.10.

Crime cost more than constabular service and roads,
while poverty cost more than either.
The burdensome care of the poor, as shown In the
expenses of the town from time to time, sufficiently ex
plains their jealous watchfulness of citizenship and dread
of Intrusion into their community.
In 1717 *^ the Council was ordered to " vse all LawfuU
Means " to compel the town of East Greenwich to assume
the support of Mary Marsh. In 1721 the Council sum
moned before it " several forriners Lately come Into this
36 « Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XIII., pp. 14, 23.
37 « Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XIII., p. 10.

214 The Commercial Growth of Providence
Towne in a disorderly manner without Leave and Likely
to be chargeable if not Removed." In 1720*^ Black-
stone's wife not being well, Joseph Woodward's wife took
her home out of "Piety" (pity?). Captain Wilkinson told
Woodward, if he entertained Blackstone and his wife, he
ought to give bond for him; which request was refused.
Individual charity could not be crushed out practically,
though Woodward was technically at fault, and munici
pal organization had to bear the consequences.
Later, September 24, 1722, the Council recorded that
John Blackstone's child, bom here, then in Attleboro, was
apprenticed there to R. Wickes " to be leamed to Reade
and the art of husbandry." Judging from other con
tracts binding Infants, the town paid something to
Wickes for bringing up the child. The poor waif and
stray, once attached to the soil, had a better parent than
Nature gave, for it became a constituent part of the com
munity. Some of the practical measures regulating citi
zenship seem petty to us. But the general sense of
municipal responsibility was praiseworthy.
The system of apprenticing young persons was work
ing constantly and apparently with the best social results.
It was education In the family, through the steady business
of life. In 1713-4 *^ Susanna Warner (-writing her
name) was bound for six years by her father, John War
ner (also writing), to Thomas Olney (weaver), of Provi
dence, to leam the " Trade and occupation of a Tailor."
She was not to frequent Ale Houses or Taverns except
about her Master's or Mistress's business, " ffomication
shee shall not Comitt, neither shall she Contract Matri
mony with any Person." These obligations were gener
ally laid on both sexes alike. The master was to endeavor
38 "Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XII., pp. 20, 39.
39 Ibid., Vol. IX., p. S.

1715] Wardrobe of an Apprentice 216
to teach her to read, and finaUy to give her two suits of
apparel. This dress was known as " the freedom suit,"
and was often given any minor on coming of age. In
1716 *" Thomas Olney, " weavor^" signed as a witness to
the contract binding Wm. Potter for five years, his father
having died. The master agreed to teach him to " Reade
EngUsh, and wright and Cypher so far as to keepe a
Booke." He was to be freed at twenty-one years, in the
" same appariU as he is now in." The Ust of original
clothing shows the habits and dress of laboring youths
at that time. " A Loose bodyed Coate, a streight bodyed
Coate and Jacket all Casy and faced with soloone; a
wosted Coate and two wosted jackets all lined the Coate
and one of the jackets Uned with soUoone a pair of druget
Briches lined ; a washed Paire of Leathor Briches a Caster
hat, three shirts two homespun ones and one fine one,
three pair of stokins one pair wosted, three neck Clothes
two of them silk and a pair of washed Leathor Gloves:
next his wareing appariU now wom but whole: a hatt
Coate briches stokins and shoes. Memo that Clothing
which was Casy (kersey) was homespun." We remark
that homespun cotton or flax would do for common, and
that " fine " cloth must be had for a dress shirt. For a
youth of sixteen he was certainly well clothed, having
clothing not only for work-a-days, but for occasions and
social gatherings.
The grain crop must have failed in 1724, for the Gen
eral Assembly forbade exportation of com until the price
should be 6s. per bushel. It directed the General Treas
urer to buy 2000 bushels and to sell it in small quanti
ties. The inventories show no great changes In a decade.
The farmers grow rather more tobacco than the previous
40 « Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. IX., p. 13.

216 The Commercial Growth of Providence
generation produced. Forks are increasing in domestic
use. In 1723,*^ two spinsters, Joanna and Tabitha In
man, died within four days. One had £32.8.6., the other
£37.6.6. in wearing apparel; side saddle piUions, loom,
cards and combs, spinning wheels, etc. There was a
moderate amount of plate in most estates. An Indian
servant girl's time for two years and ten months was
valued at £5.10. Edward Manton,*2 whose personal
estate was £373.13.8., with a farmer's outfit on a small
scale, had 100 books at £17.15., with two maps of the
world at 10s. Cows were £4. each and two yokes of oxen
£22. In 1723-4 John House ** gives us £18.12. in dress, with
an Interesting detail of prices. Coate 40s., 2 pair briches
28s., 2 pair leather do £1.10., Brown cloth coate, black
gloves and dark jacket £4.4. Druggett coate, yellow
trimming, 26s., yallowish jacket 10s. Loose coate 12s.,
two linen westcotts and two pair britches £1.10. Two
hats at 12s., hdkf gloves etc. with an extravagant pair
of garters at 17s., all amounted to £6. 9s. One gold ring
40 grains, another 26 grains, were not valued. Silver
buckles and buttons 10s. 9d. A moderate amoimt of
silver plate and the usual pewter. The " wareing clothes
that ware his first wives and bonnet £3.11." Some " black
lat " and 6 chamber potts at 12s. Earthen punch bowl,
pitcher, 3 earthen cups, glass bottle 7s. Porcelain ware,
as shown in the chamberpots, was coming in graduaUy.
One barrel " peach juce " lis. Negro woman £22.
Sorrel horse £18. Bed pan 18s. High house, land, sta
bles, 2 acres land on " Waybauset plaines " ^/^ Right
Common East of 7-mile line was valued at £266., and the
41 " Early Rec Prov.," Vol. XVI., p. 336.
42 Ibid., p. 363.
43 Ibid., p. 306.

1724] The Dress of Innkeepers 217
total estate was £624.12.3. Being an Innkeeper and a
considerable dandy, his way of Uving is interesting.
Copper pennies appear frequently, sometimes more
than 1000 at once.
Prices of realty are rare and should be noted. October
16, 1724, Thomas WilUams'** homestead of 100 acres,
housing, bam and improvements stood at £445. Adjoin
ing the homestead 44 acres at £88. Meadow on " Pachaset
River," 10 acres at £36. Land on Common west of 7 mile
line £70. One-third of 40 ft. lot in rear of house lots in
" 2d devislon " £3. One-thirteenth part of Starve goat
Island 13s. Land sold and money received for second
40 acre " devislon " and pine swamp £6.6.8. One hun
dred acres formerly given son Joseph, except labor be
stowed on it.
Razors are coming in ; and it is doubtful if any shaving
of beards prevailed in the seventeenth century. Breeches
were sometimes adorned with plate buttons. A set of
plate buttons and buckle was valued at 6s. In land 40
acres east of 7 mile line stood at £12.*^ " Amber beedes,"
Glass Bottle and Needles at 9s. 3d. Glass must have
been prized, as every bottle was carefully valued.
Signatures of women of good families with a -)- appear
on documents, and more rarely the men sign in that way.
November 6, 1724,*® Jabez Browne's homestead, esti
mated at 80 acres, was appraised at £350. Land n. w.
from homestead 78 acres at £110. Adjoining home
stead 30 acres at £26. Some curious prices appear the
next year. Plo-wing and planting 10 acres Indian com
£5.9. Sowing 8 acres with rye and the seed £2.16. One
acre with oats 6s. In an outfit of £15. for dress, a set of
44 "Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XVL, p. 330.
45 Ibid., p. 367.
iolbid., p. 376.

Sl8 The Commercial Growth of Providence
silver shirt buttons stood at 5s., a pair of silver shoe
buckles at 16s.
In 1726,*^ Arthur Fenner had a full outfit for spinning
and weaving, 4 spinning wheels and " Clock Reale " £1.8.
A pair of looms, and furniture £3. One looking glass and
2 pair " specticles " (first mentioned) 5s. 6d. The dames
were wearing better toilets, and Abigail Hopkins spent
£30. for dress in an estate of £98.5.8. Under beds are
mentioned for the first time. A pair of " sizers " and a
silver Chalne therewith £1. Butter was lOd. per lb.
In 1725-6 ** a watch (of silver probably) appears at
£4., but these did not displace sun-dials untU about
1750.*9 Wm. Roberts' ^^ homestead and house were appraised
at £420. and one share of " Meadow " £30.
Wm. Harris had a silver " Tancord," 2 silver cups, 10
spoons, all weighing 46^ oz., valued at £34.17.6. His
negro man stood at £70., the highest price attained, and
probably Inflated somewhat by paper money.
Joseph Jenckes was elected from Pro-vidence to be Gov
emor of the Colony in 1727. Previous governors under
the charter had been taken from Newport. This election
Indicates the rise of commercial Providence. Newport
still kept its supremacy as the capital, for the Assembly
granted Govemor Jenckes £100. to make his residence
and remove his family there.
In 1727 the long boundary dispute with Connecticut,
which had threatened the very existence of our colony,
was brought to a close by a decree of the Privy Council.
This fixed the western boundary on the Pawcatuck River
47 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XVL, p. 384.
48 Ibid., p. 440.
48 Dorr, p. 170.
00 "Early Rec Prov.," Vol. XVI., p. 456.

1721] British Ideas of Geography 219
and thence north to the Massachusetts Une.^^ The Board
of Trade had previously sho-(vn Its sapient management of
colonial affairs by recommending to the Council that
both Connecticut and Rhode Island be attached to New
Hampshire. The disjoined geography of the territories
apparently never entered Into the Board's Ideas of con
venient govemment. Such wiping out of the two govern
ments — ^whlch are now admitted to have added the most
practical national ideas to the United States — would have
created a suggestive historical speculation.
A King's census of the colony ^2 was taken in 1730,
showing a population of 16,936 ; Whites 16, '302, Negroes
1648, Indians 986. Providence had. Whites 3707, Ne
groes 128, Indians 81 ; total 3916. Newport had, Whites
3843, Negroes 649, Indians 248; total 4640. The fig
ures do not agree in themselves, but the main fact is that
Pro-vidence had nearly as large a white population as
Newport ; yet the latter was far better developed in pros
perous Industries.
A prison was built in 17'33 on Jail Lane, now Meeting
Street.^* The taverns continued to be places of great resort, espe
cially before the building of the county courthouse in
1729. Those of Whipple and Epenetus Olney were
famous, and Wm. Turpin left his profession of school-
teaching to become a popular landlord and town officer.
Turpin's Inn on Town Street was the largest house in the
town until the State House was built and was a favorite
place of meeting for the Assembly and courts. Built
in 1695, it survived until 1812. A high roof had heavy
projecting eaves and dormer windows. A huge stone
51 " R. I. C. R.," Vol. IV., p. 373, and Brigham, pp. 171-174.
62 staples, p. 194.
53 Ibid., p. 180.

220 The Commercial Growth of Providence
chimney allied it to the dwellings around. On the green
in front was the unfailing elm. The i" great Toom "
served either for a senate house or dancing hall. Such
centers of influence conferred social and political prestige
on the landlords, who were not slow to avail of it. As the
Assembly, Courts, Town and Council meetings always sat
In central taverns, the landlord often became the oracle
of his neighborhood. Sometimes chief of local militia
and representative In the Assembly, he " enjoyed promi
nence which In Massachusetts belonged to the Puritan
minister." ®* Although this way of living could not and
did not suit the omniscient Cotton Mather, it had due
effect in developing citizens of the world who were wilUng
to accept a cheery existence here on earth. A curious
incident In 1713 ^° reveals the jealousy of country pro
prietors, toward these innkeepers and town agitators.
Major " thomas ffenner," Assistant, protested against
the election of Wm. Smith, Jas. Olney, Wm. Harris and
Silvanus Scott, to be members or Assistants In the Town
Council, because they kept Public houses of Entertainment
and retailed stroijg drink. They rejoined that Major
Fenner kept a public house and retailed strong drink for
several years. And insisted " wee are freemen of the
Towne and CoUony and the Towne's owne Election, and
ought not to be debarred of our Privilldges." Appar
ently the election did not fail.
In 1720 the Ucenses were £2. each. Thomas Angel,
John House, Josiah Westcot, James Olney, William Tur
pin, William Edmunds, aU prominent citizens, were
grantees. In 1732 ^® a change of habit and way of Uving is indl-
54 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XL, p. 170.
66 Ibid., Vol. XII., p. 93.
66 Ibid., p. 181.

1732] Change of Habits in TIppUng 221
cated in a grant of licenses at a less rate, 10s., for a
Umited privilege to merchants and shopkeepers, for one
year. They could retail, but not allow " any Drinking or
tipling in theire housen shopps or Kitchin. Nor Mix any
sort of Liquor." Captain Joseph Roades, Esq'., Mr°.
Mary Bumoon, Mr. John Angel, Capt. James Brown
(first spelled vrithout an e), " Co" " Joseph Whipple each
paid 10s. The scrupulous use of titles among these plain
people, with every possible variation and significance Is
always suggestive.
The houses inhabited by the denizens of the new cen
tury belong to the third period of architecture as inter
preted by Isham and Brown.^^ They were often of two
fuU storeys and varied somewhat from those built in the
latter seventeenth century. Frequently built of brick or
partly so. In one direction after 1725 there was an
elaborate " mitre-like " chimney. After 1730 the pre-
revolutionary style called " colonial " was developed.
The chimney was brought nearly Into the middle of the
house. And in large rooms like those of the Turpin Inn,
above noted, massive beams sustained the ceilings. The
rooms around the double chimney of this period varied
in size. The "great room" descended from the single room
of the first period as that came from the old English
" hall." This room in the TilUnghast house on Town
Street, built about 1730, has two windows. The stair
case was still next the chimney. Soon the rooms on
either side of the chimney became equal. Next, there were
four rooms -with four chimneys outside the house.
DistilUng molasses and sugar into rum was perhaps the
most Important of the New England Industries in the sec
ond quarter of the eighteenth century. It was not only the
main element in the slave trade, but was powerfully sup-
57 " Early Houses," pp. 15-18.

222 The Commercial Growth of Providence
ported by the local demand and by the consumption in
the Newfoundland fisheries. DIstiUing had become well
established in Providence, and still-houses were along the
Town Street; Antram's as far north as Smith Street,
Abbott's was on the s. e. comer of Market Square; An
gelas was near the present Thomas Street. Shipping
was built freely and the keels plowed the West Indian
seas In frequent voyages. The trade of Providence with
Guinea for slaves is obscurely recorded, but it had begun.
The larger merchants traded with Bordeaux. Smuggling
sugar from the islands was so common that it was hardly
noticed. In 1733, by the sugar or " Molasses " act, the
House of Commons laid a heavy duty on products im
ported from' foreign islands into the northern colonies.
This began the troubles ending in the American Revolu
tion. Smuggling mitigated the evil consequences, until
George GrenvIUe proved to be too good an administra
tor. Some ledger accounts, 1723-1738, and a priceless letter-
book, 1736-7, of James Broi^'n, father of the " four
brothers " — preserved in the manuscripts of the R. I. His
torical Society — give us Interesting details of the com
merce of this period. Nicholas Powers' accounts in 1723
became "Father Powers'" in 1731-2.
Distilling is an Important function, and a curious joint
ownership Is shown where the mason is credited 10s. for
" mending my firm's mouth under my Still." He offers
100 gallons good rum, " our own Stilling," for a horse.
The Dutch process for separating oil and spermaceti
was not yet introduced, and candles were still occasionally
made by hand. Brown credits in 1736, one lot of 494
lbs. at 4d., made by Hartshorne, the mason, and probably
in his kitchen.
Providence was becoming a great mart for molasses.

1737] . Slaves from Guinea 223
When accumulated here, it often went on to Nantucket
or Boston. One lot of 41 hhds. is mentioned in 1737 as
transhipped to Boston. It belonged jointly to James
Brown, Daniel Jenckes and Job Arnold. Coffee, as well as
salt, was constantly moving and sometimes consigned to
Boston. Large freights went by water, but small lots of
merchandise were sent by Rehoboth to Boston. Noah
Mason, Uving there, is asked in 1737 to carry " four tun
wate " to Boston.
As noted above, the reports of the importation of
negroes are generally obscure. May 26, 1737,^® Mr.
Bro-wn records, " My GIneman is arrived. You may have
A slave, if you cum or sand Befoar they air Gon." March
10, 1737. He had advised his Loveing Brother Obadiah
in the West Indies on the sloop Mary of Providence, " If
you cannot seU aU your slaves to your mind, bring some
home. I believe they -will seU weU. Get molasses or
sugar. Make despatch for that Is the life of trade."
Bro-wn had much intercourse with Uxbridge and Worces
ter, with Plainfield, KlUIngly and Pomfret. He Is con
stantly calling for " fatt " cattle, pork, beef or any prod
uce. These transactions show that Providence must have
been for some time the mercantile port of the valleys of
the Blackstone and of eastern Connecticut.
Business was conducted with the Atlantic ports as far
away as Charleston, S. C, where the correspondent was
Mr. Verplanck. When commerce with the West Indies
was not available for the moment, vessels were occupied In
the local trade of Boston. July 2, 1737, after the sloop
Mary had disposed of her black freight, she was sent to
the Bay of Andros for a load of logs to be carried to Bos
ton. Newport was a secondary market for almost every
thing. Henry Collins, the distinguished merchant there,
68 R. I. H. S. bound MSS. State Reports, Vol. 8.

The Commercial Growth of Providence
had a rope walk. Brown asked him In 1736 how much
good rigging or cash he can have for 1000 lbs. hemp.
Politics were generally seething in our little colony.
The Hopkins-Ward controversy a generation later was to
engage the Brown family and keep them very busy. Now
February 1, 1736, the representative writes to Richard
Ward, the father of Samuel, In rather pungent style,
" Your Chief friend in Govemment affairs. I am affraid
he had rather be Govemor him'self. You may see by en
closed, that he is able to Govem his purse (if not his
word)." The evolution of the first caterer in Providence was a
way-mark in ci-rilization ; and we must anticipate a few
years to explain the beginning in 1736. The negro al
ways played a considerable part in the social life of
Rhode Island, after the colonists had means enough to
own him. A new kitchen was instituted by the skill of
the house mistress working -with the negro's aptitude.
The freedmen of the period frequently left little estates.*"
Jack Howard in 1746 had £145. in colonial bills ; John
Read, "free nogro," had £100. In 1753. Emanuel
(" Manna ") Bemoon In 1769 had a house and lot, with
personal estate inventoried at £539. He was emancipated
by Gabriel Bemon in 1736 and then began his regular
business. The freedmen generally took the master's name
and Manna distinguished his with an additional vowel.
His wife, Mary, had been selling liquor without tippling
on the premises for four years, competing on a ten-shilling
license with Captains, Colonels and Esquires.
Manna now or soon established the first oyster house
on To-wn Street near the location of the subsequent custom
house. The rude English-descended efforts In cookery
were far surpassed by Huguenot sklU and refinement,
60 Dorr, p. 177.

1737] JoUy Negroes, Oysters, Privateers 225
Manna sought the heart of the softening town by way of
a gratified and contented stomach. His outfit included
23 drinking glasses, 4 " juggs," pewter plates, spoons
and cooking utensils In proportion. Best of all was his
jolly smUe as he clinked these glasses in the midst of
descendants of Roger WiUiams and William Harris.
The EngUsh declaration of war against Spain In 1739
vitally affected our colony. In the next February the
General Assembly prepared against possible Invasion.
Fort George was garrisoned and provision was made for
Block Island. In May 200 men were sent to join the
unfortunate attack on Carthagena. Privateers ^^ swarmed
out . from N ewport and were very successful. Captain
Hull, of Newport, took one prize that afforded every man
of his crew 1000 pieces of eight. These adventurers In
privateering in some degree influenced the character of
the colony and certainly prepared the way for her naval
exploits In the Revolution. The sea-rover's life well fitted
the man brought up on the shores of the Bay and the
Great Salt River. It was not only the bold, dashing
career bringing out the Norse blood of the race; it was
the desperate caU for Initiative at any moment. Outcast
on land, the Rhode Island man was the more at home on
the sea. In storm or calm, in shock of battle or the
exigency of flight, the man had to put forth the best In
him, and he became a hero.
One of the surveyors to define the eastern line of the
colony under the royal commission In 1741 took a more
cheery -view of the outcast colony than Cotton Mather
set forth In the seventeenth century.
" Here's fuU supply (food and drink) to cheer our hun
gry souls.
61 Weeden, " E. and S. N. E.," Vol. IL, pp. 601, 602.

226 The Commercial Growth of Providence
Here men may soon any religion find.
Which quickly brought brave Holland to my mind,
For here, like there, one with the greatest ease,
May suit himself, or quit all If he please."
Better at triangles than at verse, the surveyor was
broad, if not graceful.
The public Lottery has been regarded as a source, as
well as a chance of either good or evil in early times. It
began for us in 1744 in the grant for a scheme of £16,000,
out of which was to come £3000 for the rebuilding of
Weybosset Bridge. That It was public business is fur
ther demonstrated in the fact that the to-wn subscribed
for 400 tickets to encourage the movement.
Communication eastward was enlarged by a public
ferry at India Point where Washington Bridge now stands.
""here had long been ferriage at " narrow passage " or
/ded Bridge and a bridge " was at Pawtucket." The new
ferry for the southeastward connection was regulated
by an act in 1746, having been established a few years
before. The population of the colony In 1748 was 41,280. The
voters in Providence were 96, with 13 justices of the peace
and 4 companies of militia. In 1749 there were 31
licensed tavern keepers ; In 1760 there were 30. The
highest licenses Were at £8. each. The colony tax in
1748 was £5000., of which Providence paid £560. and
Newport £825. Our town spent £1165.6.6. In 1748, and
ordered a tax for £1600. the next year. We must remem
ber that paper money affected these figures.
February 19, 1748,^2 ^g have an account of the entry
of the privateer sloop Reprisal, Captain W. Dunbar, as
she brought in her prize, the French ship Industry. It
62 " Early Rec," Vol. IX., p. 97.

1748] Privateering and Prizes 227
Interests, as showing how the parts were divided and how
many persons participated in these fascinating enter
prises. According to Moses Brown at a later day, the
losers must be reckoned as well as the fortunate ones.
Three LIppitts had each -J part in the sloop. Ann Lippitt
signs for a negro man in the crew, one share. One owner
holds %4 part. David -|- Swanton, mariner, sells " all his
share " to John Andrews and Darius Sessions.
France had joined In the Spanish war in 1744, and our
privateers severely punished her commerce. It Is esti
mated ®* that over 100 French prizes were taken with rich
cargoes, some of over $50,000 value. Captain John Den
nis was a terror to the French and they sent from Mar
tinique a strong war-vessel to pursue him especiaUy. They
misapprehended the Rhode Island rover; for the pursued
turned fiercely and after four hours of hard fighting made
the Frenchman his prize.
The colony aided stoutly In the expedition against
Louisburgh, and Captain Fones, with his sloop Tartar,
headed a small fleet doing much execution.
In 1754 the old householders' provision of fire buckets,
with the line of men passing them to and fro, was found
Insufficient to protect the property in the growing town.
Obadiah Brown and James Angell were commissioned to
buy a " large water engine." The Boston machine was
a small beginning toward the steamer and hydraulic
hydrant of to-day, but it was a great advance over lifting
water by hand. According to Staples, In 1765 the colony
taxed Newport £14,000, South Kingston £5200., Provi
dence £4900.
James and Obadiah Brown, brothers, descended from
Chad, the early proprietor and minister, were largely en
gaged in commerce in the second quarter of the century.
63 Brigham, " R. I.," p. 186.

228 The Commercial Growth of Providence
James was father of the " four brothers," of whom we
shall hear much in the development of the larger Provi
dence. " Nicky, Josey, John and Mosey " were household
words for a century. According to Moses Brown,®* " My
Father's Books shews eight vessels under his manage
ment, viz.. Sloop Dolphin, Obadiah Brown, master, sloop
Mary Godfrey, schooner Ann, sloop Rainbow, sloop Pelli-
can, schooner Ann, Sam Gorton, msuster, sloop Mary
Gould, John Hopkins, master, sloop Shearwater, John
Hopkins, master — all West India vessels, some to Surinam
with horses &c. From 1730 (or 1738) to 1748 (sic) I
find 16 and from 1748 to 1760 I find about 60 vessels by
my Father, Obadiah Brown Books owned by him Stephen
Hopkins, David Jenks, Nathan Angell and many others."
In another connection he says : " I find in our Books
only 84 vessels before the year 60, with their names and
mostly their masters."
Obadiah Brown was the younger brother and In
partnership with James, who died in 1739. Nicholas,
the nephew, was received Into the partnership, and all the
brothers were trained In business by their Uncle Obadiah.
Moses married Obadiah's daughter and ultimately inher
ited his property.
This period brings us to the consideration of, not a
new, but newly developed kind of citizen In Providence
Plantations. The original and truly educated immigrants
— trained in an English university like Roger Williams,
or in large affairs like the men of Newport — had long
passed Iby. Thein descendants included In Providence
Bemon's " leamed men," who were not learned as we
understand the term. Now comes a citizen, born and
trained on Rhode Island soil, who was, if not academic, a
largely leamed man. Stephen Hopkins was bom March
64 MSS. R. I. H. S.

1750] Hopkins the Tme Rhode Islander 229
7, 1706-7, at Massapauge, In the district now known as
South Providence. His father. Major WilUam Hop
kins, farmer, surveyor, etc., shortly removed to the bridle
paths of Chapumscook, now Scituate, where our subject
was reared and his essential character was formed. His
grandmother was a daughter of Captain John Whipple,
above noted, very prominent in plantation life about 1660-
1685. Carpenter, Innholder, surveyor, member of town
council and of General Assembly, he acquired finally a
considerable practice at law. He traded likewise in a
large way for his circumstances. We can easily account
for the mercantile bent of our subject.
Samuel Wilkinson's daughter was Stephen's mother,
contributing not only the blood of that vigorous stock,
but the " Inner light " of the individual derived from the
Society of Friends. Captain Samuel Wilkinson was com
mended by Bemon for " his erudition In divine and civil
law, historical narrative, natural and politic," ®® taught
our subject mathematics and surveying. In this vocation,
like Washington, the youth leamed men as well as lands.
The best instruction of all came from his mother, and It
was " thorough and comprehensive." There were in the
Hopkins home and in Grandfather Wilkinson's " circu
lating libraries " used among the families and neighbors.®®
Stephen Hopkins' writings show that he studied the
great English classics. AU accounts indicate that he was
a deep reader, as long as Ufe lasted. Such men lacked
the scholastic method, but they read and thought seri
ously, developing the powers of the individual mind.
President Manning, of Brown University, said of Hop
kins in 1785,®'' "Possessing an uncommonly elevated
66 Updike, N. C, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 54.
66 Foster Hopkins, p. 46.
67 Prov. Gazette, July 16.

The Commercial Growth of Providence
genius, his constant assiduous application in the pursuit
of knowledge " rendered him distinguished. But the most
significant testimony came from the trained and eloquent
John Adams, showing how one untaught in the schools
could teach the teachers themselves. " Govemor Hop
kins had read Greek, Roman, and British history and
was familiar with English poetry, particularly Pope,
Thomson and Milton, and the flow of his soul made all of
his reading our own, and seemed to bring to recollection
In all of us, all we had ever read." ®* Strange that, out of
the wilds of Scituate, there came a " flow of soul " which
could enthrall the best scholars and highest spirits of
America. In considering university education or lack of
it, let us remember Jowett said one was fortunate who
could pass through the Oxford courses without impairing
his mental powers. But Jowett was In himself a school
master, and accordingly we must weigh his judgments
carefully. The ability of young Hopkins was soon recognized by
the townspeople. When twenty-four years old he was
Moderator; at the next regular meeting In 1732, he was
placed in the influential position of town clerk — held for
ten years, or as long as he remained in Scituate. He
was sent to the General Assembly In 1732, and became
Speaker in 1741. His powers were valued wherever
known, as appears in his engagement In 1737 to revise
the streets of Providence and to project a map extending
over Scituate.
As the Browns led the merchants on land, so the Hop
kinses and their kindred led sailors on the seas. Accord
ing to Moses Brown, 17 vessels on his list were owned or
commanded by these natural seadogs. Esek, the most dis
tinguished In this respect, left his home to enlist as a com-
68 Foster, p. 48n.

1750] Commerce Develops Larger Ideas 231
mon sailor in 1738, soon becoming captain. He resided
at first at Newport, removing to Providence in 1755.
Stephen, this sturdy son of Rhode Island — bred from
her innermost stock — came to Providence Plantation in
1742. A generation had been sending abroad the ves
sels built by Nathaniel Browne and others, loaded with
produce yielded by the fertile lands around the Great
Salt River. The Bay, Long Island Sound, the mighty
Hudson, all had helped to bring Newport and at last
Providence into closer contact with all the seaboard mar
kets, as well as ocean commerce. The shell encasing the
early plantation was bursting outward into open and
freer life, through Its communication with the great world
outside. Poverty, says Chaucer, is a " gret bringer-out
of bisyness." And it has been often said that men of
studious habit seldom acquire knowledge of affairs. In
Stephen Hopkins we have a remarkable example of edu
cation by contact with affairs, enlightened by his own
constant use of books. It has been noted ®® how the
" leamed men " of the little plantation impressed Gabriel
Bemon, coming from the larger opportunities of Europe.
Their " learning " was far from academic. It came from
the open-minded school of experience. Hopkins entered
into commercial ventures, especially in joint interest with
the Wantons at Newport. He must have been largely
acquainted at Newport, for his -visits there began as early
as 1732, when he went as a member of the General Assem-
bly. The enlargement of the plantation in a social sense is
indicated by the course of religious opinion. Four build
ings, maintained for religious worship, existed In 1742;
the old Baptist meeting-house at the comer of Smith
Street, the Friends' on Meeting Street, King's Episcopal
esAnte, p. 209.

232 The Commercial Growth of Providence
at Church Street, and the Congregational at the comer
of CoUege and Benefit Streets. There was one mill and
three taverns. A draw in Weybosset Bridge enabled ves
sels to pass to and from Nathaniel Browne's old shipyard,
just above the bridge on the west side. Roger Kinni-
cut had succeeded Browne in the business about 1730.
The tide of life and trade had been surging down the
" old Cheapslde " midway In To-wn Street, and keeping
with the current of travel from Boston to New York;
it was now turning over the " Great Bridge " toward
larger territory across Great Salt River, rnd along the
roads leading to the southwest. Weybosset (sometime
Broad) Street, a landmark of this movement, was not
approved by " The Neck " when it was opened. The
Hayward or Haymarket had opened about 1738, a space
for the present Market Square, which gave a center for
increasing business.
The narrow lanes from Town Street to the waterfront,
curiously named for coins, were matter of contest between
the old proprietors and the freemen at large. Now In
1738, the freemen outnumbered the old proprietors, and
the latter lost their control of town affairs.
The Lottery system was a crude method for bringing
out the social energies of those days. The universal gam
bling spirit, potent individually, was forced outward into
social channels, and made to support all kinds of enter
prises good in themselves and desired by the pubUc. It
was initiated here in 1744,'^® when a lottery was granted
by the General Assembly to rebuild Weybosset Bridge.
Commerce proper, since Gideon Crawford, the merchant,
in 1687, and Nathaniel Browne, the shipbuilder in 1711,
had developed sufficiently on the Town Street wharves to
draw downward from the northern districts aU the produce
70 staples, p. 197.

1751] Direct Commerce to London 233
intended for export. By 1745 northem Rhode Island
and the Blackstone valley of Massachusetts were sending
farm products to the Providence merchants for exchange
Into West Indian and European wares. These larger
movements were encouraged and more or less initiated by
Stephen Hopkins. In the middle of the last century, a
capable Investigator, WiUiam Hunter, sald,''^ " Stephen
Hopkins taught Providence her capabilities and calcu
lated rather than prophesied her future growth and pros
perity." The inevitable superiority of a port at the
head of navigation was beginning to tell In competition
with richer Newport; though the latter had a century of
advantage in enterprise and development. By the close
of the French war In 1763, the larger commerce was well
estabUshed. In 1747 Robert Gibbs, Stephen Hopkins and some
forty of the most forecasting citizens obtained an ordi
nance for Back Street, the present Benefit. The proprie
tors of old home-lots contending for their graveyards, had
vainly opposed the movement. Hereafter the term in
deeds and wills was altered to " house-lot." The Fenner
estate looking out on Market Square threatened violent
resistance. Gradually compromise prevailed and the most
radical change of the eighteenth century was instituted,^2
reconstructing the " East Side." The members of the
First Congregational Church had not been able to get
to their location, the site of the present county court
house. The large commerce for which the West Indian ventures
had prepared the way, made a significant advance In ,
1751 or about that time. Theretofore the shopkeepers
of our little plantation had been middlemen or jobbers, as
71 Newport History Mag., Vol. IL, p. 143.
72 Dorr, p. 150.

234 The Commercial Growth of Providence
we say. They were tributary to Newport directly — to Bos
ton, New York and Philadelphia for the abundant Euro
pean goods a higher civilization was demanding. Now
they were to become importers ; for Colonel Edward Kin-
nicut — brother of Roger, the shipbuilder — loaded a ves
sel in the Seekonk with timber and took this first direct
cargo to London. He brought back goods enough to
furnish three shops; his own, Obadiah Brown's and
Daniel Jenks'. The vessel was owned by the two latter
jointly, with Stephen Hopkins. Kinnicut finally died In
London in 1764.
In 1757 Captain Esek Hopkins brought in a valuable
prize, the snow Desire. This was among the early prizes for
our port, which, according to Moses Brown, were captured
" during the (French) war, to the making of many rich
and some poor." The shrewd Quaker correctly estimated
the speculative risk of this business ; but it stimulated
enterprise and developed brave and venturesome seamen.
When Hopkins settled in our plantation he found the
scale of living advancing rapidly. The personal apparel
and household goods which had been luxurious for the
Crawfords in the second decade, had become customary
and necessary for a well-to-do community much increased
in numbers. Captain James Brown, father of the " Four
Brothers," died In 1739 ; a fair type of the merchant bred
out of West Indian commerce. He appointed his " Relict
Widdow," Mrs. Hope Brown, one of his three executors,''*
His wearing apparel was valued at £92., with Books at
£10.10. In bonds, "bills of credit" (paper currency),
etc., £1656.0.8. appeared, in book debts £416.2.4., in gold
and silver £126.10. The domestic outfit included £6.16.
In table Unen, in brass and copper £19.10., In Iron ware
£31.1., In pewter £18.18. Two small looking glasses with
78 MSS. Probate Rec, Vol. IIL, p. 357,

1751] Pewter Was In Common Use
16 earthen platters and a cannister amounted to £6.6.
Ten " Baker " glasses with two sets China dishes and
bowls stood at £12.10.
The beaker was a distinctive wine-cup, originally of
earthen ware In England. Such vessels were not men
tioned in our colony, but made of the Incoming glass, they
frequently appear in the inventories of this period.
In household furnishings we find 6 feather beds at
£129.19. ; 15 chairs, 1 looking glass, 2 oval tables at £28.,
and one clock. There was a considerable stock of mer
chandise for sale in English and other goods. The dis
tilling apparatus on sale indicated the importance of that
business. Two stills and worms, tubs, cranes, pumps and
troughs were valued at £800. Four negroes £300. Two
yoke of oxen £66. Two cows and calf £26. One horse,
saddle and bridle £54. The total personal estate
amounted to £5653.14.4.
Next the feather bed, perhaps the most constant and
significant unit of domestic comfort in the previous half
or three-quarters of a century, had been in pewter ware.
In the early days of Town Street the table service had
been of wooden ware, reinforced with occasional earthen
pieces. Pewter in plates, platters, cups and spoons
usurped the place of these humble vessels ; and even cham
berpots became almost universal.
The ware of our colony and the more lofty plate of
Europe was variously compounded; but generaUy of tin,
with lead In smaller proportion. Between silver on the
one hand and glass ware on the other, pewter has lost
rank in our time, but enthusiasts still admire its modest
character. They claim that the soft pearl-gray color
is more beautiful than the brilliant white of silver; which
must always be rather harder to an eye seeking quiet.''*
74Mass^, "Pewter Plate," p. 8.

