1

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

c A

GENERAL
HISTORY AND COLLECTION
OF
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER :
rOKMINS A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS
OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE,
BY SEA. AND LAND,
PROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME.

BY
ROBERT KERR, F.R. S. & F. A.S. EDIN.

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.

VOL. V

EDINBURGH :
Prmted by George Ramsay and Company,
FOR WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, SOUTH BRIDGE-STREET ;
J. MURRAY, FLEET STREET, R. BALDWIN, PATERNOSTER ROW,
LONDON; AND J. CUMMING, DUBLIN.

1812.

CONTENTS

VOL. V.

PARTIL BOOKIL CONTINUED. Page
CHAP. VII. Continued. Continuation of the early history of
Peru, after the death of Francisco Pizarro to
the defeat of Gonzalo Pizarro, and the re-
establishment of tranquillity in the country ;
written by Augustine Zarate, . . 1
Sect. III. Continuation of the Yiceroyalty of
Blasco Nunnez Vela, to his depo.
sition and expulsion from Peru, ib.
Sect. IV. History of the usurpation of Gon.
zaio Pizarro, from the expulsion
of the Viceroy to his defeat and
death, .... IS
V. Continuation of the Usurpation of
Gonzalo Pizarro, to the arrival of
Gasca in Peru with full powers to
restore the Colony to order, . 81
VL History of the Expedition of Pedro
de la Gasca, the death of Gonzalo
Pizarro, and the Restoration of
Peru to Tranquillity, . . 101
VII. Insurrection of Ferdinand and Pe
dro de Contreras in Nicaragua,
and their unsuccessful attempt

?i CONTENTS. Page
upon the Royal Treasure in the
Tierra Firma, . . . l^S
CHAP. VIII. Continuation of the early history of Peru,
from the restoration of tranquillity by Gasca
in 1549, to the death of the Inca Tupac Ama
ru ; extracted from Garcilasso de la Vega, 181
Sect. I. Incidents in the History of Peru,
from the departure of Gasca, to
the appointment of Don Antonio
de Mendoza as Viceroy, . 185
II. History of Peru during the Vice-
royalty of Don Antonio de Men
doza, ... . 189
III. Narrative of the Troubles in Peru,
consequent upon the Death of the
Viceroy Mendoza, . . 191
IV. Continuation of the Troubles in
Peru, to the Viceroyalty pf the
Marquis de Cannete, . .199
V. History of Peru during the Vice-
royalty of the Marquis del Can
nete, . . . .211
VI. Incidents in the History of Pern,
during the successive Governments
of the Conde de Nieva, Lope Gar
cia de Castro, and Don Francisco
de Toledo, . . . 215
CHAP IX. Historyof the Discovery and Conquest of Chili, 218
Sect. I. Geographical View of thc King
dom of Chili, . . . 219
II. Of the Origin, Manners, and Lan
guage of the Chilese, . . CJ9
III. State of Chili, and Conquests made
in that Country by the Peruvians,
before the arrival of the Spa.
niards, .... 248
IV. First Expedition of the Spaniards
into Chili under Almagro, . 262
V. Second Expedition into Chili, under
Pedro de Valdivia, to the com
mencement of the War between
the Spaniards and Araucanians, 266"
VI. Narrative of the War between the

CONTENfS. vii
Page
Spaniards and Araucanians, from
the year 1550, to the Defeat and
Death of Pedro de Valdivia on the
3d of December 1 653, . 276
Sect. VII. Continuation of the War between
the Spaniards and Araucanians,
from the death of Valdivia, to
that of Caupolican, . 292
VIII. Continuation of the Araucanian
War, after the Death of Caupo
lican, to the Reduction of the
Archipelago of Chiloe by the Spa
niards, .... 316
IX. Continuation of the Araucanian War
to the Destruction of all the Spa.
nish Settlements in the territories
of that Nation, . . 327
X. Farther Narrative of the War, to
the Conclusion of Peace with the
Araucanians, . . . 355
XI. Renewal of the War with the Arau
canians, and succinct Narrative
of the History of Chili, from 1655
to 1787, .... 373
XII. State of Chili towards the end of the
Eighteenth Century, . . 380
XIII. Account of the Archipelago of
Chiloe, . . . " . 392
XIV. Account of the native tribes inha
biting the southern extremity of
South America, . . 401
CHAP. X. Discovery of Florida, and Account of several
ineffectual Attempts to Conquer and Settle that
Country by the Spaniards, . . . 410
Sect. I. Discovery of Florida, by Juan
Ponce de Leon, . . 413
II. Narrative of a Disastrous attempt
by Panfilo de Narvaez to conquer
Florida ; together with some ac
count of that Country, . 419
III. Adventures and wonderful escape
of Cabeza de Vaca, after the loss
of Narvaez, . . . 425

'"* CONTENTS. Page
Sect, IV. Narrative of a new attempt to Con.
quer Florida, by Ferdinand de
Soto, . ... 440
V. Continuation of the Transactions of
Ferdinand de Soto in Florida, 455
VI. Conclusion of the Expedition to
Florida by Ferdinand de Soto, 488

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GENERAL HISTORY
AND
COLLECTIOJ^ OF
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.

PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED.

CHAPTER- VIL Continued.
PONTINUATIOK OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU, AFTER THE
DEATH OF FRANCISCO PIZARRO, TO THE DEFEAT OF GON
ZALO PIZARRO, AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF TRANQUIL
ITY IN THE COUNTRY } WRITTEN BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE.

.Section III.
Continuation of tJte Viceroyalty ^ Blasco Nunnez Vela, to Ms
^ , deposition and expulsion, from IPeru,
THE viceroyreceived immediate intelligence of the revolt
pf PnelleSj.as mentioned in the foregoing section, which»
was brought to him by a Peruvian captain named YlJatopa ;
and, though he considered it, as a very unfortunate incident,
he .took inimediate measures to counteract their intentions ol
joining the enemy, by sending a detachment to occupy the
passes ofthe valleyofJauj a, through which th^must necessari-
lymarch on their way from Guanuco to join Gonzalo. , For this
purpose, he immediately ordered his brother Vela Nunnez to
VOL. V A march

•2 Conquest qf Peru part ii. book «•
march in all haste with a detachment of forty light armed caval
ry, and thirty musqueteersundevthecommand of GonzaloDiaz,
besides whom ten of the friends and relations of Nunnez
went as volunteers on this expedition. Ou purpose to expe
dite tlje march of this dctichment as much as possible, the
viceroy caused thirty-six mules to be purchased, which cost
12,000 ducats, the money being taken from the royal trea
sury. Being thus excellently cquij)ped, they set out from
Lima, and marched to Guadachili ', about twenty leagues
from Lima on their way to the valley of .Tauja. At this place
a plot was formed by the soldiers for killing Vela Nunnez
and deserting to the army of Gonzalo, which was revealed by
the .following incident. Certain scouts who preceded tho de
tachment about four leagues beyond Guadachili in the district
of Pariacaca, met the friar Thomas de San Martino, provin
cial of the Dominicans, w ho hatl been sent by the viceroy to
Cuzco to ¦ try if it were possible to come to some agreement
with Gonzalo ; on this occasion one of the soldiers secretly
informed the provincial of the particulars of the conspiracy,
begging him to take immediate means of prevention, as it
was to be executed on the following night. The provincial
accordingly hastened his journey to Guadachili, taking all
the scotits he could meet with along with him, as he told uiem
their present expedition was entimjr useless, as Puelles and
his troops had passed through Jauja two days before, and it
was now impossible to intercept them. On bis atrival in
Guadachili^ the provincial immediately informed Vela Nun-
Jiez of the danger to w hich he was exposed, who accordingly
consulted with some of his friends and relations on the means
of escape. In the evening, they ordered out their horses, as
if for the purjDose of sending them to water, and mounting
them immediately, they saved themselves by flight under the
cloud of night, being guided on their way by the provincial.
When thc flight of Vela Nunnez and his friends was known,
Juan de la Torre, Pedro Hita, Jorge Griego, and the other
soldiers who had formed the conspiracv, went immediately to
the main guard, where they comixjlleil all the other soldiers,
under threats of instant death, to promise going off alon<»
with them to join Gonzalo. Almost the v hole of the detach ment
1 The p]»ce mentioned in the text is probably what is ,iow named Gua-
in'd^ated -E " '" ''"^'^''°'' "^ '*'* "''""¦'^' ""d "•^ar'V « the distance

CHAP. vii. sect. III. by Francisco Pizarrs. j
ment promised compliance, and even thc captain Gonzalo
Diaz was of the number ; but he was apparently more harshly
treated by the conspirators than the others. They tied his
hands as if fearing he might use measures against them ; ydt
be was not only believed to have been a participator in the plot,
but was even supposed to be its secret leader. Most of the
inhabitants of Lima expected Diaz to act in the way he did,
as he was son-in law to Puelles against whom he was sent, and
it was not to be supposed he would give his aid to arrest his
father-in-law. The whole party therefore, immediately set
out in search of Goitzalo, mounted on the mules which had
cost so high a price, and joined him near the city of Guaman-
ga, where Puelles had arrived two days before them. At the
time of their junction, the adherents of Gonzalo were so much
discouraged- by the lukewarmiiess of Gaspard Rodriguez and
his friends, that in all probability the whole army under Gon
zalo would have dispersed if they had been thi-ee days later in
arriving. But the arrival of Puelles gave the insurgents great
encouragement, both by the reinforcement which he brought
of forty horse and twenty musketeers, and by his exhortations ;
as he declared himself ready to proceed against the viceroy
even with his own troops, and had no doubt of being able tcK
take him prisoner or to drive him out of the countryj he was
so universally hated. The encouragements derived by the
insurgents from the junction of Pnellesj was still farther
strengthened by the arrival of Diaz and his companions.
Vela Nunnez got safe to Lima, where he informed the vice
roy ofthe unfortunate result of his expedition, who was very
much cast down on the occasion, as his affairs seemed to as
sume a very unpromising aspect. Next day Rodrigo Ninno,
and three or four others who refused to follow the example of
Diaz, arrived at Lima in a wretched condition, having suffered
a thousand insults from the conspirators, who d«prived them
of their horses and arms, and even stripped them of their
clothes. Ninno was dressed in an old doublet and breeches,
without stockings, having only a pair of miserable pack-thread
sandals, and had walked all the way with a stick in his hand.
The viceroy received him very graciously, praising his loyalty,
and told him that he appeared more nobly in his rags than if
clothed in the most costly attire.
X^'hen B.althasar de Loyasa had procured the safe conduct
from, the viceroy for his employers, he set out without loss of
time for the army of Gonzalo Pizarro. As his departure and tke

i Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
the nature of his dispatches were soon known in Lima, it was
universally believed there that the troops under Pizarro would
soon disperse of their own accord, leaving the viceroy in peaces
able and absolute command of the whole colony, upon which
he would assuredly put the ordinances in force with the utmost
rigour to the utter ruin of every one : For this reason, several
ofthe inhabitants, and some even of the soldiers belonging
to the viceroy, came to the resolution of following Loyasa and
taking his dispatches from him. Loyasa left Lima in the
evening of a Saturday, in the month of September IS^o, ac
companied by Captain Ferdinand de Zavallos. They were
mounted on mules, without any attendants, and had no bag
gage to delay their journey. Next night, twenty-five persons
set out from Lima on horseback in pursuit of them, determined
to use every possible, expedition to get up with Loyasa that
they might take away his dispatches. The chiefs in this en
terprize were, Don Balthasar de Castro, son ofthe Conde de
la Gomera, Lorenzo Mexia, Rodrigo de Salazar, Diego de
Carvajal usually called the gallant, Francisco de Escovedo,
Jerom de Carvajal, and Pedro Martin de Ceciha, with
eighteen others in their company. Using every effort to ex
pedite their journey, they got up with Loyasa and Zavallos
about forty leagues from Lima, and found them asleep in a
tambo or palace of the Incas. Taking from them the letters
and dispatches with which they were entrusted, they forward
ed these immediately to Gonzalo Pizarro by means of a
soldier, who used the utmost diligience in travelling through
bye ways and short cuts through tbe mountains, with all of
which he was well acquainted. After this, de Castro and the
rest ofthe malccontents continued their journey towards the
camp of Gonzalo, taking Loyasa and Zavallos along with
them under strict custody.
Upon reoeiving thc intercepted dispatches which were
brought to him by the soldier, Gonzalo Pizarro seci-etly
communicated them to Captain Carvajal, whom he had re
cently appointed his lieutenant-general, or maestre de campo,
in consequence ofthe sickness of Alfonzo de Toro,- who held
that commission on commencing the march from Cuzco.
After consulting with Carvajal, he communicated the whole
matter to the captains and those other chiefs of the insurgent
army who had shewn no intentions of abandoning him, as
they had not participated in applying for the safe conduct
from the viceroy. Some of these, from motives of enmity
against

<;hAp. rii. SECT. iii. hy Francisco Pizarro. 5
against individuals, others from envy, and others again from
the hope of profiting by the forfeiture of the lands and In"
dians belonging to the accused, advised Gbtizalo to punish
these persons with rigor, as a warning tb others not to venture
upon similar conduct. In this secrfet cbnsiiltation, it was de
termined to select the following from among those who were
clearly implicated in takitig part with the viceroy, by their
names being contained in the safe conduct taken from Loyasa :
Captain Gaspard Rodriguez ; Philip Gutierrez, .the son of
Alfonso Gutierrez of Madrid who was treasurer to his ma
jesty; and Arias Maldonado, a gentleman of Galiciaij who
had remained along with Gutierrez at Guamariga, two oi*
three days march in the rear ofthe army, under pretence of
having some preparations to make for the jourhey. Accotd*
ingly, Gonzalo sent off Pedro de Puelles to Guamainga ac
companied by an escort of cavah'y, who arrested these '¦ two
latter gentlemen and caused them to be bshteaded.
Caspar Rodriguez was in the camp, where he commanded
a body of ne.ir two hundred pikemen ; and as Gonzalo and
his advisers dared not to put him to death openly, as he was
a very rich man of considerable influence and much beloved,
they had to employ a stratagem for his arrestment. Gonzalo
ordered a hundred and fifty musqueteers of the company
commanded by Ceremeno to hold themselves in readiness
around his tent, near which likewise he caused his train of
artillery to be drawn up ready for service, and then conven
ed all the captains belonging to his troops in his tent, under
pretence of communicating some dispatches which he had
received from Lima. When the whole were assembled, and
Rodriguez among them, he became alarmed on seeing that
the tent was surrounded by armed men and artillery, and
wished to have retired under pretext of urgent business. At
this time, and in presence of the whole assembled; officers', the
lieutenafnt^general. Carvajal, came up to Rodriguefcas if with
out any premeditated intention, caught hold of the guard of
his swdrd, and drew it from the scabbard. Carvajal then
desired" him to make confession of his sins to a priest, who
was in' attCTidance for that express purpose, as he was to be
imtnediately put to- death. Rodriguez used every effort t&
avoid this sudden 'and unlocked for catastrophe, and offered
to justify himself from every accusation which could be brought
against him ; but every thingdie cotfld allege was of no avail, as

6 Co}iquest ofPfru part ii. book n.
OS his death was resolved upon, and he was accordingly be
headed. The execution of these three leaders astonished every one,
being the first which were ventured upon since tbe usurpa
tion of Gonzalo j but they more especially terrified those
Other persons who were conscious of having participated in
the same plot for which their cliiefe were now put to death,
A few days afterwards, De Castro and bis companions arrived
at the camp of the insurgents, with their prisoners Loyasa
and Zavallos. It has been pepprted that, on the very day of
their arrival, Gonzalo sent off bis lieutenant-general Carvajal
to meet them on the road by which they were expected, with
orders to have Loyasa and Zavallos strangled : But, fortu
nately for them, their conductors had left the ordinary road,
taking a circuitous and unfrequented path, so that Carvajal
did not fall in with them ; and, when they were brought
before Gon.zalo, so many of his friends and accomplices in
terceded for their pardon, that he agreed to spai'e their lives.
Loyasa was commanded immediately to quit the camp, on
foot and without any provisions. Zavallos was detained in
the camp as a prisoner ; and, rather more than a year after
wards, was. appointed superintendent of those who were em
ployed in digging for gold in the province of Quito. W^hile
in that employment, it was represented to Gonzalo that Za-r
vallps had become so exceedingly rich, tbathemust have pur
loined a gre^t proportipn of the gold which was drawn from
the mines. Being predisposed against him by his former
conduct in the service ofthe viceroy, Gonzalo was easily per-
sna^ded to believe him guilty, and ordered him to be hanged.
The departure of De Castro and his companions from Lima,
^s al^-eady mentioned, though conducted in great secrecy^
was soon discovered. Ofi the same night, as Diego de Ur-
bina, the major general of tlie army belonging to the viceroy^
was going the rpunds of the city, he happened to visit the
dwellings of several of those who had accompanied De Castro;
and finding that they were absent, and that their horses, arms,
servants, and Indians Were all removed, he immediately sus
pected that thty were gone off to join Gonzalo. Urbina
went directly to the viceroy, who was already in bed, and
assured him \hi\t most of thc inhabitanu had fled from the
city, as he beUeved that the detection was more general thap
it tuincil mx Jo be. The viceroy was very justly alaiifted by
this intelligence, and ordered the drums to beat to arms.
When,

CHAP. VIL skot. III. 4y Francisco Fiaarrt. 7
When, in con^quence of this measure, all the captains and
other officers in his service were assembled, he gave . them
orders to visit the whole houses of the city, by which means
it was soon known who had deserted. As Diego and Jei-pm
de Carvajal, and Francisco Escovedo, nephews ofthe qom-
misssiry YUan Suarez de Carvajal were among the absentees,
the viceroy immediately suspected Yllan Suarez of being a
partizan of Gonzalo Pizarro, believing that his nephews had
acted by his orders, more especially as they dwelt ip his house,
and could not theiefpre have gone away without his knbw-
Itdge ; though assuredly they might easily have escaped by «*
difierent door at a distance froin the principal entrance. Aci-
tuated by these suspicions, the viceroy sent his brotlier. Vela
Nunnez, with a detachment of musqiieteers, to bring Suarez
immediately to the palace for examination. On arriving at
his house, Suai'ez was in bed, bnt was brought immediately
before the viceroy, who was now dressed in his armour, and
reposing on a couch. It is reported by some who were pre-.
sent, that the viceroy addressed Suarez on entering in the
following words. " Traitor! yoii have sent off your nephews
to join Gonzalo Pizarro." " Call me not traitor, my lord,"
replied Suarez, " I am as faithful a subject to his majesty as
you are." The viceroy was so much irritated by the inso
lent behaviour of Suarez, that he drew his sword and adyanr
eed towards him, and some even allege that he stabbed him
in the breast. The viceroy, howeyer, constantly a&sevted that
he did not use liis sword against Suai'ez ; but that the ser
vants and halberdiers who were in attendance, on noticing
the insolent behaviour ofthe commissary to their master, had
put him to death, without allowing him time for confession,
or even for speaking a single word in his own defence., The.
body was immetliately carried away for intermefat, and, as the
commissary was very universally beloved, it was thought dan
gerous to take his dead body through the great court of ths
viceregal palace, where there were always a hundreji soldiefSj
on guard diiring the night, lest jt might occasion some disr
turbance. For. this reason^ jt. was let down .from a gallery
which overlooked the great square, whence some Indians and
negroes carried it to a neighbouring church, and buried it
without any iceremony iq his ordinary scarlet cloak. , : _ i^ .
Three days after this tragical event, when the judges of
the royal audience made the viceroy a prisoner, as shall be
presently related, among their first transactions, they made 9.
judicial

^ Conquest of Pent part ii. book M.
jhdicial examination respecting the circumstances attendant
upon the death of Suarez. It was ascertained in the first
place, that he had disappeared since the time when ne was
carried before the viceroy at midnight 5 after which, the body
was dug up, and the wounds examined^. When the intelli
gence of the death of Suarez spread through Lima, it gave
occasion to much dissatisfaction, as every one knew that he
had been always favourable to the interest and authority of
the viceroy, and had even exerted his whole influence in pro
curing him to be received at Lima, in opposition to the sen
timents of the majority of the magistrates of that city. His
death happened on the night of Sunday the 1 3th of Septem
ber 1 Si*. Early next morning, Don Alfonzo de Monte^
mayor was sent by the viceroy with a party of thirty horse,
in pursuit of De Castro and the others who had gone after
LoyaSa and Zavallos. When Montemayor had travelled two
dr three days in the pursuit, he learnt that De Castro and his
companions were already so far advanced in their joui-nej
that it would be utterly impossible to get up with them. He
accordingly turned back, and receiving information on his
return towards Lima, that Jerom de Carvajal had lost his
companions during the night, and, being unable to discover
the road by which they were gone, had concealed himself iii"
a marsh among some tali reeds, w here Montemayor found
him out, and carried hin> prisoner to Lima, on purpose to
give him up to the viceroy. Fortunately for Cstrvajal, thc
viceroy was himself a prisoner when Montemayor returned to
Lima. When the anger of the viceroy had somewhat subsided, he
used great pains to justify himself, in regard to the death of
Suarez, explaining the reasons of his conduct in that affair to
all who visited him, and endeavouring to convince them that
he had just reasons of suspicion, giving a detailed account of
all the circumstances respecting the arrest and death of Suarez.
He even procured some judicial informations to be drawn up
by the licentiate Cepeda, respecting the crimes which he laid
to the charge ofthe commissary, of which the following is an
abstract. " It appeared reasonable to suppose that Suarez must have
been privy to the desertion of his nephews, as they lived in
his
s This judicial examination, so formally announced, is left quite incoa-
alusivs by Zaralc— E. '

€»AP. VII. SECT. in. hy Francisdo Pizatro. 9
his house and could not have gOrie off without his knowledge.
He alleged that Suarez had not exerted all the care and dili
gence that were necessary and proper, in several affairs con
nected with the present troubles which had been confided to
him. It was objected to him, that he was particularly inte
rested in opposing the execution ofthe obnoxious i-egulatibns ;
since he would have been obliged, along With the rest, to
give up the lands and Indians he then held as an officer of
the crown, which he had not done hitherto bn account ofthe
subsisting disturbances in the country. Lastly, the viceroy
charged against him^ that having entrusted Suarez atthevery
beginning ofthe troubles with certain dispatches for liiS bro
ther, the lifcentiate Carvajal, who then dwelt at Cuzco, inteti-
ded for procuring intelligence by his means of what Was going
on in that city, he had never given or procured any answer
on that subject ; although it must certaiiily have been easy
for him .to havfe procured intelligeiice from his brother, by
means of the Indian vassals of both j and by those belonging
to the king who were at his disposal officially, all of whom
dwelt on the road between Lima and Cuzco.", Besides that
all these allegations carry very little weight in themselves, as
evidences of the presxmiptive guilt of Suarez, none of them
were ever satisfactorily established by legal proof.
As the viceroy found that all his affairs had turned out un
fortunate, and that every person seemed much discontented in
consequence of the death of Suarez, he changed his intention
of waiting for Gonzalo Pizarro at Lima, which he had caused
fortify in that view with ramparts and bastions. He now re
solved to retire to the c\^y of Truxilto, about eighty leagues
from Lima, and entirely to abandon and evert to dispebpte
the city of Lima j in the execution of this project he meant
to send the invalids, old persons, women, children, aiid ali
the valuable effects and baggage belonging to the inhabitant*
by sea to Truxillo, for which purpose he had sufficient
shipping, and to march all who were able to carry arms by
land, taking along with him all the European inhabitants of
every settlement in the plain between Lima and Truxillo;
and sending off ail the Indian population ofthe plain to the
mountainOHs region. By these decisive measures, be hoped
to reducethe adherents of Gonzalo PizaiTO to such straits,
Ixy depriving them of every possible succour and refreshment,
after the fatigues of a long and painful march, encumbered
ijilh baggage and artillery, as might constrain them to dis^'
! .«..': J band

10 Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
hand their army, when they might find the whole way be
tween Lima and Truxjllp reduced to a desert entirely devoid
of provisions. The viceroy considered himself under the ne
cessity of employing these strong measures, as some of his
pec^le deserted from him almost daily to the enemy, in pro
portion as die insurgents approached towards Luna.
In pursuance of this resplutioa, pn Tuesday the I5th of
September, two days after the slaughter of the commissary
Suarez, the viceroy gave orders to Diego Alvarez de Cueto,
with a party of horse, to convey the children of the late Mar
quis Pizarro on bpard ship, and to remain in charge of them
and the licentiate Vaca de Castro. On this occasion, he gave
the command of the fleet to Cueto, being afraid lest Don An
tonio de Ribera and his wife, who then had the charge of
young Don Gonzalo and his brothers, cliildren of the late
marquis, might conceal them and give them up to their uncle*
This measure occasioned much emotion among the inhabi
tants of Lima, and gavfe great offence to the oydors or judges
of the royal audience, particularly to the licentiate Ortiz de
Zarate, who made strong remonstrances to the viceroy against
sending Donna Francisco Pizarro among the sailoi-s and
soldiery, where she could not reside in decent comfort. This
young lady, who was both beautiful and rich, was now al
most grown a woman, and the conduct of the viceroy to
wards her on tins occasion was considered as harsh, tj'ranni-
cal, ahd unnecessary. Ortiz was unable to prevail on the vice
roy to recal his orders respecting thc children of the late
marquis ; and he even openly declared Uiathe had come
to the resolution of abandoning Lima in the ws^J• already
mentioned. All the oydors considered these intended steps
as highly improper and ruinous to the colony ; and declaied,
that as they had been ordered by liis majesty to take up their
residence in Lima, they were determined not to quit that
place without a new loyal order for the express purpose. As
the viceroy found that every thing he could say was quite in
effectual to bring over the oydors to his sentiments, he resolv
ed to gain possession of thc royal seal, and to caiTy it off with
himself to Truxillo, by which measure the oydors would be
reduced to thc state of private persons in Lima, and unable
to hold any sitting of thc royal audience, unless they chose to
accompany him to Truxillo. When tliis resolution of the vi
ceroy wajs communicated to die oydors, they called the chan-
cdlor before them, ^om whom they took the seal, which they
conuoitted

chap. vn. sect. III. l>y Fraticisco Pizarro, li
committed to the custody of the licentiate Cepeda, the senior
oydor. This was done by three of the oydors, Cepeda,' Tex-
adfta and Alvarez, Ortiz being absent at the time.
On the same evening, all the four oydors assenibled in the
house of Cepeda, and agreed to present a formal requisition
to the vicerpy to bripg back tlie family ef the late marquis
from the fleet in which he had embarked them. After this
resolution had been engrossed in the register, tlie licentiate
Ortiz retired to his own house, being indisposed. The other
three oydors continued in consultation on the measures which
were proper to be adopted, for defending themselves against
the power of the viceroy, in case he should persist in his plans,
and endeavour to rn^ke them embark by force, which they
publickly asserted was his intention. Ou this occasion, they
drew up an ordinance or public act, by which, in the name
and authority of the king " they commanded all the inhabi
tants of the city of Lima, captains, soldiers, and others, civil
and military, in case the viceroy should give orders to remove
them, the oydors of the royal audience, by force and violence
from Lima, that they should aid, assist, and defend them, in
opposition to such a measure, as illegal and unjust, and con
trary to the orders of his majesty, clearly expressed in
the new r^ulations, and in the commission granted to them
as oydors of the rpyal audience."
Having formally extended apd authenticated this act; they
communicated it in secret to Captain Martin de Rubles,
whom they desired to hold himself and hig soldiers in readi
ness to defend them in case of need. De Robfes eng.nged to
«tand by them ; for though one ofthe captains in the troops,
he was not on good terms with the viceroy. Several other
persons of importance in the city, to whom the oydors com
municated the resolutions which they had formed, promised
likewise to stand Ijy them against the tyranny of the viceroy.
That same evening, all who were in concert with the oydors
held themselves in readiness, anxiously waiting the event pf
an open breach between the vicerpy and the judges of (he
royal audience. However secret the steps taken by thp oy
dors might have been, they becaijne known to the viceroy, or
at least he entertained violent suspicions of their nature an4
tendency. At night-fall, Martin de Rubles went privately tp
the hpuse of the oydor Cepeda, to whom he communicated
his opinion that the viceroy was already inforiped of all their
proceedings, and that, unless prompt measures were taken for
their

12 Conquest of Peru Part n. book it.
their security, they would all be put to death. Cepeda sent
immediately for A*lvarez and Texada, two others of the oy
dors ; and these three came immediately to the determination
of openly defending themselves against the viceroy, if he
[Should attempt their arrest. For this purpose, several of their
friends, and some of the soldiers of the company commanded
by De Robks, assembled in arms at their residence. While
this was going on, Urbina the maestre de campo or major-
general, when going his rounds met several of these soldiers in
the street, and immediately suspected the truth. He went,
therefore, straight to the viceroy, to whom he communicated
the suspicious circumstances he had observed, that some
prompt measures might be concerted for counteracting the
machinations of the oydors. The viceroy desired him to fear
nothing, as they had only civilians to deal with, who had not
sufficient courage to concert any enterprize against his autho
rity. Urbina went away accordingly to continue his round ;
but as he still continued to meet several armed horsemen in the
streets, all of whom were going towards the house of Cepeda,
he returned again to the palace, and remonstrated with the
viceroy on the absolute necessity of taking instant measures
of defence. The viceroy immediately put on his armour. and
ordered to sound an alarm, after which be went out into the
great square before the palace, accompanied by his. nighdy
guard of a hundred soldiers and all his domesUc establish
ment, meaning to have proceeded to the house of Cepeda, to
arrest the oydors, to chastise the mutineers, and to re-estabUsh
order in the cit)'. While in the great square near die gate
of the palace, he noticed that it was impossible to prevent the
soldiers from going to join the oydors, as the horsemen who
filled all the streets constrained them to take that direction.
¦If, however, the viceroy had persisted in his first design, he
could hardly have found much difficulty or considerable re
sistance, as he then had a greatly superior force to what had
assembled with Cepeda and the other judges. He was di-
suaded from executing these intentions by Alfonzo Palomino,
Tilcalde or pohce-judge of Lima, w ho asserted that a "reat
majority of thc troops were assembled at the house of Cej^a,
and were about to attack him ; for which ixmson, the best
measure was to fordfy himself in the palace, which could easi
ly be defended ; whereas he had not a sufficient force to assail
the oydors and their adherents. Influenced by this advice,
the viceroy retired into the palace, accompanied by his brother Vela

chap. vii. sect. III. by Frarwisco Pizarro. 13
Vela Nunnez, Paul de Meneses, Jerom de la Cerna, Alfonso de
Caceres, Diego de Urbina, and others of his friends and fol
lowers, with all his relations and servants. The hundred sol-<
diers of'the nightly guard were posted at the great gate ofthe
palace, with orders to prevent any one from going in.
While these vacillatory measures were going on at the
viceregal palace, information was brought to the oydors, that
the viceroy had drawn out his troops in the great square,*
with the intention of attacking them. Having as yet collected"
only a small force for their protection, they resolved to go out
into the street ; believing, if the viceroy should come to block
ade them, and should occupy the streets leading to the house
of Cepeda, that all those who were disposed to aid them would
be intercepted. They advanced therefore by the streets which
led towards the great square, and were soon joined by others
of their adherents, to the number of about two hundred meri.
To justify their conduct on this occasion, they caused the act
which they had drawn up to be publickly read ; but so great
was the noise and confusion, that very few of those present
were able to hear its tenor. On the arrival of the juc^es and
their partizans in the great square, day began to dawn. At
this time, the troops attached to the viceroy fired a few mus
ket-shots from the corridore of the palace, and began to ex
tend themselves in front ofthe main gate. The soldiers who
accompanied the oydors were much displeased at this proce-^
durcj a.nd proposed to assault the palace, and to slay all that
resisted them ; but the oydors restrained and appeased them;
The oydors then deputed Gaspard de Carvajal, the superior
ofthe Dominicans, and Antonio de Robles, to inform the
viceroy, that their only demand from him was an assurance
that they should not be compelled to embark against their
will and contrary to the express orders of his majesty, which
fixed their residence at Lima. They farther required, thatj
V/ithout proceeding to hostilities, the viceroy should come to
the great church, where they proposed going to meet liim,
and where all their differences might be amicably settled ; as
otherwise he would put both himself and all who were with
him in extreme danger. While these envoys were in the
palace, in the execution of their commission, the hundred sol
diers who formed the guard of the viceroy went over in a bo
dy to the oydors ; by' which, as the entrance to the palace
was left, entirely unguarded, several of the malccontents got ad-
fflissioh to the chambers belonging to the officers of the vice roy

1* Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
roy in the outer court, which they pillaged. At this time,
the licenddte Ortiz de Zarate went from his house towards
the palace, meaning to have joined the viceroy ; but meeting
the other oydors on his way, and seeing that it was impossible
for him to prosecute his original design, he accompanied
them to the church.
When the viceroy received the message of the oydors from
Carvajal and Antonio de Robles, considering at the same
time that his palace was already in possession of the insur
gents, and that his own troops bad abandoned him, he de
termined to proceed to the church, and to give himself up to
the oydors who there waited for him. They airried him
directly, in his coat of mail and cuirass, to the house of Ce
peda ; where, seeing Ortiz along with thc other judges, he
exclaimed : " Is it possible that you, in whom I had so much
confidence as one of my best friends, have joined with the
rest in making me a priscmer." To this the licentiate re
plied, " Whoever bas told you so spoke falsely, as it is known
to every one who those are that have caused you to be arrest-
id, and that I have no share in the matter." ITie three
other judges gave immediate orders to convey the viceroy on
board ship, that he might be sent to Spain ; jusUy fearing, if
Gonzalo Pizarro should find him in custody on his arrival at
Lima, that he would put him to death, or that the relations
and friends of the commissary Suarez might kill him in re
venge for the murder of that officer ; as in either of which cases
the blame might be imputed to them, the judges were much
embarrassed how best to act in this delicate emergency, con-
siderfeg that if they merely sent the viceroy on board the fleet
which lay at anchor off the harbour of Calao, he might be
soon in condition to return in force against them. In this
dilemma, they appointed Cepeda, one of their number, to act
as captain-general of die colony ; who, with a strong guard,
conducted the deposed viceroy to thc sea side on purpose to
put him on board one of tho ships. They found some diffi
culty in executing Uiis measure, as Diego Alvaree dc Cueto,
who commanded the fleet, on seeing die assemblage of people
on the shore, and learning that they had the viceroy amonw
them as a prisoner, sent Jerom de Zurbano, one ofhis captain's
in au armed boat to collect all the boats ofthe fleet with
which accompaniment he approached the shore and de
manded Uio liberation of the viceroy from the judges. This
measure was aUogelher ineffectual, as the judges refused to
listen

J5HAP. vji, SECT. III. by Ft^tieiseo Pizarro. IS
listen to the. demands ofCuetb; who, after exchanging a
few shots with those on shore, went back to his sliips.
After this, th6 judges sent off a message to Cueto, by means
of Friar Gaspard de Carvajal, in which the deposed viceroy
concurred, ordering him to surrender the command of the
fleet, and to give up the children of the late marquis, in re
turn for which they would place the viceroy under his chargcj
who would otherwise be in great peril of his Ufe. On getting
aboard ship. Friar Gaspard presented his commission to Cueto
and. gave him a full account ofthe state of affairs, in presence
of the licentiate Vaca de Castro, who still remained a prison
er in that vesseL In consideration of the danger to which
the viceroy was exposed, Cueto sent the children of the mar
quis on shore together with Don Antonio de Ribera and his
wife who had the care of them. The judges still insisted that
Cueto should surrender the fleet to their command, threaten
ing to behead the viceroy if he refused ; and though Vela
Nunnez, brother to the viceroy, went several dmes with; mes
sages to induce compliance, the captains of the ships wpuld
not consent to that measure, so that the judges were con
strained to return to Lima with the viceroy sdll in cus-
tpily. . Two days afterwards, the coinmanders ofthe ships were
informed that the judges and their partizans had come to the
resolution of sending a strong force of musqueteers in boats to
make themselves masters of the ships by force; They might
perhaps have easily persuaded Cueto to give up the fleiet, of
which in reality Jerom de Zurbano liad more the command
than he, as all the soldiers and sailors who were attached to
the deposed viceroy were at his disposal ; but Zurbano, to
whom the judges made great offers, was quite inflexible. The
captains ofthe fleet came even to the resolution of quitting the
port of Lima, to cruise upon the coast of Pei'u, till such tim^
as they might receive orders from his majesty how to conduct
themselves in the present crisis. They believed that the vice
roy had many friends and adherents in Lima and other parts
of Peru ; as many persons who had not taken any share in
the deposition and imprisonment ofthe viceroy, and several
of those who were best disposed to the royal service continu
ed almost daily to make their escape on board the fleet. The
ships were tolerably well armed and appointed, having ten or
twelve iron cannon, and three or four of brass, besides forty
iquintals of powder. As to provisions, they had above four
hunthed

16 Conquest of Peru part ii. book ir.
hundred quintals of biscuit, five hundred bags of maize, and
a large store of salt meat ; so that they were victualled suffi-
ciaitfy for a considerable time, and they could easily procure
water on any pait of the coast. Their force however was
very small, as they had only twenty five soldiers, and by no
means a sufficient number of mariners for the ten ships which
composed their fleet. They resolved therefore to abandon
Jour of the smallest vessels, which they were unable to man ;
and not thinking it right to leave these behind, lest they
might have been employed against themselves by the partb-
zans of the judges, they set these small vessels on fire the day
after the imprisonment of the viceroy, as likewise two fish
ing barks which were in the harbour, and then set sail.
The four small ships were entirely destroyed, but the two
fishing vessels were saved after sustaining very httle da
mage. 'rhe fleet went into the harliour of Guavra, which is eight
een leagues helffm ^ the port of Lima, where they took in a
supply of wood and water. They carried the licentiate Vaca
<le Castro along with them, and resolved to wait at Guavra
to see what consequences might follow from the imprisonment
of the viceroy. When this came to the knowledge of .the
judges, who believed the ships might not go to any consi
derable distance from Guavra, on account of the attachment
of their commanders to the viceroy whose life was in danger,
they determined to send a force both by sea and land to at
tempt acquiring possession of the ships almost at any risk.
For this purpose, they gave orders to Diego Garcias de Al-
faro, an inhabitant of Lima wlio was versant in maridme af
fairs, to repair and fit out the two barks which had drifted on
shore. When that was done, Alfaro embaiked in them with
thirty musqueteers, and set sail towards Guavra. At the same
time, Don Juan de Mendoza and Ventura Beltran, * were
sent off' by land with a party of soldiers in the same direction.
On coming to Guavra in the night, Garcias de Alfaro con
cealed
3 The expression in the text bcloy.', is probably an error in the Frenck
translator in rendering barlovfto which signifies to'leeward. Accordingly
to the north of Lima, and about tlie indicated distance, there is a sea-port or
coast town named Huaura, certainly the place meant by Zarate. Hua and
Gua are often inchanged by the Spaniards in the names of places in America
probably from the g having a guttural sound, or strong aspiration.  £.
it Garcilasso names this iierson Ventura 'Veltran.— E.

CHAP, vn, SECT. III. by Franeisco Pizarro. 17
cealed his two barks behind a light house *, in the harbblir
very neai- the ships, where he could not be seen. At the
same time, thc party which went by larid began to fire off
their muskets, and the people in the ships bielieved they were
some frifends of the viceroy who wished to embark. Vela
Nunnez was sent accordingly in a boat to the shore, to learn
what was meant by the firing, on which Diego Garcias push
ed on his barks between Vela Nunnez and the ships, firing
upon him and obliged him to surrender. Intelligence of this
event was immediately sent to Cueto, with a message assuring
him that both the viceroy and his brother would be immediate--
ly put to death unless he surrendered his ships to the judges.
Cueto " accordingly submitted, being afraid lest the threat
might be executed ; but had certainly not been allowed to do
so if Zurbano had been present, who had sailed from Guavra
with his ships, two days before the arrival of Diego Garcias,
with the intention of going all along the coast between Lima
and Tierra Firma to take possession of every ship he might
fall ia with, to prevent them from being employed by the
Oydors. Immediately after the departure of the fleet urider Cueto
froiri the port of Linia, the judges became apprehensive lest
the relations ofthe commissary might put the viceroy to death,
which they actually threatened; on which account they camis
to a resolution to transport him to an island about two leagues
ftoiri the coast. For this purpose he was embairked along
with a giiard of twerity men in one of those barks or floats
made of dried reeds which the Indians call henea. When
the judges learnt the surrender ofthe fleet under Cueto, they
determined upon sending him as a prisoner to Spain, with a
formal meniOrial of aU that had passed, and deputed the licen-
ciate Alvarez, one of their number to take charge of him
thither, and to support their memorial at the court of Spain,
Giving him 8000 crowns to defray the expences pfthe voyage.
'or this purpose all the necessary dispatches were prepared^
which were signed by all the judges ofthe royal aucUence, ex*
cepting Ortiz de Zarate, who refused his concurrence. Al
varez went by land to Guavra, to which place the viceroy was
VOL. v; B transported
5 In Gafcilasso de la 'Vega, obviously copying this part of the sWiy
from Zarate, Garcias is said to have concealed his barks behind a rock.— E.'
6 Thift person is always nasft^d Cuero, by Garcilasso ; who likewise in-'
forms us that he was brother.inJaw to the ?iceroy.-^E.

is CmqaestofPeru pauT ii. bookii,
transported in one ofthe barks fitted out by Diego Garcias^
and given into the custody of Alvarez, who immediately set
sail with three ships that had been placed at his disposal,
without waiting even fpr the dispatches from his brother
judges. At this time, Vaca de Castro was carried back to
the port of Lima, still a prisoner.

Section IV.
History of the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, from the ex-
pulsion ofthe Viceroy to his defeat and death.
While the viceroy remained in the small island, as for
merly mentioned, Alfonso de Montemayor and those w ho had
gone along with him to succour Loyasa and Zavallos, return
ed to Lima, upon which the judges caused them to be arrest
ed and disarmed, ordering them, and several of the captains
who were attached to the viceroy, to be detained as prisoners
in the house of Martin de Robles, and in the houses of several
of the citizens of Lima. These prisoners were persuaded, if
the viceroy could regain his liberty, that he would still be able
to prevent the arrival of Gonzalo Pizarro at Lima, and to
avert the disorders and evils which must flow from his suc
cessful usurpation, prejudicial to the rights of the croira and
the interest of the colony. With this view, therefore, they
concerted to unite together under arms, to bring back thie
viceroy from the place of his confinement, and to reinstate
him in his authority ; resolving in the execuUon of this pro
ject, to make the judges prisoners, or even to kill them if ne
cessary, and to take possession of the city in die name of his
majesty. They had assuredly executed their project, had
they not been betrayed by a soldier, who discovered the whole
plot to Cepeda. Immediate^ on receiving notice of this
conspiracy, Cepeda in concert with the other judges appre
hended all the leaders, namely Alfonso de Montemayor,
Paolo de Meneses, Alfonso de Caceres, Alfonso de Barrio-
nuevo, and some others. Several of these when put to the
torture, had sufficient resolution to refuse confession ; but
Barrionuevo confessed pardy, in hopes of saUsfying die judges,
and that they mi^it not condnue his torments. Upon his
confession, he was at first condemned to lose his head ; but
ih die sequel thc judges sadsfied themselves with causing his
01 right

chap. vii. sect. IV. by Francisco Pizarro, IJ)
right hand to be cut off; and all the other leaders of the con
spiracy, who persisted in refusing to confess, were banished
from Peru.
After all these revolutionary events, information of every
thing that had occurred in Lima, was transmitted to Gonza
lo Pizarro, the judges and their friends being in hopes that
he would now be induced to dismiss his army. They were
however quite mistaken in this expectation ; for he believed
that every thing, even the imprisonment of the viceroy, was
a false rumour, or a mere concerted trick to force him to lay
down his arms, and that they would put him to death when
left without support.
In the mean time the licentiate Alvarez, as already men
tioned, set sail from Guavra having charge of the viceroy
and his brothers. Notwithstanding that this judge had been
the chief promoter of every thing that had been done against
die viceroy, having even especially contributed to make him
a prisoner, and been most active in punishing those who had
conspired to restore him to the government ; yet, on the
very first day of the voyage, he went into the cabin which
had been appointed for the captive viceroy, declaring his re
pentance for all that he had done against him, and his
earnest desire for a reconcilement. He assured him, that,
in accepting the charge of his conveyance as a prisoner, he
had been entirely actuated by the desire of serving him, that
he might get him from under the power of Cepeda, and pre
vent him from faUing into the hands of Gonzalo Pizarro,
who was expected to arrive shortly at Lima. To satisfy the
viceroy of his sincerity, Alvarez assured him that he was
from that moment at foil and perfect liberty, and that he now
surrendered the command of the vessel into his hands;
humbly beseeching him to forgive all that was passed, and
declaring himself ready to obey his commands in all things.
Alvarez then gave orders to the ten men who had been given
him as guards over the viceroy, that they were now to obey
the viceroy and not him. The viceroy expressed his entire
satisfaction at this conduct in Alvarez, and took the com
mand accordingly ; yet in a very short time he treated Alva
rez very ill, often calling him villain, traitor, mutineer, and
other opprobrious names, and threatening that, though he
spared his Ufe for the present because he had occasion for his
service, hie would certainly have him hanged in the sequel. Yet

no Conquest of Peru part h. book ii.
Yet they condnued together till their arrival at Truxillo, as
shall be related in the sequel.
It was soon suspected at Lima that Alvarez had entered
into terms with the viceroy, irom certain circumstances •
which had transpired before he embarked, but more especial
ly from his having set sail without waiting for the dispatches
ofthe royal court of audience, which had been delayed a day
i I waiting for the consent of Ortiz, While they were still in
some degree of uncerUinty on diis subject, and waiting
aixiousi^ to know the whole truth, they judged proper to
send a representation on the state of affairs to Gonzalo Pizar
ro, of which the following was tlie tenor, " That, in conse
quence of their commissions, and of the express powers con
fided to them by his majesty of doing every thing which
might be necessary for the due administration of justice, and
to place the country in good order, they had suspended the
execution of the obnoxious regulations, as demanded by the
colonists, and had even sent off' the viceroy to Spain, which
was more than had been required or couirt ha\e been reason
ably asked. As, therefore, there now remained no call or
pretence for the mihtary preparations w hich he had set on
foot, they commanded him immediately to dismiss his troops :
But, if he were inclined to come to Lima, he must come
there as a man of peace, without warlike array ; yet, if he
considered it necessary to his safety to have an escort, they
granted him permission to bring fifteen or twenty horsemen
along with him,"
When these orders were prepared, the judges were desir
ous of sending some ofthe iuiiabitants of Lima to carry them
to Gonzalo Pizarro ; but no one would undertake the com
mission, which they considered as extremely hazardous.
They represented to the judges, diat Gonzalo aiid his officers
would reproach them for opposing the just measures in which
they were engaged ; as they h.id associated for the general
interest of the colony. On this rcfosal of the inhabitants,
the judges gave orders to Augustino, the royal treasurer of
Peru' , and Don Antonio de Ribera, one of the citizens of
Lima,
T The author of the History of the Discovery and Conquest of Pere,
which forms the subject of the present article; who accordinKly, mieht
justly say of these events, ^rum pars magna fui. His associiTe on ^
occasran was the person who had charge of the family of the late marqiu-t
Don Francisco Pizarro. and had married the widow of Francisco Martift de
Alcantara, as we learn from Garcilasso.— E.

CHAP. VII. SECT. IV. by Francisco Pizarro. 21
Liniaj to carry this order to Gonzalo. To these messengers
they gave formal letters of credence, with which they set out
upon their journey for the valleyof Jauja, in which Gonzalo
Pizarro was then encamped with his army- Gonzalo had al
ready received notice of this intended embassy ; and was a-
fraid, if the envoys should give a public notification ofthe mes
sage with which they were entrusted, that his troops might mu
tiny} as he knew they were exceedingly desirous of marching to
Lima in full force, that they might be in condition to pillage
that city on the first pretext that offered. To prevent this,
he sent Jerom de Villegas with thirty mounted musqueteers
to intercept the two messengers now on their way to the
army. According to his instructions, Villegas allowed Ri
bera to continue his journey to the camp ; but made Au
gustino de Zarate a prisoner, and deprived him of his dis
patches. Zarate was carried back by Villegas to the province
of Pariacaca ^, where he was detained a prisoner for ten days,
and every means were employed to intimidate him that he
might not execute the commission with which he was , en
trusted. At the end of that period Gonzalo Pizarro arrived with
his army at Pariacaca, and called Zarate into his presence
to give an account of the subject of his mission, Zarate had
been already made to understand that his life would be in
danger if he attempted to execute the orders he had received
literally : For which reason, after having explained the whole
distinctly to Gonzalo in private, on being tidcen into the tent
where all the insurgent captains were assembled, he proceed
ed, as instructed by Gonzalo, to discharge his commis.^ion
with prudent reserve, Gonzalo desired him to repeat all
that he had already communicated to him, but Zarate,
understanding distinctly what was expected of him by Gon
zalo, in addressing the assembled officers in the name of the
judges of the royal audience, used considerable address, and
avaSed himself of the full powers contained in his credentials.
He
8 No such province is now to be found in the best maps of Peru ; but
seventy or eighty miles to the north of Jauja, there is a district called the
valley of Pari, with a town of the same name on the Chinchay Cocha, or lake
of ChiDchay, which may then have been called Pari.cocha, or Pari on the
lake. From thia.circumstance, it appears the messengers had been obliged
to make a great circuit towards the north, on purpose to get a passage across
the main western ridge of the Andes. — ^E.

22 Conquest of Peru part ii, book li.
He was silent therefore regarding the dismissal of the troops,
which was the point of delicacy, and confined himself to such
other matters as seemed proper for the service of his majesty
and the good of the colony. In this view, he represented to
them, " that, since the viceroy was deported, and their de
mand for suspending the obnoxious ordinances was granted,
it seemed just that they should repay the sums which Blasco
Nunnez Vela had taken from the royal treasury, as th^ had
promised. That they should forgive those inhabitants of'^Cuz-
co who had deserted from their camp to join the late viceroy,
since it could not be denied that these men had substantial
reasons for v.'hat they had done ; and that they ought to send
a humble deputation to his majesty, to excuse and exculpate
themselves from the measures in which they had been engag
ed,". Zarate added several things of a similar nature ; to
all of which the only answer given by the council of officers,
which he was directed to carry back to the judges was,
*« that it was indispensably necessary for the well being of
the colony, that they should appoint Gonzalo Pizarro gover
nor of Peru. After which every thing that was required
should be done : But if this were refused, the military council
was determined to give up Lima to be plundered by the
soldiers." Zarate would willingly have excused himself from bearing
this answer ; but as no other could be procured, he was
obliged to return to Lima, where he reported it to the judges,
to whom il gave much uneasiness and dissatisfaction. Gon-
ealo Pizarro had not hitherto carried his pretensions so high,
having only insisted for the departure of the viceroy from
Pern, and the suspension of the obnoxious regulations, and
the judges were much at a loss how to conduct themselves
under this new and unexpected demand. After mature deliber
ation, they sent to inform the insurgent officers, «« that they
were unable to grant their demand, or even to take it into con
sideration, unless some person should appear before them
authorised to present the request according to the accustom
ed forms." Upon this message, all the procurators or depu
ties of the cities who were in the insurgent army repaired to
Lima ; where, in conjunction with such other deputies of
the cities as were resident in that place, they presented a
formal request in writing, demanding the same thing which
lad been formerly done by a verbal message. The auditors
considering this affair as exceedingly delicate, and that they
neither

ftHAP. Tii. SECT. IV. by Francisco Pizarro. i2S
neither had any right to grant what was now demanded, nor
sufficient power to refuse it, as Gonzalo was now very near
Lima which he held strictly blockaded; they resolved tp
submit the whole to the consideration of the principal per
sons of the city, that they might receive their sentiments and
advice in the present crisis. For this purpose, they drew up
a formal instrument of the whole matter, which was commu
nicated to Don Jerom de Loyasa archisliop of Lima, Don
Juan Solano archbishop of Cuzco, Don Garcia Diaz bishop
of Quito, Fray Thomas de San Martino provincial of the
Dominicans, Augustino de Zarate the treasurer, and to the
I'oyal accountant and Controller general ', This extraordinary
council was desired to consider maturely the demands of the
deputies, and to give their opinion freely on what was proper
to be done in consequence. In this instrument, the judges
explained at fuU length the reasons which induced them to
require advice on this important subject, ppenly avowing that
this measure was not resorted to in the view of following
what the council might judge best, since neither the judges
nor the council had any power in the present situation of
affairs to act otherwise than as prescribed by Gonzalo Pizar
ro and his officers ; but that the judges had called in this
manner on the members of this extraordinary council, as
recorded witnesses of the constraint and oppression under
which they aU now acted.
While these deliberations were going on in Lima, Gonzalo
Pizarro drew nigh with his army and encamped about a
quarter of a league from the city, drawing up his numerous
train of artillery in readiness for service. As a whole day
elapsed without the formal appointment as governpr being
transmitted tp him, he became impatient; and dispatched
thirty musqueteers intp the city under the cpmmand pf his
lieutenant-general, who made prisoners of twenty-eight
persons, among whom were those who had formerly deserted
him at Cuzco, and others who were most obnoxious for
haying taken part with the viceroy. Among these were Ga
briel de Koias, Garcilasso de la Vega, Melchior Verdugo,
jhe hcentiate Carvajal, Pedro de Barco, Martin de Floren-
cia, Alfonso de Caceres, Pedro de Manjares, Luis de Leon,
Antonio
9 By Garcilasso, Zarate is represented as holding all the three offices.
Treasurer, accountant, and centroller, — £.

2* Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
Antonio Ruys de Guevara, and some others of highest con
sideration in the colony. These were committed to the
common prison, of which the lieutenant-general took posses
sion, taJiing away the keys from the alcalde or keeper. The
judges were utterly unable to make the smallest opposition to
this strong measure, and dared not even to express their dis
approbation, as there did not now remain fifty soldiers in the
city; all those who had been formerly attached to diem or to
the viceroy having gone over to the camp of Gonzalo, who
had now a force of twelve hundred men completely armed,
including his original troops and those who deserted to him
on this occasion.
Next morning, several of the insurgent officers came into
the city, and required the judges to make out the coniinission
for Gonzalo, and to proclaim him governor-general of Peru
without delay, otherways threatening to give up the city to
plunder, and to massacre the inhabitants, in which case they
would begin by putting the judges to death. The judges
endeavoured to excuse themselves, alleging that they had
neither right nor authority to do what was desired. Where
upon Carvajal, the lieutenant-general under Pizarro, caused
four of his prisoners to be brought from the prison, and or
dered three of them to be hanged on a tree near the city.
These unfortunate men were Pedro de Barco, Martin de
Florencia, and Juan de Saavedra. Carvajal only allowed
them a short half hour to confess their sins and to prepare
for death, atlding insult and mockery to his cruelty. He
particularly indulged in raillery against Pedro de Barco, who
was last executed ; saying, as he was a brave commander ¦who
had made several conquests, and was one of the most consi
derable and ricliest men in Peru, he was inclined to allow
him some distinction in his death, and that he therefore
granted him thc high and honourable privilege of choosin«;
which branch of the tree he preferred for being hanged upon.
Luis de Leon escaped at the intercession of his brother who
served under Gonzalo.
On seeing these arbitrary proceedings, and lx;ing threaten
ed by Carvajal with a similar treatment of ail the other pri
soners, and that thc city should be given up to pillacc if they
did not execute the required commifsiiu without delay, the
judges sent to the mcnihcrs of thc extraordinarv council for
merly mentioned, desiring dicm to give dieir undi.so-uised sentiments

CHAP. Vll. SECT, IV. by Francisco Pizarro. 25
sentiments upon what was proper to be done. They accor
dingly agreed unanimously that it was necessary to comply
with the demands of Gonzalo ; and the judges immediately
made out a commission appointing Gonzalo Pizarro governor-
general of Peru, until his majesty might give orders to the
contrary, and without prejudice to, the rights and authority
of the royal audience, to which Gonzalo was required fo
make oath that he would renounce his authority whenever it
might please his majesty or the audience to demand it from
him, and likewise engaging to submit tp their authority in
the event of any cpmplaints against him, either as an indivi
dual, or in the execution of his high office.
On receiving his commission, Gonzalo Pizarro made his
public entry into Lima, with all his troops in martial order-
Captain Bachicao marched at the head of the vanguard with
the artillery, consisting of twenty field pieces, which with all
their ammunition, carriages, and other equipments, were
carried on the shoulders pf six tiiousand Indians, who com
pletely filled all the streets through which they had to pass.
The artillery was accompanied by a guard of thirty musque
teers and fiftj' canoneers. The company of two hundred
pikemen commanded by Diego de- Gumiel -followed next.
Then two companies of musqueteers, commanded by the
Captains Guevara and Pedro Cermeno, the forrher consisting
of 150, and the latter of 200 men. After these foUowed
three companies of infantry who preceded Gonzalo Pizarro
as his body guards, who followed on horseback in his coat pf
mail, over which he wore a robe of cloth of gold. He was
followed by three captains of cava,lry : Don Pedro de Porto
Carrero in the middle carrying the royal standard belonging
to his troop, having Antonio de Altamirano on his right with
the standard of Cuzco, and Pedro de Puelles on his left with
a standard of the arms of Gonzalo Pizarro. The whole ca-
vaky of the army brought up the rear in regular order, Iri
this arrav, the whole column of march moved towards the
house pf the oydor Ortiz de Zarate, where the other judges
were assembled, Ortiz had feigned sickness, on purpose to
avoid attending the royal court of audience at the reception^
of Gonzalo, but his brethren adjourned the sitting to' his
house on the occasion.
Leaving his cavalry drawn up in the great square, Gonza
lo made his appearance before the assembled judges, who re
ceived

26 Conquest of Peru part ii, book ii.
ceived him in form, and administered to him the oath as go
vernor. From thence he proceeded to the town house, where
all the magistrates of the city wore assembled, and where he
was received with all the usual solemnities. Having gone
through all the ceremonies, he retired to his own house, and
the lieutenant-general Carvajal dismissed the army to its
quarters upon the citizens, who were ordered to entertam
them at free quarters. Gonzalo Pizarro continued to reside
in Lima, exercising his authority as governor in all tiling
pertaining to military affairs, without interfering in the admi
nistration of justice, which he confided entirely to the oydors,
who held their sittings for that purpose in the hou.se of the
treasurer Alfonso Riquelme. Immediately after assuming the
office of governor, Gonzalo sent Alfonso de Toro as his lieu
tenant to Cuzco, Pedro de Fuentes to Arequipa, Francisco
de Almendras to La Plata, and others in the same quality to
the other cities of Peru'".
As in the sequel of this history we shall have much to say
respecting Gonzalo Pizarro and his heutenant-general Fran
cisco de Carvajal, it may be proper in this place to give a
short account of the age, qualities, and characters of these
two men. At this period, Gonzalo Pizarro was about forty
years of age, large made and tall, well proportioned, of a
dark brown complexion, with a long black beard. He was
well versant in military affairs and took great delight in war,
of which he endured the labours and privations with much
Eitient fortitude. He was an excellent horseman ; and though
s genius was rather confined, and his language vulgar, he
could express his sentiments with sufficient clearness. He was
exceedingly remiss in keeping his secrets to himself, by which
weakness he often suffered much prejudice in his af^rs and
military transactions. He was rather avaricious, and dis
liked much to give away money ; owing to which want of li
berality his affairs frequently suffered material injury. He
was exceedingly amoroUs, not confining himself like his
brother the jnarquis to die native women, but gave much of
fence by his intrigues among the Spanish ladies in Peru.
Francisco de Carvjyal was a man of low descent, the son of a
10 According to Garcilasso, the entry of Gonzalo Pizarro into Lima was
jBOctober 1544,, forty days after the deposition and imprisonment of the
•iceroy. In the History of America, II. S73, this event is dated on the 28th

CHAT. VII. SECT. iv. by Francisco Pizarro, 2T
a person employed in collecting the tax on salt, and was bora
in the village of Ragama near Arevala. He had served long
in the wars pf Italy under Count Pedro de Navarre, having
been in the battle of Pavia, where the king of France was
taken prisoner. On his return to Spain he was accompanied
by a lady of a good family, Donna Catalina de Leyton, to
whom he was said to be married ; though most people behev
ed otherwise, and some even alleged she had been a nun.
After his return to Spain, he lived for some time at the com-
mandry of Hehche, in the capacity of a steward ; and went
afterwards into New Spain with the lady who passed for his
wife. He was for some time employed in Mexico, where he
held some office; whence he was sent by the viceroy of that
kingdom to Peru, along with reinforcements to the marquis
Pizarro, at the time when the Indians revolted, as formerly
related. On this occasion, the marquis gave him some lands
and Indians at Cuzco, where he resided tillthe arrival of the
viceroy ; when he was about to have returned into Spain with
a considerable sum which he had amassed from the Indians
ofhis repartimiento ; but not being able to procure an oppor
tunity, he had remained in the country. When Gonzalo
Pizarro assumed the government of Peru, Carvajal was said
to be eighty years of age. He was of the middle stature, but
very gross, full-faced, and high-coroplexioned. He was
Bkilled iri warlike affairs, having had long experience, and was
able to undergo fatigue infinitely better than could haVe been
expected at his advanced age. He hardly ever quitted his
armour, either by day or night ; and scarcely ever slept, ex
cept on a chair, leaning his head on his hand. He was so
much addicted to wine, that when he could not procure such
as was brought from Spain, he used to content himself with
the strong liquors made by the Indians, of which he drank
more freely than any other Spaniard. His disposition was
addicted^to cruelty, insomuch that he frequently put people
to death upon very slight grounds, sometimes even without
any reason at all, except merely under pretence of keeping up
proper military discipline. Even when ordering any unfor
tunate persons to condign punishment, he was wont to crack
his jokes, and to pay them ironical compliments. He was a
bad Christian, and much addicted to impiety, as was manifest
in all his words and actions ; and was prodigiously avaricious
in the acquisition of money, for which purpose he' pillaged
many of their wealth, by threatening to put them to death, and

28 Conquest of Peru part ii. book u.
and then letting them free for a good round sum. He ended
his days in a miserable manner, with small hope of salvation,
as will appear in the sequel.
To return to the incidents of our history: Our readers may
recollect that Luis de Ribera, lieutenant governor in La Plata,
and Antonio Alvares alcalde or judge ordinary of that city,
with most of hs inhabitants, had taken the field with the pur
pose of joining the viceroy. After journeying a long way in
the deserts wiUiout receiving any intelligence of the events
which were passing at Lima, they at length learnt that the
viceroy was deposed and that Gonzalo Pizarro had usui-ped
the government of Peru. As Ribera and Alvarez were the
chief leaders and instigators of the citizens of La Plata, they
did not dare to return to that city in the present situation of
affairs, and took therefore the resolution of seeking refuge
among the Indians in the inaccessible mountains. Some of
their associates, however, ventured to return to their city,
while odiers went to Lima, where they obtained pardon from
Gonzalo ; but he forfeited their lands and Indians, and sent
Francisco de Almendras to take possession of their repaiti-
mientos in his name, as fimds for reimbursing the expences of
the war.
We must now advert to the deposed viceroy. After he
had been set at liberty by the oydor Alvarez, as has been
already related, and the two other vessels which carried his
brother, friends, and servants, had likewise submitted to his
authority, he continued hb voyage with all the three ships to
the port of Tumbez, where he and Alvarez landed, leaving
proper persons to take charge ofthe ships. Immediately on
landing, the viceroy and oydor began to exercise their respec
tive authorities, by constituting a royal audience, and procla
mations were dispersed through ever}' part of the country,
giving an account of the illegal deposition and imprisonment
of the viceroy and the usurpation of Gonzalo, and command
ing all faidiful subjects of his majesty to join the standard of
' the viceroy. He issued these orders to "the cities of Quito,
San Miguel, Puerto \^iejo, and Truxillo ; and commissioned
captains to go to different places to raise troops ; sending,
among others, Jerom de Pereira on diis errand into the pro
vince of Bracamoras. In consecjuence of these proceedings,
many persons came to Tumbez to join his standard. He ap
plied himself likewise tp cpUcct previsions and ammunition,
strengthening his p.irty as much as possible ; and issued orders
->• to

GlLAP. Vll. SECT. IV. by Francisco Pizarro. 29
to transmit to him all-the money which was contained in the
royal coffers, which was obeyed in many places. Some of
the inhabitants however, fled into the mountains, being un
willing to attach themselves to either of the parties which
riow divided the unhappy colony, while others went to join
Gonzalo Pizarro. Intelligence was soon carried to Gonzalo
of the arrival of the viceroy at Tumbez, and of his prepara
tions for recovering his authority, and some even of the pro
clamations and orders of the viceroy were brought to him at
Lima. Gonzalo was by no means negligent in endeavpuring
to counteract the proceedings of the viceroy.; for which pur
pose he sent orders to Ferdinand de Alvarado, his lieutenant
at Truxillo, and the captains Gonzalo Diaz and Jerom Ville
gas, to collect as many soldiers as possible in that part of the
country, lest they might have gone to Tumbez to join the
party of the viceroy. He commanded these officers to give
every possible interruption to the preparations of the viceroy,
yet ordered them on no account to risk coming to a battle
with the royalists, however powerful and numerous they might
conceive their troops to be in comparison with those of the
viceroy. It had been long proposed to send a deputation from Gon
zalo and the communities of Peru into Spain, to lay an ac
count before his majesty of all that had occurred in the colony ;
and many of the principal insurgents insisted on the necessity
of this measure, to justify their conduct. Others again,
among whom the principal persons were the lieutenant-ge.^
neral Carvajal and Captain Bachicao, were of an opposite
opinion ; insisting that it were better tp wait till his majesty
might think proper to send out persons to inquire into the
cause of his revenues being detained. They alleged that the
viceroy must have already folly informed bis majesty upon all
the late transactions, and would doubtless be listened to in
preference to any thing which they could say in defence of
their conduct. On this account, the leaders of the insurgents
regretted that they had not at the first sent over the judges
ofthe royal audience into Spain, to give an account of theit
reasons for having made the viceroy a prisoner : And, after
many deliberations on this subject, it was at length determin
ed to send home the Doctor Texada, one of the oydors, in
the name of the royal audience, to lay an account of the
whole before the king. It was at the same time resolved, that
Francisco Maldonado, who was master of the household of
Gonzalo

'30 Conquest of Peru part ii. book n.
Gonzalo Pizarro, should accompany Texada, cari-ying jus
tificatory letters from his master ; but without any tide, cre
dence, or powers whatever. By these measures, two purpose*
were served at the same time, both of which were deemed
useful : In sending a deputation to the king to justify their
proceeding, those of their party who pressed that measure
were satisfied; and by employing Texada on this errand, the
court of royal audience was virtually broken up, as Ortiz de
Zarate could not then hold sittings by himself '. When this
proposal was communicated to Texada, he readily consented
to undertake the office, on condition that he were furnished
with 6000 crowns to defray the expences ofhis voyage. Ac
cordingly, Cepeda and he composed all the memorials and
dispatches which were deemed necessary, which were signed
by these two judges only, as Ortiz refused his concurrence.
When all was in readiness for the dispatch of Texada and
Maldonado, a ship which lay in the harbour of Lima was or
dered to be fitted out for their reception, of which Captain
Bachicao was to have taken the command, with a sufficient
number of cannon, and twenty soldiers ; having orders to take
possession of all the ships be might fall in with along the
coast. At this time, Vaca de Castro, the ex-president, who
still remained a prisoner in this ship, contrived to gain over
a majority of the seamen belonging to the vessel, with the as
sistance of his ft'iend Garcia de Montalva who occasionally vi
sited him. By these means he acquired the command of the
vessel, which was already provided with every tiling needfid
for the voyage, and immediately set sail. This untoward in
cident gave much uneasiness to Gonzalo Pizarro, both be
cause it delayed the departure of Texada, and because he
judged that it could not have happened without the concur
rence of several concealed enemies to the present state of affairs.
On this the troops were ordered under arms, and aU the
principal persons who were suspected of disaffection to die
party of Pizarro were taken into custody and committed to
the common prison of the city, both those who had fled from
Cuzco, and those belonging to other cities who had not joinetl
his party. One of die pei-sons committed to prison ou this
occasion was the hcentiate Carvajal, to whom the heutenant- general
1 1 Zarate seems to forget the existence cf Cepeda, one of the judges ; but
he seems to have entirely devoted himself to the party of the usurper, while
Ortts afBicted at least to retain a sense of loyalty.— E.