236 The Commercial Growth of Providence
As mentioned, pewter was preceded by platters and even
porringers of wood; and it went out of general use when
porcelain and stone-ware became sufficiently cheap in
price. The ware was manufactured by casting or ham
mering, or by both processes united. The necessary
molds used In casting were always expensive. The articles
were finished by hand or on a lathe and then burnished.
Pewterers had shops in Boston.
Doubtless many of the shoe-buckles, so generaUy wom,
were made of pewter; there were Inkstands and a covered
tobacco-box. The necessary punch-ladle abounded at
this period; frequently oval and deep in the cup, with a
slender handle of turned wood. Our colonists generally
had the tankard; a term loosely applied, but commonly a
covered vessel, holding a quart or more.
It is difficult to adjust actual values and nominal prices
In these records. When the common currency Is not re
deemable, prices vary, but do not respond absolutely to
the fluctuating standard. Labor and articles of mer
chandise in common domestic use, do not oscillate in price
as rapidly as the currency varies. Imports and foreign
trade must closely follow the true financial barometer.
The wars compelled the poor American colonies to use
public credit, the only available substitute for money.
Rhode Island blundered worst in issuing paper money and
in not redeeming it. Unlike Massachusetts, she had no
Hutchinson to repair in some degree the consequences
of her legislative folly. Hutchinson, though a Tory in
the Revolution, literally forced the Bay to place her cur
rency on a specie basis ; for this he deserves eternal grati
tude. It Is better to have too much currency than too little.
It is often assumed that paper money of necessity brought
evil and disaster; but It is untrue. Bad as a bad cur-

1751] The Bad Currency Breaks Down 237
rency is, it Is better than none. No other principle can
explain the extraordinary instinct of producers, demand
ing more and yet more money. Merchants, and especially
bankers, see the constant evils of redundant money, but
producers still cry for more. WhUe this depreciated
money existed In our period, affairs were expanding and
the community was prosperous. History must relate
what was, and not try to interpret what ought to have
been. Let us refer to the meager records for some estimate of
values. In May, 1726,''° a judgment was awarded in
court of £181.10 in " blUs of credit " to liquidate a claim
of £100. In silver, showing a depreciation of about 55 per
cent. By 1740 the depreciation In Old Tenor had proceeded
so far that the General Assembly created a grade of New
Tenor in bills for £20,000, bearing four per cent, interest
for ten years. The nominal rate fixed for silver In this
medium was 9s. per ounce, and In Old Tenor 27s. per
ounce.''® February 27, 1748-9, a committee of the Assembly
passed bills of credit at the rate £1050. in paper for £100.
sterling. A few months before exchange had been at the
rate of 670 per cent. This rapid fall of paper indicated
a coming crash In business, to be caused by this depre
ciating currency. The bills of the various issues or
" Banks " were being burned at periods of ten years ;
but the process was not fast enough.
The colonies of Massachusetts and Rhode Island were
destined to part company in finance. In April, 1751,
their bills of credit were equal in value. In September
those of Rhode Island had fallen 20 per cent, below her
76 Arnold, Vol IL, p. 82.
76 Ibid., p. 128.

The Commercial Growth of Providence
neighbor's. Bills on London sold for 1100 per cent, pre
mium in Old Tenor. The New Tenor had fallen to less
than half its nominal value. Generally, prices and con
tracts had been quoted in Old Tenor. In 1763 '''' the
General Assembly attempted to bring order out of the
confused currencies by enacting that silver and gold should
be the legal tender, unless contracts should otherwise
specify. A scale of depreciation to guide the courts was
applied to transactions of the previous thirteen years.
This placed the Spanish dollar at £5.7. In 1751, and at
£7., Old Tenor, in 1763.
We have given this sketch of fluctuating values to ex
plain as far as possible the social relations of expenditure
and of prices.
If we look closely into the Inventories we shall perceive
the effect of such fluctuating currencies, in the prices
caused by better ways of living required In the growing
commercial community.
Hon. Joseph Jenckes, Esq. (sic), had wearing apparel
worth £84.13. and books to the value of £15. The worthy
gentleman made up In redundancy of titles what he lacked
in substance, for his personal estate was only £124.1.
Captain Abraham Angell had £108.10. in wearing ap
parel; and £12. In books and mathematical instruments.
He must have been frequently thirsty, for there were 8
China punch bowls at £9. The domestic outfit included
one dozen China plates at £6., earthen ware at £4.10.6.,
silver spoons at £12.6. There was a horse, saddle and
bridle at £50., with % parts and ^ part of a two-mast
boat at £20. His total personal estate was £851.10.4.
Some occasional prices interest us. A punch bowl and
cover — probably of pewter — ^was appraised at 8s., a pair
of leather breeches at £1.8., a pair of boots and an old
77 Arnold, Vol. IL, p. 344.

1761] Dress of the Mid-Century 239
wig at £2.10. Knives, forks and razors were common,
and the inevitable joynt-stool stood at 20s.
January 12, 1741-2,''® Thomas Harris's inventory shows
wearing apparel at £50. Coke upon Littleton, a grea^.
Bible and several books at £25. He walked out In a large
pair of silver shoe buckles worth £4.16., and carrying
either a cane or a walking staff with silver ferrule and
ivory head — ^the two valued at £1.16. His four swords
stood at £4. Seven and one-half yards " bought " broad
cloth was appraised at £32.6., and thlirteen and one-
quarter yards of " Home Made " at £13.5. Four feather
beds at £110., with the furnishings, 1 warming pan £4.
Case of Drawers £7. Large round table £3.10. Great
table £7. He had a moderate farming outfit in a per
sonal estate of £839.4.6.
October 23, 1742,^** Captain WiUiam Walker died In
Narragansett intestate; Mrs. Hope Browne being " Big-
est Creditor " to his considerable movable estate, was
appointed administratrix. He owned but one feather
bed, and for a sober married citizen was a very extravagant
fop. In wearing apparel he left £166.13.16., and In
" Plate " £43.18. On his finger he flourished a gold ring
with " five sparks supposed to be dimonds," valued at
£20. His " camelian seal " was In gold at £2.10. ; his
highly decorated person was supported by a " gold cane "
worth £15. His house was amply furnished and con
tained 21 pictures in frames at £5.6. A small time piece
was appraised at £10. ; a China punch bowl £2.5. ; sundry
glasses £2.8. ; 16 spoons, tongs, strainer — probably of
pewter, with case at £1. ; earthen ware 5s. Snuff-boxes
were rarely mentioned and Captain Walker's toilet In
cluded one at £1.5. He had one burning and one spy
glass at £2.2. ; a hunting horn at £2. ; one pair polished
78 MSS. Probate Rec, Wills, Vol. IV., p. 35. 79 Ibid., p. 63.

240 The Commercial Growth of Providence
nut crackers £3. ; one coffee-mill £1.4. We may note a
knife and fork, the first described with a carved handle at
£1.10. And a knife with one " totam " to pour rum was
valued at £2. A doctor's saw and " Check'ard Bord "
stood at £1. He was a trader, dealing in drugs and
carrying a small stock of dry goods. The negro's bed
and bedstead were appraised at £3.5. ; one wine press £1.
and two negro men £300. In books he had £46.14.1., but
very likely they were for sale. The whole personal estate
was £2498.18.
In contrast we may take account of the way of living
of a farmer. Pardon Sheldon, whose personal estate was
£1063.7.3. His wearing apparel was £61.10. Books
£1. and table Unen £3.10. His kitchen furniture included
Iron ware at £10.15., brass at £13.10., and wooden ware
at £5.6. There was earthen ware and glass at £3.10.
The hetchel, the useful wool-cards, with wheels for spin
ning wool and cotton, all appeared. Ten loads of good
hay with some " ruff " were appraised at £45.10., and 700
lbs. of tobacco at £23.
Thomas Taylor,^® a " gooldsmlth," had In wearing ap
parel £74.9., and in books £2. The tools of his trade were
worth £11.11. There was 2 oz. 8 dwt. In gold at £48. ;
64 oz. 8 dwt. 9 grains in silver and " fashioning " at
£100.5. In stock were 16 pair shoe buckles at £1.6., and
" steel flucks and tounges for buckles " at £2. A parcel
of glass sleeve buttons stood at £1.6. One teapot, some
China and earthen ware were valued at £6.15. This shows
how the use of " China " or fine porcelain was creeping
in. His 6 knives and forks were valued at 16s. and his
pewter ware at £4. Table linen £2., one feather bed and
fumiture at £3.6. and £11.16. in bed linen.
Amos King represented the artificer and man of all
80 MSS. Probate Rec, Wills, Vol. IV., p. 73.

1751] Wm. Turpin, "Yeoman" 241
work, with wearing apparel at £17.6., books at £1. and
one bed. His carpenter's tools stood at £8.15. and a
shoemaking outfit at £1.10. He had 1 pair of " woosted "
combs at £3., with 2 spinning wheels, worsted and woollen
yam. One loom and gears were valued at £6.10. In live
stock he had 3 cows, 13 sheep, 1 mare and 2 shoats. His
total personal estate was £244.13.8.
In another instance, a cooper, had £43.10. in wearing
apparel, £2.10. in books and £14. in 7 silver spoons about
11 oz. The o-wner had a few shoemaking tools and a
small farming outfit.
Stephen Arnold,®-' of a weU-known family, indulged In
wearing apparel at £121.9., with sword and cane at £16.
His " plate " weighed 64| oz. at £82., and there is the
first mention of a " cradle " and furniture at £2.6. His
books were £2.10., and pewter ware £13.4. Glass, China,
earthen ware and one teapot stood at £9.7. Additional
earthen ware £1.3. Carpenter's and other tools, one
canoe, sail and oars £23., four pair oyster tongs £4., In
3700 shingles £9.6. and a negro boy stood at £140.
Evidently he did not Improve much land, for his animals
were one cow at £14. and two swine at £10. The total
personal estate was £2251.4.6.
William Turpin — whom we may presume to be de
scended from the school and Innkeepers — ^was entitled
" yeoman," though he kept a shop. His wearing apparel
was £62.3. and In sUver spoons and " other plate " he had
£30.2. His books were valued at £3.5., with one bible
additional. He had a stock of hardware, with an assort
ment of dry goods. The usual housekeeping outfit was
liberal. The old custom was continued which circumscribed the
widow's property in case of future marriage.
81 MSS. Probate Rec, Wills, Vol. IV., p. 101.

242 The Commercial Growth of Providence
Epenetus Olney bequeathed to his loving wife Mary,
his house with the adjoining meadows, orchards and fenc
ing. She was to have the " whole command, management
and improvement for support of family, and bringing up
of small children, until Charles, the youngest, should be
twenty one." If she remained unmarried she was to in
herit one-half of the above property for life; and Charles
was to Inherit one-half. Should she marry again, Charles
was to inherit her one-half. Olney was a farmer and his
personal estate was £1010.19.3.
Men rarely signed now with a mark; this manual ap
peared more often in documents executed by women.
Sarah Carpenter used the -|- and had no books. Her
modest apparel, valued at £20., was equaled in a gift of
the same amount toward a " Friends' Meeting house being
built in Pautuxet." Her silver plate was £54., and her
pewter £16. In tin ware she had £1.16., in earthen £1.17.,
In wooden £1.10., in " tea ware" £10.5. Her table linen
was £6.15., and a loom with gears was appraised at £9.
There was a considerable amount in notes and bonds In the
personal estate of £1245.0.8.
Mary Rhoades, widow, was rich, with a personal estate
of £3636.9.11. Her wearing apparel was £77.15. and
her books £7. She possessed the largest amount, £90., in
" plate," noted so far and It was set forth on table linen
worth £27.4. There were four looking glasses at £30.,
£6., £2.10. and 5s., respectively. In pewter and tin
£23.15., in earthen ware £3.2.6., with a warming pan at
30s. Two linen and woollen wheels. One apple mill
£2.10., with cider. She had no farming outfit, but there
was 2800 lbs. tobacco valued at £93.6.8. A negro and
his bed stood at £160.
Experience Salisbury, a single woman, did not possess
a large estate; but out of the £103.6.7., she expended

1761] An Insolvent Record 243
£50.7.2. in ordinary wearing apparel, and £12. In a gold
necklace.® 2
There is recorded among prices, ^ part of the brig
Providence at £412.10. ; a boat and appurtenances at
£325., a canoe at £4. A set of saddlers' tools was ap
praised at £12. The wearing apparel of a poor man, in
one instance, was £3.
General prosperity in the community did not exempt
those catering to Its wants from occasional failure. Octo
ber 12, 1742,®* Amold Coddington, a descendant of Gov
emor William, died insolvent. His inventory, £3640.0.3.,
was the longest recorded so far. He dealt freely in
luxuries, including colored broadcloths, callimancos, shal
loons, camlet, crape and buckram, and stockings with
clocks. Silk gloves, linen and silk damask and " gor
geous " ribands appear. For the maidens, there were
" Girls' fans " of black gauze. For males Mr. Codding
ton provided buckles — gold and silver for shoes — and
" for all the other emergencies of human life." This
latter omnibus clause doubtless contemplated something
beyond buckles. MIsceUaneous wants were not forgotten,
for the stock included not only hardware, but razors,
tooth-brushes, mouse traps and " sUding perspective
glasses." A little creative fancy may scatter these luxu
ries among the various accounts of wearing apparel, shown
in our inventories. The eighteenth century reflected It
self outwardly in the dress of the colonies, as well as In
the capitals of Europe.
Although Gabriel Bemon about 1721 could call the lead
ing citizens of Providence "leamed men," their peculiar
82 These ornaments became almost universal. A century ago in
the South County, a woman bewailed, " I am so poor, I have not a
bead to my neck."
83 MSS. Probate Records, Prov., Vol. IV., p. 60.

244 The Commercial Growth of Providence
learning could have been hardly obtained directly from
books. The inventories indicate that there were fewer
books owned by Individuals in the early eighteenth than
there were In the latter seventeenth century. Possibly
there were small circulating libraries about, as certainly
they were used by the Hopkins family in Scituate.
About 1750 ®* Chief Justice Cole, Judge Jenckes,
nephew of the Govemor and afterward a bookseller. Col.
Ephraim Bowen, Nicholas Brown and others, formed the
" public subscription library " ; obtaining from the General
Assembly, the council chamber in the courthouse, for
storing the books. Boston and Newport, then, had the
only public libraries in New England. This library was
finally merged in the Providence Athenaeum. Stephen
Hopkins catalogued the first coUectlon, which was mostly
burned. The list of 1768 shows standard classics, both
ancient — and the English, which Included Milton, Hooker,
Spectator, Guardian, Bacon and Locke. There was
Prince's N. E. Chronology, and, Herrea : La Hontan stand
for American history. Political science was represented
by Coke, Vattel, Puffendorf and Grotius.
The old plantation, expanding its commerce, and
crowded against the hilly peninsula, could not be restrained
within the limits of the Great Salt River. Yet the pas
sage and Improvement beyond was very slow. T*hei
marshy soil and scant supply of fresh water repelled set
tlers. A plat of 175'3®° shows a street from J. Whit
man's house across Waterman's marsh to Mathewson's
land, now occupied by the street of the same name.®®
It has been stated that Beneficent Congregational Church
84 Foster Hopkins, p. 128.
85 Dorr, p. 137.
86 Mr. H. R. Chace has contributed much to the knowledge of
this district by his thorough studies.

1752] PubUc Schools Improved
dates from 1743, but the street westward was not im
proved until a lottery for £600. started it in 1763. A
new town, Westminster, projected in honor of Charles J.
Fox, had been defeated In the General Assembly by votes
of Newport and the South County ; a rare instance when
the southern hostility actually forwarded the development
of Providence. Westminster Street was named about
1769. There were only five houses on it in 1771.
Another Indication of progress in the mid-century was
In the better attention given to pubUc schools. After
an arrested movement in the latter seventeenth century,
there was a strange and dark period, when nothing Is re
corded conceming schools. In 1752,®'' a strong com
mittee was empowered to " care for the town school house,
and to appoint a master." The house was then leased
to Stephen Jackson, schoolmaster, and it was leased again
in 1763. There had been schools meanwhile, for George
Taylor had a chamber for a school in the state house in
1735. In 1751 permission was given for a schoolhouse
on the west side. In 1767 a movement for genuine free
schools, according to Moses Brown, " was rejected by the
POORER sort of people." ®® At that time there were on
the west side 102 houses, having 911 inhabitants fit for
schooling; of whom 189 were between the ages of 5 and
14 years.
After this failure. In 1768 the town partially erected
a brick schoolhouse on the old court house lot. It was
completed by Individual proprietors, who had possession
of the upper story. As was inevitable, this mixed munici
pal and proprietary control produced unsatisfactory re
sults, until it was changed in 1786.®*
87 staples, p. 495.
88 Ibid., p. 500.
88 Ibid., p. 502.

246 The Commercial Growth of Providence
Another reminiscence of Moses Brown's concemed the
matter of marine Insurance, made necessary by the en
larged commerce, and especially by direct shipments to
Europe. By 1756,^® and probably earlier, Stephen Hop-
fklns had an office of his own, for insuring risks at sea.
Others underwriting on this system were John Gerrish
and Joseph Lawrence.
In 1758 Benjamin Franklin's post-office — a harbinger
of American unity — established its station in Providence,
under the administration of Samuel Chace. The office
occupied several points — at one time opposite St. John's
Church, until In 1768 it was moved into Market Square.
At this period the water by the present Steeple Street
was deep enough to send brigs and barks to London and
Dublin. The enterprising merchants, John Innes Clark
and Nightingale, were located on the long dock there.
Joseph and William Russell were the chief importers of
English and Irish goods. This extensive trade compelled
the merchants to publish important advertisements in the
Boston newspapers. Cotton Mather's critical spirit was
laid, so far as trade and commerce were concemed. The
Providence Gazette, issued by Sarah and WilUam God
dard in October, 1762, afforded opportunity for publish
ing this intelligence at home. It was issued at the Sign
of Shakespeare's Head in 1763. After November 12,
1768, it was assumed by John Carter, a pupil of Doctor
Franklin and an excellent printer. Under his manage
ment the Gazette was equal to the best colonial news
papers. There were a few books sold by the general traders,
but Daniel Jenckes opened the first regular book-shop at
this time at his place of business. The larger culture of
the new and growing community involved a new use of
80 Foster Hopkins, p. 117,

1768] I Books and SymboUc Signs 247
books. The best current English literature was freely
imported and sold. This Sign of Shakespeare's Head was
just above the Great (Weybosset) Bridge.
These signs marked some important phases of social
history; one of the many correspondences between mind
and matter. The sign informed not only by legend, but
by symbol and significant association. For our colon
ists, the love of home and old English associations was
fostered by these symbols and swinging signs, which were
in full use In the eighteenth century. They were in all
the busy portions of Providence, while the Bunch of
Grapes and Turk's Head signs were famous for gener
ations. The new court (or state) house was built at this time
on Town Street just above Meeting or Jail Lane. Town
meetings were held In the hall or lower story. Here
exhibitions and dramatic performances found audience,
Franklin's book on electricity had been read, and one
Johnson advertised lectures on the new discoveries, March
1, 1764.^^ We may perceive that even heretical Provi
dence must provide against the subtle ways of Satan, for
the orthodox scientist had to specify that the " guarding
against lightning Is shown not to be chargeable with pre
sumption, nor inconsistent with any of the principles of
natural or Revealed Religion."
We may now consider Stephen Hopkins, the citizen of
Providence, in his political functions. No one was so
often moderator of the town-meeting. He represented
the town almost constantly in the General Assembly, and
was its Speaker in 1744 and again in 1749. He became
Chief Justice of the Superior Court of Rhode Island in
1751. In Judge Durfee's opinion, for ordinary judicial
business at that time, " honesty, good sense, diligence and
81 Dorr, p. 157.

248 The Commercial Growth of Providence
fair-mindedness were tolerable substitutes for professional
learning." And in his judgment " Hopkins, though not
a lawyer, was doubtless a good judge." ®2
In 1754 he was to pass upward and outward, from
town and colony toward the larger representation which
was to form the American Union. Chancellor Kent held
that the leaders of the Albany Congress prepared the
way for the future independence and expansion of the
RepubUc. Our subject was a delegate and no one entered
more fully into Franklin's ideas and purposes. Pro
ceeding from opportunities and acquaintances began here,
he commenced correspondence with many men of power
throughout the country. These were the beginnings of
that wonderful system conducted by committees of corre
spondence, which ultimately so underrun the colonies and
prepared them for the eruption of Independence.
Hopkins was elected Govemor in 1755.®* The " seven
years " or " old French War " oppressed the colonies.
Little Rhode Island made tremendous exertions, issued
paper money and tried her credit to the utmost. Lord
Loudon, the English commander-in-chief, complimented
the Govemor on his prompt support, and General WIns
low, commanding for Massachusetts, said that our colony
" comes nearest up to their quota." The Governor's
opponents charged him with nepotism and special com
mercial regulations for his private advantage during the
war. As he was re-elected in 1766, we may conclude these
were the administrative methods of the time, rather than
any personal fault of Hopkins.
In 1750 Kent County was detached from the northem
country. Bristol County included the southeastem terri
tory which had been detached from Plymouth colony.
82 Durfee, " Judicial History," p. 93.
OS Cf. Brigham, pp. 200-203.

1768] Hopkins-Ward Controversy 249
Newport was the center of business, wealth and culture
at this period. King's, our familiar " south " county,
was cognate in many characteristics, and HIgginson con
sidered that it added features of the country life of Vir
ginia.®* The commercial interests of the port of Bristol
alUed it politicaUy to growing Providence, but the south-
em part of the colony opposed the north.
This sectional diversity culminated in the canvass of
1755-1767, which was the fiercest controversy known In
a controversial community. Stephen Hopkins led the
north, winning over Samuel Ward, of the south. We
must study the character and circumstances of Ward, as
this contest reflects social conditions affecting the planta
tions then, and possibly now. Ward's grandfather had
been attached to the Commonwealth In England ; emigrat
ing to Newport, he was much respected there. The son
Richard was a merchant and held many offices in the
colony. Samuel was bom in 1725. He went to the
grammar school at Newport, then one of the best In the
country. Doubtless he was tutored by his brother, a
Harvard graduate.®'' Certainly, he grew up in Berkeley's
community, where, for the moment, light and leading was
as good as anywhere in the world. At twenty-one years
he was both merchant and farmer, for Richard's estates
westward in King's took him out and mounted him as a
country squire. Marrying Anne Ray, of Block Island,
they were dowried with a farm in the southern part of
Westerly and settled there. He kept a store In the vil
lage and was engaged in commerce, both at Newport
and Stonington. He practiced farming — high for the
time — improved the breeds of animals, succeeding espe
ciaUy with Narragansett pacers for export. Consider-
9i Harper's Mag., LXVIL, p. 439.
86 Gammell, " Samuel Ward," p. 237.

260 The Commercial Growth of Providence
ing the average life of New England, we may say that
he represented both patroon and patrician. Ward was
a fruit out of the world at large ; Hopkins, his opponent,
was the product of Rhode Island.
Mention has been made of the four brothers Brown.
Their father, James, died in 1739. Their mother, Hope
Power, descended from Pardon TilUnghast, was left a
widow with six children under fifteen. Living to be more
than ninety, she saw her four sons accomplished In vari
ous industries, and ranking among the foremost men of
their time. This best of mothers bred them within the
home, while without their Uncle Obadiah trained them in
severe integrity and the better mercantile methods of the
time. SchooUng was limited, but these men were edu
cated through strict conduct of affairs. The brothers
were now operating with Obadiah or as Nicholas Brown
& Co. They distilled rum and manufactured candles of
spermaceti, traded to the West Indies and turned their
merchandise at home.
John, the third brother, should be noticed especially,
for after Hopkins, he was the leading and essential Rhode
Islander of the latter eighteenth century. The present
writer was lucky enough to find ®® his first memo, or pocket
day-book, running from October 23, 1765, to November
19, 1758. He was then nineteen and traveling on his
brother's or his uncle's affairs. These shrewd entries
picture the life as well as the ways of business in the
Plantation of Providence. John could spell a piece of
crockery ware into a " point boal," but his self-taught
English was sufficient for the largest affairs and always
clear. He appreciated academic education for others,
laying the cornerstone of Brown University, and serving
as Its treasurer for twenty years. His first entries show
86 In MSS., N. Brown & Co. I

1757] John Brown's Memo-Book 251
that he was keepii.g accounts, posting books for Esek
Hopkins and others, chiefly at " nite "; 10s. to 15s. being
charged for each service. The entertaining punch ap
pears frequently, and occasionally " my club " costs Is. to
6s. at a tavern ; once we have " Club at 6d. a dame."
Again "Punch, playing Catt 19s." Abraham Whipple
is often loaned a few shillings. " WatermilUons " down
the river ameliorated a hot day in August, when George
Hopkins " overpaid your part of Expenses at the pru
dence frolick." Probably the clam was too common to
be noticed. A curious transaction shows that Benjamin
West paid £16. " for which I am to stand his chances of
being Drafted out of the Melishe." Doubtless, the mean
ing was — drafted out to serve In the militia. Many sup
plies are furnished the brig Providence, including one pair
Swivel Guns £100. by John Brown.
In May, 1757, he took the sloop Mary to Philadelphia,
being furnished forth with a most varied list of family
wants ; earthen tea pots for Aunt Brown, " Tea Board to
seet wine glasses &c " for mother, " 1 seet Chaney " for
Mrs. Angell. The sloop carried out candles, oil, whale
bone, rum, fish and two passengers at £1.7. and £2.0.6. ;
returned with flour and other merchandise. An " AUe
blaster Babe " (again " Babey ") was ordered and he
booked for himself " Franklin on Electricity." Proceeds
of a cheese from Mrs. Angell was to be laid out in Brushes.
Geese feathers were often ordered from Philadelphia. No
narrow home-territory could furnish enough ganders and
goslings to fill the ever-increasing feather beds. Aunt
Corlies replenished her " Chaney " by this convenient op
portunity. He bought a horse and rode home.
There was much intercourse with Nantucket where our
manufacturers obtained their oil and " head-matter." In
an Interesting Ust of goods carried on one of his many

252 The Commercial Growth of Providence
trips, there are coats, jackets, " Briches," stockings,
checked and white shirts ; and for fair and feminine cus
tomers silk and linen handkerchiefs, " 7 white Nach-
lasses, 4 White Caps, 1 Wigg, 1 Hat, 1 white Jackett."
Captain John Beard paid four pistoles for $400 Insur
ance on his sloop to Mountechrsto " Clere of all sea-
susure." There are constant entries of sugar, rum,
head-matter and goods of all sorts. GeneraUy the prices
are in lawful money, but all sorts of currency are used as
in the above agreement for insurance. Providence and
Newport, Warren and Bristol prosecuted whaUng to some
extent ; but Nantucket far surpassed them.
Joseph and Moses Brown might have been of the type
of Gabriel Bemon's " leamed men " of a generation earlier.
But Nicholas and John were educated by the great cur
rent of affairs. Bom of the best stock in narrow circum
stances, these youth were thoroughly disciplined in a
Puritan home. Without, they took in large ideas from
the mariners, who carried their small craft through the
stormy subtropical seas, going sometimes to Europe, and
traded their cargoes skillfully with Frenchmen and Span
iards. James Brown, the father, and Obadiah, the uncle,
began as captains in this traffic and ended as merchants.
These mariners afloat or ashore were intelligent, enter
prising men, dealing in the world's commodities, and sen
sible of the expanding opportunities of colonial English
men. Sufficient attention has not been given to the cir
cumstances of our community now looking outward, and
comprehending the encircling world of commerce. A cen
tury earlier these protesting Puritans had been shut within
themselves, indulging their freedom of conscience in petty
struggles of common life, or in speculations on a future
life and world beyond. In the atmosphere of the eight
eenth century, the descendants of these IdeaUsts went

1757] Eighteenth Century Brings Larger Citizens 253
abroad and, expanding in a wider existence, became large
men for the time.
John Brown especiaUy could enjoy at nineteen a
tavern-punch or a Prudence Island froUc with vikings
like the Hopkins' sailors or Abraham Whipple. But
his leisure never wasted, was at times and at evening em
ployed in writing up accounts and regulating business for
these fellows and companions. At twenty-one he was
fitted for mercantile travel by land or sea, taking a vessel
to Philadelphia, converting her cargo, riding home on his
newly bought horse ; a merchant finished and accomplished
in the ready school of experience. Ultimately as large in
body as in mind — for he fiUed the wide seat of a common
chaise — he was the most sagacious and enterprising citi
zen of the growing community of Providence.
As we tum into the middle decade of the century, we
find great increase of comfort in the households. Besides
the merchants, traders and mariners, commerce had created
artisans and workmen, who worked the still-houses, coop
ered the casks and ministered to the personal wants of
the new population. Many of these owned houses and
eked out the living of the family on the homestead.
As an example of the man of moderate affairs, we have
the inventory of Peter Thacher,®'^ owner of -J Sloop Dol
phin, worth £350. He had a small stock of dry goods
and a personal estate of £1121.12.4. His household goods
included 16 teacups at £5.10., a box and 2 drinking
glasses at 10s., a comb and tobacco pouch at 12s., a silver
watch at £30. We seldom get the detailed prices of a
wardrobe. Let us quote, 1 frock coat £1.10., 2 jackets,
1 coat £3., 1 great coat £2., a fustian waistcoat £2., a
black suit of clothes £11., two old " wiggs " £2.5.
Leather breeches and cape coat £8., ticket No. 2939 in
87 MSS. Probate Rec, Vol. IV., p. 287.

254 The Commercial Growth of Providence
Pemberton's Lottery. He wore shoe and knee buckles.
His fancy was not wholly engrossed by voyages of the
Dolphin or chances in a lottery, for he played on a flute
worth 10s., read " Poems on general occations " at 16s.
Ovid's epistles at 15s., and two Spectators at 10s.
William Dyer, of the historic name, had books at £26.
and wearing apparel at £110., with sword and spurs at
£70. Silver tankards begin to appear, and Dyer's, with
the spoons, cups, etc., was worth £365. A warming pan
and " Chamber Utincels " stood at £12. A negro woman
and girl were valued at £600. The personal estate was
£2081. We may compare Captain William TlUinghast's man
ner of Uving with these, though his estate, £4290.3.8.,
was somewhat larger. His wearing apparel at £180.
was reinforced by a pair of gold buttons at £12. " Sun
dry silver vessels " were valued at £356. Glass and China
ware " in ye Boaufat " stood at £33. The table linen
was £36.16., glass and earthen ware was £9. Pewter
was £36. ; tin ware £1. Iron ware £6., wooden ware £2.,
three brass kettles £14., two bell metal skillets £8. Knives
and forks £2., old brass Chafing dish and kettle £2.10., one
looking glass £26., and three were appraised together at
£86. The clock and case were £200. One box Iron
heaters, two flats and a bread toaster were £5. These
useful heaters were becoming common; likewise cradles,
and the Captain's with the bedding was worth £5. The
negro man stood at £500., and the girl at £350. His
sea chest, " quadrant book " and spy glass amounted to
£20. Wigs were common as well as knee buckles, while buckles
for shoes seemed to be Indispensable. The buckles were
generally of pewter, often of silver and rarely of gold.
They were more common than silver spoons. There was

1767] Living in Large and SmaU Estates 265
no positive custom assigning the quality of the buckle to
one's condition in life. A farmer, modest In other things,
had a gold buckle. John Whipple, a shoemaker, with
an estate of £1132.9., had " plate buttons and buckles "
at £12. An estate of £483.9., with wearing apparel at
£60., pewter ware at £14.4., had one pair shoe buckles at
£10., one pair knee buckles at £6.
Hezekiah Smith, a farmer, with ten cows at £26. each,
forty sheep at £2.10. each, in the good personal estate
of £6600.3.6., was extravagant in his way of living. His
wearing apparel at £200. was of the most expensive, and
his watch and cane were £62. The value of 20 silver
spoons was £77., and he had a silver cup. There were
wheels, combs and cards with yam at the weaver's.
In 1754,®® living under different conditions, was George
Dunbar, of Bristol. He had much real property and
£2261.17.2. in personal. With his wearing apparel at
£150.5. he wore two gold rings at £8.4. Silver weighing
111 oz. 1 pwt. stood at £355.7.2. The library included
76 folios, quartos and octavos with 26 pamphlets, worth
£85.10. A dressing box was 35s., and a turkey leather
trunk was 15s. A shoe brush was recorded for the first
time. Two diaper table cloths were £13. and two dozen
napkins £2. In fumiture there were 9 tables, large and
small, at £59., with 28 chairs of all sizes at £42.10. and
18 pictures at £86.6., one looking glass at £30. Dutch
tiles were to be much used in the coming half-century, and
Mr. Dunbar had 1 dozen and 19 at £3.3. Clock £90.
Snuff was plentiful beyond measure; a chalk and snuff
mill at 6s., the stock in 7 bottles at £7., and for ready
reference 5 boxes at 10s.
The table service was comfortable, but not excessive;
11 saucers and 6 cups at £4., 8 china plates at £6. and
88 MSS, Probate Rec, Prov., Vol. V., p. 13.

266 The Commercial Growth of Providence
two china flower pots at 30s., the first mentioned. A pew
ter platter and 6 plates were £6.2. In glass were three
decanters at £2.6., two cruets at 10s., two large beakers
at '30s., a sugar dish and two glasses at 10s. A teapot
was 40s., another with cup was 6s., a creampot and mug
10s., a mustard pot and salt cellar 10s., a sugar pot and
jug 10s., an earthen platter 20s., an earthen cistern 6s.
Tin ware was largely represented at £45., and the bell
metal skillet at £5. was a favorite article in many house
holds. A brass skimmer and chafing dish stood at 40s.,
five candlesticks at £9.10., and the snuffers and dish at
25s. A dark lanthom was 20s. and 118 lbs. " coco "
£42.8. Not readily comprehended now was a " pot con-
zlno Roses " at 30s.
He bequeathed to his wife, Sarah Dunbar, directly for
her life, one-third part of his lands and houses in Bristol,
together with all the household goods " she brought me."
It is likely these personal articles were not Inventoried,
and the fact accounts for the above fragmentary list of
furnishings. The wills of this period generally assigned the body to
the earth, trusting that It would be returned to the testa
tor at the resurrection, through the " almighty power of
God." Mr. Dunbar asserted the same faith in rather less
material form. He was " expecting through the merits
of my saviour Jesus Christ a Joyful Resurrection."
In contrast with this comfortable estate and circum
stance, we may note the belongings of a poor man ; which
show how close to the bone he lived. John Road ®® was
a laborer and wood-chopper, with a personal estate of
£100.6. He wore clothing of the value of £4. and slept
on bed and bedding worth only £5. His vocation appears
in " awls, beetle rings, etc.," at £2.16. In a " raiser " (a
08 MSS. Probate Rec, Prov,, Vol. V., p. 10.

1757] Glass Ware Becomes Common 267
forester's implement probably) at £3.16. His avocations
are indicated in two pairs woolen cards at £2., In a
scythe and tackling at £1. He might have worked about,
Uving with his employers ; as he owned a pig at £6., with
a cow and hay at £30., It would appear that he owned
or hired a small homestead.
We have three widows signing with the -(-• PrizUah
Westcot left a small farming outfit, and her wardrobe
amounted to £70. Ehzabeth E. Amold was better off In
1756, with a personal estate of £808.9.11. Her wearing
apparel was £142., and ten small beaker glasses stood at
£2. The beaker glass, which came In a decade or two
earlier, was then specified as " large." Glass was being
used much more frequently, especiaUy for drinking vessels.
Hannah H. Smith was the third relict making her mark.
Bethiath Sprague, a widow, had in personal property
£615.17.11., and she expended £103.7. In her wardrobe.
Now the record gives for the first time a silver chain for
" siszors " at £4. A silver girdle and buckle with one pair
silver sleeve buttons at £2., one silver spoon at £5., Bible
at £1.10. Eight Napkins at £5.10., one table cloth at
£1.10. Mrs. Sprague had the unusual ornament of a
string of small amber beads at 15s. There was the usual
pewter ware, worth £2., including a chamber pot. The
inevitable joynt stool stood at 15s.; in another Instance
one was valued at £5. Mary Dexter, widow's condition
was essentiaUy similar; estate £522., wearing apparel
£90., two books £6., two silver spoons £11., two knives
and forks 4s. She wore a gold ring at £9.3. Her warm
ing pan was worth £3., as compared with £6. for Mr. Dun
bar's. These two inventories Indicate, as has been ob
served, that silver spoons were still a luxury. In another
instance one gold necklace and two gold rings were
valued at £27.17.6.