o«ap. vii. sect. IV. by Franeisco FHzarr*. 3 1
general Carvajal sent a message, desiring him to confess and
make his will, as he was immediately to be put to death. The
licentiate did accordingly what he was desired, and prepared
himself to die with much firmness and resolution ; yet he was
urged to be more expeditious, and the executioner was present,
provided with cords for tying his hands and strangling him.
Every one believed the last hour of the licentiate was <;ome ;
more especially as, considering his rank and quality, it was not
thought possible that he could be treated in this manner merely
to frighten him. It was likewise universally beUeved, that
the execution of the licentiate would be speedily followed by
that of all the other prisoners ; which it was conceived would
prove of material detriment to the colony, as they consisted of
the very principal people of the country, and of those who
had always evhiced the most zealous loyalty to the service of
his majesty.
While matters seemed fast tending to this extremity, several
of the most judicious persons went to Gonzalo Pizarro, and
requested of him to reflect that the licentiate Carvajal was one
of the jwincipal persons in the country, and that his brother
had been already unjustly put to death by the viceroy, under
pretence of the licentiate having joined die party of Pizarro.
They urged that it was exceedingly imprudent at this time to
put the licentiate to death, as that would necessarily renew
the discontents which had formerly taken place on the death
ofhis brother the commissary. They even added, that much
good service might be expected from the licentiate, were it
only in pursuit of revenge for the death of his brother. They
insisted that neither the licentiate nor any of the other pri
soners had any hand in the flight of Vaca de Castro ; but that
it might easily be seen that the slightest pretexts were resort
ed to on purpose to accuse them, who were already under sus
picion as disaffected to the ruling party. Teased and fatigued
by these solicitations, Gonzalo Pizarro refused to be spoken to>
on the subject ; so that the licentiate and his friends were in
duced to try another expedient for his release. They con
veyed to the lieutenant-general an ingot of gold weighing
forty marks", with a promise of a much larger present if he
woidd save the life of the licentiate. The lieutenant-general arccepted
1-2 The weight of. tliis is sso ounces, which atL. 4 an ounce comes to
L.isso, and was then worth as much as L. 7680 is in efficient value-

32 Conquest of Pera part n. book h.
accepted their offers, delayed the execution of die licentiate,.
tod prevailed on Gonzalo Pizarro to set him and all the other
suspected persons at liberty.
Afbf the conclusion of this busincs.s measures were taken
for the dispatch of Texada and Maldonado ; and at this time
there happened to arrive a brigantine from Arequipa, which
was fitted out along with some other vessels, and armed with
a part of thc artillery which had been brought down from
Cuzco. In these vessels B.ichicao embarked along widi die
deputies, accompanied by ^ixty musqueteers, who were all
that could be jjrevailed upon to undertake the voyage. They
proceeded on their voyage along the coast to the northwards,
and arrived one morning early at Tumbez, where they under
stood the viceroy then resided. Immediately on their being
perceived making for the coast, the adherents of the viceroy
fave the alarm and stood on their defence : But as the viceroy
elieved that Gonziilo Pizarro was on board in person accom
panied by a formidable body of troops, he retired in all haste
from Tumbez accompanied by an hunilred and fifty men,
taking the road for Quito. Several of his people however
thd not think fit to accompany his flight, and preferred giving
themselves up to Bachicao, who likewise took possession of
two ships which happened to be in the port of Tumbez, From
thence, Bachicao went to Puerto Viejo and other places,
ivhere he drew together about an hundred and fifty men, all
of whom he took along with him in the ships of his squadron.
Among these were Bartholomew Perez, and Juan Delmos,
respectable inhabitants of Puerto Viejo.
Continuing his voyage towards Panama, Bachicao put io
at the Isle of Pearls, about twenty leagues from Panama to
procure refreshments. While at that place, the inhabitants
of Fi.nama received notice ofhis arrival, and sent two depu
ties to learn his intentions, requesting at the same lime that
he would not come into their boundaries widi his troops.
Bachicao sent back word, that although he happened to be
accompanied by armed men, it was merely on purpose to de-
tend himself against the viceroy, and that he had not the
most distant intention of injuring or even displeasing the in
habitants of Panama. He informed them, that he was en
trusted with the transport of the Doctor Texada, one of the
royal jutlges, who was charged with a commission from the
court of audience to give an account to his majesty of the
events w hich had occurred in Peru. He farther declared that he

chap. VII. SECT. iv. by Franciico Pinsa-hv, S3
he should orily land in Panama to provide necessaries for his
voyage back to Peru, and would reimbark without delay.
Lulled into security by these assurances, the inhabitants of
Panama took no measures for defence. Ori coming into the
port, two ships which happened to be there, made sail to go
away ; one of which was taken possession of by one of the
brigantines belonging to Bachicao, and brought back to the
harbour, with the master and chief mate hanging from the
yard arms. This sad spectacle gave great uneasiness to the
inhabitants, who judged from this tragical event, that the
puiposes of Bachicao were very dii!fei-ent from his words and
promises. But it was not now time to think of defence, and
diey were constrained to submit, though filled with terror and
dismay, leaving their lives and properties entirely at the dis
cretion of Bachicao, who was no less cruel than the lieutenant-
general Carvajal, or even more so if possible ; being at the
same time exceedingly addicted to cursing arid blasphemy, and
among all his vices not a single spark of virtue could be found
to reUeve the picture.
At this time Captain Juan dc Gusman was in Panama
raising soldiers for the service Pf the viceroy ; but he found it
advisable to retire on the arrival of Bachicao, with vvhom ali
these soldiers now inlisted, Bachicao likewise got possession
of the artillery vvhich had belonged to the vessel in which
Vaca de Castro escaped from Lima, Seeing himself master
of Panama, Bachicao who was a brutal passionate fellow,
exercised the command there in a cruel and tyrannical manner,
disposing at his will of the goods and properties pf every one,
violating every rule of law and justice, oppressing the liber
ties of the community, and holding every individual under
such slavish constraint, that no one dated tP act otherwise
than as he pleased to dictate. Learning or suspecting that
two of his captains had formed the design of putting him to
death, he ordered them both to be heheaded without any
form of trial ; and in similar acts of injustice, and in every
transaction, he used no other formiility than ordering it to be
intimated by the public crier, " That Captain Ferdinand Ba^
chicao had ordained such and such to be done." He thus
usurped supreme and absolute authority, paying not the
smallest regard to die laws, or even to the external forms, of
justice. The licentiate Vaca de Castro, who was at Panama when
Bachicao arrived, fled immediately acrpss the igthmus to
VOL. V. c ^^Nwmbre

3i Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii,
Nombre de Dios on the Atlantic, where he embarked accom
panied by Diego Alvarez de Cueto and Jerom Zurbano.
Doctor Texada and Francisco Maldonado escaped likewise
to the same port, where they all embarked together for Spain.
Texada died pn the voyage while passing the Bahamas. On
their arrival in Spain, Maldonado and Cueto went directly to
Germany, where the emperor Don Carlos then was, where
each gave an account of the business with which they were
entrusted, ^'aca de Castro remained for some time at Ter-
cera in the Azores ; whence he went to Lisbon, and after
wards to the court of Spain ; alleging that he did not dare to
go by way of Seville, on account of the influence iri that place
of the brothers relations and friends of Juan Tello, whom he
had put to death after the defeat of the younger Almagro,
On his arrival at court, De Castro was put under arrest in his
own house by order of the council of the Indies. He was
afterwards brought to trial on a variety of accusations, in the
course of which he was kept prisoner for five years in the ci
tadel of Arevalo. He was afterwards removed to a private
house in Simanca, from which he was not permitted to go
out ; And in consequence of a subsequent revolution in the
court of Spain, he was allowed to remain a prisoner at large
in the city and temtory of Valladolid, till his cause was finally
adjuged'^. On the flight ofthe viceroy from Tumbez widi an hundred
and fifty men, as before related, in consequence of the aiTiviJ
of Bachicao, he retired to Quito, w here he was honourably
received. In this place he increased his force to two hundred
men, and finding die country fertile and abounding in pro
visions, he determined to remain there till he might receive
ulterior orders from his majesty, in reply to die informations
he had transmitted by Diego Alvarez de Cueto, In thcme.on
time he appointed strong guards to defend the passes in the
mountains, and stationed spies on tho diffcrt ut rt ads, that he
might have early intimation ofthe procedure of Gonzalo Pi
zarro at Lima, which is three hundred leagues from Qnito.
About this time four soldiers belonging to Gonzalo deserted
on account of some injurious ti-catment, and seized a small bai'k
13 We learn from Garcilasso, that Vara de Castro was in the end ho-
nnurably acquitted, and that in the year M61, when Garcilasso was at
M.idrid, De Castro was senior member of the council of the Indies His son,
Don Amonin, was made knight of St Jago, and had a gnoiit of lands and
luJiam in Peru to the extent of 20,000 pieces of eight yearly. — E.

ciiAP, VII, SECT, ly, by Francisco Pizarro. 35
bark in die port of Lima, in which they sailed northwards to
a place where they landed, and whence they travelled by land
to Quito. On their arrival, they represented to the viceroy,
•that the inhabitants of Lima and other places were exceed
ingly discontented by the conduct of Gonzalo, who subjected
theni to the most harassing and vexatious tyranny, driving
them from their houses, and despoiling them of their gopds,
so that many of the colonists were reduced to depend on other
persons for their subsistence. That Gonzalo imposed such
burlhensome contributions on the whole inhabitants, that they
were unable to endure them ; and that all were so weary of
his tyranny, that they woiilJ gladly join any person who
might come aniong them in the name of the king, to relieve
them from die cruel oppression and tyrannous violence of the
usurper. In consequence of this statement, the viceroy was,
induced to march from Quito towards San Miguel, appoint
ing to the command ofhis troops one Diego de Occampo, an
inhabitant of Quito, who had joined him on his arrival at
Tumbez, and had expended large sums in his service from.
his own private fortuiio.
The licentiate Alvarez always accompanied the viceroy,
and these two established themselves as the court of royal
audience, in virtue of a commission from his majesty which
the vicerpy still held. By this royal order, the viceroy waa
authorised after his arrival at Lima, to hold audience in con
junction with two or one of the, oydors who might first arrive.
Or even in case that any two oi three of them should chance
to die. In pursuance of this authority, the viceroy ordered a
new seal to be made, which he committed to the custody of
Juan de Leon, alcalde or police judge of Lima, who had been
nominated by the Mai'quis of Camarpsa, grand-chancellpr pf
the Indies, as his deputy or chancellor of the audience pf
Lima. De Lepn had fled from Gonzalp Pizarro, and had
joined the viceroy at Qiiitp. In consequence of this arrange
ment, the viceroy issued such orders and proclamations as
seemed needful or expedient, in the name of the emperor
Don Carlos ; authenticating them with the royal seal, and by
the signatures of himself and the licentiate Alvarez. By these
means there were two royal audiences in Peru, one at the city
of Lima, and the other "wherever the viceroy happened to re
side ; so that it frequently happened that two opposite and
contradictory decrees, were proij,ounced and promulgated in
one and the same cause.
On

36 Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
On taking the resolution of marching from Quito, the vice
roy sent his brother-in-law, Diego Alvarez de Cueto, to in
form his majesty ofthe state of affairs, and to solicit such re
inforcements as might enable him to re-establish his authority "
in Peru, by waging war against Gonzalo Pizarro. Cueto
went accordingly to Spain in the same fleet with Vaca de
Castro and Texada, as already related. The viceroy advan
ced southwards to San Miguel, which i-, an hundi-ed and fifty
leagues from Quito, determining to remain at that place till
he might receive farther orders from his majesty. The inha
bitants bf San Miguel gave him the best reception in their
power, and furnished him as far as they were able with every
thing he was in want of. He continually kept his small army
on foot, to preserve the honour .and reputation of his cha
racter as viceroy, and that he niight be in a convenient situa
tion for receiving such reinforcements as might come from
Spain or from any of the American colonies ; as every one
coming by land from these quarters must necessarily pass by
the way of Sail Miguel, especially if accompanied by horses
or beasts of burthen. He expected therefore to be able in
this place to collect reinforcements to his army, so as to be in
condition to renew the war, and employed himself to collect
men, horses, and arms, so that he was soon at the head of
five hundred men, tolerablv equipped. Some of these indeed
were in want of defensive armour, w hich they endeavoured to
supply by fabricating cuirasses of iron, and of hard leather.
At the time when Gonzalo Pizarro sent Bachicao with the
brigantines to get possession of the ships belonging to the vice
roy, he dispatched Gonzalo Diaz de Pinera and Jerom de
Villegas to collect the soldiers who dwelt in Truxillo and San
Miguel, that they might make head against the viceroy in the
i;<)rth of Peru. These officers remained in San Miguel with
about eighty men whom they had drawn to their party, till
they heard of the .apin-oach of the viceroy ; on which, not
being in sufficient force to oppose him, they retreated towards
Truxillo, and cstablislud themselves in the province of CoU
liqvf, about forty leagues'* fiom San Miguel. From thence
they sent intimation to Gon/alo of the advance of the viceroy,
and that his army increased daily in numbers, insomuch that it
1 1 The distance in the te.xt is probably a mistake for fourteen leagues, as
about that distance to tlie S. E. of San Miguel there is a river named Choln,
which may have given name to the district or v.nlley in which it runs.  ^E.

chap, vii, sect. IV. by Francisco Pizarro. 37
it behoved him to think of some appropriate measures to avert
the threatened danger. Diaz and Villegas were likewise in
formed that the viceroy had sent Juan de Pereira, one of his
'officers, into the province of Chachapoyas, in which there
were very few Spanish settlers, to endeavour to collect rein
forcements. As they believed that Pereira and his followers
entertained no suspicions of their being in the neighbourhood,
Diaz and Villegas determined on attempting to surprize them,
which they did so effectually one night, that they made the
whole party prisoners without resistance. Having beheaded
Pereira and two of his principal followers, they obliged the
rest of the party, about sixty horsemen, to enter into the
service of Gonzalo, by threats of putting them all to death if
they refused ; after which they returned to their post.
The viceroy was greatly incensed by this untoward event,
and determined to seek an opportunity of revenge. With
this view he departed secretly from San Miguel with a body
of an hundred and fifty horse, and took such judicious mea
sures that he arrived one night undiscovered at Collique,
where he surprized the enemy, and obliged them to fly in all
directions, Diaz made his escape almost alone into a district
inhabited by hostile Indians, who assailed him and put him to
death. Villegas and Ferdinand Alvarado were more fortu
nate in their escape, as they were able to collect some of their
dispersed troops, with whom thej^ took up a new and more
secure position not far from Truxillo, and at a safer distance
from San Miguel.
As Gonzalo Pizarro was informed that the viceroy aug
mented his army from time to time, more especially after this
successful enterprize, he resolved to march against him with
out delay ; as hardly a day passed in which the viceroy was
not joined by soldiers, horses, and arms from Spain, or some
of the American colonies, all of which were landed at the port
of Tumbez. He was likewise in dread lest some dispatch
might arrive from the emperor, favourable to the viceroy, by
which his own adherents might be intimidated, and numbers
might be induced to change sides. With this view he as
sembled his army, determined to march in person against the
viceroy, and if possible to bring him to action. He issued
therefore the proper orders to all his officers, reviewed and
mustered his troops, advanced them the necessary funds for
taking the field, and sent off the baggage, artillery, ammuni
tion and provisions, with. the main body of the army towards,
Truxillo,

38 Conquest of Peru part ii. book ij-
Truxillo, remaining behind at Lima with some of his prin
cipal officers, to follow in proper time. About this time a
vessel arrived from Arequipa with a very seasonable supply of
100,000 crowns ; and another vessel from Tierra Firma, be
longing to Gonzalo Martel, sent by his wife to enable him to
return home. The arrival of these two vessels was very op
portune for Gonzalo Pizarro, as they served to transport
great quantities of musquets, pikes, ammunition, and other
implements of war, together with a guard of an hundred and
fifty men, and greatly facilitated the intended expedition
against the viceroy.
On qiiitting Lima, Gonzalo Pizarro thought proper to take
the oydor Cepeda and Juan de Caceres the accountant-ge
neral along with him, both to give the more eclat and .appear
ance of legal authority to his measures, and on pui-pose to
break up the court of royal audience, as Ortiz de Zarate
would then be the only judge remaining at Lima, who was
not thought of much importance, as he was in bad health.
Besides, Bias de Soto, his brother, had married the daughter
of that judge ; and although that marriage had been effected
contrary to die wish of Ortiz, it was considered as some tie
upon his conduct. For greater security, how ever, Gonzalo
used the precaution of carrying the royal seal along with him,
Gonzalo Pizarro chose to go by sea ; and on leaving Lima,
he appointed Lorenzo de Aldana as lieutenant-governor of
that city, with a garrison of eighty soldiers, to preserve tran
quillity during his absence. This small number was consi
dered sufficient to prevent any atterript towards a revolution
ary movement, as most of the inhabitants of Lima accompa
nied the expedition. Gonzalo embarked in March 1.545,
and landed at the port of Santa, fifteen leagues south from
Truxillo, at which city he arrived on Palm Sunday, He re
mained at this place for some time, waiting the junction ofhis
troops, sending messages in various directions to expedite
tlieir march. After some time, he inarched from Truxillo
into the province of Collique, where the whole of his army as
sembled. At this place he reviewed his army, w hich amount
ed to above six hundred horse' and foot. The troops under
the viceroy were ne;irly as numerous ; but those under Gon
zalo were much better armed, and better suppHed with every
thing requisite for war, as well as being all veteran soldiers,
accustomed to war and discipline, and v ell acquainted with
all the difficult passes of the countrv. The troops of the vice roy

.«HAP. vii. SECT. IV. by Francisco Pizarro. 39
roy on the contrary, had for the most part come recently
from Spain, were quite unaccustomed to war, and ill armed ;
besides which their powder was bad in quality,
Gonzalo used evei-y effort to collect provisions and all kinds
of necessaries foi' his army, more especially as he had to pass
through a desert country which intervened between the pro
vince of Motupe'^ and the city of San Miguel, a distance of
twenty-two leagues without any inhabitants, and entirely des
titute of water or other means of refreshment, consisting every
where of burning sands without shelter from the heat of the
sun and almost under the equinoctial line. As this march
was necessarily attended with much inconvenience and diffi
culty, Gonzalo used every proper precaution that his troops
mi^t be supphed abundantly with water and other necessa
ries. For this purpose aU the neighbouring Indians were or
dered to Iwing a prodigious quantity of jars and other vessels
calculated to contain water. The soldiers were ordered to
leave at Motupe all their clothes and baggage ,of which they
were not in immediate want, which were to be brought for
ward by the Indians. Abov^ all things, it was taken care
that a sufficiency of water should accoinpany the army, both
for the troops, and for the horses and other animals. Every
thing being in readiness, Gonzalo sent forwards a party of
twenty-five horsemen by the ordinary road through the desert,
that ihey might be observed by the scouts belonging to the
viceroy, and that he might be led to believe the army came in
that direction. He then took a different route through the
same desert with the army, marching as expeditiously as pos
sible, every soldier being ordered to carry his provisions along
with him on his horse, iiy these precautions, and the rapi
dity of the march, the viceroy was not informed of the ap
proach of Gonzalo and his army, till they were very near San
Miguel. Immediately on learning their approach, he sounded
the alarm, giving out that he intended to meet and give batde
to the insurgents ; but as soon as his army was drawn out
from the city, he tpok a quite opposite course, directing' his
march with all possible expedition towards the mountain of
Caxas. jGonzalo Pizarro got notice of the retreat of the viceroy about
15 Named Mofrope in modern maps. The desert in the text is of great
extent, reaching from the river Leche to the Piura, a distance of abova
eighty English miles.

40 Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
about four hours afterwards, in consequence of which he niade
no halt at San Miguel, except to procure guides to direct
him in the road which the viceroy had taken. In the first
riight of this pursuit, the army of Gonzalo marched eight
Spanish leagues, or near thirty Enghsh miles, and several of
the royalists who had lagged behind the rest, together with
the whole baggage belonging to the retreating army fell into
his hands. Gonzato hanged such of his prisoners as were
most obnoxious to him, and continued the pursuit ofthe flying
royalists with the utmost diligence, through difficidt and almost
impracticable roads, where no provisions could be procured,
always coming up with some ofthe hindmost of the enemy.
Gonzalo likewise sent on several Indians with letters to the
principal officers who served under the viceroy, urging them
to put him to death, and offering them th«r paidons for the
past and to give them high rewards. He continued the pur
suit above fifty leagues or two hundred miles, till at length
the horses were no longer able to carry their riders, and the
men were incapable of proceeding, both from excessive fatigue
and by the failure of provisions. The insurgent army at
length arrived at Ayabaca'*, where the hot pursuit ofthe
viceroy was discontinued, and the troops of Gonzalo halted
for rest and refreshment. Besides the difficulty of overtaking
the royalists, Gonzalo had received assurances from some of
the principal followers of the viceroy that they would either
put him to death, or deliver lum up as a prisoner ; and, as
this Came afterwards to the knowleelge of the viceroy, he put
several of these officers and gentlemen of his army to death.
After Gonzalo had supplied his army with such provisions as
could be furnished at Ayabaca, he resumed thc pursuit, but
with less rapidity than before, and keepuig his army always
in compact order; yet at this time some ofhis troops remain
ed behind, partly owing to extreme fatigue, and partiy from
discontent. Leaving the viceroy to continue his retreat to
Quito, and Gonzalo in pursuit, it is proper to mention some
events that occurred at this time in other parts of Peru,
In this march, Gonzalo did not diink proper to carrv alcnw
with his army any of die soldiers belonging to die viceroy
whom he had taken during the pursuit, both because hecoijld not
16 Notwithstanding the distance mentioned in the text, Ayabaca is only
about 60 miles, or fifteen Spanish leagues in a straight line N. N, E. from
ban Miguel.— E.

CHAP, vn. sect. jv. % Francisco Pizarro, 41
not confide, in them, because he had already a sufficient force
jn proportion to the enemy, and because provisions were very
difficult to be procured, as the viceroy had stripped every
place through which he.passed as much as possible. For this
reason, Gonzalo Pizan'o sent back all his prisoners to Truxillo,
Lima, or such other places as they thought proper, having in
the first place put to death such of their chiefs as he consi
dered most strongly attached to the viceroy. As these sol
diers were dispersed over several parts of the country, they
began to declaim in favour of the viceroy and against the ty
rannical conduct of Gonzalo, and found many persons abun--
dantly disposed to listen to their harangues ; both because
what they alleged was true in itself, and because most of the
Spanish inhabitants of Peru were much inclined to revolution
and change of party, especially the soldiery and those who
were lazy and unoccupied. The real settlers and principal
inhabitants of the cities were quite of an opposite description,
being friends of peace and order, as most conducive to their
interest and happiness, and necessary to the preservation of
their propeitjes, and being more exposed in time of civil war
than even the soldiers to be harassed and tormented in many
ways, as the ruling party was apt on the slightest pretexts to
put them to death on purpose to seize their effects, with
which to gratify and reward the partizans of their tyranny
and injustice. These seditious discourses were so openly in
dulged in, that they reached the knowledge of the lieutenants
of Gonzalo; who, each in his peculiar jurisdiction, punish
ed the authors as they deemed right. At Lima, to which
most of these prisoners had gone, Pedro Martin de Cecilia
the provost marshal was a violent partizan of Gonzalo, and
caused several of these malccontents to be hanged. Lorenzo
de Aldana, who had been left by Gonzalo as lieutenant-go-;
vernor of Lima, was a prudent man, and conducted himself
in a quite different manner, being disinclined from acting
with such violence as might occasion displeasure to either
party in the sequel; fcr which reason he used all his influence
to prevent putting any one to death, or from injuring any
person in any manner. Although he, held his office from
Gonzalp, he never exerted himself zealously in his service, so
that the partizans of that usurper considered him as secretly
gained by the other party, more especially as he always be
haved well to the known friends ofthe viceroy. On this ac
count, aU these men flpcked tp Lima, where they believed
themselves

4'J Conquest of Peru book ii. part ii.
themselves in greater security than anywhere else. The par
tizans of Gonzalo, on the other hand, made loud complaints
against die favourable behaviour of Aldana to the royalists ;
and in particular one of the alcaldes of Lima, named Chris
topher de Burgos, spoke of it so openly that Aldana thought
it necessary to give him a public reprimand, and even com
mitted hini to prison for some time. Several even went so
far as to communicate their suspicions of the fidelity of Al
dana to Gonzalo Pizarro by letters, and even persuaded him
of the truth of their allegations : But he refrained from ma-
nifestinn- his want of confidence in the lieutenant-governor,
considering it dangerous to deprive him ofhis office while the
army was at so great a distance, more especially as Aldana
bad a respectable military force, and was much esteemed by
thc citizens of Lima.
We have formerly mentioned that several inhabitants of
the city of La Plata in the province of Las Charcas, on re
ceiving orders to that effect from the viceroy, had set out
from that city on purpose to offer him their senices against
Gonzalo ; but having learnt his imprisonment while on their
w.iy to Lima, they returned to theu- habitations. Gonzalo
Kzarro w.is particularly displeased with these men, as he ex
pected to have been especially favoured by the inhabitants of
his own pecuhar district, and sent therefore a pti>on named
Francisco de Almendrr.s as lieutenant-governor to La Plata, a
coarse brutal fellow without feeling or humani y, and one of
tbe most cruel satellites ofhis tyrannical u>ui-pation; whom he
instructed to be peculiarly watchful of thc behaviour of those
who had sliewn an intention of joining the viceroy, and to
make them feel on o\erv opportunity how much he was dis
satisfied with tlieir conduct on that occasion. In pursuance
of his instructions, Almendras deprived the principal persons
among these loyalists of their lands and Indians, and exacted
heivy contribution^ irom them towards defraying the expences
of tlie war. He likewi>e .iHi-onted and useil them ill on all
occasions, and i ven on very frivolous pretences. One Don
Gomez dc Luna, a principal person aniong thc loyalists of La
Plata, luipjienedoncdny to observ.- in conversation at his own
house, that the einpcror Don Carlos must assuredly at length
recover the comiiKind over Peru. This loyal sentiment was
reported to Almendras, who immediately ordered De Luna tq
bo arretted and thrown into the common prison. The man-i-
tfratcs of the city went in a body to supplicate Almendras either

CHAP, VII. SECT. IV. by Francisco Pizarro. 43
either to liberate De Luna, or at least to confine him in a place
more conformable to his rank ; and as Almendras refused to
give a satisfactory answer to their representation, one of the
magistrates declared publicly, that, if he would npt liberate de
Luna, they would do so in spite of him. Almendrats dissem
bled his sentiments at the time, but went next night to the
prison, whence he caused De Luna to be taken out to the
public square and beheaded.
The inhabitants of the city were exceedingly disgusted by
this Cruel act of tyranny, which they considered as an out
rage against the whole community; and particularly one
Diego Centeno was most sensibly affected, as he and De Luna
had been extremely intimate. At the commencement of the
troubles respecting the obnoxious regulations, Centeno had
attached himself to Gonzalo Pizarro, whom he had accom
panied to Cuzco, in the capacity of procurator from the pro
vince of Las Charcas, being one of the principal persons of
his party. Having noticed the bad intentions of Pizarro, and
that he did not limit bis designs to those objects which he at
first proposed, Centeno abandoned the party of Gonzalo and
returned to his own house. He now determined to use his
utmost endeavours to revenge the cruel death ofhis friend De
Luna, that he might save himself and others from the tyran-
nous rule of Almendras, and on purpose to restore the
country to obedience to its legitimate sovereign. With this
view, he communicated his sentiments to some of the princi
pal settlers, among whom were Lopez de Mendoza, Alfonso
Perez de Esquivel, Alfonzo de Camargo, Fernando Nunnez
de Segura, Lopez de Mendiera, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, and
several others whom he believed to have loyal intentions, all
of whom he found disposed to second him in executing the
enterprize which he had in view. In the prosecution of this
purpose, they all assembled one Sunday morning, according
to custom, at the house of Almendras, under pretence of ac
companying him to church. When all were assembled,
although Almendras had a considerable guard, Ceuteno went
up to him as if to converse on some affair of moment, arid
stabbed him repeatedly with his dagger. The conspirators
then dragged him out to the public square and cut off his
head, declaring him a traitor, and proclaiming that they had
done so for the service pf the king.
Considering that Almendras was universally detested, the
conspirators had not thought it necesssiry to use any precau tions

44 Conquest of Peru- part ii. book ii.
tions for conciliating thp people ; yet all the inhabitants de
clared for the king, and took immediate measures to support
his authority and to defend themselves against the resentment
of Gonzalo and the insurgents. For this purpose, they elect
ed Centeno as commendcr in chief of the province; ih which
capacity he appointed proper persons to be captains of cavahy
and iniantry under his authority, and used every effort to in-
list a body of troops, which he paid out of his own fonds,
being one of the richest men in the country ; but in this he
was assisted by the other inhabitants of the province, who
contributed towards the expence, Centeno was of an honour
able family, being descended from Hernan Centeno who had
made himself illustrious in the wars of Castille. He was
about thirtj-five years of age, of very agreeable manners, of
a liberal disposition, person.dly brave, of an excellent cha
racter and universally respected. At this time he enjoyed a
revenue exceeding 30,000 crowns ; but about two years af
terwards, on the discovery of the famous mines of Potosi,
he became ppssessed of above 100,000 crowns of annual rent
by means of his Indians, as his estate lay very near these
mines. Having assembled a body of troops, Centeno used every
effort to provide them with arms and all other necessai-y equip
ments. He placed guards at all the passes,, to prevent any
intelli.gence from being conveyed to the enemy till his affairs
were in pr<jper order. He sent likewise Lopez de Mendoza
one of his captains, first to Porco and thence to Arequipa to
collect as many men as possible, and to endeavour to airest
Pedr.) de Puentes the lieutenant of Gonzalo at Arequipa.
But Puentes fled immetliately from Arequipa on receiving in
telligence of the events which had occurred at Las Charcas.
Mendoza therefore took possession of Arequipa without re
sistance ; whence he reinforced himself with all the men, arms,
and horses, he could procure, and carried off all the money
he couUI find, with which and his reinforcement he returned
to Centeno at La Plata.
On the return of Mendoza, Centeno found himself at the
h(ii(i of two hundred and fifty men well equipped for war, to
whom he explained his sentinn iits and views, and gave an
ac count of the criminal usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, in the
following terms. " You know that Gonzalo, on leaving
Cuzcp, pretended merely to present the humble remonstran
ces ofthe colonists respecting the obnoxious regulations ; and
you

CHAP. VII. SECT, IV, by Francisco Pizarro. 45
you have been informed that, even at the otitset, he put to
death Gaspard de Boias, Phihp Gutierrez, and Arias Mal
donado. You have learnt how he conspired with the judo'es
of the royal audience and other inhabitants of Lima, to arrest
atid depose tho viceroy, both of which were done accordingly.
After this, while at the very gates of Lima, and before his
public entry into that city, he sent in his lieutenant-general,
who arrested many of the most considerable and richest inha
bitants of the country, under the eyes of the judges, merely
because these men had joined the viceroy, and even hanged
three of them without any form pf trial, Pedro de Barco,
Martin de Florencia, and Juan Saavedra. He in the next
place has broken up the royal court of audience, sending off
its judges to different places, having in the first place obliged
them to appoint him to the government. He has since, as
you well know, caused many others to be put to death, merely
on suspicion that diey were favourable to the viceroy, and in
tended to join his party.' Not satisfied with all this, he has
seized all the treasure bielonging to his majesty in the different
receipts ofthe colony, and has imposed excessive contribu
tions on the inhabitants, from whom he has exacted above
150,000 ducats by means of taxes imposed at his owri plea
sure. Adding crime to crime, he has again -levied forces
against the authority ofhis majesty, with which lie has marched
against the viceroy, and has carried insubordination and con
fusion into every part of the country ; permitting arid en
couraging many to hold public discourse contrary to the re
spect and obedience which is due to his majesty. They were
likewise aware, that Gonzalo had taken away the repaiti-
mientos, or allotments of lands and Indians from many.personsr,
and had converted them to his own emolument. Finally, he
laid before them the strong obligations by which they were
iatl bound, as faithful subjects, to exert their titmost endea
vours in the service of their sovei"eign, lest they should draw
upon themselves the imputation of being rebels and traitors."
By these represmtations, and others which it were tedioiis
to repeat, he disposed his auditors to concur iu his loyal sen
timents, and willingly to obey his orders. After this, Centeno
sent one of his captains with a detachment to Chicuito, a
place belonging particulai-ly to the king, between Orcaza
and Las Charcas, with orderS to guard the passes T?ith the
utmost vigilance, till he and the royahs'ts were in full readi ness

46 Conquest of Peru part ii. book vi.
ness to execute their principal enterprize, as will be related
in the sequel.
Notwithstanding every precaution employed by Centeno to
conceal his operations and intentions, it was impossible to
prevent intelligence from spreading in various directions,
more especially after the expedition of Mendoza to Arequipa.
Every thing he had already done, even the number of his
troops, and ofthe musquets and horses he had collected, was
fully known, by means of Indians and Spaniards who had
escaped from La Plata, in spite of the guards which had
been set to watch the passes of the mountains. Alfonso de
Toro, who acted as lieutenant governor of Cuzco under
Gonzalo Pizarro, happened at this time to be a hundred
leagues to the northward of that city, keeping guard in one
of the passes of the mountains, as by letters from Gonzalo
the viceroy was reported to have gone into the mountainous
country, and was supposed to have directed his march by
that road toward the south of Peru. On receiving notice of
the late revolution at La Plata, De Toro returned in all dili
gence to Cuzco, where he levied forces to oppose Centeno ;
and, having assembled the magistrates and principal inhabi
tants of Cuzco, he informed them of what had occurred at
Las Charcas, and as there was a sufficient force in Cuzco to
suppress the royaUsts, he thought it incumbent on him to
march to La Plata for that purpose. To gain them over to
his purpose, he represented that Centeno had revolted with
out any just cause, and had usurped authority in Las Charcas
for his own private ends, under pretence of serving die king ;
whereas Gonzalo Pizarro, being actual governor of the king
dom of Peru, ought to bc obeyed as such till his majesty
sent orders to the contrary. That the revolt of Centeno,
being both criminal in itself and contrary to die law, every
one was bound to resist him, and to punish his temerity.
He recalled to their remembrance, that Gonzalo Pizarro
was engaged in serving the genend interest of die colonists,
to procure the revocation of the obnoxious ordinances, iu
which common cause he had exposed his fortune and per
sonal safety to every hazard, as it was well known that every
inhabitant of Peru would be st.-ipped of his property if the
regulaticms were put in force. That besides the o-eneral ad-
vimtagc procured by Gonzalo in setting aside the obnoxious
regulati(lll^, for which all were infinitely indebted to hun, it
was obvious ihil he had not in any re-^jiect conducted him self

CHAP. VII, SECT. IV. by Francisco Pizarro. 47
self contrary to the royal orders, and had not in any manner
set himself against the authority of the sovereign ; since, on
his arrival at Lima for the purpose of presenting their re- ,
monstrances, the judges of the royal audience had already
arrested the viceroy and sent him out of the kingdcmi, of
vvhich these judges had appointed Gonzalo interim governor j
and that in marching in a warlike manner against the viceroy,
he had acted at thc request and by the orders of the royal
audience; as was manifrist by his being accompanied by
Cepeda, one ofthe royal judges and chairman of the audience.
He asserted that no person in Peru could take upon him to
determine whether the audience had acted right or otherwise
in conferring the government on Gonzalo ; and that it was
the duty of all to sup|iort hini in that office, till they received
the ulterior orders of the sovereign.
At the close of this discourse, every one acknowledged the
justice of what he had represented, and voluntarily offered to
support Gonzalo with their lives and fortunes ; although in
reality most of them did so more from fear than good wul; as
they stood in great awe of De Toroy who had hanged several
persons in a summaiy manner, and had made himself uni
versally dreaded by his cruel and ferocious disposition and
conduct, so that no one dared to oppose or contradict hira
in any thing. After a short deliberation, a set of resolutions
were entered into, in which the transactions of Centeno ia
Las Charcas were recited as seditious and unlawful, and he
was declared to have as.5assinated Francisco de Almendras,
the lieutenant governor, to have levied forces in rebellion
against the legitimate government, and to have passed the
boundaries of the province of Las Charcas in hostile manner j
for all which reasons it was just and proper to make war up-
<m him, and to reduce him to obedience. All this was done
principally to satisfy or to amuse the people, and to make
them believe that the partizans of Gonzalo acted reasonably
and lawfully, as all those who signed these resolutions were
perfectly aware of the real state of affairs. In reality, although
matters were thus represented in the popular assemblages, in
justification of the measures of the insurgent party, or at
.least to excuse their actions under specious pretences, those
who took aa active part on the present occasion, used often
to declare, both in the presence and absence of Gonzalo,
that the king would certainlv give, or ou,oht to give him the
government of, Peru, as they were resolved not to receive any
other

48 Conquest of Peru part h. book ii.
other persbh in that capacity, such being the resolution of
Gonzalo in which they all concurred.
Alfonso de Toro now proceeded to levy an army, of which
he declared himself captain general and commander in chief,
and appointed captains and odier officers to command undeT
his authority. In all his proceedings he carried himself with
a high hand, employing force and violence, instead of persua
sion and good treatment. He protested pubUckly and with
many oaths, that he would hang up every one who did not
assist and contribute to the cause ; and even had several
persons carried to the foot of the gallows, whose hves he was
induced to spare by dint of solicitations. He abused and
maltreated others, using every one in the most outrageous
manner who did not give way to him in all things. By this
violent procedure he completed his warlike preparations at
Very small expence ; insomuch that it appeared afterwards by
his accounts, that he had not expended above twenty thou
sand crowns in this expedition, as be took away gratuitously
all the horses that were to be found in Cuzco, and constrain
ed all the inhabitants who were able to carry arms to accom
pany him in the expedition against Centeno. By these means
De Toro collected three hundred men, tolerably armed and
equipped, with which he marched from Cuzco to a place
named Urcos, about six leagues from that city, where he re
mained three weeks in anxious expectation of inteUigence
from Las Charcas : Bnt all the roads and passes between and
La Plata, were so well guarded by the Indians, who were en
tirely disposed to favour Centeno, that he was unable to learn
any thing of the movements or intentions of the rovalists in
Las Charcas, so that he was constrained to remain continual
ly on the alert lest he might have been surprized. Besides
these military precautions, he rigorously punished all who
presumed to shew the slightest disinclination towards the in
terest of the Pizarrian faction, or to express their sentiments
m any respect in disapprobation of his own designs ; inso
much that all were constrained from dread of punishment to
appear heartily attached to the cause in which he was en-

ga

£3'

ged. After remaining dirce weeks encampetl at Urcos, he deter^
mined to march in search of Centeno, and advanced for
that purpose to thc village named Del Roy. As the troops of
Ccntono happened to be a good deal scattered at this time,
he w;ib umlcr the necessity of retreating on die approach of
^ De

CHAP. VII. SECT. av. by Fi:ancisco Pizarro, 4<7
De Toro. These hostile chiefs being encamped at the dis
tance of about twelve leagues, entered into a negotiation to
endeavour to form an accommodation ; but, as they were un
able to a^ree upon any terms, De Toro advanced for the
purpose of attacking Centeno ; who, on the other handj was
unwilling.to risk the chance of an engagement, owing to the
inferiority of his force, and because a defeat might have dis
pirited his own party and have been of great advantage to
the cause of the insurgents. On this account he retired in
proportion as De Toro advanced, accompanied by a great
number of large Peruvian sheep loaded with provisions and
ammunition, and carrying along with him all the principal
curacas or native chiefs, to prevent De Toro from being able
to avail himself of the assistance of the Indians. In this
manner Centeno continued to retreat across a desert and
uninhabited country of forty leagues extent, till he arrived
at a place named Casabindo, through which Diego de Roias
had formerly descended from the elevated, region of Peru into
the eastern plain of the Rio (ie la Plata. Alfonso.de Tpro
continued the pursuit as far. as the city of La Plata, which, is
an hundred and eighty leagues to the south of Cuzco.,^ • Find
ing that place abandoned and entirely stript of every thing
which might contribute to the subsistence of his troops, and
being unable to procure provisions on account of the. absence
of all the curacas or caciques, he was under the necessity to dis
continue his pursuit of Centeno, and even found himself com
pelled to return towards Cuzco. In this retreat, De Toro took
the command of the advanced guard of fifty men, ordering
the main body to march at leisure, and left a rear-guard; of
thirty of his hest mounted. cavalry under Alfonso de Mendo
za, with orders to use every |)ossible means of .profiuring in
telligence of the motions of Centeno ; that, in case of his fpi-
lowing, the troops might be collected together in good order
to rejoin the van.
The departure of De Toro from La Plata on his return to ,
Cuzco was soon communicated to Centeno by means of the
Indians. He was astonished at this sudden alteration of af
fairs ; and, as he understood that De Toro marched in great
haste, without keeping his troops in close array, he supposed
that circumstance to have been occasioned by De Tprp, ^-
tertaining saspicions of the fidelity of his followers, and that
he had found them ill-disposed .towards the party of ,tb,e
Pizarrians.^ On these considerations, Centeno resolved to
VOL. V. D pursue

.50 Conquest ofPeriC: part ii. book ii.
pursue in his turn, in hope of drawing some advantage fo thc
cause in which he was engaged from this measure, and even
expecting that several of the followers of Toro might come
over to his side. He sent off therefore the captain Lope de ¦
Mendoza with fifty light armed cavalry in pursuit of die
enemy. Mendoza got in a short time to Collao ; and, al
though de Toro and most of his troops had already passed
beyond that place, he made prisoners of about fifty who rer
mained behind, whom at first he deprived of their horses and
arms. Soon afterwards, however, he returned these to his
prisoners, and even distributed some money among them, rer
ceiving their engagements upon oath to join him when re
quired ; but he hanged a few of them who were suspected of
beirig particulars attached to De Toro. After tiiis successful
exploit. Lope returned in great haste to La Plata, in hope of
being able to cut off Alfonzo de Mcudoza and his small
party, who still occupied diat place. But Alliiuzo had rer
ceived inteUigence of what had happened at Collao, and had
already quitted La Plata in great haste, tiiking a different
road from that pursued by Lope, by which nieans he got safe
to Cuzco.Centeno arrived soon afterwards at La Plata with the re
mainder of his troops, where he assembled all the force
under his command, and where he made every possible pre
paration for continuing the war to advantage, and in partir
cular caused a number of musquets to be made. De Toro
continued his retreat to Cuzco, dreading much to be pursued,
and lest Centeno might have acquired possesjion of Cuzco,
which he might easily have accomphshed in the present situa
tion of affairs ; but Centeno thought it more prudent to xc-
main at La Plata, where he augmented die number of his
troops and collected treasure which was found in great
plenty in the province of Las Charcas.
Tne events which had taken place in Las Charcas were
soon known at Lima ; and as several of the soldiei-s in that
city were attached to the party of the viceroy, they spoke al
most openly of going away to join Centeno ; and, from the
small attcnliou paid by Lorenzo ile Aldana to repress these
men, he was even suspected of favouring the sanie cause.
Antonio de' Ribera likewise, although die brother-in-law of
Pizarro, was strongly suspected of being secretly devoted to
the royal interest, as indeed his conduct in the sequel evinc
ed; and several other persons of consideration lay under
suspicions

. CHAP. VII. SECT. IV. hy Francisco Pizarro, 5 1
suspicions of the same nature. All this gave much uneasi
ness tP the friends pf Pizarrp: Yet those perspns at Lima
who wished well to the interests pf his majesty, did npt think
it prudent at this time to make any open attempt, being satis
fied that it was better to wait a more favourable opportunity,
and that De Aldana would prepare matters for that '.purpose,
as he seemed clearly favourable to the. same cause. His abi
lities were universaUy acknowledged, and his good inten
tions were not doubted, so that all were sati.sKed that he
would conduct matters with much prudence to a favourable
issue. At this time it became known at Lima that the viceroy
had retreated with a small body of troops into the, province
of Popayan ; and that during his retreat he had put to death
several of the. officers and other persons of consideration in
his army ; among whom were Rodrigo de Ocampo, Jerom de
la Cerna, Gaspard (iil Oii varez and Gomez Estacio ; some^pf
these because they were iuchned to abandon him, and Others
for corresponding with Gonzalo Pizarroj and. conspiring to
put the viceroy to death. On the communication of this
inteUigence at Lima, it produced different effects a^^cording
to the different inclinations and views of the inhabitants. It
occasioned more reserve aniong those who were of loyal disr
positions ; whereas the partizans of the Pizarrian tyranny
considered themselves more at liberty to avow their senti
ments to Aldana. They vvent therefore to him in ,a body,
and represented that there were many persons. in Lima who
were strongly suspected of being hostile to Gonzalo Pizarro,
and only waited a favourable opportunity to take up arms
against him; and that it was incumbent therefore on the
lieutenant governor to punish these men for the scandalpus
freedoms in which they had indulged, or at least to banish
them fi-dm the city. They offered to furnish sufficient proof
of these facts, and urged him to exert his authority pn the
pccasicn. Aldana. assured them that none of these things
had ever come to his knowledge ; and that if he knew who
those were against whom they complained, he would take
such measures as were necessary on the occasion.  •,
The partizans of Pizarro became at length so bold^hat they
arrested fifteen of those whom they most strongly suspeleted
of attachment to the deposed viceroy, among whom was Diego
Lopez de Zuniga. Having thrown these men into prison^
the PizarriiTris were inclined to have gives tbem„the torture
^' ' ' to

52 Conquest of Peru fart ii, book ii.
to extort confession, and afterwards to have procured their
condemnation by Pedro Martin the provost marshal of the
city J so that they were in imminent danger of being put to
death, if Lorenzo de Aldana had not exerted himself prompt
ly and effectually to take them out ofthe hands of the Pizar-
rians. For this purpose, he caused them all to be brought
to his own residence, on pretence that they would be there
in more safe custody, and provided them with every thing of
which they stood in need, even secretly furnishing them with
a vessel in which they embarked and saved themselves from
their enemies. This transaction gave much dissatisfaction to
the friends of Pizarro, both on account of the escape of the
prisonersj and because Aldana refosed to allow of any formal
investigation into the circumstances of their escape ; on which
account the Pizarrians firmly believed that AJdana was in
secret league with the opposite party. They wrote therefore
to Gonzalo Pizarro, giving him an account of all these events,
j»nd ui^ng him to give proper orders on tbe occasion. But
Gonzalo did npt think it prudent at this time to make any
change in affairs at Lima, or to attempt any thing against
Aldana ; because, as it has been reported, he was afraid of
matters taking an unfavourable issue while he was at so great
a distance, When Gonzalo Pizarro was informed of what had been
done by Centepo in the province of Las Charcas against his
ii)terest and authority, he believed it necessary to use prompt
measures for reducing that country to subjection, and not to
give his enemies time and opportunity for strengthening them
selves and increasing the number of their partizans ; as he
flattered himself that he would become absolute master of the
tdible kingdom of Peru, if he were able to get rid of Centeno.
After several consultations with the principal officers of his
army, on the measures necessary to be pursued op this emer-
g<^ncy, in which Gonzalo could not act in person as he had
•till to oppose the viceroy in thc north, it was determined to
confide the care of an expedition against Centeno to the
]i^teiiantrgeneral Caryajal. For this purpose all the necess
ary orders and commissions were made out immediately in
die name of GonsiJo Pizarro, by which Carvajal was autnor-
iz«d' toievy what mcji and money he might deem necessary.
This -croplpyment was very accepljjble to Carvajal, as he be
lieved hd might derive consider.-) ble profit to hunself in its ex
ecution ; ittnd he set out from Quito accompanied only by
'0 twenty

CHAP, VU. SECT. IV. by Francisco Pizatro. 53
twenty persons, in whom he had great confidence. The
council of Gonzalo Pizarro had other and secret motives for
recpmmending the employment of Carvajal on this occasion,
besides those which they publickly avowed. Some were de
sirous of acquiring by his absence a greater share in the ma
nagement of affairs j while others were anxious to send him to
a, distance, from the terror inspired by his cruel and ferocious
conduct, and his passionate temper, owing to which he used
often to put people to death on the most triffing offences or
the slightest suspicions. But all the leaders in die army dis-
Suised their real sentiments on this occasion, pretending that
le importance of the affair required the talents and experi
ence of Carvajal to bring it to a successful issue<
Leaving Quito, Carvajal went directly to San Miguel,
where the principal inhabitants went out to meet him, and
conducted him with much respect to the house which wa^
prepared for his reception. On arriving there, he desired
six of the most considerable persons belonging to the city to
dismount and accompany him into the house, under pretence
that he had something of importance to communicate to them
from the governor. Having caused the doors to be shutj
and posted centinels to prevent any communication with fhe
rest ofthe inhabitants, he represented to these men,- tha$
Gonzalo was much incensed against them for having always
taken part with his enemies, and more especially on account
of having received and favoured the deposed viceroy, and of
having readily supplied his army with every thing of which
ihey stood in need. On this account it had been; his first in
tention to have destroyed the city with fire and sworfl, with-?
out sparing a single inhabitant. But, onrefiiecting that the
magistrates and principal irihabitants only were to blame, the
people at large having b^en constrained by force or fear, he
was now determined .to punish only the most guilty and to
pardon the rest. Yet, having certain private reasons for dis
sembling for the present with some of the principal persons of
the place, he had selected the six who were now present, as
principal inhabitants, to punish thqm as they richly deserved,
that they might serve as a warning to all Peru. .For thisi
reason, th^efore, he.desired them to confess their ^ins, in pre
paration for death, as he was resolved to have them all exe
cuted immediately. ®
Theyused every argument to exculpate thmselves. from
the crimes laid to their charge, but all they coilld say was
withou

^^ Conquest of Peru paut ii. book U.
without avail ; and Carvajal evien caused one of them to be
strangled, against whom he was fmrticularly incensed,- as he
had been principally instrumental in constructing the ro}'al
seal which the viceroy employed in his dispatches. In the
meantime, a rumour of what was going forward at the re
sidence of Carvajal spread over the city, and came to the
knowledge of the wives of the prisoners. These ladies im
mediately implored the priests and monks who dwelt in San
Miguel to accompany them to the place where their husbands
were in so great danger. They all went there accordingly,
and got in "by a private door which had not been noticetl by
the people belonging to Carvajal, and which had consequent
ly been omitted to be guarded. Coming into the presence
of Carvajal, th^ wives of the prisoners threw themselves at his
feet, and implored mercy for their husbands- He pretended
to be Softened, and granted pardon to the prisoners, so far as
their lives; yet reserving to himself to punish them in such
other mariner as he might see fit. Accordingly, he banished
them from the province, depriving them of their lands and
I^idians, and condemned them iri the payment of heavy fines
towards defraying the expences of the war.
"Fhsm San Miguel Carvajal went fo Truxillo, collecting
e^ery- where pn his route all the soldiers, horses, arms, and
mori-ey he could find. Carvajal had resolved to have put one
Melchior Verdugo to death, who dwelt in Truxillo ; but as
Verdngo got intimation of this intention, he fled to the prov
ince of Cfixnmai'ca, where bis repartimiento of Indians was
situated. The bwflsibess on which Carv.TJal was engaged was
of 'too great importance' to admit of pursuing Verdugo;
Whcrefure, aftei" havirig got possession of as much money as
possible imder -pretence of a loan, he went on to Limn, always
collecting dll the soldiers he could procure. He gave, no
money to his recruits, only supplying them with horses and
airnis, which he took whwever they coidd be found. He kepf
ivllthe money he could find for his own use, every where pil
laging the royal ctiffers and public funds, and even searching
for treasure among the ancient tombs. After arriving at
Lima, he completid his military preparations, and departed
tiir Cuzco by way ofthe mountain and the city of Guainanga,
at the head of two hundred men well -equipped, and cnrryinf
with him a great sum ot'Aioney which he had coUected dur
ing his march ; and at Guamanga he Conducted himself in
f he same rapacious manner as in other places. Seven

chap. vii. SECTi IV. by Francisco Pizarro. 55
Seven or eight days after the departure of Carvajal from
Lima, a conspiracy was detected aniong thpse who wei-e wdl
affected to the royal cause, iri consequence of which fifteen of
the principal persons of that city were committed to prison.
Ambng these were, Juan Velasquez, Vela Nunnez nepliew to
the viceroy, Francisco Giron another gentlemen ofhis house.
holdi and Francisco Rodriguez. By means of thc torture,
these urihappy persons were made to confess that they had
Concerted with Pedro Manxarres, an inhabitant of Las Char
cas, to kill the lieutenant-governor Aldana, the provost mar-
shaU Pedro Martin, and other friends and partizans of Gdn-
zalo Pizarro, after which they proposed to induce the citiziens
of Lima to declare for his majesty, confidently expecting that
all those viho now followed Carvajal by constraint would join
their party; and they intended finally to have gone off with all
the strength they could muster to join Centeno. Upon this
forced confession, Giron and one other of these prisoners were
strangled. By the intercession of several respectable person^
the Ufe of Juan Velasquez vi^as Spared, but his right harid was
cutoff. All the rest of these prisoners were sP severely tor
tured that they continued lame for the rest of their liVes.
Manxarres saved himself by fli^t, and continued to cbndeal
himself amorig the mduritains for more than a year ; but fell
at last into the hands of one of the officers in the interest of
Gonzalo, who caused him to be hanged;
As Pedro Martin, the provost-marshal, strongly suspected
that some of those who accompanied Carvajal hdd participated
in this plot ; he endeavoured to discover this by torturing
- Francisco de Giizman, one ofthe prisoners. Finding that
Guzman made no confession on this head, he interrogated
him particularly respecting a soldier along with Carvajal nam
ed Perucho de Agufra, and some of his friends, demanding
to know whether these men were in the secret. On purpose
to free himself from the torture, Guzman said they were.
Afler this confession, Guzman was fgrmally condemned to
become a monk in the convent beldngirigto the order of mer
cy, in which he accordingly assumed the habit. After this,
Martin demanded from the registrar a certificate of the con
fession of Guzman, by which Aguira and others were impli
cated iri the plot, and Martin immediately sent off this wri
ting by an Indian messenger to Carvajal who was then at
Guamanga. On the receipt of thiS paper, Carvajal ordered
Aguira and five others to be hanged> without any further proof

.56 Conquest of Peru part ii, book ii.
proof :or examination, A short time afterwards, the registrar
being sensible of the error he had committed in supplying the
certificate, sent off a fuU copy of die confession made by Guz
man, in which was an ample revocation of all he had said
under torture, declaring that he had falsely charged Agufra
and the others, merely to get free from torture. This .was
however of no avail, as it arrived too late, Aguira and the
others having been aheady executed, although they asserted
their innocence to the last moment of their fives, as was cer
tified by the confessors who attended them at their execution;
but Carvajal was inexorable.
Learning while at Guamanga, that Centeno had retired
through the desert to Casabindo as he was unable to cope
with Toro, Carvajal was satisfied that the afiaii's of the insur
gent party were in a fair train in Las Charcas, where his pre
sence was not now needed, and determined thei-efore to re
turn to Lima, He was besides induced to take this step in
consequence of a difference which subsisted between Toro
and himself, occasioned by die charge of heutenant general
underGonzalo having originally belonged to Toro, of wbichhe
had been deprived in favour of Carvajal. He feared therefore,
lest Toro, on his victorious return from Las Charcas, being
at the head of a much stronger force, might renew their for
mer quarrel. Carvajal had likewise received letters from some
inhabitants of Lima, remarking the lukewarmness of Aldana
to the cause of Gonzalo Pizarro, and requesting his presence
to place affairs at that city on a more secure footing. He
returned therefore to Lima; but learning shordy afterwards
the successful return of Centeno against De Toro, he again
collected his troops and prepared to march against C«nteno.
With this view, he had. his standards solemnly consescrated,
not forgetting to impose fresh exactions on the inhabitants of
Lima. On this occasion, he designated his army, T/ie liappy
army of Liberty, against the Tyrant Centeno.
Before leaving Lima, he sent off messengei-s to Cuzco by
way of the mountain, but chose to march by the route of the
plain or low country of Peru to Arequipa, exacting money
iiom the inhabitants wherever he passed. At Arequipa he
received letters from the magistrates of Cuzco and De Toco,
earnestly requesting his iimnediate presence in that cityj
whence, as being tlic capital of the kingdom, it was proper
that the army should mareh against tlie rebels.. Thev assur
ed him of being there provided with considerable reinforce^ m cnta

CHAP, VII. SECT. IV, by Francisco Pizarrt. 57
ments of men arms and horses, and that all the principal per
sons of the city were ready to accompany him on the expedi
tion : adding, that being himself a citizen of Cuzco, it seemed
reasonable he should honour that city by his presence. By
these and other considerations he was induced to march for
Cuzco, though still entertaining some distrust and even foar
of Toro, who he was informed had often spoken against him
in his absence., When De Toro was informed of the ap
proach of Carvajal to Cuzco, he made every necessary pre
paration for reinforcing the army, and providing for the in-
traided expedition against Centeno ; yet could not conceal
his dissatisfaction, that, he who had begun the war, and had
already suffered great fatigues, and even had gained material
advantages, should be superseded by another commsinder
whom he must now obey, and more especially that it should
be Carvajal. who was put over him, with whom he had beeri
already engaged in disputes. . He dissembled however as
much as possible, and concealed his resentment, saying pub
lickly that his only wish was for the fortunate management of
affairs, whoever might commsind. Yet with all his cau
tion, he could not so carefully conceal his sentiments, but
that he occasionaUy dropped expressions of resentment.
The discontent of De Toro was well known to the inhabi-:
tants of Cuzco, yet they were in hopes that Carvajal wpuld
set every thing to rights on his arrival. Carvajal having ar
rived in the neighbourhood ofthe city, which he was to enter
next day at the head of two hundred men, part cavalry ^nd
part musqueteers, De Toro was very anxious to muster aU
thatrwere able to carry arms; and from this measure, and
the precautions he. took that every one should be in the most
perfect equipment, and the troops steady in their ranks, it
was suspected that he entertained some evil design. De Toro
was thus posted with his troops, as if in ambush, in the way
by which Carv^al had to march into the city. As these, cir
cumstances were made knpwn to Carvajal, he ordered his
troops to march in close array, and even ordered their arms
to be loaded with ball, prepared for whatever might happen.
On entering the city, De Toro and his troops were seen on
one side, as if ready to dispute the passage. Carvajal halted
his men, and the two parties remained for some time ob
serving each other with mutual distrust. At length, as neither
side seem e<^ incUned to commence hostiUties, both parties
broke tlieir ranks and intermingled as friends. Carvajal

58 Conquest of Peru part ii. book if,
Carvajal was exceedingly irritated against De Toro for his
conduct on this occasion, but dissembled till he had entered
into Cuzco, where he was received in the most honourable
manner. A few days afterwards, he caused four of the prin
cipal inhabitants to be arrested, and ordered them to instant
execution, without consulting De Toro, or even assigning
any reason for this cruel and arbitrary proceeding. Some
of those whom he put to death were among the most intimate
friends of De Toro, who deemed it prudent and necessary to
be silent on the occasion. The unexpected cruelty of Carvajal
occasioned much astonishment and consternation among the
inhabitants of Cuzco, insomuch that none of them dared to
refuse accompanying him on the exjiedition, and he was en
abled to leave Cuzco at the head of three hundred well ap
pointed soldiers v.ith which he marched by CoUao in the way
towards the province of Las Charcas in search of Centeno.
As the latter had a considerably stronger force, it was beUeved
by many that Carvajal would] be unsuccessful in this expedi
tion, more especially as most of his followers acted more from
force than good will, because he allowed them no pay and
treated them with much severity. In his whole conduct and
deportment Carvajal acted in a brutal and passionate manner,
evincing himself on all occasions the enemy of good men;
for he was a bad Christian, constantiy addicted to blasphemy,
and of a cruel and tyrannical disposition, insomuch that it
was generally expected his own people would put him to death
to rid themselves of his tyrannous and oppressive conduct.
Besides all this, it was obvious to many, that right and jus
tice were on the side of Centeno, who was a man of honour
and probity, and, being exceedingly rich, had both the power
and inclination to reward his followers. It is necessary to
quit Carvajal and his expedition for the present, that we may
relate the events which took place at Quito,
We have already mentioned that Gonzalo Pizarro pui-sued
the viceroy from San ^Miguel to Quito, a distance of 150
leagues or 600 miles, with much perseverance and rapidityj
insomuch that almost every day the Ught armed men belong
ing to the two armies had opportunities of speaking with each
other. During the whole of that long march, heither party
had an opportunity to unsaildic their horses. Those belong-'
ing to the viceroy, owing to the necessity they were under of
escaping from a force so much superior, were'^ven more
alf^rt than their pursuers. When at any time they -stopped to

CHAP. VII. SECT. iV. by Frandisvo Pizarro. 59
to take a short rest during the night, they slept on the ground
in their clothes, holding their horses by the halters, without
wasting time in fixing up piquets, or making iany of the usual
preparations for accommodating themselves arid horses during
the night. It is true that piquets are seldom used in the sands
of Peru for the horses, as it would be necessary to drive these
very deep to take sufficient hold ; and as there are no trees to
be met with in many parts of that country for making piquets,
necessity has introduced a substitute in some measure equiva
lent : For this purpose each horseman has a small bag, which
he fills with sand and biirries in a hole of sufficient depth,
having one end of the halter fixed to the bag, the hole being
afterwards filled up and pressed well down to prevent the bag
from being drawn up by the efforts ofthe horse. But on this
urgent occasion, the troops ofthe viceroy did not take time
for this measure, but held the halters in their hands, that
they might be ready to mount arid set out the momerit it was
necessary by the approach of their pursuers.
In this long march, both the pursuers and thc pursued suf
fered exceedingly from want of provisions ; more especially
the Pizarrians, as the viceroy used the precaution of remov
ing the curacas and Indians from all the country through
which hfe passed, that his enemy might find every part of the
country dfeserted and unprovided with any means of subsist
ence. During ihis precipitate retreat, the viceroy carried
along with him eight or ten of the best horses he had been
able to procure, which were led by Indians for his owri par
ticular use ; and when any of theSe became so tired as to be
unable to proceed, he ordered them to be hamstrung, to
pirevent them froni being useful to thc enemy. While on
this march in pursuit of the viceroy, Gonzalo Pizarro was
joined by.Captaih Bachicao, who now returned from Tierra
Firma with a reinforcement of three hundred and fifty men
and a large quantity of artiUery, having disembarked, from
twenty vessels which he had procured, on a part of thc coast
as near as possible to Quito, and had made his way in such a
manner across the mountains that he got to Quito rather
before Gonzalo. On the junction of Bachicao, Gonzalo
found himself at the head of more than eight hundred men,
among whom were many of the principal people in South
America, both townsmen or burgesses, planters, and soldiers.
Owing to tfiis large reinforcement, Gonzalo Pizarro found
himself Ul such a state of tranquil security at Quito as hardly any

60 Conquest ef Peru part- ii, book ir.
any usurper or tyrant had ever before enjoyed ; as besides
that this province abounded in provisions of every kind,
several rich mines of gold had been recendy discovered ; and
as most of the principal people ^of the province were either
now along with the viceroy, or had attached themselves to
him while at Quito, Gonzalo Pizarro appropriated all their
Indians to himself, employing them in the collection of gold-
From the Indians belonging to the treasurer, Rodrigo Nunnez
de Bonilla, he procured about 800 marks '^ of gold in the
course of eight months ; besides that there were other repai-
timientos of greater value, and that he appropriated all the
revenues and rights belonging to the crown, and even pillaged
the tombs of the ancient sovereigns of Quito in search of
treasure. After a short stay at Quito, Gonzalo leanit that the viceroy
had halted at the city of Parto, about forty leagues from
thence, at the frontiers of the government of Benalcazar,
Resolving to follow him, Gonzalo pushed on as he had done
from San Miguel, and the light troops of the hostile parties
had some interference at a place called Rio Cahente, WTien
the viceroy was informed of the approach of Gonzalo, he
hastily quitted Parto and retfred to the city of Popayan at a
greater distance from Quito, and was pursued by Gonzalo
tor twenty leagues beyond Parto. As Gonzalo found that he
would have to march thrpugh a desert country, altogether
destitute of provisions, he here discontinued the pursuit, and
returned to Quito, Perhaps this was the longest and hottest
pursuit ever made in war; as, counting from La Plata
whence Gonzalo first set out, to Parto where the pui-suit was
discontinued, the distance is not less than 700 large Spanish
leagues, or 2800 mdes.
Oh his return to Quito, Gonzalo Pizarro was so puffed up
with the success which had hitherto attended him, that he
frequently spoke of his majesty with much disrespect ; ally ing
17 Eight hundred marks of gold, or fi400 ounces, at L. ^an ounce, are
worth L. 25,600: and at six for one, the value put upon bullion in those
days by the Historian of America, are now worth at least L,153J600,
perhaps » quarter of. a million. As there were other repartimientos of
more value than those of the treasurer, besides others not so valuable, it i»
not beyond bounds to suppose that Gonzalo may have acquired as much
treasure at Quito as was equal to a million of our present money : A ijrodl-
gious sum, considering that his array did not exceed 800 men ; being equal
toL. 12ao for each soldier. — E.