258 The Commercial Growth of Providence
Widow Mercy TilUnghast again had an estate of
£733.8., with wearing apparel at £105.10., and one small
pair gold buttons at £3. Her books were £12. and silver
ware £79.12., table linen £21. Almost all the estates
were amply equipped with feather beds. Two looking
glasses and 16 small pictures stood at £16., the china
and glass ware " in Beaufait " £26., pewter and tin
ware £36. The prevalence of small pictures may be noted.
This beaufait, bo-fat or buffet came Into frequent use
in the latter eighteenth century. The cupboard, gener
ally built into the wainscoting of a comer, was hand
somely filled with china and the superior wares. In the
better houses, the structure was ornamental In design,
standing open or protected by glass or wooden doors.
In 1764 we have John Ma-wney ^®^ with a personal
estate of £9050.7.8., including a large amount of notes
and bonds. There was a small farming or village outfit,
1 pair of oxen, 1 cow, 1 horse, a negro man at £600., a
woman at £300. ; but nothing indicating active business
or trading operations. His condition appeared to be that
of wealth or affluence. Certainly his wearing apparel at
£333., with watch, cane and whip at £50., was profuse
enough; and he wore a gold stock buckle. Silver plate
was amply represented, 1 silver tankard, 1 do. teapot, 2
large " canns," 13 large spoons, 1 silver . . .,12
tea spoons, 7 porringers, 1 sugar dish and cover, 2 pepper
boxes, 1 cream pot, 2 salts, 1 pair tea tongs, 1 small
bowl, 1 small spoon strainer, altogether weighing 214 oz.
9 dwt. at 85, making a value of £911.8.3. Here we per
ceive a great advance in luxurious living in a half-century.
One coffee mill and a three-legged copper coffee pot
stood at £8. The first tea cannister on record was worth
£4. In China, 6 plates, 2 small dishes and 4 punch bowls
101 MSS. Probate Rec, Prov., Vol. V., p. 30.

1757] Common White Crockery Introduced 269
were appraised at £12., 6 " Burnt China " cups and
saucers at £6. Again 12 cups and saucers were £6.9.
1 dozen plates £9., 2 large and 1 small bowl £10. In
pewter the large quantity of 86 lbs. 12 oz. at £51.12.
In tin and earthen ware £6.
All these dishes interest us in the development of the
household, but for our present purpose the most impor
tant crockery is the two " white stone " tea pots, strainer
and mustard pot at £1.10. This is about the first men
tion of this ware, which was manufactured in Engand
before 1750. A Uttle later the production was to be
stimulated and immensely increased by the discovery of
" China stone " clay in Cornwall. This common pottery
was to supersede pewter ware, and become the universal
table and chamber service of the American people.
The fumiture was of the best then prevalUng; a
mahogany desk £40., a small scritore £3., a looking glass,
walnut framed and gilt, £45., a large black- framed glass
at £40., a glass at £30., another at £12. Art did not
Interest the comfortable Mr. Ma-wney visibly, for he had
only 4 small pictures at £2. and no books. In chairs
there were new departures ; in the first mention of leather
bottoms, 12 examples at £40., again with flag bottoms,
11 examples at £6.10. In a chamber set were 7 maple
crooked backed chairs at £18. Tables were not remark
able, one black walnut folding at £12., one mahogany
oval do. at £6. The negro servants were of the aristo
cratic sort, for their cradles and bedding were valued at
£10. In 1755 *®2 ^e a^g made grateful to Nicholas TilUng
hast, councU clerk, for the first legible and elegant hand
writing. A great boon to posterity was the deft hand of
Nicholas. While the wealthy inventories above represent
102 MSS. Probate Rec, Prov., Vol. V., p. 71.

260 The Commercial Growth of Providence
the expensive Uvers of the mid-century, we may study
David Vanderlight's for traces of the best culture of that
day. There were not many college graduates in the
plantation ; Dr. Bowen represented Yale and Dr. Robert
Gibbs Harvard. Even these accomplished physicians pre
scribed some unmerciful remedies, including the Bezoar
stone. Mr. Vanderlight was graduated from the Uni
versity of Leyden, and thoroughly bred in his profession
of apothecary and chemist. He married the sister of the
four brothers Brown, and taught In their factory the
Dutch process of separating oil and spermaceti. This
change instituted a great industry for making candles.
The Vanderlight personal estate was £4375.14.4. ; In
cluding £200. in wearing apparel, £10. In shoes and boots
and £30. in silver buckles, clasps, gold ring and silver
money, with £1. in three seals and black buttons. Pro
fessional decorum was amply supported by " wiggs " in
a box at £12. Plates, basins, dishes, porringers in pew
ter probably stood at £80. There was £67.8. in 7 silver
spoons and £16. in 8 silver tea spoons and tea tongs. A
hard metal teapot was £2.15. He had a fair amount of
China and glass, with white " stone ware " at £2., as
above mentioned.^®* In 18 pictures with black frames
was £4.10., In sundry books £20. in Dutch books £7., in
a violin and flute £5. Altogether a sensible outflt whether
Dutch or colonial English.
Books were few In number, as a rule. Shadrach Man-
ton had 40 bound volumes and some in paper valued at
£35. Richard Waterman had the value of £26. Silver
watches were becoming common, say at £26., £50. and
£80. It was pathetic that the first exporter and explorer
in the London market, Edward Kinnicut, afterward died
there. His personal estate was valued In Providence In
103 « Delph ware " is first mentioned in 1755.

1757] Wigs Use " Some Christian Hair " 261
1756 "* at £16,033.1.2., Including a stock of dry goods.
Of this £45.6., a sterUng value, was advanced 1700 per
cent, to meet the wretched depreciation of our paper
money. Andrew Frank, a " negro man," showed a comfortable
way of living with personal estate at £229.0.6. He was
forehanded, possessing a note of hand worth £60. His
modest wearing apparel was £20., and we may presume he
read his " old bible," which was valued at £2.10. In hay
he had 2400 lbs. at £17., to keep 1 cow and 2 calves. The
most curious Item is " 1 gun pressed for the war and
went " ^®^ £16. The bounty for said gun was £6. He had
an hour glass at 10s.
Joseph Kelton, " cordwalner's," condition shows that
the artisan's occupation was no barrier to a good marriage
connection. In wearing apparel was £197.12., a silver
pepper box, 16 silver jacket buttons, 1 pair shoe, 1 pair
knee buckles, 1 neck buckle (the first mentioned) were all
valued at £463.17.6. 19 Brass coat, 4 breeches buttons
at £12. ; 13 catgut eyes do. at 10s. A shoemaker's bench
and tools at £6.10. " Some Christian Hair " at £1. would
indicate that the hair used In wigs so frequently did not
go into this categpry. This personal estate, £343.19.6.,
was his own before marriage. His wife brought him
£3163.3.10., including 4 feather beds and fumiture at
£678.8., one pair table coverUds at £10.10. There was
plenty of gilt china and punch bowls ; with " flint " wine
glasses at 30s., the first mentioned.
The use of titles at this time was persistent and quite
confusing. Mr. Kelton, " cordwainer," was living above
the average condition of the community. Edward Kinni
cut was denominated Esquire; Samuel Winsor in 1758
i04Prob. Rec, Vol. V., p. 57.
106 Ibid., Vol. v., p. 114.

262 The Commercial Growth of Providence
was the first recorded Elder ; in 1759 we have a Merchant
Taylor; the term mariner was often used; in 1760 we
have Merchant simply, and Husbandman. But the fullest
record embodying the serious ideas of the community in
this respect occurs in 1766 ^®® when the commission for
probating wills and making administrators on intestate
estates was appointed. This was an important public
function and the intention was to record each participant
under his proper designation. We have accordingly
George Brown, Esquire, Jonathan Olney, Gentleman,
Barzillai Richmond, Gentleman, and Isaiah Hawkings,
Yeoman, all of Providence. They appointed an adminis
trator for " Mr. Robert Avery, Merchant," who died at
sea, intestate.
In 1757 Captain Thomas Manchester's inventory af
fords some Interesting information. He had much fur
niture of mahogany and 16 " Banister Back " chairs at
£30., the first mentioned. This was an important article
in colonial living. Upright banisters often fluted with
curved arm-rests made a comfortable and not too easy
seat. The slat-back used also, was more simple in form
and finish. Here were the first blue and white earthen
plates, twelve at £4.. and five finer do. at £2. A white
counterpane at £16. The feminine element appears in
¦a gold necklace, a locket, and gold ring, altogether worth
£50. Insurance was written for £1400. on the sloop
Providence, and the total personal property was £4089.
13.6. In 1768 the sloop Sally and her appurtenances were
valued at £3000. In the foUowing year one-half of the
sloop " Daulfin " was sold for £1800.
If they had the means, they lived well, whatever their
occupation. A farmer in 1769, with £2692.11.8. in per-
106 Prob. Rec, Vol. V., p. 144.

1762] Obadiah Brown's Inventory
sonal estate, had 50 oz. of plate at £6.13.4., or a value of
£333.6.8. Obadiah Brown, descended from Chad, an early settler,
died in 1762, leaving real property and the large personal
estate of £93,220.16.1. Old Tenor. i®'' His way of living
was easy, but moderate. Two large looking glasses at
£265. went beyond those of his neighbors. Beds and
bedding were ample, with four blankets at £60. and two
at £40. We have 12 white stone plates at £10., 6 china
cups at £7. (a small outfit), two large Delph bowls and
four beaker glasses at £6. Among the first recorded
earthen teapots are two at £2.10., and the first " stone
chamberpott " at £1.10. There was the usual pewter, tin
and wooden ware, with ten iron candlesticks and four brass
at £17. The negro woman Eve and the girl Peggy at
£1400., served in the house. His library was business
like, rather than literary, consisting of Gordon's Geo
graphical Grammar at £8. and Brown's Estimate at £1.
A large stock of goods in almost every variety, met the
wants of his customers at retail. He owned five negroes,
two at £1000. each, one at £1050., one £1100. and one at
£1250. Mr. Brown succeeded to the joint business conducted
with his brother James, and brought up his nephews, the
four brothers. In the best mercantile ways of the time.
In a distillery and in the manufacture of oil and candles,
assisted by Dr. Vanderlight, he obtained merchandise for
exchange with Philadelphia and other domestic ports.
This Interchanging commerce became more and more Im
portant and Increased largely. Beginning as a captain
in the West Indian trade, on shore he continued in com
merce with those seas, becoming the largest merchant of
Providence. 107 Prob. Rec, Vol. V., p. 313.

264 The Commercial Growth of Providence
In contrast )to the opulent merchant was " Manna
Bumon " — Gabriel Bemon's freedman — the first caterer
and signing with a +. He left wearing apparel worth
£100. and £36. In pewter ware. Twenty-three drinking
glasses afforded supply for his thirsty customers.
The Peace of Paris brought to an end the Seven Years'
War, and it had been a most Important period for the
colonies. Rhode Island in particular — ^bad as was her
financial management — was impeUed by a great patriotic
purpose in Issuing her paper money. Larger Ideas of
govemment were fostered by such enforced experience.
Trained by the sacrifices of war, by the severity of camp
life, and In the ways of new taxation at home, the plant
ers were coming to be citizens. The time was fast
approaching when Englishmen migrated across the seas
would assume new relations toward the home govemment,
for the British administration could not leam that they
were dealing with brothers and not with aliens.
Business in Rhode Island had profited largely through
the war. Smuggling was greatly stimulated, and privat
eering increased commerce through the inevitable trade
It brought to our ports. A natural reaction followed the
peace, but business soon adapted itself to the new condi
tions.

CHAPTER VIII
NEWPORT IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
1700-1776
AT the opening of the eighteenth century, the world
was growing weary of war. The brutal rule of
Spain had been overcome and the aggressive ambition of
Louis XIV. was checked by the diplomatic sklU of WilUam
of Orange; while the Increasing sea-power of Great
Britain was beginning to balance the continent.
The divine mission of Grotius In the previous century
was bearing fruit, and, though France and England con
tended here and there, these struggles were not wars of
extermination. Forces other than warUke were getting
exercise and practice, and where was the opportunity bet
ter than in a new world. In Aquldneck, the isle of peace
by the sea? Where did the new forms of civilization
assert themselves better and In a more graceful form?
New England was just passing out of the ebb. The
later seventeenth century had not developed citizens equal
to the pioneers who had led the way, but stronger men
were coming. In the eighties there was a marked in
crease of commerce, of which a large share came to New
port. With commerce came the opportunity for that
expansion which the conditions of the place greatly
favored. In his Century Sermon of 1738, CaUender cited
Neale In the statement " this Is deservedly esteemed the
Paradise of New England for the fruitfulness of the soil
and the temperateness of the climate." Enthusiasts for
this landscape and climate have magnified and illumined
their theme, with every resource of rhetoric, as time has
265

266 Newport in the Eighteenth Century
gone on. " It appeals to one's alertness rather than to
a lazy receptivity. You miss its quality entirely If your
faculties are not in a state of real activity. This does
not exclude composure or imply excitement."
In winter, there might be difference of opinion. Mr.
George Bradford, a true lover of nature, told me there
was all the capricous, beguiling promise of the New Eng
land spring with double disappointments in effect. Yet
a fine day can tempt a zealot in this wise. " The lotos-
eating season is over, plainly, yet there is the same agree
able absence of demand on any specific energies as in
summer. The envelope of color — that delightful garment
that Newport never puts off — Is as evident to the. senses
as in midsummer, though more silvery In quality." Rich
ard Greenough claimed it to be the American Venice,
according to Dr. Hale.
Newport furnished the colony with one of its best gov
ernors, Samuel Cranston, an officer who would have been
eminent in any country. Chosen in 1698 and at thirty
successive elections, he was probably longer in office than
any man ever subjected to an annual popular election.
It was a season of severe trial, when the colony was
exploring unknown paths of government and the executive
head was sorely tested. His just views and Inflexible
firmness kept his constituency well in hand and gave him
deserved popularity. In the paper money vexation, he
acted as best he could. Toward the opposing religious
sects he was judicial. He did not join or attend meeting
with any sect, being in the words of Dr. Turner ^ a " Keep-
at-home Protestant, an impartial and good man." In
his administration the colony was threatened at home
and abroad; he assured and protected the public weal.
In 1708, as he reported to the Board of Trade, the
1 Two Governors Cranston, p. 50.

1729] Dean Berkeley's Coming 267
commerce of Newport was growing, and after the Peace
of Utrecht in 1713 it increased rapidly. " The metropo-
Us of the govemment " then had a population of 2203,
about half as many again as the town of Providence.
Conscious enlargement and the spirit of growth records
itself In 1712, when John Mumford was ordered to sur
vey the streets and number them. " The town had grown
to be the admiration of all and was the metropoUtan,"
said the fond record.2 For the first three decades the
expanding community was being prepared for the event
which was greatly to affect it, and to influence all New
England. Rev. George Berkeley, Dean of Derry, had
put forth his " Principles of Human Knowledge " in 1710.
Flippant writers In these two centuries have laughed at
the transcendent principles of Berkeley, but those laugh
best who laugh last. The Dean only held firmly that
the " universaUy acknowledged ultimate cause cannot be
the empty abstraction caUed Matter. There must be living
mind at the root of things. Mind must be the very sub
stance and consistence and cause of whatever is. In rec
ognizing this wondrous principle, life is simplified to
man." * Certainly the world of Knowledge has moved
toward rather than away from the philosopher, since this
was written. Here was the creative and impelling Idea
needed to Uft commercial and material Newport out of
pioneer life, and into communion -with an older civiliza
tion and a more refined culture.
Berkeley, on his way to found a college at Bermuda,
landed at Newport, January 23, 1729, by accident or
design, as is disputed, and remained there about three
years. Rev. James Honyman was preaching in Trinity
church, founded at the beginning of the century, when
2 Rhode Island Historical Magazine, Vol. VL, p. 216.
3 Life and Letters of Berkeley, p. 41.

268 Newport in the Eighteenth Century
the letter from Dean Berkeley, proposing to land, was
received. He read it to the congregation, dismissing them
with a blessing. The pastor and flock repaired to the
wharf in time for the landfaU. In this dramatic man
ner, the ideas of the old world were received Into the new.
The philosopher confirms all our reports of the beauty
and extraordinary, progressive character of the place,
with its 6000 inhabitants. " The most thriving, flourish
ing place in all America for its bigness." * We shall note
the sectaries, who " agreed In a rage for finery, the men
in flaming scarlet coats and waistcoats, laced and fringed
with brightest glaring yellow. The sly Quakers, not
venturing on these charming coats and waistcoats, yet
loving ifinery, figured away with plate on their side
boards." ^
Graduates from Harvard College were frequent, with
an occasional native who had been educated at an EngUsh
university. The girls were often sent to Boston for their
schooling. Dissenters naturally attracted the notice of this good-
humored eccleslast. " The inhabitants are of a mixed
kind, consisting of many sorts and subdivisions of sects.
Here are four sorts of Anabaptists, besides Presbyterians,
Quakers, Independents, and many of no profession at all.
Notwithstanding so many differences, here are fewer quar
rels about religion than elsewhere, the people living peace
ably with their neighbours of whatever profession. They
all agree in one point, that the Church of England is
second best." ®
This accommodating spirit noted by the Dean was
enforced in most piquant manner by Captain William
4 Life and Letters of Berkeley, p. 160.
nibid., p. 157.
olbid., p. 160.

Residence of Dean Berkeley, Middletown (Near Newport, R. I.).
Built in 1T30.

1729] Wanton's Religious Compromise 269
Wanton, a Quaker and a son of a preacher. He courted
Ruth Bryant, the beautiful daughter of a Presbyterian
deacon in Scituate, Mass., who would not hear of such ^
laxity in marriage, but the ardent groom solved the diffi
culty. " Ruth, I am sure we were made for each other ;
let us break away from this unreasonable bondage. I
wiU give up my religion and thou shalt give up thine and
we will go to the Church of England and the devil to
gether." "^
Lodo-wlck Updike gives his boyish impression of the
Uberal Dean in Trinity pulpit. " All sects rushed to hear
him; even the Quakers, with their broad-brimmed hats,
came and stood in the aisles.® In one of his sermons he
very emphatically said, ' give the devil his due, John Cal
vin was a great man.' " ®
Rev. James MacSparran, settled at St. Paul's Church in
Narragansett In 1721, was not as tolerant toward the
" pestilent heresy " of the Quakers. He stated that there
was no established religion, " but the Quakers are, for the
most part, the people In power." •'® George Fox came in
1672, on his powerful mission. William Penn said of him
that he was " cl-ril beyond all forms of breeding." His
influence, working on the radical settlers of> the Island
and their descendants, must have had gracious effect.
Historians and critics rooted In the estabUshed order of
the sixteenth and foUowing centuries, when judging dis
sent, can only see jangling differences ; for they are bUndly
7 Annals of Trinity Church, p. 52n.
8 " In 1700, one-half the inhabitants were Quakers." Annals Trin
ity Church, p. 10. Roger Williams affected the Island settlement
indirectly. He differed in doctrine from the Friends; while on the
other hand, the system of laws established by Coddington and Clarke
was adopted by -the whole colony and enabled Providence to main
tain a cohesive government.
8 Updike, Narragansett Church, p. 130.
10 Ibid., p. 510.

270 Newport in the Eighteenth Century
unconscious of the indestructible elements of beauty, grow
ing out of freedom from arbitrary control in religious and
social matters. Good Dean Berkeley cited four varieties
of Anabaptists among his new friends and neighbors.
Anabaptism simply meant the worst form of anarchy to
an ordinary Catholic or Calvinist of the differing centuries.
Yet the conservative Erasmus could term them " a people
against whom there Is very little to be said." In some
cases, goaded by severe laws, they were wild and fanatical,
but were in general mystically sincere and pious. They
were not necessarily historical Baptists, though the rite
of baptism usually distinguished them.
In the great social Influences forming the Newport of
mid-eighteenth century, the Literary and Philosophical
Society with the Redwood Library were powerful fac
tors. The first institution was formed in 1730; some
claiming that it was originated by Berkeley. Mr. Mason,
a competent and sympathetic authority, says it " owed
something of Its influence to him we may readily admit;
but when he came to Newport, intellectually, he found It
no barren wilderness." ^^ The people were chosen and
elect, whether we consider Coddington, John Clarke and
the disciples of Anne Hutchinson, or the friends of Roger
Williams, or the converts of George Fox, or the enter
prising spirits gathered into " the most thriving place in
all America." The Quaker Wanton and the high Puri
tan Ruth Bryant molded into genial Episcopalians were
fair examples of this annealing culture.
They had books already, as -will be shown later, and
representatives of all the sects, Jacob the Quaker scien
tist ; Collins and Ward, Seventh Day Sabbatarians ; Cal-
lender, a Baptist; Leaming, a Congregationalist ; the
Episcopal Honyman and others banded together. There
11 Annals Redwood Library, p. 3.

1730] Philosophical Society 271
was an elaborate set of rules, with forfeits and flnes for
all sorts of neglect and misfeasance, as was common then ;
some showing the earnest spirit of life prevailing.
The Society was to consider " some useful question in
Divinity, MoraUty, Philosophy, History, etc.," but " noth
ing shall ever be proposed or debated which is a distin
guishing religious tenet of any one member.
Whoever shall make It an excuse to avoid giving his
opinion, that he has not thought of the question, or has
forgot what the question is, shall forfeit one shilling.
Whoever is unprovided of a proper question, on his tum
to propound one, shall forfeit one shilling." ^^
The first " authentic paper " Is dated 1735, though
there must have been earlier examples. The Society was
conducted vigorously and continued until about 1747 and
had some occasional members, among whom was Stephen
Hopkins, of Providence. Rev. Dr. Samuel Johnson, an
other participant, lived at Stratford, Conn. He was an
ardent disciple of Berkeley, visiting him soon after his
arrival. As he was invited to the rectorate of Trinity in
1750, it shows the permanence of Berkeley's Influence in
the colony. Afterwards he was president of King's Col
lege, New York.
Newport was a favorite destination for Scotch immi
grants, and accordingly their influence was strong in the
community. We get an inkling of the relative importance
of the port from this statement of Dr. Waterhouse : " Be
tween the years 1746 and 1750 there came over from
Great Britain to the English colonies a number of Scotch
gentlemen. Some settled in Philadelphia, some in New
York, but the greater part sat down In that pleasant and
healthy spot, Rhode Island." ^*
12 Annals Redwood Library, p. 14.
IS Ibid., p. 38.

272 Newport In the Eighteenth Century
Edward Scott,^* the grand-uncle of Sir Walter, was for
more than twenty years master of the grammar and classi
cal school. He was an active member of the Philosoph
ical Society and librarian of the Redwood.
There had been collections of books all through the
century. Regulations of the Library of Trinity Church
were recorded in 1709. Some of those volumes exist in
fair preservation, stamped in gold letters " Belonging to
y" Library in Rhode Island." ^^ Bequests down to 1733
show small collections of good books. John Clarke In
1676 left a Concordance and Lexicon written by himself,
also a Hebrew Bible. Benedict Arnold in 1733 left, be
sides Quaker books, Milton, Quarles, Fuller and Plutarch.
In 1747, the Redwood Library was engrafted on the stock
of the Philosophical Society. Abraham Redwood, a
wealthy merchant and liberal Friend, gave £500. Henry
Collins, a Seventh Day Baptist, furnished the land on
which the Library stands. Bom in 1699, he was a prod
uct and a maker of the culture we are studying. Doctor
Benjamin Waterhouse, a close friend of Gilbert Stuart, —
himself a graduate of the University of Leyden, finally
professor of Medicine in Harvard College — called ColUns
the Lorenzo de Medici of Rhode Island. Hon. William
Hunter said of him, " He loved literature and the fine arts ;
had the sense of the beautiful in nature conjoined with the
impulse to see it imitated and surpassed by art ; he was a
merchant, enterprising, opulent and Uberal. Smibert was
the father of true painting in this country. . . .
Collins was fortunate enough to engage his earliest labors
. . . his own portrait. Clap, CaUender, above all Ber
keley himself. " ^®
14 Annals Trinity Church, p. 55.
"Ibid., p. 19.
16 Ibid., p. 27. I

1750] Book of the Time 273
The list of books ^'^ ordered from London is Interesting,
and we may glance at a name here and there, for we have
the spirit of the time in black letter. There were 114
titles in folio. Barclay and Penn, Barrow, Burnet's Ref
ormation, a general dictionary of ten vols., Grotius,
Wood's Laws of England, Sir William Temple. In quarto
73 titles, include dictionaries, Cudworth, Eusebius,
Fluxions, Boyle, Bacon, and Rowe on Wheel Carriages.
The octavos cover 96 standard classics, with an occasional
Erasmus, Puffendorf or Johnson. History took 73 titles.
Divinity and Morality 48, which varied from Sherlock,
Butler, Warbuton to Mrs. Rowe's " Friendship in
Death " or " Young Gentleman and Lady Instructed."
Forty titles were In Physick, 24 In Law, 54 in Natural
History, Mathematics, etc., 55 In Arts, Liberal and Me
chanical, '37 In Miscellanies, Politics, etc. In duodecimo,
there were 136 examples of very good general reading, as
we should phrase it.
These names embody the books they desired; perhaps
we should scan more closely those given by several gentle
men; for the volumes are such as they had. In folio 28
titles show Baxter, Beaumont, Fletcher, Chaucer, Herod
otus, Homer, Justin Martyr, the Rambler, Spenser. In
22 quarto, 54 octavo were Descartes, Middleton, Addison,
Bollngbroke, Calvin's Institute In Latin, Douglass' Sum
mary from the author. Gentleman's Magazine for two
years, twelve magazines from Philadelphia, Grey, Young's
Night Thoughts, Roderick Random, Pope, Erasmus.
In a thriving and progressive community, accidents as
well as incident, contribute to the -vital increase. As the
Scotch " Forty-five " sent out emigrating rebels to give
needed strength to the new world, so the earthquake at
Lisbon In 1766 sent more than sixty families of accom-
17 Annals Redwood Library, p. 494.

274 Newport In the Eighteenth Century
plished Jews ^® who were generally wealthy merchants,
attracted by liberal govemment and commercial oppor
tunity, to our little Isle by the sea.
The Jew first embodied and represented in an individual
the creative power of industry, flippantly characterized
as the " Almighty Dollar." It is a fructifying Idol, not
almighty Indeed, but powerful to enlist man with man,
and to hold him subjected — not to a greater and sovereign
man — but to citizen and people embodied In the State.
Feudalism had been tested and found wanting, as it has
been recently outgrown in Japan. Greater than the uni
versal imperial power of Egypt and Assyria, greater even
than Rome, was the economic force of industry; pledged
to the State as a whole, but returning to each man in his
own pocket, a universal tribute of mankind to man — the
dollar. The philosophy of the eighteenth century, bap
tized in the blood and sacrifice of French feudal privilege,
was necessary to gamer in and bestow on each peasant or
householder, this new tax, toll, impost and assessment of
society, payable to Its least and lowest member.
Meanwhile, England was so far ahead of its compeers
in modem development that it had cut off the head of a
king in the seventeenth century, by way of showing privi
lege and blind despotism, what was meant by the awaken
ing of the human mind. All this is frequently treated as
being absolutely Involved in constitutional govemment,
expanding suffrage and parliamentary representation.
Truly, It is a part of these great categories of human
progress, but it Is even more part and portion of the
larger social movement ; by which not only is govemment
parceled out by Kin^, Kaiser and cabinet, by parliament,
democratic party or aristocracy to render political rights
fairly ; but also by which the economic dollar flowing out
18 Newport Historical Magaeime, Vol. IV. p. 162.

1760] Rise of the Dollar 276
of capitalist's coffer or laborer's pocket can renovate and
fructify the whole movement.
By this extraordinary exercise of social force In the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the face of the world
was rapidly changed. Napoleons being elevated, or in tum
crushed, by the way. The greatest exponent, the largest
interpreter of this universal social force, working through
particular individuals, was the historic Jew. He was Ut
tle comprehended then, he is not wholly understood to
day. Anyone can see that the new economic dispensation
did not endow the feudal descendants of fabled Roland or
historic Richard with new privilege; nor did it relegate
to the robber dynasties of Napoleonic marshals the admin
istration of the new powers of society. It went to the
Ghetto for new administrators, in the persons of shivering
Shylocks and abject Isaacs of York. The scions and
representatives of these new social financial administra
tors came out on the enlarged Rialto, the modem
Bourse. I hinted in the beginning, rather than affirmed, that
Newport was a wayside product of the whole social eight
eenth century. The Jew, with his enlarged intelligence
and creative skill, went Into an appreciative and responsive
atmosphere. The " metropolitan " community, as it called itself in
1712, had come to be an important mart. Dr. MacSpar
ran and Douglass substantially agreed in reporting the
commerce of 1750 to 1760. Butter and cheese, grain, fat
cattle, fine horses, pipe staves and lumber were among the
exports, largely to the West Indies. The Narragansett
pacers were famous, pacing " a mile in little more than
two minutes, a good deal less than three," ^® according to
the worthy parson. There were above 300 vessels of
19 Updike, Narragansett Church, p. 514.

276 Newport in the Eighteenth Century
sixty tons and more, including coasters, In the export
trade. In 1749, there were 160 clearances for foreign
^voyages. ^® In 1770, there were at least 200 vessels In
' foreign and 400 in the coasting trade,^^ the population
having grown to 12,000. After 1707, trade In sugar,
rum, and negroes grew rapidly. Sugar and molasses
were distilled at Boston and more at Newport. The
slaves were generally carried to the West Indies, some
times to Newport or Boston. Much capital from Boston
assisted in the business at Newport.^^ Privateering in
the French and Spanish wars was a stimulating element
in commerce. Wantons, EUerys, Malbones, indeed almost
all the names are represented in this warring commerce.
Rev. James Honyman,^* Scotchman and rector of
Trinity from 1704 until 1760, was conciliatory in his min
istry, drawing hearers from all the surrounding country.
Dr. MacSparran, Irishman of Narragansett, leamed,
acute, disputatious, was a keen sectarian, beUevIng in
anybody's establishment, if he could not have his o-wn. He
found in 1721 " a field full of briars and thorns." , . .
" Here liberty of conscience is carried to an Irreligious
extreme." ^*
We get a wider outlook and more judicial report from
Arthur Brown, son of a rector of Trinity. He Uved in
Newport until seventeen years old, then entered Trinity
College, Dublin, becoming Senior Proctor and Professor
of Greek. He wrote:
" The innocence of the people made them capable of
liberty. Murder and irobbery were unknown. During
20 Rhode Island Historical Magazine, Vol. VL, p. 310.
21 Ibid., V. 7, p. 47.
22 Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, Vol.
II, pp. 455-469.
28 Annals Trinity Church, p. 94.
24 Updike, pp. 511, 514.

1762] Tme Liberty at Nlewport 277
nine years at Newport from 1762 to 1771 ^® (I speak of
my own knowledge) only one person was executed, a
notorious thief and house-breaker, one Sherman. . . .
The multiplicity of secretaries (sic) and strange wildness
of opinions, was disgusting to a reasonable mind, and
produced as great a variety, though with no such perni
cious effect, as in the reign of Charles the First ; upon the
whole, however, there was more genuine religion, morality
and piety diffused than In any country I have ever seen.
. . . The state of literature In America was by no
means contemptible." ^®
The refined culture of such a people must find expres
sion In art, though the century was not fruitful In the
plastic arts. John Smibert, another Scotchman, Is con
sidered to have been the first artist of note in America.
He came to Newport with Dean Berkeley and painted
many portraits there. Robert Feke, little known, but one
of the best colonial artists, practiced there in the mid-
century. Gilbert Stuart, the marvelous delineator of
Washington, bom In Narragansett, educated In Newport,
was formed at the beginning by these collections of pic
tures. Cosmo Alexander, an artist of repute, spent two
years In America, mostly on the island; he taught Stuart
and first took him to England. Washington AUston was
fitted for college In Newport. Edward G. Malbone, bom
at Ne-wport in the revolutionary time, was self-taught, and
the atmosphere of the Island-paradise Ughted up his
palette. Benjamin West said of his " Hours " that " no
man in England could excel it." There is in the delicate
lines of this bit of ivory a " dignity, character and expres
sion " ^'' inspired by the whole ideal life I have attempted
26 It will be remembered the population was 13,000. And we
should compare the legal and criminal experience of England at
the same period.
26 Rhode Island Historical Magazine, Vol. VL, pp. 161, 168-171,
27 Arnold. Art and Artists in Rhode Island, p. 9.

278 Newport in the Eighteenth Century
to set forth. We have Ih these words, the criticism of a
sympathetic artist. I would note also a certain grace
which is the refining excellence of beauty.
The grace of culture may be rendered in a picture; Its
strength and force must be represented by a man or men.
Ezra Stiles, though not the outgrowth, was a collateral
product of our Island. Coincident with the Jewish immi
gration, he became minister of the Second Congregational
Church in 1756, at twenty-nine years of age. Influenced
" partly by an agreeable town and the Redwood Library."
He was Librarian during most of his twenty years' so
journ. Corresponding with European authors, he solic
ited books for the Redwood. His foUo Homer Is pre
served, fuUy annotated by him in the original Greek. He
became President of Yale College, the natural precinct of
Jonathan Edwards,^® who had told the previous gener
ation that the " existence of aU exterior things Is Ideal."
Stiles formed Chancellor Kent, and Channing, inherit
ing his Newport teachings, said, " In my earliest years, I
regarded no human being with equal reverence." If he
had done no more than to affect seriously these two men,
America would owe him a great debt.
This happy community was fatally damaged by the
Revolution, when Its commerce fled to the safer port of
Providence. Many of Its citizens were loyalists, and the
armies of both contestants trampled over the city. The
society created by its peculiar culture was scattered, and
the true " Paradise of New England " ceased to be.
28 We should note the sympathy, correlative though not derived,
between Edwards and Berkeley. " The soul in a sense, has its seat
in the brain; so in a sense, the -visible world is existent out of the
mind; for it certainly in the proper sense, exists out of the
brain. . . . Space is a necessary being, if it may be called a
being; and yet we have also shown, that aU existence is mental, that
the existence of all exterior things is ideal." Cited from Edwards
by Sereno E. Dwight. Life and Letters of Berkeley, p. 183.

CHAPTER IX
THE SOUTH COUNTY. 1758-1787
THE name of King's County was changed to Wash
ington during the Revolution, but it has generally
been known by the famiUar term we have given it. The
characteristics of the region changed as slavery went out.
As the estates lessened, the patrician owners were suc
ceeded by farmers employing fewer laborers, and their
habits were more In accord with other parts of the colony
and state. We must take up and describe Rowland Rob
inson,^ for the story of his daughter, the " Unfortunate
Hannah." He was a type of the old landholders, " con
stitutionally Irritable, rash and unyielding " by one ac
count. In Mr. Isaac P. Hazard's ^ rose-colored glass, he
was " a noble, generous-spirited man by nature, passion
ate, but not vindictive." All agree that the daughter was
" the most perfect model of beauty." She was known in
Philadelphia and throughout the colonies. One of her
suitors. Dr. WilUam Bowen, was most enthusiastic In his
description. " Her figure was graceful and dignified, her
complexion fair and beautiful and her manner urbane
and captivating; that she rode with ease and elegance."
Doctor Bowen proffered his affection, but the beauty
was already iengaged. The refusal came with " such
suavity and tenderness, united with personal respect," that
the disappointed suitor was consoled.
The favored swain was Peter Simons, of Newport, who
lUpdike, Goodwin, VoL I., pp. 330-334.
"Ibid., p. 546. 279

The South County
was a music-master at the dancing school, where they met.
Notwithstanding the most violent opposition from Mr.
Robinson, they eloped and were married about 1760 In
Providence, where they settled, living in very poor cir
cumstances. The neglect and dissipation of the husband,
and possibly the uneasy conscience of the bride, made
her ill. She was assisted by her mother, who finally per
suaded the passionate, but affectionate, father to have
her conveyed in a litter to his home In Narragansett. It
was too late, and she died on the night of her arrival.
This was purely an old-fashioned romance, with all the
elements needed by Miss Porter for a ravishing tale. A
century ago, sympathy was altogether with the " Unfor
tunate Hannah." As the shadows lengthen, the high
lights are not so strong on the figures of the lovers, sind
bring the father Into more favorable perspective. The
outcome of the worthless character of Simons proved that
the sensible father was correct in estimating the youth.
Doubtless, Robinson's conduct was passionate and unrea
soning; that was the way of the time. He was putting
forth all his powers to save his daughter from a fate
which was literally " unfortunate."
The excellent care of the Hazard family has preserved
the account books of College Tom, kept in 1760 to 1790,
with their invaluable records of Narragansett life In the
middle of the century. He was son * of the large land
holder, Robert Hazard, graduating at Yale College, and
lived the life of a planter, gradually merging into that
of a farmer. He charged farm produce to his debtors
8 " He married Elizabeth, daughter of Governor Robinson, was
comely in person, large in stature six feet, and of great physical
strength; a forcible speaker, he was deservedly popular in his
denomination, and was the first in his denomination that advocated
the abolition of negro slavery." — Updike, Goodwin, Vol. IL, p. 65.

1758] CoUege Tom's Management 281
and also smaU articles obtained in trade,* as shoe buckles,
skeins of thread, a thimble, etc. Evidently the proprie
tor procured these things In the markets around the Bay,
and they served in discharging his obUgations, instead of
money or currency, which was scarce. Some entries are
equivalent to the exchanges in modem banking. John
Mash was debtor for 30s. in cash, paid to Thomas Sweet,
blacksmith; It was due from John Nichols to said Sweet
and from John Mash to said Nichols. A charge to his
brother-in-law carries a " Felt Hatt for Dick at £1.
Casteel Sope, Handkerchiefs at 14s. Callominco at 18s.
Sugar, Indigo and salt." Thomas Hazard at Newport
was debtor for £56., to be paid in three months " on Swop
between Two Horses." Prices were generally in Old
Tenor, though occasionally specified in Lawful Money.
George Irelsh bought a famous Narragansett " Natu
ral pacing Horse, dark coloured with some White In his
face," at fifty-five silver Spanish milled dollars. The
transaction reveals a curious course of trade and indirect
balancing of values.^ " I am to take 1 hoggshead of
molasses, 1 barrell of Sugar at £70. old Tenor per Hun
dred, the Molasses at the value of 36/- old Tenor, a
DoUer being considered at the Value of Eight Pounds
old Tenor the Remainder in Tea at y" Rate of eight
Pounds old Ten"", and In Indigo at the Rate of Twelve
Pounds, old Tenor; to have one half of y° remainder in
Tea, & the other in Indigo." If they lived a simple life
In the olden time the simplicity did not extend to the ways
of trade and the adjustment of values.
Tea appeared in the first accounts, 1750, at £3.4s.,
1766 at £8. O. T., and chocolate comes in 1754 at
fourteen shillings a pound. In 1771 Powel Helme was
4 " Hazard College Tom," p. 58, et seq.
^Ibid., p. 64. ,

282 The South County
charged for Keeping the Coddington horse seven weeks
and six days In summer at one pound of chocolate per
week. Mr. Hehne was credited by " thy Instmctg "
young Robert Hazard In the art of navigation at 5s. 6d.
Each homestead manufactured most articles needed for
use in the family. The most Important process was In
carding, combing, spinning and weaving. There is hardly
any mention of carding In these accounts, but combing
occurs frequently. Valentine Ridge Is credited with
combing " at my house 40 lbs. of wool " and " at thy
house 33f lbs. wool." The comber was probably son of
Master Ridge, the Irish schoolmaster at Tower Hill, of
strong character and " courtly bearing." Miss Hazard
thinks " there was no apparent descent in the social scale
from a physician to a weaver, or a schoolmaster to a
wool comber." ® This hardly corresponds with the pres
ent writer's observation, which has been that there was
distinction between those who employed and those who
were workers. Landholders, clergymen, physicians and
lawyers made the upper ranks. Teachers were between-
classes ; they were not ranked in a profession, as they
are to-day.
Ridge received 14s. per lb. O. T. for combing the
" worsted." It was spun on a " woolen wheel." Both
worsted and linen were spun at six shiUIngs 0. T. per
skein In 1761. James Carpenter spun both linen and
tow yarn, and wove the latter Into diaper; but generally
the yam was spun by one and woven by another person.
In 1753 linen was woven at seven shillings and ticking
at the same price. The latter was needed for feather
beds, the greatest comfort of the eighteenth century, and
too common to be a luxury. Half Duroy Is mentioned, a
modification of corduroy, probably. Gardner, " ye weaver
6 " Hazard College Tom," p. 96.

1760] The Artisans of the Time 283
at Tower HiU," and two others were employed by Thomas
Hazard from 1756 to 1760. They were charged with
wool at twenty shiUIngs O. T. per pound, " to be paid
for In weaving; Tow at 3s. 6d. Flanning 3s. Worsted
at 6s. and other cloths at the same rate." Benedict
Oatley was skiUful, for he could weave striped cloth and
made one piece " Chex." An entry Is for dyeing, scour
ing, pressing and shearing one piece of " Sarge " and for
scouring and fulling one piece of " Cersey." The blue
colors were dyed In Indigo.
Martin Reed, " a remarkable man," '^ left an orphan,
served an apprenticeship of fourteen years at weaving
(probably in Newport) until he was twenty-one. With
one quarter's schooUng, he read aU the books accessible
on his art, until he had mastered it. He married Mary
Dixon, a diaper weaver, and began living in a simple way
with the plainest fumiture and a single loom. He suc
ceeded so well that he soon became the manufacturer for
all the principal families around. This shows that the
division of labor was begun. He became a member of
St. Paul's Church under Mr. Fayerweather and always
led the singing. In the Revolution and afterward, while
the parish had no rector, he read the service In the church
and at funerals.
There were numerous hand weavers for plain cloth, but
Reed was the most skilled, being the only one who could
weave caUmanco. Wool and flax were constantly manu
factured; some linen was spun by the weaver, James
Carpenter, In 1768, at eight shIlUngs and woven into
diaper at ten shillings per yard. In 1761 " linnen yam "
is recorded at six shillings the skein. Astress Crandall
was a famous spinner for all kinds of work. She spun
" card-work " as well as worsted ; and there is an entry
7 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. IL, p. 18.

284 The South County
for " spinning, doubling and dressing 1 skain of stocking
worsted three double." The dressings seem to have con
sisted in boiling and washing the yam. Stockings are
seldom mentioned; a pair in 1756 cost 36 shillings and a
" Linning Handkerchief " 22 shilUngs.
It shows how nearly self-furnishing and consuming
Hazard's estate was that his largest sale of wool was only
100 lbs. at 14^d. ; though he kept a good flock of sheep.
Andrew Nichols, the tailor, was frequently employed,
and his wife Eunice was a " talloress." He was a good
Friend, and bought the " Principles & Precepts of y*
Christian ReUgion &ct. at 10s. Old Ten = 4*^." In
1769 his account credited with £139. 0. T. showed a bal
ance due Nichols of only lis. 8*^. Thomas Hazard's
one hand nearly washed the other, so to speak.
The shoeing of horses and oxen was a constant neces
sity, and the blacksmith was an important characteir
throughout early New England. Shoeing the family was
like-wise an intimate necessity. The leather used was
tanned near home, in one instance the skins being " dressed
to y° halves " ; but generally the share of the tanner was
one-third. All sorts of skins — even including a skunk's —
were converted into leather. In 1768 John Sherman made
twelve pairs of shoes for £24. and apparently did all the
work of the family. For that year his bill. Including some
Women's Hats, amounted to £76. O. T. Often the shoe
maker went about from house to house, and this custom
continued well into the nineteenth century.
In 1750-1756 hay was £20. per load, and a pair of oxen
£130. In 1765 beef was 4s. 6d. per pound. Milk was
one shilling a quart in 1752 and some time after. But
ter was 6s. 6d. In 1760 and 7s. the next year. Cheese
was the important product, and in 1754 3627 lbs. were
made at '3s., amounting to £545.17.

1760] The Important Indian Com 286
An Interesting entry occurs In 1773, when a load of
" cole " was carted from the Ministerial Farm. Nova
Scotia coal was then used in Boston, and probably this
came in at the South Ferry or at Robert Hazard's wharf
on Boston Neck. Mr. Hazard's chaise Is mentioned in
1779 and it was said to be the first in the county.
Our settlers derived one of the largest factors in their
living from the native Narragansetts. Indian com was
and is a most important element in the agriculture of this
district. The rich soil along the ocean shore affords a
good support for this excellent food. On Broad Rock
farm near Peace Dale, which was a part of College Tom's
estate, there were recently to be seen two of the Indian
caches ® for storing it. They were smaU hollows In the
ground, some three feet long, two feet wide, and one foot
deep, roughly lined with stone. When the tribe was
driven into Massachusetts in the time of Philip's War,
they came and carried away these deposits for subsistence.
Several modes of cooking were inherited with the precious
cereal. Shepherd Tom Hazard, in his Johnny Cake
Papers, is most enthusiastic in his accounts of the old
colonial bread. The com must be ground by fine-grained
stones, which would make " flat " meal instead of " round."
The meal should be made Into dough and spread on the
middle board of a red oak barrel head. Only walnut
coals were worthy, and the crust as it browned should be
basted with cream. Hasty pudding and " them por
ridge " were viands from the same source.
College Tom had a few slaves. His father, Robert,
dying in 1762, by tradition, left 24. It does not appear
that the slave-o-wners took many apprentices, though
they had some. Priamus, a negro boy, came to Mr.
Hazard at six years and Uved out a term of apprentlce-
8 " Hazard College Tom," p. 111.

286 The South County
ship until of age, either with this employer or In the imme
diate neighborhood. He took another, Oliver Smith, at
eight years from his mistress, " for his Bringing up until
he may have an advantageous opportunity to go appren
tice." There are scarce any traces of Indian labor, though
we know they were often employed. There are many
curious contracts for labor of the better class, which
should work between the black slave and the white master.
In 1763 Henry Hill agreed to " Labour at Husbandry "
for ten months and was to receive £400. O. T.® In his
account he was charged 34s. for half a quire of paper, and
10s. " Paid Fox the scribe " ; a function seldom recognized
In colonial life. Another husbandman was to make shoes
In wet weather ; and still another to " labor at carpentry "
when the skies were not propitious.
The admirable domestic system of labor was further
reinforced in 1762 by Jacob Barney — mark the Irish
name. He was to work four months at journey-work in
hatting, and to teach " my son Tommy " the trade, to
gether with another lad. He was to receive the common
wages, by the hat, and to be found his board for instruc
tion of the lads. Hats sold at £40. in 1763, and this
must have been a thrifty sa-vlng. John Dye, " y* gard-
ner," was a superior laborer, receiving £3.0.6. a day In
1764. In such a household female labor is scarcely less im
portant than that of the male. Their work was even
more carefully planned and parceled out than that of
the men. Martha Nichols — the surname of the tailor —
had 20s. for " making 1 gound." " Sempstry " was done
by Joanna Dugglass, single woman. In 1764, for eleven
8 In Bristol the value of Old Tenor was in 1758-1760 £6, in 1761
£6 10s., in 1762-1763 £7 for one Spanish miUed dollar. The pound
was 20s at 16Sc=$3.33.— Munro, p. 164.

1760] Shopping at Tower HiU 287
weeks at 72s. per week. Quilting was as Important a
process in household manufacture, and for overseeing at
" the bee " otherwise she received 18s. per day. Sometimes
a bee lasted ten days. Mary Chase, for " housewifery,
spinning, etc.," had 60s. O. T. for the summer and 40s.
for the winter season. Amy Shearman had one pound
in cash to pay for " making her Bonet." A woman was
charged £8. In cash to " go to Tower HIU." In this case
she was to have the pleasure of " shopping " instead of
the mere solace of a book entry.
Going to Tower Hill ^® meant to trade with James
Helme, and most transactions with the women were re
corded in cross entries on College Tom's books. Tower
Hill was the emporium and department store where the
wants of the community were satisfied. James Helme
was " a gentleman of mild and urbane manners, of esti
mable character and of considerable wealth," In the words
of Updike.^^ He was an example of the all-around men of
fair abilities, who in conjunction with the landholders
carried on a community like this of Narragansett. In
1767 he was elected by the legislature to be chief justice
of the Superior Court of the colony.
Lowes Jakeways, spinster, is recorded in an outing of
10 " In the latter part of the Eighteenth century Tower Hill was
a prosperous place; the situation was incomparable, and nearly all
of the wealthy families had representatives established there in
younger sons or married daughters. It was the ' Court-end ' of
the town. There were fourteen houses, six of them -with large
gambrelled roofs, which were erected by wealthy and enterprising
men who spared no pains to make them attractive. There were
also several inns or taverns. A coach passed through twice a
week from the South Perry to New London, and returned carry
ing passengers and mails; as many as eight coaches have been
kno-wn to arrive in one morning. "Balls and dances were of frequent
occurrence, guests coming from Newport and the neighboring plan
tations of Boston Neck." — Robinson, " Hazard Family," p. 61.
11 Goodwin Ed., Vol. I., p. 186.

288 The South County
another sort than the desiderated shopping at Tower Hill.
She was charged with 20s. cash " when she went to the
New Light meeting " In 1766. We have referred to the
Great Awakening in the forties, which profoundly moved
King's Cousty. The numerous sects, so vexatious to Dr.
MacSparran, were stimulated anew and they affected
the orderly circles of the Friends. One was excluded
from membership In 1748 because he suffered the Friends'
meeting " to be disturbed & broken up by the afores* Wild
& Ranting people, which meeting was In his own house." ^^
Twenty years later the sect was active and another Friend
was expelled, having joined the New Lights, and " pre
tended to Justifie himself in being Dipt* in outward
water." Many cultivated and socially gifted families
were in the communion of St. Paul's Church with Doctor
MacSparran, as we have seen. The majority of the sub
stantial citizens were Quakers, and their staid habits were
a powerful influence in the community until the middle of
the nineteenth century.
The labor of slaves administered by such judicious econ
omy as has been described, makes a prosperous commu
nity. The course of affairs on College Tom's homestead
was a good example of semi-patriarchal principles worked
out in a community of strong indl-ridual men and women.
There was the underlying force of slave labor, the organiz
ing power of the Society of Friends, the thrifty economy
of the best householder anywhere; all combined to pro
mote a well-balanced family life. It is easy to perceive
the reasons why South Kingstown became the most
wealthy town in the state at the time of the Revolution.
The first brass fender was mentioned In the mid-century,
costing £18. ; and the largest value In pewter was £87.
Gold beads strung into necklaces were gradually being
12 8. K. Monthly M. B„ Vol. IL, p. 269, cited by Miss Haaard.

1760] An Artist in Hair 289
wom. The usual minute care of the poor was carefully
worked out; as well as provisions for regulating appren
ticeship in both sexes. There was a complicated outfit
for a barber's shop in 1766, with five blocks on which to
make wigs ; and Including three " hetches to hetchel hair."
The artist must have been weU employed, for he left a
personal estate of £1142.16. In 1768 a large bible had
come to £15. in the money of the time. A negro man at
£1000., a woman at £800., indicate the fluctuating pound
in paper. Two " stone boles " at 30s., a stone pickle pot
at 15s., a teapot at same price, and at the same three
" stone sassers and dishes " show the Increasing use of
common white porcelain, along with the more luxurious
China ware.
Jeffrey Hazard ^* in 1759 had a large number of cattle,
sheep and swine, with a great breeding stock of horse
kind. A " stone horse " at $400. ; with 37 mares, 3 colts,
3 geldings at £2010. His own " riding beast " with
saddle and bridle stood at £300. His wardrobe cost
£268. He had twelve negroes — four as high as £1000.
each. A large amount was charged in book account
£13,188., and he held notes of hand for £5110. The
total personal estate, £67,403., was the largest of the
period. Everything indicates the Increase of active capi
tal, though values are complicated, owing to the fluctuat
ing currency.
To go out of the world has never been easy, what
ever the conditions of life — ^barbaric or civilized.
Peter Ginnings, December 19, 1758, passed through
the prevalent difficulties. The friendly nurse furnished
two quarts " rhum y® night he dyed " at £2.10. Then
he charged £4.10. for " my cost and trouble to invite his
friends and others at his Death and Buriel."
13 S. K. MSS., Probate Rec, Vol. IL, p. 107,

290 The South County
We may note the changes of value in standard feather
beds, in the case of Wm. Congdon in 1762. Wearing
clothes costing £84. and a new beaver hat at £40., he had
one feather bed and fumiture at £345., two do. at £300.
each, another at £200. and again at £160., again £190.
and a trundle bed and bedding £180. The negro's bed
and blankets cost £30., a single blanket £6.10. In the
table and kitchen service we find £105., in silver £97., in
pewter £16., in earthen ware £4., In stone £25., In brass
with a warming pan £6. He had two woollen wheels,
one horse and three cows. In this moderate estate of
£3443. there was comfort, biit not luxury.
Benjamin Holway,^* " Cordwalner's," affairs in 1762
show something of the incipient division of labor. With
his stock of leather he had 70 pairs women's shoes at £288.,
with 242 pairs double channel pumps at £1331. He must
have employed slaves, as he had one negro at the high
value of £1500. and a boy at £900. Only two horses,
one cow and two hogs in a personal estate of £6119.
His wardrobe stood at £120.
Perhaps the best-dressed couple were Robert Brown,
who expended in clothing £303., and his more luxurious
helpmate, who had appropriated £368. There was only
£63. in silver plate, but a gold necklace at £45. In £96.
worth of pewter were included 12 hard metal plates. A
large farming outfit had an item of £66. in eight bushels
of wheat. The worthy pair were entitled to their small
luxuries, for their personal estate amounted to £29,416.
As we have noted in Doctor MacSparran's farming,
there was a small quantity of wheat grown on most places,
probably for use In the family.
In 1762 the record makes 100 Spanish milled dollars
equal to £600. Old Tenor bills. A tape loom occurs
14 S. K. MSS. Probate Bee, IL, p. 177.

1762] Value of the DoUar 291
worth 6s. and a China punch bowl at £30. Benjamin
Babcock had the unusual volume, a " Gazzalte Tear," at
£8.10., with other books at £11. Possibly a sailor, for
he had a CaUender and Compass at £8.15.
In 1767 Susannah Hazard, widow of Richard, mounts
the record with a wardrobe of £714. The husband had
been content with £110. A high case of drawers cost
£100. The Madam's riding mare, saddle, pillion, and a
young mare were valued at £480. The personal estate
was moderate, £5806., with £8. O. T. rated at 1 Spanish
milled dollar.
Slaves were often £1100. and £1200., with girls at £800.
in 1770. John Gardner, with £250. In clothing, rode a
horse costing £600., Including saddle and bridle. He was
well supplied with silver plate at £952., which embraced
8 porringers, a " teapot and milk." In addition a large
tankard was appraised at £256. and a smaller one at
£224. A clock £200., China and earthen ware in the
closet £72., Table Linen £71. He had a large stock of
cattle and sheep and four slaves. His personal estate
was £71,002 O. T.
After Doctor MacSparran's death, r^ular services at
St. Paul's Church were long suspended. Rev. Samuel
Fayerweather, sent out from England, administered the
sacrament In 1761, with only 12 participants. In the
following year he preached to a congregation of 100.
His preaching must have commended Itself, for in the
autumn of 1761 he served in the pulpit at King's Chapel,
Boston, with Govemor Bernard for an auditor. He was
the pastor of St. Paul's until 1774.
George Rome (Room) , " a Gentleman of Estate from
Old England," afterward a noted Tory, was Uterally an
aUen character in our colonial life. Coming to Newport In
1761 as agent for Hopkins and Haley, he represented

292 The South County
many British houses. He secured much real estate In
dealing with debtors and about 1766 possessed himself
of Henry Collins' farm at Boston Neck. We have
noticed ^® this Newport magnate, who deserved a better
fate than to be sold out by Rome under assignment. Mr.
Rome appears on the Narragansett church records, as
he spent his winters In Newport and his summers at Bos
ton Neck, where he had 700 acres. His bachelor quarters
were in a large mansion house, the equipment of which was
far beyond the life of Narragansett, and yet further ex
aggerated by local tradition. But In fact,^® as actually
appeared a generation ago, there was a vast fireplace in
the kitchen, where a man could walk in with his hat on.
Cord-wood was burned without interfering with the back
oven-door on one side of the fire, or the favorite ingle-
seat on the other side. Along the kitchen and in rear
were a number of small plastered bedrooms for slaves.
There was a large annex in rear of the main building.
The garden was famous. A stately avenue of button-
woods led to the mansion through fish-ponds, and through
flowers in the formal arrangements of the time. A box-
tree fifteen feet high and more than thirty feet around
exists to-day, as it was removed by Mr. Perry to the
grounds of the John Bro-wn house in Providence. ¦"^'^
In this enchanted dwelling-place, the host gathered
guests, not only from Newport and Narragansett, but
from far-away Boston. He asked Colonel Stewart and
another at Christmas " to celebrate the festl-vlties of the
season with me in Narragansett woods? A covey of
partridges or bevy of quails will be entertainment for
the Colonel and me, while the pike and perch pond amuse
16 Ante, p. 272.
16 Updike, Goodvnn, Vol. IL, p. 317.
I'' Ibid., p. 318.

1767] Rome the Tory 293
you." The brew of punch was famous, and it was served
at very extravagant entertainments. Ladles often en
livened the society of the place.
Mr. Rome's interests, as well as inclinations, caused
him to become a bitter Tory. We cite below ^® from his
opinions expressed in a letter written from the Narragan
sett villa December 22, 1767. In the agitations concem
ing the Stamp Act, he was very conspicuous. For oppo
sition to the charter and other misdemeanors, he was im
prisoned in 1775. After release, fearing further prose
cution, he fled on board the British man-of-war Rose.
His estates were confiscated with those of other Tories.
Block Island, home of the Manissean tribe, always
affected the mainland and South County. It early at
tracted attention as a fishing station, being settled in
1662 and a harbor begun in 1670. Their distinctive
boats were a remarkable production. From the keel
rose stem arid stem posts at an angle of 45° ; the bow
and stem were nearly alike and the sides of lapstreak
cedar. Open with no deck, the two masts carried narrow
tapering sails. Having no shrouds or stays, the masts
bent with pecuUar elasticity as the storm-winds strained
every fiber of the structure. One has never been swamped
In the open sea. In the largest waves running as " three
18 " The colonies have originally been wrong founded. They ought
to have been regal governments, and every executive ofScer approved
by the King. Until that is effected, and they are properly regulated,
they will never be beneficial to themselves, nor good subjects of
Great Britain. . . . They obtained a repeal of the Stamp Act
by mercantile influence, and they are endeavouring, by the same
artifice and finesse, to repeal the acts of trade, and obtain a total
exemption from all taxation. . . . The temper of the country
is exceedingly factious, and prone to sedition: they are growing more
imperious and haughty — ^nay, insolent — every day. A bridle at pres
ent may accomplish more than a rod hereafter." — Updike, Goodwin,
Vol. IL, pp. 83-84.

294 The South County
brothers," the steersman generally waits for the last, and
from Its high crest usually lands in safety. The family
apparel was carried in a band-box, " a Block Island
trunk," and when they reached home they feasted on a
" Block Island turkey," i. e.. Codfish. The fishing was a
great resource, and as the boat filled, they threw out the
pebble-ballast. The best fisherman was " high-hook."
The hardy masters of these boats were literally masters
of the sea.
The ocean likewise furnished seaweed and fish to fer
tilize the fields, as was the custom on the mainland. Large
swamps afforded peat, commonly called tug, which they
began to bum in 1721, and used for their only fuel for
a century. The Island was a most exposed point in the Revolution
ary War, and the colony was obliged to remove the sheep
and cattle, to prevent the enemy from appropriating them.
The authorities paid £534.9.6. for 1908 sheep and lambs;
the number of cattle taken was not recorded.
The " Palatine Light," seen for at least three-quarters
of a century, affected the main shore as well as the Island ;
a curious romance. It was treated by Whittier In his poem
bearing the same name. Doctor Aaron C. Willey, a com
petent observer, wrote a scientific account ^® of the phe
nomenon in 1811. " This curious Irradiation rises from
the ocean near the northem part of the Island. Its
appearance is nothing different from a blaze of fire;
whether It actually touches the water or hovers over it is
uncertain. It beams with various magnitudes, when large
(as a ship with canvas spread) it displays either a pyra-
mldical form or three constant streams, often in a con
stant state of mutation. The duration is not commonly
more than two or three minutes. . . . This lucid
18 Arnold, " R. I.," Vol. IL, pp. 88-91.

1767] Palatine Light 295
meteor has long been known by the name of the Palatine
light. By the ignorant and superstitious It Is thought to
be supernatural. Its appellation originated from that
of a ship caUed the Palatine, which was designedly cast
away at this place, in the beginning of the last century,
in order to conceal, as tradition reports, the inhuman
treatment and murder of some of its unfortunate passen
gers. From this time, it is said, the Palatine light ap
peared, and there are many who beUeve It to be a ship of
fire, to which their fantastic and distempered imaginations
figure masts, ropes and flowing sails."
Mr. Llvermore,^® writing in 1876, denies the burning
of the vessel, claiming that the .Dutch ship Palatine
touched at the island about 1752, leaving Kattem, a
negro woman, who married there and was a so-called witch,
fortune-teller and opium-eater; adding in her way to the
hazy mists of tradition and the actual appearance of
the Palatine Light. Besides, there were landed some logs
of lignum vitce. Certainly this timber was actual, for
the present writer has within reach of his hand, his grand
mother's mortar and kitchen rolling pin made from the
Palatine relics. The actual phenomenon of the light was
remarkable, and it was strange that the cause, as well as
the effect, disappeared entirely early in the nineteenth
century. In 1766 Mr. Fayerweather went over to Westerly to
serve at the marriage of Dr. Joshua Babcock's daughter.
Let us study the Doctor, an example of the men gifted
with almost universal capacity — the makers of these
United States. His father. Captain James Babcock, of
Westerly, died in 1736-7, owning 2000 acres of land,
horses, slaves and stock In proportion. Joshua, bom
1707, dying in 1783, was said to be the first native of
20 " Block Island," p. 121.

296 The South County
Westerly to practice medicine there. He graduated at
Yale CoUege, completing his medical education in Bos
ton and in England. Notwithstanding his extensive prac
tice he opened at Westerly one of the largest retail stores.
In 1747 he was an associate justice In the Superior Court
of Rhode Island, and for three or more years, between
1749 and 1764, he was chief justice.*^ He represented
his native town in the General Assembly for more than
forty years. Knowing many prominent men from New
London to Boston, especially Doctor Franklin, he enter
tained them In the old mansion, where the box-trees stiU
line the approach to the hospitable door. Being Major-
General of the militia in 1776, he entertained General
Washington. He was an ardent patriot in that stirring
time, pushing the cause of his country In every way.
Dr. Levi Wheaton lived In his family in 1779 as a medi
cal student and as preceptor to his grandchildren. Dr.
Wheaton's reminiscences are exceedingly interesting. At
the age of seventy-two, Dr. Babcock was vigorous in
mind and body, mounting his horse sixteen hands high
from the ground. Methodical in his habits, he spent an
early hour on the farm, then took breakfast of bread and
milk, with apple-pie oi" fruit. He disdained coffee, saying,
this porringer and spoon has furnished my breakfast for
forty years. For dinner at an exceUent table, he partook
of one dish only, whether fish, flesh or fowl. He drank
cider commonly, and a glass of good wine. At tea he
drank " exactly three cups." It was customary to enter
tain handsomely at supper, but whatever he gave to
guests, for himself he took bread and milk.
Weekly, he had prayer for the family and read a chap
ter from the Bible. Noticing that the reading was not
in common English, the young doctor looked into the
21 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. IL, p. 47.

1767] A Country-Doctor's Greek 297
Bible and found that it was in Greek text. Heterodox
theology was creeping in. The Doctor was a professed
Christian, but Wheaton found in his library, Clarke on the
Trinity, " which cost him a Bishopric," and Foster's ser
mons, " which lost him fellowship with orthodox Bap
tists." These works were greatly admired by DIr. Bab
cock ; whatever his inner opinions, " his moral character
was irreproachable, and he was an honest man."
Dr. Franklin was his friendly correspondent and vis
ited him on his yearly visits to Boston. Dr. Babcock
told a story well and had many anecdotes of Franklin.
Mrs. Babcock — superior in that time of superior women —
asked the philosopher if he would have his bed warmed.
" No, Madam, thank'ee, but If you will have a little cold
water sprinkled on the sheets I have no objection."
FoUy goes with philosophers as well as with common men.
Physician, man of business, jurist and patriot, the
family cares of this representative American went far
beyond those of most men. Wheaton found! him sur
rounded by some fifteen grandchildren, whose education
he was superintending as minutely as he had done in the
case of his own children.
Colonel Babcock — " Handsome Harry," his eldest son —
bom in 1736, took his graduating degree at Yale College
at the age of sixteen. ^^ At eighteen he was made Cap
tain of a company in the Rhode Island contingent against
the French in 1756. In the campaign against Ticon-
deroga, 1758, he was promoted to be colonel of our regi
ment. Leading 500 men, he had 110 killed and wounded,
and received a musket ball in his knee. Altogether he
served five campaigns in the old French war " -with great
reputation." In the Revolution, a staunch patriot, he
Was appointed to the command at Newport In 1776.
22 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. IL, p, 56.

The South County
He had leamed artillery at Woolwich in England, and
drove off the British man-of-war Rose with an eighteen-
pounder, fired by his own hand from the open beach. A
severe Illness in the winter Incapacitated him from further
service. A practicing lawyer, he was most eloquent when
he spoke before the General Assembly. Some fifteen years
earlier he had spent a year in England and was most
hospitably received. Tradition commonly ran that, when
presented at Court, Instead of kissing the Queen's hand,
he saluted the royal cheek, and " the liberty wa^ not re
sented." This myth at least shows how popular the hand
some Colonel was.
The record of St. Paul's Church, March 31, 1771, when
Mr. Fayerweather baptized EUsha, son of Benj. Nasons,
" the Gossips " being Mr. Rovyer, Mrs. Jefferson and the
Grand Father, enables us to note this interesting term.
" It's old Saxon meaning was for sponsors or sureties at
baptism." ^* At these christenings, there were often pre
sented the " apostles' spoons," nowadays in great demand
for mementos.
The record of St. Paul's April 16, 1772,^* is worth
observing, both for the essential matter, and for Its eri-
dence of Royalist and Tory sentiment among the Narra
gansett Anglicans. Mr. Updike ^^ says the substantial
fact of the regicide's residence at Pettiquamscutt was
never questioned until Dr. Stiles raised the doubt. The
23 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. IL, p. 97.
24 "Married Mr. Sylvester Sweet to Miss Martha Whailey. The
bride Being given away by her Father, Jeremiah Whailey, one of
the descendants of old Col. Whailey, one of the Regicides of King
Charles the first of Ever blessed Memory, and Who sat in the
Mock Court Before Which That Excellent Prince, That Blessed
Martyr was Arraign'd and Condemned, and Who was Called prover
bially one of King Charles's Judges."
26 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. IL, pp. 100-103.

1772] The Regicide 299
careful Amold ^® leans toward the tradition. Dr. Good
win ^'^ says the romantic tradition is not strictly authenti
cated, " yet the persistence with which It has been believed
seems to point to an element of truth In the story."
The colonies had been drifting away from the mother
country ; the action of Philadelphia and Boston, culminat
ing in the " Tea Party " at the latter place, brought the
incipient rebellion to a head. In 1774 the towns of Rhode
Island, beginning at Westerly, where ex-Governor Samuel
Ward led the patriots, held meetings condemning the
Import of tea and rallying all citizens to a common cause
against Great Britain. The resolution of Middletown
was one of the best, " We will heartily unite with our
American Brethren in supporting the inhabitants of this
Continent in aU their just rights and privileges ; and we
do disown any right in the Parliament of Great Britain
to tax America." In September all the towns contributed
liberally, sending 860 sheep, 13 oxen, and £417. in money
for the relief of Boston. In 1776 the British fleet made
a descent on Point Judith, taking off a number of sheep
and cattle. Some prominent persons, suspected of being
Tories, were charged with connivance and were arrested.^®
The committee of safety often had to look into such mat
ters. South Kingstown asked Govemor Cooke for addi
tional guard for the coast.
Doctor MacSparran's criticism of Narragansett as the
natural producing ground of sects and sectarians received
some support in the career of the noted Jemima Wilkin
son. She was bom in Cumberland, R. I., In 1752, and
was related to David Wilkinson, one of the greatest
geniuses in mechanics in all America. But her stamping-
26 " R. i.,» Vol. IL, p. 4l3n.
27 Updike, Vol. IL, p. 338.
28 Arnold, " R. I.," Vol. IL, p. 368.

300 The South County
ground and field of greatest success was in North and
South Kingstown. In early womanhood she became reli
gious and studious, reading the Bible closely. In 1776
she was seriously ill, and after a trance she awoke, claiming
to have been to heaven and to have become a new Christ
on earth. Her own family were converted to be disciples.
She traveled throughout the state and in adjoining dis
tricts, holding large meetings, which she addressed in a
very eloquent and persuasive manner. She claimed to
work miracles. When she failed, as in attempting to raise
the dead. It was for lack of faith in the lookers-on. Three
or four meeting-houses were built for her.^®
On horseback, especially, her appearance was very Im
posing. Of fine form, fair complexion, with florid cheeks,
dark and brilUant eyes, her auburn hair faUing on her
shoulders in three full ringlets, her voice sounding clear
and harmonious ; If not a prophetess, she was at least a
natural orator of great power. Her dress was rich, but
plain, In a style entirely her own ; a white beaver hat, sides
turned down, a full, light drab mantle ; a unique underdress
and cravat around her neck.
The greatest dupe of this Imposing creature was one
whom you would least expect to be so credulous. William
Potter was chief justice of the county court, with a large
estate easterly from the present vlUagle iof Kingston.
For Jemima and her followers, he built an addition
to his " already spacious mansion," *® containing fourteen
rooms. She dwelt here six ytears, controlling master,
household, and the income of the good property. Like
other impostors, she separated husbands and wives, while
children left their parents. She induced many to sell
their estates and with Judge Potter and som» fifty families
28 Greene, " East Greenwich," p. 130.
30 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 267.

1776] Jemima Wilkinson the Imposter 301
she migrated to the Genesee country. She seems to have
been a shrewd manager in affairs, but Judge Potter finally
lost his property. Her enemies attacked her at all points,
but her moral character was irreproachable. In 1818
she made a will signing herself " the person once called
Jemima Wilkinson, but since 1777 called the Public Uni
versal Friend." Njelther she nor her family had any con
nection with the Society of Friends.
Naturally, we have dwelt on the deficiencies and imposi
tions of her character and career. There is another side.
There must have been something great in her, though
she prostituted it in the career of adventure. Sometimes
she must have touched the best In her hearers, or she
would not have had so many innocent followers. Every
generation has spiritual hunger of its own, which often
satisfies Itself with unworthy objects.
The War of the Revolution brought many troubles
to the non-resistant Quakers so largely represented in the
South County. " CoUege Tom " *^ expressed himself
In the record against " Carnal War and Fightings."
The paper currency " issued Expressly for carrying on
war " was discussed in the public meetings of the Friends.
" The nioney itself became a difficulty to a tender con
science." It were to inquire too curiously to ask how far
conscience, Tory predilection, and fear of losing property
in the war-Uke struggles were intermingled in the Quaker
mind. In 1786 the Assembly issued £100,000 in paper, to be
a legal tender, and with aU sorts of forcing acts to compel
creditors to receive it, Pro-vidence, Newport, Westerly
and Bristol opposed in vain.*^ Toward the agitation of
these questions. South Kingstown furnished one of the
31 " Hazard," p. 300,
32 Brigham, p. 354.