CHAP. VII. SECT. IV. by Francisco Pizarro. 61
ing that the king would be reduced to the necessity of grant
ing him the government of Peru, and even went so far as to
say, if this fevour were denied him, he would throw off" his
.allegiance. For the most part indeed, he concealed these
ambitious sentiments, pretending that he was always ready to
submit to the orders of his majesty; but aU his officers were
satisfied that he meant to assert an independent dominion,
and publickly avowed these absurd and criminal pretensions.
On returning from Parto, he remained a long while at Quito,
continuaUy feasting and rejoicing ; he and his adherents aljan-
doning themselves to every degree of licence and debauchery,
particularly in regard to the sex. It is even asserted that
Gonzalo caused a citizen of Quito to be assassinated, whose
wife he publickly lived with, and that he hired a Hungarian
soldier, named Vincente Pablo to execute this infamous deed-
This man was afterwards hanged at Valladolid, in the year
1551, by a sentence of the royal council of the Indies.
As PizaiTO found himself in the command of a strong body
of exceUent troops, which appeared entirely attached to his
service, some of their own accord and others by constraint,
he persuaded himself that no one could oppose him, or prevent
him from enjoying his present elevation in peace ahd tran-
quiUity. He was even convinced that the emperor would be
d}liged to treat him with cautious respect, and must find
himself under the necessity of entering into a compromise.
It was at this time, when Gpnzalo considered himself as un
resisted master of all Perii, that Centeno revolted from his
tyrannical usurpation iri the province of Las Charcas,, and
thathe dispatchfed Carvajal for the reduction of that loyal
officer, as has been dready mentioned. .
Havii^ continued a long time at Quito without receiving
any inteUigence of the measures which were taken by the
viceroy, Gonzalo became anxious to le^m what was become
of him. Some alleged that he would return to Spa,in by way of
Carthagena, while others gave it as their opinion that he
would retire to Tierra Firma, to keep possession of the
isthmus, to assemble troops, arms, ammunition, and provi
sions, and to wait for orders from ^^is majesty ; and a third
opinion was diat he would wait for these orders in Popayan,
where he now was. No one suspected that he would be' able
to collect a sufficient number of troops in diat place to enable
him to undertake any enterprize for recovering his authority
jjtj Peru i yet it seemed advisable to Gonzalo and his -officers t»

62 Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
-to take possession ofthe Tierra Firma, on purpose to occupy
die only direct passage between Spain and Peru. For this
purpose, Gonzalo Pizarrp appointed Pedro Alfonzo De Hi-
nojosa to command the fleet which B;ichicao had collected,.
giving him a detachment of two hundred and fifty men to en
able him to occupy the isthmus, and directed him while on
,his voyage to Panama to coast along the province of Buena-
. Ventura and the mouth of thc river of San Juau.
Hiaojosa set out immediately on this expedition, dispatch
ing a single vessel, commanded by Captaiir Rodrigo de Car
vajal direct for Panama, with letters from Gonzalo to some of
the principal inhabitants gf that city urging them to favour
his designs. In these letters, he pretended that he was ex
ceedingly displea-sed on hearing of the violence and rapacity
.with which Bachicao had conducted himself towards the
^inhabitants of Panama, in direct contradiction to his orders,
which, were to land the Doctor Texacla without doing in
jury to any one. He informed them that Hinojosa was now
on his way to their city, for the express purpose of indem
nifying all those who had been injured by Bachicao; and
desired them not to be under any appivehension of Hino
josa, although accompanied by a considerable force, as it was
necessary, for him to be on his guard against the viceroy aud
.^ome of Jiis officers, who were understood to be then in thc
. Tierra Fiima levying soldiers for their master. On die ar-
.^ival of Rodrigo Carvajal at a place named Ancona about
three leagues from Panama, he learnt that two officers be
longing to the viceroy, Juan de Guzmajo and Juan Yllanez,
were theii jn Panama, having been sent to diat place to pro
cure recruits and to purchase ai'uis, with iivhich they were to
haye gone to Popayan. They had afready, enrolled above an
hundred soldiers, and hatl procured a considerable quantity
of armSj, among which wi-re five or .-i-x small field-pieces;
but, instead of going with these to join the viceroy, they; re
mained to defend Panama against Gonzalo Pizairo, who they
expected might send a fprce to occupy that imporXant station.
As Rodrigo Carvajal had only fifteen men along with bim,
he did not think it prudent to land in person ; but sent se-
credy by night one of his soldiers to deliver the letters with
which he was entrusted. The soldier accordingly delivered
them to the inhabitants for whom they were addressed, who
immediately comnimiicated them to the magistrates and the
officers of the- viceroy. The soldier was taken into custody,
' irom

chap. vil. SECT. IV. by Francisco Pizarro. 63-
from whom they learnt the coming of Hinojosa, and the
orders with which he was entrusted. Upon this iutelligence,
•they armed the whole population of Panama, and fitted out
two brigantines which were sent off' on purpose to, capture
Rodrigo Carvajal ; but, as his messenger did I'lot return, Car
vajal suspected what had actually taken place, and set sail for
the Pearl Islands to wait the arrival of Hinojosa, by which
means he escaped from the brigantines. Pedro de Casaos.
was then governor of the Tierra Firma ; and to be in readi
ness to defend his province against Hinojosa, he went imme
diately to Nombre de Dios, where he collected all the mus
quets and other arms he could procure, arming all the inha
bitants of that place who were fit for service, whom he carried
along with him to Panama, making every preparation in his
power for defence. The two captains belonging to the vice
roy, Guzman and Yllanez, likewise put their troops in order
for resistance, and at first there was some jealousy between
them and Casaos as to the supreme commaud ; but it was at
length agreed that Casaos should coriimand in chief, as go
vernor of the province, while thfey retained the immediate au
thority over their pwn men, and bore their own standards.
Differences had subsisted for some time between these officers
and the governor, because he had repressed some disorderly
conduct in which they had indulged, ¦ and had advised tbem
to set off with their meri to the assistance of the viceroy for
whom they were employed tb levy troiops ; while they were
averse from that measure, and finding themselves at the'head
of a respectable force, they made light of the orders of
CasaoSj ahd refused to obey him : But the necessity they
were now under of providing for their mutual defence, occa
sioned them to enter into an accommodation of their disputes.
After the dispatch of Carvajal to Panama, as already menr
tioned, Hinojosa set sail with ten vessels, and continued
along the coast to the north till he arrived at Buenaventura,
a small seaport at the mouth of the rivcr San Juan which
forms the southern boundary of Popayan, the government of"
Benalcazar. He proposed to learn at this place the situation
and intentions of the viceroy, and to have seized any vessels
that might be at this harbour, to prevent them from beirig
employed by the viceroy for returning to Peru. On arriving
at Buenaventura, Hinojosa sent some soldiers on shore, who
brought off eight or ten of the inhabitarits, from whom he
learnt that the viceroy remained at Popayan, engaged in as
sembling

64 .Conquest qf Peru part ii, book n.
sembling troops and miUtaiy stores for attempting to return
into Peru; and that finding YUanez and Guzman delayed
diehr return from Panama, he had sent off his brother Vela
Nunnez with several corporals on their way to Panama, to
expedite the transmission of such reinforcements as could be
procured, and had supphed him for that purpose with all the
money belonging 'to the king at Pt^yan, Hinojosa was
likewise informed that Vela ^f^nnez had the charge of a bas
tard son of Gonzalo Pizarro of twelve years old, who was
found by the viceroy at Quito, and was now sent away to
Panama, in the hope that the merchants of Panama might
ransom him at a high price to acquire the good wiU of Gon
zalo. The individual who communicated all this information
added that thc viceroy had em{doyed a number of Indians to
cut down a quantity of timber, which was to be conveyed to
Buenaventura, on purpose to build a smaU vessel for the ac
commodation of Vela Ntmnez j who must now be within a
short distance of Buenaventura, and had sent thb person he-
fore to inquire if he might come in safety to that place.
On receiving this intelligence, Hinojosa landed two confi
dential officers with a party c^ soldiers, giving them ord»:s to
take two several routes into the interior, as pointed out by the
informant, on purpose to take Vela Nunnez. Accordingly,
one of these officers came up with Vela Nunnez, and the
other got hold of Rodrigo Mexia and Saavedra with die son
of; Gonzalo Pizarro'*, Both of these parties carried consi
derable sums of money, which was piUaged by the soldiers of
Hinojosa; and the prisoners were brought on board the
vessels, where great rejoicings were made tor the happy suc
cess of this enterprize, by which their acqiusition of Panama
must be facilitated, and because they had done especial good
service to Gonzalo by the liberation of his son.
Hinojosa now resumed his voyage, in the coui-se of which
he fell in with Rodrigo de Carvajal, who gave him an account
of the situation of affaire at Panama, and recommended die
propriety of using judicious measures against that place, as it
Wiis provided for defence. Hinojosa accordingly appeared
before Panama with eleven ships and two hundred and fifty
soldiers.' At this time there were more than five himdred men
1 » By Garcilasso de la Vega, this son of Gonzalo Pizarro is named Ro
drigo Mexia ; but Zarate could hardl;- be mislaken in giving that mme to
one of, his conductors. — E.

OHAP. VII. SECT. IV. by Francisco Pizatro. 65
men in Panama, all tolerably well armed, who were drawn
but under the command of Casaos to oppose the landing of
the Pizarrians. But among these there were many mer
chants and tradesmen, little adapted for war, who hardly knew
how to use their weapons, and many of whom were even un
able to fire oft' a musquet. Many among them had no in
tention of fighting or of opposing the descent of the insur
gents of Peru, whose arrival they were disposed to consider
as more advantageous than prejudicial. The merchants ex
pected to be able to seU their commodities, and the trades
men were in hope of prociiring profitable employment, each
according to his occupation. Besides, the rich merchants
had partners or factors who resided in Peru, and had charge
of their most valuable effects ; and were afraid, if they con
curred in opposing Hinojosa, that Gonzalo Pizarro might re
venge himself by seizing their goods and maltreating their
partners and factors. Those who were principaUy incUned to
oppose the landing of Hinojosa, were Pedro Casaos the go
vernor, Guzman and Yllanez the captains belonging to the
viceroy. Arias de Azevedo, Juan Fernandez de ReboUido,
Andrew de Arayza, Juan de Zabala, Juan Vendrel, and
some other considerable inhabitants of Panama ; some from
principles of loyalty, others from fear of future evils, lest
Hinojosa might act with the same violence as had been done
by Bachicao.
Finding himself resisted, Hinojosa landed with two hun
dred men about two leagues from Panama, towards which
place he marched close along the shore, being protected on
one flank by a range of rocks from the attack of cavalry, and^
on the other l^ the boats of his squadron armed with some
pieces of artiUery* Fifty of his soldiers were left on board
foif the defence of the s^ips, and orders were given to hang
up Vela Nunnez and the other prisoners whenever the eneroy
were seen to attack him. Casaos marched with all histroops
from Panama to meet Hinojosa, with the determination of
giving battles But when the hostile parties were almost with
in musquet shot and ready to engage, the whole priests and
monks of Panama interposed between in procession, having'
their crucifixes veiled and every other demonstration of
inourning, and prevailed on both sides' to agree to a truce for
that day, that endeavours might be used to bring about an
accomnaodation. For this purpose negociators were appointed
on both sides; Don Balthasar de CastiUa, son of the Conde
VOL. v. E d9

(i(j Conquest (f Peru part ii. book il.
de Gomera, was named by Hinojosa, and Don Pedro de
Cabrera on the part of Casaos, and hostages were mutuaUy
interchanged. The deputy of Hinojosa affected to be astonished at the
opposition of tbe governor and inhabitants of Panama, since
he not only meant no harm to any one, but had come ex
pressly to repair the injuries which had formerly been done
by Bachicao, to purchase such provisions and clothing as
they wanted, and to repair dieir ships ; declaring that their
only object was to oblige the deposed viceroy to return to
Spain, pursuant to the orders of the royal audience, as his
continuance in the country occasioned perpetual discord in
Peru. But, as tbe viceroy was not there, Hinojosa intended
to make only a short stay in the place, having orders from
Gonzalo to offer no injury to any one unless attacked, in
which case he must defend himself as he best coidd. The op
posite party .alleged that the presence of Hinojosa in warlike
guise was sufficient to excite suspicion ; since, even allowing
die government of Gonzalo in Peru to be legitimate as they
pretended, he had no jurisdiction in Panama, and had no
right to direct the proceedings of any one at that place.
That Bachicao liad formerly come aniong them under pre
tence of peace, yet had committed all tlK)se violences and m-
juries, which Hinojosa now pretended lie was come to re
pair. After a long conference, it was at length agreed that
Hinojosa should be permitted to take up his residence in
Panama for thirty days, accompanied by fifty soldiers to serve
as a guard for his personal safety ; but, diat the fleet and all
the other soldiers of his party should repair to the Pearl
Islands, where workmen and all necessaries for the reparation
of the ships could be procured ; and that at the expiry pf
these thirty days, Hinojosa and his j^inament were to return
to Peru.
On die conclusion of this convention, which was confirmed
by mutual oaths and the interchange of hostages, Hincyosa
took up his residence in Panama with a guard of fifty picked
men, and hired a house in which he kept open table for every
one who pleased to visit him, all of whom he allowed to divert
themselves in play or otherwise ns they pleased. By this pro
cedure, he gained over most of the soldiers of Yllanez in a
few days, and many odier idle fellows jomed themselves
secretly to his party. It was even said diat all these men
had previously cngnged by letter to have gone over to him if

c»ap. vn. SECT. IV. by Francisco Pizarro, 67
if he and the governor had come to a batde on the former oc
casion* Indeed the governor and other principal persons of
Panama had been chiefly induced to agree to the present ac
commodation by distrust of their soldiers, who were all eager
for an opportunity of getting to Peru. By the above-men
tioned means, Hinojosa soon saw himself at the head of a
considerable body of troops, while the captains YUanez and
Guzman were almost deserted by all their men. As they
saw likewise that the convention was in other respects iU ob
served, they secretly withdrew with fifteen men who yet re
mained, and endeavoured to get to Carthagena. Yllanez was
taken soon afterwards by one of Hinojosas officers ; on which
he entered into the service of Gonzalo Pizarro, arid was af
terwards engaged on that side in the engagement at Nombre
de Dios against Verdugo, to be afterwards related. Hinojosa
continued to reside in Panama, where nb one dared to bppose
him. He increased the number of his troops from day to
clay, and kept them under excellent discipline, without allow
ing them to do injury to any ofthe inhabitants ; neither did
he intermeddle in any thing whatever except what concerned
his troops. At this time Don Pedro de Cabrera and his son-
in-law Hernan Mexia de Guzman, who had been banished
from Peru by the viceroy, resided in Panama ; and these two
gentlemen were sent by Hinojosa, with a party of soldiersi
to keep possession of the port of Nombre de Dios, which was
of great importance to his security, and whence he might re
ceive early inteUigence from Spain and other places.
Melchior Verdugo, an inhabitant of the city of Truxillo, was
one of the richest men in Peru, being proprietor of the entire
province of Caxamarca. On the arrival of the viceroy Blasco
Nunnez Vela, Verdugo, who was originally from the same
city in Spain, engaged heartily in his servifee, and continued
in his suite at Lima, tUl the time when the viceroy proposed
to dismantle that city and retire to TruxlUo. At that period
he commanded Verdugo to go before, that he might secure
possession of Truxillo, with orders to levy soldiers and pro
vide arms j and Verdugo accordingly embarked all his bag
gage and effects, intiending to have set sail on the very day
^^hen the viceroy was imprisoned. As all the vessels at the
port of Liriia were then detained, Verdugo was unable tb
proceed ; and, as Verdugo was particularly obnoxious tp
Gonzalo and his partizans, on account of his known attach
ment to the viceroy, he was one of the twenty-five whp were
committed

68i Conquest of Peru part n. book ii.
committed to prison by Carvajal on his an-ival at Lima,
when De Baro and several others were hanged, as formerly
related. For a long while afterwards he was in continual
danger of being put to death ; but at length Gonzalo granted
him a pardon, though he still entertained suspicions of his
conduct, but had no convenient opportunity of getting rid of
him, till the departure of Carvajal against Centeno, when it
was proposed by the lieutenant-general to have surprised him
while at Truxillo, as formerly mentioned : But hayuig some
aispicions of his intention, Verdugo saved himself by ffight,
and concealed himself among his Indians in the province of
Caxamarca. After Carvajal quitted Truxillo, Verdugo returned to
that city ; but as he expected Gonzalo might soon become
master of that place, and would make him feel the effects of
his displeasure, he resolved to abandon tbe country, yet wished
to do it in such a manner as might distress Gonzalp as much as
possible. While waiting a favourable opportunity for this,
he made every preparation in his power tor his intended en
terprize, collecting as many men in his service as he possiUy
could, and employed workmen secretly to construct musquets,
iron chains, fetters, and manacles. At this time a vessel ar
rived from Lima in the harbour of Truxillo, on which Ver
dugo sent for the master and pilot, under pretence of pur
chasing some o( their commodities ; and on their arrival at
his house he confined them in a deep dungeon which he had
previously prepared. After this, he returned to his chambei%
causing his legs to be swathed with band.igcs, under pretence
of certain malignant warts or ulcers to which he was subject,
and sat down at one of his windows which locked towards
the public square in which the magi'trat** and principal in
habitants used to assemble every day. When the magis
trates came as usual to the square, he requested them to come
into his house, as he wished to execute certain deeds in their
presence, and the disorder in his legs rendered him unable to
go out. Immediately on entering, he cnuseil thera to be car
ried, into the dungeon, where they were deprivwl of their
badges of office and put in chains. Leaving diem under the
guard of six musqueteers, he returnetl to the window of his
chamber, whence he gradimlly enticed about twenty of the
principal citizens into his house, all of whom he put in chains
and fetters. He then went out into the city accompanied. by a
guard 6f soldiers, and proclaimcil the king w itli much loyal
solemnitv,

CHAP. vii. SECT. IV. by Frvnaisco Pharro. '6\i
•solemnity^' making prisoners of all who p»esumed to oppose
him;- whicli were very few, as Gonzalo had carried off most; of
the inhabitants on his expedition to Quito. Having thus made
himself master of the city, and returned to his house, he ad
dressed his prisoners, whom he reviled for having embraced
the party of Gonzalo, and declared that he was resblved tb
withdraw, from under the usurpation of the tyrant to join the
viceroy, and meant to take along with him all the men aftd
arms he was able to procure. For this purposfe, he demand
ed that all his prisoners should contribute in proportioh
tp their abilities, as it was quite reasonable they should
give assistance to the royal cause, ^lavirig frequently made
large contributions to die usurper. He irisilsted thereforfe
that every one of them should instantly sub^soribei fbr su^
sums as they were able to furnish^ aU of which were to b6 paid
immediately, as he was otherwise resolved to caiiiyi them all
along with hiiri as prisoners. . Everyone of tllem accCffdirigly
agreed to advance such sums of money as they wene able to
procure, which were aU jnstandy paid,;
Having brought this contrivance to a favourable 'issue, Vep-
dugo made an agreement .with, theT mastec and pilot' 6(f 'the
vessel, and had every thing that could be usefol or neceBSarJf
carriied on board. He then carried aU his prisoners iri iroris
in carts or waggons to the .shore, and embari^ed'Xvhh abt>u)t
twenty soldiers, and a cortsiderable sum of; moriey, partly ex-
, acted from the inhabitants, partly from the ixiyal funds belong
ing to the city, and pai-dy from hiis own extensi'^e^pevenues.
Leaving his prisoners still in fetters on the carriage^, to be li
berated as they best might, he set sail along the ofadst tb the
northwards. In the course of his voyage befell ftf with'kiul
captured a vessel belonging to Bachicao;, cbnthiriing a great
deal of valuable articles which that officer had tiicquired by
plunder in Tierra Firriia, all of; which Verdugo divided i
mong his soldiers. He. at first inclined to have knded at
Buenaventura, on purpose to join the viceroy ; but consider
ing the small amount of his force, and the danger of falHng
-in with the flfeet of Gonzalo Pizarro, he directed his course
for the province of Nicaragua, where he landed and applietl
to the principal persons there for assistiince agiainst the usur
per. Finding small encouragement in that quarter, he ad
dressed himself to the royal audience, which was estabUshed
on the frontiers of Nicaragua, who promised him J)rotecti()ri
^nd aid, and sent for that purpose one of their numHer, the
oydor

To Conquest qf Peru part ii. book: n.
oydor Raftiirez de Alarcon to Nicaragua, with orders to the
inhabitants of that city to hold themsdves in readiness to
march with their arms and horses.
Intelligence was soon received at Panama of the exploit of
Yerdugo at TruxiUo, and his having gone to Nicaragua;
and as Hinojosa suspected he might increase his force in that
province so as to be enabled to disturb him in the possession
of the Tierra Firma, he sent Alfonso Palamino with two
ships and an hundred and eighty musqueteers tP endeavpur
to dislodge Verdugo. Palamino easily took possession of the
ship belonging to v erdugo ; but as the inhabitants of Grena
da wd Leon, the two principal cities in the province of Nica
ragua assembled in arms, imder Verdngo and the licentiate
Ramirez, to oppose his landing, and were much superior in
number to his troops and provided with cavalry, he found
himself unable to land with any prospect of success. After
waiting some time in vain, he was obliged to sail back to
Panama, taking several vessels along with bim which he had
captured on the coast, and burning several others which he
could npt carry away.
On the departure of Palomino, Verdugo levied about an
hundred weU armed men, with whom he resolved to give as
much interruption as possible to the schemes of the insur
gents in the Tierra Firma. With this view he determined
to make an attempt on Nombre de Dios, which he learnt
was occupied only by a small detachment, which had no sus
picion qf being attacked. For this purpose, he fiUed out
three or four small vessels, in which he embarked his troops
on the lake of Nicaragua, whence he descended into the
gulf of Mexico by the river Chagre» which discharges the
waters of that lake into the Adantic. Fnding some trading
vessels at the mouth fof that river, he received accurate in
formation from their commanders of the state of afiairs in
Nombre de Dios, the number of the soldiers which occupied
that place, and the different quarters in which they were
lodged^ Taking some of these mariners along with him as
guides, he contrived to arrive at Nombre de Dios undisco
vered about midnight, and went immediately to the house of
Juan de Zabala, in which the captains Pedro de Cabrera
and Hernan Mexia were quartered with some soldiers ;
who, roused by die noise, put themselves in a state of de
fence. Verdugo and his people set the house on fire, so
that Mexia and his soldiers, who defended the staircase, were

CHAP. vu. SECT. IV. by Frawtsco Pixarrt. 71
were constrained to rush from the house to save themselves
from the flames ; and as the night was exceedingly dark,
they escaped unseen, and saved theriiselves in the woods
near Nombre de Dios, whence they escaped across the isth
mus to Panama.
Hinojosa was much chagrined at this exploit, and deter
mined on revenge ; but as he wished to give his conduct on
the occasion some appearance of justice, he directed some of
the inhabitants of Nombre de Dios to enter a regular accusa
tion before the Doctor Ribera, the governor of that place,
giving an exaggerated account of the insolent invasion of his
government by Verdugo, who without any just preterice, had
levied contributions, imprisoned the magistrates,, and invad
ed the town of Nombre de Dios on his own private authori
ty. They were likewise instructed to request Ribera to
march in pereon to chastise the insolence of VerdugOj and
Hinojosa offered to accompany %im on this expedition with
his troops, Ribera, who appears -to have been iheri resident
in Panama, agreed to all' that was desired, and accepted
the prpffei-ed military aid to drive Verdugo from his govern
ment ; on which Hinojosa and his officers swore to obey his
orders as their commander on this expedition, and l3ie
tropps were put in mptipn tp march acrpss the isthmus. On
receiving nptice of the approach of Hinojosa, Verdugo dis
posed his troops to defend the place, and caused the inhabi
tants of Nombre de Dios to take up arms, in addition to his
own men. , But as it was obvious that the inhabitants shew
ed no incUnation for fighting, Verdugo suspected they might
abandon him while engaged, and came therefore to the resolu
tion of abandoning the town, and took post on the shore
near his small barks. He waited for Hinojosa in that situ
ation, having some "boats in his rear, which he had seized
to enable him -to secure his retreat in case of necessity.
Immediately on his arrival^ Hinojosa attacked Verdugo, and
several persons were "killed at the first brunt. As th*e inha
bitants pf Nombre de Dios who were along wi|h VerdHgo,
observed -their governor acting as commander of the adyerse
party, they withdrew on one side from the engagement into
an adjoining wood j hy which the soldiers belonging to
Verdugo were -thrown into disorder, and they were forceil to
Jake to their boats and retreat on board their barks.
After this repulse, Verdugo -took jwssession of several
ships that lay at tochoi' near Nombre de DioS, the largest of
which

73 Conquest of Peru part ii. book n.
wluch he^rmed with some pieces of artiUery and endeavour
ed to cannonade the town. But finding that he could do
very littie injury to the place, which was situated in a bot
tom, and as he was in want of provisions, and most of his
soldiers had been left on shore, he retired with his smaU yes-
eels and the sh^ he had seized to Carthagena, to await a
more favourable opportunity of annoying the insurgents.
Having restored Nombre de Dios to order, Ribera and Hi
nojosa left a sufficient garrison in the place, under the com
mand of Don Pedro de Cabrera and Hernan Mexia, and
returned to Panama, where they proposed to wait for such
orders as might be sent from Spain respecting the troubles
in Peru.On arriving at Popayan, as formerly related, die viceroy
collected all the iron which coidd be procured in the province,
erected forges, and procured workmen, so that in a short
time he got two hundred musquets constructed, besides other
arms both offensive and defensive, and provided every other
species of warlike stores. Learning that the governor, Be
nalcazar, had detached a brave and experienced officer,
named Juan Cabrera, to reduce some refractory Indians,
with an hundred and fifty soldiers ; the viceroy wrote a letter
to Cabrera, in which he he gave a detailed account of the in
surrection aud usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, and of his own
determination to restore the kingdom of Peru to allegiance
whenever he could collect a sufficient number of troops for
that puipose. He earnestly intreated therefore, that Cabrera
would immediately join him at Popayan with allhis men, that
theymight commence their march togetherfor Quito, to punish
the rebellious usurper. To induce compUance, he represent
ed in strong colours to Cabrera, the great and signal service
which he had in his power to perfonn for the sovereign on
this occasion ; which likewise would be far more advanta
geous to his own personal interests, than any wluch could ac
crue from the expedition in which he was now engaged ; as,
on the defeat of Pizarro, he would be entided to partake in
the distribution of the lands belonging to Gonzalo and his
partizflns, and he might depend on being gratified with
ample possessions for himself and his followers in the best
districts of Peru. Farther to encourage Cabrera, the vice
roy informed him of the events which had lately occurred in
the south of Peru, where Centeno had erected the royal
standard at die head of a respectable force j so that the present

" ' chap. Vll. SECT. rv. by Francisco Pizarro. VS
sent conjuncture was extremely favourable for an attack on
Gonzalo, who could hardly resist when pressed from both ex
tremities of the kingdom at once ; and besides, that the in
habitants of Peru were now quite weary of the tyrannical
violence and extortion of Gonzaloj and would doubdess re
volt against him on the first fevourable opportunity. As an
additional inducement to Cabrera to join him, the viceroy
sent him an order by which he was authorized to take from
the royal coffers at Carthagena, Eticclme, Call, Aritiochia,
and odier places, to the extent of 30^000 pesos for the pay
and equipment of his troops ; and as Cabrera acted undra*
the orders of Benalcazar, he procured letters to him from
that governor by which he was commanded immediately to
obey the requisition of the viceroy. On reoeiving diese dis
patches, Cabrera immediately secured the funds which hfc
was authorized to take, which he divided among his men,
and set out with all possible expedition to join the viceroy at
Popayan with an hundred well appointed soldiers. The vice
roy had likewise sent orders for reinforcements from the new
kingdom of Grenada, the province of Carthagena, and oth^
places, so that his troops daily increased ; arid having learnt
the capture of his brother Vela Nunnez, and the loss of Yl
lanez and his troops, he had no expectation of procuring
any additional reinforcements.
At this time, Gonzalo Pizarro was very anxious to devise
some stratagem fpr inveigling the viceroy intb his hands, as
he considered his usurpation unsafe so long as that officer re
mained aUve and at the head of a military force. With this
viewi, that the viceroy might return into Peru where he
might have it in his power to bring him to action, Gonzalo
g.ive out that he intended to proceed to Las Charcas at the
southern extremity of Peru, to repress the disorders occasion
ed by; Centeno, leaving Captain Pedro de Puelles. at Quito
with three hundred men to oppose the viceroy. He pro
ceeded even ostensibly to take such measures as were proper
for. executilig. this design ; selecting such troops as were to,
accompany himself to the south, and those who were to re
main at Quito ; even distributing money to both divisions,
and set off' on his march for the south after a general mUiter
and review of his army. Gonzalo contrived that inteUigence
of these proceedings should be conveyed to the viceroy, by
means of a spy in the employment of that officer, who had
betrayed his trust, and had even communicated to Gonzalo the

71, Conquest of Peru part ii, book ii.
the q'pher which he used in corresponding with his em
ployer. Gonzalo made this person send inteUigence to the
viceroy of these pretended motions; and Puelles wrote like-.
wise to some friends in Popayan, as if privately to inform
them that he was left in the command at Quito with three
hundred men, with which he beheved liiriiself able to resist
aU the force the viceroy might be able to bring against him ;
and these letters were sent purposely in such a manner that
they might fall into the hands of the viceroy. Gonzalo like
wise took care to spread these reports among die Indians
who were present at the review, and who, having seen Gon
zalo set off on his march to the south, were perfectly acquain
ted with the number of troops which accompanied him on
the march, and of those which remained under Puelles at
Quito. To give the greater appearance of truth to these re
ports, Gonzalo actually set out on his march ; but halted at
two or three days joumey from Quito, under pretence of fal
ling sick.
, On receivinji intelligence of these circumstances, which he
impUcitly believed, the viceroy determined to march from
Popayan to Quito, satisfied that he should be easily able to
overpower the small force left there under PueUes, who had
no means of being reinforced. He accordingly b^an his
march, during which he was unable to procure any inteUi
gence whatever respecting Gonzalo and his troops, so care
fully were all the passes guarded to pre%'eat eidicr Christians
or Indians from conveying advices on the road towards Po
payan : While, on the contrary, Gonzalo procured regalnr
notice of e\'ery step taken by the viceroy, by means of the
Indians caUed Cagnares, a cunning and intelligent race. Ac
cordingly, wlicn the viceroy was arrived within a few days
march of Quito, Gonzalo returned thither with his troops to
join Puelles, and they marched together to meet the viceroy,
who was tlieji at Oiavalo about twelv« le^ues from Quito.
Although the viceroy w as at the head of eight hundred men,
and his force incrc.ised daily on hi.s. apjiroacb to Quito, Gon
zalo confided in the valour and experience of his troops, among
which were many of the principal persons in Peru, his soldiers
being inured to war, accustomed to hardships ami fatigue,
and full of confidence in themselves from the many victories
they had gained. Gonzalo did every thing in his power to
satisfy his troops of the justice of thc cause in which he and
they were engaged ; representing to them that Peru had been
conquered

CHAP. vii. SECT. IV. by Franeisco Pizarro. 73
conquered by him and his brothers ; recaUing to their re
membrance the cruelties which had been exercised by the vice-
.roy, particularly in putting to death the commissary Yllan
Suarez and several of his own captains. In the next place,
he gave an exaggerated picture of the tyrannical conduct of
the viceroy during the whole period of his government, owing
to which he had been deposed by the royal audience, and
sent out of the country to give an account to the king of his
conduct: Instead of which, he now endeavoured to disturb
the colony by sowing dissensions aud encouraging insurrec
tions, and had even levied an army in other provinces, with
which he intended to reduce the country under his tyrannous
rule, and to ruin aU its inhabitants. After a long speech, by
which he endeavoured to animate his tioops wjth resentment
against the viceroy, they all declared their readiness to march
pgaipst him and bring him to battle. Some were actuated
by interested motives, to prevent the enforcement of the ob
noxious regulations ; others by a desire of avenging' private
injuries ; and others again by the fear of punishment for hav
ing taken up arms. But it is not to be c6n!eealed, that the
majority acted from dread of the severity of Gonzalo. and his
officers, who had already put several persons to death, merely
for having shewn some degree of coldness or disinelinatioii
towards the cause ofthe inisurgents.
On reviewing and mustering bis force, Gonzalo found him
self at the head of 1 30 weU mounted cavalry, 200 musquet
eers, and SSO armed with pikes, or near 700 in aU, with
abundance of exceUent gun-powder ' '. Learning that the vice
roy had encamped on the banks ofthe river about two leagues
from Quito, Gonzalo advanced to meet him. Juan de Acpsta
arid Juan Velez de Guevara were his captains of musqueteers,
Hernando Bachicao commanded the pikemen, and the horse
were led by Pedro de Puelles and Gomez de Alvai-ado. On
this occasion there was no person appointed to tJie office of
major-genial, the duties of which Gonzalo chose to execute
in person. He detached seventy of his cavalry to occupy a
ford of the river, by which he meant to cross over towards the
camp of the viceroy, over whom he expected to gain an easy
victory,
1 9 According to Garcilasso, the army of Gonjialo on this occasion amount-
ied to 700 men, 200 of whom were armed with firelocks, SSO with pikes,
and 150 were cavalry. In the History of America, II. 375, the force under
the viceroy is only- stated at 4.tiO; but both in Zarate and ¦Garcilasso thc
loyalists ai'e meiitioned as 8oo strong.— E.

76 Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
victory. It was now Saturday the 15th of January 15*6, and
the two armies remained all night so near each other that the
advanced posts were able to converse, each caUing the other.
rebels and traitors, those on each side pretending that they
only were loyal subjects to the king.
At this time, Gonzalo Pizarro was accompanied by the li
centiate Benedict Suarez de Carvajal brother to the commis
sary YUan Suarez de Carvajal who had formeriy been put to
death at Lima in presence of the viceroy. At that former
period Benedict was on his journey from Cuzco to Lima, in
tending to have joined the viceroy against Gonzalo, and had
arrived within twenty leagues of Lima when he learnt the
murder of his brother, after which he dared not to trust him
self in that city until the viceroy had been deposed aud sent
on board ship. He was afteiwards made prisoner by Goiiza''
lo, who was even on the point of putting him to death ; but
on setting out for Quito, Gonzalo took him into favour.
Carvajal now foUowed him with good will against the viceroy,
upon whom he was eager to take signal vengeance for the un
merited death of his brother ; and was even foUowed on this
occasipn by about thirty of bis friends and relations, who
formed a separate company under his immediate com
mand. The viceroy had arrived at a village called Tuza, about
twenty leagues from Quito, when he learnt that Gonzalo Pi
zarro was reurned to that city, and was now at the head of
about seven hundred men. Believing himseff however in
sufficient force to attempt the recovery of his autborit}' in
Peiu, the viceroy communicated this intelligence to his prin
cipal officers, whom he commanded to have every thing in
i-eadiness for battle. On his arrival at the river within two
leagues of Quito, and in presence of the enemy who occupied
the slope of a hiU on die other side, he determined to endea
vour to get into their rear, for which purpose he advanced
with his troops by a road in a difierent direction from that
on which the insurgents were posHkl, expecting to derive great
advantages from this measure, as the whole infantry of Gon
zalo, which formed his principal force, were posted on die
slope ofthe hill directly in front, and his rear-guard of caval
ry toidd have no suspicion of being liable to attack. The
viceroy accordingly began his march on die night ofthe ISth
January, leaving his camp standing widi all his Indians and
dogs, and widi fires burning hi many places, to deceive thc
enemy

CHAP. VII. SECT. IV. by Francisco Pizarro, 77
enemy into a belief that he stUl remained in the camp.
Marching therefore in perfect silence by the road which had
been pointed out to him for gaining the rear of»the insur-
• gents, he expected to have attained his pbject before day: But
as the road had not been frequented for a Inng time, he en
countered so many obstructions and difficulties, in consequence
ofthe road being broken up^in many places, that when day
broke he was still a league from the enemy, by which all hope
or opportunity of surprizing them was entirely lost. In this
dilemma, he came to the resolution of marching straight up
on Quito, in which there were very few to oppose him, and
which was in no situation to give .any resistance. He was in
hopes of finding several loyal subjects in that place, who might .
have contrived to elude following the usuiper to the field,
and might now join his army, and he expected to find some
arms and mUitary stores left there by Gonzalo. On arriving
at Qiiito^ the soldiers of the viceroy learnt that Gonzalo was
present with all his troops, which circumstance had hitherto
been carefully concealed from their knowledge.
In the morning of the 16th, the scouts of Gonzalo were
sitrpri'Sed to hear so little noise in the camp of the viceroy ;
and having cautiously advanced, they learnt from the Indian
followers of die royalist army in what manner the viceroy had
passed the iasorgonts during the night. The scouts therefore
made baste to apprize Gonzalo of" this event, who learnt soon
afterwards by messengers from Quito that the viceroy had
taken possession of that city. Gonzalo therefore immediately
marched for Quito, determined to give battle to the viceroy
without delay ; and although the viceroy was pei'fectly aware
ofthe advantages possessetl by Pizarro in the superior dis
cipline and equipment ofhis troops, he courageously resolved
to run die risk of battle, and even to expose himself personal
ly to all its dangers. In this determination, he boldly march
ed from the city of Quito directly towards the enemy, as if
assured of gaining a victory. To Don Alfonzo de Monte
mayor, who commanded his first company with the royal stand
ard, he assigned the office of lietenant-general, commanding
every one to obey him in that capacity. Cepeda and Bazan
led the cavalry, and Ahumada carried the great standard.
Sancho Sanchez de AvUa, Hernandez Giron, Pedro Heredia,
and Rodr%oi Nunnez de Bonilla were captains of infantry,
over' which Juan de- Cabrera commanded as majpr-igerieral.
The viceroy was earnestly requested by aU his officers not to
engage

78 Conquest of PCrii part ii. book rr. ...
engage in thc front of battle as- he intended, but to take post
in the rear with fifteen horsemen, wlienco he might send suc
cours to wherever they might be required ; yet, when the
engagement was about to commence, the viceroy rode up to •
the vanguard, and took his place beside die lieutenant-gene
ral, Don Alfonzo, in front of the royal standard. On this
occasion the viceroy was mounftd on a grey horse, dressed
in an upper garment of white muslin, with large slashes,
shewing an under vest of crimson satin fringed with gold. Just
before beginning the engagement, he atldressed his troops to
the following effect: " I do not pretend, my loyal friends, to
encourage you by my words and example, as I rather look
for an example of bravery from your courageous efforts, and
am folly convinced you wfll do your duty as brave and faith
ful subjects of our gracious sovereign. Knowing therefore
your inviolable fiddity to the king our common master, I
have only to say that we are engaged in the cause of God."
These last words he repeated several times, exclaiming, " It
is the cause of God ! It is the cause of God !"
After this short exhortation, the viceroy with Don Alfonzo
and Bazan advanced to the charge, being opposed on the
pther side by the hcentiate Carvajal. Gonzalo Pizarro had
likewise intended to have taken post in the front of battle,
but his officers insisted upon his remaining in the rear with
eight or ten horsemen. In the first charge the cavalry shi
vered their lances, after which they continued to fight obsti
nately with swords, battle-axes and war-clubs or maces. In
this part of the battle the cavalry of the viceroy were much
galled by a line of musqueteers of the adverse army which
plied them in flank. While fighting bravely, the viceroy
beat down one of the insurgents named Montalva ; but im
mediately afterwards received so severe a blow on the head
with a battic-axe from Ferdinand de Torres, that he feU
stunned from his horse. Indeed, both he and his horse had
been so excessively fatigued by the difficult march of the pre-
cedii^ night, in which they had neither been able to take
food or rest, that they were both easily oveithrown. While
this was passing with the cavalry^ ofthe van, the infantiy Pn
both sides advanced to engage, setting up such Ipud shputs,
that one would have beheved them much more nimierous than
they were in reaUty. Juan dc Cabrera was slain at the very
commencement of this part of the battle. Sancho de Avilla,
advanced boldly at the head of his company to attack the
^" enemv.

. CHAP. VII. SECT. IV. by Francisco Pizdi'ro. 19
eJicmy, brandishing a two-handed swOrd, which he employ
ed with so much strength and address that he soon broke
through and defeated half of the cpmpany by which he was
¦ opposed. But as the sokUers of Pizarro were more numer
ous in this part of the field tlsan those who foUowed Avilla,
he was surrounded on aU .sides, and he and most of his men
slain. Until the death of the viceroy was known, the battle
was, veiy bravely contested by his infantry; but as soon as
the knowledge of that unfortunate event had spread through
their ranks, tliey lost heart and relaxed in their eftbrts, and
were soon entirely defeated with considerable slaughter. At
this time, the licentiate Carvajal observed Pedro de Puelles
about to end tbe life of the unfortunate vicerpy, already in
sensible ahd almost dead in consequence of the blow he had
received from :De Torres and a wound from a musquet ball:
Carvajal immediately dismpunted and cut off" his head, saying,
" That his only object in joining the party of Gonzalo was to
take vengeance for the death of his brother,"
When the victory was completely decided, Gonzalo Pi
zarro ordered a retreat to be sounded to recal his troops who
were engaged in pursuit of the enemy. In this battlcj the
loyalists lost about twp hundred men, while only seven were
slain on the side of the victors. Pizarro ordered the slain to
be buried on the field of battle, and caused the bodies ofthe
viceroy and Sancho de Avilla to be carried to Quito, where
they were buried with much solemn pomp, attending him
self at the funeral and in mourning*". He soon afterwards
ordered ten or twelve of the principal royalists to be hanged,
fvlio had taken shelter in the churches of Quito,, or had con
cealed themselves in other places. The oydor Alvarez, Be
nalcazar governor of Popayan, and Don Alfonzo de Monte
mayor, were wounded and made prisoners in the battle.
Gonzalo intended to have ordered Don Alfonzo tp be be
headed ; but as he had many friends ampng the insurgents
who interceded for his life,, and who ••issured Gonzalo that
he could not possibly recover from his wounds, he was spared.
Some time afterwards, Gomez de Alvarado sent notice to
Benalcazar that it was intended to administer poison to these
three
. 20 .This authentic circumstance by no means agrees with the assertion, in
the History of America, II. 376, that the head of the viceroy was affixed
ori the public gibbet in Quito. From the text of Zarate, this battle appears
to have been fought on the 16th January 1546. In the History of America,
itis dated on the ISth ; but the difference is quite immaterial. — E, ¦,'

80 Conquest of Peru part ii. book it. ..
three prisoners in the dressings appUed to their wounds or in
their food; and accordingly he and Don Alfonzo took great
precautions to avoid this treachery. As the oydor Alvarez
was lodged in the same house with his brother judge Cepeda, •
be had not in his power to use similar precautions, and died
soon after ; and every one believed that he was poisoned in
some almond soup^
Finding that he could not get secretly rid of Don Alfonzo
as he wished, and having no hope of gaining him over to his
party, Pizarro resolved to banish hun into ChiU, above a
thousand leagues from Quito, and to send to the same place
Rodrigo de Bonilla the treasurer of Quito, and seven or
eight other persons of importance, who had always faithfuUy
accompanied the viceroy under every change of fortune.
Gonzalo did not put these men to death, as several of his
own partizans interceded for their Uves ; and he did not deem
it prudent to keep them near his person, or to permit them
to remain in Peru. These exiles were accordin^y sent off
for Chili, under the charge of Antonio de UUoa with a party
of soldiers. After a march of more than four hundred leagues,
mostly on foot, although their wounds were not entirely
healed, these prisoners determined to make an effort to re
cover their liberty, or to lose their lives in the attempt They
accordingly rose .igainst UUoa and his men with so much
courage and resolution that they succeeded in making him
and most of his men prisoners. Being near a sea-port, they
contrived by great address to gain possession of a vessd, in-
which were several soldiers and others of the insurgent party
whom they overpowered; and leaving all their prisoners,
diey embarked without either sailors or pilot, and though
none of them were in the least acquainted with navigation,
they had the good fortune to reach New Spain.
Not satisfied with wreaking his vengeance on those of his
enemies who had fallen into his hands in consequence of tho
victory of Quito, Gonzalo sent Guevara to the city of Parto
to apprehend some of his enemies who resided in that place,
one of whom only was put to death, and all the rest sent into
exile. He pardoned Benalcazar, who promised foithfully to
become attached to his party, and sent him back to his go
vernment of Popayan, widi part of the troops he had brought
from thence in the service of the viceroy. He likewise as-
serinbled all the fugitive troops of the viceroy, to whom he in
thc first place urged the many causes of displeasure which he
'0 had

•CHAP, vii; SECT. nv. hy Francisco Miarro. 81
-had for thei# past cbnduct, yet pardoned them as he kn^w
•they had eithCT been misled or forced tp act against him,
-and promised, if they served him foithfully in the sequel,
that hqi would ti'cattherii as weU as those who l)ad been on
his sid^ from the beginning^ and would reward them equally
when the country was restored to peace. He sent off mes
sengers in every direction, to announce the victory he -had
obtained, and to encourage his partizans, so that his usuipa-
tion seemed established in greater security thkn ever. Captain
• Alarcon was sent to Panama, to communicate the intelligenc'e
to Hinojosa, with Orders tP bring biack along with him vela
Nunnez and the others who had been made prisoners in that
jQuartery • - '

• , Section V,
•Continuation .«f tlK ¦ Usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, to the
amival if Qasca in Peiiimth Jkil -powers to restore tke
Colony to orde}-. .-b '^
At' this period, s»me of Gonzalos adherents advised him
to send his fleet to scour the coasts of Nicaragua and ' Ne<<r
Spain, on purpose to take or burn all the vessels which might
he found in these partsj by which he would effectually secure
himself from amy attack by sea. By this means, they alleged^
when the dispatdies and orders from his majesty should ar
rive in the Tiewa iFii'ma, finding no means of sending these
into Peru, the ministers of the crown would be under the
necessity of granting him favourable terms bf accommoda
tion almost equal to his wishes, Pizarro hpwever had great
confidence in the fidelity and , attachment of Hinpjosa and
those whp were with him, believing that he might trust im
plicitly to their vigilance, and refused to follow the me^ures
proposed, as tending to evince too much weakness and want
of ccnfidence in the gpodriess of the cause in which he was
engaged. He was besides so puffed up by the victory which
he had gained over therviceroy,' that he belieVed; himself ^Ide
to resist any power which Could now be brought against him.
Alarcon went accordingly to Panama, whence he broiight
hstek to Peru the prisoners who had been taken at that place
by Hinojosa, and was accompanied on his return by the son
Of" Gonzalo. ' Whe» near Puei'ta Vlc^d dn his voyage back,
VOL. V, F Alarcon

'82 Conquest of Peru part ii, book h.
Alarcoji ordered Saavedra and Lerma, two of his chief pri
soners, to be hanged on account of some words they were
said to have spoken against the insurgents. He was dispos
ed to have put Rodrigo Mexia, another of these prisoners,.
to death at the same time ; but the son of Gonzalo pleaded
strpngly to save his Ufe, by representing how kindly he had
:been used by Mexia while in his custody. Vela Nunnez was
conducted to Quito, where he was pardoned by Gonzalp, yet
•admonished to behave very carefuUy for the future, as the
sUghtest suspicion would be fatal, Cepeda, one of the oydors
of the royal audience, always continued to accompany Gon
zalo, so that Ortiz de Zarate, the only judge who remained
in Lima was unable to act in the absence of all the other
judges. Indeed he was now less feared, ever since Gonzalo
Pizarro had almost by force procured a marriage between
one of the daughters of that judge and his brother Bias
Soto', Still however this judge retained every proper sen
timent of loyalty to the king, although constrained by the
exigency of the times to conceal his principles, and to seem
in some measure reconciled to the usurper.
While these transactions were going on in the north of
Peru, the lieutenant-general Carvajal continued his opera
tions in the south against Centeno, As formerly related, he
departed from Cuzco with three hundred men, weU prowd-
ed with horses, musquets and other arms, marching by way
ofthe Collao for the province of Paria, in wliich Centeno
then was with about two hundred and fifty men, determined
to await the arrival of the enemy and to run the chance of
battle. When Carvajal was come within about two leagues
of that place, Centeno retired a short space to the other side
of the city, taking post on the side of a river in what appear
ed to him strong ground, and Carvajal took possession of the
tambo of Paria, about a league from the camp of Centeno.
Next day, Centeno sent fifteen well mounted musqueteers to
bid defiance to Carvajal, and to chaUenge him to batde. On
arriving within a stones throw of the tambo, they required a
conference with Carvajal, to whom diey delivered the follow
ing message : " That Centeno was ready to give batde in
the cause of his majesty ; but if Carvajal, who had grown
old in the royal service, would return to his duty and aban don
1 Of this brother cf the Pizarro family, no other nptice occurs in
iSaraie.— E.

CHAP, vir. SECT, V. l»/ Francisco Pizarro. 83
don the service ofthe usurper, Centeno and all his followers
woidd be happy to serve under his command." To this mes
sage Carvajal onily returned abusive language, and the two
parties mutually r^roached each other as rebels and traitors.
After some time spent in this manner, the fifteen royalists
discharged their musqUets and returned tb Centeno, to whom
they gave an account of the number and disposition ofthe
enemy. This occurrence took place on Holy Friday in the
year 1546,
Immediately after this defiance, Carvajal put his troops in
motion to attack the royalists, but Centeno thought proper
to retire to a more advantageous post, not deeming it pru
dent to run the risk of a pitched battle, and meaning rather
to harass the enemy by means of skirmishes and night attacks.
He was hkewise in hopes that a good many of those who
foUowed Carvajal might come over to his side as opportunity
offered, as he understood many of them were much discon
tented with the harsh and brutal behaviour of the lieutenant-
general, whom they served from fear and constraint, not
from attachment. Besides, Centeno was unwilling to run
the risk of batde, as Carvajal though inferior in cavalry to
the royalist party was ^eat^y superior iri point of fire arms.
In fact this resolution of retreating was much against the in
clination of Centeno, who wished to have given battle to Car
vajal; but as all the inhabitants of La Plata on his side op
posed that measure, he was obliged to conform to their wishes,
yet always determined to give battle on the first favourable
opportunity, ^^lenteno accordingly retreated fifteen leagues
that day, and was followed by Carvajal with great diligence,
insomuch that the hostile parties encamped at night very near
each other, on which occasion Carvajal ccmficled the guard
of his camp to such of his foUowers as he could most surely
depend upon. Towards midnight, Centeno detached eighty
horsemen to assault the camp of the insurgents, which they
did accordingly with much spirit, making several discharges
of their fire arms, but without any favourable impression ; as
Carvajal drew up his troops in order pf battle, and kept them
.all night in their ranksj strictly forbidding any one to quit
their post on any pretence, lest some might desert over to the
enemy. At break of day, Centeno decamped and resumed
his march, and was followed by Carvajal with equal diligerice
always very near. In this second day of the retreat the two
parties marched ten leagues, or near forty miles ; arid towards evening

8'4( Conquest of Peru I'aht ir, book ii.
evening Carvajal came up with one of the soldiers belonging
to Centeno, \*ho had lagged behind owing to extreme fiitigne.
Carvajal ordered him immediately to bc hanged, swearing
that he would treat every one of thc enemy who fell into his
hands in the same manner.
Centeno continued always to retreat, and Carvajal to pup-
sue close in his rear, both parties using the utmost possible
dUigence, insomuch that they every day marched twelve or
fifteen long leagues, almost always within sight of each other.
After some days, Centeno made a countermarch upon Paria
by taking a different roadj and even directed his march to
wards the CoUao, always foUowed by Carvajal, At Hayo-
hayo* Carvajal came up with twelve soldiers belonging to
Centeno, who had fallen behind, all of whom he ordered to
be hanged. In consequence of these continued rs^iid marches,
several of the soldiers of both sides used daily to lag behind
from excessive fatigue, all of whom endeavoured to hide
themselves as well as they could to avoid being made prison
ers. Finding his force daily diminishing, Centeno complain
ed loudly ofhis officers and followers for having prevented
him from fighting; and as he found the whole country
through which he now marched attached to the enemy, he
determined to direct his march towards the coast intending
to escape if possible by sea. For this purpose he took the
direction of Arequipa, and sent off one ofhis officers named
Ribadeneyra to endeavour to procure a ship somewhere on
the cqast, which he was to bring to Arequipa, that it niight
be in readiness to embark the whole remnant of die retreating
party immediately on their arrival \ Ribadeneyra fell in
with a ship on the coast which was ready to sail for Chili, of
which he easily took possession, and found it wcU atlapted for
his purpose.
'« In the course of this pursuit, it happened one day diat
Centeno had to pass n deep dell or narrow valley between
two mountains, as often happens in that country, the descent
to which was about a league from die fop to a stre.nm of
water ui thc bottom, yet the hills were so precipitous and
close
C! The Callao is j-<listrict at the north end of thc great lake of Titicaca.
raria and Hayohayo are two towns on the east side of the Rio Dcsaguadero,
vvhich flows from the south into the lake of Titicaea.  E.
s Arequipa is not less than twenty-five miles from the' nearest coast, at
which place there is a bay or port ncmed La tJuata. — E.

CJiAPj Vll. SECT. V. by Ficincisco Pizarro. S5
close together that their tops hardly exceeded a nirisqiiet shot.
As Carvajal was well acquainted with this pasSj he was con
fident of caficlliilg his enemy at this place as iri a trap; be-'
lieving that while Centeno was descending to the bottom, he
shi^uld be able to gain the top of the hill, whence he might
grfeatly mirioy Cfcnteno and his men while clambering rip the
opposite hill. Centeno was however folly aware ofhis danger,
¦dtid was accordingly very careful to provide against the mis
chief which he foresaw might occur. He thei-efore placed
six ofhis best mcn^nted cavalry in ambUsli n^ar the top ofthe
first mouritain, with directions to assail the rear of Carvajal'g
iroops after the von and main body, were past, so as to make
ti diversion and obUge Cai^ajal to return to succour his
people, by whidli he sind his meri 'tv-ould be enabled to get
beyond the pass in safety. The ambush accordingly remain
ed concealed until Carvajal and the best part of his troops
were gone past j after wluch they saUied forth, and fell with
grieat resolution on tllC rear which was marching ori iri dis
order, cottsi^ng of a mixed multittide of Indians, Negroes^
and str^gling Spaniards^ with harses mules and other beasts
bf burden, aU in cohfusion arid disorder, among whom they
did great executiori. AldioUgh he heard the noise occasion
ed by this unexpefcted assaultj Carvajal continued his march
for some time, believing it only -a false alarm. The six horse
men therefore continued tbfcir assault aliriost unopposed, car
rying aU before them, and doing incredible mischiefs Ampng
t'He rest they oyerdirew a loadecf mule which carried several
tluintalsof gun-powder, wfiich they blew up with so violent
at:ndise that Carvajal- was convinced of the seripus nature of
the assault, arid found it necessary to desist frpm the pursuit
of Centfena, and to return for the protection of his rear.
When the six horsemen belonging to Centeno observed the
- approach ofthe trPc^S of Carvajal, they ihimediately fled by
cross ways and bye p'aths, under the guidance of some friendly
Indians, drid rejoined Centeno six or seven days afterwards.
By this suGceistul stratagem Centeno was enabled to escape
across the dangerous pas^ arid even gained considerably in
the retreat, as Carvajal was obliged to remain on the top -of
the first moantaifi all the rest of that da;y and the followirig
night. -Carvajal was much displeased at being thus foilqd by.
one iSo much less experienced than he in the art of war, and
obssn-ed to his officers, that during forty years service in the
¦#ais of Italy, where he had secti mariy fifie retrtots accom-

86 Cofiquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
plished by the king of Frarice, by Antonio de Leyva, Count
Pedro de Navarro, Mark Antony Colona, and other famous
captains, he had never seen one so exceUeihtly contrived as
this by Centeno"*."
Centeno arrived soon afterwards at Arequipa, and in less
dian two days Carvajal arrived there in pursuits As the
-vessel procured by Ribadeneyra was not come to that part of
the coast, and Centeno had not even received notice of its
capture, he determined to dismiss his followers, now reduced
to eighty men, that they might endeavour to escape sepa
rately, being utterly unable to make head against the enemy
who was fast approaching. Centeno, accompanied only by
two friends, withdrew into the mountains, where he remaui-
ed concealed in a cave tiU the arrival of the licentiate Gasca,
being all the time suppUed with provisions by a friendly
cacique. On arriving at the coast of Arequipa, Carvajal was
informed that Centeno and his people were dispersed ; and
hearing that Lope de Mendoza was at no great di:>tance with
eight or ten of the royalists, he detached orie of his officers
with twenty mounted musqueteers in pursuit. Mendoza
however fled with so much diUgence, that although followed
for more than eighty leagues, his pursuers were unable to
overtake him, and were at last obUsed to return. Mendoza
continued his retreat beyond the ridge of the Andes, into the
eastern plain of the Rio Plata, where we must leave him for
the present to continue the narrative of events in Peru.
Soon after the arrival of Carvajal in Arequipa, the ship
which had been seized by Ribadeneyra appeared on die coast,
and Carvajal was informed by some of the solthei s of Centeno
who remained at Arequipa ofthe intention of this vessel, and
of the signal which had been agreed upon between Centeno
and Ribadeneyra, Wishing to gain possession of the vessel,
Carvajal concealed twenty musqueteers near the coast, and
made the appointed signal. Ribadeneyra at first believed
that the signal was made by order of Centeno and sent the
boat on shore ; but having some suspicions of the actual state
of affairs, he directed die people iu the boat to be extremely
cautious against surprize before venturing on shpre. They
accordingly refused to land, unless Centeno himself made
his appearance ; and as this of course could not be complied with,
4 This paragr.;ph, marked by inverted commas, is inserted from Car-
eiUtso dc U Vig.i in the text, as too long for a note.— £.

dttAP. Vli. SECT. V* iy Francisco PizHrra. 87
with, they returned to the ship, with which Ribaderieyra im
mediately set sail for Nicaragua. As no part of the late force
under Centeno remained in the field, Carvajal resolved to
take up his residence for some time in the city bf La Plata,
as he was informed that Centeno and his friends had conceal
ed a large quantity of treasure at that place, and that he
might both endeavour to discover that deposit, and might
draw as large a sum as possible from the rich mines in that
neighbourhood. Carvajal was wUling to communicate to Gon
zalo a portion of the wealth he expected to acquire ift' that
district, for defraying the expences of the war; but he pro
posed especiaUy to enrich himself on this Occasion, being ex
ceedingly covetous, as has been already remarked. He accor
dingly went to La Plata, which submitted without resistance,
and r^nained there for a considerable time ' amassing wealth,
till obliged to take the field against Mendoiza.'
Lope de Mendoza, as already mentioned, faiade his escape
from Arequipa with a small number of followers, and was
pursued for a long way. He for some time followed the line
ofthe coast, and after.he had eluded the pursidt of the party
sent after him by Carvajal, he and his companions resolved
so endeavour to penetrate into the government of Diego de
Roias on the Rio Plata, as aU the country of Peru h^d uni
versally submitted to the domination of Gonzalo-, For this
purpose Mendoza foUowed the same route which Centeno had
tbrmerly> taken when retreating from Alfonso de Toro; both
because he thon^t his enemies would not pursue him by that
road, and because the -Indians belonging to Centeno and
himself dwelt in that part of thecouatry, and he expected to
procure provisions and' other assistance' from theiri. While
traveUing across these ¦' deserts, Mendoza met with Gabriel
Bermudez, who had accompanied Diego de Roks on his ex
pedition into the country on the Rio Plata, From this person'
Mendoza was informed of the events which had occurred to
the expedition under De Roias, of which the following is ari
abstract: .
Diego de Roias, Philip Gutierrez and Pedro de Heredia,
who went upon- this expedition, had to fight their way among
hostile Indians, in the course of which De Roias was slain."
After his death, violent disputes arose between Francisco de
Mendoza who succeeded in the command and the other offi
cers engaged. in the expedition, in the course of which Gu-
tierre£..vy:as cashiered and banished. They continued after this

6f •: Conquest of Fi;ru part n.: boor n.
thi^ ItQvpro^ecUte dleii" discoveries all die wdy to die Rio Plata,(
receiving iuformation that great riches were to be found in
some districts in the neighbourhood, in which there, were
certain Spaniards, whb had penetrated into the country by as
cending Ihe Rio Plata from the Adantic, and had formed es-
tablishiriCnts in the interior. In prosecuting the .expforation
©if tha.tgrefit river,, 4;hey had fallen in with some forts which
were built by.. ;S4l?i^tian Gabota ; and reported many: other
surprizipg.arid wpnderftd tWrigs which, j;hey had seen ia that
eountfy. in Jhe, course of theiJ' 4);roe€ediflgs, Francis«x> de
MencloZa w*S;aj5sassinoted by Pedro Heredia, owing to which
violent di$put/jSi had tflkenptoce ismorig them, by which and
die small4es$ pf Mteir^foi'ce they had been rendered unabk to
proceed ia cpijflUeririg the couritiy* so that at length they had
come ttp tbi^resplution of returning into Peru, uiat bis. ma
jesty or the vicefsxy pf that, kirigdoni might nominate a new
Gommanderi They were likewise persuaded, when the riches
of'the country in which they had been came to be knoKiv
that they wpuld fee., aWe to procure a considerate accessibn <rf'
new adveuturers, so as to enable them toatchipve tbeconquest-
In the course of dieir pxpedrtion.they asserted that they had
p^p^traf^d six huridr^ leftguts .to the eastwards of La Plata,
through a chaitopiaign country .of very easy accCss, and tokiS
ably abounding hqi provisions .arid water, Bermudez added,
fihat within 'a Very few days they had learrit^from some Indians
Wiho occa^itmally traded into the province of Las CharcaSyof
tl>e revolt M'hiob had taken place in Peru, bat bfld been un
able to prqcUre information. respecting the causes erf" this in
surrection or 9s to whcK were, chiefly engaged, in it ; for which
reason he. had been sent on before to inquire into these cir-
dumsitdnces, and had received orders from the captains and
o^er pbiricipal per$ons in the iexpeditioo, to ofi^ their ser
vices to the party that acted for the royal interests, iu which
cause they, might be of material importaoco, as they, had a
considerable number of excellent horses and plesty of arm&
After tfee conclusion of this narrative, Mendoza gave. Bermu-
de?{«vn account: Ijf aA the hite events in Peru j on which, .in
virtue si! the cpmudssjoti. "iiixh )vbich he had been entrusted^'
Bermud(^ premised . in th« name of ali bis compadioris to
mnrci) agAHistt the Ueutcaaut-generaL
Lope Mendoza and Bermudez went after this to meet th6
troops vvhich were returning from the Rio Plata, which were
at no great distaucc. Wheri lliey were informed of the si-4
io tuatioji

cn-if, vii. SECT. v. by Fratociseo Pizarro, ¦S9
tUatibn of affairs in Pern, they received Lopd with every' de*
ftionstration. of respect, and confirmed the offers of aisistarice
which Bermudez had already made iri theiir name, declaring
dior resolution to devote themselves heartily to the service of
the' king. Lope de Mendoza gave them hearty commerida-
tiotei for .thoir loyalty, and represented to them how honour-
ablb and praiseworthy it was to exert their utmost endea
vours in the cause of dieir lawful sovereign ; assuring, them
that they might .a;ll depentl upon being amply provided for,
wheri the country was restored to obedience. Lope de. Men4
doza was unanimously received as their chief, and conducted*
tbem to the village of Pocona, aibout forty; leagues to the
north-east of La Plata ; whence he sent sorrife coiifideiltial
persons to certain SeCTet places where he and Ceriteno had-
hltlden above a thousand marks of silver finder ground. Oni
recoveaing this treasure^ he proposed to dividf it among those*
persons who had so nobly offered to fdllow his orders ; biw
nioBt of them refused his preferred bounty, either becabse
they were already sufficieritly tioh, or because hitherto the
soldiers who had betn engaged in the wars of Peru had been
unused to any regular pny, and only accepted money to an
swer their immediate wants, and to provide themselves wiih
horses and arms. Even the lowest soldier in those days ex-
pected,^ when the enterpi'izes of their leaders succeeded, to be'
rewarddd fdr his services in repartitions or advantageous es-
tablislimEnts in the country, iby^' which they flEttteired them
selves. to acquire riches, so great was the reputation of the
richness; of Peru. By means of these men from the Rid Plata^
Lope Mendoza found himself unexpectedly at the head of aft
hundred and fifty well mounted cavalry, all excellently armed
dnd equipped for service, it was a great misfortune to the
royal cause, that Centeno was now cpiiceaMy irtstead of
having retreated irito the iriterior along •with Mendoza as- he
had done formerly; as if he had now been at the bead of the"
royalists, with this important reinfdrcement, affeirs might"
have taken a better turn than they actually did.
WTiile Carvajal was on his way from Arequipa for the city
of La Plate, he received ifltelligence ofthe success of Gonzalpi
Pizarro at Quito, and that all Peru was entirely reduced urider
his comniand. He resolved therefore to repair to La Plata,
as formerly mentioned, intending to regulate the affairs ofthe
province of Las Charcas, and to collect treasure. Ori his ar
rival however at Paria on his way to La Plata, he retieived
intelligence

90 Conquest of Peru part ii. book tt^
intelligence ofthe arrival of the troops from the Rio Platai
and of their junction with Lope Mencfoza, Being informed
at the same lime that these unexpected opponents were by no
means united among themselves, and that they marched very
carelessly in separate and unconnected ..detachments, most of
which refused to acknowledge any one as their commander,
he determined to set out against "them with the utmost diU-
genc6, that he might fall upon them in their present divided
state. Being rejoined by the detachmeut which had pursued
Lope Mendoza, and having put lus men in order fiir a fresh
expedition, Carvajal set out from La Plata and marchedi to
wards the enemy with the utmpst possible speed, encouraging
his troops by the assurance of" an easy and bloodless victory,
even asserting that he had received letters from the principal
officers among the enemy in which they offered their services
to him, so that they would only have the trouble of marching,
without any danger of fighting.
During this march Carvajal was jomed by thirty men in ad-»
dition to his former force, so that he was nonr al the head of
two hundred and fifty men. At length he came in sight of
Ppcona, which is eighty leagues from Paria, about four o'clock
of an afternoon, and made his appearance in good order on
the top of a rising ground w ithin view of Lope de Mendoza,
who was then making a distribution of money among such of
his new companions as were wiUing to accept his bounty.
Mendoza had already got some intimation of the ^proach of
Carvajal ; and as his own force consisted entirely of cavahy,
most of whom were persons of some consideration, remark
ably well mounted and armed, he drew up bis men in good
order in a plain at some distance from the village, in whidi
he left the baggage and his money ; saying, diat he trusted
through their bravei-y to be soon able lo recover both, and
even to, increase their store by that belonging to their enemies.
Carvajal immediately descended from the hill he had first
taken possessipn of, and took post in the place which Men
doza had just quitted, which was an incfosure of considerable
extent surrounded with walls, in which there were openin<rs
in several places. Carvajal chose this as a convenient post
for the night, in which the enemy would not be able to attack
with their, cavalry. On learning diat Lope de Mendoza and
his men had left their baggage in the town of Pocona, die
troops of Carvajal immediately quitted their ranks to go in
search of plunder, insomuch that Carvajal was left in his
camp

CHAP. VII. SECT. v. by Francisco Pizarro. 9 1
camp with hardly eight men. If Mendoza had avaUed him
self pf this , opportunity to attack Caryajal, he might have
.gained an easy victory, and might have boasted. of having left
his baggage exposed to plunder as a stratagem of war,, which
on similar dccasions had often been the cause of signal vic
tories. On purpose to recall his troops to their duty, Carva-
jai ordered a false alarm to be sounded, which occasioned the
return ofthe greater part of his men ; but so, strong was their
avidity for spoil that most part of the night was spent before
they aU returned to the camp. • '
At this time there was a secret conspiracy entered, into by
many of Cairvajals followers, vrith the intention.of putting him
to death out ot" revenge for his harsh and 'tyrannical conduct
towards them, and one Pedro de, Avendano, ; his secretary,.
in: whom he reposed entire confidence was the principal
ringleader of the conspii»tors. To facilitate the execution of
this enterprize, Avendano, sent a BsnesSage by a clever fellow of
an Indian to give Mendoza notice of the intentions of the
conspirators, aud to request hejwould make an attack upon
Carvajals camp in the course of the night, in the confusion
^tfendant- upon which he and the other conspirators might
haye an opportunity of executing their intended plot. Men
doza had previously determined upon withdrawing about four
or five leagues from Pocona, to a level plain in which his ca
valry would be able to act with much advantage. But on
receiving the message of Avendano, he ordered his men to
hold themselves in readiness to attack the camp of Carvajal '
at the going down of the moon, preferring the obscurity of
night in order to avoid the danger of the riiore numerous fire
arms of the enemy. At that time he advanced in good
order towards the enemy, sending some scouts in advance,
who made prisoner of one of Carvajals soldiers. After in
terrogating this man, th^y advanced to the openings of the
wall which surrounded the camp, which they found guarded
by some musqueteers and pikemen. Mendoza made a brisk
attack, but was bravely resisted by the enemy, and so great
was the confusion and noise that it was impossible to enter
upon any parley, as no one could be heard by reason of
the continual firing and the shouts ofthe combatants.
Immediately on the alarm, Carvajal used his utmost efforts
to get his troops into order and to animate and encourage
them tb exert themselves against the enemy. At this period,
Avendano pointed otit Carvajal to a muaquefeer who was
t:, ; ' one

5(2" Conquest of Peru Part ii. book li/
one ofthe conspirators, and cincouraged him to take a steady
aim at the licutenant-gentral ; but owing to the darkness,' thtr
shot missed of its intended effect; and only wounded him .
in one of his thighs. Finding himself wounded, and beiAj^
satisfied it had been done* by olie of his own people, CaVvajd'
dfeemed it prudent to conceal the circumstance for the pre
sent ; and retired along wieh Avendano, of whose fidelity he
had no suspicitJri, on puipose to di^uise himself in an old
brown coat and a shabby Hat^ that be might not be con^icu-
ous, after which he returned to animate hi* men to defend
the catnp, Ai'elidano again pointed him out to another con
spirator, who fired a seeotid time at Cafvjkjal,- but entirMy
iriissed his aim. In the meamime the assailants froqUeAt^
called out to know if C<ijf-v:^ were dead ; but receiving no
answer, and findiriw that all the avenues to the camp were
bravely defended. Lope de' Mendoza drew off his men. In
this night engagement aboirt feUiteen w ere slain on both sides,
and several wouridedi Carvajal got his wound sedretiy dres
sed, so that none of his people knew that such a thing had
happened! After the -cessiitiort of the engagement, one Placentia de
serted from Carvajals camp, and informed Mendozti that all
the baggage belongirig to Carvajal and his troops had been
left at a piaCe which he described about five or six leases
from Pocona, among which was a large quantity of geld^rid
silver, several horses, and some musquets and powdef. On
this information, Mendoza set off immediately with his troops
for tilat place, guidedby the deserter $ and marching diU-
gently all the remainder of the night, he arrived quite unex
pectedly at the place whore Carvajal hatl secured his bag-
gage ; bat as the niglit was exceedingly dark, above seventy
of his men lost their way and fell behind. Yet, with such «<f
his people as had kept up with him, Mendoza took posses
sion of tho whole without any resistanccj After thih, being sen
sible that he was not in sufficient force to cope with Carvajal,
Mendoza resolved to retreat by way of the desert in which
Centeno hatl formerly taken shelter, which he did accofdh^
ly with about fifty men, aU the rest ofhis troops havuig.feltoa
behind during the night, as already mentioned. In the pro
secution of this plan of retreat, Mendoza and his peoifle
reached a ccrUiin river about two leagues and a half from
Pocona, where they halted to take some rest and refreshment
after the excessive Vatiguoi of the pa«t night. Carvajal was
soon

,^HA'P. Vll. SECT. tv. by Francisco Pizarro. -©3
soon apprised of the capture of his baggage and the route
which Mendoza had taken, and immediately set off in pursuit
'with about fifty ofhis best mounted troops; and, using every
• possible diligence, he came to the place where Mendoza had
halted, about noon of the next day, and imriiedisitely attack
ed the royalists, some of whom were asleep, while others were
taking food. Thus unexpectedly assailed, and believing that
Carvajal was followed by his whole force, the royalists made
a feeble resistance, and very soon took to flight, dispersing
themselves in every • direction; Lope de Mendoza and
¦Pedrp de Heredia, wifh a good many others, were made
prisonei-s ; and Carvajal immediately ordered these two chiefs,
and six or seven other principal perspns among the royalists
to be beheaded.
On'this occasion Carvajal recovered the whole of his own
baggage, arid got possession of all that had belonged tO the
enemy, with all of which and the prisoners he had- made, he
returned to Pocona, engaging to do no injury to those who
had escaped froiri the soldiers mi the late attack, and even re
stored their horses arms and baggage to hlsprisoriersi most
of whom he serit off' to join ¦ Gonzalo' Pizarroj On leaving
Pocona, he took Alfonso de C.nmargo and Luis Pardamo
along with him, whb had formerly fled along with Mendoza,
and whose lives he now spared^ as they gave him information
respecting a considerable treasure which Centeno had con
cealed under grourid near Paria, and where in faict hie dis
covered' abcwfe 50,000 crowns. After this, he went with his
troops to the city 'of' La Plata, wherehept'oposed to reside for
soine time. At this place he appointed persons in whom he
could confide to the offices of judges and magistrates, and
dispatched inteUigence of the success of his arms over the
whole kingdom of Peru, He remaiued for some time at
La Plata, where he coUected treasure from all the sur
rounding country, under pretence of supplying Gonzalo
Pizarro', but in reality he retained much the larger' share for
himself. Having thus succeeded in all his eutepprizes and establish
ed his authority in the south of Peru on such firm tbunda-
¦tions that no opposition remained in the whole country, for
tune seemed to determine to exalt him to the summit of his
desires by the discovery of the richest mines which had ever
heen known,, Soijie Indians whp belonged to Juande ViiLi-
fea], an inhabitant of La Plata, happening to pass over a
veij