302 The South County
worst demagogues civilization has ever known. Jonathan
J. Hazard was a staunch patriot in the struggle against
Great Britain. He represented Rhode Island in the Con
federated Congress. He was a natural orator, ready,
subtle and ingenious in debate ; the " Idol of the country
interest, manager of the State, in fact, the political dic
tator in Rhode Island until his course In the Constitutional
Convention " ** ruined him. In economic matters, he was
fairly representative of those insane sciolists who vex the
political situation whenever irredeemable paper money is
mooted. In 1786 he beat down the " Hard Money "
or mercantile party by sheer demagogic force. He
strongly advocated the curious, pernicious illusion that
merchants designedly create scarcity of specie in the course
of trade. He argued that the state currency based on
real estate was safer than the obUgation of any
bank; that it could be opposed only by avarice and
prejudice. Esther Bemon Carpenter, a descendant of Gabriel
Bemon, the Huguenot, with fond enthusiasm collected
the sayings of her " South County Neighbors." They
belong strictly to the beginning of the next century rather
than the period of this chapter. But they are mostly
hereditary and always idiomatic, indicative of the talk,
which prevailed among College Tom's spinners and
ditchers. Many of these idioms came directly from
Devonshire, and they prevail there to-day.
Sally " the help " was buried with all the formal cere
mony of the local funeral ; " a strange mingling of the
gloomy and the abhorrent of the tasteless and grotesque,
of the sympathetic and the matter-of-fact," the whole
being custom strictly observed. Every generation had
a stroller or two of Its own, selling simples, presumed to
33 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. IL, p. 74.

1776] Local Idioms
have occult powers of healing, and with all the acces
sories of a quack. Such an one was a fanatical adherent
of' old customs. When the farmer's daughter offered his
dinner on a tin plate (an Innovation) he said, " Gal, hain't
you no trencher.'' " As the maiden did not respond,
" Then gimme a chip," which was done, and his antique
dignity was appeased.
The girl Ad'line addressed a late schoolfellow, " how
d' do, Ad'line, how be you ? " This be is used to-day, and
has some dim, mystic reference to a sense of being.
Ailse (Alice) Congdon, the talloress, had a sharp
tongue. Izrul Barnes was the sly-humored old Yankee
" hired man " ; Huldy, not so intelligent, feared them both.
" AUse Congdon mought skeer her Huldy Pawnses, but
she couldn't drive no Barneses." Quoth Izrul, " Say,
Huldy, Elder Springer berried his wife, y' know three
months ago come nex Sa'a'd'y. He looks chipper ez a
crow-blackbird in plantin' time. TeU ye what, you better
sprunt up, n' fly roun'." " I don't want no Elder
Springer. Taln't no such smart doings to get married.
Ailse Congdon she ain't married." Izrul retorted, " Wal,
I sort o' thought she was onct." This was true, for
Ailse did marry and live with Jim Castle, when the groom
departed, saying, " he guessed he'd ruther stay -with his
own folks, and she wouldn't lift a finger agin It." Ailse
expressed herself judicIaUy that she " didn't better her
self, noways, when she took him." Elder Springer met
some rebuffs, when In the legitimate functions of his min
istry. Ailse was quite ill and he called to ask if she " was
prepared for a change." With a steelly glance the frail
mortal replied, " I'd have you to know that we're a very
long-Uved family, and if you hain't nothin but that to
say, you'd better go back where you come from."
The poor woman was actually in extremis and went into

304 The South County
more practical matters with the excellent old Quakeress,
who asked if she was resigned. With panting breath,
" resigned to die ! d'you think. Friend Dempsey, that any
body oughter to be resigned to die with the suUar only
half cleaned and the backyard not cleared up."
Some brighter and more cheery influences animated this
sordid life. Nature occasionally crept In. " Harty's
ez chipper ez a quonqueedle, and thet's a real hamsum
toon she's a singin'." Says Steve '* quonqueedle was
the name the old Injuns giv' 'em. I sh'd reckon it come
from their n'ise, when they 'm a sorter tunin' up. The'
was a man come here from some o' them northem parts,
called 'em bob-o-links. I expect thet ar' outlandish name
come right down from some o' them old Massachusetts
Prisbyter'ans." A suggestive saying was embodied in " lazy," used just
as we apply " nervous prostration." " Mrs. Brown, I un
derstand Miss Jones is ' lazy ' this summer and I want
to do the washing she generally takes from you." Appar
ently, no one would incur the disgrace of laziness, unless
she was ill. Jim Fones was the rural postmaster and " I
never see no sech do-little coot." The neighbor assented
in this guarded statement, " He ain't what I caU very
work-brittle." A Devonshire idiom used there to-day put " you'm " in
place of " you are." When " Mis Tift " scrutinized the
withered features of her that was once a Rose she ex
claimed, " Why, Nabby, heow you'm broke ! you'm growed
grey an' you'm wrinkled some. I shouldn't ha' knowed ye
from Adam." This was a favorite method of alleviating
the ravage of Time. " Be you She that was Miss Bethuny
Babcock .J" Yes. Wal, you'm broke all to smash, ain't
ye?" Musing over a pinched estate. Uncle Cy said, " S'pose

1776] How They TaUied 305
the widder'n the gals c'n jest make out ter niggle along,
cain't they? And when the weather was clearing toward
evening, he said the rain had ' held up for a milkin'-
slatch.' "
These fossil remains of other times are suggestive. The
New Englander above all was sly. As he came to make
the country store his club or social exchange, he would
take two or three drinks of New England rum and thaw his
chlUy and rather crusty consciousness into something
more agreeable. Sitting about, on a barrel head or
box, he would not utter an opinion of his own ; that would
be taking too much responsibility. Naturally shrewd
and sagacious, though reticent, he put his observation
into some form of wit, which should bridge over to the
hearer, and not reveal, too far, his o-wn personality and
essential being.
Slavery was the element which most affected the life
and customs of these proprietors. In the middle and In
the third quarter of the eighteenth century. South Kings
town had more slaves than any other to-wn excepting New
port. The resident Indians, employed as they were, re
inforced the operations of slave-labor. The Africans were^/
generally obtained at Newport, though our planters im
ported some directly.*® " Sheperd Tom " tells us of one
Abigail*® imported by Rowland Robinson and employed
in his family. She was so contented that she persuaded
her master to send her back to Guinea, whence she re
turned, bringing her only son to become a slave. The
accounts of expenses In this expedition existed not long
ago. A mother going as broker to enslave her own son
was anomalous work in our eyes. The life of slaves must
have been comparatively easy In our district.
35 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 208.
36 T. R. Hazard, " Reminiscences," p. 22.

306 The South County
" Like master, like man." The folUes of masters must
be imitated in the ways of blacks, culminating in mock
negro-elections for a govemor. Mr. Updike's description
is so graphic that we transcribe it entire.*'^
Out of the easy Uving under a system of slave-holding,
naturally came luxury and dissipation. In May the
planters generally went to Hartford to feast on bloated
salmon. For this custom we have the direct testimony of
Mrs. Anstis Lee In 1791, already cited. After an early
ride they sojourned under the Bunch of Gilded Grapes at
Bull's Tavern and breakfasted on " bloated salmon." It
was " the fashion, in old times, to make a special visit to
Hartford, almost yearly, to luxuriate on this rare and
37 " When the slaves were numerous, each town held an annual
election the third Saturday in June. Party was as violent with
them, as among the whites. The slaves assumed the power and
pride and took the relative rank of their masters, and it was de
grading to the reputation of the owner, if his slave appeared in
inferior apparel, or with less money than the slave of another
master of equal wealth. The horses of the wealthy landholders
were, on this day, all surrendered to the use of the slaves and,
with queues, real or false, head pomatumed and powdered, cocked
hat, mounted on the best Narragansett pacers, sometimes with
their masters' swords; with their ladies on pillions, they pranced to
election, which commenced generally at ten o'clock. The canvass
for votes soon began. The tables, with refreshments, were spread
and all friends of the respective candidates were solicited to par
take, and as much anxiety and interest would manifest itself and as
much family pride and influence were exercised and interest created,
as in true elections, and preceded by weeks of parmateering
(parliamenteering). About one o'clock the vote would be taken by
ranging the voters in two lines. There was generally a tumultuous
crisis, until the court commenced, when silence was proclaimed,
and after that no man could change sides or go from one rank
to the other. At dinner the governor was seated at the head of
the long table, under trees or in an arbour, -with the unsuccessful
candidate at his right and his lady on the left. The afternoon was
spent in dancing, games of quoits and athletic exercises. The servant
of Elisha R. Potter was elected govemor about 1800. The canvass
was very expensive to his master. Soon after the election Mr.

1776] Sea Food 307
deUcate fish." *® Updike says pace-races on the beach
for the prize of a silver tankard, with feasts of a roast
or " bake " of shelled or scaled fish, were the Indulgence of
the merry summertime. Oysters, lobsters, clams and
quahogs made ambrosial feasts aU along Narragansett
Bay and by the ponds on the southern shore. Cong-
don's Tavern In Wickford was famous for good cheer,
and " Sheperd Tom " has an amusing tale of John Ran
dolph of Roanoke, who was wofuUy disappointed, owing
to his Ignorance of local dialect. He came with his cousin
Edmund, Secretary of State under Washington. In their
horseback tour from New York toward Newport " ham
and eggs " had been the universal fare. At Wickford
Congdon said he would give them clams for supper. The
eccentric John of Roanoke rubbed his hands in pleased
expectation. Then appeared the host again, saying the
tide was too high for clams, but they should have some
capital quahogs — the hard-shelled round clam. " Good
God ! more bacon ! " said Randolph.*®
With autumn came the corn-husking festivals. All pro
prietors intimate in the family visiting were Invited, and
Potter had a conference -with the governor, and stated to him that
the other must give up politics, or the expense would ruin them both.
The negro abandoned politics. — Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., pp. 213-
215. Mr. Potter, born in 1764, was an old-fashioned Rhode Island poli
tician, democrat-aristocrat. Blacksmith, soldier, la-wyer, he knew
men and things; hardly any man in our State ever exercised more
personal influence. When not in Congress, he was in the General
Assembly, whatever party prevailed. Once he was beaten in a town
election. Coming down the steps of the old court house — ^mortified
and moody — an inquirer asked about some measure in prospect.
" I don't know," said the baiHed leader, " I used to have influence
enough in South Kingstown to hang any two men in the town. Now
I can hardly keep from being hung myself."
SB Ibid., Vol. IIL, p. 103.
38 Hazard, " Reminiscences," p. 65. ,

308 The South County
the guests brought their slaves to assist in serving. After
the husking dancing would occur, the music being fur
nished by natural musicians among the slaves. Gentle
men in garb already described in the case of Rowland
Robinson, would conduct ladies dressed in brocade, with
cushioned head-dresses and high-heeled shoes, through
the stately minuet in thirty-six positions and changes.*®
On one occasion it was said John Potter husked one thou
sand bushels of com In a day. After the Revolution large
proprietors continued these expensive festivals, on a dimin
ishing scale, until about 1800.
Traveling was difficult, and carriages were little used.
The public roads were poor, and important districts like
the tracts of Point Judith and Boston Neck were pene
trated by drift ways and obstructed by gates, until the
middle of the nineteenth century. On horseback, with a
darky following, this would do ; when every man became
his own servant it was not so agreeable.
While the servants amused themselves with the grotesque
proceedings above noted, which rather Indicate a life too
much influenced by barbarism and over-frivolous, the mas
ters practiced the sports recognized in Southern commu
nities, especially in Virginia. Fox chasing -with hounds
and horns, fishing and fowling, were recreations worthy
of the gentleman. Indoors, Christmas made a long holi
day, when guests and servants gathered in every family
connection for twelve days or more. Wherever social life
prevails, the wedding Is the central occasion and hospitable
gala of the time. Mr. Updike*^ comments on the last
one — peculiar and specially appropriate to the eighteenth
century — that occurred in 1790. Six hundred guests at
tended, and the host, Nicholas Gardiner, a portly, courte-
40 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 335,
41 Ibid., p. 336.

1776] Weddings and Sports 309
ous gentleman, was dressed in the rich style, then passing
out. With his cocked hat, full-bottomed white wig, snuff-
colored coat and waistcoat deep in the pockets, cape low
so as not to disturb the wig, and to readily expose the
large silver stock-buckle so generally wom in the plaited
neck-cloth of white linen cambric, with smaU clothes and
white-topped boots finely polished, he was the effective
presentation of a life given to social enjoyment, the em
bodiment of squirearchy.
The solid basis of this social structure in Narragansett
was guaranteed by the relative apportionment of the state
taxes in 1780. It seems strange that, after Providence
had developed so much commercial life and wealth ; slave-
holding South Klngsto-wn should pay one-third more
than the proportion of Providence, of the heavy tax then
assessed. She paid double the share of Newport — then
impoverished by the war — and was by far the most wealthy
town in the State.* ^ Relative property shows that the
squires with their foolish negroes were canny at home, as
well as sportive when abroad.
The whole social life was changed after the Revolution,
when slavery diminished and the West Indian exports
were less. Planting and slavery were replaced by small
farming and economy In living.** It is fair to estimate
that the moral aversion to slavery — much stimulated by
the Quakers — hastened its downfall. Certainly the strictly
42 Arnold, Vol. IL, p. 465.
43 The present writer's great-grandfather had a family of slaves
in the period of the Revolution, with several from Guinea. One
Guy brought from Africa the art of grinding tobacco into snuff.
His price was 4Jd. or 6J cents for a portion in the palm of his
hand. When he milled a parcel and there seemed to be plenty,
he gave a full handful. As the quantity decreased, he skimped
the award in his palm. Price did not change, but the natural
law of supply and demand prevailed.

310 The South County
economic results in Narragansett were better than has
been supposed generaUy.
The mixture of blood In this pecuUar population of
Narragansett was entangled, almost beyond comprehen
sion. Marriages between negroes and Indians were com
mon, and the Illicit intercourse between white men and
colored women marked a numerous progeny. Now, we
may note a legitimate marriage of bewildering descent.
Thomas Walmsly was a Mustee or at least an octoroon.
His wife Elizabeth was an Indian woman. She was bap
tized In company with her child Patience.**
But there were regular marriages between white men
and Indian women in all parts of New England, which
have not been sufficiently considered In tracing our hered
ity. March 17, 1727, " Deborah onion an Indianess wife
of John Onion an Englishman " was married and baptized
by MacSparran.*® Five years later three children were
baptized. From these waifs and casual representatives of varied
races, we gladly tum to another sort of people, whose
names will always maintain a halo around Pettaquamscutt.
April 11, 1766, being Palm Sunday, Dr. MacSparran
" read Prayers preached and baptized at St. Paul's Nar
ragansett Gilbert Stewart Son of Gilbert Stewart y® Snuff
Grinder Sureties y® Dr. Mr. Benj'" Mumford & Mrs.
Hannah Mumford." *®
Whenever a title or mark of vocation could be attached
to a person, it was done in these painstaking times. The
church records literally gave everyone his due. In a
subscription list there appeared three Captains, one Doc
tor, a dozen Misters and one Esquire. In other connec-
44 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. IL, p. 530.
in Ibid., p. 492.
46 Ibid., p. 552,

1776] Common Use of Titles 311
tions we find clothier, taylor and Mr. Edwards, Perriwig
maker at Greenwich. A shopkeeper was mentioned and
it was a rare term. Merchant and shop were often used
in Providence, but not this form of title.
Perhaps no community more carefully and frequently
set forth Its eri^atlc fancy than our folk did in their bi
nominal nomenclature. There were so many of one name
that the bearer must have a descriptive prefix, lest he be
lost in a concordant multitude. Mr. Updike cites thirty-
two " Tom Hazards " Uving at one time and thus illus
trates a few, " College Tom, because he was a student in
college. Bedford Tom was his son, and lived at New
Bedford. Barley Tom because he boasted how much
barley he raised from an acre. Virginia Tom because he
married a wife there. Little-Neck Tom from the farm of
that name. Nailer Tom, the blacksmith. Fiddle-Head
Tom, an obvious resemblance. Pistol Tom, wounded by
an explosion of that arm. Young-Pistol Tom, his son.
Short Stephen's Tom, the father low against Long Ste
phen's Tom, the father tall. Tailor Tom needs no ex
planation." *^ The Georges were not so numerous, but
they were distinguished by Beach-Bird George, of little
legs ; Shoe String George, an opponent of Buckles ; Wig
George, Doctor George, Governor George. In 1771 Rob
ert Hazard, " Practitioner of physick and surgery," was
inventoried for wearing apparel at £9.2. Apparently the
prices of this Inventory were in lawful money, though it is
not definitely specified. He had a fair amount of plate,
41 oz., including a tankard and a silver watch and seal.
But his non-chirurgical fancy was most fully expressed
in buttons ; " mettle " at 18s., " frosted " *® at 7s. 6d.,
brass sleeve at Is. 6d. and sundry sorts at Is. 6d. There
47 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 383.
48 Sometimes they were " flowered."

Sl^ The South County
was an apothecary's stock, as was the custom among
physicians. A loom, four woollen and four linen wheels
fumished an industrial outfit. He farmed moderately and
had four slaves ; one woman at £30., another at £18.15.,
a girl with swelling on her neck £11., an " indented "
Indian servant about nine years old £8. These women
spun and wove, probably. The personal estate In these
comprehensible values amounted to £1969.
Elisha Clark,*® Jun., was a shoemaker, with estate of
£108.10. in 1773. Though he dressed at the smaU out
lay of £1.15., he was not without the conventional vanities
of the day; silver shoe and knee buckles £1.6.6., one pair
gold sleeve buttons 14s., one pair silver do. set in stone 6s. ;
one pair silver neck clasps 3s.
Shoe and knee buckles were virtually universal ; a com
fort in silver, a necessity in pewter or brass. Silver
watches — appraised at £8. In 1777 — and seals are becom
ing common. The first Banister back chairs appear, six
at £3.12. Five negro boys and girls are valued at £117.
" An old negro wench which we esteem of no value " was
a typical record.
Wm. Gardner's inventory in 1781 was " taken in Real
money." One negro man at 60 dollars was equal to £18.
In the debris 717 Continental dollars and one Treasurer's
note upon Boston were valued at £17.6.
Rev. Samuel Fayerweather, according to official re
port,®® dwelt " in the midst of enemies, Quakers, Anabap
tists, Antipaedobaptists, Presbyterians, Independents,
Dippers, Levellers, Sabbatarians, Muggeltonians and
Brownlsts," who united " In nothing but pulling down the
Church of England." His ministry was not as effective
practically as was that of Dr. MacSparran. " Parson "
48 MSS. S. K. Probate Rec, Vol. VL, p. 16.
60 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. IL, p. 338.

1776 Numerous Sects
Fayerweather, in the critical eye of Mr. Daniel Updike,
" though a man of great talents, attended but Uttle to
the minutlse of his duty." Probably the passing of soci
ety from the life of planters to that of farmers and people
of less feudal influence took away many of the natural
supporters of the Anglican church. We may see how a
parson lived by consulting his inventory, September 27,
1781. His best suit of black Padusoy — coat, waistcoat
and breeches — cost £9. ; his other apparel £18.7. His
gold ring, girdle buckle and silver shoe buckles £6. He
had 80 oz. plate at £24., and a horse and sulky with whip
at £15. His books are not mentioned and the personal
estate was £241.7. Another clergyman. Rev. Joseph
Torrey, had two gold rings at 16s. It seems to have
been a well-established fashion. His estate was moderate,
£308.6., Including one hog, one pig and a loom.
John Potter, dying in 1787, left a will,®^ but no re
corded inventory. Very considerate provision was made
for the widow Elizabeth. He had several sons and a good
riding beast, saddle and bridle with one good milch cow,
was to be kept by either son, with whom she might choose
to live. Firewood to be cut to fit any fireplace she might
choose, and brought Into the room. The chosen son was
to provide everything to make her " happy and comfort
able." The slaves were technically emancipated, but the
" use and Improvement " of the negro woman Rose and
the girl Pegg to be victualled by the son, were to be hers
during widowhood. If she should marry again, these
bequests were to be transferred to her daughters. Ac
cording to Mrs. Robinson, the daughters received £800.
each, though £50. and a home in the mansion house was
considered proper. The theory of the time was that
the father provided for his sons and thus cared for other
Bi S. K. Probate Rec, Vol. VL, p. 197.

314 The South County
men's daughters, whom they might marry. His house
was at Matunuck, on Potter Pond, a division at the
western shore of the great Salt Pond. It was large and
stately, though it has been divided again and again until
little is left of the original. It was adorned with portraits
by Copley and other artists. Some of the rooms were
paneled in the wainscot from floor to ceiling. Mr. Pot
ter's wealth came easily, for in a hidden and Uterally dark
closet where the chimney wound about, the Implements of
coinage were kept and used. There was a tradition,®^
well authenticated, that the hospitable Potters were en
tertaining a relative, Nicholas Hazard, of Newport. In
the company was a poor pensioner, her reason a little
clouded and her tongue loose in chartered freedom. She
asked the host again and again, " Who made money In
the Overing house? " He lost patience, exclaiming, " I
don't know unless it was the devil." Nothing daunted,
the old lady replied, " I always said It was the devil, but
my husband says it was Friend Potter."
Though the technical expression, " Real Money," was
not recorded until 1781, the detailed prices show the
change by 1771. Slaves and other property commercially
regulated, had to be reduced from the extravagant valu
ations In Old Tenor.
Whatever the general social condition of woman may
have been, she affected quite an expansive change in her
wardrobe, as we enter the times of exciting agitation pre
ceding the Revolution. In 1762 it was matter of remark
that Robert Brown's helpmate — in a wealthy estate —
exceeded her husband's outlay for dress by £5. In 1767
Susannah Hazard, well-to-do Ukewise, multiplied her hus
band's apparel to six or seven times the cost before my
62 Robinson, " Hazard Family," p. 65.

1776] The Position of Woman 316
lady was satisfied. She simply adumbrated the coming
woman. The old South County loses Its characteristics and dis
tinctive features as we leave slavery ; Its farmers inclining
by necessity to ways of living according with the other
parts of the state. The colonial history and manifesta
tion of this bit of territory and peculiar field of social
expression will always Interest students of humanity.

CHAPTER X
REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 1763-1785
We left the town of Providence In 1762, developing a
vigorous commerce. Daniel Jenckes, Nathan Angell,
Nicholas Power and other merchants were engaged in the
trade to the West Indies, also exchanging across to Nan
tucket, Boston, and down the Atlantic coast.* The lead
ing merchants In control of capital and influence were
the four brothers Brown. Their uncle Obadiah died in
1762, but he had gradually withdrawn from active af
fairs, leaving the business to the younger generation.
The nephew Moses having married his cousin, inherited
Obadiah's estate. In 1768, one-half the spermaceti can
dle manufactory,^ Including lot, houses, fencing, etc.,
with one-half the sloop Charmmg Molly, had been con
veyed to Nicholas and John Brown for' £6782.8.10.
Old Tenor. Annexed to the business of Nicholas Brown
& Co. were the operations of Nicholas and John Brown.
John was by far the most enterprising and sagacious of
the family, and his bold spirit finally separated him from
Nicholas. An account of Nicholas and John's " Stock in
Trade " Interests and shows the methods of the day.
Navigation at sea in ^, J and f shares comprised £37579.
In addition f Sloop Charles or Molley was worth £5,657.
Rum in the works was £1,333. Spermaceti, oil and Nan
tucket account was £21,500. Sundry Items carried the
* East Greenwich ran the sloop Industry to Nantucket, and
the Betsey to James River, Norfolk, Richmond.
1 This factory was built by Obadiah at India Point in 1753. He
worked 300 bbls. headmatter the first year.
316

1765] West Indian Commerce 317
total to £90,517. Very Interesting is the conveyance to
Nicholas Brown & Co. of the Sloop Four Bros, charged
over in 1763, for this vessel had a long career. Her cost
in aU items for building, including plank, spars, wages,
anchors, etc., was £3351.16. In 1765 Abraham Whipple,
afterward Commodore, and author of the famous apoth
egm to WaUace, " Catch a rebel before you hang him," was
her Master, and his accounts with letters, were written
as well, as his speech was ready in revolutionary time.
He took the sloop to Barbados, receiving £36 per month
and a " privilege " of 8 hhds. of sugar or molasses. He
had 5fo commission on sales of the outward cargo, 2^%
on the return, and an additional commission of 2|% on
the cargo of another vessel, the Brigg George.
Nov. 9, 1765, Nicholas Power was instructed to pro
ceed to Surinam and receive the Four Bros, and go to
Barbados. If he should find Captain Esek Hopkins
there in " our Brigg Sally " he was to advise : " And if he
Sels his Slaves there. Load) your sloop with some of the
effects." ^ Power was to follow Captain Hopkins to get
rum, sugar, etc.
James Burrough Mr. sailed her to " Mounte Christo "
in 1766, and the details of the Portage Bill are curious.
The Master had £35 per month, privilege of 6 hhds. 110
g. each, and his commission of 5%. The Mate had £55,
and 3 hhds. 300 g. each. The Cooper, an important per
sonage, got £70, with one hhd. 110 g. Two " marrlners "
received each £50, and privilege of 4 bbls. 31^ g. Obvi
ously, the solid privilege of freighting molasses was rela
tively more valuable than Old Tenor bills of fluctuating
standards. An example of secondary exchanges — as we may term
them — appears In the Four Bros.' voyage to St.
2 Nicholas Brown & Co., MS.

318 Revolutionary Period
John's, Newfoundland, in 1763. Here Nicholas Power
was her merchant or factor, having " privilege " of 28
" Ken ties " fish with 5 % commission on outward cargo
and ^i% on returns. Prices for guidance In purchasing
retums were £17 or £18 per quintal for dry fish, £60 per
bbl. for Irish beef, 12s. for Irish butter, £3 for Geese
feathers and 50s. per lb. for waterfowl do. Bills of ex
change at 31 for 1, and the Sloop might be sold for £420
sterling exchange. We would Uke to know how much
Irish butter was actuaUy eaten In New England. Possi
bly this was intended for reshlpment to the West Indies.
In 1764-5 the tight Uttle sloop, with the social name, made
a voyage to Boston and Marblehead. It will be observed
In the history of every vessel that strong efforts were
made, through " privilege " and commission, to Interest
both officers and sailors In -the profit of the smaUest trans
actions of the owners.
Esek Hopkins, noted above as cruising with slaves In the
West Indies, was to become the first admiral of the Ameri
can navy, and was one of the most interesting characters
of the mid-century In our colony. SkiUful In his profes
sion and of great fighting power, he was not as fortunate
in concurrent circumstances as his brother Stephen.
True, he had not the genius and scientific knowledge of
Paul Jones, but he was a good officer. Mistakes were
Inevitable In those crude beginnings, while sectional jeal
ousies contributed to complicate the results of Hopkins'
action and to bring about only partial success.
An enterprising and successful privateer, we get an oc
casional glimpse of this hardy navigator In peaceful com
merce. In 1746, he sold f of the Charming Molly to
James Brown, " distiller," for £168.16. lawful money. In
1766, he sold Nicholas Brown, " distiller," a negro lad or
boy slave. Writing to Nicholas Brown & Co. from Surl-

1767] Hardy Esek Hopkins 319
nam, in 1767, the gaUant tar gives a clear and candid
opinion of the ways of trade In the tropics, having been
delayed in dispatching a sloop by deceit of the mer
chants.^ " I bleve thair is more Honnor and Honesty in
so many Highway men In England than in the marchants
of this place." The times " Luckes Dull for me at pres
ent." Providence dealt somewhat In slaves, though it did not
equal Newport or even Bristol in the traffic. Governor
Hopkins stated officially that prior to 1764 Newport sent
to the West Coast of Africa annually 18 vessels carrying
1800 hhds. of rum. French brandies had been displaced
on the Coast by rum after 1723. Commerce in rum and
slaves afforded about £40,000 per an. to Newport for
remittance to London. 22 still-houses were located there,
consuming molasses costing generally 13d. to 14d. in the
West Indies.
The commerce with the West Indies took out the prod
uce of Rhode Island and such surplus merchandise as the
exchanges with our own coast afforded. Candles and
rum were constant staples. The Islands made rum, but
the cheaper distiUation of New England was wanted to
send to Africa. Captain Esek Hopkins in the Brig
Sally signed a Bill of Lading in 1766, which is an example
of an outward cargo ; consisting of hoops, staves, sperm
candles, beeswax, oil, beef and pork, ship bread, tar, tur
pentine, flour, rice for the Windward Islands. Of the
hoops 1-25 belonged to Captain Hopkins, and 1-10 of
the oil. Jonathan Peck, of Bristol, bought for Nicholas
Brown & Co. six or seven Surinam horses ; that being a
customary shipment.
An interesting item shows methods of building vessels
In 1768 for this trade. Barnard Eddy contracts with
3 Nicholas Brown & Co. MS.

320 Revolutionary Period
John Brown to build a sloop of 84 tons at 8 dollars per
ton, one-quarter to be paid in molasses at Is. 6d. lawful
money on demand, one-quarter in molasses In one month,
one-quarter in goods on demand at common retail prices.
The remaining quarter in goods on delivery of the vessel.
Provisions mentioned were 6 cwt. pork at 3d. per lb., 1000
lbs. beef at 2d., 36 bu. corn at 3s. Brown was to furnish
spikes to launch, but " no Tallow nor RUM."
Sloop George made two voyages In 1763 to Surinam
and Mount Christo, which caused an outlay of £36,358.
One voyage was £12,581, comprising about £2000 in flour,
about £6100 in candles, and £250 in Nantucket beef,
with an assortment of small items. At Surinam, Jacob
Bogman gives a very curious picture of the wants of a
planter and the manner of supplying them from a more
temperate cUme. He orders for his " Plantaglon " ^ bbl.
best country fed pork, li bbl. good mess beef, 1 do. good
flour, 1 bbl. mackerel, 1 " kentle Dom fish," 1 hhd. codfish,
1 do. tobacco, both for negroes, all sorts garden seeds
" Time and Sawori." In Uve stock, he calls for a large
bull, two cows and two two-year-old heifers, to be spotted
black and white, if possible. Six or more " wile Gees, two
peekoks, six tame gees, one dozen Duks."
Some reports of the hardy captains are not only Inter
esting, but pathetic in their revelation of toil and suffer
ing. Captain John Peck, bound for St. Eustatia, under
went a tremendous gale. An immense wave " sot us Rite
on end." The whole cargo moved forward about two feet.
The only way to save their lives was " to pump and Liten
the vessel." They threw overboard 40 boxes of can
dles. " You may say why did you throw over so Sealable
an article. But Remember Skin for Skin and all that a
man hath will he give for his Life."
Among the marvels of domestic intercourse may be cited

1767] The Tobacco Trade 321
the situation July 16, 1770. John Watts of New York
had been taking West Indian goods from N. Bro-wn & Co.
But he notified " our Treaty " must end, for molasses
could be bought cheaper in Quebec than it could be im
ported. Rhode Island now raised tobacco in large quantities,
and it was an important factor in the West Indian
trade. Sept. 30, 1766, there appeared to be an over sup
ply. An agreement* was made that Nicholas Brown &
Co. might ship 76000 lbs., D. Jenckes & Son with E. Hop
kins might ship 46,000 lbs., N. Angell and Job Smith 36,-
000 In three or more vessels consigned to Esek Hopkins.
Sales to be made jointly, and any tobacco lost at sea was
to be treated pro rata. The matter was to be kept secret
and the West Indian price maintained until February 1,
following. They hoped to buy all the tobacco in the colony.
October 19, it was further agreed between the Browns,
Jenckes and Angell, not to give directly or indirectly more
than 5s. 0. T. at six months for the whole quantity raised.
If payment should be anticipated, ten per cent, should be
deducted. February 2, 1767, there was too much tobacco
on hand for Surinam, for a twelve months' shipment ;
Jenckes & Son having 116,000 lbs., N. Brown & Co. 120,-
000 lbs., AngeU and Smith 30,000 lbs. The parties were
to ship pro rata for 12 months. If more should be bought
" that is now grown " the same rule was to apply.
In 1767 and the years following, agitation for improve
ment in the town of Providence showed the increasing
prosperity. Brick houses of good design had been built
from the wealth acquired during the Spanish war. The
local Improvements were chilled by the gloom of the year
1772. The town did not advance materially until after
the Revolution.
4 Nicholas Brown & Co, MS,

Revolutionary Period
The inventories" show graduaUy increasing comfort in
Uving. In 1762, the widow Mehltable Carpenter, with a
personal estate of £1287, expended £404.16 in wearing
apparel. Silver plate — spoons at least — in moderate quan
tity, was in all good homes, and twelve " Baker " (beaker)
glasses showed a weU served table. She had a large look
ing gass at £100. Osenbrig towels and Russia diaper
napkins indicated the varying kinds of napery. Three
small bound books and three pamphlets at £3 are evidence
of the good lady's narrow reading.
Benjamin Hunt, with an estate about £10,000, put the
value of the widow's mirror into two examples at £70 and
£30. He had clothes worth £127, and carried a watch at
£100. At home his mahogany case of drawers stood for
£140, and there was £275 . 16 In " wrought plate." Two
wigs® and the box cost £25. His clock and case was val
ued at £220; nine beds and bedsteads £1100, including
one at £310. He drove out accordingly with a horse at
£175, in his best riding chair at £160, or in another at
£100. In three saddles £68, was invested. Altogether a
sprightly man for the time.
The citizens bought these articles along " Cheapslde,"
as the way above Market Square was called. The Square
had not come as yet, for a long dock stUl opened there.
Below was the " town wharf," on the western side of the
ancient river bed and flats, while a bridge only eighteen
6 Probate Rec. MS. Prov., V., 363, et seq.
6 The wig was a serious matter. Simeon Thayer, afterward dis
tinguished in the Revolution, advertised from the Sign of the Hat,
at the North end in 1763: " Bagwigs, paste, brigadiers, scratch dress
and Tye wigs," and he waa assisted by Michael Cummings, late of
London. The rivalry of T. Healy speaks out in his self-glorifica
tion. He " cuts, curls, frizzes gentlemen's and ladies' hair and erir-
grafts a tail." " He engages to give the ladies equal satisfaction
with any London hair cutter in Pro-yidence."

1768] The Providence Gazette 323
feet -wide, -with creaking draw,'' afforded passage for
travel, both domestic and foreign. The classic whipping
post near by, amid heaps of stones and rubbish, adorned
these early street prospects. Severity of punishment was
hard enough in Rhode Island, though the locality was
more humane than Its time. In 1766, Joseph Hart, a
stout, able-bodied man, was advertised for sale at auction,
being sentenced to serve three years for steaUng; the
prosecutors to pay costs.
Providence Gazette, June 25, 1767, describes the whip
ping of a convict sold for one year for stealing. " Yells
of the patient " confirmed the conscientious work of the
constable. Strangely, such barbarity lasted until about
1830, according to Dorr.
Along the north side of the present Square was a row
of old wooden houses with heavy projecting gables. The
eastern steep bank rose high enough for an aristocratic
outlook, and there lived Dr. Ephraim Bowen and Geo.
Jenckes. Next, Daniel Abbott's Inn entertained travel
ers. In 1768, the Providence Gazette passed to John
Carter, ancestor of John Carter Brown, the weU-known
literary benefactor.
Specie brought difficulties of its own as weU as paper
money in those rough times. Captain Falconer came up
the Bay in Corry's boat with 83 chests money, and " no
carts to be had In town." James Doggett, living near
the meeting house in " Seconck," procured 5 carts. Dog
gett was efficient In the frequent 'freighting by wagons to
Boston. Eccentric signs — an inheritance from old England —
everywhere prevailed, and must have affected both the
education of youth and the daily life of grown-up per
sons. The intelligent " Elephant," just above Steeple
7 Dorr, Planting & Growth, p. 201.