94f Conqfiestof Peru part ii, book if.
very high isolated mouritain in the middle of a plain, aboat
eighteen leagues from that city, named Potosi, noticed by
some Indications that it contained mines of silver. They ac
cordingly took away some specimens of the ore for trial, .
from which they found that the mineral was exceedingly rich
in pure silver; insomuch that the poorest of the ore produc
ed eighty marks of pure silver from the quintal of native
mineral ^, being a more abundant production than any that
ever had been heard of before. When this discovcrj' became
known in the city of La Plata, the magistrates went to tbe
mountain of Potosi, which they divided among the inhabi
tants of their city, setting up boundary marks to distinguish
the allotments of each person in those places which appeared
eligible for workings. So great was the resort to these new
mines, that in a short time there were above seven thousand
Yanacmtas, or Indian labourers, established in the neigh
bourhood, who were employed by their Christian masters in
the various operations of these mines. These men laboured
with so much industry, that each Indian, by agreement,
furnished two marks or sixteen ounces of silver weekly to their
respective masters; and so rich was the mine, that tliey were
able to do this and to retain an equal quantity to tliemselves *,
Such is the nature of die ore extracted from the mineral
veins of this mountain, that it cannot be reduced in the ordi
nary manner by nieans of bellows, as is customary in other
places^ It is here smelted in certain small fiirnaces, caUed
guairas by the Iqdians, which are supphed with a mixed
fuel of charcoal and sheeps dung, and are blown up by
the
5 This produce is most extraordinarily large, being eqvial to four parts
of pure silver from ten of ore, or OlO ounces of silver from the quinta). or
1600 ounces of ore. At the present time, the silver mines in Mexico,
which are the most productive of any that hsve ever been known, are re
markable for the poverty of the mineral they contain. A quintal or 1600
ounces of ore affording only at an average 3 or 4 ounces of pure silver.
The profit therefore of these must depend upon thc abundance of or%
and the facility with which it is procuretl aud smelted. — E.
6 The gross amount of this production of silver, on the data in the text,
IS ll,64s,ooo ounces yearly j worth, at 5s. 6d. per ounce, L. 3,20o,«oo ster
ling ; and, estimating silver in those days, at six times its present cfT.cicy,
worth L. 1 9,219,200 of modern value. In the present day before the re
volutionary troubles, Humboldt estimates the entire production of gold and
silver froir Spanish and Portuguese America at L. 9,787,500 ; only about
three times the quantity said to have been at first extracted from Potosi
aione, and only about half the effective value. — E,

CHAP. VII. SECT. v. by' Francisco Pkarroi 95
-the wind only, without the use of any mechanical contriv
ance. These rich mines are known by the name of Potosi, which
is that of the district or province in which the mountain is
situated. Owing to the easy labour and great profit expe
rienced by the Indians at these mines, when any of the Ya-
naconas was once estabUshed at this place it was found al
most impossible to induce them to leave it or to work else
where ; and indeed, they were here so entirely concealed
from all dangers, and so much exempted from their usual
severe drudgery and the unwholesome vapours they had been
subjected to in other mines, that they preferred working at
Potosi to any other situation. So great was the concourse
of inhabitants to Potosi, and the consequent demand for pro
visions, that the sack of maize was sold, for twenty crowns,
the sack of wheat for forty, and a small bag of coca fw thirty
dollars ; and these articles rose afterwards to. a higher price.
Owing to the astonishing productiveness of these new mines,
all the others in that part of Peru were speedily abandoned.
Even those of Porco, whence Ferdinand Pizarro had former
ly procured great riches, were left unwrought. All the Ya-
naconas w^ho had been employed in searching for gold in the
province of Carabaya, and in the auriferous rivers in diffe
rent parts of southern Peru, flocked to Potosi, where they
were able to make vastly more profit by their labour than in
any other place. From various indications, those who are
most experienced in mining believe that Potosi will always
continue productive and cannot be easily exhausted ', ',, -
Carvajal did not fail to take advantage of this favourable
discovery, arid immediately set about the acquisition of trea
sure for himself by every means which his present uncontroul-
able power afforded. In tbe first place, he appropriated to
his own use aU the Yanaconas, or Indian labourers in the
mines, which had belonged to such of the inhabitants as had
opposed "him, or to those who had died or fled from the pro
vince. He likewise appropriated to his own use above 10,000
Peruvian sheep, belonging to the Yauacopas pf the crown or
' - ,, .to
7 It has however become very much exhausted, and has been in a great
jne^sure abandoned. The mines of Lauricocha, in a different part of
Peru, are now in greater estimation. But those of Guanaxuato and Za-
catecas in Mexico, notwithstanding the poverty of their gre, have been long
ijie most productive of the American .mines. — E. ¦' :

se Conquest of Peru taut ii. book ii.
to individuals, which were employed in transporting provi
sions for the miners. By these mean:-, he amassed in a shojt
time near 200,000 crowns, all of which he retained to his own
uso. His soldiers were so much dissatisfied with bis conduct^ .
as he gave diem no ^are of his exactions, that the^ plotted
together against him. Luis Pardamo, Alfonso de Coniargo,
^iego de Balsameda, and Diego de Lnxan, with thirty
others, who had entered into thi.s conspiracy, had determin
ed to put him to death about a month after his arrival in La
Plata from his expedition against .\Iendtwa; but, owing to
some obstacles, tb^ had been induced to deter thc execution
of their enterprize to a future period. By some unknown
means the circumstances of this plot came to the knowledge
of Carvajal, who put to death the before-mentioned leaders
of the conspiracy, and ten or twelve others, and banished all
the rfest. By these merciless executions, in which ho indulg
ed ot ^11 occasions, Carvajal inspired so much terror that no
one dared in future to make any similar attempt ; as he not
only punished in the severest manner aft who evinced any in
tention of revolt, but putpe€>pleto death on the slightest
suspicion. Owing to this the loyal servants of his m^esty
inay assuredly be exculpated from the blame which has been
imputed to them,' for not putting Carvajid to death : In rea
lity, there were iriany persons sufficiendy anxious to have
done so, on purpose to escape from the cruel tyranny under
whidi they groaned in secret ; and four or five roRspiracies
were entered into for tlie purpose, which were all discovered,
and occasioned the destruction of at least fifty individuals.
¦Ry these means every one was terrified from attemp^g any
thing against him, more especially as he gave high rewai^
to all who communicated any intelligence of the kind, so
that all were forced to temporize and to wait in anxious hope
bf some favourable opportunity to deUver them from his
cruel tyranny, Carvajal continued to remain at La Plata,
frequently publishing accounts of the successes of Gonzalo
Pizarro, to whom he qften sent large remittances ; derived
from his own resources, from the royal fifths which be appro
priated, and from the confiscated estates of those whom
he put to death, all of which he seized upon, under pretenq»
of supplying funds for prosecuting the war.
From the ISth of January 1546, the day on which he de-
foatcd the viceroy, Gonzalo Pizarro continued to reside a^
Quito till the middle of July of that year, accompanied by a
force

•anAP. VII. SECT. V. by Fre^ncisco Pizan-o. 97
force of ajiout five hundred men, occupied rjn. almiost eontj-
nual feastings and revelry. Various reasons were assigned foi"
his long residence in that place ; some alleging that it was on
purpqse to be more at hand for receiving early intelligence
from '{Spain; while others attrij>ute it to the great profits he
derived from the gold , mines which had been recently discor
vered in that neiehboui'hood ; an4 others again, alleged thai
he was detained by attachment to the lady formerly mention
ed, whose husband he had procured to be assassinated by
Vincente Pablo. That woman was delivered, after the death
of her husband, of a child which was put to death by her
father j for which inhuman action he was prdered to be hang
ed Ijy Pedrp. de Pue^Iles.
During his residence in Quitp, Gpnzalp Pizarrp sent off
several detachments of soldiers tp different places, giving com
missions, and instructions to their commanders in his own
n^e as governpr pf Peru. Among these, the lieutenant
B.enalcazar was sent back to his former government ; having
been, pardpned;and even taken into favour by Gonzalo. A
reinforcement was alsp sent tp Pedrp. de Valdivia whp com:
minded in Chili, under the command of Captain UUoa,
whom he had sent to as^ assistance tp enablp him to continue
and maintain his copquests in th3,t country. Other officers
and soldiers were ^ent to other parts, which are uniipi^essary
to be pfirticularized. At length; Gonzalp determi&ed to leave
Quito, and to establish his ^psjdepce in Lima;" and it has
beeq alleged th^ he was principally, indiiced to take this step
from suspicion ofthe fidelity of Lorenzo de -Aldana, his lieu
tenant at Lima, who was so muqh.beloyed by all the inhabi
tants of that city as to be almost in conditiori to have revolted
to the royal cause. Gonzalo is .said likewise to have been
somewhat suspicious of his lieutenant-general Carvajal, being
afraid lest he might be so puffed up by the many victories he
had gained, and by his immense distance, as tp be induced
tp.setup for himself. He accordingly left Qiiito under the
commanjd of Pedro de PueU.es, whom he appointed his. heu
tenant and captain-general in that province, with i force of
three hundred men, having great confidence in his attachment
ever since he had succoured hjtp when in straits on his march
frpm Cuzco to Linia, and when his army was on the point of
abandoning him. He reposed so entireW on Puelles, that he
believed, if the king were to send gfl:y rorce against him by
the route of the province in which Benalcazar commanded,
VOL. V. G that

98 Conquest of Peru part n,' book u.
that PueHes would prevent them' from being able topettetratp
into Peru.
While on his progress from Quito towards Lima, Gonztilo
assumed ih everything the deportment and authority pf go
vernor of Peru, and was treated in every respect as spch by ^1
the inhabitants of fhe countiy. He scempd tb believe that
his authority was so ^peU and firmly established that he hat}
nothing to fear from the attcnqits of his enemies, and that
even the king would be obliged to grant ^'"' ^"y terms he
might require. All his officers soldiers and dependents obey
ed and respected him entirely, as if satisfied that ttey were
always to be subject to his authority, and to depend upon him
. alone for advancement and reward. In die exerci^ of fais
usurped authority, he made many grants or repartitions of
Jands apd Indians, all of thera for long periods, which every
pne considered as secure of being continued. He and his
principal officers pretended that they frequentty received let
ters fioiri some ofthe highest of the nobles in l^aio, prMsing
nis conduct and approving of every thing he had done, which
these pretended letters justified on account of the infnnge-
tnents which had been made on the rights and privileges of
thc colonists* In these letters likewise, the pretended Span
ish grandees were made to engage their favour aiid credit
at court to support his interest and authority' with the so
vereign. The well informed among the followers of Gon
zalo Pizarro saw clearly that these letters were mere fabrica
tions to impose upon the vulgar, and had no foundation what
ever in truth.
On his arrival §t the city of San Miguel, Gonzalo learned
that there were a considerable number of Indians in that
neighbourhood who had not been reduced under subjection ;
for which reason he gave orders to estabUsh a military post in
the province of Garrochamba *, the command of which he
conferred on Captain Mercadillo, with a force of an hundred
and thirty men, and gave him instructions for completing the
conquest of that distiict, and for dividing the lands and In
dians into repartitions like the rest of the country. At this
time Ukewise, he detached Captain Porcel with sixtj' soldiers
to complete the conquest of the Bracamoros. In these pror
ceedings,
8 No such province or district is now found in the maps of Peru ; but
it appears to have been on the confines between the northern part of Peru
Pljopcr and the southern extremity of Quito, vhere Valladonri now stands.

CHAP. VII. SECT. V. hf Freincisco Pizarro, 99
ceedings, he wished it to be believed that his sole objject was
for the advantage of the colony ; hut his reiftl purpos6 was to
keep; his troops on foot and in emplfly, iri case of needing
th^em at a future period for his own defence in support pf his
usurpation. Before leaving -Quitb, Gonzalo sent off the li
centiate Carvajal by sea with a party of soldiers, in the shipfe
wHcli Juan Alonzo Palomino hkd brought from Nicaragua
after his pursuit of VerdrigO. Carvajal was ordered to pro
ceed along the coast towards Lima, and to settie all the mari
time towns in his way in good order.
The Ucentaate Carvajal after .executing the before-men
tioned coders, came to Truxillo to mieet Gonzalo Pizarro,
-whence they went together tp Lima, accpiripanied by a fprce
of twp hundred men,' On a^jprpachirig Lima, there was a di
versity of opinions among the followers of Pizarro, respecting
the ceremonies with which hp should be received into the capi
tal of Peru, Some of his officers were desirous that the ma
gistracy should come out to meet him With a canopy, under
which he should make his entry after the mariner usually
practised with kmgs. Sonie even "proposed that a breach
-st^ould be riiade in the walls, and some of the houses ofthe
city' thrown down, so as to make "a new entrance ori purpose
in memory ofhis victory over fchig viceroy, as u^ed tb be done
anciently in Home for the reception of triumphant gen.erkls.
In tju^ as in all other iitiporlant affairs; Gbnzalo was guided
by the advice of the licentiate Carvajal, and entered the city
on horfeeback, preceded by aU his fcdptains on foot leading
their horses by the bridles. On this occasion he was accom
panied by the archbishop of Lima, the bishops of Cuzco apd
Quito, and the bishop of Bogota, who had cohie into Pferu by
way pf Carthagena on purpose to receive consecration. He
was Ukewise accompanied by Lorenzo de Aldana, his lieute
nant-governor of Lima, and by all the magistrate^ and inhabi
tants of the city ; no one daririg to remain at home lest they
might be suspected of disaffection. The streets were all or
namented with green herbs and flowers ; all the beUs of the
churches and monasteries were kept ri'ngirig; and the caval
cade was preceded by a numerous band of trumpets kettle-
. drums and other warlike instruments of music. In thf^ pom
pous manner, Pizarro was conducted in the 'flrst place to the
great church, and thence to his own residence.
V From this time, Gonzalo Pizarro conducted himself with
much more pride and.haught,iness than formerly, conceiving high

100 Conquest of Peru part ii. book n. •
high ideas of his own importance frpm these pubUc ceremo
nials of respect, as usuaUy happens to men of feeble mmds on
any sudden elevation. He had a guard for his person of
eighty halberdiers, besides several horsemen, who acompa-
nied him wherever he went. No person whatever, was per
mitted to be seated in his presence ; and there were very few
persons whom he designed to honour so far as to return their
salute. By these haughty manners, and stUl more by his
frequent disobliging and even abusive manner of speaking, he
displeased every one and became universally disliked. It must
likewise bc mentioned, that the soldiery, to whom he owed
every thing, became exceedingly discontented with him, as he
gave them no pay. All this had a powerful influence on his
downfall in the sequel ; though for the present every one con
cealed their real sentiments, waiting for a more favourable
opportunity. " Following Garcilasso de la Vega and other authors, the
Historian of America ' aUeges that Gonzalo Pizarro was
urged by several of his adherents, and in particular by Car
vajal, to assume the sovereignty of Peru ; to attach the Spa
niards to his interest by liberal grants of lands and Indians,
and by the creation of tithes of nobUity similar to those in
Europe ; to establish military orders of knighthood, with
privUeges distinctions and pensions, resembling those ui Spain,
as gratifications to the officers in his service ; and to gain the
whole body of natives to his service, by marrying the Coya, or
Peruvian princess next in relation to the reigning Inca. Thus
at the head of the ancient inhabitants of the country and of
the colonists, he might set the power of Spain at defiance, and
could easily repel any force that might be sent from Spain to
such a distance. These counsellors who urged Pizarro to a-
dopt this plan, insisted that he had already gone too far to ex
pect pardon from thc emperor ; suid endeavoured to convince
him that all thc founders of great monarchies had risen by
their personal merit and their own valour, w ithout any pre
tensions to ancient Uncage or valid rights of sovereignty;
and that, besides, his family had a strong tide to the domi
nion of Peru, founded on the rights of discovery and conquest.
But thc inferior talents of Gonzalo circumscribcil his ambition
within mpic narrow bounds, imd confined his views to the

obtaining

9 History of America, II. S7K.

CHAP. VII. SECT. v. hf Francisco Pizan-o. 101
obtaining a confirrnation of the authority which he now pos
sessed from the emperor ; for which purpose he sent an officer
of distinction to Spain, to give such a representation of his
conduct and the state of the country, as might induce the
court, from inclination or necessity, to continue him as go
vernor of Peru for life. Although GarcUasso de la Vega gives
full warrant for this account of the proposals of the insur
gents, Zarate, who was then resident in a public character
in Peru, makes no mention of any such plan having been agi
tated, which could hardly have happened without his know
ledge : It is probable therefore that these additional circum
stances were invented by the enemies of Gonzalo after his
faU, on purpose to blacken his memory by the imputation of
even deeper crimes than those he was actually guilty of."— E.

Section VI.
History of the Expedition qf Pedro de la Gasca, the Death
of Gonzalo Pizarro, and the Restoration of Peru to Tran
quillity. Whiue these things were transacting in Peru, the emperor
Charles V. was residing in Germany, where he had gone on
purpose to overthrow the pai-ty of the Lutherans and others
who had separated from the church of Rome. The empe
ror was desirous to receive an account of the disturbances in
that distant and valuable colony from Diego Alvarez Cueto,
the brother-in-law ofthe late viceroy, and Franqisco Maldon
ado the messenger of Gonzalo Pizarro, both of whorii went
into Germany for that purpose. At this time, however,
though acquainted with the revolt of Peru, the imprisonment
of the viceroy, and the usurpation of the government by
Pizarro, the court necessarily remained ignorant of the death
of the viceroy. Frequent deliberations were held for devis
ing proper remedies to restore tranquilUty to Peru ; but the
joiatter lay over for some considerable time, in consequence of
die absence pfthe emperpr from Spain, and because he was
at this time frequently attacked by illness. At length it was
determined to send over into Peru the licentiate Pedro de la
Gasca, at that time a counsellor of inquisition. The prudent
and iiiitelligent character of this man was already well known,
from the s^Ul and success with which he had already conduct ed

lOS Conquest of Peru paut n. boqk uj
cd several affairs of consequence with which he had been en
trusted, and particulariy by the exceUent dispositions a.nd pfe-i
parations which he had made, only a few years before^ t&
defend the kingdom of Valencia against an expected invasion
of the Turks and Moors, and in various matters respect
ing the new converts in that kingdom, which be took the
management of while occupied in some of the affairs of the
holy office on \*hich he had been sent thither by the em
peror. The tide granted to Gasca on occasion of going into Peru,
was only that of president of the royal court of audience.
But, by his commision, he was invested with full powers in
every thing respecting the government of the country ; to pa
cify the troubles and restore peace ; and to pardon as he'
might see proper aU crimes, whether committed bef"ore his
arrival or during his residence in the country. Along with
Gasca, the licentiates Garias and Renteria went out to Pern,
as judges or oydors of the supreme tribunal or royal court
oif audience. Gasca was likewise furnished with full powers
to raise troops in case of necessity, and to do e\ery thing that
the exigency of affairs might require, without waiting for
orders or instructions from Spain. His powers and orders
however were kept secret, as it was wished to attempt the re
storation of order by gentle means ; for which reason nothing
was spoken of bnt pardon and indemnity, and he was desired
to endeavour to restore the colony to peccc and traaquiHit^
by nieans of clemency if possiUc.
Gasca embarked litom Spain in the month of May 15<I6,
on purpose to quell the formidable rebeUion which had king
subsisted in Peru, without either money or troops, and mere
ly accompanied by such servants and officers of his household
as were requisite to support the dignity of his office as presi-
dcBt ofthe high court of audience, "On arriving at St Mar»
(ha, ho received information of the defeat of Melchior Ver
dugo, formerly mentioned, and that A'erdugo waited for him
at Carthagena widi the small remnant of nis men who had
escaped on tliat occasion. Knowing that Hinojosa and his
people were exceedingly irritated against Veidugo, Gasca re
solved to go by way ot Nombre de Dios, to prevent the in-
!Hirgcnts from entertaining any suspicions ofhis pacific inten
tions, as he believed they would prevent him from havii^ ally
access into the country if he held any intercourse with Ver
dugo, and etill more it he were jfained by that obnoxious per-
'" son.

'CHAP. VII- SECT. VI. i^FranciscqJ^izfirro. 103
son, Gasca- cast anchor in the harbour of Nombre de Dios
oa the 27th, of July 1546, where Hernan Mexia had heen
posted by Hinojosa with an hundred and eighty men, to pro
tect that<place and neighbourhopd against Melchior Verdu
go.; The president sent on shore Alfonzo de Alvarado, who
had accompanied him from Spt^in, to notify his arrival and
the purposes ofhis mission to Mexia, After some conference,
the^ separated without communicating their real sentiments
to each other, as both were suspicious and kept up much re
serve, Oa the return of Alvarado to the ship, Mexia sent to
request the president to disembark, which he did according
ly. On this occasion Mexia went to meet him, in a barge
attended by twenty musqueteers, leaving the rest of his troops
drawn up on the beach. Mexia immediately left his own
bai^, and accompanied the president in his boat to the shore,
where he caused him to be received with every mark of re
fpect, under a salute from the troops.
Afier landing, the president, in a private conference, gave
Mexia an account of the object of his voyage to Peru ; on
which Meida, expressed his determined resolution to yield im
plicit obedience to the royal orders, and to devote his services
acoosdingly totfaepresident. He declared, that he had long and
anxiously waited ihe arrival of some person possessing autho
rity to put an end to the troubles ; and that, fortunately, cir
cumstances were now extremely favourable for this purpose,
without any one to oppose, as he was now the sole commander
of most of the troops belonging to] Gpnzalp Pizarro in that
neighbourhood, the greater part of which were now in
Nombre de DioSk Mexia said farther that, Hinpjpsa an^
the other captains having gone to Panama, he found himself
at liberty to dedare himself openly for his majesty, if that
wqre jutted proper by the president; and that theymight
then go in company to Panama, where they would easily be
come, masters of the fleet in that port, by means which he
explained ; and that he was likewise convinced that, when
Hintjjosa and the other captains were informed of the powers
and intenBons ofthe president, they would receive him with
all submission. .The president thanke:d Mexia for his good
intentions, observing that it wa? necessary tp use lenient
measures on this ocbasipn, as his, majesty was very desirpus tP
pestore die countiy to peace and good order, withput having
recourse to warlike measures, if it could possibly be accom-
l^shed. As. it was ob"vipus tp every oncj that we chief cause of

101 Cotlquest of Peru part ii. book it'
bf the disturbances was owing to the inflexible rigour of the
late viceroy, he wished, therefore, that it might be known
by aU, that his majesty wished to remedy all grievances
in the most gracious manner ; and he trusted, therefore, when
it was pubUckly known that all might expect satiety and par
don by returning to their duty, that all the colonists would
evince their respectful loyalty by tendering their services,
rather than continue in rebeUion against the sovereign. The
¦president concluded by declaring his resolution lo refrain
from any endeavour to use force, till all the colonists were ap
prized ofhis intentions as now expressed.
Mexia assured thc president, that he was ready to obey his
orders in aU things ; yet considered it proper for him to ob
serve, that although he was now able to command the soldiers
then at Nombre de Dios ; matters might assume a very dif
ferent aspect on proceeding to Panama, where the soldiers
would be under the orders of Hinojosa. ITie president ex
pressed his determination, however, to proceed in his enter
prize, lo which Mexia consented ; and they mutua% agreed
to keep their intentions secret tUl affairs should take a favour
able turn, as will be seen in the sequel.
When Hinojosa, who acted as general under Pizarro in
the Tierra Firma, learnt the reception which the president
liad met with from Mexia, he was much dissatisfied, both be
cause he was ignorant of the orders and uistructions under
which the president acted, and because Mexia had not com
municated his intentions. Hinojosa wrote therefore to Mexia
in a harsh and peremptoiy manner, reflecting bitterly on his
. conduct ; arid, at the same time, some friends of Mexia, who
were .then resident in Panama, wrote to dissuade him from
¦ coming to that place, as Hinojosa was much irritated agaiust
him for the friendly reception he had given to the president.
'Notwithstanding this, it was agreetl upon in a conference be
tween the president and Mexia, that the latter should ga im
mediately to Panama to confer with Hinjosoa, lest die minds of
the soldiery should take any adverse turn by delay. Despising
the dangers with which he was threatened, and the suspicions
that hail been endeavoured to be instilled into his mind,
"Mexia set out for Panama, winfiding in the friendship which
subsisted between him and Hinojosa^ and in his knowledge.of
the character and disposition? of that officer. In an interview
With Hinojosa, he fully cxi)laiued the reasons of his conduct
in TCcdiving the president ; adding, that whatever pai'ty they
might

CHAP. VII. SECT. VI. by Francisco Pizarro. 105
. hiight choose ultimately to favour, aU that had hitherto heisn
done could do no harm, Hinojosa was entirely satisfied with
this explanation, and allowed Mexia to return to Nombre de
Dios. > ) ,
After the return of .Mexia, the president went across the
isthmus to Panama, where he held separate conferences with
Hinojosa and the different captains, which he conducted with
so much prudence and secreey, that he gained them all over
to the royal cause, without any of, them having any commu
nication with the others on the subj.ect,- so that he was soon
in condition to speak with them publickly on the olgects of
his mission, having brought . them all over to his sentiments
¦and engaged them, to second his intentions. , By supplying
the soldiers with every thing of which they were in need, he
brought them all easily into his measures, believing that the
most effectual mearis of succeeding in his mission, was by act-
iug gently and in aconcUiating manner with every one: yet
in aU this he acted without meanness or servility, constantly
pngserving the dignity becoming his rank and authority. In
aU his-negociations, the president was ably and faithfully se
conded by his major-general Alfonzo de Alvarado, who was
exceedingly serviceable on every occasion, both in consequence
of having many friends among the officers, and because those
even who were not among the number were much influenced
by bis authority and character. At first Hinojosa hesitated
about declaring for the president, and even notified his arrival
to Gonzalo Pizarro. Some of the captains and other princi
pal persons at Panama had likewise written to Gonzalo, even
before the arrival of the president at Panama, giving it as their
advice that he ought not to be aUowed to enter Peru ; but
in the sequel these persons changed their opinion by the per
suasion of Gasca. During his residence at Panama, the pre
sident contrived tjo maimge sP judiciously with Hinojosa,
whom he frequently visited, that he procured his, consent to
send Pedro Herniandez Paniagua, a gentieman who had ac-
coiBpanied hun frpm Spain, with letters to, Gonzalo Pizarro
apprizing him of his arrival in Tierra Firma, apd the object of
,his mission, Among.th^se letters was one f'rora the kingj to
the following effect :
THE KING, TO eONZALO PIZAUnO, :-
" Gonzalo Pizarro, from your letters and the information of
Other

108 Conquest of Peru pakt ii, book ii.
Ofther persons, we have been informed ofthe commotions and
disorders which have arisen in all the provincesof Peru, since
the arrival ofthe viceroy Blasco Nunnez Vela and the judwes
ofthe royal audience. We are convinced that these troubies
have been produced by endeavouring to establish and enforce,
in their utmost rigour, the new laws and r^^ations which
we had judged proper for the government of that country,
and for insuring good treatment to the native inhal»tiBnts;
We are satisfied that you, and those who ,,have acted along
with you during these troubles, have not been actuated by
any disinclination to your obedience and loyalty towards us,
but merely in opposition to the extreme rigour and inexcadale
obstinacy ofthe viceroy, who refused to listen to the suppli
cations and remonstrances which were made to him on the new
regulations. *' Being well informed in r^«rd to all these a&irs, and
having heard every thing that Francisco Maldonado had in
charge to say on the sul^ect from you and the inhdaitants of
these provinces, we have thought proper to send over as our
president the licentiate De la Gasca, a member of our council
ofthe holy inquisition, to whom we have given full power and
authority to do every thing that he may deem proper and
necessary for restoring tranquillity and good order in the
country, to replace its affairs on a proper footing, and to in
troduce such regulations as may tend to the good of our ser
vice and the glory of God, and the advantage of the country
and its inhabitants, both such as arc our natural subjects and
the original inhabitants. Fer this reason we will and com
mand, and expressly desire, that you may be punctually obedi
ent to every thing which the said Gssca shaU order you in
our name, in the same manner as if his commands were from
ourselves j and that you give him every assistance in your
power in every thing which he may require, and which msey
be necessary for execuiing the orders which we have gi^en
liimj according as he may inform you, or sha]! require in our
name, conform to the confidence we repose in your fidelity.
On our part, we assure you that we entertain a just estima
tion of the .services which you and your brother the marquis
have done, and that we shall reward the same in time and
place convenient to his children and brothers by effective
marks of our good wiU. Given at Venlo, this sixteenth of Feb-
rttar)'

CHAP. vn. SECT. VI. hy Francisco Pizarro. 107
ruary in the year of grace one thousand five hundred' arid
tbrtj'-six."
i. THE King.
By order ofhis Majesty,
Francisco he Euaso. ,
-Along with this letter from the emperor, the pi'esident
wrote to Gonzalo Pizttifo, dated on the 26th of September
1.546 from Panama, and addressed to the illusitrious senior
Otmzalo Pizarro, in the city of Lima^ of which the following
is the substance. . '
•^ I have delayed sending the letter of his imperial majesty,
which accompanies this present communicatiort, tiU now, iu
the hope of being able to set out for Peru immediately after
my arrival in this country, and because it appeared more con
formable to the respect and obedience which I owe to his ma-
jes^ to have deUvered his royal letter in person than to ai-
\mi. it to bc preceded by any writing from myself. Finding,
hbWBVw, that my voyage is necessarily delayed, and being in
formed -that you have called a meeting of the colonists at Li
ma to consult upon the past transactions, and on what may
be proper in the present situation of affairs, I have thought it
iinproper -any fonger to dday sending his niajestys letter, to
gether with this from myself, which I transmit by Pedro Her
nandez Paniagua, a person of honour and merit, who pro-
fe^es to be year friend and servant.
" After die most mature and careful deliberations respect
ing all that has occurred in Peru, since the arrival of the late
viceroy in that country, his laajesty is satisfied that die com
motions have not been excited by a spirit of rebeUion and dis
obedience in the Spanish'inhabitants, but through the inflexi
ble rigour with which the viceroy endeavoured to enforce the
regulations, in spite of the supplications of die colonists and
theit app'eail to his majesty, by which they were justified iri
defending themselves against so great severity, at least until
they should learn the royal will on the subject in answer to
their remonstrances. All this appears frpm the letter which
you addressed to bis majesty, in which you declared that the
princi^l reason whicli had induced you to accept the sitila-
tion of governor of Peru, was that it had bpen given to yoa
by the royal audience, in the name and under the seal of his;
miajesty } by the acceptance of which em^iloyment you were
enabled to do good service to the royal interests, which might
otherwise haVe suffered much prejudice; and as you have
declared

108 , Conquest of ' Peru pakt ii. book ii.
declared these tobe your motives forassunung the government,
untU his majesty might think proper to issue his commands,
which you were ready to obey Uke a good and loyal subject
" Therefore, his majesty, having seen and duly considered
aU these things, and heard the opinions of his councillors
t^iereupon, has sent me for the express purpose of restoring
peace, tranquillity, aud go(?d order to the country, by the re
vocation of the obnoxious regulations, with fuU power to ex
tend his royal pardon for aU that has already occurred, and
to take the opinion and advice of die colonists upon those
measures that may be most proper and advantageous for the
royal service, the glory of God, the good of the country, and
the benefit of its inhabitants. In respect to such Spaniards as
cannot be provided in the country with repartitions of lands
and Indians, I have orders to employ them in new discoveries,
where diey may acquire honour and riches, as has already been
done by so many other persons. I eamestly entreat yoa
therefore, as a Christian, and a wise and prudent gentleman
pf hpuour, to reflect seriously on all these things. As you
have hitherto always evinced much affection and attachment
to the welfare of the country and its inhabitants, you cer
tainly have great reason of thankfulness to the Almighty,
tliatiu so important and; delicate an affair, neither his ma-
j.esty nor liis councillors have been disposed to consider your
past', conduct in the liglit of revolt and rebeUion against
the legitimate authority of the sovereign, but have rather
been pleased to view it in the light of a just and necessary de
fence of your own rights, and those of the Spanish inhabitants
of Peru, until the decision of his majesty upon your suppU-
calions and remonstrances might be made manifest. .There
fore, since his majesty has been graciously pleased to grant
to you and the other colonists all that you required by your
suppUcations, by abrogating the obnoxious regulatfons, itis
incumbent.iipon you, as an obedient«ud loyal subject, taeviuce
a respectful and prompt obedience to die royal orders '. " I
I In translating this lettter the substance has been materially compresseil ;
emitting much loose and declamatory argumentation, with several instances
of the irresistible power of the ennperor, to convince Pizarro of the absolute
necessity of submission. Among other arguments, Gasca quotes with ap
probation an instance of a Spaniard who had assassinated his brother in the
midst of the German Lutherans for deserting the religion of his country ;
and threatens him with the vengeance of his brother Ferdinand if he should
persist in rebellion against his sovereign. — £.

•CHAP. VII. SECT. VI. by Francisco. Pittarro. 109
" I have represented all these things to you, that you may
not flatter yourself by a false confidence of being able to re
sist the po'tver of his majesty, who is able if it sllould so please
him to employ irresistible force in represvsing the eomiiiolioiis
and disorders of Peru, instead of those measures of clemency,
which it has pleased God that he should now resort to ; and
that if reduced to the necessity of using force, it will be neces
sary for his majesty to take care not to ruin the country by
sending too great a number of troops, instead of being under
any difficulty as to sending a sufficient power to overcome
all possibility of resistance. You odght likewise to reflect
that matters will necessarily take a quite different turri thari
they have hitherto done. Hitherto your foUowers have been
influenced by their own self-interest, not only considering the
late viceroy as your enemy and your cause as good, but all of
them looked upon him as their personal enemy, who wished
to deprive them of their- properties, and to put lo death every
one who opposed his designs. Under these circumstances
your foUowers were "necessarily impelled to adhere to your
party in the defence of their oWn lives and properties. But
as both are now secured, by the revocation of the obnoxious
reguIaitioBS, and the amnesty granted by his majesty, the
Spanish inhabitants of Peru have now'their legitimate sovereign
as their friend and protector, to whom we all owe the most
entire loyalty and obedience. I entreat you to reflect serious
ly on these things, and to consider that, iri the present situ
ation of al&irs, and the turn which they must assuredly take
in the sequel, you cannot count upOn the adherence of any
one, if you unforturiately choose to follow wrong measures.
By contributing your assistance to pUt an end to the commo
tions which have distracted the kingdom of Peru, the whole
inhabitants of that country will remain indebted to your ex
ertions for the maintenance of their rights and privileges, in
having ojiposed the execution of the obnoxious j-egulatioris,
and having procured a favourable attention to their supplica
tions and remonstrances ; insomuch that his majesty h&s been
pleased to send me with an express commission to listen to
and redress all grievances. Should you unfortunately resolve
upon refusing submission to the royal authority, you will
obUterate all the merit you derive from your past cofiduct j
as by endeavouring to continue the troubles and commotions,
vou wiU shew yourself actuated by motives of personahinterest
find ambition, instead of any regard for the good of the pub lic.

no Conquest of Peru pakt ii. book jv
lieu,. Instead of serviug the interests ofthe Spani^ inhahitants
df, Peru, you will become the cause of inSriite injury to all,
a^nd wiU be considered as the enemy of the klBgdouj, by per
petuating thc troubles, and occawoning the destructioivof the
lives and fortunes of your friends and adherents. You otigbt
ij^ewise to consider that, by continuing the war, you wiU ren
der it necessary lo bring over a numerous army into Peru, so
that you wiU become accountable lo God and man for aU the
miseries and disorders which may follow, and for the entire
yuin ofthe country and its inhabitants, by which you will m-
cur the hatred of aU the principal colonists, merchants, and
other rich persons,
«' To conclude, I pray God to take you and all yqur fol-
Ipwers under bis most holy protection, and that he may in
spire you wilji proper sentiments on this pccasipn, for the
good service of his majesty, the eternal wel£tre of j'our souls,
and the preservation of your lives, honours, aud estates ; and
I remain, illustrious Sir, yours, &c Pebbo de i_i Gasca."
Gcrizalp had only been a few days in Lima on his return
.from Quito, when he received letters from Hinojosa inform-
ii^ him of the arrival of the president. He was mudb dis>-
turbedby this intelUgence, which he immediately communi
cated to the captains and other principal persons of his party,
and with whpm he consulted upon die steps neceuary to be
.tnken in this conjuncture of affairs. Some were of opinion
that it was necessary to get rid of the president, either open
ly or by secret assassination ; while others I'ccommended that
.he should be invited into Peru, where it would be easy to ob
lige him to agree to all their demands ; or where fit least they
• CPnld draw their negociations with him lo a great length, by
insisting on convening an assembly of deputies and procura
tors from all the cities of die kingdom at Lima, to deliberate
on the sul^cct of his reception, and to determine whether he
should be received or not ; and, as Peru was of vast extent,
it would be easy to put off the meeting of that assembly for
two years, during which period the president might be kept
in the isle of Puna under a confidential guard, by which he
might be prevented from writing to Spain that the country
was in rebellion ; more especially as they could keep him in
continual suspense, by representing that the general assembly
could not meet sooner on account ofthe vast distance of some of

ci4ap, vll.. SECT. -vi. by Franeisco Pizarro. Ill
ofthe cities. Even the inost moderate were for obli^ng the
.president to return into Spairt.
in this ¦cohhcil of the leaders of the insurrection, it was
liljewise proposed to send deputies from allparts of Peru to
his majesty, to explain the state bf the Colony, arid the events
which had occurred j and particularly to exculjDiite their con
duct in regard to thfe battle of Quito in which the viceroy
was slairi, by throwing the whole blame upon him as the
aggressor. It was likewise proposed that thesedeputies shoiild
humbly implore his majesty to invest Gqb^alo Piziarro in the
govCrnnieiit of Peru, for which especial purpose they should
be so instructed and enipowered by all the cities. They were
also to be instructed, during their residence at Pariama on
their way into ISpain, carefully to learn what were the pbwers
iand instructions of the president ; and to ertdeavour tb pre
vail upon him to delay proceeding to Peru, until they hadin-
formted his iriajesty of the true state of the kingdom^ that ul-
tj^rior orders might be issued in ConsequeWce. It was pro
posed' at the same time,' if the president persisted in coming
into the country, to take him into custody. Soriie everi pro
posed to put him to death diiring' the journey, while others
proposed to have him poisoned at Pariama and likewise to
put Alonzo de Alvarado to death. Many other proposals of
a similar ndfure and tendency are said to have been made at
this time ; but as jtll these transactions took place in the secret
meetings of the chief of the insurgerits, it is difficult or infl?
possible to ascertain the precise nature of their deliberatfons.
It was besides resolved, that the messengers who were to bft
sent to the president should be charged to deliver him letters
from the principal inhabitants of Lima, strongly urging'hiin
to refrain from coming irito Peru, even in terms of insolence
and implied threatening.
After long deliberations respecting the persons who should
be sent intp Spain tP lay their representations before the
emperor," Don Jerom de Loyasa archbishop of Lima, Loren
zo de Aldana, Friar Thomas de Sian Martino provincial of
the Dpriiinicanis, and Gomez de Solis were chosen for that
purpose. The provincial was much suspected by the insur
gents of beirig inimical to their party, by several expressions
ofhis opinion, both in his sei-mons and in private conversa
tions rxet they thought proper to employ him and the others
in this coinmissiori, "although they .were almost equally suspi
cious ofthe rest ; both to give weight to their representatioiis

through

112 Conquest of Peru part n, book ii.
through the respectabUity of their messengers, and because
no other persons of any consequence in the country dared to
appee^r before his majesty on this occasion, being afraid of
punishment for the share they had taken in the past commo
tions. They considered likewise, if these deputies should de
clare against them while in Spain, as they actually suspected,
that it was better to have them out of the country 4 as, if"
matters should assume an unfavourable aspect for Gonzalo
ftnd his adherents, these persons might have done them much
injury by remaining, as they were much respected in Peru,
both on account of their rank and character. Gomez de
Solis, who was major-domo to Gonzalo Pizarro, was the only
one of these commisioners in wliom he reposed confidence ;
though indeed some alleged that lie was only intended to pro-
.ceed to Panama with a supply of money and provisions for
Hinoje&a and his troops, while others believed he was to have
accorap£Uiied the pther deputies into Spain. Besides these
persons, tbe bishop of St Martha was likewise requested to
accompany the deputation ; and they were all supplied with
the necessary lands for the expences of thefr voyage.
Lorenzo de Aldana set off by sea for Panama in aU haste,
while thc other deputies were making preparations for their
voyage, being commissioned by Gonzalo to send him intelli
gence as quickly as possible as to the true state of affiiirs iri
the Tierra Firma. As Lorenzo set out from thejTort of Lima
|pi October 1546, Gonzalo confidently expected to rec^ve dis
patches from him from Panama by the ensuing Christmas, or
early in January 1547 ; and tor this purpose, he appomted
a set of couriers to remain in waiting oU along die coast of
Peru to the northward of Lima, lo be in readiness to for
ward the dispatches as quickly as possible. The two bishops
and the provincial embarked a lew <lays after Aldana, and all
of them arrived safely at Panama.
Vela Nunnez, the brother of the late viceroy, who had long
remaiDcd a prisoiu r at lai-jjp, being aUowcd to go out on
hunting parties, and lo ride about unarnietl, yet under strict
injunctions to lake care ofhis conduct, was drawn about this
time into a private cngngpmenl with a soldier named Juiin de
la Torre, by means of which he lost his life. Dc la Torre
was one of those who had desertcil fiom the viceroy to Gon
zalo, along with Gonzido Diaz and others, when on thc ex
pedition against Pedro ile Puelles and the inhabitants of Gu
anuco. He had ailerwnrds the good fortune to discover a
3 concealed

•euAP. VII. SECT. VI. hy Francisco Pizarro. 113
concealed treasure of gold and silver in the valley of Hica,
which had been consecrated by the Indians to their idols,
and which was said to have contained to the value of 60,000 »
crowns in the precious metals, besides a great quantity of eme
ralds and turquoises. De la Torre placed aU this treasure
in the hands of the father guardian of the Franciscans ; to
whom he one day revealed in confession that he wished to re
turn into Spain, that he might enjoy his riches in quiet ; but, ¦
having foUowed the party; of Gonzalo, and consequently in
curred the displeasure of his majesty, he wished to be able td
perform some acceptable service to the king before his depar
ture, on purpose to merit pardon ' for his past offences. For
this purpose, he intended to embark with his treasure from
the port of Lima for Nicaragua, where he proposed to enUst
a pkrty of soldiers, and to fit out one or two vessels with
which to cruize for some time along the coast of Peru against
Gonzalo and his confederates, by landing and piUaging in
such places as were unprovided with troops : But, as -he had
not sufficient knowledge or experience for conducting such
an enterprize, he wished to find a pei'son properly qualified
to act as commander on this occasion, and had a strong de
sire to induce Vela Nunnez to undertake the direction of the
enterprize, as a gentieman experienced in war, and who was
besides in a great measure bound to seek an opportunity of
being revenged upon Gonzalo for the death ofhis brother the
viceroy and many others of his friends and relations. With :
this view, therefore, it was his intention to place himself and
his treasure at the disposal of Vela- Nunnez, whom he wished
to consult on this subject with some adherents of the lafe
viceroy who dwelt in Lima, that these person^ might likewise
be induced to join in the enterprize. De la, Torre, therefore,
requested the father guardian to converse on the subject with
Vela Nunnez,
At first Vela Nunnez was on his guard, lest it might be a
false confidence devised for his ruin. But De la Torre satis
fied his doubts in presence of the father guardian, by a solcmn>
oath -on a consecrated altar, and Vela Nunnez agreed to take
charge of the enterprize, immediately using his endeavours to
engage the adherents of the late viceroy in the plot. Itis
not known how this affair came to be divulged, which it
certainly was to Gonzalo, who immediately caused Vela
Nunnez tobe arrested and brought to trial as a traitor and
rebel against the king, and had him publickly beheaded. Vela
voi» V. H Nunnez

114 ,Cmqmt.of,Pern pawt u. .boox ii.
Nurinez.wasabrave and hotlPUrablcfeentleman, much esteem
ed by all,.-*nd was exceedingly regretted by, die whole hi-
habitarits xxfPeru *¦ . •>
¦ About this time likewise, Alfonzo de Toro, who was Ueu-
teriantrgoverOor of Cuzco under, Gonzalo Pizarro, was as-
ssussi|iated by hip 1 own father-in-law, in cpjnseqUence.of some
dispute.;. . Gonzalo was much grieved by the, death of this per-
spn» frpm whom hfeiexpected to; have derived importent ser
vices in the approaichi^ crisis- He appointed Alfonzo de
Hinpjosa to, succeed as lieutenant-governor of Cugco,; whp
Imd in fact been elected to. the vacant ch^ge hy the Jiuigis*
trates of that city. Under lus administration some tumults
were excited in Cuzcp by Lope Sanchez de Volemsuela and
Biegp Perez Bezerra ; but by the.esertipns of Hinojosa and
Bedro de VUlacajtin the tumults were happily quelled ; V^-
lenzuela and Bezerra were put to death as the ringleaders, and
some pthers who had been particularly active on the occasiim
Were baniahed.i ; . , .
iltjis well known that Lorenzo de Aldana, who has been
already mentioned as dispatched by Gonzalo to Panama,
carried several fetters ,from Gonzalo and the other leaders «f
ihej insurrection which were couched in very disrespectful
terms : But : Aldan^,. anxious to prevent the present timbles
frpm becoming even more serious than they were, prudently
destroyed these letters, sOitbat they were not deliveredi On
his arrival at Panama, he went to lodge with Hinojosa, with
whom he was extremely iutimate, there being likewise some
ifelationship between them. He went Ukewide without delay
to pay his respects, to die. president ; but at this first iidsit they
both confihed themselves to conversation on general topics,
^ that Aldana did not reveal his sentiments for spme daj^
wishing, Uke a prudent person, tp learn in the. first phice what
were the sentiments and intentions ofthe officers who then re
sided at Panama. When he found that .they. were disposed
to act for the service of his majesty, he revealed his real sen-
titnentsto.thc pnesideut, offei-ing his best services.iu any man
ner that might be most conducive to die royal interest.. From
the confidence which was reposed jn Aldana, it was at length
resolved fo treat opeidy with Hinojosa, widi whom hidiqrto the
9 .From thf sequels !t would appear that Juan de la Torre escapid entire:
ly on this occasion ; at least a person of exactly the same name appears af-
cr^'ardi as an officer-in the service of Gtmzalo. — ^K.

CHAP. VII. SECT. VI. by Francisco Pizarro. 115
the president and Mexia had acted with much reserve. Ac
cordingly, Mexia represented to him, that the affairs of Peru
wei'e now in such a situation -that it was requisite tbirestoF^
them to order,; which might easily be done by agreeing to
offer the services of all the faithful subjects of his. majesty re
sident iri Panama to the president ; and if the present favourr
able opportunity for this purpose were neglected, another
might not occur for a long time. Hinojosa replied^ that he
was entirely disposed to serve thIe president, to whom he
had already 'declared, if his majesty were hot disposed to
]^ant the demands of Gonzalo, he was ready; in all things
to yield bbedience to the comihands of the sovereign,
being resolved to give no just cause of reproach as a rebelli
ous subject. . ' ¦ )• : ::
In reality Hincgosa, although an excellent soldier aridiCX-
perienced iri every thing relative to warlike affairs, was ex
ceedingly ignoraTfit in poUtical matters.' He; had always be
lieved that every . thing which had been dope by the insur
gents was foundetl in justice, and that the authprs pf the sup
plications aird remonstrances had a right to Use their utmost
efforts to succeed in procuring all that they had deinanded;
having even been so assured by sevieral learned men. Yet in
all the past trarisactioris, he had conducted his own actions
with inuch prudent reserve, so ks not to go beyond the ori
ginal arid avowed -purposes of the remonstrants, having never
put any One to death or confiscated the wealth of any ofthe
royalistss as had been dbne by the othe'r insiirgerit commairid-
ers. On perceivihg the erroneous sentiments by which hb
was deluded, Mexia strongly represented to him, that, as the
pleasure of his majesty had been clearly expressed^ by means
ofthedcnhihissidnarid instructiofis given to the president, thei*
was no room now to wait for any new declaration bf the royal
will; That all the officers knd isoldiers iri the Tierra Firma
wiei'e resolved to obey the president, -and that Hinojosa mu^
determine without delay on the part he chose to embrace as
a loyal subject, without allowing Idmself to be mUled by these
ridicufous sentiments of pretended men of learning. Hi
nojosa requested to be allowed one day to consider what an
swer he- should give to these representatioriis ; arid accord
ingly the very next day he determined to follow ihe advice ctf
hfe. friend Mfexiaj- whom he accompanied to the president,
ajid 'engaged'tbttbeyhim in aU things corifprriikble to the
risyal'Ord^^. After thjs, aU the captains of thfe t'roOps and
..-;i..i';.. ~ othar

116 Conquest of Peru part ii. book »,
other principal persons in Panama were convened ; who all
pledged their obedience to the president, engaging to keep
the matter a profound secret till farther orders. Yet the
soldiers began to suspect the real situation of afiairs, as they
noticed that the president gave orders on eveiy affair of im
portance that occurred, and that all their officers -risited him
very frequently, and always behaved to him in public as their
superfor. As the president considered that any farther delay might
be prejudicial to the royal cause, he resolved to dispatch
Aldana with the command of about three hundred men in
three or four vessels, with orders to proceed to the port of
Lima, to assemble at that place aU who were weU affected to his
majesty. By this measure, he wished to prevent Gonzalo
from having time to learn the actual situation of matters in
the Tierra Firma, and from placing his own affairs in perfect
order ; and was in hopes likewise by these means to prevent
him from putting several of the principal loyalists to death,
as had been often threatened by the insurgents. Accordingly,
four Vessels, were fitted out with aU expedition, of which the
command was given to Aldana, having under his orders the
captains Mexia, Pidomino, ami Yllanez. On this occasion,
in a .general review of the troops, all the colours were pub
lickly resigned into the hands of the president; who imme
diately restored them to the respective officers, in his majes-
tys name, and reappointed Hinojosa as general of the army.
After this, the three hundred men above mentioned were em
barked under Aldana, pay and equipments being advanced
to such of the spldiers as were in need. Aldana immediately
set sail on his expedition, being accompanied by the provin
cial of the Dominicans, a pei-son of merit and influence,
whose Authority and example were expected to confirm those
who might be indelermuied tp foUow the party which he es
poused., Aldana canied along with him several copies ofthe
amnesty and ofthe royal orders for restoring peace and order
to Peru ; and was expressly enjoined not to land on any part
of the coa.st if possible, tiU he got to the port of Lima, that he
might endeavour to surprise Gonzalo.
About this <ime, the archbishop of Lima and Gomez de
Solis arrived at Panama ; both of whom expressed their sa-
tisfaaion on leaniina the turn whicli affoirs had taken at that
}iluce, and openly declared themselves for the royal party^
offering their best services to die president. At this time
3 likewise,

CHAP. VII. SECT. VI. by Ftancisca Pizarro. 117
likewise, the president sent Don Juan de Mendoza to Mexico,
with letters for the viceroy of that kingdom; Dpn Antpnio de
Mendoza, requiring the aid of aU the soldiers that could be
spared from that country. Dpn Balthazar de CastiUe was
sent at the same time tp Guatimala and Nicaragua pn a Simi
lar missipn; and other persons were dispatched to San Dp-
mingp, to prpcure every possible assistarice for prosecuting
the war in Peru, if that measure should ultimately be' neces
sary. '
It has been already mentipned that Pedro Hernandez Pa
niagua was dispatched by the president with letters for Gon
zalo Pizarro. Paniagua arrived at Tumbez about the middle
of January 1547, whence he went to San Miguel, wherfe
ViUaltJjos then commanded for Gonzalb. Paniagua was im
mediately arrested by VUlalobos, who took from him his dis
patches and forwarded them with all speed to Gonzalo at Lima,
by mejms of Diego de "Mora the commandant of Truxillo.
On learning the arrest of Paniagua, Gonzalo sent a confi
dential person to conduct him to Lima, with strict orders
not to permit any person to converse with him by the way.
On his arrival at Lima, Gonzalo, in presence Of" aU his con
federate officers, restored to Paniagua his credentials' ariddis-
patches, desiring him to declare every thing that had been
confided to him by his employer, and assuring him of entire
personal safety in regard to every thing corineCted with his
commission : But, if he should presume to converse either
publickly or privately with any other person on any subject
connected with the president, he might rest assured of losing
his head. Accordingly, Paniagua boldly explained the sub
ject of his mission. When he had withdrawn from the coun
cil of officer, some were for putting him to death, alle^ng
that he had previously communicated his sentiments to some
confidential persons. Gonzalo Pizatro did not communicate
to his (^cers either of the two letters formerly mentioned^
which were addressed to himself, by the king and the presi
dent. -In this consultation, it was the universal opinion of
the insurgent leaders, that .they ought on no account to admit
the president into Peru ; many of the officers, in expressing
their sentiments on this occasion, spoke ofthe president in a
very abusive manner, and even mentioned his majesty with
very little respect, at which Gonzalo" seemed weU pleased.
At this time, Gonzalo Pizarro wrote to his lieutenant-ge-
nera^i Carvajal, who still remained in La Plata, directing him to

118 Conquest qf Peru part ii, book h.
to come ipimediately to Liina, and bring thither along witJi
Jfiim al} the treasure he could procure, and all the musqu^
and .other arms that were \a that place. These orders did
not proceed f^pm any id^ea that these were necessary for de
fence, as the transactions at Panama were stUl unknown va.
Pqru; but on account of the many complaints which, had
been made of the continual murders and confiscfitions whic)i
were perpetrated by Carvajal. Some alleged that he wsss
summoned to the capital to receive deserved punishment for
hi^ cruel and tyrannical conduct ; while others said it was on
purpose to strip him of more than 150,000 crowns which he
bad amassed by pillage. At this time Lima was so entfrely
occupied widi suspicions, that no one dared to confide in any
qther, or to speak a single word respecting the present state
of affairs ; as the sUghtest misplaced word, or the most ti-if-
,ling pretext pr suspicion, was sufficient to place the Ufe of
,any .pne in imminent danger. Gonzalo took the greatest
possible precautfons for his safety, of which the foUowing \$ k
j'emarkable instance. He had noticed on many occasions
that the oydor Zarate was by no means attached to hisin-
terests, although his daughter was married to the brother of
Pizarrp : And though Zarate was sick, it was confidendy as
serted that Gonzalo procured him to be poisoned, by meaus
of certain powders which he sent him under pretence of a
remedy, In the sequel this rumour was conformed by the
-testimony pf several persons who were in the service of ¥\r
jzarro at the time. Whether Pizarro were reaUy guilty of this
crime or innocent, it is a certain fact that he expressed much
satisfaction on learning the death of Zarate.
In the mean time, Paniagua procured permission, throiigh
the intcrmpdiation of the licentiate Carvajal, to return to
Panama, though contrary to the opinion of the other insur-
g«it officers, who were clear for detaining him ; and he may
assuredly be reckoned fortunate in having got away from
Lima before intelUgence arrived there that the fleet and army
at Panama had submitted to the president. Although this
circumstance had not readied the knowledge of the insur
gents, it began to be vehemently suspected, in consequence
of receiving no reporte from dial place for so long a time ;
insomuch that Gonzalo sent off orders to Pedro de Puelles,
who commanded in Quito, and aU his other captains, to keep
themselves vigilandy on their guard, and to hold ajl their
troops in continual readuiess for taking tho field. At

ciiAP. VII. SECT. Vi. by F)-ancisco Pizarrd. 119
" At this period the lieutenant-general Carvajal* arrived at
Lima from' Las Charcas, accbmpariled by art hUrtdred and
fifty soldiers, and bringing with hihi three hundred mus
quets ahd treasure to the value of more than SOOjOOG erowris.
He was received at Lima with extraordiilniy pomp, Gonzalo
gbirig Out to meet him with aU the irihabitants of the city,
iaccbinpanied with bands of music and every demonstration of
rejoicirig. Just at this time inteUigence wais received froiri
Puerto Viejo, that four ships had been setri near the coast,
as if reconnoiteririg, which had stbpd putagairi tP sea Withput
coming to anchor or lending on shore for water or provi
sions,' as was usual with ships navigating in these seat.
This was looked upon as a sign of hostile intentions. It was
a considerable time after this, before Gorizalp was entirely
certified of the intention of these four ships, which in fact
were these under AMana, bpth 'because they were exceed
ingly cautious of coming near the land, and because Diego
de Mora, his lieutenant at TruxUlo, detairied certain letters
Which had beeri sent through his hands on the subject. Yet
their suspicious appearance on the' coast gave great uneasi
ness to Gonzalo, and occasioned him to take every means of
precaution for his security ; ordering continual watch to h^
kept up day and night, both by the soldiers arid the inhabit^
ants, all of whom appeared to do so with much care and sa
tisfaction. Some time after the appearance of the ships off
Puerto Viejo, they arrived at the harbour pf Malabrigo, five
or six leagues to the northwards of TruxUlo, and Diego de
Mora learnt their arrival by the same messenger who was'
charged with the news of their appearance at Ptierto Viejo.
As he was quite ignorant of the persons who were ' embarketl
in these ships, Mid of their interitioris, he Went on board a
vessel in the harbour of TruxiUo, accompanied by several in
habitants of that city, intending to seek for these four vessels
wherever they might happen tp be, and cahied along with
him a considerable supply of provisicms and warlike stores.
He considered it quite safe to board these strange vessels ;
as, if they belonged to the partisans of Gonzalo, it was easy
for him to aUege that he came in quest of news, and to supply
them with refreshments ; whereas if they, should be ofthe
royal party, so much the better, as he was resolved to join
them with all his followers. He fortunately came up with
Aldana on the very day in which he left the harbour of Tru?:-
illo ; and, having entered into mutual explanations, joined
company

1 20 Conquest of Peru tart ii, book ii. "
company to die reciprocal satisfaction of both, supplying Al
dana with such refi'eshments as were needed for his ships.
Next night, Aldana and De Mora widi all the ships came to
anchor in the harbour of TruxiUo, where it was not deemed
proper to land the troops ; but it was agreed that De Mora
and all the inhabitants of TruxUlo should retire into the pro
vince of Caxamarca, in which place they could remain in
safety till their assistance might be required, and where they
might endeavour to assemble all that were favourable to the
royal cause. At the same time messengers were dispatched
with letters and orders from the president in the kings name,
to Chachapoyas, Guanuco, and Qnito, and to the frontier
posts commanded by MercadUlo and Porcel, inviting aU who
were inclined to serve his majesty to declare themselves. In
telligence of these proceedings at TruxiUo were speedily car
ried to Gonzalo by a monk of the order of Mercy, who had
always favoured the Pizarrian faction; but who could only
relate the departure of De Mora and the inhabitants of Trux
iUo, without being able to give any distinct account of their
interccurse and agreement with thpse on board the fleet.
Accordingly^ Gonzalo concluded, from tbeinformation brou^t
by the mpnk, that De Mora and the inhabitants of TruxUlo
had gone ofl' for Panama to join the president. Gonzalo
therefore sent off the licentiate Garcias de Leon, who had
always accompanied him hitherto, with the commission of
lieutenant-gpvernpr pf Truxillp, accompanied by fifteen or
twenty soldiers, to whom he gave grants of the lands and In
dians which had belonged lo the citizens of Truxillo wlio had
gone off with De Mora. Along with De Leon, Gonzalo sent
the superior of the order of Mercy, with orders to embark
the wives of all the inhabitants of Truxillo who had gone off,
and to carry them to their husbands at Panama, whither he
supposed they were gpne ; and he sent at the same time proper
] ersons to be marrieil to the widows who remained in Trux
iUo, cpmmanding that such of those widows as refused com
pUance should be deported alorig with the married women to
Panama. Various and specious pretexts were alleged for this
procedure ; but the true reason was, that Gonzalo wished to
be entire master of the countiy, ami lo dispose at his pkasure
ofthe lands, Indians, houses, and properties of all who had
fled from his usurped power.
As Garcias de Leon was sent on diis expedition by sea, he
feU in, a few days after his departure, with the four ships
commanded

CHAP. vii. SECT. VI. by Francisco Pizarro, '121
commanded hy Aldana, arid joined himself to them with all
his followers, embracing the party of his majesty. On this
occasion, the superior of the order of Mercy was sent by land
to Lima, with directions to inform Gonzalo of what had hap
pened, and. the purpose of thefee four ships making their ap
pearance on the coast. He was likewise desired tb commu
nicate the intelligence to several of the loyal inhabitants of
Lima ; and to tell them, if they were at any time .able IP go
to the port belpnging tp that city, they wpuld find boats ready
to carry them on ,board the ships. On receiving this news,
Gonzalo sent, orders to the superior to keep out df the way,
and oh.no account to have. intercourse with ariy person what
ever, either publickly or privately, as he valued his life. Gon-r
zalo complained loudly against Aldana for deserting him ;
saying that if he had followed the advice of his principal of
ficers, he would have .put him to death long before.
When the arrival and intention of the fleet was certainly
known and understood, by which it appeared necessary to
prepare for war, Gonzalo began immediately to put every
thing in proper order, and to assemble his. troops; having
hitherto believed himself in perfect security against any hos
tile attack. , He appointed the licentiates Carvajal and Cepeda
to be captains of cavalry, as persons in whose attachment he
could confide, considering the weighty obligations they had
received from him. Juan de Acosta, Juan Velez de. Guevara,
and Juan de la Torre were made captains of musqueteers;
and, Ferdinand Bachicap, Martin de Rpbles, aiid Martin de
Almendras captains pf pikemen. Francisco de Carvajal, who
had hitherto enjoyed that office, was nominated lieutenant-
general, having an hundred of the musqueteers he had
brought with him from Las Charcas appointed for his guard,
it was proclaimed by beat pf drum, that all the inhabitants of
Lima, and all strangers residing there, of whatever quality or
condition, were to enrol themselves ampng the troops under
pain of death; and money was issued to tbe several captains
for the pay and equipment of their compariies. The two;
captains of horse received 50,000 crowns, with which they
were each ordered to levy and equip fifty horsemen ; be
sides which, several merchants and others, very unfit for war
fare, enroUed themselves. It was well known that these men.
were quite unfit for being soldiers; but they were constrained
tp enlist. on purpose tp exact money from them for their dis-
iph rge, which' ih fact they purchased by furnishing horses, arm;j

122 Conquest of Peru part ii, BOolt ii.
arms, and money to such as were in want. Martin de Roble*
received 25,000 crowns with which he was to enUst and equip
a company of 1 30 pikemen, Ferdinand Bachicao had •iO,OOQ
to raise 120 pikemen; and Juan d'Acosta a teimdar sura
for an equal number. Martin de Almendras had 12,0Oq
crpwns tP raise 45 pikemen; and Juande la Torre 12,OO0;j
to levy SO musqueteers, who were to form the ordinary guard
of Gonzalo, Antonio Altamfrano, one ofthe principal inha
bitants of Cuzco was appointed to carry the grand standard,
with a troop of 80 horse; and he received 12^000 crowns for
some particular purpose, as his men had no need of pay or
equipments, being aU chosen from amorig the rich inhabit
ants of the country.
On this occasion the several captains had standards or co
lours painted according to their reqiective fancies, die grand
standard alone caa-rying thc royal arms. Among these, Ba-^
chicao had the letters G. P. or the cypher of Gonzalo Pi
zarro, interlaced upon his colours, surmounted by a royal
ciown. Every thing being in order, posts were assi^ed to
each officer, of which they were to take especial care by day
arid night. Gonzalo Pizarro mode liberal donations to several
Soldiers who were unfit for service, as weU as to those who
took the field ; giving them, besides what they were entitled
to fpr .their equipment, considerable sums according to their
respective merits and occasicMis. In a general review, he
mustered a thousand men, as weU armed and equipped and
l"urnished with all necessaries, as any that had been S€;en in
the most prosperous campaigns in the Italian war. Besides
their arms, which were all excellent, most ofthe soldiers were
clothed in silken hose and doublets, and many had dicirs of
eloth of gold, or embroidery of gold silver or silk, with gold
embroidery on their hats, their ammunition pouches, and the
covers of their musquets. The army was well supplied with
excellent powder; and Gonzalo gave orders that every soklier
should have either a horse or a mule tp ride upon during a
march. In the equipment of this army, Gonzalo expended
above half a million of crowns.
Besides diese preparations, Gonzalo sent Martin Silveira to
tho city of La Plata, to bring from thence all the men and
money that could be procured in that quarter. Antonio de
Robles was sent to Cuzco, to conduct to Lima all the troops
that were there under the charge of Alfonzo de Hinojosa, tlie
Ijeutenant-govornor of that city. He wrote to Lucas Marti nez,

'cjiAP. Vll. SBCT. .VI. py FraneisnQ Pizarro. 12S
nez, his lieu^nant at Ai'equip^ desiring him to joinhimitnT
jnediately widi aU the spldjers he cpuld raise. He gent orders
to Pedro de Puplles,: hislieijteriant at Quito, to join him as
soon as ppssible .wri^h aUithetjrqops from that province ^ and
likewise ordered MercadiUp and, Porcel to al?andon the passes
of which they had dip charge, bringing aU, their men along
with them to Lim^, and sent similar orders to Saavedra the
lieutenant-governor pf Guamanga. ¦ By these means Gpn^alp
exerted himself to the uttermpst to coUect a respectable force j
and he particularly enjoined all his officers not to leave bcr
hind tbem any horses or arms, or any ofch^r cpnveniencies for
those who reinained to enablp them tp jpin the president. He
endeavoured to justify his present conduct, by representing
that Aldana, whoiri he had sent to give an account to the
Jdng of all that had ocpmred in Peru,, had leagued with the
president, and now employed against l^m self and the colony
those vessels which ^d been confided to his charge, and
which had ^^*t more than 80,000 crowns in thfijir equipment-
He aUeged that the president, who had been sent expressly by
his majesty to restore peace and trafiquillity to the kingdom^
had. raised troops ofhis own authority, and now proposed to
come in arms into Peru, to punish all who had taken part io
the late commotions, so that all were equally iiiterested in op
posing him. That no one ought therefore to reckon upon
the pardon and amnesty with which the president was said to
be entrusted, and which it was reported he was to extend to
all who joined him; but rather that this ought to be consir
dered as a fraudulent contrivance to divide and ruin the colo
nists. Even admitting the truth ofthe reported amnesty; ip
could only refer to tjie original ppposition to the obnoxious
regulations and tyrannical conduct of the vicerpy, and could
have nc reference tP these whp were engaged in the battle of
Quito, and the. consequent death of the yiceroy; as thes^
transactions cpuld pnly be known in Spain after the departure
of the president, and nothing respecting them cpuld therefore
be included in his instructions and powers. . Therefore, until
his majesty were fuUy informed of the whole series of events,
and had issued new orders on the subject, it became necessary
to prevent the president from coming into Peru, more espe
cially as Gonzalo Pizarro was informed by letters from Spain,
that the president was not authorized by his majesty to de
prive Gonzalo of the government, but merely to preside in the
royal court of audience. He pretended to be pei-fectly assur ed

124. Conquest of Peru PiWiT ii. book ir.
ed of this circumstance, by letters from Francisco Maldonadbi
whom he had sent to the king, and that the president had
even in some measure acknowledged this- in the letter which
was brought from him by Paniagua, He alleged farther,
that the captains in his own employment, who had been sent
into the Tierra Firma for the defence of Peru, having revolt
ed to the president, had now persuaded him to change his
tone and to invade ^eru by force of arms ; at which proce
dure his majesty would be assuredly much displeased, when
informed. By these and other arguments of a similar nature,
Gonzalo endeavoured to demonstrate that the president was
highly to blame in detaining those persons whom he, Gon
zalo, had sent to Spain, and that it was justifiable on these
grounds to oppose him by force of arms.
Gonzalo, by the advice of his lieutenant-generaland other
confidential officers, took additional measures to justify their
conduct, and to satisfy the soldiers and inhabitants in the
goodness of their cause. In an assembly of all the men learn
ed in the law who were then in Lima, they arrmgnei the
president as having acted criminally, in taking possession of
the ships belonging to the colony, and by invading the
country in a warlike manner, contrary to the tenor of the
commission and instructions he had received from the king;
endeavouring at the same time to convince the assembly, that
it was just and proper to proceed judicially against the presi
dent, and those captains and othcre who adhered to him and
abetted him in these proceedings, and that they ought to be
proceeded against in a formal manner, by legal process. The
persons cpuiposing this assembly of men of learning, dared
not to contradict Gonzalo on diis occasion or to oppose his
will in any respect : A pi-occss was accordingly instituted in
due form, informations taken and recorded, and judgment
pronounced in the following tenor: " Considering tbe crimes
established by the judicial informations given against the li
centiate De la Gasca and those captains who adhere to' himj
they are Ibiind guilty and deserving of condemnation ; where
fore, die said licentiate De la Gasca is hereby adjudged to be
beheaded, and die captains Aldana and Hinojosa to be quar
tered." The other captains and oflicers serving under the
pri sident, were at the same time condemned to various pu-
iiishmenis, according to the measure of guilt which Gonzalo
and the leaders of his faction were pleased to charge against them I

CHAP, VII. SECT. VI. ly Francisco Pizarro. 125
them ; and' the sentences were ordered to be signed in due
form by the oydor Cepeda, and other men of letters at Limni
¦ Among these persons of thelaw who were desired to sign
on the present occasion, was a licentiate from VaUadolid
named Polo Hondegordo, who had the boldness to wait upon
Gonzalp, and to represent to him, that the promulgation of
such a sentence was by no means advisable or poUlic ; as it
might possibly happen hereafter that those officers who were
now in the service of the president might incline to revert to
his party, which they would not dare to do when once this
cruel sentence was pronounced against them. He represent
ed farther, that it was necessary to keep in mind the sacred
character ofthe president as a priest; in consequerice of
w^ich circumstance all who might sign a sentence of death
against him would incur the pains and penalties of the greater
excommunication. By this remonstrance, these strong mea
sures were arrested in their progress, and tho intended sen
tence was not promulgated..
About this timcj intelligence was brought to Pizarro, that
the squadron under Lorenzo de Aldana had quitted the port
of Truxillo and was approaching along the coast towards
Lima.: . On.this.iiite]ligeuce, Gonzalo sent off' Juan d'Acosta
with fifty mounted musqueteers, with orders to keep in view
of the ships, to prevent the royaUsts from bang able to land
for provisons or water. On arriving at Truxillo, Acosta
only ventured to remain one day at that place, being afraid
that Diego de Mora might bring a superior force against
him from Caxamarca. He learnt likewise, that the royalists
squadron had gone to the port of Santa, to which place he
accordingly, marched. Aldana got notice ofhis coming from
some Spanish inhabitants of that place, and laid an ambus
cade fpr .him, consisting of an hundred and fifty musqueteers,
in a place overgrown vrith tall. reeds on the side of the road
by which Acosta had tp march in liis way tP Santa. Acpsta
had certainly faUen into the snare, if he had not fortunately -
made prisoners of some ^ies who had been sent on shore
from the squadron, whom he was about to have hanged,
when they prevailed on himito save their lives by giving him
notice of the ambushmeiit, and by fai'ther informing him
that he might; make prisoners of some sailors who were tak
ing in fresh water for the ships, by quitting the common rPad
and gping nearer the shore. He accpfdingly took that roatl
and made the sailors prisonerii, whom he sent to Gpnzalo at
Lima.