324 Revolutionary Period
Street, beckoned the multitude to James Green's whole
sale and retail stock of " Braziery and Piece goods, rum,
indigo and tea." Most traders kept a like medley. Jere
miah Fones Mason, royaUst and Free Mason, had the
greatest array of fancy goods, " silks, linen, scarlet and
blue broadcloths." He bought the property across the
Bridge, next beyond that of the Providence Washington
Insurance Co., and died rich in 1812. Joseph and Wil
liam Russell dealt largely In 1762, at " the sign of the
Golden Eagle," near the Court House. Clark (John
Innes) and Nightingale were their greatest rivals. The
house of Col. Nightingale on Benefit Street later passed to
John Carter Brown. Richard Olney kept an inn at the
sign of the " Cro-wn," a two-storied house of wood, two
doors above the Court House. The Town Council occa
sionally met there. July 11, 1767, Thomas Sabine ran a
stage coach thence to Boston on Tuesdays ; the weekly
trips gradually increased the business. Hacker ran a
sloop to Ne-wport every day, collecting 9d. fare. Great
est of these condensed memorials of the time, retained in
the conservative Plantations after they were abandoned
elsewhere, was " Turk's Head," that bent " his grim and
fro-wning aspect," according to Dorr, for fifty years at
the comer of Town Street and Market Square. Then he
was removed to Whitman Comer, across the Bridge where
the highway divided. In 1815, the tremendous gale
swept away and buried him in the Cove. The whimsical
Moslem survives in the name of the busiest spot in a
growing city.
The assured place of the merchant, as distinguished
from the casual trader, was Illustrated In the case of the
Browns. Nicholas and John had stores and offices on
Town Street, below the Square, but no symbolic signs.
Inferior traders, not noted in themselves, advertised as

1768] Quaint Sign-Boards 325
near some prominent sign like the " Bunch of Grapes."
John Adams, attorney, used this custom in advertising
himself " near Silas Downer, graduate of Harvard," in
asmuch as Adams was reinforcing his professional work
by writing letters for ignorant correspondents. In 1763,
there were few shops on the West side. The Town Coun
cil migrated across occasionally, from motives of policy,
meeting at Luke Thurston's inn under the sign of the
"Brigantlne." About 1763, James AngeU's " dSstlU-
house " was still working on the land now occupied by the
First Baptist Church.
It was one of the grievances of Providence that-,
all vessels had to be entered at Newport. Before the
Revolution, the town had no custom-house and only a
" Surveyor of the King's Customs." To D. VanHorn
in New York, N. B. & Co., say there Is but little silver
and gold passing in the colony. They ship to " settled
correspondents " in the neighboring colonies, sperm can
dles, oil, rum, molasses, etc., to raise hard money for the
sperm business. Also they desire retums In New York
produce. For the manners and customs of these people, we must
consult their inventories. In 1763, John Dexter,^ with
moderate estate, had a fair domestic outfit with £92. in
pewter. His wardrobe was £258; but he had one pair
gold buttons, sixteen silver buttons, four buckles and a
tooth pick, costing altogether £46. He expended £4.15.
in a band buckle, a pair for his shoes, one pair brass but
tons and three silver Unks. A cane stood at £5.12. One
right In " the Library " was valued at £80, and a cow at
£75 ; almost a parity of milk and leaming.
The widow Deborah Baster had a comparatively small
estate, spending £149, for dress and £74, for pewter ware.
8 Probate Rec. Prov.' Ms. V. 369.

326 Revolutionary Period
But she had 82 gold beads — 5 pwt. 8 grains — ^valued at
£32.13, and silver plate, including a cup, at £418. Dr.
John Bass gives us an example of the few private libra
ries. Sermons to the number of sixty-four, pamphlets
and five magazines were appraised at £10. The medical
collection, Including five lexicons and Bailey's dictionary,
was worth £106.10. In general literature amounting to
£138.15, were many theological works. Paradise Lost,
Tate & Brady, Iliad, Euclid, Milton's Latin Works, at
£20. Night Thoughts, Pope's Essays, Thompson's Sea
sons, Pascal, Butler's Analogy. The book case was £14.
After his theology and necessary medicine, the worthy
doctor Indulged in some poetic visions.
In 1764, Samuel Angell, having a fine estate, left six
Bannister back chairs at £18, six do. inferior at £12, and
a round back chair at £2. There were six chocolate
bowls at £6, pewter at £69, plenty of China, and no sil
ver, which was unusual. He was of the family of distil
lers, and in the " Distill House " was 248 g. rum and
" Low wines " equal to 116 galls, more. We have an
anonymous set of tools for block making at £500, and a
stock of the lignum vitae wood at £500. A coffee mill
at £10, and the very singular item " six turtle shell
plates" at £3.12.
We must give a little patience to the account of John
Martin In 1765, for detailed items of male and female
apparel are rare. One Duroy coat £1, "Callmink"
jacket 10s, plush breeches 9s, coat 24s, a fuU cloth great
coat 28s, old do. 8s, Fustian Jacket 4s, flannel do. 2s, 3
pair trowsers 9s, 3 checked shirts 9s, 1 Holland shirt 6s,
2 frocks 3s, stockings, yarn and thread 5s, one female
callico gown 14s, 2 small frocks 4s. 6d, 1 shirt 4s. 6d, 1
checked apron 2s. 6d, 1 silk and cotton handkerchief 2s.
James Brown had a silver tankard in 48f oz. of plate.

1770] A Large Library 327
Gold rings, and sometimes buttons of the same metal ap
pear. These rings had become more frequent in the half
century past, and one with a " Clzers Chane " stood at
16s. 6d. Most Inventories contained a few books. Lydia
Wheaton, a maiden, probably, had three gowns at 15s.
each, 1 long cloak 8s, 1 short do. and hood 8s, bonnet and
shade 9s, linen and handkerchiefs 15s, 2 petticoats £1.4,
1 man's coat £1.4.; and £20.15 in pewter ware, China
and delph bowls. In another case silver plate, including
7 spoons, 2 shoe and 1 knee buckles 9^ oz. 20 grains, was
valued at £84.16 lawful money. A cooper had an estate
of £99.8, with wearing apparel at £8.8, a watch at £4,
and f of sloop Industry at £45.
A few slaves appear here and there ; in 1769 two negro
women and their bedding at £90. As an example of the
demised effects of the poor classes a " mariner " in an es
tate of £258.11 had £5.16 in wearing apparel. A modest
array of " Chaney " pewter and a block tin tea pot stood
at 4s, while wooden plates, a bread tray and bowl figured
at 3s ; there was a small quantity of earthen ware.
Very fortunate was the preservation of the list of John
Merrett's books July 17, 1770 ;° the largest library re
corded in this time. We cite 2 vols. Chambers' Dictionary
£3, 5 vols. Bayle's do. £6, 3 vols. TlUotson's Sermons
£1.16, 2 vols. Temple's Works £1.10, Taylor's Christ 3s.
6d, Lawrence's Agriculture 6s, Shettlewell Belief 3s, Des-
sieu Painting and Drawing 18s, Kennet's History of
England 4s. The above are folio editions ; we follow with
quartos. Bacon's Philosophical Works, 3 vols. £1.10,
Boerhave Chmlstry 12s, 6 vols. Atlas Geography 30s, 6
vols. Mayher Brittania 39s, 1 vol. WoUaston ReUgion of
Nature 4s. 6d, 1 vol. Herodotus 6s, 2 vols. Spanish and
French Dictionary 6s, 2 old Bibles 9s, 1 vol. in paper,
8 MS. Probate Rec, Prov., V., 517.

328 Revolutionary Period
Pemperton on Newton 20 vols. Ancient History £4, 40
vols. Modern £8, 8 vols. Plutarch's Lives 32s, 4 vols. Pre-
dux Connections 12s, 3 vols. Luckford 9s, 16 vols. Smol
lett History of England £3, 3 vols. Howel History of the
Bible 9s, Cassar's Commentaries 3s, 1 vol. Dr. Taylor 3s,
1 vol. Sherlock 6s.
These two divisions comprised about 130 vols. ; in
addition were some 170 vols., including 10' vols. Lon
don Magazine, 8 vols. Shakespeare's Plays, Classics,
Plutarch's Morals, Pope's Iliad, Paradise Lost, Don
Quixote, History Massachusetts Bay, Hutchinson's His
tory, Spectator, WaUer, Prior, Telemachus, Cowley, Con-
greve and the Dramatists, Bailey's Dictionary, Thomson.
In considering values. It is embara.ssing that Lawful
Money and Old Tenor standards are both used and not
specified. His personal estate was £3205.
The public library had circulated for nearly twenty
years, and probably while this collection was being
formed. The collection shows the influence of books and
the spirit of culture, which was laying the virtual foun
dations of Brown University. Gabriel Bernon's " leamed
men " ^^ of 1820 had studied the Bible and formed their
own opinions, which were to be voiced and exercised In the
Ufe of the new American citizen, by men like Stephen
Hopkins. Now, the literary spirit and use of the printed
word were taking effect to form the men of the Revolu
tion. Merrett's classics even were not selected in the old-
fashioned exclusive way. The historic range was en
larged, and the reader assimilated matter more, as his
reading extended.
Do not imagine that the simple eighteenth century —
though destitute of steam-rails, electric machinery, stock-
tickers and curb brokers — did not comprehend or apply
10 Ante, p. 209.

1770] An Old-TIme Tmst 329
any of the mechanism of modem civiUzation. RockefeUer
and Carnegie were unborn, but sharp calculators with
long heads existed even in those days. What says the
reader to a fuU Iron-bound trust in sperm oil? In 1763,
a solid agreement made " aU Headmatter brought into
North America one common Stock or Dividend," ^^ who
ever o-wned the vessels importing it. It was divided between
ten manufacturers ; Nicholas Bro-(vn & Co. getting 20
bbls. in each 100; Palmer, 14; Robinson of Nantucket,
13 ; " the Philadelphlans," 7, etc. The Jews of Newport
were among the contractors. If any forfeited their share
"by such dishonorable conduct" (minutely specified), it
was divided pro rata. It was agreed to pay only ten
pounds sterUng per ton for headmatter, above the price of
" body brown sperm oil," to be fixed by merchants of
Boston according to the London market. They frowned
on more spermaceti works " because present are more than
sufficient." The arrangement was renewed from year to
year until 1769, when the unit was changed from 100 gal
lons to one hhd. 112 gallons, the proportionate shares
being the same. The Philadelphlans dropped out and
George Rome, of Newport and Narragansett, afterward
the famous Tory, took a share of 12 8-10 gallons.
Titles, the marks of recognized honor, the familiar ex
pression of rank and reputation — though not established
by authority — were the mode in this century ; when cus
tomary, they were strictiy used In designating and address
ing citizens. Often, we cannot perceive the method of
application, but the impressive force of the dignity pro
claims Itself. They were sometimes cumulative, as if dig
nity could be augmented by prescription. An example
appears in Furnace Hope on the Pawtuxet, organized in
11 Nicholas Brown & Co MS.

330 Revolutionary Period
1766, and which was to cast cannon in the Revolution.
The organization revealed the scale of rank among the
promoters, as it prevailed then. Stephen Hopkins, " Es
quire," was of the first part ; his only appellation, and he
alone had that title. Of the second part, were the four
brothers Brown, called " merchants," Israel Wilkinson of
Smithfield, " worker of Iron," Job Hawkins of Coventry,
" physician^" Caleb Amold of Smithfield, " yeoman."
This manufacture of Iron was of the greatest service to
the colony and state. In the fourth blast, 1770, the com
missions and expenses to N. Brown & Co. were £139.
The net profit of the blast was £1167. In the seventh
blast, 1773, net profit was £80, on the overturn of £3,946.
Expenses and commissions were £150. Interest for £360,
on value of estate £6,000. 1,091 tons ore were used, 384
tons pigs were on hand. The " piggs " were constantly
wanted for ballast, Lopez and the Newport Jews, with
others, appearing as purchasers. Captain Esek Hop
kins was ordered to get information of the kinds of cast
iron needed in the Islands. The iron went to London —
fifteen tons at once to Hayley & Hopkins — and the con
signees always insisted on certificates to show the " Planta
tion manufacture." At Bristol, England, Henry Cruger,
in 1769, having sold Hope Pigs for £168, at 6% com
mission, would advance £3 per ton on any quantity. At
this time exchange on London from New York was 70 to
72^%. The meeting. May 30, 1767, shows some inter
esting methods in conducting a manufacturing business.
John Brown was going westward and was to get an ex
perienced Founder and Refiner to adapt the pigs for ship
ment " home." Jabez Bowen was to go eastward for " 8
tonage. Ward Moulders and Atherton, Moulder of
Bakepans." The moulders and laborers were to receive
i money and f goods. If possible " all business was to

1770] Bari;er Instead of Money 331
be done without any money." The " fine ore only " was
to be used for hollow ware. The Furnace also stimulated
domestic trade. Peter Oliver, Middleborough, Mass.,
had sent Nicholas Bro-wn & Co. good hoops, and could not
receive some poor pigs in exchange. To Norwich, Ct.,
there were sent potash kettles, pearl-ash pans and four
iron bars. Exchanges of merchandise, with Philadelphia, ,
Virginia and Charleston were of -vital importance to
Rhode Island. The Southern ports took candles, rum, oil
and iron, returning flour, com, rice, etc. Our favorite
sloop Four Bros, on one voyage from the Pamunkey
River, Va. (whose banks the present writer afterward pa
trolled -with a fleld battery) brought 8 cwt. barrel staves,
10 bbls. flour, 2,058 bushels Indian com. Archibald
Cary had a forge in Virginia and took 68 tons of pig
Iron at once. He manufactured flour also. It was cus
tomary to ship candles, iron, etc., and take Virginia prod
uce after some six months' credit. In an earlier transac
tion, 12 boxes sperm candles were sent to South Carolina,
the value to be returned in beeswax at 6s. 9d. " Dear-
skins " or other goods.
The repeal of the Stamp Act in 1765 was joyfully re
ceived In our colony. The new measures for British taxa
tion in 1767 were detested in the same degree. The grow
ing spirit of resistance revealed itself in 1769, by the first
overt act of colonial rebellion.^' The British armed sloop
Liberty brought two Connecticut vessels suspected of Il
Ucit trade Into Newport harbor. The sloop was boarded
from the shore, scuttled and sunk and the traders escaped.
The popular mind was being prepared by these overt
acts for the rebeUIon and revolution which was gathering.
Taverns were not politicaUy so Important as earUer in the
century, when they were the only places where people
18 Brigham, p. 321.

332 Revolutionary Period
could meet. Now, Joseph Olney dedicated a great elm
in front of his tavern as a " Liberty Tree." An oration
was delivered advocating the patriotic cause.
Stephen Hopkins prevailed in local politics over Sam
uel Ward, in 1757, as has been noted. The growth of
Providence in the decade succeeding had been remarkable.
Commerce was nearly doubled, with trade and manufac
tures increased In proportion.^* This was coincidental
rather than essentially poUtical. There was revival of
the old agitation in 1767, when the supporters of Hopkins
were again under the Shibboleth of " Seekers of Peace "
inscribed on their proxies. Certainly, the prospect of
difference with Great Britain tended to pacify local poU
tics. Providence was much Interested in this canvass, and
the account of contributions for " sinews of war " is a
vital document.^" The subscription was over $1,600, the
four brothers contributing $100 each. Nicholas Cook
and Nathan Angell the same, Jabez Bowen, Jr., Daniel
and John Jenckes gave $50 each, Abraham Whipple,
Daniel TilUnghast, Obadiah Sprague and many of the
best citizens of Providence contributed. The money was
disbursed in £, probably Old Tenor. To " Glocester "
£24, Warren £68, Coventry £1040, Scituate £120, West
Greenwich £11.6, Johnson £200, North Kingstown £800,
East Greenwich, £320, North Providence £104, Bristol
£212. There was paid out for proxies £160. Abraham
Whipple carried to Wanton at Newport $60. Nicholas
Brown & Co. kept the accounts In the scrupulous method
used in all their affairs. Rum, sugar, a few nails, cloth
for breeches, etc., were charged. A small, quaint receipt
for one-third of a dollar shows that John Brown paid the
town tax of J. Jones.
14 Brigham, p. SAi.
16 Nicholas Brown & Co. MS.

1770] The CoUege Comes to Providence
The embers of these political disputes were not extin
guished, but continued to affect the social movements of
the time. Rhode Island College had been founded under
President Manning at Warren in 1764. Its first class of
seven was graduated In 1769, containing James Mitchell
Yarnum, whose single career would have justifed such an
institution. A constitutional lawyer, his argument in the
Trevett vs. Weeden case in 1786 helped Marshall in the
judicial estabUshment of the constitution of the United
States. The college was moved to Providence and Uni
versity Hall was built in 1770, after great struggles on
the part of Newport to obtain it. This issue was another
mark of the tum of the tide of culture from the southern
part to the more slowly developed northern portion of our ^
state. John Brown laid the cornerstone and was Treas
urer of the Corporation for many years. The name was
not changed to Brown University until a generation later,
when Nicholas, the son of Nicholas, became a benefactor.
We have aUuded to differences between Nicholas and
John Brown. In 1770 John made an offer for a dl-rislon
of their joint properties. Nicholas would not cause a
" Break among brothers, who in the eye of the world have
lived in unity." Not convinced and holding his opinion,
" I accept." Moses made up the books, and with Joseph,
adjusted the valuations, including " all interesting matter
for the division of our father's estate." John accepted
from Nicholas £150, lawful money, " for what your house
and furniture cost more than mine, also for my extra
servises in doing the business, etc." In 1774, Moses with
draws from Nicholas Bro-wn & Co., recommending " con
tinuance of the division to Nicholas and Joseph. At that
time N. Brown & Co. owned f and John Brown ^ of the
spermaceti works. Nicholas laid the cornerstone of the
Market House — an important public improvement — and

Revolutionary Period,
was much respected by his feUow citizens. Prudent, ac
quisitive, methodical, he was a fine counterpoise to John,
with his " magnificent projects," in the future Revolution
ary ventures.
A letter of Col. J. Wanton, Jr.,^® from Newport, whUe
the discussion for locating the coUege was going on, re
veals influences working beneath the surface of society.
Increased subscriptions at Providence In his opinion would
" Counter BaUance any advantage they may Desire from
their present Clamour against me and mine In a Political
Light. I view It In no other Ught than as the expiring
efforts of a Disappointed Envious Cabal." Nicholas
Easton had " been made to offer " land valued by him at
£6000, O. T. for the CoUege. In another letter Wanton
Is very spicy commenting on the Newport politicians.
" The Zeal (or rather Fury) — of the two brothers (re
specting the College) is near blown out. S. W. (Samuel
Ward) still in town, either " Govemor or CoUedge mak
ing, perhaps both." This was written to John Brown.
We may note that the practice of maturing Madeira
wine by trans-shipment through tropical seas had begun
in those days. George Rome at Newport praised his
" excellent particular " sent through West Indies for Im
provement." The cost in Madeira was £33, starting in
1770. He was sure " if war ensues " the price would ad
vance. Nicholas Brown & Co. prosecuted whaling with their
Either interests. Nantucket was the center of the indus
try, but the general commerce of Providence gave espe
cial opportunity for some profitable ventures. Warren,
Bristol and Newport Ukewise participated. We get de
tails in 1769, when the Sloop Betsey brought home head-
matter and oil — the catch of " our three sloops " for the
16 Nicholas Brown & Co. MS.

University Hall and Hope College in 1825.

1770] Mutual Division of Profits 336
year. The headmatter amounted to £165.4 sterling; the
oil to £315.10. Captain Wass received for his 1-17 share
£27.13.9; the mate for 1-20, £23.10.8; Coddinda for
1-26, £18.2. Chlppe for 1-28, £16.16.3; Covel 1-38,
£12.7. 9. Eight others 1-34 and f each, £13.11.6. The
officers and crew received for their part £207.2.3, and
the vessel or owners had £263.11.9. The figures are aU
in sterling and show the famous " lay " system of divid
ing retums. Surplus oil was exported to London, and
John Relfe, of Philadelphia, asked a price for 1000 bbls.
sperm. He would send his ships loaded with bread and
flour to Nantucket, if he were certain of the oil for Lon
don. An order to the Sloop Defiance in 1770, was to
cruise 100 to 150 leagues west of the Western Islands.
She was expected home in six months or sooner.
N. Bro-wn & Co.'s business was both manufacturing and
commercial; each part forwarding the whole, as In pro
duction and exchange, each supported the other. The
manufacture of candles and oil was greatly assisted by
the operation of Furnace Hope. As in 1770, Mr. Rotch
of New Bedford would send headmatter and wanted ten
tons pig Iron at once — on freight or purchase — for a ves
sel to London.
Considerable business In whaling was done from 1772
to 1774, and In the latter year we get the Portage Bill
of the Sloop Defiance for her cruise. John Bassett, Mas
ter, had 1-17 ; Moses Joy, Mate, 1-21 ; two " endsmen "
1-28 and 1-30 ; J. H. Green, Cooper, 1-33 ; three sailors,
1-34 and f each; Joshua Day, " green hand," 1-40.
The Lottery, generally an Important function in local
business, was greatly used In promoting the building of
the Market House. Tickets were negotiated with corre
spondents in the country and in the districts of eastern
Connecticut. As far away as Lynn, sales appear in fre-

336 Revolutionary Period
quent Items. More important are the effects of the Incip
ient division of labor. Silvanus Hussey of Lynn asks N.
B. & Co. to deliver In Boston 100 lbs. tea for 100 pairs
women's shoes.
The main current of commerce toward the West Indies
kept its course, though it was somewhat affected by ap
prehensions of coming resistance to Great Britain. The
burning of the British cruiser Gaspee in 1772 was the first
act of organized resistance to Great Britain. It greatly
incensed the home government. The fact that their rep
resentatives vainly tried In every way to obtain direct e-ri-
dence against John Brown, Abraham Whipple and other
offenders In this rebellious act, shows how the community
of Pro-vidence, at the time, virtuaUy agreed in opposing
the British govemment. Gov. Wanton was instructed to
arrest the offenders and send them to England for trial.
But Chief Justice Hopkins, one of the boldest and most
farseeing of all the American patriots, said: "I will
neither apprehend any person by my own order, nor suffer
any executive officers in the colony to do it." Hutchinson,
the Tory of Massachusetts, proposed to annul the charter
of Rhode Island. But Samuel Adams appealed for union,
since " an attack upon the liberties of one colony was an
attack upon the liberties of aU." New England and Vir
ginia were seething with rebellion, and to no one belongs
the whole credit of public movements, which were bom out
of the air. A committee of correspondence. Gov. Hop
kins, Daniel Jenckes and Nicholas Brown, had been ap
pointed as early as 1764. This system of committees was
one of the greatest achievements in the art of self-govern
ment known to history. In these crucial times they per
formed by tacit consent, governmental duties, later as
sumed by the colonial legislatures. Let us remember this
was a period of uncertainty. The final separation of the

1770] Committees of Correspondence 337
colonies was contemplated by few in the early acts of re
beUIon. It -wiU have been observed that In common trans
actions of trade, parties generaUy did not speak of ship
ping to England, but they sent goods " home." But
Rhode Island made the " first expUcit movement " ^^ for a
general congress in 1774. Two years after the " Boston
Tea Party," tea was proscribed by the revolutionary pa
triots in 1776. In view of the social progress of tea for
more than two centuries after this crisis, the utterance of
the Providence Gazette March 4, is a fine bit of humor as
weU as a historic record of the -risible course of the rebel
lion fast becoming a revolution. A bonfire was made In
the Market Place of a tar barrel, of Lord North's speech
and other inflammatory material. Into it was cast the
" needless Herb, which for a long Time, hath been highly
detrimental to our Liberty, Interest and Health." Lon
don's " five o'clock tea " has gone around the world in
spite of the Gazette's general strictures.
The negative Tory Gov. Wanton had been removed
from office in 1775. Two months before the immortal Dec
laration of Independence — in May, 1776 — -the General As
sembly of Rhode Island formaUy renounced allegiance,
only six votes dissenting. By the Act, all legal documents
were to be Issued, not in the name of the crown or by
royal authority, but in the name of the colony. This
was the first formal act of Independence in America.^* July
Fourth, the nation was bom and the tocsin of war sounded
forth to alarm the timid and stimulate the bold among
the patriots. Commerce had been feeling the poUtical
disturbance for several years. Joseph Brown, of phi
losophic mind and esthetic temperament, did not wholly
accord with the commercial spirit of his brothers. He
17 Arnold IL, 334.
18 Brigham, p, 233, and Cf. Foster, Hopkins II. 145.

338 Revolutionary Period
finally withdrew from the firm and became a professor in
R. I. CoUege. He conducted the building of the present
First Baptist Church and designed the handsome structure
of the Providence Bank.
John Brown was a stormy petrel, suited to the times.
His force of character as well as sagacious mercantile
sense, was instantly ready for the bold ventures needed.
Already, he had sent to the West Indies, broken into
government warehouses, and seized gunpowder. This
was a Gaspee aggression in another form. This powder
arrived just too late at Bunker HIU, and was issued to
the retiring troops. Jan. 20, 1776, while the nation was
yet in parturition, he made a contract with the Secret
Committee of Congress.^' On this committee was Samuel
Ward, Benj amin Franklin, Robert Morris and other great
men. Nicholas Brown had one-third interest in John's
contract. The merchants in these early agreements con
tracted virtuaUy as agents for the govemment. The first
voyages were to be for 36 tons gunpowder or saltpetre, or
arms ; failing those, duck, oznabrigs etc., or gold and sil
ver. The Secret Committee Oct. 13, 1776, ordered goods
delivered to Brig.-Gen. Mifflen Qr. Mr. Gen. Five %
was to be paid to the Browns on outward purchases, 2|%
on sales abroad, 2^% on return purchases. A side light is
thrown by their letter Mar. 22, 1776, to Thomas Boylston,
escaped from " long Inhuman Confinement in the Town
of Boston by Ministerial Tyranny." They reported their
contract with the Secret Committee to Import, and asked
advice conceming the best ports in Europe for shipments.
" No interest but the public good ; a small Commission
for Transacting the Business."
The schooner WiUiam,, whose charter party was recorded
May 7, went out April 12, 1776, " for account and risque "
18 N. Brown 8? Co, MS.

1775] John Brown Agent for Congress 339
of the Continental Congress. She carried white and brown
sperm and whale oils, candles and codfish to " BUbo " or
any port in France or Spain. On the return voyage, she
was Instructed to try to get In back of Nantucket.
The business with Congress was considerable, and in
cluded voyages of the sloop Polly to Eustacia, schooner
WilUam to Bilbo, brigg Happy Return to Nantz. Car
goes of powder, arms, blankets, etc., were specified. This
appears by account with Robert Morris amounting to
£12,652. John Brown received 20,000 doUars from the
Committee as early as December, 1775. Nicholas and
John's commissions were £632 and the final balance
due them was £85.11.
Trade with the West Indies was conducted along similar
lines by merchants for their o-wn account. Sloop Enter
prise voyaged from February to July, 1776, owned f by
N. Brown, f by J. W. Russell, 2-8 by Gideon Young.
Her orders called for small arms or brass field pieces as
better than gunpowder. If sulphur could not be had, she
might buy salt. As a final resort, she was to take flints,
paper, rhubarb or cotton. She was to come in eastward
by Bedford or by Long Island. July 19, her voyage
was settled with £1403, profit to the ovmers. Sloop
America, owned by three parties, Bro-wns, Russels and
Page, sailing from St. Croix, was chased three times,
but outsailed all pursuers. Tobacco was her best mer
chandise, though she had as usual, boards and provisions.
le divided to her owners In November after several voy-
ageX£287, In dry goods, hyson tea, duck and mostly rum.
The slbiop Satly, from St. Croix, was to bring powder — |
cannon :|~"~-^stol — or parts of guns, steel, coarse linens
and other dr^^-goods ; finaUy in alternative, good cotton,
paper, 4 or 6 dozeiTpaeks-lgxge pins, Dutch gin, brandy.
The pains and minute care of these merchants In fitting

340 Revolutionary Period
out a vessel is hardly comprehensible to-day. Laborers
and sailors must be overlooked and the desires of the in
specting captains must be satisfied. Captain Avery's
" nips," £1.0.3., nearly equalled his board on shore, £1.6.
" Nips " of brandy grog and toddy at 6d. were frequently
charged against the captains, as they looked after the
loading of their vessels.
Privateering whenever there was opportunity had been
a great factor in the commerce of Rhode Island. It was
said that In the French war, one-fifth of the adult males
were serving on the privateers,^" while one-seventh of the
remainder were in the King's ser-rice on land. The sloop
Ranger was an example of many such adventures by the
merchants of Providence. Nicholas Brown and six others,
including Captain Wall, each owned 2-16; two others
owned 1-16 each. Fitting her out cost £70.4 on the first
cruise and £179.4 on the second. The risks were much sub
divided and the ventures were generally successful. Sloop
Dimond, 1776, was owned J by Nicholas and ^ by
John Bro-wn ; Capt. Chase being part owner and the outfit
costing £1485. She was to cruise off " Bermudose " Bay,
by St. Anthony or Cl-ooked Island Passage. To seize any
vessel helping the enemies of the 13 colonies. To send
prizes home by Vineyard and Buzzard's Bay.
Some bits of humor come down from these encounters
of private war. Men were In earnest and the fun was vi
tal. The schooner Fdicity of East Greenwich, of 60 tons,
commanded by Captain Gazzee, captured a large Eng
lish ship with a valuable cargo. John Bull dislikes defeat
and when the prize was brought into the upper cove at
Greenwich, her manly captain shed tears. He said he
could have bome capture by a respectable force, " but to
be taken by a d  d old squaw in a hog-trough was more
28 Arnold IL 317.

1776] Compliment to Captain Gazzee 341
than he could endure." Captain Gazzee was French with
a very dark complexion, hence the compUment.^^
The year 1776 witnessed the withdrawal of Stephen
Hopkins from Congress. He had been very active in all
the positive measures for effecting independence. His
laborious life and waste of strength at last produced its
natural effect, for his nervous system broke down. Since
1770, he had been obliged to guide one hand with the
other in -writing. The tremulous characters justified his
famous apothegm when he signed the Declaration, " The
heart does not tremble." Certainly, a braver heart never
animated a patriot. He partiaUy retired from affairs,
though he was an efficient and pubUc-spIrited citizen for
years. As we approach the Revolution, personal expenditures
for dress diminish relatively. Negroes for domestic serv
ice, especiaUy women. Increase. Shoe, knee and band
buckles of silver or other metal were used, almost univer
sally. MetaUic buttons also increased. The table serv
ice was not much changed, though there were earthen
porringers — for the use of negroes probably. It is hardly
possible to get at values, as lawful money and currency
are mixed, and often not specified. In the prices.
Dr. Samuel Carew In 1773^^ gives us a gUmpse of a
professional outfit. His personal estate was £702, and
wearing apparel £12. A pinchback watch at £6 was
rather cheap for a person keeping a negro man at £30,
and a " boy " at £50. His right in the Providence Li
brary was appraised at £3, while he had 30 vols, physic
and surgery at £6, with 58 vols. Divinity, History, Trav
els, etc., at £7. Many small notes from £1.5. to £13,
showing wide diffusion of credit. The fumiture was re-
21 Greene, East Greenwich, p. 251.
22 Providence MS. Probate Rec, VI.

Revolutionary Period
spectable; one bed, bedstead, fumiture at £7.10., another
at £5, an eight day clock In mahogany at £15, eight plain
back maple chairs 24s. ; two high back Windsor chairs
12s. ; six Bannister back chairs, 16s. ; six small glazed pic
tures, 6s. There was china and white stone ware. The
white porcelain ware had become common. A widow kept
the pewter chamber pot included with " Delph " cups, sau
cers and bowls at a valuation of 4s. She had a gold locket
12s., and a pair of gold buttons 8s. 2d., a negro at £48,
a pew in the Presbyterian meeting house at £1.10. A
right in the Providence Library at £2. belonged to Hay
ward Smith. A widow had two chamber pots 2s., probably
of white stone ware; as she owned a female slave at £40,
another at £30, she was In comfortable circumstances.
Feather beds and fumiture were generally about £7, pre
sumably in lawful money.
Richard Godfrey, a barber, Uved comfortably. His
whole personal estate was £116, including the shop at £36,
on leased land. Five " blocldieads " stood at 10s. and his
o-wn wearing apparel was only £3.16, most wearers ex
pended £7 or £9. His table serrice of china, glass, stone,
earthen ware and pewter amounted to £4 . 1 . 9. A silver
tankard, 2 porringers and spoons 60 ounces av. at 6s. 8d.
were worth £20. ; used In catering probably.
Mrs. Abijah Crawford, widow, -with a farm In Johnston,
kept one pair fire buckets at 12s, in her town residence.
Her six leather bottomed chairs of black cherry indicated
luxury, though her personal estate was only £136.15.
Wearing apparel £12. The usual silver. A gold necklace
and locket £2.10. She had a copy of Josephus at £2.8.
with a bible and old books at 3s. Glassware as weU as
white porcelain was more commonly used; as we perceive
in 11 wine glasses at 4s. Id, 6 beakers at 2s. 4d, 4 glass salts
at 2s. Warming pans were about 6s. Thomas Bigelow

1776] Freed Slaves Cared For 343
was recorded as a " trader " In partnership with Parker,
and he had invested in his stock of goods £533.
The material resurrection of the body does not so
thoroughly possess the minds of wiU-makers, as it did
earUer in the century, but Bartholomew Sutton in 1775
says : " I commend my soul to Almighty God my Creator
hoping for eternal happiness through the merits and medi
ation of Jesus Christ my Redeemer." Arminianism was
creeping in and it was necessary for soUd beUevers to
speak out.
Leather buckets for fires were common. A mason and
wood chopper had a pair at 15s, though his estate was
only £32.10. His pewter at £1.10. included a tankard, 6
porringers and 3 spoons. A warming pan was worth 6s.
He had spinning wheels and cards for indoor work ; a gen
eral custom among artisans. A farmer had a chaise at
£6, and a suit of regimentals — coat, jacket and breeches —
appears at £4 . 10. in 1775.
Gabriel's descendant, Eve Bemon, a single woman, left
her real and personal estate to her kinsman Zachariah
AUen. She freed her negroes, Amey and the son Manny ;
if they should be sick, or through accident unable to sup
port themselves, they should be maintained by her rela
tives Allen and the Crawfords. Such care of freed slaves
was common.
In 1777, Daniel Hitchcock, a lawyer, left a personal es
tate of £644. His brave suit of blue broadcloth " trimmed
with vellum " cost £18., with a scarlet cloak at £4. and
other clothing at £14.9. Evidently when he occupied his
£9. pew in the Presbyterian meeting house, he wore goodly
apparel. Bacon's Abridgement in 5 vols, at £22, three
volumes of Blackstone at £3.10 and 94 volumes more
made up his library. Besides these, there were WoUaston's
ReUgion of Nature, a Greek lexicon and Bailey's Diction-

344 Revolutionary Period
ary. An old silver watch at £6., a comfortable household
outfit; and as in most professional estates many smaU
notes ranging from £1. to £22. Rev. Gad Hitchcock ap
peared at the probate of the -wiU. Prince Paine, a negro
man, though he possessed only a smaU estate, dressed weU
in apparel at £10.4. and a pair of stone buttons at 12s.
He carried a silver watch at £4.10. A chair-maker had
shoe and knee buckles, with a pair of sleeve buttons, all
of silver. An extravagant warming pan in another case
cost 30s. Many estates, even If owned by farmers, in
cluded rights in the Providence Library. We meet looms
occasionally; not as often as spinning wheels. Weaving
was often done at special shops.
When the colonies were thrown on their own resources,
the primitive rope-walks became important. In East
Greenwich an old man walked spinning -with his fingers
from a large coil of hemp wound about his waist, while one
of his sons turned the crank of a big wheel moving the
spindles. " That building long and low
Where the wheels go round and round
With a drowsy, dreamy sound
And the spinners backward go."
As we advance into the actual Revolution, the new in
flation of paper money appears in the inventories, though
currencies are not generally specifled, and It is perplex
ing. In 1779, a warming pan on two occasions is valued
at £6. Martha Brown ^* widow's list of silver is note
worthy, 11 large silver spoons are equal to 2 silver dollars
each or £6.12, six smaU are 16s. or 15s., one small is 3s.
or 3s., 47 lbs. pewter equals £35 . 5. Mary Patten's title
23 Providence MS. Probate Rec, VL, 356.

1778] Financial Pressure 346
" Gentlewoman " is pathetic, for she died intestate. Ben
jamin Clap's inventory was wholly inflated. Personal es
tate £1998, wearing apparel £383, two beds and fumi
ture £300.
In 1778, the pressure of the war was very severe in
Rhode Island. The financial system of the whole country
was frightfully deranged, and while the continental paper
was passing from declining values to nothing, the suffer
ing of the people was greatest. Com was at $8 per
bushel; carpenters obtained $16 to $18 per day and other
labor was in proportion. But even the crisis of the coun
try's struggle was coming to a head under new causes and
springs of action. The French treaties made the future
Independence of America almost certain. The financial
troubles were not less, but they were henceforth alleviated
by hope. Despair ceased, for, as a patriot said in May,
" Joy sparkles in every eye."
We may perceive the harassing details of this revolu
tionary commerce as we tum these yellow manuscripts.
The sloop Diamond took some brown sugar from Dart
mouth to Virginia. She carried also flour, tobacco, tal
low, etc., from Accomack to the West Indies. Nicholas
and John Brown order the master, L. Wyatt, returning
by way of Bedford. If he can get his hands to come to
Providence wilUngly In the sloop with the molasses, coffee,
etc., he is to take out the valuable light goods for storage,
and bring these heavy ones around ; thus dividing the risk.
If the men should decline, the order was to store the whole
cargo. Newport was evacuated by the British Oct. 25, 1779,
who left the marvellous old to-wn fataUy damaged. More
than 600 dweUings had been destroyed and three-quarters
of the inhabitants had departed, many obtaining business
elsewhere. Great suffering prevailed in the extraordinary

^46 Revolutionary Period
winter, when the Bay was frozen over for more than six
weeks. Extravagant prices were obtained in silver; wood
at ten dollars per cord, com at four doUars per bushel
and potatoes at two dollars.
At this time, merchants were dating their letters at
Providence in State of Rhode Island In North America.
Revolutionary commerce with Europe had assumed large
proportions; the Browns, Nicholas and especially John,
trading with Bordeaux and extensively -with " Nantz,"
often using Christopher Starbuck, of Nantucket, as an
intermediary. The oil shipped at first did not bring cost
in France, the profit accruing on goods returned. Brown
oil was preferred, as at the price It could be used by man
ufacturers of leather. Nicholas and John Brown's busi
ness with Watson & Co., Kantes, in 1779-1782, amounted
to 113,291 " livers." It was settied in 1786, and " quit
claims passed from the beginning of the world " ; suffi
ciently expUcit and extended for ordinary commerce. The
earlier orders were for powder, arms and army supplies,
as in the transactions for account of Congress ; but later
all sorts of commerce were carried on.
For detail we have in 1779 Nicholas Brown's order to be
executed at Amsterdam " for family use," 12 dozen cream
colored plates, 2 dozen small do., four sets coffee cups and
saucers, four sets tea do., blue and white ; two sugar bowls
and two coffee pots. Band W ;"* one dozen pint bowls.
Band W ; two dozen cream colored " ^ pint bowls and sau
cers," four dozen fashionable wine glasses, one gray sable
muff and tippett, one half dozen black silk mitts, one set
house brushes, " ^ dozen good green tea." And for mar
ket, there was the usual order for dry goods, knives,
forks and pen knives. In finance was the curious remit-
2* Band, white and gold probably. This elegant design in white
China ran well into the nineteenth century.

1779] The Fashions 347
tance of " Loan Office Certificates," 4600 dollars and
2100, to be sold and invested in goods.
In spite of the losses by war, its stimulating power en
couraged luxury. In 1781, Captain Folger in brig Pol-
ley, was to bring from Watson & Co., Nantes, a great
variety of staple dry goods and many of the fancy sort.
Another order to these factors specifies 6 sable muffs and
tippetts, genteel worsted stuffs for " women's gounds,"
waving " Plooms and Feathers black," ten dozen paste
pins " for Lady Hair," six pieces Crapes, assorted colors
" shining like silver," fashionable plated buckles, part
smaU for boys and girls, one-half dozen fashionable silk
" women's shoes." In this array of waving plumes and
dainty shoes for the fair, masculine appetites were not for
gotten. Good velvet corks " to make storage " were to
be packed in for man — ^wise in his day and generation.
In 1781, the schooner Betsey and appurtenances were
sold at Cape Francois for 3877 li-vres, after disposing of
the cargo.
Though occasional ventures were profitable and indi
viduals prospered, the main current of business was In
jured by the war and the people grew poorer. Newport
was virtuaUy destroyed. The fact that commercial Provi
dence was ratably poorer than South Kingstown shows the
practical pressure of the war.
Children bom to the purple had good advantages in the
way of tutors as well as schools. Residence in a suitable
family was the most favored, as it is the best means of cul
ture in any generation. Nicholas, the son of Nicholas
Brown, sojourned at Grafton, Mass., in 1779, with
Thomas Ustick, who promised to foUow the father's " di
rections as to voice, manners, etc." He was pleased that
the boy's " Capacity exceeds my Expectation, his memory
is good," and he was docile. Mr. Ustick asked for a par-

348 Revolutionary Period
tial remittance In silver, as he had been forced to buy
pork In that currency. The daughters had to seek edu
cation abroad, even at stricken Newport, in 1781. Mr.
Brown desired to place his daughter Hope and niece Sally,
daughter of John, in Mrs. Wilkinson's School there. If
she had not accommodation, he intended to place Hope
with Mr. Usher at Bristol. The results of such education
appear later. Nicholas had been sent Ukewise to Phila
delphia, center of light and leading in those days. Jo
seph Anthony, merchant and correspondent, harbored him.
Nicholas afterward made a visit -with his young relatives.
Mr. Anthony wrote Oct. 11, 1790, evidently meaning to
back up his Brown commissions, -with abundant and gra
cious compliments, expressed after the manner of the time.
He addressed. My dear Young Friend, and alluded to
" those Dear Girls, Miss Hope, I can't forget her." He
commented on Nicholas' letter, " I discover you to be per
fect master of the Dash of the pen, you may practice
and QuaUfy yourself for Despatch, but there is Very Lit-
tie Room for Improvement — your Entertaining Epistles
will bear the most minute Inspection." The agreeable
Anthony, if not a lawyer, was at least a Philadelphia
Quaker. Nicholas answered Dec. 17, " My Honored Sir,
Your favour . . . your meritt Sense and good Hu'
mour ... I ever am pleased -with reading a Phila.
production." He was expecting a visit from Thomas.
" The Girls have fixed a Ball, when they are to show in
Providence some few at least Bright and Worthy Ladies."
Soon Miss Hope married Thomas P. Ives. The firms
Brown & Benson, Brown (Nicholas Younger), Benson &
Ives, Brown & Ivi.es, of famous memory, carried for
ward the business. The social arrangement was not
brought about without heartburning. Ives was of good
family in Beverly, Mass., but he had not fortune to please

1782] Domestic Manners 349
the prudent merchant, who desired that his daughter
should marry " a gentleman." " Father, what makes a
gentleman ? " " Money and manners ! " " WeU father,
you have the money and Tom has the manners." The
young woman justified her Power blood and gained her
heart's desire.
The nursing of an Infant interests every generation.
The bill of the nurse, Mrs. Bradford, for " taking care of
our child," Dec. 25, 1782, was six weeks at 3 dollars,
twenty-eight weeks at 2 dollars and 2s. 2^d. " over Gave-
im," equalUng £222.4. A singular metonymy In the term
carpet appeared in house furnishing. Samuel and Seth
Yates agreed to paint for Nicholas Brown three " car
pets " good strong color with star In the middle 3s. 6d.
adding " Flour " in the corner 4s. if Diamonding with
differing shades 6s.
The family of a wealthy man afforded comfort not only
to his own kinsmen, but to others not as well placed in the
world. There is an early record of the son of Elisha
Brown "Esq." taken by N. B. as apprentice until he
should be twenty-one years and found in his " victuals and
close." In 1780, Mr. Bro-wn -writes to his correspondent,
Christopher Starbuck, at Nantucket, with whom he dealt
so largely, for a " poor Honest Boy " to be employed In
his family. It would appear that the supply was not so
good in Providence ; or possibly the merchant thought an
Immigrant would be more tractable.
Inventories of the period are perplexing from the con
fusion of currencies, and the fact that they are seldom
specified in recording prices. Sometimes we get a more
trustworthy Idea of value from a staple article Uke a
feather bed than from the technical prices. Occasionally
there Is a definite account, as in Nicholas Clarke's case.^^
26 MS. Probate Rec. Prov., VL, Feb. 7, 1780

350 Revolutionary Period
Two beds and fumiture £19.6, In silver, £386, in paper
currency ; one mahogany table £2.6 in silver, £86 in paper;
six tea spoons 16s. in silver, 15s. in paper. Silver plate
was common especially in spoons, and negro slaves often
appear. One party has a silver watch at £90, and wear
ing apparel at £830 ; two stone ware tea pots at £4.
Richard Seaver's personal estate was £55 . 10, his wear
ing apparel £6, one bed and fumiture £5, all in silver.
The Widow Abigail Rogers had a " Padasoy full suit "
nominally £180, one dozen blue and white China plates
£15, six white stone plates £1 . 4. In one case silver was
estimated at 16 for 1, and dollars at 4s. 9, but this cur
rency is not clear, as we shall see one year later.
William Checkley had a personal estate of £379, the
prices being apparently in silver. A clock and case £9,
a set of Queen's ware £1.6, besides china and glass, 88 oz.
wrought plate £46, two leather fire buckets and lanthom
£1.8, Books at £12, Including Dictionary, Arts and
Sciences, Hutchinson's Mass., also his CoUectlon, Youngs'
Poetical Works, Various Sermons, Bailey's Dictionary
two Latin do., seven vols. Spectator, three vols. Watts
Psalm Book, in addition 60 miscellaneous books, one bed
fumiture and blankets £13.14, one negro Cato at £45.
Looms appear In two estates. A blacksmith had one with
wearing apparel at £7.8. silver, and gunsmith's tools, be
sides his regular outfit. He had a warming pan at 9s.
and other comforts. This artisan wore silver sleeve but
tons at 2s.
N. B. & Co. made a contract with S. Keith, 6 dollars for
9 lbs. mdse. ; 4 dollars for 6 lbs. mdse. ; 2 dollars for 3 lbs.
mdse. ; 4, 12 or 18, In proportion or paper in proportion.
Oct. 22, 1781, there was an auction sale^* of £5694, In
" paper " by agreement. This was Continental or State
26 MS. Probate Rec. Prov., VL, 317.

1781] Auction Prices in Paper 361
currency probably. A bed and bolster brought 1304|
doUars, another 1202f dollars. It seems people could es
timate differences of quaUty In this airy medium. A bed
stead was $136, a side saddle $26, a looking glass $250,
a warming pan and skimmer $165, an old Bible $30.
Captain Archibald Young had a small wardrobe for a
sailor, but aU the various silver buckles and stone sleeve
buttons. He read good books. Spectator and Guardian,
Cato's Letters, Epicurean Philosophy, School of Man,
Prior's Works and Hervey's Meditations, Seneca's Mor
als, and Hudibras' Dictionary of the Bible. The apprais
ers could not put a market value on the slaves, but record
the facts, showing that this kind of property was fluctu
ating even worse than the currency.
Three Negro Boys " The one Runaway "
One negro Woman " The others loth to stay."
The surrender of CornwaUis in 1781 solved the prob
lem of war, though actual peace was deferred for some two
years. The small colony of Rhode Islasd, with Hopkins
in council, with Greene, second to Washington only. In the
field, with her brave soldiers in battle, had done her full
part in the birth-struggles of the nation. Her joy in the
result was according to her toil in the painful struggles.
Merchants were obUged to move promptly as well as
discreetly to dispose of goods Imported at great expense
during the war, and to avoid the falling prices. Nicholas
and John Bro-wn sought the consumer in various ways.
Daniel Gano took a cargo intending to open a store at
New Haven or Fairfield ; he landed finally at FishkiU. A
portion of these goods was returned In 1783. A New
London correspondent returned some goods consigned.
Goods from Nantes were consigned TilUnghast & Holroyd
in Providence to sell at 6 per cent, commission. Other

362 Revolutionary Period
parties were employed. From Taunton, TilUnghast &
Smith returned goods, which found no market.
The year 1786 brought the death of Stephen Hopkins,
the patriot citizen. His biographer, Foster,^'' Is full and
vigorous in panegyric, and no native-bom Rhode Islander
could exceed this adopted scholar's verdict of praise.
Hopkins was a man who would have been extraordinary in
any place and time. As I have stated,^* he was the true
fruit and resulting consequence of a novel community, in
stituted through Roger Williams' creative system and
Charles II.'s political privilege. We cannot reiterate this
too constantly, for it Is a kernel of history. Moses
Brown's diffuse description of Hopkins' style as clear,
concise, pertinent, powerful, sometimes energetic, gener-
ally " calm, rational and convincing " might be better ex
pressed in the simple statement; the man spoke. Or as
Foster puts it, " His hearty frankness and calm dignity of
manner " carried his constituency with him. Such a man
must be actuated by magnanimity of character, as his con
temporary, Asher Robbins, emphasized. If Hopkins
lacked scholastic education, he worked for it as far as pos
sible. Manning brought the broad culture of Princeton
into the high New England atmosphere; and Hopkins
out of his education by affairs, seconded the scholar. He
was the first chanceUor of the CoUege in 1764, and as he
had worked for books, so he strove for the leamed use of
books. The life of Hopkins took In the forming period of
Rhode Island's history, when she had worked out of her
spasmodic ill-regulated democracy Into a form of repre
sentative govemment ; which carried her through the great
struggle for independence, and ultimately after much con
tention aligned her with her fellows in the United States.
27 Hopkins, IL, 163. ^s Ante, p 330.

CHAPTER XI
, THE UNION. 1786-1790.
The little state now entered on the worst period of its
poUtical history. Separation from the Crown-govern
ment of the mother country had been achieved, but a de
structive revolution is easier than the construction of a
new govemment. The inefficient Congress of the Confed
eracy could not be the basis of a strong govemment, but
served only for a stepping stone toward the larger com
ing structure projected by the genius of Hamilton and
inaugurated largely through the facility of Madison and
Franklin. Virginia, the great governing member of the
Confederacy, called for a convention of the states In
1786, to adopt " a uniform system in their commercial
regulations." This meeting failed, but important as
might be the field of intercourse with the outward world,
it was shut off in Rhode Island, by the domestic economy
of the state, which mastered Its course politically.
There were two main controlling motives at work in our
community.-^ The natural indlviduaUstid spirit of the
colony and state revolted against any strong effective
federal control. This motive must wear itself out, as it
did finally under the Ine-vitable attrition of the whole coun
try, grinding toward a juncture of the parts. Similar
principles affected other sections ; and the Shays rebeUion
in Massachusetts, touching New Hampshire, was an ex
ample of financial discontent revolting against federal
authority. iCf. Arnold II. 533; Brigham, p. 253.
353

354 The Union
The other motive, economic In origin, went deeper,
touching the basal organs of aU society. The mercantUe
classes, including dwellers In towns, had greatly improved
their condition, and there was a farmer's opposition to
every movement toward more effective government, espe
ciaUy in the federal form. We must remember that these
troubles began in severe sacrifices of many men and
women. Debt filled the social atmosphere, Uke a black fog
that repels all sunlight. The Continental money and the
paper issued by the state had depreciated, until they
finally became worthless. The farmer brought his bushel
of com to the merchant and trader, who always handled
the money of the community, whether of paper or specie.
More produce could not be had from the land, but more
paper could be readily produced. In vain, merchants and
inteUigent voters protested that paper must be paid, in
order that it serve the uses of a currency. Delusion waxes,
while It mocks at wisdom. Pay It with more paper, said
the fooUsh incapable. Take away the influence of mer
chants and money changers, who send specie out of the
country to make money scarce and dear; and aU wIU be
well. At first the conservative elements controUed the vote
against issuing more paper money. Providence, Ne-wport,
Bristol, Westerly stoutly opposed the country party. But
the insidious doctrines of inflation sapped their strength;
a powerful majority for paper prevailed In May, 1786,
and took possession of the govemment. The Assembly
immediately issued £100,000, to be loaned on mortgage for
seven years at four per cent, with an annual reduction of
the principal. The bills were made a legal tender at par
with specie. All sorts of forcing measures supported
these processes.
John Brown in the Providence Gazette claimed that the
farmers would not take their own medicine, or, in other

1789] Currency Chimeras 366
words, would not give up produce for the blUs. Some
traders were packing their goods, to secure them or to
carry them out of the state, while some proposed shutting
up their stores. The new Solons would regulate trade
and exchange by arbitrary power. All these proceedings
were finally stopped by the common law, which could not
be created anew in Rhode Island. John Weeden, a
butcher of Newport, refused to deUver his meat to one
Trevett for paper, who sued him to gain the poor man's
rights. General Vamum, the ablest pioneer of Judge
Marshall in blazing the way for Constitutional Integrity,
showed the Court that the legislative must inevitably be
subordinated to the judicial power in a stable, free govem
ment. The Court maintained Weeden's rights, and the
paper rioters tried ineffectually to tum the Court out of
office. It was even seriously mooted in convention, though the
project never fairly reached the legislature, that a com
mission be appointed and empowered, to regulate all trade,
to fix prices and compel the transfer of property. Spe
cie especially was to be held In the Iron grip of the state
and not be freely sent abroad at the will of the owner.
These popular delusions graduaUy decUned, and In Oct.,
1789, the act forcing the circulation of paper instead of
specie was repealed. A modification of the principle was
substituted, making property a tender for debt. The
mortgages to secure bills Issued in 1786 proved to be like
straw. Depreciation of this paper was fixed at fifteen for
one. The state suffered accordingly in the opinion of her
neighbors and expectant partners in the new union of
states. Our delegates in the Continental Congress were
deeply wounded when the proceedings of our legislature
were " burlesqued and ridiculed." The calm and discreet

366 The Union
Washington could say, " Rhode Island still perseveres In
that Impolitic, unjust, and one might add, scandalous con
duct which seems to have marked all her councils of late."
General Vamum in 1787, writing Washington, protested
that the latter legislation did "not exhibit the real char
acter of the state. He maintained that it was " equaUy
reprobated by the whole mercantile body, by most of the
respectable farmers, and mechanics. The majority of
the administration is composed of a licentious number of
men, destitute of education, and many of them void of
principle. From anarchy and confusion they derive their
temporary consequence" . . . and try for "the
abolition of debts both public and private. With these
are associated the disaffected of every description, partic
ularly those who were unfriendly during the war. Their
paper money system, founded in oppression and fraud,
they are determined to support at every hazard. . . .
These evils may be attributed, partly to the extreme free
dom of our own Constitution, and partly to the want of
energy in the federal union. It is fortunate however, that
the wealth and resources of this State are chiefly In pos
session of the well affected, and they are entirely devoted
to the pubUc good." ^
About all the evils contingent to a body politic came to
the surface in this little community on the shores of Nar
ragansett Bay. It was demonstrated that a passion for
individual freedom can crystallize itself into the lust for
arbitrary power. Yet there was sufficient -rirtue inherent
In this sordid wrangUng mob, to throw off the evil at last,
and to become a thriving republic. These events must be
recorded -with shame, but let It not be forgotten that,
however rampant the spirit of evil, it did not flnally pre
vail over the divine mission of govemment. Demos lets
2 R. I. H. S. Pub. II. 168.

1790] Convention Adopts the Constitution 357
in all the people, but when he reasons and puts forth his
strength, that strength is ultimately for good.
The constitution of the United States was not a mirac
ulous issue from the brain of man, as Mr. Gladstone hinted.
It was unrolled and unfolded from the historic life of
the American colonies, and the interpretation was effected
by a singular association of the greatest men the country
could afford. Its making and framing were slow ; its
adoption was painful and protracted. Rhode Island was
outside the controversial arguments and struggles, for
she was without representation. AU efforts failed to get
Vamum's anarchical legislature Into line. The federal
union was virtually decided upon, when New Hampshire
voted for the constitution June 21, 1788. The federalists
of Rhode Island seized the occasion for popular demon
strations, though they were still in the minority.' The
state was stiU obstinate in opposition to adoption.
At last the period of agony drew to a peaceful con
clusion. A convention was called for May 24, 1790, and
the towns instructed their delegates for or against the
union. So severe was the parturition that Providence
had provided for a possible separation from the state.
If It should not adopt the Constitution. May 29, the In
strument was adopted by a majority of only two votes.
So close was the contest between anarchy and order.
The momentous event was embodied in the change of in
vocation from " God save the State " to " God save the
United States of America."
John Brown had been very energetic in canvassing for
the constitution. He built wharves and shipyards at
India Point, Providence, and In 1787 sent his ship Wash
ington to India and China — the first oriental voyage from
our city. This UteraUy opened a new world for our
3 Brigham, p. 265.

368 The Union
commerce. It was prosecuted vigorously and ably in
the closing years of the century by his nephews — by kin
and marriage — Brown & Ives. Two years later Moses
Brown started Samuel Slater at Pawtucket on his career
of cotton spinning. These two movements widened out
the sphere of Rhode Island, giving the state a new social
Ufe according with its new poUtical opportunity.
Brown was always a pioneer In all directions, and as
he sent out his oriental ship, he built from plans of his
brother Joseph, the house on Power Street at the comer
of Benefit. John Quincy Adams noted in his diary that
it was " the finest house on the continent." It was worthy
of the powerful merchant, and the forerunner of the
Colonial or Georgian mansions, which distinguished Prori-
dence for a century. The broadening spirit of the
eighteenth century had penetrated our community, and
Obadiah, the son of Joseph Brown, was a " freethinker "
in the language of that day. At a dinner In the new
house, this rash innovator gave the toast, " Here's a short
respite to the damned in hell." The practically minded
John, too much charmed by freedom In the end to balk at
the hedgerows of orthodoxy by the way. Instantly drank
In this wise, " Truly, a most admirable sentiment, gentle
men, and one In which I am sure we can all join."
Shipbuilding and the passage of vessels went forward as
of old. In the cove and the stream above Weybosset Bridge.
The trade on Cheapslde was fed by supplies brought to
the docks about Steeple Street. In 1792, North Water
(now Canal) Street was established; -this marks the relega
tion of commerce to docks below the bridge.
Some six-score years have passed since Rhode Island
entered the Union. She has kept pace with the whole
country in population, and in wealth per capita is not

1790] Our State Contributes the Individual 359
surpassed by any state. In spite of her limited territory,
there are nine or ten great states having fewer people.
Her people excel in numbers the inhabitants of her sister
states Vermont and New Hampshire. This is the social
outcome and expression of Roger Williams' and John
Clarke's " lively experiment." Quidnuncs, whether of
Massachusetts or of London, two and one-half centuries
ago, would have said such results would be Impossible.
I have tried to set forth some of the facts, which made the
achievement — if not easy — at least attainable in the or
dinary Ufe of peoples.
The Virginians contributed to the great purposes going
to form America ; and Hamilton's incisive intellect pruned
them into a possible system of govemment. Such must
be in the end a govemment of men and women. The in-
di-ridual of the eighteenth century received something
creative and pecuUar In the soul-Uberty of Roger Wil
Uams. Though not adopted as a dogma by the whole
country until weU into the nineteenth century, it was
aUve and at work. Note Borgeaud's statement in
Preface. Consider the positive acts of rebelUon In the little
colony. The sinking of the cruiser Liberty, the burning
of the Gaspee In 1772, Brown's rebeUious seizure of gun
powder in the West Indies ; accompanied by the explicit
movement of the colony for a general congress in 1774,
the actual earUest renunciation of aUegiance to the Crown
In May, 1776 ; aU these events were poUtical acts indlvid-
uaUy conceived and brought to an issue In this home of
individuaUsm. Stephen Hopkins, of marvellous forensic foresight in
the pre-revolutionary period, John Brown, with sagacity
of a merchant and courage of a corsair, Nathaniel Greene,

INDEX

INDEX
Abbott, Daniel 107 Amold, Caleb 330
Abbott, Margaret lOT Arnold, Eleazar 121
Adams, Charles Francis, quoted Arnold, Elizabeth 257
15, 23, 25, 49 Arnold, Job 2:s3
Adams, John, 1 325 Arnold, Richard 113, 114, 194
Adams, Samuel 336 Arnold, Stephen, 103, 202; in-
Africa 319 ventory of, 120, 240
Agriculture, 101, 152, 153, see Arnold, Wiliara 38
Farming Ashley, William 115
Aldridge, Joseph and J., Jr. 123 Assembly, General, arranged for,
Alexander, Cosmo 277 43; Jews appear before, 69;
Almy, William, ships a ton of royal commission for guidance
tobacco, 193 of, 87; special session of.
Anabaptists 36, 68, 88, 204, 270 called, 93; rates determined
Andrews, John 227 by, 101; powers of, 116; pe-
Andros, Sir Edmund 179, 180 titioned by Jews, 118; bills of
Angell and Smith, merchants, credit issued by, 186; acts on
321 legal tender, 238
AngeU, Captain Abraham, in- Austin, William 113, 129
ventory of, 238
Angell, James 327, 335 Babcock, Colonel Harry 396,397
Angell, John 63, 139, 221 Babcock, Captain James 295
Angell, Nathan 316, 333 Babcock, Dr. Joshua fe95, 296
Angell, Samuel, inventory of, Bacon, Leonard 20
326 Baker, William 55
Angell, Thomas 28 Balston, William 54, 55, 95
Antinomians, 23, 47, 50, 51, 61, Bancroft, George, quoted 19, 71
68, 88, 304 Banns, of matrimony 81, 99
Apprenticing, system of, 76, Baptists, in Rhode Island,
113, 114, 177, 314 33, 59, 83, 135, 205, 207
Aquldneck, 38, 39; cattle in. Baptist, Church, first, 35, 37, 135
42; purchased by Coddington, Baptists, Seventh Day 135
51; patent of, obtained, 58; Barbados, trade with the,
heresies at, 59, see Newport 114, 115, 175, 317
Arnold, Benedict 30, 34, 37, 67, Barny, Jacob 286
105 Bass, Dr. John, inventory of 326
363

364 Index
Bassett, John 335 Boundaries of Massachusetts,
Baster, Deborah, inventory of Connecticut and Rhode Is-
335 land, 71; laid out by town or-
Bates, Richard 100 dinance in Providence, 86;
Beds and bedding, 133, 135; see disputes with Connecticut set-
also inventories tied, 218
Beecher, Lyman 2'0 Bowen, Captain Ephraim 244
Beef 101, lis Bowen, Dr. Jabez 202, 332
Beer, 54; use of diminishes 189 Bowen, Rev. WiUiam 379
BeUomont, Lord 183, 184 Brattle, Mary 106, 107
BeUows, Mary 100 Bread fi4
Bennett, S 108 Brenton, Governor WiUiam 58,
Berkeley, Dean 146, 267, 368, 270 176
Bemon, Gabriel 35, 138, 308, Bridge, built over the Weybos-
309, 331 set, 41, 88; over the Moshas-
Bernon, Emanuel, negro, 324, suck, 77; over the Pawcatuck,
225; inventory of, 264 138
Bemon, Eve 343 Brinley, Francis 80, 180, 184
Bernon, Mary, negress 3S1 Bristol, slave trade at, 90
Bible, the, 91, 111, 118, see in- Brown, Arthur 276
ventories Brown, Chad 30, 35, 41, 42
BUls of credit 186, 211, 237, 338 Brown, EUsha 349
BiU of divorce 55 Brown, "Four brothers," 2S!S,
Bill of lading, for sloop Sally 350, 353, 363, 316, 333
319 Brown, Geoorge 262
Blacksmith 66, 284 Brown, James 221, 233, S)S3, 227,
Blackstone, WilUam 134 238, 350, 253, inventory of, 234
Blackstone, John 314 Brown, John 33, 350, 351, 253,
Blandin, WilUam 117 353, 316, 320, 333, 336, 338,
Blast Furnace 330 339, 345, 346, 353; 367, 358
Block Island, 71 130; vessels Brown, Joseph 252, 33S^ 337
built at, 393, 394 Brown, Martha, inventory of,
Block Island "turkey" 393 344
Bluefield, the pirate 65 Brown, Moses 43, 188, 237, 228,
Boats, travel by 13'S 330, 3134, 345, 246, 352, 333
Bogman, Jacob, orders sup- Brown, Nathaniel 193, 194, 230,
plies for his plantation 320 232, estabUshed ship-building
Books 91, 110, 245, 246, 373; industry 114
see also inventories Brown, Nicholas 228, 344, 332,
Bookstore, first 246 333, 338, 345, 346, 353
Borden, Mary 200 Bro-wn, Nicholas and Company
Borgeaud, Dr. quoted 5, 6, 13 350, 316, 317, 318, 319, 32'1,
Boston 13, 36, 38, 41, 47, 58, 80, 339, 330, 331, 333, 333, 335,
106, 181, 187, S^S, 268, 376 345, 348, 350, 363

j Index 365
Brown, Obadiah, 189, 337, 338, Garter, John, buys Providence
260, 252, 316, inventory of. Gazette 323
197, 263 Catering, first in Providence 224
Brown, Robert, inventory of, SS90- Cattle, prices of 42, 56, 101
Brown, Samuel 33 ear-marks of 54, 75, 143, 182
Browne, Jabez 317 right of pasturaage for, 91
Brown University, see Rhode stray, 130; see also inven-
Island College tories
Bryant, Ruth 369, 270 Census, first official 185; ordered
Buckles, first record of silver by Board of Trade, 190;
shoe, 143; gold and sUver, 354, King's census taken, 319
313 Chace, Samuel 346
BuU, Henry 51 ChampUn, Captain Christopher
BuU, Katharine, inventory of, 148
1*1 Champlin, Tony, inventory of
Bunday, Mary, inventory of, 166 169
Burnyeat, John 175 Charles II 8, 11; gives southern
Burial grounds 36, 138, 139 Narragansett to Connecticut,
Burroughs, James 317 69; favors colony of Rhode
Butter, price of 101, 103, 115, Island, 174, 184
318 Charles, WiUiam 55
Buttons, silver 124 Charter, accepted by Rhode Is-
Button wood tree 101 land, 5; of Charles II, 8; of
Massachusetts Bay, 12; deftn-
Cadman, WiUiam 181 ition of ordinary, 16; of royal,
Calvin, John 6, 7, 96 16; secured by WilUams, 43;
Calvinism, defined 7 demanded by Andros, ISO
Cambridge 47, 135 Checkley, WilUam, inventory of
Candles, bayberry 100; house 360
and lot sold by, 109; made by Cheese, an export, 115; manu-
hand ^2; sperm, 331 facture of in Rhode Island,
Canonicus 28, 39, 51, 91, 101, 151 153, 156; bequeathed in wiU,
Carew, Dr. Samuel, inventery of 173
341 China, see inventories
Carpenter, Ephraim 101, 133, Church, Captain Benjamin 178
30'S Church, separation of law and.
Carpenter, Esther Bemon 302 20; First Baptist, 35, 37, 135;
Carpenter, James 383, 284 good done by the, 117; of
Carpenter, Mehltable, inventory England, 138; first Congrega-
of 323 tional, 307; St. John's, built.
Carpenter, Sarah, inventory of 308; in Providence, 231
343 Cider 209
Carpenter, WilUam 87, 123 Citizenship, curious form of 66
Carter, Edwin 187 Clark, EUsha, inventory of 312

Index
Clark, Jeremiah, inventory of Community, developed by Wil-
164 liams, 11; evolution of plan-
Clark, Thomas 106, 107 tations into, 131
Clark and Nightingale, mer- Conanicut, ferry to 137, 156
chants, 246, 324 Congdon, WilUam, inventory of
Clarke, Dr. John SO, 59, 64, 69, 290
70, 71, 89, 93, 101, 116, 359, CongregationaUsm 7, 58, 59, 244
death of, 98 Conland, AUce, inventory of 177
Clarke, Nicholas, inventory of Connecticut, 1; contrasted with
349 Rhode Island, 6, 26; an ex-
Clarke, Governor Walter 180 ample of Puritanism, 16; be-
Clausen, John 84 ginnings of government in, 17,
Clerk, Town, 32; "of the mea- 18, 19, 20, 21; Charter for
suers," 54; of the market, 120 southern Narragansett given
Cloth 111, 113, 115, 127, see also and repealed, 69; boundaries
inventories between Rhode Island and, 71,
Coal 285 219; disputes with Rhode Is-
" Coaster's Harbor" 57 land, 94; claims jurisdiction
Coddington, Arnold, inventory extends to Narragansett Bay,
of 243 134, 136
Coddington, WiUiam 45, 48, 51, Conscience, freedom of, 7; con-
68, 69, 61, 62, usurpation of, cern for, 44
64, 66, 97; death of, 106; in- Constitution, first written 17
fluence in the colony, 132 Constitution Hill 34
Code of laws, 31; formed by Cook, George, inventory of 139
General Assembly, 43; made Cook, Nicholas 333
by Coddington, 106 Cooking of cornbread 285
Coke 5 Cooper, Thomas, 100, wiU of,
Colvill, Bethiah, inventory of 127
140 Copley, the artist 150
Commerce, well-estabUshed, 65; Copper pennies 217
of Ne-wport attracts Jews, 69; Corn, scarcity of, 64; corn
reUgious organization depend- grown, 152; price of, 182; ex-
ent on growth of, 83; with portation of forbidden, 216;
Barbados, 114 ; increase of, stored by Indians, 285; corn-
130, 132, 175, 186, 333; slavery husking a festival, 307
a factor in, 187; rapid growth Correy, WilUam 56, 178
of, 194, 265, 330, 331, 335, 346; Costume, of Rowland Robinson,
at Newport, 275 160; of Nicholas Gardiner,
Common Lands, 65; privilege of 309; of "Parson" Fayer-
pasture on, 75; right of pro- weather, 313
prietors to vote on, 84; Cotton, Rev. John 14, 22, 46, 48,
troubles over, 95, 182; afford 49, 78
exports, 195 Cotton wool 101, 123