126 , Conquest of Pe)-u pa bt *, book- «.•
Lima. Those belonging to Aldana, who were in amhnsif,
learnt this transaction ; but, being all on foot, and the insur
gent party all horsemen, they could not attempt to rescue
the prisoners from Acosta, as diat part of the country consist
ed of very deep sands, Acosta returned to the port of
Guavera, where he waited fresh orders from Lima.
Gol^zalb treated tbe prisoners sent to him,' by Acosta T^'ith
much kindness, supplying them with clothes and arms; and
gave them their draice of any of the companies ofhis troops
«i which they might think proper to serve- From these mea,
he received exact information of all the late events which
had occttrred at Panama, of the succours which the pre
sident expected to receive fi?om di^^ent parts of AmenioB^
arid of the force which accompanied Aldana on the pi^eseht
expedition. They informed him likewise that Aldana hod
set on shore Pedro de UUoa, a Dominican friar, disgaised<ib
a secular habit, who hod orders to distribute cc^nesoftbe
amnesty in every direction. In consequence of this inforiDa-
tion, he was sought for and soon found; and Gonzalo had
him confined in a dUngecoi near the fish-ponds in his garderi;
which was infested wi^ toads and vipers, where he remained
till he recovered his liberty on the arrival of the fleet some
time afterwards.
About this time, it was determuwd to ^spatch the licea-
tiate Carvajal with three hundred mounted musqueteers,
together with the detachment under Jiian d'Acosta, to scour
tbe coast to the riorthwaids, and to attack Di^o de MoiIb
who had withdrawn into the province of Caxamarca. When
every thing was in readiness for this expedition, the lieute
nant-general Carvtyal went one morning early to Gonzaki,
and represented to him; that it was by no means safo to en
trust so important a command to thc Ucentiote, as a person
in whom they coald not repose implicit confidence. That
although he had hitherto attached himself to th^ paity,-it
was obviously for the sole purpose of being revenged of ,th«
late viceroy ; and, as that pui^ose was now accomplished, it
did not appear that his fidelity bould be depdoded upon. It
was proper to recollect, he oddedj tlmt all the brotheri of the
licentiate were gready attached to hk majesty, particuhnrly
the bishop of Lugo who enjoyed several high emf^yments ;
so that it was nbt to be imfaginied the .h'centiate. would act
cordially in the interest of a party which was diametrical op
posed to that in which all his nearest relations were Engaged*
10 Besides

OHAP, vu. SECT. VI, by Froncisco Pizarro. 127
Besides all .which;, this person ihad formerly been made a
jlrisoner.by themselves, without any just foundatiori, and had
even been; so nearly punished capitally, that he had ,been
ordi^red to make his testament and to confess himself in pre-
paa:'atibn for death, which injurious treatment l^e could not be
supposed to have forgotten, Gonzalo was so much convin-
(s^id>y>these ajiguments; thathe countermanded the order
gjfemnito (the licentiate Carvajal, and sent off Juan d'Acosta
bitiflie'i expedition to Caxaiharea, with a force of two hun
dred and eighty men. D' Acosta accordingly set out on this
idtended service,. taking. the rdad. for TruxiUo; but pii arriy-
ing at 'Bauaaza',! labout twenty fpur leagues from Lima, he
halted _ at that : place for reasons which wiU appear in the se
quel. • :> f
• At this period, the Captain Saavjedra, who was lieutenant-
governor of, .Guanuco for Gorizalp, received letters from Al
dana urging him to quit the msurgent party and to declare
for his majesty- He accordingly determined to do so; and
under pretence bf obeying the orders he had received frpm
Gonzalo of joining his army at Lima, along with Hernando
Alonzo, he asscHtbled aU the soldiers he. could procure in that
province, with whose assistance he fortified the city of GUa-
aticd, aiid informed them of his resolution to exert his best
endeavours in the service of the king. All his soldiers agreed
to follow Jiis example, except three or four who fled and in-
forin«i Gonizalo-of the defection of their governor. Saave
dra retired immediately to Caxamarca, with forty horsemen,
where he -joined Diego de Mora and those who had with
drawn along with him from .TruxiUo, where both declared
thi^risielves for the royaUst party. . On learning the defection
of Saavedi'a and the principal inhabitants of Guanuco, Gon
zalo sent an officer to (that place at the head of thirty soldiers ;
with orders'topiUagei and destroy the city : But the Indians
of' the««i^gihbourhuod^.l)avtng armed themselves and taken
possession of thciplace by the orders of their masters, made
so resolute a defence that the insurgent detachment was
beateri bff; andcansteaiued to return to Lima, being uriabl?
to. procure any odaer pluriderv except some mares cattle and
dther animals belonging to thejseltlers, . :.,.:. .
ii^n the- arrival. of. AntOjUio de Robles at Cuzco, wrhom
(Bohzafo had; sent to take the cbmraand in that city and pro
vince, Aifonsotde Himojosai ^whto bad hitherto beerijieuten-
ant-governor diere, resigned the command of the city and
troops,

128 Conquest of Peru part ii, book ii.
troops, but as was beUeved with much dissatisfaction. De
Robles' immediately collected as much money as he could
procure, and enlisted all the soldiers that were to be found in
that neighbourhood, with whom he marched to Xaquixagua«»-
na, about four leagues from Cuzco. At that place he learn
ed that Diego Centeno, who had concealed himself for more
than a year in a cave among the mountains, had recendy
left his concealment, on learning the arrival of the president,
and had collected several of his former partisans, who had
hidden themselves from the fury of Gonzalo in various parts
of the woods and mountains. By this time Centeno had col
lected about forty men, mostly on foot, though some of them
» still had the horses vrith which they had made their escape.
Although these men were neither so weU armed or equipped as
they could have wished,- Centeno resolved to make an attempt
upon Cuzoo, shewing as much confidence as if he had been
at the head of five hundred well armed troops. His princi
pal followers were Luis de Ribera, Alfonso Perez de Esqui-
val, Diego Alvarez, Francisco Negral, Pedro Ortiz de
Zarate, and Friar Dominic Ruiz, commonly caUed Father
Viscayno, Witli this small band of followers, Centeno drew
nigh to Cuzco, being doubtless invited to that step by some
of the principal inhabitants, for the purpose of freeing them
from the tyranny of De Robles, a young man of low origin
and Utile ability. It was even said that Alfonso de Hinojosa,
from resentment against Gonzalo for superseding him in the
government, had sent privately to offer his assistance to
Centeno, Both of these reports are highly probable; as
otherwise it would have been a most inexcusable rashness in>
Centeno, to call it no worse, to have presumed upon attack
ing Cuzco with the small nmnber of men he had collected ;
as, besides the inhabitants of the city, there were more than
five hundred soldiers diere and in the environs, while he had
only forty ill armed men, most of whom had swords or dag
gers fastened to pofes, instead of pikes or lances.
On learning the approach of Centeno, De Robles returned
to Cuzco, where he made such preparations as seemed neces
sary; and, on hearing that Ceuteno was within a days
march, he took the field with three hundred men, sending
forwards Francisco de Aguira lo procure intellig^ice. This
person was brpther to one Peruchio de Aguira whp had
formerly been put tp death by the Ueutenant-general Carvor
jal, arid was cpnsequently a secret enemy to the insurgent party.

CHAP, VII; SECT. VI, byFranciscoPiztirro. ' 129
party. Instead therefore of executing the commission coiifid-*
ed to him by De Robles, he went immediately to join Cen
teno, whom he informed df every thing that was going on at
Cuzco, and of the state of nft'airs in that city. In -the night
before-^he festival of Corpus Christi of the year 1547, Cen
teno advanced toward the city of Cuzcp, by a different rpad
frpm that in which De Rpbles arid his troops were posted;
and, having turned pne pf his flanks, made an unexpected
assault with great resblution, as resplved to conquer or
die. Completely surprised and thrown into confusion, the
troops of De Robles were unable • to get into any order
for defence, and even in several instances turned their arms
against each other, insomiich that a good' many of them.
were slain by their own comrades. On this occasion Ceriteno
used the following stratagem, which succeeded adriiirably:
Having taken off the saddles and bridles from the horses
beloriging tohis small band of followers, he'ordered them to
be driven by his attendant Indians alorig the road which led
to the front of the enemies camp, to cull off their attention
from his real attack on their flank and rear. By this : means;
as die horses were urged on -by the Indians behind, they
threw the troops of De Robles into confusion, and enabled
Centeno to penetrate into the camp unperceived and unop
posed, where he and his men exerted themselves so courage
ously that the insurgerits were completely defeated and put to
flight. By this successful exploit Centeno acquired great honour;
it having been seldom seen that so small a number had de
feated so disproportioned a force pf infinitely better armed
trppps. It has been repprted that, on this occasioni some
men belonging to Alfonso de Hifiojosa were the first to -fly,
in consequence of secret orders for that purpose: But these
men never acknowledged the truth of this allegation; as dis
graceful to themselves ; and Centeno denied the story, as
detracting from the glory of his victory. ' . ¦, , . -
After the derout of De Robles, Centeno took possession
of Cuzco, where he was immediately elected captain-general
of that city and province for his n;iajesty. Next day, he
caused Antonio de Robles to be beheaded, and distributed
lOOjOOO crowns, which he found in that city belongii^ to
Gonzalo, among his foUowers. He in the next place took
measures for raising a respectable force ; appointing Pedro
de Ritos and Juan de Vargas, the brother of GarcUasso de la
Vega, captains of infantrv, and Francisco Negi-al captain of
vpi,. V. ' I cavalry;

ISO Conquest of Peru part ii. book u.
cavalry ; Luis de Ribera being named major-general. Hav
ing armed and equipped about four hundred men, he set out
for La Plata, with the intention of persuading Alfonso de
Mendoza, who commanded at that place for Gonzalo, tp
declare for the king, or otherwise to take possession of that
place by force.
About this time, Lucas Martin, who had been sent by
Gonzalo to conduct the troops of Arequipa to Lima, set out
from Arequipa with 130 men for that purpose ; but when he
had proceeded about four leagues on his march, his people
mutinied and made him prisoner, electing Jerom de ViUe-
gas as their commander, and immediately marched off to
jpin Centenp, who was then in the CoUao waiting the issue
of some negotiatipns in which he had employed Pedro Gon
zalo de Zarate, schoolmaster at Cuzco, While in the CoUao,
Centeno was informed that Juan de SUveira, the serjeant ma
jor of the army of the insurgents, had been sent by Gonzalo
to conduct the troops of that province to Lima, and had
made prisoners of five or six of the royalists whom he met
with on his march, SUveira had coUected about three hun
dred men on this occasion, and we shaU relate what befel
them in the sequel.
On learning the success of Centeno at Cuzco and the death
of De Robles ; and being likewise informed that the people
of San Miguel had declared for his majesty, and that the
captains ^.lercadillo and Porcel had joined Di^o de INlora at
Caxamarca ; Gonzalo Pizarro saw that he had now only to
depend on the force which was along with himself at Lima,
and those under Pedro de Puelles, on whose fideUty he re
posed entire confidence. In this predicament, he determin
ed to alter the destination of Juan d'Acosta and to send him
against Centeno with a respectable force, resolving lo follow
d'Acosta in person with all his army if necessary, then
amounting to nine hundred men, among whom were many
of the principal inhabitants of Peru. Ia forming this new
resolution, his object was in thc first place to reduce all
the upper or mountainous provinces to subjection, and
afterwards to make war on every pdier part of die country
which had withdrawn from his authority. It lias Ukewise
been ccnjectured, that Gonzalo proposed to himself, in
case of any reverse, to endeavour to make spme new dis
covery and conquest, towards the Rio Plata, or ChUi, or in
some Pther place to the sputh and east of Peru. He cer
tainly never avowed this intention openly, nor is it alleg ed

chAp. vil. SECT. VI, by Ftandsco' Pimho. 131
ed that he communicated it to any of his confidents, as this
would have indicated a want of confidence in his cause ; so
i^at this idea rests only on conjecture. In consequence of
this new plant, Gonzalo recaUed D'Acosta to Liriia with all
his troops, to the great mortification of that person and his
foUowersi ; insomuch that^ seven or eight of them deserted,
choosing Jerome de Soria as thefr ccmimander. Mariy others
would certainly have followed this example, if it had not
been for the severe precautions exercised by ly Acosta on the
occasion, who put to death Lorenza Mexia, son-iri-law to
the Conde de Gomera, and another soldier, whom he sus
pected of intending to desert. He likewise arrested several
others who were suspected of similar ihtaitioris, whom he
carried prisoners to Lima.
A few days before the arrival of D'Acosta at Lima, Gonza
lo took some suspidon of the fideUty of Antonio Altamarino,
his stamdard bearer, who appeared to conduct himself with a
degree of coldness in the present emergeiKy ; arid, ¦ without
.any direct proof or even any strong suspicious circumstances
being aUeged agairist him, he caused him to be arrested arid
put in irons as a criminal, had him stranded in prison
during the night, and ordered his dead body to be suspend
ed upon the pubUc gibbet, Altamarino Was one of the rich
est colonists, in Peru, and Gonzalo, havirig coriflscated all his
wealth,, distributed it among his most attached foUowers-
After this, he gave the charge of .the royal standard to Dori
Antonio de Ribera, who had just joiried with thirty men
from Guamanga, whence also he had brought some arms
and catde which he had taken from the inhabitants of that
place. At this time Gonzalo found his affairs mueh embar
rassed and growing every day worse, insomuch that he could
only count upon tlie force which accompanied him in Lima ;
whereas a short time before he seemed absolute master of
the whole kingdom of Peru. He was in great fear, if the
new royal orders, the general amnesty, and the revocation
of the obnoxious regulations, all of which had been brouglit
out from Spain by the president, should come to the know
ledge of his remaining followers, that they would aU abandbri
him. In this state of uncertainty and dread, he assembled
all the principal' inhabitants and citizens of Lima af his
house, to whom he represented, " That he had brought him
self into a very embarrassing and e-^en dangerous situation
by his exertions in their service, during which he had endur-

1^2 Conquest of Peru part n. book to
cd much labour and danger in the wars he had carried oa
for their benefit, ami for the protection of their property and
rights, for all which they were indebted to the genius and
Vaiour of his brother the marquis. That, in the present
situation of affairs, the whole colonists ought to consider
their honour and interests as identified with his own, the
conduct of both being sufficiendy justified in sending depu
ties to inform the king of all that had occurred during the
troubles and commotions. That the president had arrested
these deputies at Panama, had seduced his officers, and had
taken possession of his ships. That the president certainly
had done all these things to advance his own private interest ;
as, if he had received orders from his majesty to make war
against the kingdom, he would assuredly have given inteUi
gence of this circumstance through Paniagua. That not
satisfied with these outrages, the president now invaded the
government to which he, Gonzalo, had been lawfully ap
pointed, and disseminated numerous libels against him
throughout the kingdom, as was weU known to them aU,
'I"hat consequently, he was determined to use his utmost
efforts to oppose the president, who treated him as an enemy
without any legitimate cause, Tliat the general interests of
all the colonists and his own were obviously identified ; as,
should the president carry matters to extremity as eveiy
thing seemed to indicate,' they would all be brought to a
severe account for the consequences of the latse wars and
disorders, and would be hekl responsible for the murders
and plunders which had been perpetrated during their con
tinuance. He requested them therefore to reflect maturely
on all these things ; and, as he had hitherto exerted bis
utmost efforts in defence of their rights, it still remained not
only to continue to defend thc same, but even to preserve
their lives and honoui's. For these purposes, therefore, he
had now assembled them, and to lay before them a clear state
of the present situation of aflairs ; and he requested of
them to declare freely and openly their undisguised senti
ments ; engaging, on the faith and honpur of a gentleman
and a knight, which he was ready to confirm by a solemn
oath, that he would not injure any one in person or estate
for the opinion or advice they might now give ; bnt should
leave every one at fiill liberty to declare for either party in
the present troubles, and even to retire wherever they might
judge proper. Therefore, he expected that aU who were
disposed

•CHAP. VII, SECT. VI. by Francisco Pizarror. 133
disposed to adhere to him on the present occasion should
declare themselves without reserve, as he would demand of
them to confirm their promise by a written and signed en
gagement. He advised them accordingly to look well to
their promises wheri once made ; as if any one should violate
. the same, pr shpuld appear lukewarm pr feeble in their ef
forts in the apprpaching crisis, he wpuld immediately brder
them to be put tp death even uppn very slight circumstances
pf suspicion."
Every person in the assembly answered unhesitatingly, that
they were ready to obey his orders in every thing to the ut
most of their power and abilities, and , to devote their lives
and fortunes iii his cause. Some even went so far in their
pretended attachment, as to say that they would willingly
risk their eternal salvation in his service. Many of them
emulously strove to find out arguments for justifying the war
which was now about to commence, and to enhance the ob
ligations which the whole country lay under to .Gunzalp for
undertaking the management pf the enterprize. Some even
carried their base and scandalous flattei'y to such a pitch of
extravagance, to conciliate the tyrant, that it were improper
to contaminate our pages with a repetition of their ¦words.
After they had aU expressed their attachment to the cause,
Gonzalo drew out a paper in which the proposed engagement
was already engrossed at full length ; at the bottom of which
he caused the licentiate Cepeda to write a solemn promise of
executing all which that paper contained, and to obey Gon
zalo in eyery thing he should command ; after which, he
made Cepeda sign that, promise, and take a solemn oath to
observe all its conditions. After Cepeda, aU who were present
.in the assembly were made to sign and swear to the engage-
jnaent in a similar manner.
After the conclusion of this affair, Juan d'Acosta was or
dered to prepare for marching to Cu?co by way of the moun
tain, ?t th<2 head pf three hundred men, Paez de Sotomayor
was appointed bis major-general on this expedition, Martin
d'Olmps captain pf cavalry, Di^gP de Gumiel captain of mus
queteers, Martip de Almendras captain of pikemen, and
Martin de Alarzpii standard-bearer. The whefe pf this de»
tachment being well provided with arms and all necessary
equipments, left Lima taking the mpuntain ruad fpr Cuzco,
on purpose to recover that important city from Centeno. At
tlie. same, time Gpnzalo received notice that the squadron
commanded

1 3i Conquest of Peru part ii. book m. •
commanded by Lorenzo de AWana had been seen at the dis-
tanoe lof about fifteen leagues from the port of Lima, it was
determined therefore in a councal of war, to encamp the whole
insurgent army between Lima and the sea ; as it was feared,
if the ships got possession of the port, it might occasion ^eat
confusion and disturbance in the city, especially as in that
case tiie necessary orders would have to be hastily issued and
executed ; by which means the malccontents might have an
opportunity of withdrawing during the battle, and might
even escape on board the ships to join the enemy ; wbUe, at
the same time, there would be no leisure to watch the bdia-
vLour of the wavering, and to compel them to join the army.
Orders were issued accordingly for the army to take the field,
and it was publickly proclaimed throughout the city, that
every one fijt to cari-y arms, of every age and condition^ was
to join the troops, on pain of death. Pizarro gave notice
that he would behead every person who acted contrary to
these orders ; and, while he marched in person at the head
el the troops, he should leave the lieutenant-general in charge
of the city, to execute rigorous punishment on all who lagged
behind. All the inhabitants were so confounded and terri
fied by these threats, that no one dared to converse wiUi
a'nother, and none had the courage either to fly or to deter
mine what was best to be done in this emergency. Some
however contrived to conceal themselves in places overgrow})
with taU reeds, or in caves, and many concealed their valu
able effects under ground.
On the day preceding that which had been fixed upon by
Gonzalo for marching from Lima, news was brought that
three ships had entered the port of Lima, which occasioned
univjsrsal consternation. The alarm was sounded, and Gon
zalo marched out with all the men who could be collected «i
a sudden, taking up his encampment about midway between
the city and the port, at the distance of about a league ot four
miles from each, that he might at the same time make head
against his enemies if they attempted to land, and might
prevent thc inhabitants of Lima from having luiy communi
cation with tt^e vessels. He was at tbe same time unwilling
to abandon the city, and wished to know exacdy the int^-
tions of Aldana, before ^ing to a greater distance, and if
poseibfe to gain possession of the vessds by some contrivotiee
or negociation, having no means of preventing them from
gaining possession of the port, as one of his own oaptaStis,
' contrary.

chap. yii. sect. VI. by Francisco Pissarro, 135
conti'ary to the opinion of the other officers, had lately sunk
five vessels in the harbour. On this occasion Gonzalo mus
tered five hundred and fifty men, cavalry and infantry in
cluded ; and, after encapiping in the situation already men
tioned, he placed eight horsemen in ambush close to the sea,
with orders to prevent any person landing from the vessels to
deUver or to receive letters, or to converse with any one.
Next day, Gonzalo sent Juan Hernandez, an inhabitant of
Lima, in a boat on board the ships, with orders to say in his
name, if Aldana chose to send any ofhis people on shore to
explain the object of his coming into Peru, that Hernandez
would remain on board ais an hostage for the safety of his
messenger. Hernandez was conducted on board the admiral,
where Aldana retained him as proposed, and sent on shore
the captain Penna to wait upon Gonzalo.
Penna was not conducted to camp till night, that he might
have no opportunity of conversing with any one ; and on
being introduced to Gonzalo in his tent, he delivered to him
a, writing, containing the orders and instructions which the
president had received from his majesty, the general amnesty
granted by his majesty to aU the colonists of Peru, and the
revocation of the obnoxious regulations,. He then expatiat
ed, as instructed by Aldana, on the universal and great ad
vantages which would accrue to all by giving a prompt and
entire obedience tp the commands of his majesty, who had not
judged it convenient to continue Gonzalo in the gpvernmen,t
of Peru. That his majesty, being folly informed of all that
had occurred in that country, had sent out De la Gasca as
president, with instructions and fuU powers to provide a re-
jnedy for aU the existing evils. Gonzalo proudly answered,
that he would severely punish aU who were on board the fleet,
and would chastise the audacity of the president for the out
rage he had committed in detaining his envoys and seizing
his ships. He complained loudly against Aldana, for coming
now against bim as an enemy, after receiving his money, and
accepting his commission to go into Spain on purpose to give
an account of his conduct to the king,
After some farther discourse, all the officers belonging to
.Gonzak) leftt the tent, leaving him and Penna alone together*
Gonzalo made him a long discourse, endeavouring to justify
.his conduct in regard to his past and present conduct ; and
Coacliided by making him an offer of 100,000 crowns, if he
Sfould contrive to put hiflpi in possession of the goUeon com*
manded

136 Conquest of Peru part it, book ik
marided by Aldana, which composed the principal force ofthe
hostile fleet. Penna rejected his proposal with disdain, de
claring himself dishonoured by the offer, and that nothing
whatever would induce him to be guilty of such treacherous
cpnduct. At the conclusion of this conference, Penna was
ciammitted to the custody of Antonio dc Ribeira, with strict
injunctions that he should not be allowed to have the smallest
iiitercourse with any individual whonisoever ; and was sent
back next day to the fleet, when Jnan Fernandev! returned
to camp, having in the interval promised and resolved to use
his utmost efforts in the service of his majesty on every fa
vourable opportunity,
Aldana had rightly judged, that the surest means for suc
ceeding in the mission on which he had been entrusted by the
president, was tp communicate the knowledge ofthe general
pardon among the soldiers. For this purpose, therefore, he
derised exceedingly proper measures to diffuse the intelligence
among the troops, but which were at the same time exceed
ingly dangerous for Juan Hernandez. Aldana gave him
copies of all his dispatches in duplicate, and entrusted hun
with letters for several principal pei-sons in the camp of Gon
zalo. Fernandez concealeil such of these papers as he judged
necessary in his boots, giving all the rest to Pizarro. Taking
Gonzalo afterwards aside, he told him secretly that Aldana
had endeavoured to prevaU upon him to pubUsh the royal
pardon in the camp ; and that accordingly he had thought il
prudent to pretend compliance, and had taken charge of that
general amnesty among his other dispatches, both to blind
Aldana by the ex|iect.tion of doing what he wished, and on
'purpose to get these from him for the information of Gonzalo;
pretending to be ignorant that Gonzalo knew of any such
thing existing. Gouzalo thanked him for his pi-udent con
duct, and considered him as a person worthy of entire confi
dence and much attached to the cause. He then received
the papers which Fernandez offered, threatening the severest
punishment ag.iinst Aldana. Having thus craftily deceived
Gonzalo, . F.ernandez contrived to deliver some of the letters
he had in charge, aud allowed some of them to fall on the
ground, ns if lost, jet so as they might be found by those to
whom they were addressed.
\\ hen Gonzalo quitted Lima to encamp on the road to
wards the sea-port of Calaf, he left Pedro Martin de CiciUa
ih charge of. the city as provost-marshal. This man, who had

<;hap. tii. sect. vi. by Francisco Pizarro. 137
had attached himself to Gonzalo with much zeal from the very
commencement of the troubles, was now about seventy years
of age, yet healthy and vigorous, of a rough and cruel dis
position, and entirely destitute of piety towards God or of
loyalty to the sovereign. Gonzalo had given him orders to
hang up every person he might find loitering in the city with
out a written permission; or who might return thither from
camp without a pass. Martin executed these rigorous orders
with so much exactitude, that, meeting a person who came
under the foregoing predicament, he had not sufficient pa
tience to have bim hariged, but dispatched him directly with
his poignard. He generally went about the streets' foUowed
by the hangman, carrying a parcel of ropes, and loudly de
clared that he would hang up every one whom be found in
the city without permission from Gonzalo.
One day several of the citizens came from the camp to the
city, under the authority of a pass, to procure such provi
sions and other articles as they stood in need of, the principal
¦persons among wliom were Nicolas de Ribeira, who was al
calde or police judge ofthe city, Vasco de Guevara, Hernando
Bravo de Lagunas, Francisco de Ampuero, Diego Tinoco,
Alfonzo Ramirez de Sosa, Francisco de Barrionueva, Alfonzo
de Barrionuevo, Martin de Menezcs, Diego d'Escobar, and
some othei's. After they had collected the articles of which
they were in want, they left the city with their horses arms
¦and' servants ; but, instead of returning towards the camp,
they went oft" in the -road for Truxillo. ' Being noticed by
some spies, who gave immediate notice to Gonzalo, he caused
them to be pursued by Juan de la Torre with a party of mountr
ed musqueteers. At the distance of eight leagues from Lima,
De la Torre came up with Vasco de Guevara and Francisco
Ampuero, who had fallen behind with the intention of acting
as a kind of rear guard; to give notice to the rest in case of a
pursuit. They defended themselves courageously, and as
their enemies could not take any certain aim, it being under
' night, they contrived to make their escape unwounded. De
la Torre and his men found themselves unable to continue the
pursuit with any chance of success, as their horses were
already completely tired with their rapid mareh frorii camp.
They returned, therefore, lielieving that, even if they were to
get up with the fugitives, they would be unable to take them
by force, as they were all men of quality, who would rather
be slain than surrender. On their way back to camp; they
.' ' ' %^

JS« Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
feU in with Hernando Bravo, who had faUen behind his com
panions, and on bringing him a prisoner to Gonzalo he was
ordered to immediate execution. Donna Ynez Bravo, who
was sister to the prisoner and wife lo Nicolas de Ribeira, one
of the fugitives, on hearing the situation of her brother, has
tened to the camp accompanied by her father, and threw
herself at the feet of Gonzalo, whom she earnestiy implored
to spare the life of her brother. Being one of the most beau
tiful women of tbe country, and of the highest rank, and
hemg seconded by most of the officers who served under Gon
zalo, he at length allowed himself to be prevaifed on to.pardon
her brother, who was the only person, during the whole sub
sistence ofhis usurpation, whom he forgave for a similar of
fence. On granting this pardon, Alfonzo de Caceres, one of
the captains under Gonzalo, kissed his hand saying : " Illust-
trious prince I accursed be he who abandons you, or hesitates
to sacrifice his life in your service." Yet, within three hours
afterwards, Hernando Bravo and sevei'al others made their
escape from the camp. Among these who now deserted were
several persons of consideration who had attached themselves
to Gonzalo from the very commencement of the troubles, so
that their defection gave him infinite vexation and alarm, in
somuch that hardly any one dared to speak to him, and he
issued peremptory orders to put to death every person who
mi^t be found beyond the precincts of the camp.
On the same night. Captain Martin de Robles sent a mes
sage to Diego Maldonado, who had been alcalde of Cukco,
usually caUed the rich, intimating that Gonzalo had resolved
in a consultation with his officers to put him to death. Mal
donado very readily believed this information, as he had for
merly been one of the inhabitants of Cuzco who made offer of
their services to the late viceroy. Likewise, although then
pardoned by Gonzalo, w hom he accompanied in the march to
QiUto against the viceroy, he had fallen under new suspicions,
and had even been put to the torture, on account of a letter
which was dropt near Gonzalo, containing some very un
pleasant truths ; and although the real authors of that letter
had been afterwords discovered, Maldcmado could never forget
the treatment he had suffered at diat time. Besides this, fie
was the intimate friend of Antonio Altamirano, whom Gon
zalo had recendy put to death. Considering aU these cir-
pumstances, Maldonado was so thoroughly convinced of the
imminent danger in which he stopd, that he immediately quitted

chap, vii, SECT, yi- by Francisto Pizarro. 130
quitted his tent with only his sword and cloak, not even
taking time to saddle a horse, though he had several good
ones, or faking to any of his servants. Though a very old
man, he walked as fast as possible all night in a direction to*
wards the sea, and concealed himself in the morning among
some tall reeds near the shore about three leagues from where
the ships of Aldana lay at anchoi". As he was much afraid
of being pursued, he revealed his situation to an Indian who
happened to be near ; and whom he prevailed upon to con
struct a float of reeds and straw, on which the Indian carried
him on board one of die ships.
In the morning, Martin de Robles went to the tent of Mal
donado ; and finding him withdrawn as he expected, he im
mediately waited on Gonzalo, whom he informed ofthe cir*
cumstance, adding, " As the army was diminishing daily by
the number and quality of the fogitives, he begged leave to
advise diat they should quit the present camp, and march
into the interior provinces, as formerly agreed upon, without
granting permission tp any one to go into thc city of Lima,
lest many more might use that pretence for an opportunity to
desert. Several of his own company, he said, had applied
for leave to go into the city, to procure provisions ; but he
considered it better for himself to go there vrith a detachment
of soldiers to collect the provisions and necessaries required,
that he might keep all his men ia sight, and that he prc^osed
on this occasion to lake Maldonado from' the Domimcan
convent, where he imderstbod he had taken refuge, and to
bring him a prisoner to the caujp, where he oughtto undergo
condign punishment, as a warning to others." Gonzalo ap
proved all that was said pn this occasion by De Robles, in
whpm he had great confidence as a person who had tsd(dn
part witii him in aU the pa^t troubles, and desired him to act
in the way he proposed. De Robles ^accordingly, taking aill
his own horses and attendants and those belonging to Maldo
nado, took along with him to Lima all the soldiers of his
company in whom he could confide. After collecting such
provisions and other necessaries as might serve his purpose,
he set off for Truxillo with thirty armed horsemen, declaringj
pubUckly that Gonzalo was a tyrant and usurper, that ^1
good subjects vpere bound to obey the orders of his majesty,
and that he was resolved to join the president.
When this serious defection became known in the camp, it
was universally bdieved that the army would soon . disperse, and

140 Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
snd that Gonzalo would be massacred. Gonzalo endeavour
ed to restore order ond confidence among his troops, pre
tending to care little for those who had deserted him ; yet re
solved to decamp next morning. That very night. Lope
Martin, an inhabitant of Cuzco, deserted almost in sight of
the whole army. Next morning Gonzalo quitted his present
camp, and marched about two leagues lo a new camp near an
aqueduct, taking everj- precaution to prevent his people from
deserting ; believing that his principal danger on that account
would be got over if he were once ten or twelve leagues from
Lima. The licentiate Carvajal was appointed lo take charge
df the night guard, with strict injunctions to prevent deser
tion : But even he, in the middle of the night, quitted the
camp accompanied by Paulo Hondegardo, Marco de Reta-
moso, Pedro Suarez d'Escovedo, Francisco de Miranda,
Hernando de Vargas, and several others belonging to his
company. The.se men went in the first place lo Lima, whence
they took the road towards Truxillo. A few hours after
wards, Gabriel de Roias left the camp, accompanied by his
nephews Gabriel Bermudez and Gomez de Roias and several
other persons of quality. These men left the camp unseen by
any one, as they went through the quarter which had been
confided tP the charge of the Ucentiate Carvajal.
in the morning, Cionzalo was much distressed on learning
the events ofthe past night, and more especially by the de
sertion, of the licentiate Carvajal, whom he had disobliged by
superseding him in the cpmmand which had been conferred
on Juan d'AcPsta, and by refusing him his niece Donna Fran-
cisca in marriage. The departure of the Uceotiate hod a very
bad effect on the minds of the troops ; as diey knew he was
entrusted with all Gonzalos secrets, and had been gready in
his confidence ever since the death of the viceroy whom he
had slain in the batde of Quito. Carvajal left to the value pf
more than 15,000 crowns in the camp, in gold silver and
horses, all of which was immediately confiscated and divided
among die spldiers : But tho army was convinced he would
npt have abandpned sp much vidiutble property, unless he had
been satisfied that the affaii'S of Gonzalo were in a very bad
condition, both in regard to power of resisting the president,
and in respect of die right and justice ofhis pretensions. Sp
great was the defection in the camp, that the greater part of
the troops had resolved to disperse ; and next morning, when
the army had begun its march, two cavaUers, named Lopez
5 and

chap. vii. se(:t. vi. hf Francisco Pizarro. Hi
and VUladente, quitting the ranks and causing their horses to'
vault in sight ofthe whole army, they cried out aloud, " Loner •
live the king, and let the tyrant die !" These men trusted to
the speed ot their horses ; and Gonzalo was so exceedingly
suspicious of every one, that he expressly forbid these men to'
be pursued, being afraid that many might use that pretence
for joining them. He continued his march accordingly in all
haste by the road ofthe plain country, leading towards Are
quipa ; in which march several of his musqueteers and others-
deserted, although he hanged ten or twelve persons of corisi-'
deration in the course of three or four days. At length his.'
force was reduced to two hundred men, and he was in con
tinual dread that in some false alarm all his remaining men
might disperse. Continuing his march, he at length came to
the province of Nasca, about fifty leagues from Lima.
After Gonzalo had gone to a considerable distance from
Lima, Don Antonio de Ribeira, Martin Pizarro, Antonio de
Leori, and some other inh.ibitants of Lima, who as old and iri-
firrii had been allowed by Gonzalo to remairi behind the army"
on giving up all their horses and arms, erected the stand
ard ofthe city, and, assembling the smaU number of inhabit
ants that remained in the great square, they publickly de
clared for his majesty in their own names and in the names of
all the loyal citizens of the city. After pi-oclaiming the new
regulations and orders of the president, the general amnesty
granted by the king, and the abrogation of the pbnpxious re--
gulations, they sent notice of all the recent events to Aldana,
who still remained on the coast to receive and protect all who
were inclined to quit the party ofthe insurgents. At the same
time, and fpr the same purpose, Juan Alfonso Palamino had
landed with fifty men, yet keeping his boat^ always in readi
ness to reimbark, in case of the return of Gonzalo. Aldana'
Ukewise placed an advanced picket of twelve horsemen, of those
who had deserted from the insurgents, on the road towards
Arequipa, to bring him timely notice of any thing that might'
occur in that quarter, with orders to return with all speed in'
case ofthe enemy making a countermarch, or of any import-^
ant event. Aldaria likewise gave orders to Captain Alfonso'
de Caceres to remain at Lima, to collect any of the deserters
from Pizarro that might come there ; and he dispatched
Juan YUanez in one of his vessels along the coast, with orders
to land a monk and a soldier in some secure place, to carry
dispatches to Centeno, annomicing the events that had occur red

142 Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
red at Lima, and to furnish him with copies of the royal orders
and general amnesty, and to communicate similar inteUigence
at Arequipa. Fie sent likewise several intelligent persons by
land to Arequipa, with letters to different persons of consider
ation, and to carry orders and instructions to the captains
Alfonzo de Mendoza and Juan de Silveira at La Plata. By
means ofthe Indians of Jauja, who belonged to him, Aldana
transmitted- letters and copies of the amnesty to several of
those persons who accompanied Juan d'Acosta, that the royal
clemency might be made known in all parts of Peru. Most
of these measures succeeded, and produced material advan
tages as will appear in the sequel. In the mean time,
Lorenzo de Aldana remained on board ship, with about an
hundred and fifty men, issuing such orders as seemed neces
sary in the present state of affairs.
It was soon learnt that Gonzalo received regular advices of
ever thing that occurred, and great care was Ukewise taken
by Aldana to procure intelligence of all that passed in the
camp of the insurgents ; so that every day messengers went
and came between both parties, and both were continuaUy
endeavouring to mislead each other by false reports. Ac
cordingly it was reported one day that Gonzalo and his troops
were in full march for Lima, which occasioned much confu
sion and dismay in that city ; but it was known afterwards
that this rumour had been purposely spread by Gonzalo
and his lieutenant-general, on purpose to prevent Aldana from
pursuing them, a measure of which they were much afraid.
In this unpromising state of his affairs, great numbers of the
adherents of Gonzalo abandoned him, believing that he could
not resist the power of his. enemies. Such of them as had
horses took the road to TruxiUo ; and all the rest endeavour
ed to reach the ships of Aldana, conceaUng themselves as weU
as they could in retircil places till they might ascertain that
Gonzalo had proceeded farther on his march, which indeed
he continued lo do with much precipitation. When he had
proceeded to' a considerable distance from Lima, all those
who had abandoned him flocked to that city, and every day.
some fresh deserters came there, by which means Aldana got
accurate inteUigence ofthe proceedings of Gonzalo, who was
reported to be in conlinnnl dread of being put to death by
his own men. After the flight of the licentiate Carvajal and.
Gabriel de Roias, Gonzalo made no farther use of the royal
standard, only displaying that which contained his own arms. His

CHAP. vii. sect.;VI. by Francisco Pizarro. 143
His cruelty increased with his disappointment, insomuch, that
not a day passed in which he did not put some one to desath.
He took extraordinary precautions for his own personal safe
ty, which were so far effectual, but every effort to prevent de
sertion, was unavailing.
Lorenzo de Aldana sent intelligence of aU these matters to
the president, by means of messengers dispatched both by sea
and land, earnestly urging him to come into Peru as quickly
as possible, as the insurgent party seemed at so low an ebb
that nothing was wanting but his presence to make it fall en
tirely in pieces and submit without a struggle. On the 9th
of September 1547, when assured that Gpnzalo had retreat
ed eighty leagues from Lima, Aldana landed with all his
officers and all the inhabitants of Lima that had taken shelter
on board his ships. He was received on shore with every
demonstrationof jpy and respect, every one who was able ap
pearing in arms to do him honour. Having appointed Juan
Fernandez to the command of the ships, he took charge of
the vacant government of Lima, where he made every possi
ble preparation for carrying on the war, collecting arms am
munition and all other necessaries.
. Some time after the departure of Juan d'Acosta from Lima
for Cuzco by the mountain road, as already mentioned, at
the head of three himdred men well armed and equipped, he
got notice that Gonzalo Pizarro had abandpned that city ; on
which he sent Fra Pedro, a monk of the order of Mercy, to
Gonzalo,. to demand instructions fpr his ulteripr proceedings.
Pizarro sent , back the ,monk with directions for Acosta to "
join him at a certain place. On his return to Acosta, ac
companied by a person named Gpnzalo Muquos, after deliv
ering his dispatches. Friar Pedro gave him an accpunt of all
that had happened in the army pf Gonzalo, and in particular
of the great number of men that had deserted from him ;
which Acosta had not before learnt, though several of his
soldiershad received the inteUigence by letters brought to them
by the Indians who frequented the camp, but which they
dared not to communicate to each other. On the present oc
casion, the messengers from Gonzalo recommended to Acosta
to keep this matter as secret as possible till such time as he
should join Gonzalo, Acosta therefore, gave out that he had
received favourable intelligence frpm the morik, and that
Gonzalo had been successful on several occasions, being daily
joined, by. many additional soldiers j and, as he had found it
convenient'

144 Conquest of Peru paRt ii, Uook ti.
convenient and necessary to send off many confidential per*
sons iu various directions, these persons- pretended to have
deserted from Gonzalo by way of stratagem, on purpose to
fain possession ofthe ships commanded by Aklana. All this
owever was insufficient to disguise the truth from many of
the followers of Aldana, particularly Paez dc Sotomayor, his
major-general, and Martin d'Olmos one of his captains ;
who, coming to a knowledge of the real state of affairs, enter
ed into a resolution of putting D'Acosta to death. They form
ed this resolution unknown to each other, as no one at this
time dared to avow his sentiments to any Other person, for
fear of being put to death ; yet, from certain indications, they
began to suspect each other of entertaining similar sentiments,'
and at length opened themselves reciprocally, and communi
cated their purposes to several soldiers in whom they confided,'
Just when they were about to have put their enterprize irito
execution, Sotomayor got notice that D'Acosta was'holdidg a
secret conference in his tent with two of his captains, and
diat he had doubled his ordinary guard. From these circum
stances, Sotomayor concluded that their conspiracy, having
been revealed to several persons, had been betrayed to Acosta;
He took therefore prompt measures to inform aU his confe-
drates, and both he and they took horse without delay, arid
feft the camp in sight of all the army, to the number of
thirtyrfive in all; among whom, besides Sotomayor and
D'Olmos, the principal persons were Martin d'Alarzon W-ho
carried the grand standard, Hernando de Alvarado, Alfonzo
Regel, Antonio de AvUa, Garcias Gutierrez d'Escovedo, and
Martin Monje ; who, with all who went off on this occasion,
were men -of consideration and of much experience in the af
fairs ,of Peru, These men took immediately the road for
Guamanga, and used such expedition that, though Acosta
sent off sixty mounted musqueteei's to pursue them, they made
their escape in safety.
Acosta caused immediate investigations to be made in re
gard to such as had participated in this plot, and ordered se
veral persons to be hanged who were proved to have known
ils circumstances : some others in the same predicament he
detaineil prisoners, and dissembled with the rest who had
been implicated, pretending not to know that th^ had parti
cipated in the corispiracy: Yet, during his mareh tpwards
Cuzcp, he put tp death several of those of whom he was sus
picious, jnnd others who endeavoured tp deseVt. On his ar
rival

CHAP. TII. SECT. VI. iff Frmcisco Pitarro. 145
rival a)t Cnzeo, he dl^lacod all the ma^^aites wlio had been
.appoiated by Centeno, nominaiting othei's in- their stead in
whom he thonght he could confide, and appointed Juan Ve
lasquez de Tapia to. take the chief direction of affairs in that
city aod province ; and havsing regulated every tHiiflg td his
jiiind, i>e resumed his marc^ for Arequipa to join 'Goraeak),
according to his divections. In this tatter part of his march,
about thirty <of his men deserted fr^om him, by two or three
.at tt tiote, bU >of whom mtseA directly to Lima where they
jokied Loretmao ide Aldana, Besides these, when Aeo^a hod
^ot about ten feagues beyci>nd Cioce, Mart-'m de Alnrandir&s
-abandcQied him wish twenty of the best soldiers «!" -his smaU
-ocmy^ and returned to Cuzco, "where he found a suffieierit
number of the iuhabitaats disposed to join him in retuin^ag
-to their duty, and in concurrence -widi whom he deposed the
magistxax^ appointed by Acosta, one of whom he sent away
prisoner to Lima, amd «staiblished a new set in 'die nam£ &(
his majesty. Finding that the fiumber ofhis followers -dira!-
nished from day to day, Acosta accelerated his march asiaueh
as possible, hodi for his own security and to serve the insur
gent cause in whidh he was en^ged.- Otlt of three hmidred
•weU axBied amd CKceQently «quipped men, - with whom he had
«et o«t from Lima, only one huridred remained widi Mm on
his arrival St Are^^u^a, He found Gonzalo Fizsan-o at that
place, vwith only about three 'hundi'ed and fifty -men,' who a
very Sxsrt wKffle'befor* had a fine army of fifteen hundred,
'besides all those who were 'cKspersed in different parts of Peru
under varfous captains, ali of whom were then und^ his
orders, -Gonzalo was now ^exceedingly irresolute as to his
foture proceedings ; being too weak to wait the. attack of the
royalists, who continoally augmented in their nunybers, and
jeet deeming it dishonour ^bfe to !fly orto endeavour to conceal
Inmself In the mean time Centeno TMnaincd in the Collaoi waiting
an answer from C^tain Mendoza to the message he had sent
hy Gonzdo de Zarate as formerly, mentioned; While there
he received dispatches from the president, which were iar-
warded by Aldaaa, and accounts lof the events which liad oc
curred at LfasM, particy^rly die IKght dftardnzado Pizarrbto
Arequipa, and the junction e^ Acosta with the insurgents -A
that place. X!te receiving l!his inteUigence he sent a hew mes
sage to Mendoza by means of Lms Gordais; givmg bim an
account of all |h«se events, and particularly irifonnmg him of
VOL. V. K the

146 Conquest of Peru part ii. book n.
the orders Mid instructions given to the president, the gerieral
i amnesty, the revocation of the obnoxious r^ulaticns, and the
. determination pf his majesty that Gonzalo Pizarro was not to
continue in the government of Peru, He apprized him like-
•wise, that most of the gentfemen and persons of consideration,
-vi^ho had hitherto foUowed Gonzalo, had now abandoned him
on account ofhis tyrannical conduct, in murdering and plun
dering aU the principal colonists, and more especially because
ofhis rebellfon against the sovereign, and refusal to submit to
,his royal orders, and to the authority of him who hod been
appointed to regulate the affairs of the kingdom. Wherefore, .
although aU that had been done hitherto might in some mea
sure be excused, he urged Mendoza to consider that in con-
tinning to obey Gonzalo he could no longer avoid the re-
. proach of acting as a rebel against the king. It was now ne
cessary and proper therefore, to forget all individual interests
or past disputes, and to devote himself entirely to his majesty,
to whom he was enabled by his present situation to render
important service,
. Alfonao de Mendoza was abeady weU disposed to act the
part of a foyfd subject in the present situation of affidrs, yet
uncertain how best to conduct himself for that purpose; but
,by this message from Centeno, he was cpmpletely determined
as tp the reguiatipn of his conduct on the present emergency,
and immediately declared for his majesty. By agreement be
tween him and Centeno, each was to retain die chief coai-
mand of the troops now under their orders, and Mendoza
departed frdm La Plata widi his men to join Centeno in the
CoUao, The union of diese feaders and their troops occa-
.sioned great joy to all their followers, now exceeding a thou
sand men ; and they resolved to march immediately against
Gonzalo, taking up a positiun at a certain pass to prevent
him from escaping, and were likewise induced to remain at
that place for the convenience of procuring provisions.
At this time the whole extent of Peru from Quito to Lima
had dedared for his majesty. Juan d'Olmos, who command
ed under Gonzalo at Puerto Viejo, on observing the vessels
under Aldana passing the port of Manta in that province,
had i^ent an express to Gonzalo giving his opinion that these
vessels seemed liostile, as Uiey had not caUed at the port for
refreshments. He at the same time sent some Indians on
board, in their ordinary rafts or flat boats, to inquire the
puipoEc of their voyage ; by means of which Indians Aldana
transmitted

chap. vii. secb VI. ly Ffahcisco Pizarro. I47
transmitted letters to D'Olmos, urging him to quit the insur
gent parly, with copies of all the papers cpnnected with the
mission of the president. After perusing these papers,
D'Olmos transmitted them to Gomez Estacio who was lieuT
tenant-governor of the province for Gonzalo at St Jogo de
GuyaquU, usually called Culata. On learning that his, ma
jesty did not approve of continuing Gonzalo 111 the govern
ment, and had sent out Gasca as president, Gomez wrpte
back to D'Olmos, that when the president arrived, in the
country he should know better how to act, and might :pro-
baUy join hun; bnt in the present situation of affairs, he
thought it best for both to remain quiet, Juan d'Olmos went
immediately to visit Gomez, accompanied by seven or eight
friends, under pretence of communing with liim on the state
of affairs; but, taldng his opportunity, one day when Gomez
was off his guard, he stabbed him with his poniard, and. im
mediately got the people to declare for his majesty, after which
he did the same at his own government of Puerto Viejo.,
When Pedro de Puelfes, die governor of .Quito, became
acquainted with diese proceedings of D'Olmos, iand that the
fleet and army at Panama had declared forrthci president,, he
became exceedingly anxious, as to the measures proper .for
him to pursue^ At this time D'Olmos sent DiegOjde Urbina
to Quito to endeavour to prevail on PueUes to declare for the
royal party, Puelles declared' he was ready, to receive and
obey the person sent out 'oy trie king, when once he was.satis-
fied that his majesty had no intention of continuing Gonzalp
in the government^ but would jnake no alteration in the mean
time; and with .this indecisive answer Urbina. returned to
D'Olirios, A few days afterwaids, Rodrigo de, Salazar, in
whoni Puelles reposed entire confidence, entered into a con
spiracy with several soldiers at Quito, ;assassinated PueUes,
and declared for his;majesty. , After this exploit, Salazar set
out from Quito for Tumbez; with three hundred men, ; with
the intention of joining the president. By these several events,
and Pthers which have been formerly related, almost the whole
of Peru had already returned to obedience before the arrival
of the president in the kingdom.
Whife these favourable events were going on in Peru, the
president embarked at Panama with about five hundred, men,
"and arrived safely at the port of Tumbez ; oiie of hi,s> ships-,
commanded by Don Pedrp de Cabrera, being under -the ne
cessity of stopping at Buenaventura,- whence Cabrera and his
! ' * ' men

H8 Conquest of Peru part ii. book n.
men marched by land to Tumbez. On his arrival in Peru,
the president received letters from aU parts of the kingdom,
by which the writers offei^ him their services and assistance,
besides communicating their sentiments on the situation ofthe
colony, and giving, meir advice how best to proceed in re
ducing it to order ; lo all of which letters he repUed with
great condescension. So many flocked to his standard bata
all quarters, that he considered himself" sufficiendy strong to
overcome oil resistance from the r^nnant of the iasurgEnts,
without^rawing any reinforcements from the other Sponi^
colonies in America; on which account he sent off messengers
to New Spain, Gnatimala, Nicaragua, and St Domingo, in
forming the governors of these cofonies ofthe favourable turn
of affairs in Peru, and that he should now have no oocasioD
for the reinforcements which he had formerly dioii^t neces
sary. Soon t&isx his arrival, he gave orders to his Ueutenant-
general, Pedro Alfonzo de Hinc^so, to inarch with the
troops to form a junction with the royalists in Caxamarca.
]n tbe mean time Polo de Menzes remained in charge ofthe
fleet, with wluch he advanced along the coast to the soutk-
Woids, while the president, with a sufficient escort, went by
the road ofthe plain to TnixiUo, at which place he received
inteUigence from all parts of the country, stating that every
trhlng went on well.
Tne predideht had resolved that he would not go to Lima
till he had completed the purposes of his mission, by the final
conquest of Gonzalo and his adherents, and the restoration of
peace and order in tbe kingdom of Peru ; on which accouot
)ie transmitted orders to oil quarters, that aU who had de
clared for his majesty should meet him in the vaUey of Jauja,
"which he considered to be a convenient situation in wliich to
assemble the whole loyal force of the kingdom, as m that
pilaee abundance of provisions could eosUy be procured. Foi'
¥his purpose, he sent ordei-s to Lorenzo de Aldana, then at
Lima, to march with all his force for Jauja ; and jcming the
army umler HiiMJOda, now exceeding a thousand men, lie
marched for Jauja, all die army expressing the utmost satis
faction at the prospect of being freed fixmi the tyranny of
Gonzalo. Many ofthe prindpai persons who had joiiwd vith
Oonzdo at the beginning of the troubles, were now exceed*
ingly offended anddispfeased by thc cruel murders of so maay
of their fricmk and neighbours; lU^ove five himdred men
ha'ving been put to death, many of whom were persons of j
consideration

CHAP. VII. SECT. VI. by Francisco Pizarro. 149
consideration and importance ; insomuch diat those who still
remained along with him were eontinuatly in fear of their
Hves. On his arrival at Arequipa, Gonztck found that city entirely
deserted, as most of the inhabitants had gone to join Diego
Centeno after that officer got possession of Cuzco. Hearing
that Centeno was iu the Collao, near the lake of Titicaca,
where after his junction with MendoZa, be had on army of
near a thousand men, composed of the troops of Cuzco Las
Charcas and Arequipa, and with which they occupied aU the
passes towards the interior, Gonzalo beUeved it almost im
possible to attack these officers with any probabiUty of success.
He waited therefore at Arequipa about three weeks, esqiect-
ing the junction of D'Acosta, who at fength arrived, but with
very dlminishetl numbers, as already related, many having
abandoned him, and having put many of his followers to death
on suspicion that they intended to desert. After the junc
tion of D'Acosta, Gonzalo found himself at the head of fiye
hundred men. He now wrote to Centenoy giving^ a recital df
all the events which had occurred during the trouldes, and
dwelt particularly on the favour he had always shewn him,
and particularly instanced die pardon he had granted him
when Gaspard Rodriguez and Philip Guttierrez were exe
cuted, though eqaaEy guilty with them, and although all his
officers had urged him to put Centeno to death. In addition,
Gonzalo made high offers to Centeno, promising to accede to
every demand he might choose to make, k' he would now join
him. He sent this letter to Centeno by a person named
Francisco Vaso, who immediately offered his services to Cen
teno, to whom he intimated that Diego Alvarez his standard-
bearer was in correspondence with Gonzalo. Centeno was
already informed of this circumstance by Alvarez himself, who
assured him be had entered into this correspondence for a
quite different purpose than that of betraying him or the royal
cause. Centeno thought proper to send a civil answer to Gonzalo,
giiping him many thanka-for his offers, and freely acknowledge
ing the favour lie had formerly experienced. That as a mark
of his gratitude, therefore, he now earnestiy entreated him fo
refl^ect seriously on the pr^ent situation of affairs, to consider
the- gracious clemency ofthe king,, who had granted a free
?ardon to him and aU those who had taken any part in the
ast troubles. He assured Gonzalo, if he wouM abandon the
insurrection,

150 Conquest of Peru part ii. book n.
insurrection, now evidently hopeless, and submit to the royali
orders, that he would. use his utmost endeavours to procure
him an honourable and advantageous situation, and at the
same time endeavoured to convince him that he would run no
risk either in his person or property by following tbe present
advice,^ On his return to Gonzalo with this letter, Vaso was
met by the Ueutenant-general Carvajal, who made minute in
quiry respecting every thing he had seen and learnt, and
gave him strict injunctions not to let it be known to the fol
lowers of Gonzalo that the force of Centeno exceeded seven
hundred men On being informed that Centeno refused to
join him, Gonzalo disdained lo read his letter, and ordered
it immediately lo be burnt in presence of several of his offices.
Immediately after this, Gonzafo determined to march into
the province of Las Charcas, and accordingly took the direct
road towards the pass occupied by Centeno and Mendoza,
In this march tlie van-guard was commanded by the Ueute
nant-general, who took and hanged more than twenty persons
whom he feU in with during die march. Among these was a
priest named Pantaleon, who carried some letters for Centeno,
and whom Carvajal ordered to be hung up, with his breviary
and ink-horn suspended from his neck. Continuing this
inarch, the scouts of the two armies fell in with each odier on
Thursday the 19th of October 1547. Gonzalo immediately
sent one ofhis chaplains with a message to Centeno, demand
ing leave to continue his march through the pass, without
being obliged to give battle^. The chaplain was conducted
by the bishop of Cuzco, who happened to be in the army of
Centeno, to his tent ; and Centeno gave strict charges to his
troops to be ou their guard aud always in good order to re
ceive thc enemy in case of an attack. For above a month
Centeno had been afflicted by an obstinate fever, for which
he had been six times blooded without any relief, and was not
expected to recover ; so that he was quite incapable of acting
on the present emergency, being confined constantiy to bed..
The iUness of Centeno was known in the army of Gonzalo^
and that his tent was pitched at some distance from the rest,
to avoid the noise and busde of the camp. Foundiug on diis
intelligence, Juan d'Acosta was detached with twenty picked
meri, with orders to approach silently in the night to the
caiiip
3 Ko conscqiicncce seem to liavc followed from this demand^ which dofi
not appear to have been acceded or even lisiened to. — E.

CHAP, VII. SECT. VI. by Framised Pizarro. 151
camp of die royalists, and to endeavour to carry off Centeno:
Acosta accordingly drew near with so much caution that he
surprised the centinels that were on guard over Centeno, and
had very near reached his tent when the alarm was given by
some negro servants. Being thus discovered, Acosta ordered
his men to fire off their musquets, and immediately retreated
back to the camp of Gonzalo without losing a man. In the
confusion occasioned by this exploit, great numbers of the
Toyalists hastened towards the tent occupied by Centeno;
but on this occasion several of the soldiers belonging to Val
divia threw away their arms and fled. Next morning the
scouts of both armies aj^rooched each other, followed by the
respective armies, which at length came in sight. The army
of Centeno consisted of about a thousand men, two hundred
of whom were cavalry, an hundred and fifty armed with mus
quets, and all the rest with pikes. Of this army, Luisde Ri
bera was major-general, Pedro de Rios, Jerom Villegas, and
Pedro de UUoa, csfptains of cavalry, and Diegb Alvarez
carried the grarid-standard. The captains of inrantry were
Juan de Vargas, Francisco Retamoso, Negral, Pantoia, and
Diego Lopez de Zuniga ; Luis Garcias being serjeant-major,
or adjutant-generaH, The army of Gonzalo consisted only
of five hundred men, of which three hundred were musque
teers, and eighty cavalry, the remainder being armed with
pikes. Of this army Carvajal was Ueutenant-general 5 the
licentiate Cepeda and Juan Velez de Ouevara were cdptains
ef horse ; and Juan d'Acosta, Ferdinand Bachicao, arid Juan
de la T6rre captains of foot.
Both armies being drawn up in good order, the insurgents
advanced, to the sound of trumpets and other musical instru
ments, till within six hundred paces of the enemy, when
Carvajal ordered them to halt. Tbe royalists contiriued to
advance till within a hundred paces less, and then halted like-
\rise. At this time, 'Stattf ^inusquetecrs were detached from
the army of Gonzaloylwieh orders- to begin, the engagement ;
and two other parties of musqueteers, of forty men each, were
posted on the wings, Pizarro tSaking his station between his
eavafry andinfarttry. Thirty musqueteers were likewise ad-
A^nced from the army bf Centeno, to skirmish with those of
lMe insurgents/' As Carvajal ;observed that the royalists wait-
.; .\' ••¦ • ' . ¦' • ed
.4 Itis not easy to ^derstajnd how Mendoza, who had joined Centenp
spme time before, happens to be omitted in this enumeration — E.

152 Gm^^uest ^Pera »ajit h. book Hi
ed the attack in good ordev, he ordc»«d his troops to advance
a few siteps very slbwly, in hope^ of inducing tbe enemy to
iDaike some moveinent or evolutioB which mi^it occasion con-
fusdMi ill their rank** Ttri* had the derfied effect, as the
ilE^ttliste, b^evit^ that their enemfes, though inferior im
itumber, 'wished to have the honour ef maki^ the attadfcy
l^y began unmedictely lo advance, aad the insmgents by
order of Carvajal stood firm; to receive them. Wlwn tder-
obiy near, Catrvajai gave orders for a small nombicr of his
trbops to fire their musquets, en which the royaUsts made a
aeneral discharge, and marched forwards at a quick stop with
feVeUed pikes, durins whidi tl)e reyi^t musqueteers made s
second discharge without occasioRing. any loss to the enemy,,
as they weve sti^ three hundred paces distant, Carvajal made
his men reserve their fire till the eriemy. was within about an
hundred paces ; wbel!^, with a few pieces of artillery, and the
«bole of his musqueteers, he threw in so destructive a voUey
that above an hundred and fifty of the royalists were slain,
among whom were two of their c^^tains. By this terrible
slaughter, the 'n'hefe irifoHtiy of the royalist army was thrown
into disord^y entrrdy defeated, oiid took to flight, in spite of
every effiirt of Captsio Retimoso to rally them, wh» lay wound
ed in the field. NotwidbsCandiflg the defeat of the infontryy
t^e royaUst cavahy mode a bcave charge against the insur-
getitsy of whom' they kiUed and wounded a considerable num
ber. On this occasion Gonzafo hod his bt^^e killed amd was
thf oVn to die ghMind, yet escaped uidnurt. Pedro de Rios
and Pedro de UUoa, captains of cavalry belonging to Cen
teno, wheeled with theie squadrons round the wing of tbe in
surgent infiintry, inten^g to charge their flank ; but were
o{$K>sed by the detachmenta-of raosqueteers which were posted
on (he wings, on which occasion Dc Rios and several others
were slotB. Being thus repulsed, and seeing their own in
fantry entir^y defeated^ the eawaliy took Ukewise to ffight
and dispersed, every one eadeavounteg to save himself as be
best could.
Gonzalo Pizarro, having thus gained an eitsy victoiy,
marched on with his army in good odder to the camp of Cen-
l«iQ, putting every person to death that came in the way. A
censicieraUe number of (be dispersed royaUsts happened to
«cek safety in passuig by the camp of Pizarro, which they
found entirely deserted, insomuch that they were able to
mttke use of the horses and Inules beloi^ng to the insurgent infentiy

<;(tAP. vij. SECT. VI. Jjf Francisco Pizarro. 153
infantry to fadrUitate their iligKt, and even maide a ecnsider^
able bppty in gpld and silver. While the royalist cavalry
were engaged vigiMttUsly ^fth fl>e insurgents, Bachicao, one
of Gonzalos captmns, beUeviilg that the , rcyalists would be
victorious, went over to them. After the victory was decided
in^^ favour of Gonzalo,, Bachicao, imagining that his con
duct had not been observed, and wpulcl remain unknown, or
tliat he would be able to justify himself under some colour
able pretence, returned to bis post. But as his defection was
known to Carvajal, he caused him to be instantly hung up,
adding insulting raillery to his cruelty, caUing. him his dear
comrade and using many other bantering expressions.
During this unfortunate battl^ Centeno was so ill that he
wa^ carried on a kind of fitter by six ImUatis, almost in a
state of insensibility ; yet, by the care aiid attention of some
of his friends, he was saved after the defeat of his army. In
this bloody engagement, which was fought near a pdade called
Guarina, above three hundred aad fifty men were slain on
the side of the royalists, besides thirty more who were put to
death in the pursuit by the insurgent cavalry. . Among these
were, the m^r-g^ierol Luis de Ribera, the captains Reta-^
moso, Diego Lopez de Zuniga, Negral, Pantoia, and Diego
Alvarea, with Friar GnotKolo ofthe oorder of Mesrcy, and several
other^persons of condition. The insurgents lost about an
hundred men. Afto: the batde, Carv£^al pursued the fugi
tives at the head of the insurgent cavalry fpv several days, on
the road towards Cuzco> Hewas very anxious to take the
bishop of Cuzco, against whom he was much incensed for
having joined Ceuteno and being present iy the battle. The
bishG|> however made bis escape ; but Carvajal gratified his
revenge on several royalists whom he got up with, all of whom
he hung up without mevcy, among whom were a brother of
the bishop and a Dominican friar. After the return of Car*
vajal fromx the pursuit, Goozalo made a distribution of lands
and Indians among his ti'oopsi, engaging to put them into
possession at a convenient oppsa'tHriity. . He likewise took
gj;eat care of his wounded men, and itaused the slain to be
IjHjried, He then sent BovadUla with a detachmerit to the
city 9f La. Plata and the mines, to coUect aU the gold and
silver that could be procmred, and ^spatched Diego, de Car-
, y^^, usuaUy called the Beau, on a simUair mission to Are-
fjuipa. Juan de la Torre wa.% sent to take possession of
, Cuzco*

154 Conquest of Peru paet ii. book ir.
Cuzco, where he put to death Vasquez de Tapia and the li
centiate Martel.
After this favourable turn of affairs, Pizarro issued a pro-
clamatfon by which all the soldiers who had served under
Centeno were commanded to join his standard, under pain
of death ; granting an amnesty for aU diat passed, with the ex
ception only of those principal leaders who had particulariy
exerted themselves for the royal cause. He then sent Pedro
de Bustincia with a detachment, to oUige the curacas of An-
daguaylas and the neighbouring districts to furnish provisions
for his army. A few days afterwards Gonzalo repaired to
Cuzco with about four hundred men, and used every effort
to put himself into a situation for opposing the president ; be
ing so elated by the victory he had gained at Guarina over
such superior numbers, that he and his foUowers beUeved
themselves almost invincible.
While these things were going on in the south of Peru,
the president marched by the mountain road for the vaUey of
Jauja, accompanied by the troops which he had broc^ht from
the Tierra Firma, and those of the captains Diego de Mora,
Gomez de Alvarado, Juan de Saavedra, Porcel, and the others
that had assembled in Caxamarca. He sent orders hketrise
to Salazar, who now commanded at Quito, to join him with
all his men ; and ordered Lorenzo de Aldana to join him
from Lima with aU the soldiers from the fleet and those he had
drawn together after the flight of Gonzalo to Arequipa. The
president arrived first of aU at Jauja with an escort of an
hundred men, where he immediately took the proper mea
sures for coUecting arms and nulitary stores, and provisions.
On the same day he was joined by the Ucentiate Carvajal and
Gabriel cle Royas ; and soon afterwards Ferdinand Mexia de
Guzman, and Juan Alphonzo Palamino arrived with their
companies. Lorenzo de Aldana remained at Lima with his
own company, it being of great importance to keep posses
sion of diat city and its post In a Aort time the presi^
dent had cellected an army of abpve fifteen hundred men in
Jauja, and emplpyed aU the fprges and artists he could pro
cure to fabricate new musquets, to put all the old ones into
good repair, and to provide abundance of pikes and aU other
arms, both offensive and defensive. In these preparations he
not only exerted the utmost diligmce, but shewed a great
deal of intelligence and knowledge, for beyond what could
have been expected from a person who had hitherto been en-
' tirely

CHAP. VIU SECT. VI. . by Francisco Pizarro. 15S
tirely occupied in civil and religious pursuits. He carefully
visited his camps, and inspected the workmen w ho were em
ployed by his orders, taking at the same time every possible
cai-e of such of his soldiers as were sick, exerting himself to
the utmost in every thing relative to the good of the service,
beyond what could have been expected from any single per
son, by which means he acquired the entire confidence and
affection of all who were under his command, His-ftrmy had
always been in hope that their services would not be required,
and even at one time believed that the president would not
have had occasion to assemble an army, as they thought that
Centeno. was strong enough to have conquered Gonzalo,
, Immediately on receiving inteUigence of the 'rictory which
Gonzalo had gained at Guarina, the president sent the cap
tains Lope Martin and Mercadillo, with a detachment of fifty
men, to occupy the passes of Guamanga, about thirty leagues
from Jauja on the way to Cuzco, to learn the motions of the
enemy, and to collect aU who might have been able to escape
from Cuzco, WhUe at Guamanga, Lope Martin got notice
that Pedro.de Bustincia was in the district of Anaahuaylas
coUecting provisions for the army of Gonzalo, as formerly men
tioned. Accompj^ied by fifteen mounted musqueteers, Martin
went into that district, where he unexpectedly attacked Bustin
cia during the night, and made him and all his people pri
soners. After hanging some of these men, he returned to
Guamanga, bringing all the curacas of the neighbourhood
along, with him, by whose means intelligence was conveyed to
aU parts of the country, giving notice of the arrival of the
president in the vaUey of Jauja, and the great preparations he
was making in that place.
, From Jauja the president sent his lieutenant-general, Al
fonzo de Alvarado, to bring up from Lima all the soldiers
that could be spared from that' place, together with some
pieces of artillery from the ships, and clothes andsmoney for
the supply of such ofthe spldiers as were in want ; all of which
serrices were performed bj' Alvarado in a short time. The
president now mustered his army, of which Pedro Alfonzo de
Hinojosa wasUeutenant-general, and thelicenciateBendictode
Carvajal Carried the royal standard, Don Pedro de Cabrera,
Gomez de Alvarado, Juan de Saavedra, Diego de Mora,
Francisco Hernandez, Rodrigo de Salazar, and Alfonzo de
Mendoza were captains of cavalry ; Don Balthazar de CastiUo,
Pablo de Menezes, Hernando Mexia de Guzman, Juan Al-
. • fonzQ

156 Conquest of Pent pakt n. book ii.
fonzo Palamino, Gomez de Solis, Francisco IVIosquera, Don
Ferdinand de Cardinas, the adelantado Andagoya, Francisco
d'Olmos,- Gomez d' Arias, and three other captains, Porcel,
Pardaval, and Sei-na, commanded the infentry. Gabrtel de
Rt^as was appointed to command the artiUery. Besides the
iniJitaiy offica's already mentioned, the president was attend
ed by the archbisho)i of Lima, the bishops of Cuzco and
Quito, the provincials rf the Doraim'cans and of the order of
Mercy, ond by several other ecclesiastica, both priests and
friars. On a general muster and review of the army, it was
found lo consist of seven hundred musqueteers, five hundred
pikemen, and four hundred cavalry. Afterwards, on arriv
ing at Xaquixaguana on the march towards Cuzco, it was
augmented to nmeteen hundred men, by the junction of se
veral other detachments, forming the largest and best ap
pointed array hitherto seen in Peru.
The president, having completed his preparations, began
his march from Jauja in good order on tiie 19lh (^December
ld4'7, taking tbe route of Cuzco, and especially desirous of
crossing the river Abancay^ in some safe place. In this part
of his march he was joined by Pedro de "Valdivia, the gover
nor of Chili, Valdivia had come by sea toXima, on puipoee
to raise men, and to procure various stores of which he was in
want, with clothing and ammunition, on purpose to enabk-
bim to proceed in the conquest of ChiU, On his arrival at
Lima, and learning the situation of affiiirs in Peru, he deter
mined upon joining the president. His arrival was consider
ed as an indication of good fortune; for, akhougb the presi
dent had already in his army many oflicers of merit and capa
city, and of eminent rank and fortune, there w as not any one
in Peru who possessed so much experience in the manner of
conducting warlike operations in that country as Valdivia, on
which account he was considered as a fit person to be oppos
ed to the experience and stratagems of CarvajoJ, who was
much dreaded by every one in the pi-esidcnts army, more es
pecially since the late defeat of Centeno, which was entirely
aUributed to the talents of CarvajaL About tbe same time
Centeno joined the president with more than thirty horse,
who had accompanied liim ever since the defeat of Guarina.
Continuing his march amid considerable difficulties, owin" to
tbe
S Rather the Pachaeamic, near which the town or city of Abancar »
situated, and where probably the president proposed to pass thjf river.— E.

CHAT. vn. SECT. 'VI. i)y Francisco Pizarro. 157
the scarcity of provisons, the president at length reached the
province of Andahuaylas, where he judged it proper to re
main duririg the winter, on account of the violent rains which
fell night arid day almost without ceasing, by which the tents
were all rotted. The maize which they procured as food lor
the troops was all wet and spoiled, by which a, consid erablo
number of the sdcfiers were afflicted with dysentery, of which
some died, notwithstanding the care taken of the sick by
Francisco de la Rocha, a Trinitariain monk, who acted as
physician to the army. Although there wei-e above four
hundred siCk at pae time, so great was the care bestowed,
that thc^ were as weU attended and as plentifully supplied
with medicines as if ih a pppulous city, insomudi that they
almost all recpvcred.
Thc orrival of Valdivia and Centeno diffused mudijoy
through the army, which was eScpressed in frequent feasts and
entertainments, with ccncerts pf music, running at the ring,
^nd simUar amusements. During the continuance of the
army ih vrinter quarters at Andahuaylas, die general Hinojo
sa with Alfonzo de" Alvarado and V'aidivia applied themsdives
indefatigably to have every thing in the best possible order
for taking the field. On the commencement of spring, aaid
when the rains began sensibly to diminish, the army broke up
from Andahuaylas and marched to tbe bridge of Abaujcay,
about twenty leagues from Cuzco, where it halted until bddg^
were constructed across the Apurimac at the distfflniee 'lof
twelve leagues from Cuzco ", as the enemy had broken dosvsn
idl the bridges over that river, and it was necessaiy eithw to
contract ney ones, or to make a circuit of more than seventy
leagues to get to Cuzco. On purpose to distnaot the enany,
the president caused materials for the construction of bridges
to be carried to three different points on die Apurimac ; one
on die great road of the Incas ', a second in the valley <£
Cotabamba, about twelve leagues ferther up -the rivrar, and a
third stiU farther up the Apurimac, at a -vi'Uaj^e belonging to
Don Pedro de Puertocarrero, where that o&eer was posted
with a hundred men to gu^d tl?e passage. For thecon-
struction
6 Abancay on the Pachacamac is not ^bove 14 Spankh leagues from
Cuzco in a straight line. The other bridges mentioned in the text must
bave been thrown over the Apurimac Proper, somewhere near the. towol or
village of Limatambo.-- -E.
7 This was pifcfbably by Limatambo, as on the great road the Incas had
palaces for lodging in with their attendants, called tambss.—E.

158 Cdnquest of Peru part ii. book ii,
struction of these bridges cables and ropes were prepared^
after the manner of the native Peruvians as formerly described
in our general account of the country ; and beams and pillars
were got ready on which to fi^ the cables when the army
should be coUected at the intended place of passing the river-
Had' Gonzalo been able to ascertain the place at which it was
intended to pass, he had assuredly opposed the royalists, and
would at least have made it exceedingly difficult for them to
construct a bridge; but as he could not ascertain the actual
point fixed on, he did not consider it safe to divide his force
so as to oppose the royalists at the three points pf demonstra
tion, and satisfied himself therefore by posting spies at the dif
ferent places, to bring him immediate notice ofthe place where
the royaUsts might begin their operations, that he might
know where to march to oppose them. But the secret was
confined to the knowledge of the president, and the members
of his council of war.
When all the materials were in readiness, thc army b^an
its march for Cotabamba, at wluch place it was determined
to pass the river. In this march the army had to encounter
very considerable difficulties in passing through mountains
covered with snow. Several of the captains were of opinion
that this was an improper route, and proposed another place
almost fifty 8,. leagues higher up ; but Lope Martin, who
guarded the pass of Cotabamba, always insisted that the se
curest passage was to be had at that place. In consequence
of this difference of opinion, the president sent Valdivia and
three other captains to examine the diffiirent places ; and on
their report that Cotabamba was attended by the least diffi
culty and danger, that place was fixed upon. When Lope
Martin got information that the .army approached to Cota
bamba, he set to work witii the Spaniards and Indians of
his detachment, to extend and tighten the cables and ropes
acioiis the river, of which the main support of the brid"'e
was to be composed. Three of die cables were alreadv fixed,
when the spies employed by Gonzalo came to the place, and
cut two of them without resistance. On this intcUiwence beino-
communicated to the army, it ga\o mucli concern to the pre
sident and his officc.rs, lest Goii.^alo niight bring up his fones to
B This may probably he an error of the press in the original for iiHeert
leagues. Fifty leagues even from Abancay would have carried tht army
almost to Arequim, to turn the head of theAiiiirimar. r.nl among the hieh-
cst mnumaiiis ofPcrii.— r ».. "" .

CIIAP. vii. SECT. VI. by Francisco Pizarro. 159
to dispute the passage before the army could be able to 'get
over. The president, therefore, accompanied by his principal
offices, Hinojosa Alvarado and Valdivia, hastened to the
scitgpf the btt'idge, where he immediately gave orders for
some cpmpanies pf infantry tp pass the river pn Peruvian flat
bpats or rafts, which was deemed a very hazardpus enterprize,
both on account of the rapidity pf the current, and because it
was, beUeved the enemy mig^t ^ in some force on the other
side. Ainong the first who got over was Hondegardo witha
few soldiers, after whom several other captains of infantry got
across with their men, so that befpre night above four hund
red men were got over, some of whom swam over their horses
along with the flat boats, holding thera by the bridles, and
having their musquets and other arras tied to the saddles.
Yet so rapid was the current, that above sixty horses were
lost on this occasion, either drowned or dadhed against the
rocks.
. , On receiving notice from his spies that a part of the royal
ists had got across the river, Gonzalo sent off' Juan d'Acosta
with two huj^idred mounted musqueteers, with orders to give
no quarter to any of those who had passed the river, except
ing, such as had newly come from Spain. On the approach
of AcOsta, as the royalists then on that side of the river were
not numerous, they mounted a considerabfe number of In
dians and negroes on the horses which had been got over,
arming them with lances, and by that means presented the
appearance of a formidable squadron- drawn up on a height,
the fevv l^anish troops wlio were on that side, ofthe' river
being placed in the front rank; insomuch that, when Acosta
went to reconnoitre, they; appeared so numerous that he did
not venture to attack, and returned for a reinforcement. In
the mean time, the bridge being got ready with the utmost
possible diligence, most ofthe royalists passed the river, every
one expressing the utmost astonishm^t at the negligence of
Gonzalo in nof being at hand tp dispute the passage, as a
hundred men at each of the three places where preparotfons
had beeu made for pasang;, might have rendered the attempt
exceedingly hazardous. "
Next day, 'when aU the army with ita stores and followers
had passed the river, Don Juan de Sandoval was sent oat
upon discovery, who reported on his return that he had
advanced thre:e leagues into the country without seeing any
thing of the insurgents. Hinojosa and Valdivia were then
ordered

16flf Cenqu/si of fierii part n. book ii.
ordered to advance with several companies of infantry to occu
py the passes in the neighbouring mountain, as Gonzalo might
have given them much trouble if he had taken possession of
these heights, which were above a league and a half in ascent j
and this order was happily executed without meeting with
any resistance. When Acosta retreated from the river, in
consequence «f believing himse4f too weak to attadc those
who had passed, he sent to fiemand a reinfore«nentf from
Gonzafo of a hundred musqueteers, with the aid of whom he
alleged he would be enaWed to defeat the royalist party which
had crossed. At this time one Jnan Nunnez de Prado de
serted from him to the {Resident, and gave him notice of the
succours which were expected by Acosta, BeUeving there
fore that Gonzalo wodd advance with all his forces, the pre
sident took post on the ridge of die mountain with above nine
hundred men, both cavalry and infantry, and reinained under
arms all night. Next morning, Acpsta advanced with the
reinforcement he had demanded, and the scouts of the presi
dent brought notice of his approach. On this intelUgence,
beUeviiig the whole army ef the insurgents at hand, the pre
sident sent his majjor-genersfl Alfcmzo de Alvarado bade to
the river, to bring up the aitTUery and the rest of the army-:
And as the colours of I^zorro came in sight, before the re
turn of Alvarado, tbe preadent drew up his nine hundred
men in order of batde, giving all the necessary orders in case
of being attacked. But in a short time, it was discovered that
d\ese precautions were unnecessary, as Acosta soon retreated
with his three hundred men, on «eeSng the greatly superior
force ofthe royalists,
Tlie president remained two cr three days in the position
he had taken on the summit of the mouotain, waiting for his
artillery and the rest of Ids army. Whife at that place,
Gonzalo sent him a message 1)y a priest, demanding that he
should dismiss his army, and rcii'ain fiom making war ^iSnst
him till he should receive new ord»% from his majesty. On
this occasion, the bi^op of Cuzco, wlo was along; widi the
president, orderetl die priest into confinement. A Iftde time
before this, Gonzalo had dispatdied another priest, to en
deavour to gain over Hinojosa and Alvarado to his party.
But that messenger, being resolved to desert the |>arty of the
insurgents, had taken measures in concert with tns brdther to
go on in company with all their eflects, in vrhidi tliej- suc
ceeded. At this linw likewise the president wrote to Genea-
10 lo,

CHAP. vn. SECT. VI. hy I^.aneisfo .Pigi^ro. I6l
loy as he had repeatedly done durliig his Aiarish, earnestiy en-.
treating him to submit to the orders <^hi$ majesty, and send-,
ing him at the some time a copy of the amnesty. The iisual
manner in ^hich these dispatches was forwarded to Gpn;za-
lo, was by means of the scouts bf the army, who had orders
to give them to those belonging to Gonzalo when they chanced
to meet.
When ijt was known at Cuzco that the president had crpS-
sed the river Apurimac with all his army, and had taken pos
session ofthe pass in the high mountain, Gonzalo Pizarro
immediately marched out from that city with his army and'
.encamped at Xaquixaguana, about five leagues from Cuzco,
in a pkun through whidh the road passed by which the roy
aUsts would have to march on their way from the mountain
towards Cuzco. His army at this time consisted of five
hundred and fifty musqueteers, with six pieces of cannon, andr
three hundred and fifty cavalry and pikemen. Gonzalo es
tablished hiis Cainp in a very strong position, a? it was only
accessible in front by- means of a verj' narrow defile, one flank
being secured by a river and morass, the other Sank by the;
mountain, and the rear hy predpitpud rPcks. During two or
three days, that the two armies remaitied near each other be
fore the battle, Gonzalo sometimes detached a hundred .and
sometimes two hundred men to skirmish with, similar parties
of the enemy. As the royalist army was no* encamped
only at a short distance from the insurg^nt^:, Gpnzalo was
afraid his troops might lose courage by noticing the vast
aujperiorify of the enemy in number, and that many of his
men might abandon him ; for which reason hedwaysdrew
up his men under cover of a rising grpundi near his camp«-
pisetending that he did so to induce the president to attack
him in his present advantageous post, confiding in his
numbers and bdfeying the insurgents much fewer than they
reaUywere. '
After the president had passed the mountains and pitched
his camp on the descent towaiids the plain, within view of the
insurgents, Gonzalo drew up his army in order of Wttle^ and
caused' some (£s<diarges^ to be made from his canhoB raid mus-
quetry. On that; d^ there aVose so thick a mist, that the
scouts and spie» of die two armies often came against each
otjier unexpectedly. Seeing that the itisurgents were di^os-
ed to await his attack, or eveti to give battle, the presideHf^
was incUned to defer bringing matters tothat extremity for
. VOL. V. L " soms

165f Conquest of Peru part ii. book «.
some time, in the hope that a considerable number of the
enemy might come over to him if they could find an opportu
nity. Yet, as the season was exceedingly cold, even accom
panied with strong frost, and as wood could not be procured
for making fires, and provisions were scarce, it was impossi
ble to remain long in a state of inaction. The army of Gpn
zalp was upt subject tp any pf these inconveniencies, having
plenty of provisions brought regularly from Cuzco, and being
encamped in a comfortable and temperate situation in ccm-
parispn with the positipn ofthe president, whpse camp was on
the slope pfthe mountain, whUe that ofthe insurgents was in
the plain or valley below. Such is the difference in the tem
perature of Peru at very inconsiderable distances, that on the
mountains a severe cold is experienced, accompanied by frost
and snow, while only at eight or ten miles distance in the
valley the inhabitants are obl^ed to use precautions to reUeve
them from excessive heat
Gonzalo and his Ueutenant-general, Carvajal, had formed
an arrangement for a night attack upon the president, in
tending to have assailed his camp in three points at the same
time; but they were induced to abandon this project, in con
sequence of the desertion of one of thefr soldiers named
Nava, who communicated their intentions to the president.
By this person and some others who had joined him from
the army of Gonzalo, the president was advised tp delay
coming to battle as long as possible ; as they were certain
that many of the foUowers of Gonzalo would take the first
favourable opportunity of returning to their duty, more
especially those soldiers who had served under Centeno, and
who had been constrained after his defeat to enter into the
ranks of the insurgents to save their lives. In expectation of
the proposed attack, the president kept his army the whole
of that night under arms, by which they suffered much dis
tress from the extreme coldness of the weadier on the moun
tain, so that many of the soldiers were hardly able to keep
hold of their arms, and waited impatiently for day. At day
light, a party of musqueteers belonging to Gonzalo was
observed in march to gain possession of a height in the
neighbourhood of the royol camp. Mexia and Palomino
were immediately detached, with three hundred musqueteers,
to dislodge them, and Valdivia and Alvarado advanced in ,
the same direction, so that the enemy were soon forced to
retire. During this skirmish, the president marched down from

CHAP. VII. SECT. VI. ^ Francisco Pizarro. ,163
from the mountail' ^ith t^e main hody of his army, in the
direction of Cuzco, under cover of the hill on which the
skirmish had taken place; and, to distract the attention of
the enemy, a small detachment of c;avali;y and infantry was
ordered to advance in view of the insurgent camp frpm that
hill. On the arrival pf Valdivia and Alvaradp at the tpp of
the hill, pbserving that it was possible to cannonade, the
camp of the enemy from that place, they sent : orders to
Gabriel de Royas to bring up the artillery. On- tWs occa
sion, De Royas promised a reward of five hundred crowns
for each ball that should reach the.enemy: In fact he paid
that sum about a year afterwards to pne pf his gunners j whp
sent a baU thrpugh the tent of Gonzalo, . which was exceed
ingly conspicuous, by which one of- his pages was slain. In
consequence of this, incident, Gonzalo ordered aU the tents
tobe struck, that they might not serve as marks for the
cannoneers of the president. He likewise, ordered bis own
artillery to commence firing, and drew up his army in-order
of battle, taking his own station at the head of his cayahy,
which was commanded by the licentiate Cepeda iand Juan
d',Acosta.' Corv^al was at the head of the infantry, having
under him the captains Juan de la Torre, Diego ; Guillen,
Juan Velasquez de Guevara, EranCisco Maldonadoi and
Sebastian de Vergara. Pedro de Soria : commanded his
artillery. "Wlien the insurgent army was drawn- up in order
of batde, the numerpus Indians that were attached to it
quitted the camp, and posted themselves in view of both
armies pii the slope pf a neighbpuring hiU.
"W^ile the artiUery pn bpth sides kept up a cpnstant fire,
the royaUst army descended frpm the mountain without keep
ing any regular order, and in all possible haste,, the. cavahy
all oh foot leading their horses, both on account of the rug
gedness of the ground and the better to avoid the cannonade
from the enemy, as they had no. shelter from the balls. Im
mediately on getting down to the plain, the troops were
drawn up in order of battle ; the infj,ntry in. two battaUons
in the centre, and the cavalry on the two wings. ...The caval
ry of the left wing was commanded by the captains Juan
Saavedra, Diego de Mora, Ilodrigo Salazar, amd Francisco
Hernandez de Aldana. TJie royal standard was displayed
by the licentiate Carvajal in the right wing, in which; Ukewise
were posted the captains Don Pedro de Cabrera, , Alfonso
Mercadillo, and iSomez de Alvarado. The infantry march ed

164 GofigueSt (f Peru past ii. book ii.
ed between the wln^ of horse, but a littie farther in advance,
under the captains Ramirez, De Castro, De Solis, Cardenas,
Menezes, Mosquera, De la Cerna, Urbina, Aliaga, De
Robles, De Arias, and De Ohnos. A little in iulyance of
the infantry, Alfonso de Mendora. marched with his troop
'4Df horse tb commence the attack, accompanied by Centeiu^
who was determined to exert himself on this occasion in re-
"venge for his defeat at Guarina. Pedro de VUlavicentip
acted as serjeant-major or adjutaiAt-generaL of the army.
The president, accompanied hj the archlnshop: of lima,
was a little on one side, on the slope of the mountain, by
which the ms^-geaet&X Alvarado and Valdivia broi^ht
down the artiUery and the three hundred musqueteers com
manded by Mexia snd Palomino. On getting into the plain,
this \j&iiy «f musqueteers di'rided in two, Mexia marching to
the right alokig tiie river, and Palomino ke^ng> to the left
idong the skirts ofthe mountain.
While the reyaUst artiUory was coming down the mouB-
tain, the licentiate Cepedsy Garcilasso de la V^a, and Al
fonso de Piedra, with several other po-ons of rank and some
private spldiers, abandoned Gonzalo to surrender themselves
to the president. They were desdy pursued by Pedro
Martin de Cioilia aad some others dt the insHEgeBts,, who
-wounded several of these deserters. The horse of Cqieda
was killed under him by the thrust of a lance, and himself
woutided, and he had assuredly been dther taken or killed
unless proRipdy succoured by orda of the president, in tlie
mean time Gonzalo kept his troops in firm array, waiting for
the en^y, and in acpoctstion that they ia»bt attack \mi in
confnsion and be easily defeated, as faid h^ipeiied in tlie
. batde of Guarina. Hinojosa on his sids» advanced with the
¦Toyalists in thc best order uid at a elow pace, to witlan
)nafil)ttet>shet of the insQf^ents, whwe he halted in some low
ground, in such a situation t^t his men were secure fi'oia
TOe cannonrballs of the enemy, which all flew oyer their
heads, althou^ t^e gunners used every effi9rt,to depiest
their guiis so as to fire low. At this time the platoons of
musqufltry on the wings of both armies kept up a close fire,
Alvarado and Valdivia using every effort to cause their men
fake go«d aim, while the president and arohbishep encourage
-ed their gunners to fire quickly and to purpose ; making
them often chBnge the direction of their guns, as circum^n-
ces appeared to require, Observing

CIIAP. Vil. SECT. vt. by Frandsso Pizarro, 16 j
Observing diat several ofthe soldiery of Gonzalo were en«
deaVouring tf6 abandon him and were hotly puvsued, Centeno
and Mendoza advanced with the cavalry under their com
mand, on purpose to prefect aU who wished to come over.
AU those who quitted the nti^ra^gents, urged the commanders
ofthe royal army not to advance to the charge, as they were
certain the far greater part of the army of Gonzido would
abandon him, so that he would be easily defeated without
any danjj-er to the royalists, and with litde efliision of blood.
At this time, a platpon of thirty musqueteers, fhiding them
selves near the royal army, came ever in a bndy and surren
dered themselves. Gon^p wished to have these men pursu
ed and brought back j but the attempt threw his troops into
coufosion, and his whole army began >instandy to break np,
some fleeing towards Gozeo, while others went over tp the
preiMbnt a,nd surrendered themselves. Seme pf the insur
gent officers were so ccnfounded by this sudden and univer
sal derput, that they neither hod presence of mind tp flee or
tp fight. On seeing this bppeless turn of his affairs, Gon
zalo Ipst all cpur age, and exclRiimed in despair, "Since aU
surrender to the king, so must I also." It is rqiorted, that
Juan d'Acosta endeavoured to encourage him, saying, *i^ fet
us rush upon the tMckest of the ^lemy, and die Uke Ro"
mans ;** tp which Gpnzalo is reported- to have answered, •' It
is better to die like Christians."
At this time, Gonzafo observing the se^eant-major of the
royalists near him, suilnendered to him, giving up a long
small sword which he had used instead of a lance, as he hod
preriously broken his lance upon some of his own men who
were running aw^y. He was immediately conducted to the
president, to whom be used some very imprudent expres
sions, and by whom he was committed to the custody of
Centeno. About the same time with Gonzalo, most of hi$
officers were made prisoners. The Ueutenffiit-general Carva
jal endeavoured to save himself by flight, meaning to hide
-himseff among some lah reeds in a marsh during the night ;
but bis horse stuck fest in the morass, and be was brought
prisoner to the president by some of his own men. In th«
pursuit, some of the insurgents were kiUed, but most of
their officers were made prisoners.
Afler the entire derout of the enemy, the soldiers of Ihe
royal army piUaged the camp of the insurgents, where fjiiiey
mode a i»oaigious pliind^ in gc^d, sUverk horsey mules, and
" rich

166 Conquest qf Peru part ii. book it.
' rich baggage, by which many of them acqufred considerable
riches, some individuals having, acquired so much as five or
six thousand ducats. One of the soldiers happened to faU in
with a fine mule having a load on his back, which seemed to
consist only of clothes, he therefore cut the cords and direw
off the load, carrying off the mule alone ;. immediately after
which three other soldiers,|more experienced in such matters,
opened up the pack, which they found to contain a consider
able quantity of gold and sUver wrapped up in Indian cloaks
for better conce^ment, worth five or six thousand ducats. '
As the army was much fatigued .by the operoticms of diat
day, besides being under arms aU night, the president aUow
ed the men to rest one day,, yet thought tt necessary to dis
patch the two Captains Mexia and De Robles with their
companies to Cuzco, to prevail those soldiers who had pur
sued the fugitives towards that place from entering and piim-
dering the city and JuUing a number of the inhabitants ;
more especially as many might now feel inclined to act from
particular enmity towards such as had given them offence
during the late troubles, under pretence of following up the
victory. Those captains were Ukewise directed to secure
such of the officers and soldiers of the defeated army as had
fled in that direction. Next day, the president gave ordras
to the licentiate Cianca, one of the new oydors, and Alfonzo
de Alvarado, his major-gcncra], to bring tbe prisonen^to
trial. No other proof was requisite against Gonzalo Pizarro
than his own acknowledgment and the notoriety of his hav
ing been in open rebelUon against the sovereign. . He was
condemned to be beheaded, and that his head should be
fixed in a niche or recess on the gibbet at Lima,, secured by
a trellis or net-work of iron through which it might be visible,
with this inscription above. " The head of Gonzalo Pi
zarro, a traitor and rebel, who revolted against the royal au
thority in Peru, and presumed to give batde to the army
under the royal standaid in the vaUey of Xaquucaguana."
Jiis whole estates and property of every kind were confiscat
ed ; and his house in Cuzco was ordered tp be rased, and
salt spwn uppn its scite, on which a pUlar or monument was
to be erected with a suitable inscription to perpetuate die. re
membrance of his Clime and condign punishment. Gonzalo
. was executed on die day of his tiid, dying Uke a good Chris
tian. ¦ While in prison mid tiU bis death, Centeno, tc whose'cus- ' tody

CHAP. VII. SECT. vr. lyyFrancisco Pizatro. 167
tody he had been ccmmitted, treated him with much civiUty,
and would not aUow any one to insult his faUen greatness.
When about to be put to death, Gonzalo made a gift of the
piagnificent dress which he then wore to the executioner j but
Centeno^paid its fuU value to the executioner, that the body
might not be stripped and exposed tUI carried away for inter
ment ; and next day he had it carried to Cuzco and respect
fully buried, Bnt the head, pursuant to the sentence, was
cai-ried to Lima, ,
On the same day in which Pizarro was beheaded,, his lieu
tenant-general Carvajal was drawn and quartered, and eight
or nine of the insurgent captains were hanged ; and in the
sequel several others of the principal persons concernedin the
revolt were punished when taken'. On the day following
the president went to Cuzco with aU his army, whence he
sent Affonzo de Mendoza with a detachment into Las Char
cas, to make prisoners of those who had been sent into that
district by Gonzalo in quest of silver, and such as might have
fled thither from the battle. On account of the rich mines in
the province of Las Charcas, especiaUy Potosi, it was sup
posed that many of the fogitives had taken refuge in that
place, to which Hondegardo was sent as lieutenant-governor
and captain-general, with orders to chastise all those of the
inhabitants who had been guilty either of favouring Gonzalo,
or of neglecting to repair to the royal standard on the sum
mons of the president. Along with Hondegardo, Gabriel de
Royas was sent as receiver of the royal fifth and ^ther tributes
belonging to the king^ and- of the fines which the governor
might inflict on the disaffected and recusants. As tie Royas
soon died, Hondegardo had to discharge the united functions
of governor, and receiver ofthe province, and in a short
Miace of time he amassed treasure to the amount of 3,600,000
Dvres*°,; which he transmitted to the president.
The president remained for some time at Cuzco, occupied in
9 Yet the Historian of American, II. 392., says that " Gasca, happy in
hU bloodless victeryj, did not stain it with cruelty ; Pizarro, Carvajal, and
a small number of lie most distinguished or notorious offenders being pu
nished capitally." The execiitions seem however to have been sufficiently
numerous, considering that the whole rebel army before the battle was only
'nine hundred strong, many of whom went over to the victor, and all the
rest disbanded without fighting. — E.
10 L.l 57,000, if French livres are t» be understood, and worth near la
miUiq^'lterling at th^ present value of money compared wifh that periodf—
G.

168 Conquest qf-Peru p-art il. book ii.
in punishing the insurgents according to the greatness of their
crimes. I'hose whom he deemed most guilty, he condemned
to 'be drawn in pieces fey four horses, others he ordered tc be
hanged; some to be whipt, and others were sent to the gaUeys.
He applied himself likewise with much attention to restore
the kingdom to good -order. In virtue of the authority con
fided tP him by the king, he granted pardons to aU who,
having been iri arms in the vaUey aS Xaquixaguana, had
abandoned Gonzalp and joined the royal standard. These
pardons referred to all public crimes of which they hod been
guilty during the rebeUfon of Gonzalo Pizarro, yet leaving
them liable to answer in civil actions for every tfamg) respect
ing their conduct to individuals. This hattle of X^uixa-
guana, which wiU be fong famous in Peru, was ieugm on
Monday the 9th of April 1548.
When the president had dispatched the most urgoit affairs
contaected widi the suppression ofthe rebelUon, there yet re
mained an object of great importance for the quiet of the
kingdom, which was surrounded with many difficulties^ This
was with regard to the dismissal of the army, in such a
manner that so great a number of soldiers set free frem the
restraints of discipline might not occasion troubles similar to
thpse npw pht an end to. Chi purpose to succeed in this de
licate t^air, the utmost prudence was requisite, as almost
every soldier in the army considered himself entitled to one of
the best of the vacant repartimientos, and as the number of
the troops exceeded 2500 men, while there were only 150
repartimientos to distribute. Hence it was quite obvious,
that instead pf being able to gratify every claimant, fiir the
greater part miist bc dissatisfied. After a serious deUberation
6n diis irtiportant subject, the president went to a {dace ui the
province' of Apurimac, about twelve leagues from Cuzco,
accompanied only by the archbishop luid one secretary, on
{rtirppse tP have leisure for mature reflection at a distance
rtom die perpetual importunities of the claimants. In this
place, they made die best distribution in their power of the
vacant repartitions, giving sufficient means of living in a re-
spectahle manner to the captains and odier persons pf consi
deration, each in proportion to their respective merits and
the services they had been of in suppressing die late rebelUon,
giving new repiirtitions to those who had none, and increas
ing tno^e of others. On th}s op:a$ipQ it was found that they
had vacant repartitions to di^triljiute to thc value of a jfi\\&oa of

ctiAP. VII. SECT. VI. i^ Frtrndsea Pizarro. 169
of gold crowns in yearly rent. ; The greater number pfthe
most valuable and extoisivei repartitions had become vacant
during the troubles, pardy from their former possessors
having been put to death by Gonzalo, either under pretence
of guilt in opposing his rebelUon, or in the various engage
ments during the troubles. The president had likewise ca
pitally punished several to whom Gonzalo had given reparti
tions. It roust however be remarked, that several of these
most valuabfe repartimientos had been retained by Gonzalo
for his own benefit, under pretence of providing for the ex
pences of the war.
In making the new grants, the president retmned the power
of granting pensions upon some of the most extensive repar
titions, of three or four thousand ducats from each, more or
less according to their respective values, on purpose to have
the power of dividing the mpney among such soldfei^ as he-
could not otlia>-wise reward, to enMe them to procure arms,
horses, and other necessaries, meaning to send them off in va
rious directions to discover and sid^due the country whi(^
twas hitherto unoccupied, i^wing thus regulated every thing '
to ihe best of his power, the president thought proper to re
tire to Lima, and sent the archbishop to Cuzco tp publish
the regulations and distribution of repartimientos,. and te
make payment pf the <several rewards in money whie^ had
been agreed upon- The arrangement of this affair Micasian-
ed much dissatis&ction among me soldiers, every pne beUev-
ing lilmself better entitled tp spme aUptments of lands and In
dians than several of those who had acquired such grants.
All the fair speeches and promises of the archbi^op and the
principal officers-were insufficient to quiet the mm'murs and
discontents of the troths, which even produced seme ccmmo-
tipns and seditious conspiracies, in whjch it was proposed to
seize upon the archbishop and the chief .officers pf the army
and government, and to, send the Ucentiate Cienca with a re-
monstcance tn the president, demanding, of him to recal the
repartition which he hod decreed, and; to make a new one
more favourable to their wishes. Tliey. even threatened to re
volt, and to take possession by force of what they considered
due to their services. The Ucentiate Cienca, who had been
^pointed chief justice at Cuzco, had established so excellent
a system of police that he had immediate notice of all these
plots and commptipns, and was sppn enabled to restore order
and tranquUUty by arresting and punishing the principal agi
tators

l70 Conquest of Pe,ru pakt ii. book ii.
tatorg of these thrmtened troubles, by which he effectually
checked the spfrit of mutiny and insubordination, and averted
at least for the present the danger of a new civU war in the
kingdom. Before leaving. Cuzco, the president had renewed the coni-
missipn of Valdivia as governor of ChiU, as a reward for the
services he had rendered in the late war against Gonzalo. On
purpose to provide the reinforcements of men, horses,, and
ai-ms, which were necessary for defending and extending his
conquests in that province, Valdivia went to Lima as the
most convenient situation for procuring what he wanted.
Having completed all his preparations, he embarked all his
men and military stores at the port of CaUao, and sent them
off for Chili ; but chose to go himself by land to Arequipa,
where he proposed to take shipping in his way bock to his
government. A report was made to the president, that Val
divia had engaged some officers and soldiCTs from among
those whp. had been sentenced tp banisliment from Peru, and
even some of those who had been condemned to the gaReys,
on account of the share they had taken in the late rebeUion-
In consequence of this information, the {resident sent his
lieutenant-general Hinojosa with orders tobring Valdivia be
fore him to answer for his conduct in these things which were
laid to his charge. As Valdivia was accompanied by a con
siderable number of men he believed himself in condition to
resist this mandate, and refosed the earnest solicitations of
Hinojosa to go back along with him to the prudent. But,
as Hincgosa observed that Valdivia took no precautions to
prevent his arrest, and had no suspicions that any force would
be used against him, he resolved to attempt to make him pri
soner with the assistance only of six musqueteers, in which
he succeeded without opposition. In this situation, Valdivia
very properly determined to submit with a good grace, and
so satisfactorUy explained liis conduct to the president, that
he was aUowed to resume his voyage, and to take all thpse
people along with him whom he had engi^ed.
Every thing in Peru being now reduced to good order, tbe
president gave permission to all the citizens and other inha
bitants of the country, who hod hitherto served in his army,
to retire to their homes, to look after the re-estabUshment t£
their private ai&irs, which had suffisred great injury from the
unavoidable losses experienced during the rebelliPn, and
their own necessary expences in the field. He likewise sent off

€HAP. vi-i. SECT. VI. by Fnancisco Pizttrro. 171
off several offieers with detachments upon new discoveries,
and appointed the licentiate Carvajal Ueutenant-governor of
CuKco, taking up his own residence at Lima, which was the
seat of government. About this time an hundred and fifty
Spaniajds arrived at the city of La Plata, having travelled all
the way from the mouth of the Rio Plata under the command
of Domingo de Yrala to that.part of the country which had
formerly been discovered by. Diego de Royas, and were now
come into Peru to solicit the president to appoint some one
to act as governor of the country on the Rio Plata which
they proposed to settle. He accprdingly nnminated Diego
de Centtoo to that new gpvernment, with authprity tP raise
as many mpre men as he cpuld prpcure, tp enable him to
complete the discovery and .conquest of thot country. "When
all their preparations were completed, and they were on the
point of setting out on the march, Centeno died, and the
president appointed another captain in his place.
The Rio Plata, or River of Silver, derives its source from
the high mpuntains, continually covered with snow which lie
between the cities of Lima and Cuzco ". From these moun
tains four principal rivers flow, which derive their names from
the provinces through which they pass. The Apurimac,
Vilcas, ^Abancay, and Jauja. This last derives its source
from a lake in the province of Bombon '*, the most level and
yet the highest pkun in all Peru, where accordingly it snows
or hails almost continually. This lake is quite crowded with
small islands, which are covered with reeds, flags, and other
aquatic plants, and the borders of the lake are inhabited by
many Indians.
In the late war against Gonzalo Pizarro, the president in
curred enormous expences for the pay and equipment of his
troops, for the purchase of horses, arms, and warlike stores,
and the fitting out and provisioning of the ships which he em
ployed. From his landing in the Tierra Firma to the day of
. ' his
n Zarate is extremely erroneous in his account of the sources of the"
Uio Plata. . AU the streams which rise from ,^b Pei-uyian mountaiiis. in. the
situation indicated, and for seven or eight degrees farther south, and w.bi'^h
run to the eastwards, contribute towards the mighty Maranon or River of
the Amazons.— ^E.
.- JL2 This is an egregious mistake ; the Rio Jauja rises from'lihe lake of
Chinchay Qqcha in the province of Tarma, and runs soufA to' join the A-
^urimac. The riVer Guanuco rises in the elevated plain of Bombon, and
runs nort/i to form the Gualagua, which joins the Lauricocha or Tangura-
gua.-E.

172 Conquest of Peru, paut ii. bo6k ii*
his final victory over Gonzalo, he had expended on these ne
cessary affairs more than nine hundred thousand dollars,
most of which ,he had borrowed from the merchants and
other private mdividuaU, as aU the royal revenues had been
appropriated and dissipated by Gonzalo. After the re-esta-
bliahment of tranquilUty, he applied himself to amass treasure
with the utmost diligence, both from the fifths belonging to the
king, and by means of fines and confiscations ; insomuch that
after payment of his debt.s, he hod a surplus of above a mU-
lion and a half of ducats, chiefly derived from the province of
|.as Charcas.
In his arrangements for the future government of the coun
try, in conformity with the royal ordinance, he took much
care to prevent the Indians from being oppressed. Jn conse
quence of the fatigues which they underwent, in the carriage
of immense loads, and by numbers ofthe Spaniards wander
ing continually a^out the countiy attended by a train of In
dians to carry their baggage, vast numbers of theih had pe
rished. Having re-establisned the royal audience, or supreme
court of justice, in Lima, he applied earnestiy to regulate the
tributes which were to be paid by the Indians to the Spaniards
upon fixed principles, which had not been hitherto done on
account of the wars and revolutions which had distracted the
country ever since, its discovery and conquest Before this
new arrangement, every Spanimd who possessed a repartimi
ento or aUotment of lands and Indians, used to receive from
tbe curaca or cacique of fais district such tribute as he was able
or wilUng lo pay, and many of the Spaniards often exacted
larger sums from their Indians than they were weU able to
afford, frequently plundering them of their hard-earned pro
perty with lawless violence. Some even went so far as to in
flict tortures on their Indians, to compel them to give up
every thing diey possessed, often carrying dieir cruelty to such
a pitch as to put them to death in the most wanton and un
justifiable manner. To put a stop to these violent proceed
ings, the taxes of each province and disti'ict were regulated in
proportion to fhe number of Indian and Spanish inhabitants
which they respectively contained ; and, in forming their ar-
i-angementSf, the president and judges carefully inquired into
the productions oi each province ; such as its mines of gold
and silver, the quantity of its catde, and other things of a
similar nature, the taxes on which were aU regulated accord ing

CHAP. VH, SEeT. VI. ty Francisco Pizdrro. 173
ing to circumstances in the most reasonable and equitable
manner. Having thus reduced the affairs of the Tcingdom to good dl>
der, "aU the unemployed soldiers being sent off to different
places, some to ChUi, others to the new province on the Rio
Plata, and others to various new discoveries under different
commanders, and all who remained in Peru being estabUshed
in various occupations by which they might maintain them
selves, according to their inclinations and capacities, mostly
in the concerns of the mines, the president resolved to retiirn
into Spain, pursuant to the authority he had received firom
his majesty to do so when he might see proper. One of hi$
most powerful motives for returning to Spain proceeded from
his anxiety to preserve the large treasure he bad amassed fbr
the king ; as, having no military fotoe for its protection, he
was afraid such great riches might excite fresh troubles and
commotions in the country. Having made aU the necessary
preparations for his voyage, and embariced his treasure, with
out communicating his intentions hitherto to amy one^ he as
sembled the magistrates bf Lima^ and informed them of his
intended voyage. They started many otgections to this mea
sure; representing the inconveniencies which mi^htorisefrom
his departure, before his majesty had sent out soihe other
person to replace him, either in the capacity of viceroy br
president. He answered all their ot^ections, statitig that the
court of royal audience, ^id the govemoi? of the different
provinces which they were authorized to nominate, were 8u£&>
cient to. dispense justice and tb regulate aU affairs, they at
last consented j and immediately embarking, he set sail for
Panama. Just before he sailed and while on board ship, the president
made a new partition of such lands and Indians as bad be
come vacant since the former distribution which he made at
Cuzco, The number of vacant repaiftimientos was consider
able, in.cpt^equence ofthe death M Centeno, De Roya% the
licentiate Carvajal, and several other persons of rank ; and as
.there were many candidates who demanded loudly to be pre-
.ferred, he chose to defer the repartition tiU after he had em
barked, as he was unable to satisfy' all the claimants, and was
unwiUing to expose himself to the clamours of those whom he
was unable to gratify, Plaving settled all these distributfons,
he left the di^rerit deeds signed and sealed with the secre-
** tary of the royal audience, with strict injunctions that they
sliould

i74- Conquest of Peru part ii, book ii.
should not be opened untU eight days after his departure,.
Every thing being finally concluded, he set saU from the port
of CaUao in December 1549, accompanied by the Provinci.d
of the Dominicans and Jerom de AUaga, who were ap
pointed agents fiw the affairs of Peru at the court of Spain.
He was likewise accompanied by several gentlemen and
other considerable persons, who meant to return to Spain,
carrying with them all the wealth they had been able to ac
quire. The voyage to Panama was prosperons. The president
and all who were along with him immediately landed at that
place, and used the utmost diUgence to transport all the wealth
belonging to his majesty and to individuals, to Nombre de
Dios, to which place they all went, and made proper pre
parations for returning to Spain, Every one treated the pre
sident with the same respect as when he resided in Peru, and
he behaved towards them with much civUity and attention,
keeping open table for aU who chose to visit him. This was
at the royal expence ; as the president had stipulated for aU
his expences being defrayed -by his majesty, before leaving
l^ain on his mission to Peru. In this he acted with much
and prudent precaution ; considering that the former gover
nors had been accused of Uving penuriously in proportion to
their rich appointments, and being satisfied that the adminis
tration in Spain would not aUow him a sufficient income to
defray the great expences he must incur in a country where
every thing was enormously dear, he declined accepting any
specified salary, but demanded and obtained authority to take
from the royal fonds aU that was necessary for his personal
expence and the support of his household. He even used the
precaution to have this arrangement formaUy reduced to writ
ing ; andt in the exeroise of this permission he employed a
person expressly for the purpose of keying an exact account
of all his expences, and of every thing that was purchased for
his table or otherwise, vriuch were aU accordingly paid for
from the- rc^al coffers. ISection

chap. \ai. sect. vn. ' by Francisco Pikarro. 175

Section VII.
Insurrection qf Ferdinand and Pedro de Contreras in Nicara
gua, and their unsuccessfid attempt upon the Royal IVeasure
in tke Tierra Firma.
At this period an extraordinary attanpt was made to in
tercept the president in his passage through the Tierra Firma,
and to gain possession ofthe royal treasure under his bhorge,
which will require some elucidation for its distinct explana
tion. When Pedro Arias de Avilla discovered the province
of Nicaragua, of which he was appointed governor, he mar
ried his daughter Donna Maria de Penalosa to Rodrigo de
Contreras, a respectable gentleman of Seigovia. Some time
afterwards, Pedro Arias died, after having appointed his son-
in-law to succeed him in the government, and this appoint
ment was confirmed by the court in consideration of thfe merits
and services of Contreras, who accordingly continued gover
nor of Nicaragua for several years. On the appointment of
a royal audience on the confines of Nicaragua and Guatima
la, Contreras was displaced from his government ; and, in
pursuance of the ordinance -fvhich had occasioned so much
commotion in Peru, both he and his wife were deprived of
their repartitions of lands and Indians, and the grants which
had been made to their children were likewise recalled. Con
treras went in consequence to Spain, to solicit a reparation of
the injury he had sustained, representing the services which
had been performed to the crown by the discovery, conquest,
and setdement of Nicaragua, by his father-in-law and him
self; but his m^esty and the council of the Indies confirmed
the decision, pf the rpyal audience, as confprmable with the
regulatipns. *'
On receiving infprmatipn pf the bad success pf their father,
Ferdinand and Pedrp de Cpntreras were much chagrined,
and rashly determined to revolt aiid seize the government of
the province. Thfey persuaded themselves with being joined
by a sufficient force for- this purpose, confiding in the advice
and assistance of a person named Juan deBermejo, and some
other soldiers his companions, who had quitted Peru in much
discontent against the president, for not having sufficiently re
warded them, in their own opinions, for their services in the
war

179 Conqueitqf Pent paut ii. book ii*
war against Gonzalo. Besides these meh, several oS those
who had fought under Gonzalo had taken refoge in Nicara
gua, having been banished by the president from Peru, all of
whom joined themselves to the Contreras on this occasion.
By these people tbe young men were encouraged to erect tbe
standard of rebeUion, assuring them, if they could pass over
into Peru with two or three hundred men, sufficiendy armed,
that almost the whole population of the kingdom would join
their standards, as all were exceedingly dissatisfied with the
president for not rewarding their services sufficien%.. The
Contreras accordingly began seccetly to collect soldiers, and
to provide arms for this enterprise ; and deeming tbemselvea
sufficiendy powerful to set justice at defiance, they resolved to
commence their revolt. As they considered the bishop of
Nicaragua among the most determined enemies of their fo-
ther, they, began their operations by taking veng^nce on
him -y for whidi purpose f|n^ sent some soldiers to his house,
who assassinBted him while playing chess, Af^r this, they
openly collected their foUowers aad displayed thar standard^
assuming the tide of the Army if Liberty; and seizing a suf
ficient number of vess0l»,th^ embarked on the Pacific Oceaa
with the intention of intercepting the viceroy on his voy^e
from Lima to Panama, intending to plunder him of all the
treasure he was conveying to Spain. For this purpose they
steered in the fibrst place for Pajiadia, both to ^in int^gence
of the proceedings of the president, aitd because theinaviH
gallon from thence to Peru was easier than from Nicarar
gua. Embarking therefore with about three hundred men, they
made sail for Panama, and on their arrival at that place they
learnt that the presidmt had already disembaribed with all his
treasure and attendants. They riow beUeved that every thing
was favourable to their intentiohs, and that by good fortune
their desired prey had faUen into thefr hands. Waiting
therefore tUl night, they entered the port as quietly as pos
sible, believing diat the president was still in Panama, and
that they might easily execute their entesprize without dangl
er resistance. Their inteUigence however was exceedingly
defective," and their hopes ill founded ; for the president hod
left Panama with aU his people three, days before, having pre
viously sent off all his treasure to Nombre de Dios, to which
place lie was likewise gone. In fact, by this diUgence,, die
president avoided the impending danger^ widiout «^ing:jthej
10 slightest

CHAP, vii, SECT. VII. by Frdncisco Pizarro. I'jf
slightest suspicion thot any such might befal. Immediately-
on landing, the brothers were informed that the president
had already left the place ; on which they went to the house
of Martin Ruiz de Marcheha, treasurer of the province, where
they took possession of the money in the royal coffers, a-
raounting to 400,000 pesos in base silver, which had beehi left
there by the president in consequence of not having sufficient
means of transporting it to Nombre de Dios along with the
rest. After this they dm^ed Marchena, Juan de Larez,
and .some other respectable inhabitants to the public square,
threatening to hang them all unless they gave immediate nor
lice w here the arms and money belonging to the province
were deposited. But all their threat^ were unable to ^ force
any discovery, and they carried on board their ships all
the treasure and other valuable plunder they had pro
cured. Believing that the farther success of their enterprize de
pended on the diligence they should exert in reaching Nombre
de Dios to surprize the president, before he might have time
to embark or jwepare for his defence,: they determined to
proceed to that place without delay; For this purppse, it
was arranged that Ferdinand de Cbntreras should niarch to
Nombre de Dios with the greater part of the troops/ while
Juan de Bermejo was to take post with an hundred men on
a height near Panama, to protect the rear of Ferdinand',; to
prevent pursuit, to, be in readiness tp receive the valuable
bpoty they expected, and to intercut such pf the attendants
on die president as might escape in that diresction fremNpmbre
de Dios. In the mean time, Pedrp de Contreiias was to
remain on board with a small number of men to protect the
ships. All this was done accordingly ; but matters turnisd
out in quite a different manner from their expectations.
Marchena got some information re^ectmg their plan of ope
rations, and sent off two confidential intelligent negroes tb
give notice to the pressident of what had occurred in Panama,
and of tbe ulterior designs of the jContreras. One of these
npgroes was directed to travel the whole way byland,Jand
the other to go by way of the.smaU river Chagre, which route
had been taken by the president. . '
This river has Its' source in the mountains between Pana
ma and ^ombre de Dios, Its course at first seems tenditig
towards the Pacific Ocean ; but it suddenly makes a turn at
a cataract, aftd after, a farther run of fourteen leagues it falls
¦ - VOL. v.- M ii?to

ns Conquer of Peru past ii. book ii.,
into the Atlantic ; so that by means of a canal only five leagues
in lettgth, from that river to the South Sea, a navigation
might De easily established between the two seas. It is true
that it would be necessary to cut this canal through moun
tains, and in a country exceedingly uneven and full of rocks,
ab that the design has hitherto appeared impracticable.
Hence, in going from Panama to Nombre de IMos by the
river Chagre, it is necessary to travel by land in the first
place to that river below the fiiU, a distance of five leagues.
After descending to the mouth ofthe river, there still remains
five or six leagues to go by sea to Nombre de Dios. The
messenger Who was sent by this road came up with the pe-
sident before his arrival at Nombre de Dios, and gave him an
account of the events which had taken place at Panama,
Thougl) much alarmed by this intelUgence, he communicated
it to the provincial and the officers who accompanied him
without appearing to be under any apprehensions ; bnt, on
embarking on the North Sea, it feU so dead a calm that they
could TRW-e no progress, and he could not then conceal his
fears of the event. StiU however preserving his presence of
mind, he sent off Hernan Nunnez de Segura by land to Nom
bre de Dios, accompanied by some negroes who knew the
country, with orders for aU the inhabitants of that pface to
take up arms for the protection of the treasure which had
been sent there, S^ura had a most difficult and fatigimig
joiimey on foot, having several rivers te cross, some ortkem
% swiimningy and to pass through woods and marshes in a
road through which no person had travelled for a long while.
On his arrival at Nombre de Dios, he found the news aheady
communici^ted to that pkce, by the other negro, and that the
Inhatutants were already in arms, and had prepared as well as
they were able to defend themselves, having landed the crews
ef nine or ten vessels which were in the harbour to giw
their assistance in repelling the rebels. The president
arrived shprtly afterwards, whore he found every thing in
order for defence; and fmme^tely marched out at the
head of the armed inhabitants on the road towards Pana
ma, determined to give battle to Contrera ip cose of his ap
proach. When Ferdinand de Contrera marched for Nombre Dios,
and Bermejo took post on the hill near Panama, as former
ly meAtiohed, Marchena and De Lorez beUeved they niighl
be able to dele&l Bermejo in the divided state d" the i^n^

CHAP. Vll. SECT. VII. by FranciscQ Pizarro. HS
For this purpose they re-asseinbled oU the inhabittmts of Pa
nama, most of. whom had taken refuge in the mountaius,
with whom they joined a considerable number of degrees who
were employed as labourers in hui(bmidry and in driving mulea
with gocds between Panama and Nombre de Dio9> By these
means they assembled a respectable force, Vvhich they armed
as well as circumstances would aUow. Htkving thrown up
some intrenchments of earth and fascines in the streets, and
leaving some confidential persons to protect the town against
the small number of rebels left in the ships with Pedro de
Contreras, they marched out boldly against Bermejo, whom
they vigorously attacked. After some resistance, they gained
a complete victory, kUling or making pd^onfrs of the whole
of that detachment. 'After; this complete success, Marchena
determined immediately to march for .Nombre de Dios, be
lieving that the inhabitants of that city, on learning the late
events at Panama, would have termed for. their defence, and
would even take the field against Ferdinand de Contreras ,
and being more numerous than his detachment, would oblige
him to retire to form a junction with Bermejo. Accordingly,
when Ferdinand de Contreras had proceeded about half way
to Nombre de Dios, he learnt that the president had got no
tice of the approach ofthe rebels, and had marched out against
thera with a superior force ; on which Ferdinand de Contre
ras resolved to return to Panama,
While on his return, he took some negroes from whom he
got notice ofthe entire defeat of Bermejo, and of the advance
of Marchena against himself. He was so disconcerted by
this intelligence, that he aUowed all his men to disperse^ de
siring them to save themselves as they best might, and to en
deavour to get to the shore, where his brother would take
them on board the 8h%)s. They aU separated, and Ferdinand
with some of his people struck into tbe woods, ^voiding the
public road, that they might escape Marchei^a. As the
country was imich intersected with rivers, and Ferdinand
was little accustomed to encounter such difficulties, he was
dron^ed in an endeavour to pass one of the rivers. Several
of the followers of Ferdinand were made prisoners, audit
was never known what became of ^he others. The prisoners
werecarried to Panama, w;liere they, and those others who
were taken at the defeat of Bermejo, were all put to
deaith. When Pedro de Contreras, who remained on board the
ships.

180 . Conquest of Peru part n. book n.
ships, got intielligence of the miserable fate of his comrades,
he was so much alarmed that he wpuld npt take lime to hoist
ancher and make sail, but threw hunself into a boat with
some ofhis men, leaving the ships at anchor witii aU the
plunder untouched. He coasted along for a considerable way
to the province of Nata ; after which no farther inteUigence
was ever received either of him or any of those whp were
along with him, but it was supposed they were aU massacred
by the Indians of that country. On getting inteUigence of
the favourable termination of this threatening afi&ir, the pre
sident returned to Nombre de Dios, giving thanks to God for
having delivered him from this unforseen danger. Had
the rebels arrived at Panama only a few days sooner, they
might easily have made him prisoner, and would have
acquired a much larger booty then ever fell into the hands of
pirates. TranquiUity being entirely restored, the president embark
ed with his treasure, and arrived safely in Spain. One of his
vessels, in which Juan Gomez de Anuaya was embarked, with
part of the royal treasure, was obliged to put back to Nombre
de Dios : But, having refitted at that port, she Ukewise ar
rived in Spain. Immediately on landing at San Lucar, the
president sent Cs^tain Lope Martin into Germany, where the
emperor then was, to inform his m^esty of his safe arrival
from Peru. This news was exceedingly agreeable to tbe
court, and occasioned much astonishment at the prompt and
happy termination of the troubles, which had appeared so
formidable and difficult to i^pease. Soon after the arrival
ofthe presidoit at Valladolid, he was appointed bishop of
Placentia ', then vacant in consequence of the death of Don
Luis Cabeza de Vaca ; and his majesty sent orders that he
should come to court, to give a minute account of all the af
fairs in which he had been engaged. He went there accord
ingly, accompanied by the provincial of the Dominicans, and
Jerom de AUaga, the deputies or agents of the kingdom of
Peru, and by several other gentlemen and persons of consi
deration, who were in expectation of getting some rewards
from his majesty for their loyal services during the late com
motions. Ihe pew bishop accordingly embanced at Barce lona,
I In tbe Royal Commentaries of Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 876, lie is
•aid to have been first appointed to the biihppric of Placentia, and to have
been afterwardi translated to that of Ciguenza in 1561 by Pbilip II. which
he enjoyed till hii death in 1577.

chap. VII. SECT. VII. hf Francisco Pizarro. 181
lono, along with his companions, in some galleys which were
appointed for the purpose^ taking along with him, by order
ofhis majesty,' half a million of dollars ofthe treasure he had
brought from Peru. Shortly afterwards, his majesty appoint
ed Don Antonio de Mendoza, the viceroy of New Spain, to
assume that office in Peru ; sending Don Luis de Ve^co,
commissary-general of the customs of Castille, to succeed
Mendoza in the viceroyalty of New Spain.
END OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF PEKU,
BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE.

CHAPTER VIIL
continuation of the early history of peru, from the
restoration of tranquillity by gasca in 1549, to the
death of the inca tupac amaru ; extracted from
garcilasso de la vega. Introduction.
HAVING now given at opnsiderable length the authentic
histories of the discovery and conquest of the two
greatest of the European colonies in the New W'orld, Mexico
and Peru, from original and contemporary authors whose
works had not before appeared in any EngUsh Collection of
Voy^es and Travels, we now propose to give, as a kind of
supplement or appendix to the exceUent history of Zarate, an
abridged deduction of the principal events In Peru for some
time after the departure of the president De la Gasca from
that kingdam, extracted from the conclusion of the Royal
Commentaries of Peru by Garcilasso de la Vega Inca, Part IL
Book VI. VII. and VIII. Having formerly given, some ac
count of that work, not very favourable to the character of
that descendant of the Incas as a historian, it may only be
here mentioned that the events to be now related on his au
thority aU occurred in his own time, and that the relatfon of
them which he has left would have been £r^tly more valu able

182 Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
able if he had been pleased to favour us more frequen'dy with
their dates.
In the present eventful period, while Spain, once the ter
ror of Europe, seems in danger of sinking under the tj'ran-
nical grasp ofthe usurper of Prance, a vast revolution appears
about to elevate the Spanish American colonies into extensive
independent states ; if the jealous collision of rights, interests,
and pretensions between the various races cf their inhabitants
do not plunge them into aU the horrors of civU war and
anarchy. The crisis is peculiarly interestmg to aU the fiiends
of humanity, and it is to be wished that the present commo
tions may soon subside into a permanent stale of peace and
good government, advantageous to all the best interests of
the colonists, and beneficial to the commerce and industiy of
the rest of the world.
Before proceeding to the abridged history of events in Peru,
subsequent to the departure of the president De la Gasca,
the following reflections on the state of manners among the
early Spanish settlers in that opulent ri^on, during tho
Ecriod of which we have already given the History, as mrawn
y the eloquent pen of the illustrious Historian of America,
have appeared most worthy of insertion'.
" Though the Spaniards who first invaded Peru were of
the lowest order in society, and the greater part of those who
afterwards joined them were persons of desperate fortune,
yet in aU the bodies of troops brought into the field by the
diiforent leaders who contended for superiority, not one act
ed as a hired soldier or followed his standard for pay. Every
adventurer in Peru considered himself as a conqaeror, entiN
led by his services to an establishment in that countiy which
had been acquired by his valour. In the contests betwee^
the rival chiefs, each chose his side as he was directed by bis
own judgment or affections. He joined his commander as a
companion of his fortune, and disdained to degrade hims^
t)y receiving the wages of a mercenory. It was to their
sword, not to pre-eminence in office or nobiUty of birth, that
most of the leaders whom they folfowed were indebtal for
their elevatien j and each of their adherents hoped, by the
same means, to open a way for himself to the possession Of
power and wealth.
'• But though the troops in Peru served without any re-
. - giilar
1 Hist of America, II. p. 393.

«HAP. viit. by Francisco Pizarro. ISS
gular pay, they were noised at an immense expence. Among'
men accustomed to divide the spbil of an opulent country^'
the desire of obtaining wealth acquired incredible force. The
ardour of pursuit augmented in proportion to the hope of
success. Where all were intent on the same object, and
under the dominion of the same passion, there was but obe
mode of gaining men, or of securing their attachment. Officers
of name and influence, besides the promise of future esta-
blishmeiits, received large gratuities in hand from the chief
with whom they engaged. Gonzafo Pizarro, in «rder to
raise a thousand men, advanced five hundred thousand pesos^
Gasca expended in levying the troops which he led against)
Pizarro nine hundred thousand pesos. The distributions. of
property, bestowed as the reward of services, were stUl more
exorbitant. Cepeda as the reward of his perfidy, in per
suading the court of royal audience to. gite the sanction of its
iCuthonty to the usurped jurisdiction of Pizarro, received a
grant of lands which yielded an annual income of an hundred
and fifty thousand pesos. Hinojosa, who, by ' his early de-'
fection from Pizarro, and surrender ofthe fleet to Gasca, de
cided the fate of Perti, obtained a district of country afford*!
hig two hundred thousand pe60^ of yearly value. While such
rewards were dealt out to the principal officers, with more
than royal munificence, proportional shares were conferred
on those of inferior rank.
*' Such a rapid change of fortune produced its natural eS-
fects. It gave birth to new wants, and new desires; Veterans^
long accustomed to hardship and toil, acquired of a sudden a
taste for profuse and inconsiderate dissipation, and indulged
ki aU the excesses pf military licentiousness. The riot of l«nv
debauchery occupied soine^ a relish for expi^ive luxuries
spread among others. The meanest soldieiT iit P^ru would
have thought himself degraded by inarcbing on foot; and,
at a time when the price of horses in that cOutitry was ex
orbitant^ each individual insisted on being furaished with one
before he wopld take the fieM. But, though less patietot
under the fatigues and biardshitis of service, they were readw
to fece danger and death with as much intrepidity as ever^
and, animated by the hope of new rewards, they never failed
on the day of battle, to display aU their ancient valour%
" Together with, their courage, they retained all tb^ffcwj-^
city by which they were originiuty distinguished. Civil dis
cord never raged with a more fell spirit than omotig the Spat-
niartif

181- . . Conquest pf Peru part u. book ii.
niardfl.m Peru. To aU the passbns which usuaUy envenom
contests among countrymen, avarice was added, and render
ed their enmity more rancorous. Eagerness to seize the va
luable forfeitures expected upon the death of every opponent,
shut the door against mercy. To be wealthy was, of itself,
sufficient to expose a man to accusation, or to subject him to
punishment. On the slightest suspicions, Pizarro- condemn
ed many of the most opulent inhabitants of Peru to deatb.>
Carvajal, without searching for any pretext to justify his
cruelty, cut piF many mpre. The number of those who suf
fered by the hand of the executioner, was not much inferior
to what feU in the field ; and the greater part was condemned
without the formaU^ of any legal trial.
'^ The violence with which the contendmg parties treated
thefr opponents was not accompanied by its usual attendants,
attachment and fidelity to those with w^hom they acted. The
ties of honour, which ought to be held sacred among men,
and the principle of integrity, interwoven as thoroughly in
the Spanish character as in that of any nation, seem lo have
been equally forgotten. Even regard for , decency, aud the
sense of shame, were totally abandoned. During these dis
sensions, there was hardly a Spaniard in Peru who did not
abandon the party which he had originaUy espoused, betray
die associates with whom he had united, and violate the ei.*-
gagements under which he had come. The viceroy Nunnez
Vela was ruiiied by the treachery of Cqieda and the other
judges of the royal audience, who were bound to have sup
ported his authority. The chief advisers and companfons of
Gonzalo Pizarro in his revolt vtere the first to forsake him,
and submit to his enemies. His fleet was given up to Gasca,
by the man whom he had singled out am^ng his officers to
entrust with that important command. On the day that was
to decide his fete, an army of veterans, in sight of the enemy,
threw down their arms without striking a blow, and deserted
a leader who had often conducted them to victory. Instances
of such general and avowed .contempt of the principles and
obligations which attach man to man, and bind them in social
union, rarely occur in history. It is only where men are tar
removed from die seat of .government, where the restraints of
law and order are little folt, where the prospect of gain is un
bounded, and where immense wealth may cover the crimes
by which it is acquired, that wc can find any parallel to the
levity

CHAP. VIII. SECT. I. by Francisco Pizarro. 185
levity, the rapaciousness, the perfidy, and corruption preva
lent among the Spaniards in Peru."

Section I.
Incidents in the History of Peru, from the departure of Gasca^
to the appointment of Don Antonio de Mendoza as Viceroy.
Among those who were dissatisfied with the distribution of
the repartimientos in Peru by the president*, was Francisco
Hernandez Giron, to whom De la Gasca granted a commis
sion to make a conquest of the district called the Cunchos,
to the north-east of Cuzco, and beyond one of the great
chains of the Andes, with the title and authority tof governor
and captain-general of that country, which he engaged to
conquer at his own expence. Giron was much " gratified by
this employment, as it afforded him a favourable opportunity
for fomenting and exciting a new rebelUon against the royal
authority, which he had long meditated, and which he ac
tually put in execution, as will be seen in the sequel. Imme
diately after the departure of the president from Peru, he
went from Lima to Cuzco, publishing the commission which
he had received, and appointed several captains to raise men
for his intended expedition in Guamanga, Arequipa, La Paz,
and other places ; while he personaUy beat up for volunteers
in Cuzco. Being d man of popular manners and much be
loved among the soldiers, he soon drew together- above two
hundred men. So gi-eat a number of the most loose and dis
solute inhabitants being collected together at Cuzco and in
arms, they took extreme liberty in canvassing the late events,
and tp speak with much licentipusness respecting the presi
dent and the pfficers he had left in the gpvernment pf the
kingdpm. Their discpurse was sp ppen and scandalpus,' that
the magistrates pf the city deemed it necessary tp interpose ;
and Juan de Saavedra, whp was then maybr or regidor dt'
Cuzco, requested Giron to depart upon his intended expedi
tion without delay, that the peaceable inhabitants might no
Ipnger be scandalized by the seditious.-discourses ofhis soldiers,
as most of them were quartered upon the citizens to whom
they behaved with much insolence. ' ' ¦'"'
I was then in Cuzco, though a boy, when Giron and his
soldiers made their first disturbance ; and I was present also
about

18$ Conquest of Peru part ii. book n,
about three years afterwards at their second mutiny ; and,
though-I had npt even then attained the age pf a ypunc man,
I was sufficiently able tP notice and understand the observa
tions and discourses of my father on the various events which
occurred ; and I can testify that the soldiers behaved in so
prpud and insolent a manner that the magistrates were forced
to take notice of their conduct. The soUiers thought proper
to be much offended on this occasion, pretending that no one
ought to have any authority over them except Giron under
whose command they bad inlisted ; and they carried their
mutinous ins(deDce to such a height as to assemble in arms at
the house of thefr commander to protect themselves against
the magistrates. When this mutiny was known in the city,
tbe im^strates and citizens found themselves obliged to arm ;
and being joined by many soldiers who were not of the taction,
th^ took post in die market-place. The mutineers drew up
Ukewise in the street where Gfrons house stood, at no great
distance from the market-place; and in this manner both
parties remained under arms for two days and nights, always
on the point of coming to action ; which hod certainly been
the case if some prudent persons had not interposed between
them, and prevailed on the magistrates to enter into a treaty
for.compromi^iug their differences. The most active persons
on this occasimi were Diego de Silva, Dic^ Maldonado the
xich, Garcilasso de la "V^^a ray father, Vasco de Guevara,
Antonio Quinnones, Juan de Berrio, Jeronimo de Loyasa,
Martin de Menkes, and Francisco Rodriguez. By their
persuasions the regidor Juan de Saavedi'a and Captain Fran
cisco Hernandez Gfron were induced to meet in the great
church, on which occasitHl the soldiers demanded four hosta"
ges for the security of their commander. In this conference
Gfron behaved with so much insolence and audacity, that
Saavedra had assuredly arrested him if he had not been rc-
straiued from respect tor the hostages, of whom my fether
was one. In a second conference in the evening, under die
same precautions, Giron agreed to remove his soldiers from
the city, to give up eight ofthe most mutinous ofhis soldiers
to the magistrates, and even to make compearance in person
before tbe court to answer for his conduct during the mu-
tin-y. On being made acquainted with this agreement, thc soldiers
were exceedingly enraged ; and if Giron hod nut pacified
«them with soouiing words and promises they hod certamly at
tacked.