Index 367
Court, First American Court of Dexter, Mary, inventory of 357
Assistants convened, 13; Gen- Distilleries in Rhode Island 189,
eral Court organized, 115; 233
" Ancient Court of last Re- Dorr, Henry C. quoted 33, 34,
sort," 117 40, 73, 81, 83, 86, 100, 101, 104,
CrandaU, Astress 333 114, 131
Crawford, Mrs. Abijah, inven- Dudley, Grovernor Josiah 13, 14,
tory of 343 44, 47, 48, 184, 186
Crawford, ffreelove, inventory Dunbar, George, inventory of
of 196 255
Crawford, Gideon, 114, 129, 194, Durfee, Job 1, 63, 64
195, 209, 332; inventory of, Durfee, Thomas, deiines soul-
196 liberty, 3; states criticisms of
Crawford, Captain John, inven- AVilliams, 26
tory of 200, 209 DweUings, type of, 66, 73, 12'0;
Crawford, Major WiUiam, in- historic, 66, 74, 121; descrip-
ventory of 201 tion of better class, 166, 171;
CulverweU, Thomas, has first changes in type of, 221
fuUing miU 139 Dyre, Mary, 36, 51, 67, is exe-
Currency, see Money cuted, 68
Curry, Robert, chosen "Town Dyre, WiUiam, 36, 67, 118; in-
Sarjant" 212 ventory of, 264
Dairies 152 Earle, WiUiam 178
Day, Joshua 335 Ear-marks, of cattle 64, 75, 143,
Deeds, from WUUams to plan- 156, 182
ters, 39 ; of " Pawtuxet pur- Easton, Nicholas 57, 89, 175
chase'" 37 Eddy, Barnard 319
Deerskins exported 115 Education 168, 246, 347, 348
Delpech, James 146 Endicott, John 13, 22, 44
Democracy, constituted in Rhode England 5, IS, 19, 34, 39, 43, 70,
Island, 1; of Providence es- 79, 83, 88, 89, 103, 180, 274
tabUshed, 8; practical, devel- Emerson, R. W. 19
oped by WilUams, 11; work- Emigration, to Rhode Island, of
ings of, in New England, 13; Jews, 69; of Huguenots, 137,
at Portsmouth, 53; Newport 208
is a, 68; various movements EpiscopaUans in Rhode Island
tending toward, 82, 169 138, 307
Dennis, Captain John 337 Europe 6, 7, 70, 176, 226, 246
Dexter, Aaron 84 Exports, from Rhode Island,
Dexter, Abigail 100 115, 152, 176, 193, 210; grow
Dexter, Gregory 35, 78, 83, 84 less, 307
Dexter, John 118, 119, 124; In
ventory of, 198, 32? Fairs, held in Providence 120

368 Index
FamiUes, prominent in Rhode Freeborne, WiUiam 65
Island, 160 Free-holders, differences between
Faneuil, Peter 191 proprietors and, 84, 101; con-
Farming, methods of 131, 153, troversy between Harris and,
154 91
Farming utensils, 43, 57, 163, Freeman, Captain Isaac 189
154; see also inventories Free-masonry, three first degrees
Fayerweather, Rev. Samuel, 391, of brought by Jews to Rhode
395, 396, &S, 313; inventory Island, 69
of 313 Funeral, details of 160, 164, 389
Fenner, Major Thomas 121, 212, Furnace, Hope 329, 331, 335
2?20 Furniture 57, 74, 124, 200; see
ffenner, Arthur, 76, 93, 93, 103 also inventories
116, 119; inventory of, 134,
318 Game, plentiful in the colony ifJ
Ferries 41, 137, 311, 226 Garden, the, of George Rome
Few, Richard 56 292
Field, John 30, 80 Gardiner, Ehzabeth, inventory
Field, Thomas 121 of, 166
Field, WilUam 76, 114 Gardiner, Miss Hannah 145
Fire-arms, 126, 339; see also in- Gardiner, John, inventory of 291
ventories Gardiner, Nicholas 308
Fire buckets, leather 227, 343 Gardiner, Peregrine 119
Fire engine 237 Gardiner, WilUam, inventory of
Fish 42, lis, 294, 306, 307, 318 160, 170, 313
Flax 101, 112, 200 Gardiner, WUUam, of Boston
Flour 186 Neck, inventory of 164
Folger, Peter 56 Geneva 5, 88
Food, 42, 155; price of, 101; Gervinus 5
menu of Dr. Babcock, Gibbs, Robert 233
6'96 Ginnings, Peter 289
" Four Brothers," portage bill Glass, see inventories
of sloop, 317 "Glebe House," built by Dr.
Fowler, George 153 McSparran, 147
Fowler, Henry 81 Goddard, Sarah and WiUiam 246
Fox, George 89, 90, 111, 175, 269 Godfrey, Richard, inventory of
Foxe's HiU 28, 41 342
Fox hunting, in the colony 173, Gorton, Samuel, 24, 32; moves
308 to Shawomet, 37, 38; visits
Frank, Andrew, negro, inven- Canonicus, 39; writes pamph-
tory of, 261 let, 40; modern by nature, 61;
Franklin, Benjamin, post-office migrates to Providence, 65!;
of, 240; book on electricity, death of, 105
247; anecdote of, 297 Government, Japanese view of

Index 369
representative, 12; beginnings Hazard, Jeffrey, inventory of
of popular, 14; beginnings of, 289
examined, 16, 17; first in col- Hazard, Jonathan, inventory of
ony, S3; recognition sought 169, 302
for Island, 64; changes in Hazard, "Shepherd Tom'' 285,
judicial, 116; of Rhode Is- 306, 307
land called a scandal by Gov- Hazard, Stephen, inventory of
ernor Dudley, 184; of Rhode 161
Island, under the Union, 363 Hazard, Susannah, inventory of
Grain, see inventories 291
Great Salt River 41, 42, 114, 193, Hazard, Robert, 142, 150; ex-
309, 233 ports pacers, 157; inventory
Green, Benjamin Jr., inventory of, 147, 311
of, 198 Heeth, Betty 167
Green, James 334 Helme, Christopher, inventory
Greene, John 136 of, 163
Grenville, George 333 Helme, James 287
Guinea, slave trade with 13^, Helme, Powel 281
181, 305 Helme, Rowse, inventory of 141
Highways 41, 76, 80, 131, 133,
Hannah, Robert, inventory of 311, 367
140 Higinbotham, Charles, inventory
"Hard money" party 303 of, 166
Hardin, Abraham 115 Hitchcock, Daniel, inventory of
Harris, EUsha, inventory of 126 343
Harris, Thomas, 30, 91; inven- Hitchcock, Rev. Gad 344
tory of, 126, 239 Holden, Randall 61
Harris, WUUam, 78, 80, 88, 90, Holmes, Obadiah 84
91, 92, 93; imprisoned, 94; Holston, Mary, apprenticed 177
death of, in England, 103; in- Holway, Benjamin, inventory ot
ventory of, 109 390
Harrison, Peter, builder of the Home-lots, 33, 35; system of
Redwood Library, 146 creates local attachment, 83';
Hart, Joseph 333 term altered to house-lots, 333
Hawkins, Job 330 Homesteads 36
Hawkings, Isaiah 363 Honeyman, Rev. James 307, 267,
Hazard, Caleb, inventory of 162, 276
164 Hooker, Thomas 16, 17, 18, 20,
Hazard, " College Tom," account 21, 44, 347
books of, 380, 381; slaves of, Hopkins, Esek, first admiral of
285, 303 the American navy, 234, 317,
Hazard, Colonel George, 139; 318, 319, 321, 330
house of, 166; inventory of, Hopkins, Stephen, born, 228; in-
167 fluences which moulded, 2^9;

370 Index
abiUty recognized, 330; exten- plantations, 115: store corn,
sion of commerce encouraged 285
by, 333; catalogued library, "Indian Trail" 138
344; political advancement of. Indigo 115, 381
347; elected governor, 348; Industry, French ship, captured
member of the Literary and by privateer, 336
Philosophical Society, 271; Industries, Tanning 81; lime-
prevails in local politics, 332; burning, 87; at Westerly, 136;
one of committee of corres- woolen, 139; distillery of rum
pondence, 336; resigns from an important, 331
Congress, 341; death of, 352 Inheritance 124
Hopkins, Major WilUam 120, "Initial Deed " of WilUams 29,
239 78, 79, 91
Horses, prices of, 101, 281; ex- Inns, first, licensed, 96; poor ac-
ported to West Indies, 162; commodations in, 158; Tur-
Narragansett pacer described, pin's, 219
167; bred by Governor Robin- Inman, Joanna, inventory of 216
son, 172; 100 gallons of rum Inman, Mary 200
offered for a, 222; pacing Inman, Tabitha, inventory of
races, 307 216
Hospitality, in the colony 158 Ipswich, a port of entry 181,
Houses, see Dwellings 194
Household utensils, see inven- Irishmen in Rhode Island 156,
tories 386
House, John, inventory of 316, Irish butter 318
330 Iron 330, 331, 336
Howard, Jack, negro 334 Inventories 56, 109, 111, 113, 130,
Hoyden, Ehzabeth 99 134, 135, 126, 127, 139, 140, 141,
Huguenots, settle lin Rhode Is- 143, 161, 162, 163, 164, 166,
land, 137, 208 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171,
HuU, John, mint master 69 176, 177, 196, 196, 198, 199,
Hunt, Benjamin, inventory of 200, 203, 216, 238, 239, 340,
333 341, 253, 254, 255, 267, 258,
Hussey, Sylvanus 336 261, 263, 389, 290, 291, 311,
Hutchinson, Anne, 36, 45, 59; 312, 322, 325, 326, 327, 341,
marriage of, 46; trial of, 48; 342, 343, 350, 351
fate of, 49
Hutchinson, William, 46; elected Jackson, Stephen 245
judge, S3 Jakwise, Lowes 287
Jakwise, Nathan, inventory of
Idioms and sayings in Rhode Is- 142
land, 303, 304, 305 JeUinek, quoted 7, 8
Indians, 37, 42, 60, 69, 73; testi- Jenckes, Daniel 223, 246, 316, 336
mony of, 96; a menace to Jenckes, D. and Son 321, 332

Index 371
Jenckes, Captain John, inven- Knowles, the widow, inventory
tory of, 202, 203 of 164
Jenckes, Governor Joseph, 218;
inventory of, 238 Labor, 43; male and female,
Jennings, T. 183 286; slaves, 388
Jews, immigration of, to Rhode Lafayette 7
Island, 69; petition General Land, system, of Newport, 58
Assembly, 118; in Nevrport, at Providence, 60; division of,
374; contractors in oil trust, 83; price per acre, 101
339; purchasers of iron, 330 Landon, Daniel inventory of 163
Jewelry, see inventories Land titles, disputes over 78, 98,
Joanes, John, inventory of 109 102
Johnson, Rev. Samuel 271 Law-suits 15, 106, 107, 108, 109,
Jones, Dr. John, first physician 117, 118
of Providence, 202 La-wton, George 55
JosUn, Thomas and Hannah 113 Lee, Mrs. Anstis 305
Joy, Moses 335 LenthaU, Robert, 69; pubUc
Judges, early, of Rhode Island school of, 60
53, 116 Liberty, reUgious, 7, 41, 43; ad-
Judicial system, organized in niits Jews, 69; recognized in
Rhode Island, 115; develop- law, 174; new ideas of, 306
ment of, 119 Liberty, soul-defined by Durfee,
JuUien, John, inventory of 166 3. pushed toward Anarchism
in Rhode Island, 8; led by
Keayne, Captain, Mrs. Shaw's WilUams, 11; Rhode Island
suit, against, 16 hampered in search after, 14;
Kelly, Ann 169 ^t jast estabUshed, 46; over-
Kelton, Joseph, inventory of spreads theocracy, 206
^^1 Liberty tree, dedicated by Jo-
" Kernel of a State," WiUiam's ^i Olnev 332
community in Rhode Island Library, of' WiUiam Harris,
caUed, 5; kept unimpaired, 8 ^^j. ^^ j^j^^^ Updike, 149;
^ng, Amos, inventoiy of 241 ^^^^^ subscription, formed.
King Phihp's War 91, 96, 111, g^. ^^^ Redwood, 270, 378;
^^'^' 1^^ „ of Trinity Church, 3'73; of
Kingstown, ferry at, 137; popu- j^^^ Merrett, 377; the first
lation of, 191; taxes of, 309 public 328
Kmnicut, Colonel Edward 234, Liddeason, Job 113
Kinnicut, Roger 333 Lime made from stone and
Kitchen utensUs, see inventories s°^"^' ^^
Knight, Madam, journeys on Linen, 67, 139; see also inven-
horseback, 121, 138, 158; de- tones
scribes a " Hutt," 144 Linen wheel 162

37a

Index

Lippetts, Ann 227
Lippetts, Moses 113, 149, 153
Liquor, sale of, 75; sale to In
dians forbidden, 76; sale of
regulated by local authority,
95
Literary and Philosophical So
ciety, formed at Newport,
270, 271
Logwood 115
Looms, see inventories
London 6, 40, 66, 69, 103, 238
Lottery, in Providence 226, 233,
SiiS, 335
Lowell, James Russell 16
Magistrates, in the colony 13,
14, 15
Magna Charter 7, 31
Man, Thomas, legacies of 123
Manchester, Captain Thomas, in
ventory of, 363
Manhattan, trade with 65
Manners, regulated by rule 85
Manton, Edward, 131; inven
tory of, 316
Manton, Shadrach 260
Manufactures 189, 330
Marbury, Anne, see Awtie
Hutchinson
Marine Insurance 246, 362
Marriage, banns of, 81; consent
of parents to, 99; settlement
of marital differences, 107,
108; mixed, 310
Marsh, Mary 213
Martin, John, inventory of 326
Mason, Major John 9, 78
Mason, Jeremiah F. 324
Mason, Noah 223
Massachusetts, 1 ; contrasted
with Rhode Island, 6, 25; ex
ists under royal charter, 12;
organization of colony of, 15;

early struggles in, 23, 33;
sends armed force against
Gorton, 38; Gorton's pamphlet
against, 40; persecution of
Quakers in, 67; boundaries
between Rhode Island and, 71;
disturbed by King Philip's
War, 96, 97; arrests citizens
of Rhode Island, 134 ; manu
factures of, compared -with
those of Rhode Island, 189
Massachusetts Bay 33
Mather, Cotton 13, 33, 80, 191,
304, 330, 325
Mawney, John, inventory of 358
Mayhew, Jonathan 206
Maze, WiUiam 181
Medicine 202
Merchants of Rhode Island 135,
148, 194, 195, 333, 328, 233,
346, 360, 363, 319, 334, 351
Merrett, John, inventory of 336
Miantonomi 38, 51, 92, 151
Mill, John Smith's, 8, 41; town,
43; sugar, 65; fulUng, 139;
wind, 178; saw, 194
Milton, John 6
Misquamicut, see Westerly
Molasses 186, 189, 331, 323, 376,
330
Money, Spanish, 133; " N. E.
Coyne," 133; scarce, 182; pa
per, 186; 210, 237; value of
Spanish miUed dollars, 290;
depreciation of Old Tenor,
237, 338; values of "real,"
313, 314; depreciation of, af
ter Revolutionary War, 364,
356
Morris, Captain Richard 54
Moshassuck River 28, 41, 42, 77,
194
Mott, Adam, 51; inventory of
56

Index 373
Mourning rings 160 267; Literary and Philosophi-
Mumford, Benjamin 310 cal Society founded at, 270;
Mumford, John 267 exports to West Indies from,
Mumford, Thomas 145 276; artists of distinction at,
McSparran, Dr. James, 145, 147; 277; culture at, 370, 277, 378,
diary of, 152, 153, 1S4, 156, 348; a port of entry, 335;
166; death of, 160 effect of Revolutionary War
Names, use of titles and 76, 310 °"' ^'^
Narragansett Bay, see Rhode Niantic Indians 134
Iglg,n^ NichoUs, Andrew 384
Narragansett Indians 38, 39, 97,
134, 385 Oil, spermaceti 316, 329, 335, 346
Nash, Ebenezer 170 Old Tenor, see Money
Negroes, population, 136, 151; Olney, Epenetus, inventory of
prices of, 143; see also inven- 242
tories Olney, Lieutenant James 213
New England, origin and work- Olney, Jonathan 265?
ings of democracy in, 6, 13; Olney, Joseph 332
sources of Puritanism in, 16; Olney, Thomas Sr. 110, 116, 130,
struggles in, 32; apprenticing 131, 194, 303, 314, 215; inven-
in, 113; sheep in, 114; best tory of. 111
cheese in, 162; living in Rhode Olney, Thomas Jr. 35, 81, 120,
Island compared with other 136, 137
communities in, 173; exten- Olney, Richard 334
sion of commerce throughout. Onion, John 310
180; distiUing in, 189, 321; Osborn, N., inventory of 162
prayer for well-being of, 206; Oxen 42, 80, 101
public libraries in, 244; de- Palatine, legend of Dutch ship
velopment in, 265 295
New Englander, the, characteris- Palatine Light, scientifically de-
tics of, 306 scribed, S?94; tradition of, 396
"New Lights" 388 Palfrey 13, 22
Newport, settlement of, 57; po- Pamphlets 40, 90, 92, 255, 332
Utical ascendancy of, 58; Pasturage 36, 91, 153
church feUowship gathered Patent, of Newport, 58; royal,
at, 59; first school supported 69
by taxation at, 60; commerce Patten, Mary, inventory of 344
thrives at, 66, 189, 3'67; immi- Pawtuxet 37, 38
gration of wealthy Jews to, " Pawtuxet purchase " 29, 37
69, 274; Quakers at, 89; Peas 101, 103
Roger WilUams rows to, 90; Peage 51
slavery a factor in commerce Peat, used for fuel 294
of, 187, 188, 190; distiUeries Peck, John S'JQ
at, 189; Berkeley arrives at. Peck, Jonathan 319

374 Index
Pequot Indians 28 43; first settlement at, 53;
Pequot Path, The 133 records of, 54, 56, 57; prison
Perry, Samuel, inventory of 141 ordered built at, 55; shipbuild-
Pettaquamscutt 133, 146, 147, ing at, 65; first inn at, 95
173, 398 Post, first pubUc, 138; B. Frank-
Pewter, 110, 335; see also inven- Un's, 346
tories Potter, George 108
Physician, the first 303 Potter, Ichabod 167
Pigs, of iron 330 Potter, John, inventory of 313
PiUion 131, 134, 161, 199 Potter, Rachel 108
Pioneer, Uving described, 74; Potter, Captain Simeon 190
interest attaches to, 196 Potter, WilUam 215
Pirates, fear of attacking com- Poultry 162
merce, 66 ; " too kindly enter- Powder and shot 55
tained in Rhode Island," 183 Power, Nicholas 41, 86, 332, 316,
Pitchwood, tar made from 100 317, 318
Plantation, meaning of term, 36; Prey, I'phraim 99
troubles of, 38; of Newport Price, Bridget 106
established, 57; north and Prices, of land, cattle, commod-
south, contrasted, 60; evolu- ities, etc., 75, 101, 102, 289,
tion of, into community, 131; 290, 346; see also inventories;
of large land-holders exten- difficulty of adjusting, 237
sive, 150 Primogeniture 185
Planters, the 17, 29, 72 Prison, ordered built at Ports-
Plymouth 28, 33, 36, 61, 180 mouth, 55; at Newport, 77;
Point Judith 136, 151, 308 at Providence, 138, 319
Politics, as developed by free- Privateers, 335, 337, 346; slave
dom, 84, 85; controlled by trade of, 188, 189, 190, 376
Quakers, 90; changes in, 116; Probate, customs peculiar ¥J3
described as seething, 2^4; af- Progress, slow in attaining to
fects social movements, 333; wealth and culture, 11; steady
after Revolutionary War, 353 in Rhode Island, 33; expands
Poor, the, care of 107, 313, 389 settlements, 83
Population increases, 41; char- Property, institutes are based
acter of, 43, 180; continued on, 53
growth of, 193, 319 Proprietors, 29, 32, 78; differ-
Pork 101, 102 ences between free-holders and,
Portage bill, of sloop Defiance 84
336 Providence, brig 243, 251
Portrait painting introduced by Providence, democracy of, estab-
Smibert, 150 lished, 8; aims of settlers of.
Ports of entry, 181; Newport a, described by WilUams, 9;
325 founding of, 28; proprietors
Portsmouth, committee sent to, of, 29, 30, 33, 37, 79, 102, 119;

Index 376
"second comers" in, 30, 75; Punishments, 38, 55, 68; for im-
division of lands in, 32, 36; moraUty, 99, 100; for debt,
plantations at, 36, 79; First 117; for theft, 118; of slaves.
Baptist Church in, 37; streets 163, 166
laid out in, 41 ; WiUiams se- Puritanism, Connecticut an ex-
cures charter for, 43; Code ample of, 16; defined, 19;
of Laws made by General As- challenged by Antinomianism,
sembly, 44; exiles from Bos- 47
ton received at, 50; compact
of, based on "ci-iol things Quakers, 33; persecution of, 67;
only," 31, 53; troubles at, 60; an important factor in pros-
Dutch trade with, 66; historic perity of Rhode Island, 68;
dweUings in, 73, 131; pioneer flock to Newport, 88; an in-
Uving in, 74; ordinances of, fluence for good, 88; yearly
75, 86, 95; taxation in, 77, 83, meetings of, 175; oppose slav-
336, 308; "Initial Deeed" of, ery, 188
78, 91; reUgious organization Quaker Meeting house, a, buUt
at, 83; votes of free-holders, at Providence, 96; bequest for
84; crude law-making at, 86; a, 242
industries of, 87, 231, 222, 283,
320, 330, 334, 337; Quaker Racing, horse 167, 307
meeting house buUt at, 90; Randolph, John, of Roanoke 307
WilUams berates, 91; system Ransom, paid for WUUam Har-
of apprenticing in, 113, 214; ris, 103
first schoolmaster of, 119; Rates, of taxation 76, 101, 103,
ship-building at, 65, 133, 330; 103, 178, 183
first pubUc post at, 138; in- Ray, Simon, inventory of 169
crease of commerce at, 130, Reynolds, Thomas, inventory of
133, 316; exports from, 193, 163
194, 309; religious denomina- Read, John, negro 334
tions in, 204, 207; shipping in. Real estate, value of, 101, 317;
310; paper currency in, 310; see also inventories
bounty paid for wolves heads. Reed, Martin, "a remarkable
313; prices of realty in, 317; man," 383
lottery in, 333; streets of, sur- Reep, Samuel 109
veyed, 365; slavery in, 319, 339; Redwood Library, the 147, 370,
trade with West Indies, 319, 272, 273, 278
331; opposes EngUsh govern- Reformation, the 10
ment, 336; merchants of, 228, Rehoboth 129, 131, 194, 202
360, 363, 330, 324, 330, 331, ReUgious meetings, 35; changes
333, 335, 339, 346, 361 in, 304

376 Index
Rhode Island, 1; called kernel Rhode Island CoUege 333
of a state, 6; contrasted with Richman, quoted 6, 10, 47, 69,
Massachusetts and Connecti- 64, 73, 101, 104
cut, 6, 26; practical democracy Richmond, Barzillai 262
developed in, 11; noted for Ridge, Valentine 282
individualities, 24; name of Right, Adam 178
adopted, 68; trade wSth Con- Rings, mourning, 160; gold, 163;
necticut, 66; religious freedom see also inventories
decreed for, 70; boundaries Road, John, inventory of 256
between Massachusetts, Con- Roades, Captain Joseph 221
necticuf and, 71; significant Roberts, William 218
dates in history of, 72 ; Robinson, Hannah, " the unf or-
Quakers in, 88; disputes with tunate," 379, 380
Connecticut, 94, 319; disturbed Robinson, Matthew 150
by King Phillip's War, 96, Robinson, Rowland, 141; inven-
97; exports from, 114, 176; tory of, 143; slaves of, 143;
judicial system of, 115; Hu- dress of, 160, S?79, 280
guenots in, 137, 208; Church Robinson, Govemor WiUiam, in-
of England in, 138; agricul- ventory of, 171; slaves of, 173
ture in, 152, 153; Irish in, 166, Rogers, Abigail, inventory of 350
286; culture in, 158; comforts Rome, George 291, 292, 293, 329,
of living increase in, 161, 263; 334
slavery in, 173, 187, 189, 305, Rope walks, at Newport, 224;
306; population of, 175, 180, primitive, 344
186, 191, 194, 219, 226; adopts Rum 186, 188, 189, 190, 232,
new colony seal, 180; com- 276, 316
merce of, extends, 181, 186, RusseU, Joseph and WilUam 'JiO
301; privateering in, 183, 340;
government of criticized, 184; Sabeere, Stephen 117
first census of, 186; biUs of Sabine, Thomas 33'4
credit issued, 186 ; manuf ac- Sachems, The 3, 93, 133
tures of compared with those Sairles, Edward and Ann 113
of Massachusetts and Con- Salem 12
necticut, 189; division of col- Salisbury, a port of entry, 181,
ony, 191 ; aids in expedition 194
against Louisbourg, 327; anec- Salisbury, Experience 243
dotes of Rhode Island charac- Sanford, John 64
ters, 303, 304, 305; coUege of, Sanford, Restand, inventory of
founded, 333; General Assem- 176
bly renounces aUegiance to the Savage, quoted 14
crown, 337; effect of Revolu- Say and Sele, Lord 14
tionary War on, 346, 363, 354, Saybrook !.'0
355, 356; Summing up of place Sayings and idioms in Rhode
of, in the Union, 369 Island, 303, 304, 305

Index 377
Sayles, John 113 Signatures, of men and women
Scoakequanolsett, lime kiln at 127, 199, 217, 242
87 Silk grass beds 122
Schooners, A lexander and Mar- Simons, Peter 380
tha, 136; William, 339; Pelic- Slander, action for 54, 106
ity, 339 Slate Rock 28
bcituale 229, 2;i0 Slaves, see Negroes
Scogan's Jest Book 96 Slavery, 114, 143, 173, 178;
School, first supported by taxa- slave trade a factor in com-
tion, 60; parish attempted, merce, 87, 189, 190, 223; af-
146; better pubUc, 245; Mrs. fects life and conduct, 306
WiUsinson's, at Newport, 348 Sloops, SHO, Mary, 223; Tartar,
Schoolmaster, first 119 227; Dolphin, 196, 201, 228,
Scott, Edward 27ii' 262; Mary Godfrey, Rainbow,
Scott. Captain George 190 Pellican, Mary Gould, Shear-
Scott, Richard 30, 36, 36 " water, fJ2S; Sally, 262, 339;
Seaflower, brigantlne 187 Oharrmng Molly, Charles, 316;
Seaver, Richard, inventory of Four Brothers, 317; George,
360 320; Liberty, 334; Defiance,
"Second comers" 4, 30, 31, 75, 336; Enterprise, Polly, 339;
79 Ranger, 340; Diamond, 340,
Seekonk River 29, 36, 41, 211, 346
234 Smibert, John 146, 150, 277
Sermons 336 Smith's Castle 134, 149
Sessions, Darius 337 Smith, Hesekiah, inventory of
Sewall, Judge 188 366
Sewall, Samuel 151 Smith, Ephraim, inventory of
Shaw's, Mrs., suit against Cap- 143
tain Keayne, IS Smith, Joseph 109
Shaw's Ford, see Westerly Smith, John, 8, 38, 41, 74; in-
Shawomet, see Warwick ventory of, 113, 166
Sheep, 101, 114, 176; see also Smith, Richard, of Smith's Cas-
inventories tie, 133, 134, 136, 166
Sheldon, Pardon, inventory of Smuggling 181, 322
240 Social Ufe 144, 147, 158, 309
Shepherd, Thomas 3 Society, established by WiUiams
Sherman, Josiah, inventory of 5
163 Soul-Uberty, see Liberty
Shipbuilding, 65, 114, 13'J, 136, Spinning 383, 383
146; stimulates aU industries. Spinning wheels, 126, 12'7, 140,
194; method of payment for, 161; see also inventories
320; continues, 358 Spinsters, under family control.
Shipping 181, 310 98; inventory of a, 316
Sibley, AbigaU 100 Sponsors, called "gossips" 398
Signs, swinging, 347; eccentric, Sprague, Bethiah, inventory of
333, 334 257

378 Index
Sprague, Obadiah 333 Tefft, EUzabeth, inventory of
Squirrels, premium offered for 168
313 Tenor, old and new, 337, 338;
Stage coach, runs to Boston 334 see also Money
Stamp Act 331 Thacher, Peter, inventory of 253
Standing Council, in Mass. Theocracy, Massachusetts, a, 1;
created and abolished, 13, 14 root of system of, 2; Connecti-
Stanton, Col. Joseph 151 cut a modified, 1, 19; type of.
Staples, Judge, quoted 29, 44, contemplated at Aquldneck,
86, 87, 119 52
Starbuck, Christopher 346, 349 Thornton, Samuel, inventory of
State house, in Providence, built 127
247 Thornton, James 130
Stocks 54, 118, 178 Throckmorton, John 35
Stone ware, see inventories Thurston, Edward 56
Straight, Henry, inventory of Tifft, Samuel, inventory of 161
177 TiUinghast, Daniel 333
Straus, quoted 5 TiUinghast, Mercy, inventory of
Stuart, GEbert 377, 310 258
Succotash 155 TiUinghast, Nicholas 369
Suffrage, restricted to married TiUinghast, Pardon, 41, 84, 117,
men, 84 133, 176, 193, 194; inventory
Sugar lis, 186, 189, ^2 of, 199; church under, 204
Sugar mills 65 TiUinghast, Captain WiUiam,
Sutton, Bartholomew 343 inventory of, 'JSi
Swamp Fight, the 134 Titles, use of 331, 361, 310, 329
Swanton, David, mariner 227 Tobacco, 101, 123, 153; ton of,
Synod, at Cambridge 48 exported, 193; shipments of,
310; a factor in West Indian
Tanning 384 trade, 321; see also inventories
Tar, made from pitchwood 100 Toleration, present conception
Taulbary, John 171 of, compared with that of
Taverns, 75; social functions of Williams' time, 2; religious,
colonial, 95 ; famous, 219 ; U- decreed by King, 70
censes of, 220 ToU Bridge, built at Weybossett
Taxation, first for schools, 60; 88
for bridge over Moshassuck, Tools 87, 133
77; for bridge over Pavrtuxet, Torrey, Rev. Joseph 313
82; rates of, 101, 102; town Tower Hill, 168; shopping at,
tax of Providence, 211; colony 287
and town, 236, 309 Town clerk, 33; councU, 128;
Taylor, George 345 divisions, 148; "sarjant," 129,
Taylor, Thomas, inventory of 212; treasurer, 30
340 Town meetings, 8; first record

Index 379
of, 30; scope of, 30, 60; sale Vital statistics, record of, kept,
of Uquor to Indians prohibited 143, 182
at, 76
Town MiU, a club center, 42, WaU^er, Captain WiUiam 339
73, 85; gatherings at, afford Walmsley, Thomas 310
debate, 95, 113 Wampum 55
Towne Street, 33, 34, 35, 41, Wanton, Governor 336, 337
106, 109, 120, 130, 193, 219, Wanton, Captain WilUam 369,
332 270
Trade, see Commerce War, King PhiUp's 91, 96, 111,
Trades, 66, 87, 113; weaving as 120, 136
a, 1S19; leather dressing as a. Ward, Govemor Richard 186,
178 334
Training, 80; field, 129 Ward, Samuel ^49, 334, 339
Travel, on horseback, 121; by Warehouses 130
boat, 122, 136; is difficult, 308; Warming pans, see inventories
by stage coach, 324 Warner, John 214
Trencher 74 Warner, Susannah 314
Turpin, WiUiam, first schoolmas- Warner, WUliam 76
ter, 119, 319; inventory of, 135 Warwick, settled, 33, 37, 41, 43,
Tutoring 158 72; disputes at, 93, 94; cattle
TT • i, ,,.,.„„.,.„„.„ at, 42; suffers from Indian
Umon, the 11, 24, 69, 349, 359 j- no „ i t- * im
TT it . ^, . i , ., warfare, 98; population of, 191
Unthank, Christopher 41 ,.,. ^ . . ^ ^ .
TT j-1 o i • T-k -1 iAi\ Watches, see inventories
Updike, Captam Daniel 149 ,,,. . xt ^i. • t ¦!««•
Updike, Lodowick 369 Waterman, Nathaniel 197
Ustick, Thomas 347 Wa erman, Resolved 76, 122, 202
"Usurpation" the, of Codding- W,^,*^""^"' ^'"^^'^ ^^' '^^' ^°''
ton, 64, 65, 66, 106 „/^" . ,,_
TT4. M J 4. J. J- J- Waters, Anne 118
Utensus, crude state of farm- „. .. t i^ ar,%
' „ 1 7j J Watts, John 321
mg, 42 ; see Household, and ,,, _j. t i, • i ji tr,^
-r.°l -, Wayte, Joseph, inventory of 177
Kitchen „,.•'. , to tw lax
Wearmg apparel, 56, 57, 124,
Value of estates, see inventories 166, 316, 343, 309; see also in-
Vane, Sir Harry 6, 43, 44, 46, ventories
47, 60, 67 Weaving 113, 139, 383
Varnum, James MitcheU 333, Webb, George, inventory of 165
335, 336 Weeden, John 355
VassaU, WilUam SsS Welde, Joseph 44, 49, 60
Vehicles 131 WeUs, Joseph 136
Verin, Joshua 38, 33, 34 Westcott, Josiah, inventory of
Vessels, type of, built, 186, 195, 165
210; Block Island, 393 Westcott, Prizilah 257
VUeat, Mary 169 Westerly 134, 136, 136, 144, 249,
Vincent, WilUam, inventory of 296
123 West Indies, the, 66, 101, 115;

380

In^ex

exports from Rhode Island to,
152, 176, 181, 209; slave trade
with, 187, 2S#3; commerce
with, 186, 187, 188, 193, 319,
335; trade in tobacco with,
331
Weybosset 41, 88
Whale oU 316, 329, 346
WhaUng 329, 334, 336
Wharves, 190; first in Provi
dence, 176; town wharf in
Providence, 139, 309
Wheaton, Dr. Levi 396
Wheelright, Rev. John 46
Whipping, as a punishment, 118;
of a convict, 333
Whipple, Abraham 317, 332, 336
Whipple, Eleazar 131
Whipple, John, 74, 239; inven
tory of, 365
Whipple, John Jr., 106, 107
Whipple, Colonel Joseph 3^1
Whipple, Samuel, 118; inventory
of, 136
Whitefield, George 153
Wickes, Francis 38
Wickenden, WiUiam 30
Wickford 36, 88, 133, 134, 147
Widows, remarriage of 133
Wigs, see inventories
Wightman, Valentine 133
WUkinson, Israel 330
Wilkinson, Samuel 208, 229
WUkinson, WilUam 208
Wilkinson's, Mrs., school at
Newport, 348
Will, of Nicholas Power made
at town meeting, 66; arrange
ments for spinsters in, 99;
peculiar customs regarding,
122
Willey, Aaron C. 394
Williams, Roger, 1, 3'; writes
Governor Winthrop, 3, 4, 38,
62; views of historians con

cerning, 5, 10, 26, 104; associ
ates in London, 6, 43; first
apostle of religious liberty, 7;
writes Major Mason defining
liberty, 9; develops a democ
racy, 11; compared with
Thomas Hooker, 21; charac
ter and principles of, 23, 36,
37, 39, 63, 77, 184; founds
Providence 28; conveys land
to proprietors, 29; prepares a
double subscription 30; de
scribes " peace," 32 ; influence
of, 34, 43, 46, 70, 80, 86, 174,
355?, 360; religious meetings
held in house of, 36, 74; bap
tism of, 36; secures charter
for Providence, 43; receives
exiles from Boston, 51; styled
" time spirit," 59 ; comment of,
on King's decree of religious
liberty, 71; house of, 73; ap
pears as moderator at town
meeting, 70; berates town of
Providence, 77, 93 ; leads " sec
ond-comers," 78; weak points
of, 79; a Seeker, 83, 89; "wit
nesses " against casting lots,
87; rows to Newport, 90;
cited in connection with lands
for pasturage, 93, 103; death
of, 113; one of the early
judges of Rhode Island, 116;
trading house built by, 133;
preaches to Indians at Smith's
Castle, 134
WilUams, Thomas 317
Wilson, James, inventory of 139
Windsor, Samuel 123
Wine, Madeira 334
Winthrop, Governor, Roger Wil
Uams writes to, 3, 4, 38, 62;
aUuded to or quoted, 12, 13,
14, IS, 24, 33, 36, 44, 46, 47,
50, 58, 59

Index 381
Winthrop, John, the younger 69 Wool 101, 116, 282, 283
Woddell, Gershom 177, 178 Woonasquetucket River 29, 32,
Wolves heads, bounty paid for, 41
130, 212 Wright, Samuel 200
Women, employments of 127,
286, 287 Young, Captain Archibald, in-
Woodin, John 99 ventory of, 361

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