CHAP. vuL SECT. •«. by Francistco Pizarro. 187
tacked the loyri inhabitants, the consequences of which might
have been exceedingly fataU The mutineers amounted to
two hundred effective weU-armed men, of desperate fortunes,
while the loyali^s consisted of only eighty men of quality, all
the rest being rich merchants not inured tovarms. But it
pleased God to avert the threatened mischief, at the prayers
aiid vows of the priests^ friars and devout women of the city.
The mutineers were under arms all night, setting regular
guards and sentinels as in the presence of an enemy ; and in
the morning, when Saavedra saw that Giron had not march
ed from the city iiccording to agreement, he sent a warrant
to bring him before his tribunal. As Giron suspected that his
men might not permit him to obey the warrant, he walked
out in his morning gown, as if only going to visit a neigli-
bour ; but went directly to the house of Saavedra, who com
mitted him to prison. On this. intelligence being communi
cated to the soldiers, they immediately dispersed, every one
shifting for himsdf as he best could. The eight men who
were particulaily obnoxious took sanctuary in the Dominican
eonventi and fortified themselves in the tower ofthe church,
where they held out for several days, but were at last obUged
to surrender.- They were all punished, but not ih that exem
plary manner their rebellious conduct deserved; and the
tower was.deinoUshed, that it might not be used in the same
manner in future.
After the dispersion of the mutineers and t|ie punishment
of the most guilty^ Giron was released on his solemn engage
ment to make his appearance before the royal audience at
Lima to answer for his conduct. He went there accordingly,"
and was committed to prison ; but after a few days- was per
mitted to go out as a prisoner at large, confining himself to-
the city of Lima. He there married a young Virtuous noble
and beautiful lady, with whom he went to reside at Cuzco,
where he associated with none but soldiers, avoiding aU so
ciety with the citizens as much as possible.
About two years afterwards several soldiers residing' in
Cuzco," entered into a new plot' to raise disturbances in the
kingdom, and were eager to find some proper person tP chopse
as their leader. At length this affair came Ip be so openly
talked of that it reached the knowledge of Saavedra, who was
required to take cognizance of the pfot and tP punish the
ringleaders j but he endeavoured to excuse himself, being urir
wilUng to create himself enemifs, alleging that it more pro
perly

188 Conquest of Peru part ii, book il.
perly belonged to the jurisdiction of the court of audience.
When this affiiir was reported to the oydors at Lima, they
were much displeased with the conduct of Saavedra, and im-
mediatdy appointed the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado to su
persede him in the office of regidor or mayor of Cuzco, giving-
Alvarado an especial commission to punish the insolence and
mutinous conduct of the soldiers, to prevent the evil from
getting to an unsupportable height. Immediately on taking
possession of his office, Alvarado arrested some ofthe soldiers ;
who, to screen themselves, impeached Don Pedro de Puer
tocarrero as a principal instigator of their mutinous pro
ceedings. After a minute examination, Francisco de Miran
da, Alonzo Hernandez Melgarejo, and Alonzo de Barrie-
nuevo were capitally punished as chief ringleaders in the con
spiracy ; six or seven others were banished from Peru,- and
all the rest mode their escape. Puertocarrero made an aj^eal
to the royal audience, by whom he was set at liberty.
These new commotions, and others of more imptHlance
which shall be noticed in the sequel, proceeded in a great
measure from the imprudent conduct of the judges them
selves, by enforcing the observance of the obnoxious regula
tions which had formerly done so much evU diudng the go
vernment of the vicei-oy Blasco Nunnez Vela. Just before
his departure from Peru, the president Gasca had received
fresh orders from his majesty to free the Indians from services
to their lords : But having experienced ^ot this had occa
sioned the most dangerous comraotiois in the country, he
very wisely commanded before his departure that die execu
tion of this new order should be suspended. The- judges
however, saw this matter in a difierent light, and circulated
their commands over the whole kingdom to enforce this new
royal crder ; which gave Pccasipn to the mutinous and dis-.
orderly behavipur pf the soldiery, who were encouraged in
their rebelUous disposition by many persons of consideration,
the possessors of allotments of lands and Indians, who consi
dered themselves aggrieved. SEcnax

CHAP. vm. SECT. II. by Francisco Pizarr«.

Section II. •
Histsry qf Peru during the Viceroyalty qf Don Antardo de
Mendoza.
- About this time Don Antonio de Mendoza, the viceroy of
Mexico, was appointed viceroy of Peru, and landed at Lima,
where he was received with great demonstrations of joy and
respect He was accompaniedion this occasion by his son,
Don Francisco de Mendoza, afterwards general ofthe galleys
in Spain. Don Antonio was a nobleman of much sanctity, aud
bad greatly impaired his health by long abstinence and fre
quent acts of penance; insomuch that his natural heat began
to fail, and he was obliged to use violent exercise to keep him
warm, even in the hot climate of Lima. In consequence of
his want of health, he deputed his son Don Francisco to
make a progress through aU the cities of the kingdom, from
Lima to Las Charcots 'and Potosi, to bring him back a' faith-*
ful representation ofthe state and condition of the kingdom
and its mines, to be laid before his majesty ; and, after hig
return to Lima, Don Francisco was sent into Spain in 1552,
to communicate an account of > the whole kingdom to the em
peror. About four years before the appointment of the marshal
Alonzo .de Alvarado to the mayoralty and government of
Cuzco, a party of two hundred soldiers marched frpm Potosi
towards the province of Tucuman ; most of whom, contrary
to the orders of the judges, had Indians to carry thefr bag
gage. On this occasion, the Ucentiate Esquival, who was
governor of Potosi, seized: upon one Aguira, who had two
Indians to carry his baggage; and some days afterwards
sentenced him to receive two himdred lashes,, as he had no
money to redeem himself from corporal punishment. After
this disgrace, Aguira refused to proceed along with the rest
for the conquest of Tucuman, alleging that after the shame
which he had suffered, death was his only relief. When the
period of Esquivals office expired, he learnt that Aguira had
determined upon assassinating him in revenge for the affront
he had suff"ered. Upon which Esquiyal endeavoured to
avoid Aguira, by travelling to a great distance, but all to no
purpose, as Aguira foUowed him wherever he went, for
»bove three years, always traveUing on foot without shoes or
etockings.

190 Conquest qf Peru part ii. book ii.
stockings, saying, " That it did not become a whipped rascal to
ride on horseback, or to appear in the company of men of
honour." At length Esquival took up his residence in Cuzco,
^lieving that Aguira would not dare to attempt any thing
against him in that place, considering that the governor was
an impartial and inflexible judge : Yet he took every precau
tion for his safety, constantly wearing a coat of mail, and
going always armed with a sword and dagger, thpugh a man
of the law. At length Aguira went one day at nopn-day to
the hpuse pf EisquivM, whpm he found asleep, and completed
his long resolved revenge by stabbing him with his dag
ger. Aguira was concealed for forty days in a hog-stye fay
two young gentlemen ; and after the hue and cry was over
on account of the murder, th^ shaved his head and beard,
Ond blackened his skin like a negro, by means of a wild fruit
called Vitoc by the Indians, cfothing him in a poor habit,
and got him away from the dty and province of Cuzco in
that disguise. This deed of revenge was gready prmsed hy
the soldiers, who said, if there were many Aguiras in the
world, the officers of justice wculd not be so insolent and ar
bitrary in their proceedings.
During a long sickness ofthe viceroy, in consequence of
which the government of the country devolved upon the
judges of the royal audience, they prodoimed in aU liie cities
eX Peru that the personal serrices of the Indians should be
discontinued, pursuant to the royal orders, under severe
penalties. This occasioned new seditions and mutinies among
tlie Spanish colonists, in consequence of which one Lois de
Vargas, a principal prompter of the disturbances was con
demned and executed ; but as many principal persons of tbe
Country were found to be implicated, the judges thought fit
to proceed no farther in the examinations and processes.
Even Pedro de Hinojosa was sa.spected of being concerned
in these seditious proceedings, having been heard to say to
some of the discontented soldiers, that when he came to Las
Charcas he would endeavour to satisfy them to the utmost of
power. Though these words had no seditfous tendency, the
soldiers who were desirous of rebellion were wiUing to. inter
pret them according to their own evil inclinations. On these
slight grounds, and because it was known that Hincriosa
was to go as governor and chief justice of the province of Las
Charcas, as many of the discontented soldiers as were able
went to that country, and wrote to Uieir comrades in various parts

CHAP. VIII. SECT. II. hf Francisco Pizarro. I9i
parts of the kingdom to come tiiere also. Some even of the
better sort, among whom were Don Sebastian de Castillo,
son to the Conde de Gomera, with five or six others of rank
and quaUty 'went secretly from Cuzco, taking bye-paths out
of the common road to prevent thera from being pursued by
the governor of that city. They were induced to this step
by Vasco Godinez a ringleader among the malcontents, who
informed Don Sebastian by a letter in cyphers that Hinojosa
had promised to become thefr general.
During these indications of tumult and rebelUon, the vice
roy Don Antonio de Mendoza died, to the great grief and
detriment of the kingdom. On his death, the entire govern
ment of the kingdom of Peru devolved on the judges of the
royal audience, who appointed Gil Ramirez de Avalos, who
hod been one of the gentlemen of the household to tbe vice
roy, governpr ofthe dty of Lima ; and the marshal was sent
to command in the new city of La Paz, in which neighbour
hood his lands and Indians were situated.

Section III.
Narrative (f the Troubles in Peru, consequent upon the Death.
ofthe Viceroy Mendoza. . . .
At this threatening period, all the soldiers and discon
tented persous of Peru, flocked to Las Charcasj Potosi, and
that neighbourhood, endeavouring to procure employment
about the rich mines of that (hstrict. Disputes continually
arose between die soldiers and principal inhabitants Snd mer
chants, and duels were fought almost daily. Ih some of these
duels, the combatants fought naked from the waist upwards,
wbUe ia others they were dressed in <^iin5on taffiety waistcoats,
that they might not see their own blood. I shaU only, men
tion the particulars of one of these duels, between two famous
soldiers, Pero Nunnez, and Balthazar Perez, with the fooproer
of whom I was acquainted in 1563 at Madrid, who was then
so much disabled in both arms by the wounds he received
in that duel, that he could scarcdy use his hands to feed him-?
self.. : . ,
Th^fell out respecting some circumstances of a duel that
had happened a few days before, in which they were seconds.
Balthazar Perez had:Egas de Guzman for his second, one of
the

192 Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
the greatest hectors and bullies of the time ; and Hernan
Mexia prevailed on Pero Nunnez lo take him for his second,
thathe might have an opportunity to fight Guzman, who had
defamed and spoken lightly of Mexia. When E^as de Guz
man understood that Mexia was the person who was lo be
opposed to him, he sent a message to Pero Nunnez saying, as
the principals were gentlemen of family, he ought not to
debase himself by having a man for his second who^ mother
was a Morisca and sold broUed sardinas in the market of
Seville. Pero Nunnez, knowing this tobe true, endeavoured
to get Mexia to release his promise, but could not prevail.
They accordingly went out to figlit in a field at some distance
from Potosi. At the first rencounter of tbe principals, Pero
Nunnez struck his adversaries sword to one side, and closing
upon Perez threw him to the ground, where he cast dust in
to his eyes, and beat him about the face with his fists, but
did not stab him with his dogger. In the mean time the se
conds were engaged in another part of the field. Mexia was
afraid to close with Guzman, knowing him to have great
bodily strength, but kept him in play by his superior ogiUty,
leaping and skipping about, yet never coming near enough to
wound him. At length, wearied with this mode of fighting,
Guzman darted his sword at Mexia, who looking anxiously
to avoid it, gave an opportunity to Guzman to close with him,
and to give him o wound with his dagger in the skull, two
fingers deep, where the point of the dagger broke off*. Mexia
became frantic with his wound, and ran about the field Uke a
madman ; and came up to where the two principals were
struggling on the ground, where, not nunding w hom he struck,
he gave his own principal a slash with his sn'ord, and ran
wildly away. Guzman came hastily up to the rescue of his
own principal, when he heanl Nunnez soy that he hod been
wounded by his own second, and was stiU continuing to pum
mel Perez on the face, and to throw dust in his eyes. Then
Guzman, after harshly reproving Nunnez from bringing such
a rascal to thc field as his second, attacked Nunnez with his
sword, who defended himsdf as he best could with his arms,
till he was left all hacked and hewed on the field, streaming
with blood from many wounds. Guzman then helped up his
companion, and taking aU the four swords under his arm,
took Perez on his back who was unable to stand, and car
ried him to an hospital where he desired them to bury him,
after which he took sanctuary in a church. Nunnez was
likewise

chap. viii. sect. III. by Francisco Pineiro, 193
Ukewis^ taken to the hospital, where he recovered of his
wounds, but Mexia died of the wound in his forehead,
as the point of the dagger could not be extracted fi;Ora his
skull. When Pedro de Hinojosa topk possession of his government
of Las Charcas in place of Paulo de Meneses, he found a
great number pf soldiers in the country, who were exceeding
ly troublesome, as there were neither sufficient quarters noij
provisions for so many ; on vvhich he took occasion to reprove
Martin' de Robles and Paulo de Menezes, aUeging that their
quarrels had drawn so many soldiers thither j for which reason
they ought to provide for them, apd not allow thera to .die of
famine., So great was the coufosion and disturbance, that
many of the principal inhabitants retired from the city to,
their estates in the country,, to avoid the violence of the sol-.
diers,;who were now cortie to such a pitch of insolence, that
they held public meetings, openly avpwed their cabals, and
plpts, and upbraided Hinpjpsa with his breach of promise,)
aUeging that he had engaged to be their general when he
should arrive in Las Charcas. They even declared themselves
ready for an insurrection, off"eririg to put themselves under his
command. , HinOjos.a endeavpured tp amuse them with hopes,
by teUing them he expected very soon to receive a commis
sion from thfe judges to enlarge their conquests by a new war,
which would give them an opportunity to. rise in arms. Al
though he. had formerly let fall some dubious expressipns at
Lima, which the spldiers were disppsed tp consider as prpmises
of suppprt, he was far from any intention of complying with
their turbulent and rebelUous humours. Being now in pos
session of his government, with an estate in lands and Indians
worth two hundred thousand doUars a-year, he was desirous
to enjoy his fortune in peace, and not to risk the loss of these
riches by a new rebelUon, which he had gained in the former
at the loss of Gonzalo Pizarro.
Disappointed in thefr expectations from Hinojosa, the sol
diers consulted how to manage their intended rebelUon under
another leader, and agreed to kiU Hiiiojpsa and to elect Don
Sebastian de CastUla as their commander-in-chief; and their
design was carried on with so little regard to secrecy that it
soon became publickly knowh in the city of La Plata. Several
persons of consideration therefore>^ who were interested in the
peace of the country, communicated the intelligence to Hi
nojosa, advising him to, take precautions for his security,, and
Vi)L. V. N to

194. Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
to banish these people from his government. One Honde
gardo a lawyer was particulariy urgent on this occasion j and
offered, if Hinojosa would appoint bim his deputy for one
month, that he would secure both him and the city from the
threatened danger of insurrection ; but Hinojosa had so much
confidence in the power of his office, and the influence of his
vast wealth and reputation, that he despised every thing that
he did not see with his own eyes, and neglected all thefr
warnings. Being unable to persuade the governor to listen
to him, and as the soldiers still proceeded in their rebeUious
designs, and threw out many threaienings against the gover
nor, Hondegardo prevailed on the guardian of the Francis
can convent to intimate to the governor that he had received
communications respecting these proposed schemes of the
soldiers in confession, ahd to urge him to make judicial exa
minations into the aff'air and to punish the olFcnders ; yet even
this "made little impression on Hinojosa. Notwithstanding
these and other intimations of the plot, Hinojosa obstinately
refosed to attend to the suggestions of Hondegardo and others,
proudly declaring he had only to hold up his hand to make
the soldiers tremble before him.
Impatient of any longer delay, the conspirators came at
length to the determination of putting the governor Hinojosa
to death, and rising in a general insurrection. The princi
pal ringleaders in this conspiracy were Don Sebastian de Cas
tiUa, Egas de Gusman, Basco Godinez, Balthazar ^'elasquez,
and Gomez Hernandez, besides several other soldiers of note,
most of whom were then resident in the city of La Plata.
Having arranged their plan of operations, Don Sebastian and
seven chosen accomplices went one morning to the residence
ofthe governor, as soon as his gate was opened, to execute
their vile purpose. The first person they met on entering
the house was Alonzo de Castro, die deputy-governor, who
questioned them on the reason of their present tumultuous
appearance, as they seemetl extremely agitated. They imme
diately put De Castro to death. Then forcing thdr way
into the apartment of Hinojosa, they were astonished to find
him gone : But after some search he was found in a retired
corner, and dispatched.
After the death of Hinojosa, the conspirators went out te
the market-place, proclaiming aloud, God save the king, the
tyrant is dead ! the common watchword in all the rebellions
iu Peru. Having coUected all their associates, they seized «n

CHAP. VIII. SECT. III. by Francisco Pizarro. 19.5
on Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, the person employed by the
late president Gasca to carry his letters to Gonzalo Pizarro,
Juan Ortiz dc Zarate, Antonio Alvarez, and all the wealthy
citizens they could lay hold of. Martin de Robles, Paulo de
Menezes, and Hondegardo the lawyer, against whom they
were particularly incensed, made tlieir escape. After this,
they made proclamation by beat of drum, for all citizens and
other inhabitants of La Plata, to repair immediately to the
market-place and enrol themselves under their standard ; on
which Rodrigo de Orellana, though then sheriff" of the city,
and many others, to the amount of a hundred and fifty-two
persons, came forwards and inlisted, fearing for their lives in
case of refusal. Don Sebastian was elected captain-general
and chief-justice, and some days afterwards he got himself
appointed mayor of the city : Gomez Hernandez a lawyer
was appointed recorder ; Hernando de Guillado and Garci
TeUo de Vega, were made captains; Juan de Huarte ser
jeant-major, Pedro de Castillo Captain of artillery, Alvar
Perez Payaz commissary-general, Diego Perez high sheriff,
and Bartholomew de Santa Ana his deputy. Rodrigo de
OreUana, and many of the citizens, who now joined the
rebels, acted merely from fear of losing their lives if they re
fused or even hesitated, though loyal subjects in their hearts.
Immediately after the murder of Hinojosa, intelligence was
sent in various directions of the insurrection, and great
numbers of malcontents flocked to the city of La Plata to
join the rebels. Among these was Basco Godinez, who had
been a chief instigator of the conspiracy, and who seems to
have promoted or permitted the elevation of Don Sebastian
to be commander-in-chief merely to use him as an instriiment
of his own ambition, and to screen himself in case of failure
at the commencement : For, in a very few days, Don Sebas-
tion was put to death by Godinez and a few confidential as
sociates ; and they immediately proclaimed their bloody ex
ploit to the rest of the insurgents, by exclaiming God save
the king 1 the tyrant is slain ! He even carried his dissimula
tion to such a length, as to erect a court of justice to try those
who had murdered Hinojosa, in the vain hope of covering
his own treasonable conduct, and to make himself and his
abettors appear as Ipyal subjects. The murder of Hinojosa
took place on the 6th of March 1553, and the subsequent
slaughter of Don Sebastian on the eleventh of the same month,
only five days after. Godinez

196 Conquest of Peru part ii.,book ii.
Godinez and his associates immediately liberated Juan Or
tiz de Zarate and Pedro Hernandez Paniagua from prison,
pretending that their great purpose in taking arms was to
procure their liberty, to deliver the city from the rebels and
traitors who would have ruined it, and to evince th^ir loyalty
to the king. In the next place, he called together Zarate,
Paniagua, Antonio Alvarez, and Martin Monge, the only
citizens then remaining in La Plata, whom he desired to
elect him captain-general of the province, and to grant him
the vacant lands and Indians whiph had belonged to Hinojosa
to enable him to maintain the dignity of that office. Not
daring to refiise any thing in the present situation of affairs,.
they acceded to his demands, and Godinez was proclaimed
lord chiefjustice, governor, and captain-general of the pro
vince, and successor to Hinojosa in his great estate and rich
mines, producing two hundred thousand dollars of yearly re
venue. After this, Gomez Hernandez the lawyer was ap
pointed lieutenant-general of the ai-my ; and Juan Ortiz and
Pedro de CastiUo were made captains of foot l pretending on
this occasion to communicate a share in the administration of
government to the citizens, which they, were constrained to
accepbi Balthazar Velasquez, one of the conspirators, was
appointed major-general. Next day Martin de Roble%
Paulo de Meneses, Diego de Almendras, and Diego Velas
quez returned to the city, having fled from some soldiers that
had been sent in search of ihem by Don Sebastian ; and were
immediately enjoined to concur with the other citizens in con
firming the appointinent of Godinez.
When inteUigence of the insurrection of the soldiers in L.t
Plata arrived at Cuzco> die citizens put themsdves into a
posture of defence against tbe enemy ; and, with the consent
of the Cabildo, Diego Maldpnadp, cpmmonly called the rich,.
was elected governor and captain-gpneral. Garcilasso de la
Vega and Juan de Saavedra were made captains of horsey
and Juan Julio de Hojeda, Thomas Vasquez, Antpnip de
Quinnpnes, and anpther whose name I have forgot, were made
captains of fppt. So diligently did these pfficers apply them
selves tp raise men, that in five days Juan Julio de Hojeda
marched into the city accpmpanied by three hundred spldiers
well armed and apppinted. Three days afterwaids news
came pf the death pf Dpu Sebastian, by which they flattered
dicmselves that the war was ended for the present.
By the end of March intelUgence was brought to the judges^
3. at

GB^p. vm. SECT. ni. by^Franetsco Pizarro. iQij
at Lima ofthe rebeUion of Don Sebastian and the murder of
Hinojosa: Sue days afterwards, news came that Egas de
Guzman had revolted at Potosi ; and in four days more ad
vices were brought of the destruction of both these rebels ;
on which there were great rejoicings at Lima. On purpose
to inqufre into the origin of these commotions and to bring
the ringleaders to condign punishment, the judges imme
diately appointed Alonzo de Alvarado chief-justice of Las
Charcas, giving him the assistance of Juan Fernandez the
kings attorney-general, for proceeding against the delin
quents. By another commission, Alvarado was nominated
governor and captain-general of Las Charcas and aU the
neighbouring provinces, with full power to levy soldiers, and
tb defray their pay and equipment and all the -necessary ex
pences of the war, from the royal treasury. Godinez was
soon afterwards ara-esled and thrown into prison at La Plata
under a strong guard by Alonzo Velasquez. Alvarado the
new governor, began the exercise of his authority in the city
ef La Paz, where he tried a number of rebel soldiers who had
concealed themselves on the borders of the lake of Titicaca,
whence they had been brought prisoners by Pedro de EnciscOj,
Some of these were hanged, some beheaded, others banished,
-and others condemned lo the gallies. Alvarado went next to
the city of Potosi, where many of the followers ©f Egas de
Guzman had been committed to prison, all of whom were
treated according to their deserts like those at La Paz. Among
the rebels at Potosi was one Hernan Perez de Peragua, a
knight of the order of St John of Malta, who had taken part
in the rebelUon of Don Sebastian. From respect to the order
to which he belonged, Alvarado only confiscated his lands
and Indians, and sent him a prisoner to be disposed of by
the grand master of the order at Malta. It would be tedious
to relate the names ami numbers of those who were tried,
hanged, beheaded, whipt, and otherwise punished on this oc
casion: But, from the end of June 1553, to the end of No
vember of the same year, the court sat daily, and every day
four, five, pr six were tried and condemned, whp were all
punished according tP their sentences next day. The un
thinking pepple styled Alvarad® a Nerp, whp could thus con
demn so many of a day, yet amused himself afterwards with
the attorney-general in vain and light discourses, as if those
whom he condemned had been so many capons or turkies to
be served up at his table. In the month of October, Basco
Godinez

198 Cpnquest of Peru part ii. book ii. .
Godinez was put upon his trial, for many heinous offences,
and was condemned to be drawn and quartered. But a stop
was put to farther proceedings about the end of November,
by the news of another rebellion raised by Francisco Hernan
dez Giron, as shall be related in the sequel.
" The Indians of Cuzco prognosticated this rebeUion
openly and loudly in the streets, as I heard and saw myself:
For the eve bpfore the festival of the most holy sacrament, I
being then a youth, went out to see how the two market
places of the city were adorned ; for at that time the proces
sion passed through no other streets but those, though since
that time, as I am told, the perambulation is double as far as
before. Being then at the corner of the great chapel of our
lady of the Merceds, about an hour or two before daj', I saw
a comet dart from the east side of the city towards the moun
tains of the ./^w^/j, so great and clear that it enlightened aU
places round with more splendor than a full moon al midnight.
Its motion was direcdy downwards, ils form was globular,
and its dimensions as big as a large tower ; and coming near
the ground, it divided into several sparks and streams of fire;
and was accompanied with a thunder so loud and near as
struck many deaf with the clap, and ran from east lo west ;
which when the Indians heard and saw, lliey all cried out
with one voice, Auca, Auca, Atica, which signifies in their
language, tyrant, traitor, rebel ' , and every thing that may
be attributed to a violent and bloody traitor. This happened
on the nineteenth of June 1553, when the feast- of our
Lord was celebrated ; and this prognostication which the Li-
dians made, was accomplished on the 13th of November in
the same year, when Francisco Hernandez Giron began a re

beUion, which we shall now relate

Section

1 In tlie language of Cliili at least, jiiica signifies /;¦«¦<•, or a freetnan i
it is possible however that in an absolute government, the same term may
signify a rebel., yet it is a singular stretch of interpretation to make it like
wise signify a tyrant. — E.
2 Thia paragraph, within inverted commas, is given as a s-hort specimen
of the taste of Garcilasso, and the respectable talents of his translator. Sir
Paul Rycant, in 1C88. It gives an account of one of these singular meteors
or fire balls, improperly tei-med a comet in the text, which some modem
philosophers are pleased to derive from the moon, and to suppose that they
are composed of ignited masses of iron alloyed with nickel. It were an
affront to our re.-itler,'! to commfnt on thc ridiculous pretended prognostica
tion so gravely believed by Garcilasso Inca. — E.

caiAP. vm. SECT. iv. by Francisco Pizatro. 199

Section IV.
Continuation of the Troubles in Peru, to the Viceroyalty ofthe
Marquis de Cannete.
On the 13th of November 1553, a splendid wedding was
celebrated at Cuzco, between Alonzo de Loyasa, one of the
richest inhabitants of the city, and Donna Maria de CastiUa,
at which aU the citizens and their wives attended in their best
apparel. After dinner an entertainment was made in the
street, in which horsemen threw balls of clay at each other,
which I saw from the top of a waU opposite the house of
Alonzo de Loyasa ; and I remember to have seen Francisco
Hernandez Giron sitting on a chair in the hall, with his arms
folded on his breast and his eyes cast down, the very picture
of melancholy, being then probably contemplating the trans
actions in which he was to engage that night. In the even
ing, when the sports were over, the company sat down to
supper in a lower haU, where at the least sixty gentlemeit
were at table, the ladies being by themselves in an inner room,
and from a small court-yard between these apartments, the
dishes were served to both tables. Don Balthazar de Cas
tiUo, uncle to the bride, acted as usher of the halj at this en
tertainment. I came to the house tpwards the end of supper,
to attend my father and stepmother hpme at night. I went
to the upper end of the hall, where the governor sat, who was
pleased to make me sit down on the chair beside him, and
reached me some comfits and sweet drink, with which boys
are best pleased, I being then fourteen years of age.
At this instant some once knocked at the door, saying, that
Francisco Hernandez Giron was there ; pn which Don Bal
thazar de CastUlo, who was near the door ordered the door
to be opened. Giron immediately rushed in, having a drawn
sword in his right hand, and a buckler on his left arm ; ac
companied by a companion on each side armed with parti
zans. The guests rose in great terror at this unexpected in
terruption, and Giron addressed themj in the^c words: " Gen
tlemen be not afraid, nor stir from your places, as we are aU
engaged in the present enterprize." The governor, Gij
Ramirez, immediately retired into the apartment ofthe ladies^
by a door on the left hand. Another door led from the ha]j|
to the kitchen and other offices ; and by these two doors a
considerable

200 Conquest of Peru part ii. book it.
considerable number of the guests made their escape. Juan
Alonzo Palomino, who was obnoxious to Giron for haring
opposed him in a late mutiny, was slain by Diego de Alva
rado the lawyer. Juan de Morales, a rich merchant and
very honest man, was slain while endeavouring to put out the
candles. My father and a number of others, to the number
in aU of thirty^six, made their escape by means of a ladder
from the court-yard of Loyasa into that ofthe adjoining house,
in which I accompanied them, but the governor could not be
persuaded to follow them, and was made prisoner by the re
bels. My father and all the companions of his ffight agreed
to leave the town that night, and endeavour to escape to Lima.
Having assembled about an hundred and fii^ soldiers,
Giron assumed the office of commander-in-chief of the army
of liberty, appointing Diego de Alvarado the lawyer his lieu
tenant-general ; Thomas Vasquez, Francisco Nunnez, and
Rodrigo de Pineda captains of horse ; the two last of whom
accepted more from fear than afiPection. Juan de Pedrahita,
Nuno Mendiola, and Diego GavUan were made captains of
foot ; Albertos de Ordunna standard-bearer, and Antonio
Carillo seijeant-major ; all of whom were ordered to raise
soldiers to complete their companies with every possible expe
dition. It being reported through the country that the whole
citizens of Cuzco had concurred in this rebeUion, the cities of
Guamanga and Arequipa sent deputies to Cuzco, desiring to
be admitted into the league, that they might jointiy represent
to his majesty the burdensome and oppressive nature of tbe
ordinances imposed by the judges in relation to the services
ofthe Indians. But when the dtizens of Guamanga and
Arequipa became righdy informed that this rebellion, instead
of being the act of the Cabildo and aU die inhabitants, had
been brought about by the contrivance of a single individusJ,
they changed their resolutions, and prepared to serve his ma
jesty. About this time, the arch rebel Giron caused the de
posed governor, GU Ramirez, to be taken fi'om prison and es
corted fcrty leagues on bis way tpwards Arequipa, and then
set free.
Fifteen days after the ccmraencement of the rebdlion, find
ing himself at the head of a considerable fcrce, he summpned
a meeting pf all the citizens remaining in Cuzcp, at which
there appeared twenty-five citizens whp were lords of Indians,
only three pf whpm were intitled frpm pffice tp sit in dial as
sembly. By this meeting, Giron caused himself tn be elected
prpcuratpr.

CHAP. viii. sect; IV. by Francisco Pizarro. 201
procurator, captain-general, and chief-justice of Peru, with
full power to govern and prelect the whole kingdom bpth in
war and peace. When news pf this rebellipn was brpught to
Lima %y Hernando Chacon, whp was fpster-brpther tp Girpn,
the judges wpuld not credit the inteUigence, believing it pnly
a faJse repprt, tp try how the people stood affected to the
cause, and therefore ordered Chacon to be imprisoned ; but
learning the truth soon afterwards, he was set at liberty, and
the judges began seriously to provide for suppressing the re
belUon, appointing officers and commanders to raise forces
¦for that purpose. They accordingly sent a commission to
Alonzo de Alvarado, then at La Plata, constituting him
captain-general of the rpyal army against Giron, with unli
mited power to use the public treasure, and to borrow money
for the service of the war in case the exchequer should fail to
supply sufficient for the purpose. Alvarado accordingly ap
pointed such pfficers as he thought proper to serve under him,
«,nd gave orders to raise men, and to provide arms and am
munition for the war.
Besides the army which they authorized Alvarado to raise
and command in Las Charcas, the judges thought it neces
sary to raise another army at Lima, of which Santillan, one of
themselves and the archbishop of Lima were appointed con
junct generals. Orders were likewise transmitted to all the
cities, commanding all loyal subjects to take up arms in the
service of his majesty, and a general pardon was proclaimed
to all who had been engaged in the late rebellions, under
Gonzalo Pizarro, Don Sebastian de CastiUa, and others,
provided they joined the royal army within a certain given
time. They likewise suspended the execution of the decrees
for freeing the Indians from personal services; during two
years, and repealed several other regulations which had given
great and general off'ence to the soldiers and inhabitants, and
had been the cause of aU the commotions and rebeUions which
distracted the kingdom for so long a time.
While these measures were carrying on against him, Her
nandez Giron was not negUgent of his own concerns. He
sent off" officers with detachments of troops to Arequipa and
Guamanga, to induce the inhabitants of these cities to join
him, and irequiring them by solemn acts of their cabildos to
confirm ahd acknowledge him in the offices he had usurped.
He calised the cabildo of Cuzco to write letters to the other
cities of Peru to concur in his elevation and tP give assistance in

202 Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
in the cause, and wrote many letters himself lo various indi
viduals in Las Charcas and other places, soliciting them to
join him. Having collected an army of above four hundred
men, besides the detachments sent lo Guamanga and Are
quipa, he resolved to march for Lima, to give battle to the
army of the judges, as he caUed it, pretending that his own
was the royal army, and that he acted in the service of his
majesty. Al the first he was undetermined, whether it might
not be better to march previously against Alvarado, whose
party he considered to be the weakest, owing to the great
and cruel severity which that officer had exerted against
the adherents of the late rebellions : And many judicious
persons are of opinion that he would have succeeded
better if he had first attacked the marshal, as in all pro*
bability he would have got possession of these provinces,
and his men would not have deserted from him to a person
so universally disliked for his cruelty, as they afterwards did
when they marched towards Lima. He accordingly march
ed from Cuzco and crossed the rivcr Apurimac ; immediately
after which Juan Vera de Mendoza and five others desert
ed from him , re-crossed the bridge, which they burnt to prevent
pursuit, and returned to Cuzco, where they persuaded about
forty of the inhabitants to sel out for Las Charcas to join
the marshal Alvarado.
At this time S.ancho Duarte who was governor of the city
of La Paz, raised aliove two hundred men in the service of
his majesty, which he divided into two companies, one of horse
and thc other of foot. Giring the command of his infantry
to Martin d'Olmos, he took the command of the horse him
self, and assumed the title of general. With this force he set
out for Cuzco, intending to march against Giron, but not to
join thc marshal Alvarado that he might not submit to his
superior command. On his arrival at the bridge over the Rio
Dcsaguadero, he Icnriit that Girou had left Cuzco to attack
Lima, and proposed lo have continued his niarch for Cuzco
remaining independent of the marshal. But, in consequenoe
of peremptory commands from Alvarado as captain-general,
who highly disapproved of so many small armies acting sepa
rately, he I'l-turncd to his own province.
Pursuing his maicli for Lima, Hernandez Giron learnt at
Andahuaylas that the citizens of Guamanga had declared for
his majesty, at which circumstance he was much disappoint ed.

CHAP. VIII. SECT. IV. by Francisco Pizarro. 203
cd. He proceeded however to the river Villca ', where his
scouts and those of the royal army encountered. He pro
ceeded however to the city of Guamanga, whence he sent
orders to Thomas Vasquez to rejoin him from Arequipa. Al
though the inhabitants of that place, as formerly mentioned,
had written to those of Cuzco off'ering to unite in the insur
rection, supposing it the general sense ofthe principal people;
they were now ashamed of their conduct, when they found
tbe rebdUon only proceeded from a few desperate men, and
dedared for the king ; so that Vasquez was obUged to return
without success. Being now at the head of above seven
hundred men, though disappointed in his expectations of
beingjoined by the citizens of Guamanga and Arequipa, Her
nandez Giron pursued his march for the valley of Jauja ; dur
ing which march Salvador de Lozana, one of his officers, who
was detached with forty men to scour the country, was made
prispner along with all his party by a detachment from the
¦army of the judges.
Notwithstanding this unforseen misfortune, Giron continu
ed his march to the valley of Pachacamac, only four leagues
from Lima, where it was resolved in a council of war to en
deavour to surprise the camp of the royalists near the capital.
InteUigence of this was conveyed to the judges, who put
themselves in a posture of defence. Their army at this time
consisted of 300 cavalry, 600 musqueteers, and about 450 men
armed with pikes, or 1350 in aU. It may be proper to re
mark in this place, that, to secure the loyalty of the soldiers
and inhabitants, the judges had proclaimed a suspension of
the obnoxious edicts by which the Indians were exempted
from personal services, and the Spaniards were forbidden to
make use of them to carry their baggage on journeys ; and
had agreed to send two procurators or deputies 'to implore re
dress from his majesty from these burdensome regulations.
Two days after the arrival of Giron in the vaUey of Pacha
camac, a party of his army went out to skirirish with the
enemy, on which occasion Diego de Selva and four others of
considerable reputation deserted to the judges. Fpr several
days afterwards his men continued to abandon him at every
opportunity, twenty or thirty of them going over at a time to
the royal army. Afraid that the greater part of his army
might
1 The river Cangallo is probably here meant, which runs through the
province of Vilcas to the city of Guamanga.— E.

201, Conquest of Peru fart ii. book n.
might follow this example, Hernandez Giron found it neces
sary to retreat from the low country and to return to Cuzco,
which he did in such haste that his soldiers left all their heavy
baggage that they might not be encumbered in their march.
On this alteration of aff'airs, the judges gave orders to Paulo
de Meneses to pursue the rebels with six hundred select men ;
but the generals of the royal army would not allow of more
than a hundred being detached on this service. During his
retreat, Giron, finding himself not pursued by the royalists
with any energy, marched with deliberation, but so many of
his men left him that by the time he reached the vaUey of
Chincha his force was reduced to about 500 men. Paulo
de Meneses, having been reinforced, proposed to follow and
harass the retreating rebds ; but not having accurate inteUi-^
gence, nor keeping sufficient guard, was surprised and de-
foated by Giron with some considerable loss, and obliged to
retreat in great disorder. Yet Giroa was under the necessity
to discontinue the pursuit, as many of his men deserted to
the royalists.
Sensible of the detriment suffered by the royal interests in
consequence of the disagreement between the present generals.
Judge SantiUan and Archbishop Loyasa, to which the defeat
of Meneses was obviously owing, these very unfit persons for
military command were displaced, and Paulo de Meneses was
invested in the office of commander-in-chief, with Pedro de
Puertocarrero as his Ueutenant-general. This new appoint
ment occasioned great discontent in the army, that a p»-son
who had lost a battle, and rather merited ignominy and pu
nishment for his misconduct, should be raised to the (^ef
command. The appointment was however persisted in, and
it was resplved to pui'sue the enemy with 800 men without
bagsage. Hernandez Giron, who retreated by way of the plain to
wards Arequipa, had reached the valley of Nasca, about sixty
leagues to the southwards of Lima, bdbre the confusion and
disputes in the royal camp admitted of proper measures bdng
taken fpr pursuit. At this time, the judges gave permissicm
to a sergeant in the rpyal army, who had formerly been in the
conspir.icy of Diego de Royas, to go into the cnemys camp
disguised as an Indian, under pretence of bringing them ex
act information of die slate of affiiirs. But this man went
immedialily to Ilcruaudcz, whom he informed of the quarrels
among thc officers and the discontents in the royal army. He
likewise

CHAP. VIII. SECT. IV. hf Francisco Pizarro. 20-5
Ukewise informed him that the city of San Miguel, de Piur^
had rebelled, and that one Pedro de Orosna was coming
firom the new kingdom of Grenada with a strong party to join
the rebds in Peru. But to qjuaUfy this favourable news for
the rebels, Giron received notice at the same time that the
marshal Alvarado was coming against him from Las Charcas
with a force of twelve hundred men. About this time, on
purpose to reinforce his array, Giron raised a company of ai*
hundred and fifty negroes, which he afterwards augmented to
450, regularly divided into companies, to which he appoint
ed captains, and allowed them to elect their own ensigns, ser
geants, and corporals, and to make their own colours.
In the mean time,' the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado, em
ployed himself diligendy in Las Charcas to raise men for the
royal service, and to provide arms, ammunition, provisions,
horses, and mules, and every thing necessary for taking the
field. He appointed Don Martin de Almendras, who had
married his sister, lieutenant-general, Diego de Porras stand-
aid-bearer, and Diego de ViUavicennio major-general. Pero-
Hernandez Paniagua, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, and Don Ga
briel de Guzman, were captains of horse. The licentiate Polo,
Diego de Almendras, Martin de Alarzon, Hernando Alvarez
de Toledoi Juan Ramon, and Juan de Arreynaga, were cap
tains of foot; Gomez Hernandez the lawyer, military algua-
zil or judge-advocate, and Juan Riba Martin commissary-
general. His force amounted to 750 excellent soldiers, all
well armed and richly clothed, with numerous attendants,
such as had never been seen before in Peru. I saw them my
self a few days after their arrival in Cuzco, when they made a
most gallant appearance. While on his march to Cuzco from
La Plata, Alvarado was joined by several parties of ten and
twenty together, who came to join him in the service of his
majesty. On his way to Arequipa he was joined by about
forty more ; and after pacing that place, Sancho Duarte and
Martin d'Olmos joined him from La Paz with more than
two hundred good soldiers. Besides these, while in the pro-
¦vince of Cuzco, he was joined by Juan de Saavedra with a
squadron of eighty five men ofthe principal interest and for
tune in the country. On entering Cuzco, Alvarado was
above 1200 strong; having SOO horse, 350 musqueteers, and
about 530 armed with pikes and halberts. Not knowing what
was become bf Giron,' Alvarado issued orders to repair the
bridges over the Apurimac and Abancay, intending to pass that

206 Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
that way in quest of the rebels. But receiving inteUigence
from the judges, ofthe defeat of Meneses, and that the rebels
were encamped in the valley of Nasca, he ordered the bridges
to be destroyed, and marched by the nearest way for Nasca,
by way of Parinacocha, in which route he had to cross a rocky
desert of sixty leagues.
In this mardi four of the soldiers deserted and went over
to Hernandez Giron at Nasca, to whom they gave an account
of the great force with which Alvarado was marching against
him, but reported in pubUc that the royalists were inconsider
able in number. Giron, however, chose to let his soldiers
know the truth, and addressed his army as follows. " Gen
tlemen, do not flatter or deceive yourselves: There are a
thousand men coming against you from Lima, and twelve
hundred from the mountains. But, with the help of God, if
you stand firm, I have no doubt of defeating them aU."
Leaving Nasca, Giron marched by way of Lucanas, by the
mountain road, intending to take post on the lake of Parina
cocha before Alvarado might bc able to reach that place
He accordingly left Nasca on the 8th of May * for this pur
pose. In the mean time pursuing his march, Alvarado and his
army entered upon the desert of Parihuanacocha, where above
sixty of his best horses died, in consequence of the bad and
craggy roads, the unheallhiness of the climate, and continued
tempestuous weather, though led by hand and well covered
with clothes. When the two armies approached each other,
Alvarado sent a detachment of an hundi-ed and fifty select mus
queteers to attack the camp of Giron, and marched forwards
with the main body of liis army to support that detachment.
An engagement accordingly took place in rough and strong
ground, encumbered with trees brushwood and rocks, in
which the royalists could make no impression on the rebels,
aud were obUged to retire with the loss of forty of their best
men kiUed or wounded. In the following night, Juan de
Piedrahita endeavoured ineff'cctually to retaliate, by assailing
the camp of Alvarado, and was obliged to retreat at day
break. Receiving notice from a deserter that the rebel ai-my
consisted only of about four hundred men, in want pf prpvi- sipns,
2 Although Garcilasso omits the date of the year, it probably was in
1 554, as the rebellion of Giron commenced in the f^ovember immediately
preceding. — £.

CHAP. VIII. SECT. IV. by Francisco Pizarro. 207
sions, and most of them inclined to revolt from Giron and
return to their duty, Alvarado determined upon giving
battle, contrary to the opinion and earnest advice of all his
principal officers and followers. But so strong was the posi
tion ofthe enemy, and the approaches so extremely difficult,
that the royal army fell into confusipn in the attack, and
were easily defeated with cpnsiderable Ipss, and fled in all
directipns, many pf them being slain by the Indians during
their dispersed flight.
On receiving the afflicting news of this defeat, the judges
ordered the army which they had drawn together at Lima to
march by way of Guamanga against the rebels. In the
mean time Giron remained for forty days in his camp at
Chuquinca, where the battle was fought, taking care of his
wounded men and of the wounded royalists, many of whom
now joined his party. He sent off" however his lieutenant-
general towards Cuzco in pursuit of the royalists who had
fled in that direction, and ordered his sergeant-major to go to
La Plaz, Chucuito, Potosi, arid La Plata, to coUect men arms
and horses for the farther prosecution of the war. A^ length
Giron marched into the province of Andahuaylas, which he
laid waste without mercy, whence he went towards Cuzco on
receiving intelligence that the army of the judges had passed
the rivers Abancay and Apurimac on their way to attack him.
He immediately marched by the valley of Yucay to within a
league of Cuzco, not being sufficiently strong to resist the
royalists ; but turned off" from that city at the persuasion of
certain astrologers and prognosticators, who declared that
his entrance there would prove his ruin, as had already
happened to many other captains, both Spaniards and In
dians. The army of the judges marched on from Guamariga to
Cuzco unopposed by the rebels, their chief difficulty being in
the passages of the great rivers, and the transport of eleven
pieces of artillery, which were carried , on the shoulders of
Indians, of whom ten thousand were required for that ser
vice only. Each piece of ordinance was fastened on a beam
of wood forty feet long, under which twenty cross bars were
fixed, each about three feet long, and to every bar were two In- '
dians,one on each side, who carried this load on their shoulders, '
on pads or cushions, and were relieved by a fresli set every
two hundred paces. After halting five days in the neigh
bourhood of Cuzco, to refresh the army from the fatigues of
' thc

208 Conquest of Peru part ii. book ii.
the march, and to prpcure previsions and other necessaries^
the royal army set out in pursuit of the rebels to Pucara ^,
where the rebels had intrenched themselves in a very strong
situation, environed on every side with such steep and rug
ged mountains as cculd npt be passed withput extreme diffi-^
culty, mpre like a wall than natural rpcks. The only en-«
trance was exceedingly narrow and intricate, so that it
could easily be defended by a handfol of men against an
army ; but the interior of this ppst was wide and cpnvenient,
and sufficient for accommodating the rebel army with aU the
cattle provisions and attendants with the utmost ease. The
rebels had abundance of provisions and ammunition, having
the whole country at their command since the victory of
Chuquinca; besides which their negro soldiers brought in
provisions daily from the surrounding country. The royal
army encamped at no great distance in an open plain, forti
fying the camp with an intrenchment breast-high aU round,
which was soon executed by means of the great numbers of
Indians who attended to carry the baggage and artUlery.
Giron estabUshed a battery of cannon on the top of a rising
ground so near the royal camp that the baUs were able to
reach considerably beyond the intrenchment : '• Yet by die
mysterious direction of Providence, the rebel cannon, hav
ing been cast from the consecrated metal of bells dedicated to
the service of God, did no harm to man or beast."
After a considerable delay, during wliich daily skirmishes
passed between the adverse parties, Giron resolved to make
a night attack upon the camp of the royaUsts, confiding in
the prediction of some wise old woman, that he was to gain
the victory at that place. For this purpose he marched out
from his natural fortress at the head of eight hundred foot,
six hundred of whom were musqueteers, and the rest pike
men, with only about thirty hoi-se. His negro soldiers, who
were about two hundred and fifty in number, joined with
about seventy Spaniards, were ordered lo assaU the front of
the rpyal camp, while Giron with the main body was to at
tack the rear. Fortunately the judges had got notice of this
intended assault from two rebel deserters, so that the whole
royal army was drawn out in order of battle on the plain
before the rebels got up to the attack. The negro detach ment
s Pucara is in the province of Lanipa, near the north-M'Citem extremity
of the great lake Titicaca.— E.

CHAP. VIII. SECT. IV, by Ffaneiseo. Ptearro. 209
iment arrived at the royal camp some tilne before Giron,
-fend, finding no resistance, they broke in and killed a great
number, of tne Indian follow^s, and many horses and mules,
t<^etber with five or six Spanish soldiers who had deserted
the ranks and hidden themselves in, the eamp. On arriving
at the camp, Giron fired a whole voUey into the fortifica
tions without receiving any return ; but was a^onished when
the royal army begun to play upon the flank of his army
from an une:!cpected quarter, with aU thdr musquets and
artiUery. Giron, being thus disappointed in hiseltpectations
of taking the enemy by surprise, and finding their whole
army drawn up to receive him, lost heart and retreated
back to his strong camp in the best order he could. But on
this occasion, two hundred of his men, who had formerly
served under Alvarado, and had been constrained to enter
into his service after the battle of Qiu(|uinca, threw dowil
their arms and revolted to. the royalists.
Giron made good his retreat, as the general of the royal
ists would not permit any pursuit -during the darkness of the
night. In this Edfair, five or six were killed on the side of
the judges, and about thirty wounded y while the -.rebels; be
sides the two hundred who revolted, had ten men kiUed and
about the same number wounded. On the third day after
the batde, Giron sent several detachments to skirmish with
the enemy, in hopes of provoking them to assail his strong
camp 5 but the only consequence of this was giving sea op
portunity to Thomas Vasquez and ten or twelve more to go
over to the royalists. Heart-broken and confounded by
these untoward evCTits, and even dreading- that his own offi
cers had conspired against his life, ' Giron fled away alone
from the camp on horseback during the night' after the de
sertion of Vasquez. .On the appearance of day he found
himself still near his own camp, whence be desperately ad*-
ventured lo make his escape over a mountain covered with
snow, where he was nearly swaUowed up, but at last got
through by the goodness of his horsci Next morning, the
lieutenant-general of the rebels, with about an hundred of
the most guilty, went off in search of their late general ; but
several others of the leading rebels went over to the judges
and claimed their pardons, which were granted under the
great seal.
Next day, Paulo de Meneses, with a sdect detachment,
went in pursuit of Diego de Alvarado, the rebel lieutenant-
voL v. o general,

21o Conquest of Peru vaki u. book ii.
general, who was accompanied by about an hundred Spa
niards and twenty negroes ; and came up with them in eight
or nine days, when diey all surrendered without resistance.
The general immediately ordered Juan Henriquez de OreUa
na, one of the prisoners, who had been executioner in the
service o the rebels, to hang and behead Diego de Alvarado
and ten or twelve of the principal chiefs, after which he
ordered Orellana lo be strangled by two negroes.
" I cannot omit one story to shew the impudence of the
rebel soldiers, which occurred at this time. The very next day
after the flight of Francisco Hernandez Giron, as my father
Garcilasso de la Vega was at dinner with eighteen or twenty
soldiers, it being the custom in time of war for aU men of
estates to be hospitable in this manner according to thefr
abilities ; he observed among his guests a soldier who had
been with (4iron from the begmning of this rebeUion. This
man was by trade a blacksmith, yet crowded to the table
with as much freedom and boldness as if he had been a
loyal gentleman, and was as richly clothed as the most gal
lant soldier of either army. Seeing him sit down with much
confidence, my father told him to eat his dinner and wel
come, but to come no more to his table ; as a person who
would have cut off bis head yesterday for a reward from the
general ot the rebels, was not fit company for himself or those
gentlemen, his friends and weUwis-hers, and loyal subjects of
his m^esty. Abashed by this address, the poor blacksmith
rose and departed without his dinner, leaving subject of
discourse to the guests, who admired at his impudence."
Afi«r his flight, Hernandez Gfron was rejoined by a con
siderable number of his dispersed soldiers, and took the road
towards Lima, in hopes of gaining possession of that place in
the absence of the judges. He was pursued by various de
tachments, one of which came up with him in a strong position
on a mountain ; where all his foUowers, though more nume
rous than their pursuers, surrendered at discretion, and the
arch rebd was made prisoner and carried to Lima, where he
was capitally punished, and his head affixed to the gallows
beside those of Gonzalo Pizarro and Francisco de Carvajal.
This rebeUion subsisted from the 13th of November 1553,
reckoning the day on which Giron was executed, thirteen
months and spme days ; so that he received his weU-merited
punishment towards the end of December I554i. Sectios

¦CHAP. VIII. SECT. v. hf Frmeiseo Pizarro. 211

Section V.
History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of the Marquis del
Cannete.
Immediately after learning the death of Dpn Antonio de
Mendoza, his imperial majesty, who was then in Germany,
nominated the Cende de Palma to succeed to the viceroyalty
of Peru : But both he and the Conde de OUvares declined
to accept. At length Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoza,
Marqufe of Cannete, was appointed to the office. Having
received his instructions, he departed for Peru and arrived
at Nombre de Dios, where he resided for some time for the
purpose of suppressing a band of fogitive negroes, called
¦Gimarrones who Uved in the mountains, and robbed and pil-
lagedthe merchants and others on the road between Nombre
de Dios and Panama. Finding themselves hard pressed by
a military force sent against them under the command of
Pedro de Orsua, the negroes at length submitted fe artides
of accommodation, retaining their freedom, and engaging to
catch and deliver up all negroes that should in future desert
from their masters. They likewise agreed to live peaceably
and quietly wjthin a certain district, and were allowed to
have free trade with the Spanish Jsowns.
Having settled all things properly in the Tierra Firma, the
viceroy set sail from Panama and ^nded at Payta on the norths
ern confines of Peru, whence he went l^ land to Lima, where
he was received in great pomp in the month of July 1537.
Soon after the instalment of the new viceroy, he appointed
officers and governors to the several cities and jurisdictions of
the kingdom ; among whom Baptisto Munnoz a lawyer from
Spain was sent to supersede my lather Garcilasso de la Vega
in the government of Cuzco.; In a short time after taking
possession of his office, Munnoz apprehended Thomas Vas
quez, Juan de Piedrahita and Alonzo Diaz, who had beeri
ringleaders in the late rebelUon, and' who were privately-
strangled in prison, notwithstanding the pardons they had re-^
ceived in due form from the royal chancery. Their: planta
tions and lordships over Indians were confiscated and bestow
ed on other persons. No other processes were issued, against
any ofthe other persons who had been, engaged' in thte late
rebeUion. But Munnoz instituted a prosecution against his
predecessor

«12 Conquest qf Peru part u. book ii.
predecessor in office, my father, on the four foUowing charges.
1st, For spprting after the Spanish manner with darts en
hprseback, as unbecoming the gravity of his office. , 2d, For
fpirig on visits withput the io6. of )ustifi« in hi» hafld, bv which
e gave occasion to many to demise and contemn tne cha
racter with which he was invested. 3d, For allowing cards
4nd dice in his house during the Christmas faohcbys, and
even playing himself, contrary to the dignity becoming the
governor, ¦ith. For employiug as his clerk one who was not
a freeman ofthe city, nor quaUfied according to the forms «f
law. Some charges equaUy frivolous were made against Mon-
Jaroz, the deputy-governor, not worth memionhig ; but these
processes were not insisted in, and uo fines or other punish
ment were inflicted.
Soop after ihe viceroy waS settled in hia government, he
dent Altamirano, judge in the court of chancery at Lima, to
supersede Martin de Robles in the government of the dty of
La Plata. De Robles was then so old and bowed down with
infurmities, that he was unable to have his sword girt to his
side, and had it carried after him by an Indian page ; yet
Altamirano, almost immediately after taking possessfon of his
government, hanged Martin de Rubles in the market-place,
en some pretended charge of having used certain words re
specting the viceroy that had a rebeUfous tendency. About
the same lime the viceroy apprehended and deported to ^am
about thirty^even of those who had most eminentiy distin
guished their loyalty in suppressing tbe laie rebeUicm, chiefly
because they solicited rewards for thefr services and remuoe-
ratfon far the great expences they had been at during the
Ivor, and refused to marry certain women who bad been
tirought from Spain by the viceroy as wives to the colonists,
many of whom were known to be common strumpets.
The next object which occupied the attention of the viceroy
was to endeavour to prevail upon Sayri Tupac, the nominal
Inca or king ofthe Peruvians, to quil the mountains in wliidi
W had taken refuge, and to Uve among the Spaniards^ under
promise of a sufficient allowance to maintain his famUr and
equip.'Ce. Sayri Tupac was the son and hdr of Monco Copac,
otherwise called Menco Soca, who had been killed by thc
Spaniards after delivering them out of tbe bands of their
enemies. After a long negociation, the Inca Sayri Tupac
came to Lima where lie was honourably received and enter
tained by the viceroy, who settled an insignifican pension upon

CHAP. viii. SECT. V. by Fruneisco Pitarro. 2l3
upon him according to promise. After remaining & short
time in Lima, the Inca was permitted by the vicerpy to re
turn to Cuzco, where he took up his residence in the house
of his aunt Donna Beatrix Coya, which was directly behiud
my fathers dwelling, and where he was visited by all the men
and women of the royal blood of the Incas who resided in
Cuzco. The Inca was soon afterwards baptized along with his
wife, Cusi Huarc.ay, the niece of the former Inca Huascar.
This took place in the year 1558 ; and about three years af
terwards he died, leaving a daughter who was afterwards
married to a Spaniard naraed Martin Garcia de Loyola.
Having settled aU things in the kingdom 'o his satisfaction,
by the punishment of those who had been concerned in the
rebeUion under Giron, and the settlement of the Inca under
t^|||)rotection and superintendence of the Spanish govern^
mertt ; the viceroy raised a permanent fprce pf seventy lancers
or cavalry, and twp hundred musqueteers, tP secure jhe
peace of the kingdpm, and to guard his own perspn and the
courts of justice. The horsemen of this guard were allowed
each a thpusand, and the foot soldiers five hundred dollars
yearly. Much about the same time, Alonzo de Alvarado, Juan Juljo
de Hojeda, my lord and father Garcilasso de la Vega, and
Lorenzo de Aldana died. These four gendemen were all of
the ancient conquerors of Peru who died by natural deaths,
and were all greatly lamented by the people for their virtuous
honourable and good characters. All the other conquerors
either died in battle, or were cut off" by other violent deaths,
in the various civil wars and rebellions by which the kingdom
was so long distracted.
On the arrival of those persons in Spain who had been sent
out of Peru by the vicerpy for demanding rewards for their
services, they petitioned the king, Don Philip II. for redress j
who was graciously pleased to give pensions to as many of
thera as chose to return to Peru, to be paid from the royal
exchequer in that kingdom, that they might not need to ad
dress themselves to the viceroy. Such as chose to remain in
Spain, he gratified with pensions upon the custom-house in
SeviUe; the smaUest being 4 SO ducats yearly, to some 600, to
some 800, 1000, and 1200 ducats, according to their merits
and services. About the same lime likewise, his majesty was
pleased, to nominate Don Diego de Azevedo as vicercgr of
PcEu, to supersede the Marquis of Cannete ; but, while pre
paring

2H Conquest qf Peru part ii. book ii,
paring for his voyage, he died, fo the great grief of all the
colomsts of the kingdom. The Marquis of Cannete Was much
astonished when those men whom he had banished from Peru
for demanding rewards for their past services, came back with
royal warrants for pensions on the exchequer of that kingdom,
and still more so when he learnt that another person was ap
pointed to succeed him in the office of viceroy. On this oc
casion he laid aside his former haughtiness and severity, and
became gentle and lenient in his disposition and conduct for
the rest of his days ; so that, if he had begun as he ended his
administration, he would have proved the best governor that
ever commanded in the New World. On seeing this change
of conduct, the heirs of those citizens who had been executed
for having engaged in the rebellion of Giron, laid the pardons
obtained oy their fathers before the judges of the royaljij^
dience, and made reclamation of the estates which had WSa
confiscated, and even succeeded ui having their lands and
Indians restored, together with all other confiscations which
had been ordered at the first coming over of the viceroy.
At this time likewise, the viceroy gave a commission to
Pedro de Orsua, to make a conquest of the country of the
Amazons on the river Marannon, being the same country in
which OreUana deserted Gonzalo Pizarro, as formerly related.
Orsua went to Quito to raise spldiers, and tp prpvide arms
and provisions, in which he was gready assisted by contribu
tions from the citizens of Cuzco, Quito mid other cities of
Peru. Orsua set out accordingly on his expedition, with a
weU apppinted fprce pf five hundred men, a considerable pro-
pprtipn pf which was cavalry. But he w as slain by his own
men, at the instigation of Don Fernando de Guzman and
some others, who set up Don Fernando as their king, yet
put him to death shortly afterwards. Lope de Aguira then
assumed the command, but the whole plan of conquest fell to
the ground, and Aguira and far the greater pait of the men
engaged in this expedition were slain. Section

CHAP. vm. SECT. VI. hy Francisco Pizarro, 215

Section VI.
Incidents in the History qf Peru, during the successive Go
vernments qf the Conde de Nieva, Lope Garcia de Castro^
and Don Francisco de Toledo, ^
On the death of Don Diego de Azevedo, Don Diego de
Zuniga by Velasco, Conde de Nieva, was apppinted to su
persede the Marquis of Cannete as vicerpy pf Peru, and de
parting frpm Spain to assume his new pffice in January 1560,
he arrived at Payta in Peru in the mpnth of April fpllpwing.
He immediately dispatched a letter tp the marquis infprming
him of his arrival in the kingdom as viceroy, and requiring
the marquis to desist from any farther exercise of authority.
On the arrival of the messenger at Lima, the marquis or
dered him to be honourably entertained, and to receive a
handsome gratification, to the value of 7000 dollars ; but he
forfeited all these advantages, by refusing to address the ex-
viceroy by the tide of excellency. This slight, which had
been directed by the new viceroy, so pressed on the spirits of
the marquis, already much reduced by the infirmities of age
and the ravages of a mortal distemper, that he feU into a deep
melancholy, and ended his days before the arrival of his suc
cessor at Lima.
The Conde de Nieva did not long enjoy the happiness he
expected in his government, and he came by his death npt
many mpnths afterwards by means pf a strange accident, cf
which he was himself the cause ; but as it was pf a scandalous
nature I do not chuse to relate thc particulars. On receiving
notice ofhis death, King Philip IL was pleased to appoint
the lawyer Lope Garcia de Castro, who was then president
of the royal council of the Indies, to succeed to the govern
ment of Peru, with the title only pf president pf the cpurt pf
rpyal audience and governor-general of the kingdom. He
governed the kingdom with much wisdom and moderation,
and lived to return into Spain, where he was replaced in bis
former situation pf president pf the cpuncU of the Indies.
Don Francisco de Toledo, second son of the Conde de
Oropeta, succeeded Lope Garcia de Castro in the government
of Peru, with the title of viceroy. He had scarcely beeiHwor'
years estabUshed in the government, Hvhen be resolved to en
tice •

2 1 6 Conquest qf Peru part ii. book ii .
tice from the mountains of Villcapampa ' where he resided,
the Inca Tupac Amaru, the legitimate heir of the Peruvian
empfre, being the son of Manco Inca, and next brother to the
lats.Don Diego Sayri Tupac, who left no son. The viceroy
was induced to attempt this measure, on purpose to put-astop
to the frequent robberies which were committed by the In
dians dependent on the Inca, in the roads between Cuzco and
Guamanga, and in hope of procuring infprmation respecting
the treasures which had belonged le fprmer Incas and the
great chain pf gold belonging to Huayna Capac, formerly
mentioned, aU of which it was alleged was concealed by the
Indians. Being unable to prevail upon the Inca to put him
self in the power of the Spaniards, a force of two hundred
and fifty men was detached into the ViUcapampa, under the
commaod of Martin Garcia Loyola, to whom the Inca siu--
rendered himself, with his wife, two sons, and a daughter, who
were all carried prisoners to Cuzco.
Ilie unfortunate Inca was arraigned by thc attorney-ge
neral, of having encouraged his servants and vassals to iniest
the roads and to rob the Spanish merchants, of having de
clared enmity against aU who Uved or inhabited among the
Spaniards, and of having entered into a pfot widi the Curacas
or Cadques, who were fords of districts and Indians by an-
dent gi'ants of the former Incas, to rise in arms on a certain
day and to kiU aU the Spaniards they coidd find. At the same
time a general accusation was made against aU tbe males of
mixed race, born of Indian mothers to the Spanish conquer
ors, who were oUeged to have secretly agreed with Tupac
Amaru and other Incas to make an insurrection for extirpa
ting the Spaniards and restoring the native Inca lo the
throne of Peru. In consequence of this accusation, oU the
sons of Spaniards by Indian women who were of age suffi
cient to carry arms were committeil to prison, and many of
them were put to the torture to extort confession of these
aUeged crimes, for which they had no proof or evidence what
soever. Many of them were acconlingly banished to various
remote paits ofthe New World, as to Chili, the new king
dom of Granada, the West India islands, Panama, and Ni
caragua, and others were sent into Spain.
All the males of the royal Une of the Incas, who were in
the
1 The river Qnillabamba, otherwise called Urabaraba and Vilcamayo i*
X I "J"" • °*^ Cuzco, and to the north of that river one of the chains of
tJie Andes 18 named the chain of Cuzco or of the rebel Indians. This i»
probably the mountainous region mentioned in the text.— E.

CHAP. viii. SECT. VI. hf Franeisco Pizarro. 217
the capacity of being able to succeed to the throne, to the
number of thirty-six persons, together with the two sons and
the daughter of the Inca Tupac Amaru, were commanded
to reside for the future in Lima, where in little more than
two years they all died except three, who were permitted to
return to their own houses fpr purer air : But even these
three were beypnd recpvery, and died sppn afterwards. One
of these, Dpu Carlps Paulu, left a son whp died in Spain in
1610, leaving one spn a few mpnths old who died next year ;
and in him ended the entire male line of the Incas of Peiju.
Tupac Amaru was brpught tP trial, under pretence that he
intended tp rebel, and had engaged in a conspiracy with
several Indians, and widi the sons of Spaniards born of In
dian mothers, intending to have dispossessed his majesty
Philip II. ofthe kingdom of Peru. On this unfounded accu
sation, and on the most inconclusive evidence, he was con
demned to lose his ^ead. Upon notice of this sentence, the
friars of Cuzco flocked to prison, and piersuaded the unfor
tunate prince to receive baptism, on which he assumed the
name of Don PhUip. Though the Inca earnestly entreated
to be sent to Spain, and urged the absurdity and impossibi
lity that he could ever intend to rebel against the numerous
Spanish colonists who now occupied the whole country of
Peru, seeing that his father with 200,000 men was utterly
unable to overcome only 200 Spaniards whom he besieged in
the city of Cuzco ; yet the viceroy thought fit to order die
sentence to be carried into execution. The Itica was accord
ingly brought out of prison, mounted on a mule, having his
hands tied and a halter about his neck, and being conducted
to the ordinary place of execution in the city of Cuzco, his
head was cut off' by the public executioner.
After continuing sixteen years in the viceroyalty of Peru,
Don Francisco de Toledo returned into Spain, with a fortune
of above half a miUion of pesos. Falling under the dis
pleasure of the king, he was ordered to confine himself to his
own house, and all his fortune was laid under sequestration,
wdiich so affected his mind that he soon died of a broken
heart. Martin Garcia Loyola, who made the Inca prisoner,
was married to a coya, the daughter of the former Inca Sayri
Tupac, by whom he acquired a considerable estate ; and being
afterwards made governor of Chili, was slain in that country
by the natives. JJND OF THE EARLY HISTORY Or PERU.
CHAPTER

218 Discovery and part ii. book ti.

CHAPTER IX.
history of the discovery and conquest of ch-ixi.
Introduction. '"
NOT having the advantage of any original and contem
porary author to lay before our readers on this occa
sion, it was at first our intention to have omitted any notice
of Chili in the present divisipn pf this wprk : But under the
existing and important circumstances of the Spanish Ameri
can colonies, to which some aUusion has been already made
in the intrpducticn tp the preceding chapter, it has been
deemed prpper tP deviate pu this pccasipn frpm our general
principle, and to endeavour to draw up a short satisioctory
account of the Discovery and Conquest of ChUi, and of the
early History of that interesting region, the most distant of
all the early European colonies in the New World, and which
presents the singular and solitary phencmienon, of a native
nation inhabiting a fertile and champaign country, successfidly
resisting the arts, discipUne, and arms of Europeans, and re
maining unconquered and independent to the present day, after
the almost perpetual efforts of the Spaniards during a period
of 277 years.
In the coinpositipu pf this chapter, we have been chiefly
guided by the gepgraphical natural and civU history of ChiU,
by the Abbe Don Juan Ignatio ^lolina, a native of the coun
try, and a member of die late celebrated order of the Jesuits.
On the dissolution of that order, being expelled along with
all liis brethren fi'om the Spanish dominions, he went to re
side at Bologna in Italy, where in 17S7 he published the first
part of his work, containing the natural history of Chili, and
the second part, or civil history, some years aftei'wards. This
work was translated and published some years ago in the
United States of Nortii America ; and was republished in Lon
don in the year 1809, witii the addition of several notes and
appendixes from various sources by the English editor. In
the present abridged version of the second part of that work,
er civil historv of ChiU, we have collated the whole with An
Historical Relation of thc Kingdom of Chili, by Alonzo de
Ovallc, (II Ornglia, likcw isc a native antl a Jesuit, printed at
Rome

CHAP. IX. SECT. I. Conquest of Chili. 219
Rome in 164-9, of which an English translation is inserted in
Churchill's collection of voyages and travels, Vol. III. p. 1 —
146. In other divisions of this work, more minute accounts
wiU be furnished, respecting the country of Chili and its in
habitants and productions, by means of several voyages to
that distant and interesting country.

Seci'ion L
Geographical Fieio ofthe Kingdohi of Chili,
The kingdom of Chili ih South America, is situated on the
coast ofthe Pacific Ocean or Great South Sea^ between 24-°
and 45° of south latitude, and between 68° 40' and 74° 20'
of west longitude from Greenwich ; but as its direction is
oblique from N. N. E. to S.'S. W. between the Andes on the
east and the Pacific Ocean on the west, the middle of its north
ern extremity is in 70°, and of its southern termination in
about 73° of W. longitude. Its extreme length therefore is
1260 geographical, or 1450 statute miles; biit its breadth
varies considerably, as the Andes approach or recede from
the sea. In the more northern parts, between the latitudes
of 24° and 32° S. the average breadth is .ibout two degrees,
or nearly 140 English miles. Its greatest breadth in lat.
37° S. is about 220 miles; whence its grows £gain narrower,
and the continental part of the country, opposite to the Archi
pelago of Chiloe, varies from about 50 to 100 miles. These
measures are aU assumed as between the main ridge of the
Andes and the sea ; but in many places these mountains ex
tend from 60 to 100 miles farther towards the east, and, being^
inhabited by natives of the same race with the indigenous
Cliilese, or confederated with them, that transalpine region
may be likewise considered as belonging to Chili.
Chili is bounded on the north by Peru, whence its lower or
plain country, between the Andes and the Pacific, is divided
by the extensive and arid desert of Atacama. On the east
it is separated by the lofty chain of the southern Andes from
the countries of 'fucuman, Cujo, and Patagonia, on the waters
which run towards the Southern Atlantic. Through these
fofty and almost impracticable mountains, there are eight or
nine roads which lead from Chili towards the east, into the
vast plains which depend upon the viceroyalty of La Plata,
aU of which are exceedingly difficult and even dangerous.
The

220 Discovery and part ir. book it.
The most frequented of these roads is that which leads from
the province of Aconcagua in ChUi to Cigo, running afong
the deep ravines ofthe rivers ChiUan and Mendoza, bordered
on one side by deep precipices overhanging these rivers, and
on the other by lofty and almost perpendicular mountains.
Both of these rivers derive their origin from the Alpine val
lies ofthe Andes, the former running westwards to the Paci
fic ; while the latter takes a much longer course towards the
Southern Atlantic. This road requires at least eight days
journey to get across the mountain range, and is so narrow
and incommodious, that travellers are obliged in many places
to quit their mules and proceed on foot, and every year some
loaded mules are precipitated from this road into the rivers
below. In some places the road passes over agreeable plains
among the mountains, and in these the traveUers halt for
rest and refreshment. In these valUes, when the Incas con
quered the northern provinces of ChiU, before the coming of
the Spaniards, they caused some tambos or stone houses to be
constructed for the accommodation of their officers. Some
of these are ruined but others remain entire, and the Spaniards
have built some more for the convenience of travellers.
On the west side ChUi is bounded throughout its w hole ex
tent by the shores of the Pacific Ocean ; and on the south it
joins with the southern land usually called the Terra Magel-
lanica, from the name of the navigator, Magellan or Magel-
haens, who first circumnavigated the cpntinent of South
America, and opened the way by sea from the Adantic to the
Pacific Ocean, thrpugh the Straits which are still known by
his name.
Chili may be cunsidered under three natural divisions. The
country of Chili Proper, between the main ridge of the Andes
ond the sea : The Andes themselves, from the main ridge
eastwards to the plain country of La Plata, and the Chilese
islands. ChiU Proper, or that which lies between die main
ridge of the Andes and the Pacific, is usually distinguished
into the Maritime and Midland countries. Tbe Maritime
country is intersected by three chains of hills, running paralld
to the Andes, between which are many fine valUes which are
watered by delightful rivers. The Midland country consists
almost entirely of a uniform plain of considerable elevation,
having a few isolated hills interspersed which add much to its
beauty. The Andes, which are among the loftiest mountains
in tlie world| ai-e mosUy about 120 miles from cast to west, in
6 that

CHAP. IX. SECT. I. Conquest qf Chili. 221
that part of their course which belongs to Chili, consisting of
a vast number of mountains of prodigious height, as if choiur
ed together, and displaying all the beauties and horrors of the
most sublime and picturesque grandeur, abounding every
where with frightftd precipices, interspersed with many fine
vallies and fertile pastures, watered by numerous streams and
rivers which rise in the mountains. Between the latitudes of
24.° and 33° south, the Andes are entirely desert and unin
habited } but the remainder as far as 45° S. is inhabited by
Various tribes or colonies of the Chilese, caUed ChiquUlanes,
Pehuenchee, Puelches, and HuilUches, which are commonly
known under the general a^^eUation oif Patagonians.
§ 1. Chili Proper.
The political divisions of Chili consist of that part which
has been conquered by the Spaniards, and that which stiU
remains independent in the possession of the natives. The
^anjsh portion is situated between the latitudes of 24° and
57° aooth, and is divided into thirteen provinces ; of which
the following is an enumeration, with a short account of
each, beginning on the north, at the desert of Atacama, or
frontiers of Peru. In each of these a corregidor, or deputy-
governor resides, to whose command the civil and milic
tary officers of the province are subordinate, and on whom
the respective cabildos or municipal magistracies are depeur
dent. 1. Copaifo, is bounded on the north by the great desert
of Atacama, on the east by the Andes, on the south by Co-
^purnbo, and on the west by the Pacific. It is about 300
EogUsh miles long by 12U in breath. It contains the rivers
&lBdo, Junc^, Chineral, Copaipo, Castagno, Totoral,
Quebradapmida, Guasco, and ChoUai. This province a-
baunds in gold, lapis lazuU, sulphur, and fossile salt, which
last is found in almost all the mountains of the Andes on its
eastern frontiers. Copaipo its capital is in lat 27° 15' S.
and long. 70° S3' W. The northern part of this province,
beyond the river Juncal is hardly inhabited, except by hun
ters of the Vicunas, which they catch by means of large
paJiaaded incfosures. Besides lead mines to the north of the
river Copaipo, there are several silver mines in this provincci
and some sugar iu made in the valley of the Totoral. This
province has five ports, at Juncal, Chineral, Caldera, Copai-*
poj and Hiiasca, or Guasco. The chief town, Copaipo, situated

222 Discovery and PART ii.:book ii.
situated on the river ofthe same name, contains a parish
church,, a convent of the order of Mercy, and a college which
formerly belonged to the Jesuits. The town of San Francis
co della Salva, stands on the same river about sixty nules
farther inland,
2. Coquimbo, which is divided frcni Copaipo by the river
Huasca or Guasco, is the next province towards the south.
It is accordingly bounded on the north by Copaipo, on the
east by the Andes, on the south-east by Aconcagua, on the
south-west by QuiUota, and on the west by the Pacific. It
is about 1 35 miles from north to south, and 120 from east
to west. Its principal rivers are the Coquimbo, TongM,
Limari, and Chuapa. Its capital is caUed Coquunbo, or
La Serena, founded in 1644 by Valdivia at the mouth ofthe
river Coquimbo in lat. 29° 53' S. long. 71° 12' W. This
city is the residence of several ancient and honourable fami
lies, and is situated in a delightful country and charming
climate ; such being the mild temperature of the air, th^
thr>ugh rain seldom falls, the surrounding country is continu
ally verdant. This province is rich in gold, copper, and
iron, and its fertile spil produces grapes, olives, and other
fruits in great abundance, both those bdonging to Europe,
and such as are natural to the countiy.
3. QuiUota, is bounded on the north by Coquimbo, on the
east by the province of Aconcagua, on the south by MeUpilla,
and on the west by the sea. Its chief rivers are the Longoto-
ma, Ligua, Aconcagua, and Limache ; and its territory is
among the most populous and most abundant in gold of any
in Chili. The capital, called QuiUota or San Martin, stands
in a pleasant valley, in lat. 32° 42' S. and long. 71° W. hav
ing three churches dedicated to die saints Dominic, Franci%
and Augustine. The province likewise contains the cities df
Piazza, Plazilla, Ingenio, Cassablanca, and Petorca ; which
last is very populous, owing to the resort of great numbers of
miners who work in the celebrated gold mines in the neigh
bourhood. Valparaiso, or Valparudiso, the most celebrated
and most coniiueixial harbour in ChiU is in this province,
Irom whence all the trade is carried on with Peru and Spain.
The harbour is very capacious, and so deep that large ship^
can lie close tp the slipre. Its convenience for trade, and the
salubrity of its climate, have rendered tliis a place of consider
able rcsoi t ; so that besides thc city, which is three mdes from
tlic port, there is a populous town along the shore of the har
bour.

CHAP. IX. SECT. I. Conquest of Chili. 223
hour, called Almendral, in which those belonging to the ship
ping mosdy reside. A deputy-governor or corregidor sent
dfrectiy from Spain resides here, who has the command of
the dvU and military officers of the city, and is only amena
ble to the president of ChiU.
4. Aconcagua, is inclosed between the provinces of Coquim
bo, QuiUote, Santiago, and the Andes, being entirely inland
and communicating with the sea through the former province,
the same rivers belonging to both. The celebrated silver
mines of Uspolata are in the Andes belonging to this pro-
.vince, which likewise are productive of excellent copper, and
its lower grounds are fertile in grain and fruit. Aconcagua
or San FiUppe, the capital, is in lat. 32° 18' S. and long.
69° 55' W.
5. MeUpilla, is bounded on the north by QuiUota, on the
cast by Santiago, on the south by the river Maypo dividing it
from Rancagua, and on the west by the Pacific. Ils rivers
are the Mapocho and Poangue, and its territory abounds in
wine and grain. MeUpUla, or San Joseph de Logronno, on
the river Maypo, in lat. 33° 36' S. long. 70° 42' W. is the
chief town of the province, and is but thinly inhabited^
though in a beautiful situation and fertile country, as most
of the principal proprietors reside in the neighbouring city of
St Jago, the capital of the kingdom*
6. St Jago, or San Jacopo, is entirely inland, having the
province of Aconcagua on the north, the Andes on the east,
the river Maypo to the south, and MeUpilla to the west. This
is a small provmce, being only 45 miles from east to west, and
36, from north to south. Besides the rivers Mapocho, Coliua,
and Zampa, with several other beautiful streams, it contains
the lake of Pudaguel which is about nine miles long. This
province is very fertile, producing abundance of grain and
wine, with fine fruits, especially peaches of exquisite flavour
and large size. The inferior mountains of Caren abound in
gold, and in the Andes belonging to this province there are
mines of silver. Tin is likewise said to be found in the pro
vince. The beautiful city of St Jago, the capital of the pro
vince and ofthe kingdom of ChiU, which was founded in 1541
by Pedro de Valdivia, stands in an extensive and beautiful
plain, on the left bank of the river Mapocho, in lat. 33° 16' S.
long. 69° 48' W. having the suburbs of Chimba, Caimadilla,
^nd Renca bn the opposite side of the river. Both sides of
the river are guarded by stone quay walls of considerable height

22t Discovery and part ii. book u.
height to prevent ' inundations, and a fine bridge connects
the city with its suburbs. St Jago is about 90 miles from the
soa, and about 20 from the foot of the main ridge of thc
Andes, whoso lofty summits clad in perpetual snow form a fine
contract with the continual verdure of a beautiful surround
ing district. The streets are all in straight lines, thfrty-six
feel broad, and intersecting each other at right angles, and
every house is amply suppUed with exceUent water by means
of several aqueducts. The great square is 450 foet in extent
on aU its sides, having a bronze fountain iu the centre. The
porth side of this square is occa]»ed by the palace of the pre
sident and the pubUc offices, beneath which is the prison.
On the south side is the palace of the Conde deU Sierra-belhi.
The west side is occupied by the cathedral and tbe palace of
tbe archbi^op ; and die east side contains the palaces of three
noblemen, ""rhe other most remarkable boUdihgs are the
church of San Domingo, and that formeriy bekw^ng to the
coUege of Jesuits. Though convenient and handsomely
built, the private houses are generaUy of one story only, on
account of frequent eardiquakes. On the south side Of the
city, from which it is separated by a street called the Canna-
da, 144 foet broad, is the large suburb of St Isidore. On a
hill in the eastern part of the city, caUed Santa Lnda, there
formerly stood a fortress to guard against attacks of the In
dians. This dty contained in 177(^ a population of 46,000
inhabitants, which was rapidly increasing. Besides the cadie^
dral and three other parish churches, there are two con
vents of Dominican friars, four of Franciscans, two of Augus*
tins, two of the order of Mercy, and one bdonging to the
brothers of Charity, with an hospital, seven nunneries, a
female .penitentiary, a foundUng hospital, a college for the
nobility formerly under the direction of the Jesuits, and a
Tridcntine seminar^'. It contains also an universi^, a mint
for coining gold and silver, and barracks for the soMiers who
are maintained as guards to thc president and royal audience,
7. Rancagua, is bouudod on the north by the river Maypo
and by the Chuchapoal on the south, by the Andes on the
east, and tho Padfic on the west. Besides the former rivers,
it is watered by the Codegua and Chocalait, and some odiers
of less importance; and contains the lakes of Aculen and
Buccalemu, oi no great importance. This province is fertile
in grain, and its chief town, Santa Croce di Trianna, other
wise called P.iuicagua, is in lat St' 18' S. long. 70" l6' W.
Near

chap, tx: stecT. 1. 1 Conqitest of ChiU. 225
Near Alque, a town recently founded about 24 miles nearer
the sea, there is a very rich gold mine. -
8. Calckagua, between the rivers Chachapoal and Teno,
extends- from the Andes to the sea, its breadth from north to
south near the Andes being about 75 miles, whUe on the
coast ofthe Pacific it does not exceed 40. Besides the rivers
which form its boundaries, its territory is watered by the Rio-
clariUp, Tinguiririca, and Chimbarongo ; and in this pro
vince there are two considerable lakes, named Taguatagua
and Caguil, the former being interspersed with' beautifol
islands, and the latter abounding with large clamps ', which
are much esteemed. This province, which is fertile in grain,
wine, and fruits, and abounds in gold, is part of the territories -
ofthe native tribe ofthe Promaucians, whose name is said to
signify the people of delight, so called from the beauty and
fertility of their counU-y. The chief town San Fernando,
built only in 1742, is in lat. 34° 36' S. long.70P 34' W. '
9. Maide, the next province t© thesouth, is boumded on
the east by the Andes, on tlie soudi-east by Chilian, on the
south-west by Itata, and on the west by the Pacific. It is
about 176 mUes fiKim east to west, and about 120 from north
to south where broadest ; and is watered by the Lantue, Rio-
claro, Pangiie, Lfrcai, Huenchullarai, Maule, Putagan,
Achigueraa, Longavi, Loncamilla, Purapel, and other inferior
rivers. It abounds in grain, wine, fruits, gold, salt,' cattle^
and fish ; which last are found in great quantities both in the
sea and rivers. Its native inhabitants are brave, robust, and
warUke, and are prindpally descended from the ancient Pro
maucians. Talca, or St Augustin, built ih 1742 among-
hiUs near the Rio-daro, at a considerable distance frora the
sea, is hi lat. 35° 18' S. long. 70° 48' W. Its population is
considerable, owing to the proximity of rich gold mines, and
the abundance and cheapness of provisions supplied by its
territory. From this last drcumstance, several noble famiUes
from the cities of St Jago and Conception, whose finances
had become diminished, have retired to this place, which has
in consequence been called the bankrupt colony. There are
several pther tpwns in this province, and many villages of the
native Chilese ; among these Laro, near the mouth of the
VOL. V. p river
1 Thus expressed by the translator of Molina, and. probably some fresh
water shell-fish.-^E. '

326 Discovery and^ tart ii. book ir.
river Mataquito, contains a numerous population of the Pro-
maucian nation, and is governed by an Ulmen or native
chief. . 10, Itata, situated on the sea-coast, has Maule on the
north, ChUlan pn the east, Puchacay en the sputh, and the
Facifip pn the west It measures 60 mUes frpm east to west,
and about 33 from north to sputh, and is intersected by the
river Itata, frcm which it derives its nanrc. The best wine
of Chili is made in this prpvince, and being produced pn
lands belonging tp citizens ofthe cltyof Conception, is usual
ly known by the name of Conception wine. Its chief town
named Coulemu, or Nombre de Jesus, stands on the Rip
Jesus, in lat. 35° 58' S» fong. 72° 38" W. and was fpunded
in 1743.
1 1. Chilian, bounded on the north by Maule, by the An
des on the east, on the south by HuUquUemu, and by Itata
on the west, is entirely an inland province, about the same
size with Itata. Its rivers are the Nuble, Cato, Chilian,
DiguUlin, and Dannicalquin. Its territory consists mostly of
an elevated plain, particularly favourable for rearing sheep,
which produce wppI of a very fine quality. Its capital, ChiUan
or San Bartholomeo, in lat. 35° 54' S. long. 71° 30' W. was
fpunded in 1580. It has been several times destroyed by the
Araucanians, and was pverthrpwn by an earthqus&e and in-
undatipu in 1751 ; since which it has been rebuilt in a mote
convenient situation, put of danger from the river.
12. Puchacay, is bpunded pu the nprth by Itata, on the
east by HuUquilemu, pn the south by the river Biobio, and
on the west by the Pacific. It measures 24 miles from ncrth
to south, and 60 from east to west. This province affords
a great quantity of gold, and its strawberries, both wUd and
cultivated, are the largest in all ChUi. Gualqui, or San Juan,
founded in 1754 on the northern shore of the Biobio, is the
residence of the corregidor j but Conception, named Pouco
in the native language, is the prindpal city of the prorince,
and the second in the kingdom of ChiU. It was founded by
Pedro de Valdivia in a pleasant vale, formed by some beauti
ful hills, near the coast, in lat. 36° 42' S. long. 78° 4' W.
After suffering severely in the long wars with the Araucanians,
this city was destroyed in 1730 by an earthquake and inun
dation of the seo, and again by a simUar calamity in 1751 ; and
was rebuilt in 1764 in a beautiful situation a league from the
sea. Owing to so many calamities, its inhabitants scarcely ex-
3 ceed

CHAP. IX. SECT. 1. Conquest qf Chili, 227
ceed 13,000, who are attracted to this place on the frontiers
of the warlike Araucanians, by the great abundance of gold
that is procuired in its neighbourhood. The cUmatc is always
temperate, the soil is fertile, and the sea abounds in fish of
aU kinds. The Bay of Conception is spacious and safe, ex
tending above ten miles from north to south, and nearly as
much from east to west. Its mouth is protected by a beauti
ful and fertUe island, caUed Quiriquina, forming two mouths
Or entrances to the bay ; that on the north-east coUed the
bocca grande being two miles wide, and that on the south
west, or bocca ckica, Uttle more than a mile. The whole hay
affords safe anchorage, and a port at its south-east extremity
caUed Tolcaguano is chiefly frequented by shipping, as being
not far frora the new city of Concepticm.
1 3. Huilquilemu, conunonly caUed Estanzia del Rei, or the
royal possession, has ChiUan on the north, the Andes on the
east, the river Biobio on the south, and Puchacay on the west.
This district is rich in gold, and produces an excellent wine
resembling muscadd. To protect this province against the
warUke and independent Araucanians, there are fpur forts on
the nprth side of the Biebip, named Jumbel, Tucapel, Santa
Barbari^ and Puren ; and as the bpundary Une is to the
snuth pf that river, the Spaniards have likewise the forts pf
Aranco, Colcura, San Pedro, Santa Joanna, Nascimento,
and Angeles beyond that river.
14. Valdivia. This province, or military station rather, ie
entirely separated from the other possessions of the Spaniards
ih ChiU, being entirely surrounded by the territories pf the
Araucanians. It Ues on the sea-coast, on both sides ofthe river
Valdiria or CallacaUas, being reckoned 36 mUes from east to
west, and 1 8 miles from north to south. It abounds in valua
ble timber, and affiirds the purest gold of sany that is found in
ChUi, and produced great quantities of that precious raetol
to Valdivia the original conqueror. But owing to many cala
mities in the wars with the Araucanians, it is now of little im
portance except as a military station. Valdivia, the capital,
in lat. 39° 48' S. long. 73° 24' W. is situated at the bottom
of a beautiful and safo bay, the entrance to which is protected
by the island of Manzera. As this is a naval station of much
importance for protecting the western coast of South America,
it is strongly fortified, and is alv'ays commanded by a mUitary
officer of reputation sent directly from Spain, though under
the direction of tbe president of ChiU. He has always a con
siderable

228 Discovery and part ii. book il.
siderable body of troops, which are officered by the five com
manders of the five casdes which protect the city, with a
sergeant-major, commissary, inspector, and several captains.
From the foregoing short abstract of the geographical cir
cumstances of Chili Proper, or that part of the kingdom
which is possessed by the Spaniards, it appears to extend
from the lat. 24° to 37° both south, or about 900 English
miles in length, by about 180 miles in medium breadth, con
taining about 162,000 square miles of territory or nearly 104
mUUons of statute acres, mostly of fertile soil , in a temperate
and salubrious climate, abounding in all the necessaries of
life, and richly productive in gold and other metals. Hence
this country is calculated to support a most extensive popu
lation, in all the comforts and enjoyments of civilized society,
and if once settled under a regidar government, wiU probably
become at no great distance of time an exceedingly populous
and commercial nation.
The islands belonging to Chili consist principaUy of the
Archipelago of Chiloe, with that of the Chones, which is de
pendent upon the foi-mer. The lai'gest of these islands,
named Ukewise ChUoe, is about 120 miles in extent from
north to south, and about 60 miles from east to west. Be
tween it and the main-land is a vast gulf or bay, which ex
tends from lat. 41°. 32' lo 44° 50' both S. and Ues between
the longitudes of 72° 44' and 74° 20' both W. This is called
the gulf of Chiloe, Guaiteca, or Elancud ; and besides the
great island of Chilo^, contains eighty-tw o smaUer islands,
thinly inhabited by Indians and a few Spaniards. The land
in Chiloe, as in all the smaller islands, is mountainous, and
covered by almost impenetrable thickets. The rains are here
excessive and almost continual, so that the inhabitants sddom
have more than fifteen or twenty days of fair weather in au
tumn, and hardly do eight days pass al any other season with
out rain. The atmosphere is consequently extremely moist,
yet salubrious, and the climate is exceedingly mild and tem
perate. Owing to the great humidity, grain and fruits are
by no means productive, yet the inhabitants raise sufficient
grain, mosdy barley and beans, for their support, and grow
abundance of excellent flax. The town of Castro, on the
eastern shore, in lat. +2° 44' S. is thc capital of the island,
aud was founded in 1565, by Don Martino RuizdeGambpa,
and is built entirely of wood, containing only about a hun
dred and fiity inhabitants, yet has a pai'ish church, a church
formerly

CHAP. IX. SECT. I. Conquest qf Chili. 229
formerly belonging to the Jesuits, and two ccnvcnts. The
pprt pf Chace, near the middle pf the nprthern extremity of
the island, in lat. 41° 53' S. and about the same longitude
with Cagti'o, has good anchorage, and enjoys the whole trade
with Peru and Chili, which is not subjected to the duties
which are paid in other portS)of Spanish America.
Besides the southern Archipelago of Chiloe, there are a few
islands of no great importance on the coast of Chili, not worth
notice. The two islands likewise of Juan Fernandez are con
sidered as dependencies on Chili. The larger of these, called
Isola de Tierra, is at present inhabited by a few Spaniards,
who have a small fort at La Baya or Cumberland harbour.
The smaller island, or Masafuera, otherwise called De Cabras
or Conejos, is uninhabited. § 2. The Province qf Cujo.
Although the province of Cujo, on the east side of the
Andes, be not strictly within the limits of ChUi, yet as de
pendent on the presidency of that kingdom, it is proper to
take notice of it in this place. Cujo is bounded on the north
by the province of Tucuman, on the east by the Pampas or
desert plains of Buenos Ayres, on the south by Patagonia, and
on the west by the southern chain of the Andes. Being com
prehended between the latitudes of 29° and 35° south, it is
about 400 miles in extent from north to south, but its limits
towards the east are uncertain. In temperature and produc
tions, this province differs materially from ChiU. The winter,
which is the dry season, is extremely cold ; and the summer
is excessively hot both day and night, with frequent storms of
thunder and hail, more especially in its western pa,rts near
the Andes. These storms commonly rise and disperse in the
course of half an hour ; after which the sun dries up the mois
ture in a few minutes. Owing to this excessive exsiccation,
the spil is extremely arid, and will neither bear trees nor
plants of any kind^ unless when irrigated by means of canals,
when it produces almost every vegetable in astonishing abun
dance. By these artificial means of cultivation, the fruits
and grains of Europe thrive with extraordinary perfection,
and come a month earlier to maturity than in Chili ; and the
wines produced in Cujo are very rich and full-bodied.
This province is intersected by three rivers which have
their sources in the Andes, the San Juan, the Mendoza, and
theTunujan. The two former are naraed from the citie.s
which

230 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
which are built on their banks. After a course of from 75
to 90 miles, these rivers form the great lakes of Guanasache,
which extend above 300 miles from north to south, and thefr
waters are afterwards discharged by the river Tunujan into
the south-eastern desert Pampas. These lakes abound with
exceUent fish of several kinds, and they produce a sufficient
quantity of salt to supply the whole province of Cujo. The
eastern part of this province, caUed La Punta, is watered by
the rivers Contaro and Quinto, and several smaUer streams,
and is quite different in its climate and temperature from the
western part near the Andes. The plains of La Punta are
covered with beautiful trees of large size, and the natural
herbage grows to such a height in many places as to conceal
the horses and other cattie which roam at large in these ex
tensive plains. Thunder storms are exceedingly violent and
frequent, continuing often for many hours, accompanied by
incessant and immoderate rain.
Among the vegetable productions of Cujo, one of the most
remarkable is a species of palm, which never exceeds eighteen
feet high, putting forth all its branches so near the ground
as to conceal the trunk. The leaves are extraordinarily hard,
and terminate in a point as sharp as a sword. The fiiut re
sembles the cocoa-nut, yet only contains a few hard round
seeds, with no edible kernel; The trunk of this tree is veiy
large, and is covered by a cotffse outer bark of a blackish
colour which is easily detached. Below this, there are five
or six successive layers of a fibrous bark resembling linen
cloth. The first is of a yeUowish colour, and of the consist
ence and appearance of sail-cloth. The others gradually de
crease in thickness, and become whiter and finer ; so that
the innermost is white and fine Uke cambric, but of a looser
texture. The fibres of this natural doth are strong and flexi
ble, but harsher to the fed than those made from flax. This
province produces great abundance of the opuntia, a spedes
of the pactus, which nourishes the cochineal insect ; but the
natives are in use to string these insects on a thread by means
of a needle, by which they acquire a blackish tint. The fruit
of this plant is woolly, about the size of a peach, its internal
substance bdng glutinous and full of smaU seeds. It is sweet
and well-flavoured, and is easily preserved by cutting into
sUccs which are dried in the sun. There are four different
frees producing a species of beans ; two of which are good
rating, the third is employed as provender for horses, and kik is

CHAP. IX. SECT. I. Conquest of Chili. 231
is made from the fourth. The most singular vegetable pro
duction in this country is called the flower qf the air, from
having no root, and never growing on the ground. Its native
situatfon is on the surface of an arid rock, or twining round
the dry stem of a tree. This plant consists ^f a single shoot,
Uke the stem of a gUly-flower, but its leaves are larger and
thicker, and are as hard as wpod. Each stalk produces two
or three white transparent flpwers, in size and shape resem
bling a Uly, and equaUy pdpriferous with that flower. They
may be preserved fresh on their stalks for more than two
months, and for several days when plucked off. This plant
may be transported to almost any distance ; and wiU produce
flowers annually, if merely hung up on a nail.
In the northern parts of Cujo there are mines of gold and
copper, but they are not worked owing to the indolence of
the inhabitants^ It has also rich mines of lead, sulphur, vi
triol, salt, gypsum, and talc or asbestos. The mountains
near the city of Juan are entirely composed of white marble,
in stratified slabs of five or six feet long by six or seven inches
thick, aU regularly cut and polished by nature. From this
the inhabitants prepare an exceUent lime, which they use in
building bridges over the streams and canals of irrigation.
Between the city of Mendoza and La Punta, on a low range
of hiUs, there is a large stone pillar, 150 feet high and 1^ foet
diameter, called the giant, on which there are certain marks
or inscriptions resembling Chinese characters. Near the
Diamond river there is another stone, having marks which
appear to be characters, and the impression of human feet,
with the figures of several animals. The Spaniards call it
the stone of St Thomas ; from a tradition handed down from
the first settlers, said to have been received from the native
Indians, that a white man with a long beard, formerly preach
ed a new reUgion from that stone to their ancestors, and left
the impression ofhis feet, and the figures ofthe animals that
come to hear him, as a memorial of his sanctity.
The aboriginal natives of the province of Cujo are called
Guarpes, of whom there are npw very few remaining. They
are of a lofty stature, very thin, and of a brown colour, and
speak a quite different language from that of the Chilese.
"This people was anciently conquered by the Peruvians, after
having taken possessipn nf the nprthern part pf Chili ; and
on the road across the Andes frora Cujo to ChUi, there s^iH
are some smaU stone bmldings, or tambos, whiph had beeii
erected

l.'32 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
erected for the accommodation of the Peruvian officers and
messengers. The first Spaniards who attempted to reduce
this country were sent by Valdivia, under the command of
Francisco de Aguirre, who returned to Chili after the. death
of Valdivia; In 1560, Don Garcia de Mendoza sent a force
under Pedro del CastUlo, who subdued the Guarpes, and
founded the cities of San Juan and Mendoza. The latter,
which is the capital, is situated on a plain at the foot of the
Andes, in lat 33° 54' S. long. 68° 34' W. This is supposed to
contain about 6000 inhabitants, and is continually increasing
in population, owing to its vicinity to the celebrated silver
mine of Uspallatta, which is worked by the inhabitants to
great profit. This city carries on a considerable commerce
in wine and fruits with Buenos Ayres. The city of San Juan
near the Andes, in lat. 31° 40' S. and long. 68° 34' W. is
equally populous with Mendoza, from which it is about 160
mUes due north, and trades with Buenos Ayres m brandy,
fruits, and Vicunna skins. Its pomegranates are gready es
teemed in ChUi, to which they are sent across the Andes.
This city is governed by a deputy from the corregidor of
Mendoza, assisted by a cabUdo. In 1 596, the small city of
La Punta, or San Luis de Loyola, was founded in the eastern
part of Cujo, in lat. 33° 47' S. long. 65° 33 W. Although
the thoroughfare for all the trade from Chili and Cujo to
Buenos Ayres, it is a miserable place with scarcdy two hun
dred inhabitants ; but its jurisdiction is extensive and popu
lous, and is administered bodi in civil and military affairs by a
deputy of the corregidor of Mendoza. Besides these three
cities, the province of Cujo contains the towns of Jachal, Val-
lofertil, Mogna, Corocorto, Leonsilo, Calingaita, and Pis-
manta*, which do not merit particular attention.
The Patagonians who border upon Cujo towards the south,
and of whose gigantic stature so much has been said, do not
differ materially in this respect from odier men. The Pojas,
one of their tribes, are governed by several petty independent
princes. A singular species of polygamy prevails among diis
people, as the women are permitted to have several husbands.
As to the Cesari, of whom such wonderful stories have been
reported, and who lue supposed to be neighbours of the
Chilese,'
S •Resides these, modern maps insert the following, beginning in the
north. Betlen, Rioja la Noeva, Mutinan, San Juan de Jaebas, Guana-,
choca, all to the notth of Mendoza.— E.

CHAP. IX. SECT. I. Conquest qf Chili. 233
ChUese, they have no existence except in the fancies of those
who take pleasure in marvellous stories.
§ 3. T'ke Indian Country, or Araucania.
That part of Chili which remains unconquered reaches
from the river Biobio in the north to the Archipelago of
Chiloe in the south, or between the latitudes of 37° and 42' S.
This country is inhabited by three independent nations, the
Araucanians, the Cunches, and the HuilUches. The terri
tory of the Araucanians, contains the finest plains in Chili,
and is situated between the rivers Biobio and CallacaUas,
stretching along the sea-coast for about 186 miles, and is ge
neraUy allowed to be the most pleasant-and fertile district in
the kingdom of Chili. Its extent from the sea to the foot of
the Andes, was formerly reckoned at 300 miles ; but as the
Puelches, a nation inhabiting the western side of the moun
tains, joined the confederacy, of the Araucanians in the seven
teenth century, its present breadth cannot be less than 420
mUes, and the whole territory is estimated at 78,120 square
miles or nearly 50 millions of acres.
The Araucanians derive their name from die province of
Arauco, the smaUest in their territory, but which has given
name to the whole nation, as having been the first to propose
the union which has so long subsisted among the tribes, or
from having at some remote period reduced them under its
dominion. Enthusiastically attached to their independence,
they pride themselves on the name of auca, signifying free
men ^ ; and by the Spaniards who were sent from the anny
in Flanders to serve in ChiU, this country has been caUcd
Araucanian Flanders, or the invincible state. Though the
Araucanians do not exceed the ordinary height of mankind,
they are in general mu.scular, robust, well proportioned, and
of a martial appearance. Their complexion is of a reddish
brown, but clearer than the other natives of America, except
the tribe named Boroanes, who are fair and ruddy. "Hiey
have round faces, small eyes full of animated expression, a
rather
3 According to Falkner the missionary, tiiica is a name of reproach.
given them by the Spaniards, signifying rebels or wild men ; aucant is to
rebel or make a riot, and auca-cahual signifies a wild horse — This may be
tlie case in the language of the subjected Peruvians and northern Chilese,
while ih that of the independent Araucanians it may signify free ; yaA as
republicanis an honourable term in the United States, while it is 4 name of
reproach under a monarchical government. — E.

234 Discaoery and part h. book, iin
rather flat nose, a handsome^jmouth, even white teeth, mus
cular and weU shaped legs, and smaU flat feet. Like the
Tartars, they have hardly any beard, and they carefully
pluck out any little that appears, caUing the Europeans- long-
beards, by way of reproach. The hair on their heads is thick,
black, and coarse, is aUowed to grow very long, and is worn
in tresses wound around their heads. The women are deli
cately formed, and many of them are very handsome, especi
ally the Boroanes. They are generaUy long Uved, and are
not subject to the infirmities of age tUl a late period nf life>
seldpm even beginning to grow grey tiU sixty or seventy, or
to be wrinkled till fpursccre. Iney are intrepid, animated,
ardent, patient pf fatigue, enthusiastically attached to Uberty,
and ever ready tp sacrifice their lives for their coimtry, jea
lous of their honour, courteous, hospitable, faithfol to thefr
engagements, gratefol for services, and generous and humane
to their vanquished enemies. Yet these noble quaUties jore
obscured by the vices which are inseparable from thefr
half savage state, unrefined by literature or cultivation :
Being presumptuous, entertaining a haughty contempt for
other nations, and much addicted to drunkenness and de
bauchery. Their dress is manufactured from the wool of the vicunna,
and consists of a shirt, vest, short close breeches, and a cloak
or poncho, having an opening in the middle to admit the
head, which descends all round as low as the knees. This
cloak, which leaves the arms at Uberty, and can be thrown
back at pleasure, is so convenient for riding, and so excellent
a protection from wind and rain, that it is now commonly
adopted by the Spanish inhabitants of Chili, Peru, and Para
guay. The shirt, vest, and breeches, aie always of a greenish
blue, or turquois colour, which is the uniform of the nation.
Among persons of ordinary rank, the poncho, or native cloak,
is also of the same national colour ; but those of the higher
classes have it of different colours, as white, red, or blue,
with stripes a span broad, on which figures of flowers and
animals are wrought in different colours with much ingemu-
ty, and the borders are ornamented with handsome fringes.
Some of these ponchos are of so fine a texture and richly or
namented as to seU for 100 or even 150 dollars. Their only
head-dress is a fiUet or bandage of embroidered wool, which
they ornament in time of war with a nuniber of beautifid
feathers. Round the waist they wear a long sash or girdle of
wooUen,

(JHAp. IX. sect. I. Conquest of Chili. 23S
woollen, handsomely wrought j and persons of rank have
leather sandals, and woollen boots, but the common people are
always bare-footed.
The dress ofthe women is entirely of wool, and the nation
al greenish blue colour, consisting of a tunic or gown without
sleeves reaching to the feet, fastened at the shoulder by silver
buckles, and girt round the waist by a girdle ; over which
gown they wear a short cloak, which is fastened before by a
silver buckle. They wear their hair in several long braided
tresses, flowing negligently over their shoulders, and decorate
thefr heads with false emeralds and a variety of trinkets.
They wear square ear-rings of silver, and have necklaces
and bracelets of glass-beads, and silver rings on all their
fingers.
» Like aU the other tribes in Chili, before the arrival of the
Spaniards, the Araucanians stiU continue to construct their
houses or Tints rather of a square form, of wood plaistered
with clay, and covered with rushes, though sorae use a species
of bricks ; and as they are all polygamists, the size of their
houses is proportioned to the number of women they are able
to maintain. The interior of their houses is very simple, and
the furniture calculated only to ^erve the most necessary pur
poses, without any view to luxury or splendour. They never
form towns, but Uve in scattered viUages along the banks of
rivers, or in plains that can be easily irrigated.
The whole country of the Araucanian confederacy is di
vided into four principalities, called Uthal-mapu in their lan
guage, which run parallel to each other frora north to south.
These are respectively named Lauquen-mapu, or the maritime
country ; Lelbun-mapu, or the plain country ; Inapire-mapu,
or country at the foot of the Andes ; and Pire-mapu, or the
country on the Andes. Each principality or Uthal-mapu is
divided into five provinces, called Ailia-regue s and each pro
vince into nine districts, termed regue. Hence the whole
country contains 4 Uthal-mapus, 20 Ailla-regues, and 180
Regiies. Besides these, the country of the Cunches, whp are
in alliance, with the Araucanians, extends alpng the ccast be
tween Valdivia and the archipelagp pf Chifoe ; and the Hu-
illiches, likewise aUies of the Araucanians, occupy all the
plains to the eastward, between the Cunches and the main
ridge of the Andes. j
¦"The civil government is a kind of aristocratic republic,
under three «rders of )tereditary nobUity, each subordinate to
the

236 Discovay and taut ii. book ii.
the other. Each of the four Uthal-mapus is governed hy a
Toqui. The Ailla-regues, are each under the command of an
Apo-ulmen ; and every one of the Regues is ruled by an Ul-
'men. , The four toqins are independent of each other, but
are confederated for the public welfare. The Apo-ulmens
govern the provinces under the controul or superintendence
of the respective toquis ; and the ulmens of the regues are
dependent on the Apo-ulmens, or arch-ulmens. "This de
pendence is however almost entirely confined to mUitary af
fairs. The distinguishing badge of the toqui is a kind of
batde-axe, made of marble or porpyhry. The Apo-ulmens
and Ulmens carry staves with silver heads ; the former being
distinguished by the addition of a sUver ring round the
middle of their staves. The toqui has only the shadow of
sovereign authority, as eveiy question of importance is de
cided by an assembly of the great body of nobles, which is
called Bufa-coyog or Auca-coyog the great council, or the
Araucanian council. This assembly is usually held in some
large plain, on the summons of the toquis ; and on such oc
casions, like the ancient Germans as described by Tacitus,
they unite the pleasures of revelUng and even drunkenness
with their deUberations. By their traditionary laws, caUed
Ad-mapu or customs ef the country, two or more principali
ties, provinces, or districts cannot be held by the same chief.
Whenever the male line of the ruling family becomes ex
tinct, the vassals have the right to elect their own chief; aud
all the districts are directed entirely in civil matters by their
respective Ulmens. The people ai'e subject to no contribu
tions or personal services whatever, except in time of war ;
so that aU the chiefs of every rank or degree have to. subsist
on the produce pf their pwti possessions.
The miUtary government is established upon a system of
wonderful regularity. When the great councU detennines
on going to war, they proceed immediately to elect a com
mander-in-chief, who is in some measure die dictator of the
countiy during his continuance in office. The toquis have
in course die hr^t claim lo tiiis high dignity, as being the here
ditary generals and staddiolders of the republic ; yet, disre
garding all respect for superior rank, the councU often en
trusts diis supreme power to die most deserving of the Ul
mens, or even to an officer of an inferior dass, considering
only on this occasion the talents that ai-e deaiied necessary
ior commaud. Thus in the war of 1722, the stnircme com
mand

CHAP. IX. SECT. 1. Conquest qf Chili. 237
mand was confided to VUumUla, a man of low origin, ahd in
that wjiich terminated in- 1773, to Curignanca, the younger
son of an Ulmen in the province of Encol. On his elevation
to office, the generalissimo of the repubUc assumes the title
of toqui, and the stone hatchet in token of supreme command;
on which the four hereditary toquis lay aside thdrs, as it is
not permitted them to carry this, ensign of authority during
the continuance of the dictator iti office, to whom all the
toquis apo-ulmens and ulmens take the oath of obedience.
Even the people, who during peace are exceedingly repug
nant to subordination, are now entirdy submissive to the
commands of the military dictator. "5?et he has not the
power of putting any one to death, without the consent of
his principal officers ; but as all these are of his appointment,
his orders are next lo absolute.
It has always happened since the arrival of the Spaniards
in ChiU, that the supreme toquis have been elected from
among the natives of the provinces of Arauco, Tucapel,
Encol, or Puren ; but I know not whether this may be
owing to some ancient law or agreement, or to some super
stitious notion. The supreme toqui appoints his vice-toqui
or Ueutenant-general, and the other officers of his staff; who
in their turn nominate the inferior officers. The vice-toqui
is almost always elected from among the Puelches, to gratify
the ambition of that valiant tribe, which forms about a foiirth
part of the population of the confederacy. At present the
array ofthe Araucanians is composed both of cavalry and in
fantry.. Originally it consisted entirely of foot; but in their
.first battles with the Spaniards, perceiving the vast advan
tage derived by their enemies from the employment of caval
ry, they soon applied themsleves to procure a good breed of
horses; insomuch that in 1568, only seventeen years after
their first encountering the Spaniards, they had several squa
drons of cavalry ; .and by the year 1585, the Araucanian ca
valry was regularly organized by the toqui Cadeguala. The
infantry is divided into regiments of a thousand men, and
these into ten companies of an hundred men each. The ca-
•valry is divided in a similar manner ; but the numbers in the
regiments and troops are not always the same. Each body
pf horse and foot has its particular standard ; but all bear a
star, ; which is the national device. The soldiers are not
clothed in uniforms, but all have cuirasses of hardened
leather below their ordinary dresses, with shields and helmets of

23» Discaoery and paut n. book ii.
of the sanie materiaL The cavalry are armed with sworde
and lances; and the infantry with pUces or clubs pointed
with froni In battle, the cavalry is distributed on the two
wings of the army, whUe the infantry forms the centre or
main body, divided into its several battoUons or regimente, the
ranks being composed altematdy of pikemen and soldiers
armed with chibs or maces. The right wing is confided £6
the rice-toqui, and the left to on experienced officer next in
rank ; while the toqui is present wherever occasion requfres,
and exhorts his soldiers to fight vaUanlly for the Uberties <rf
the nation. They formerly employed bows and sUngs in war;
but taught by experience to avoid the destructive efi^ts of
musquetry in distant fight, they are now eager to close with
their enemies. Impressed widi the opinion that to die in
battle for their country is the greatest honour that can be
acquired, whenever the signal for battie is given, they advance
witli the utmost rapidity, despising the slaughter produced
by the cannon and musquetry, yet preserring the strictest
order and discipUne, and often succ^d in bearing down the
firmest array of the Spaniards.
One of the first measures of the national council, when war
is resolved upon, is to dispatch messengers to the confederate
tribes, and even to the Indians who Uve under the l^anish
government, to summon them to make common cause 'with
their countrymen. The credentials of these messengers are
some small arrows tied together by a red string, the symbol
of blood. But if hostiUties have been already commenced,
the finger of a slain enemy accompanies the arrows. This
embassy is called pulchitum, which signifies to run the arrow,
and the messengers are called guerquenis. The toqui or mi
litary dictator directs what number ofsoldiersistobefomish-
ed by each Uthal-mapu or principaUty. Tbe particular to
quis regulate the contingencies of the Apo-ulmens } and these
last apportion these among the several Ulmens of their pro
vinces. The army of the state usuaUy consists of five or six
thousand men ; besides which, a body of reserve is always in
readiness for particular occasions, or to replace those^who may
be killed in battle. Before taking the field, the general as
signs three days for consultation with his principal officers,
during which the plan ofthe campaign is maturely deliberated
upon, and every one has liberty to offer his opinion : Bnt
the general finally settles the plan of warfare in secret consul
tation with his principal officers. After aU is agreed upon, the

«HAF. IX. SECT. I. Conquest tf Chili. 23*
the army commences its march to the sound of drums, and
is always preceded by several advanced parties, to guard a-
galnst surprise. During the march, the infantry as weU as
the cavalry are on horseback ; but on coming to action, the
infantry dismounts and is regularly marshalled in companies
and battaUons. AU die soldiers have to provide their own
horses arms and provisions ; and as aU ai-e liable to miUtary
service, no one has to contribute towards the supply of the
army. Their provisions consist chiefly in a small sack of
parched med^ which each soldier carries on his horse ; and
which, dUuted with water, serves them as food tiU they can
Uve at free quarters in the eneroys country. Being thus un
encumbered with baggage, they are able to move with asto
nishing celerity, either to attack or to retreat as may be neces
sary. They are extremely vigilant when in presence of the
enemy, encamping always in secure and advantageous situa
tions, strengthening their posts with entrenchments, and pla*:
cing sentinels on aU sides, every soldier being obliged durr
ing the night to keep a fire burning in front of his tent.
When necessary they protect thefr posts and encampments
with deep trenches, guarded by abatis or hedges of spinous
or thorny trees, and strew calthrops at all the avenues to re
press attacks from the cavalry of the enemy. In short there
are few miUtary stratagems with which they are unacquainted,
and are wonderfully expert in tactics '*.

Section IL
Qfihe Origin, Manners, and Language of the Chilese.
The origin ofthe primitive inhabitants of ChUi, like that
of all the nations and tribes of the aboriginal Americans, is
involved in impenetrable obscurity. Many of the natives
consider themselves as indigenous, while others derive their
origin
4 From the singular excellence pf the military institutions of the Arau
canians, by which they have been enabled td preserve their liberties against
the superior arms of the Spaniards, down even to the present day, we have
been induced to extend th&se observations much beyond our usual -limits on
such occasions. Such as are inclined to inquire more minutely into the civil
institutions of this wonderful people, will find them detailed in the work pf
the Abbe Molina, together -with a minute account of the natural productiosis
(rfCMi.— £.

240 Discovery and pakt ii. book ii.
origin from a foreign stock, supposing their ancestors to have
come from the north or from the west ; but as they were ut
terly unacquainted with the art of writing, they have no re
cords or monuments from which to elucidate this inquiry,
and their traditionary accounts are too crude and imperfect
to afford any degree of rational information on the subject.
The Chilese caU their first progenitors PegJii Epatum, signi
fying the brothers named Epatum. They call them lUtewise
glyce, or primitive men ; and in their assemblies invoke their
ancestors and deities in a loud voice, crying Pom, pam, pum,
mari, mari, Efmnamen, Amimalguen, Pegni Epatum. . The
meaning of these words is uncertain, unless we may suppose.
it to have some connexion with the word pum, used by the
Chinese to signify the first created man, or the one who was
saved from the deluge. The lamas or priests of Thibet are
likewise said to repeat to their rosaries, the syUables om, am,
um, or hom, ham, hum ; which corresponds in some measure
with the customary exclamation of the Chilese.
It appears probable that the whole of ChiU had been ori
ginally peopled by one nation, as all the native tribes, how
ever independent of each other, speak the same language,
and have a similar appearance. The inhabitants of the plains
are of good stature, but those who dwell in the valleys of the
Andes, usuaUy surpass the ordinary height of man. The fea
tures of both are regular, and none of them have ever attempted
to improve nature by disfiguring their faces, to render them
selves more beautifol or more formidable. Their complexion,
like the other American natives, is reddish brown or copper-
coloured, but of a clearer hue than the other Americans, and
readily changes to white. A tribe which dwells in the 'dis
trict of Baroa, is of a clear white and red Uke Europeans,
without any tinge of copper colour. As diis tribe differs in
no other respect from the rest of the Chilese, this difference
in complexion may be owing to some pecuUar influence of
the climate which they inhabit, or to thdr greater civiliza
tion. Some persons have been disposed to attribute tiiis dif
ference in colour to an intermixture with a number of Spa
nish prisoners taken during the unfortunate war of the six
teenth century : But the Spanish prisoners were equally dis-
iributed amoug the other tribes, none of whom aie white;
and besides, the first Spaniards who came to ChiU were all
from the southern provinces of Spain, where ruddy complex
ions arc extremely rare. JO From

CHAP.ix.8ECT.il. Gbnquesi qf Chili. J84]
From the harmony, richness, and regularity of the Chilese
language, we are led to conclude that the natives must in
former times have possessed a much greater degree of civili
zation than now, or that they are the remains of a great and
illustrious nation, which has been ruined by some of these
physical or moral revolutions which have occasioned such
astonishing changes in the world. The Chilese language is
so exceedingly copious, both in radical words, and in the use
of compounds, that a complete dictionary of it would fill a
large volume. Every verb, either derivatively or conjunctive
ly, becomes the root of numerous other verbs and nouns, both
adjectives and substantives, which in their turn produce others
of a secondary nature which may be raodified in a hundred
different manners. From every word in the language, a verb
may be formed by adding a final n. Even from the most
simple particles, verbs may be thus formed, by which at the
same time great precision and great strength are given to
conversation. Yet the language contains no irregular verb
or noun, 'every thing being regulated by the most wonderfol
precision and simplicity, so that the theory of the language is
remarkably easy, and may be learnt in a very short time. It
abounds also in harmonious and sonorous syllables, which
give it ranch sweetness and variety ; yet is injured by the fre
quent recurrence of the sound of u. The Chilese language
differs essentially fi-ora every other American language, both
in words and construction, with the exception of eighteen or
twenty words of Peruvian ori^n, which is not to be wonder
ed at, considering the contiguity of the two countries. The
most singular circumstance in this language is, that it contains
a considerable number of words apparently of Greek and
Latin derivation, and having similar significations in both
languages; yet I am inclined to believe that this circumstance
is merely accidental '.

I The original language of Chili, generally called the Arau
canian, is denominated by the natives Chili-dugu, or the Chili
speech or. language. The alphabet is the same as the Latin,
except the want of x, which indeed is only a compound letter.
VOL. V, Q The
1 Perhaps these words may have been adopted into the Chilese language
from the Spaniards,' who speak a kind of <Ualect of Latin. The remainder
of this section is an abridgement of an Essay oh the Chilese language, ap
pended to the second volume of Molina.— E.

242

Discovery and

PAST II. BOOK II.

The s Ukewise only occurs in about twenty of their words, and
never at the termination j ond the z is stiU more rare. Be
sides the ordinary letters; the ChUese has the mute e, and a
pecuUar u Uke the Greek and French ; the former being de
signated by the acute, and the latter by the grwue accent, to
distinguish them from the ordinary e and u. This latter u is
often changed to i. It has likewise a nasal g and athi which
latter is often changed to ch, as chegua. for thegua, a dog.
There are no gutturals or aspirates. All the words end either
in pne pf the six vpwels, or in b, d,f, g, I, m, n, r, or v ; so
that there are fifteen distinct terminations. The accent is
usually on the penult vpwel, sometimes on the last, but never
on the antipenult. The radical words, mostly monpsj'Uables
or dissyllables, are estimated at 1973. As far as we bave been
able to discover, these radicals have np onolpgy with any
other knpwn idinm, thpugh the language contains a number
ef Greek and Latin words very little varied, as in the foUow- .
ing table. It is proper to mention, that the orthography ef
the Chilese words is given according lo the Italian pronun
ciation.

Chilese.
Aldun Ale Amun Cai Ga
Lampaicon
Mulan
Pele Keuma
Tupan
Chilese. Aren CupaPapeinEjun
Lev Lumulmen
Lui Man
PutunValin Valtn
Une

Greek.
Aldein Ele Mouon
Kai Ga
Lampeia
Mullen
Pelos ReumaTupein
Latin.
Ardere CupereDapinareEjulare
Levis Lumen
Lux Manus
Potare Valere
Valere Unus

SlGNiriCATIOK. to increase.
splendour. logo.and. in truth.
to shine.
to pulverise-
mud.a stream.
to whip.

to bum.
to desire.
to feast.
to we^.
active, swift.
Ught.
brightness. the right.
to dtiiJc.
to be worth.
to be able-
one.

The

CTtAP. IX. SECT. I. Conquest tf Chili. 243
The nouns haye only one declensioni or rather are inde»
clinable, the numbers and cases being marked by various parr
tides ; but each, in this way, has the singular^ dual, and
plural, 'like the Greek. Thus Cara the city, has Cdra-egu
the two cities, and Pu-cara the cities, as in the foUowing ex
ample.

Singular.

Dual.

Plural,

Nom! Cara

Cara-egu

pu-Cara

<3en. Cara-ni

Cara-egu-ni

pu-Cara-ni
pu-Cara-meu

Dat. Cara-meu

Cara-egu-meu

Accus. Cara

Cara-egu

pu-Cara

Voc a Cara

a Cara-egu

a pu-Cara

Abl. Caramo

Cara-egu-mo

pu-Cara- mo

Instead of ^», the mark of the plural, ica or egen may be
affixed to the noun, or que placed between the adjective and
substantive. Thus the plural of cara raay be pu-cara,
carcdca, or caraegen^ signifying the cities ; or cum-que cara,
the good cities.
The Chilese language abounds with adjectives, both prima-
tive and derivative. The latter are formed from every part of
speech by invariable rules : As, from tue the earth, comes
tuetu tertestrial i from quimen to know, quimchi wise; and
these, by the interposition of no, become negative, as tuenotu
not terrestrial, quimnochi ignorant. The adjectives, partici
ples, and derivative pronouns are uiisusceptible of number or
gender, in Which they resemble the English; yet when it is
necessary to distinguish the sexes, alca is used for the mascu
line, and domo for, the feminine. The compara,tive is foi-med
by prefixingj'of^ or doi to the positive, and the superlative by
cad or mu^ Thus from chu limpid, are formed doichu more
limpid, and muliu most limpid. There are no diminutives or
augmentatives, which are supplied by means of the adjectives
pichi little, and buta great. Diminutives are also formed by
changing a harsh sound into one inore liquid ; as votun son,
tp vochiun littie spn. The primitive prpnpuns are inche I,
eimi ypu, teye which, &c. The relatives are inmf whp, chem
what, ta pr ga tiiat, &c. The verbs all terminate in the syl
lables an, en, in, on, un, tin j and are all regulated by a sfogle
cpnjugation, having oU the voices, moods, and tenses of the
Latin, with three or four others, and the singidar dual and
plural Uke the Greek. The terminations of the present tense
of each mood form the roots pf all the Pther tenses ofthe same
mood.

244 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
mood, which are distinguished by certain particles, as che in
the second present, bu in the imperfect, tije in the perfect, &c.
as in the following example, which are placed between the
radical and the final n. Passive verbs are formed by the auxi
liary gen, between the radical and final n. Impersonal
verbs by the particle am added to the radical. The foUow
ing example of the verb elun to give, wUl serve as a model for
all the other verbs in the language without exception, as there
is but one conjugation and no irregular verbs. It is to be
noticed, that the first present of aU the verbs is used, as our
compound preterite: Thus elun signifies I give or I have given ;
while the second present is strictly confined to the present
time. Active Voice.
Indicative Mood.
Present Tense.
Singular. Dual. Plural.
1 . Elun, I give. Elu-vu, We two give. Eluign, We give
2. Eluimi, Thou givest. Eluimu, You two ^ive. Eluimen, Ye give
3. Elui, He gives. Eluigu, They two give. Eluigen, They give
Second Present, 1. £/bi:A«j, I give. 2. jB/«c^»z/, Thou givest, &c.
Imperfect, I. Elubun,I&dgiyt. S. Eluiuimi, Thoy^, &c.
Perfect, 1. Eluuyen, I gave; 2. Eluuyeimi, Thou, &c.
Pluperfect, 1. Elunyeiun, I had given, &c.
IstFuturCj 1. Eluan, I will give, &c.
2d Future, 1. Eluayean, I shall have ^ven, &c.
1st Mixed, 1. Eluabun, I had to give, &c.
2d Mixed, 1. Eluugabun, I ought t» have had to give ; &c.
Imperative Mood.
Singular. Dual. Plural.
1 Ehche, let me give Eluyu, let us two give Eluign, let us give
2 Eluge, give thou Elamu, let you two give Elumen, give ye
3 Elupe, let him give Elugu, let these two give Elugen, let them give
Subjunctive ^Iood.
Present tense, Eluli, if I may give
Imperfect, Elubili, if I might give
Perfect, Eluuyeli, if I may have given
Pluperfect, Eluuyeiuli, if I might have given
1st. Future, Eluali, if I shall give
2d. Future, Elmiyela, if I shall have given
1st. Mixed, Eluabuli, if I liad to give
2d. Mixed, Bluyeabtdi, if I should have to give
Tlie optative is formed of the subjunctive, or of the twe
mixed tenses of the indicative, by adding the desiderative par-
^ tides

SHAP. IX. SECT. II. Conquest tf Chili. 245
tides velem, uel, or chi s as eluli velem ! "Would to God that
I might give ; eluabun chi 1 Would to God that I had to
^ive; &c. The affirmative infinitive is the same with the
radical of the verb ; or 1st person singular of the indicative
tense ; sp that there are nine peculiar infinitives, which are
distinguished frpm these tenses by spme determinative particle.
Active Participles.
iBt Present, Elulu, he whb gives 1st Mixed, Eluabulu, he who shall
sd Present, Eluquelu, he who gives have to give
Imperfect, £/!<£«/«, he who did give Si Mix.ei, Eluuyeabulu, he who
Perfect, Eluuyelu, he who gave should have given
Pluperfect, Eluuyebula, he who had Gerunds. ^
given 1 st Present, Eluyum, giving^
1st Future, Elualu, he who shall give 2d Present, Elualu, for to give _
2d Future, Eluuyealu, he who shall Imperfect, JEfeyaiMw, when giving
have given
Passive "Voice.
Indicative Mopd.
Present. Imperfect.
Elugen, 1 am given Elugebum, I was given
Participles Passive.
ut Present, Elagelu, ff.y»n Imperfect, Elvgebulu,th3.tvfiS given
iid Present, Eluel, given Perfect, £/aiaf/, that was "given
Impersonal Verb.
Indicative Mood,
1st Present, Eluan, that is giving 1st Future, Eluayam, that shall be
2d Present, Eluchean, that is giving jgiven
Imperfect, £/»iz<fl»?, that vras giv- sdFuture, £/««ytfaya»«,that should
ing be given
Perfect, £/K«yfa»2,that was given ist Mixed, .B&fl^««w, that had to
give
Pluperfect, , Eluuyebuam, that had 2d Mixed, Eluuyeabuam,tkitihaa\^
given have to give
Imperative, Elupeam, let us give, &c.
lustead of the impersonal verb, the third person singular
bf the passive may be used impersonally, as ih Latin. The
verb may be made negative through its whole conjugation, by
means of inserting the particle la in the indicative, qui in the
imperative which then takes the termination of the subjunctive
mood, and by means of no in the subjunctive and infinitive
moods, as in the following examples. Indicative

24S DiscoveAf and part ii,, book ii*
Indicative, ^lulan, I do not give Elulaimi, thou doest not give^
Imperative, Eluquili, let me not give, &c.'
Subjiin^tive, £/uno//, if I do not give, &c.
Infinitive, Elunou, not to give, &c.
NUBIERALS OF THE ChILESE LANGUAGE.
Cardinals.
1- Quigne 11. Meri-guigne 21. Epumari quigne
2. Epu 12- Mari^pu, Sue. 102. Patacaepu
3. Cula SO- Epumari 2003. Epuhuaranca tula,
4. ilff/< so. Culamari &c.
5. Quechu 40. Melimari, &u:.
6. Ca^u 100. Pataca
7. Jif/^/i* 200. Epupataca, &c.
8. /'ara 1000. Huaranca
9. .<4y//<i 2000. Epuhuaranca
10. il^ji 0)'£fi"»flZ5.
17nf», Unelelu, Quignelelu, Quignegetu, Quignegentu, Quigmentu, once
Epulelu, epugelu, epugentun, epuntu, twice, &c. 4
Numeral Adverbs,
Quignecht, guignemel, quignemita, once
Epuclli, epumal, epumeta, twice, &c.
Distributives.
Calique, m(tllguigne, one by one
Epuque, mollepu, two by two, &c.
Numeral Vetbs.
Quignen, t» be one. Qui^Vtan, to join. £/an, to be two ; ice.
Abstracts.
Quignegen, unity. Epugen, duality. Culagen trinity, &c.
Itidefinites.
Quignelque, several. Epulgen, about two. Culalque, about three.

It has not been deemed necessary to repeat a great number
of minute observations given by Molina on this singular lan
guage, nor to report the shades of difference in its dialects.
But it has been thought proper to give a short Ust of words
from the Moluches, a tribe inhabitmg Patagonia, but speak ing
4 Thc translator seems here to have misunderstood the author, as these
ordinal numbers ought surely to s'lgrufyfint and second.— 'E .

CHAP. IX. SECT. II.

Conquest tf Chili.

247

ing a nearly related dialect of the Chilese language with that
of the Araucanians. Vocabulary,

Pllu, the soul or a spirit
Lonco, the head or the hair
A%, the face
N'ge, the eyes
Wun, or huun, the mouth
Cehuun, the tongue
Tu, the nose
Nahue, a daughter
Pent, a brother
Penihuen, own brothers
Huinca, a Spaniard
Seche, an Indian
Huenuy, a friend
Cainie, an enemy
Huinclta, a head fillet
Maiun, a mantle
Lancattu, glass beads
Cosque, bread
Jjftf, food
i>2, or z^ifs to eat
7/9, flesh
//on, to eat flesh
Putun, to drinic
Putumum, a cup
Chilca, ¦writing
Chilean, to write
Sengu, 3. word, language, or a thing
Huayqui, a lance
Huay-quitun, to lance
Chinu, a knife or sword
Chinogoscun, to wound
Chinogosquen, to be wounded
Conan, a soldier
Conangean, one who is to be a soldier
Amon, to walk
Anun, to sit
Anupeum, a stool or seat
Anunmahuun, to feel inwardly
Poyquelhuun, to feel or perceive
Soman, a traxle an artificer
Mamel, a tree
Mamel-Saman, a carpenter
£»i:a, a house
Sifcu-Saman, a house builder

Autuigh, the sun, a day
^.ro, the teeth or bones
Anca, the body
Pw, the belly
Cuugh, the hand
Namon, the foot
Pinque, the heart
P'nen, a child
Con'n, to enter
Tipan, to go out
Cupaln, to bring
Entun, to take away
Aseln, to be adverse
Aselgen, to hate
M'len, to be, to possess
Mvngen, life to live
Mongetua, to revive
Swam, the will
Staamtun, to will
P^/, power
Pepilan, to be able
Quimn, knowledge, to know
Quimeln, fo learn
Quimelcan, to teach
Pangi, a lion
Choique, an ostrich
Achahual, a cock or hen
Malu, a large lizard
C».f/z, a stena an egg
Saiguen, a flower
Milya, gold
ije«, silver
Cullyin, money payment
Cullingea, to be rich.
Cunnubal, poor, miserable, an orphan
Ca«j panilhue, red metal, copper
Choipanilhue, yellow metal, brass
Gepun, colour, painting
Cuyem, Kiyem a mouth, the moon
Tissantu, a year
A'Vfl/, fire
.i^.rff , hot
Choiee, cold -.
Atutuy, it is shivering cold.

248 Discovery and part ii. book ir.
The beginning of the Lords Prayer.
Inchin in Chao, huenumenta m' leymi, ufchingepe mi lai ; --¦.
Our Father, in heaven thou that art, haUowed be thy name j
eymi mi toquin inchinmo cupape ,- eymi mi piel, chumgechi
thy kingdom to us may it come ; thy will, as it is
vemgey huenu-mapumo, vemgechicay vemengepe
done in heaven, so likewise may it be done
tue-mapumo, &c.
on earth, &c. Section III.
State tf Chili, and Conquests made in that Country by tlie
Peruvians, before the airival tf the Spaniards.
The History of Chili and its inhabitants does not precede
the middle of the fifteenth century, and what Uttle is known
respecting it is contained in the traditionary accounts of the
Peruvians, who first invaded the northern prorince of Chili
about the middle of that century, not an hundred years before
the overthrow of the Peruvian empire by Pizarro, and the
first Spanish invasion of Chili under Almagro.
About the year 1450, while the Inca Yupanqui reigned
over the Peruvian empire, which had then extended its limits
from Cuzco northwards to the equator and southwards to the
tropic of Capricorn, the ambition of the Peruvian govern
ment was attracted to the acquisition of the important countiy
of Chili, a rich and delightful region of great extent, imme
diately adjacent to the southern extremity of Peru. Favour
ed by the fertility ofthe country and the salubrity of thc cU
mate, the population of Chili may be readily supposed to
have then been considerable, as wc know that the whole ex
tent of its territory was occupied by fifteen independent tribes
or communities, each of which was governed by i^s respective
chiefs, or Ulmens. These tribes, beginning at tlie north on
thc confines ofthe desert of Atacama, were called Copaipins,
Coquimbans, QuUlotans, Mapochians, Promaucians, Cures,
Cauqucs, Pencones, Araucanians, Cimches, Cliilotcs, Chi-
quilaniauf, Pehuenches, Puelches, and HuiUiches ; which last
tribe inhabited the south of Chili, adjoining the archipelago
bf Chiloe.
Informed of the natural adyontnges possessed by the inha
bitants of this delightful region, the Inca Yupanqui resolved to

CHAP. IX. SECT. II. Conquest tf Chili. 249
to attempt the annexation of Chili to his extensive empire.
He accordingly marched with a powerful army to the frontiers
^of the country : But, either from apprehensions of his perso
nal safety, or to be in a favourable situation for reinforcing
the invading army and directing its operations, he establish
ed himself with a splendid court in the province of Atacama,
the most southerly district of Peru, and confided the com
mand of the invading army to Sinchiruca, a prince of the
blood royal of Peru. Preceded, according to the specious
custom of the Peruvians, by several ambassadors, and attend
ed by a considerable miUtary force, this general reduced
under the Peruvian government, more by persuasion thaii
force, the four most northerly tribes of the Chilese, named
Copaipins, Coquimbans, QuiUotans, and Mapochians. After
this, not being able by his ambassadors to persuade the Pro
maucians into submission, who inhabit the delightful country
between the river Rapel on the north and Maule on the south,
he passed the river Rapel with his army to reduce them by
force of arms. The name of the Promaucians, which signi
fies free-dancers ^, had been given them on account of their
fondness for every kind of amusement, and their pecuUar at
tachment to dancing ; yet the love of pleasure had not re-
dered them effeminate. With the assistance of their alUes,
they drew together a formidable army and fought the Peru
vians with such heroic valour as to defeat them in a battle,
which, according to Garcilasso, was continued during three
successive days.
On learning the defeat of his army and the invincible va
lour of the Promaucians, the Inca gave orders that the river
Rapel should remairi the southern boundary ofhis dominions,
and aU attempts to reduce the rest of Chili were laid aside.
According to Garcilasso, the river Maule was established as
the frontier of the Peruvian conquests : But this is by no
means probable ; as in this case the country of the conquer
ors would have been included within the territories of the
vanquished. In fact, not far from the river Cachapoal,
which with the Tinguiririca forms the Rapel, the remains of
a Peruvian fprtress are still to bc seen on the top of a steep
hill, which was undoubtedly built to protect that part of the
frontier
3 On a former occasion their name is explained as signifying the people
of deUght, owing to the beauty, fertility, and charming cISniate oi J^sir
pounlry. — E.

250 Discovery and part ii. book ii,
frontier against the unconquered Promaucians. By this
conquest of its four northern provinces, Chili became divid
ed into two distinct portions ; all to the south of the Rapel^
remaining free, while the districts to thc north of that ri^e»'
were subjected to the dominion of the Incas. These four
tribes, who had so readily submitted to the Inca Yupanqui,
were subjected to an annual tribute in gold ; but the conquer
ors never introduced their peculiar form of government into
these provinces, the inhabitants of which remained subject to
their own native ulmens, and preserved thefr original man
ners until the arrival of the Spaniards.
When first known to the Spaniards, the Chilese were an
agricultural people, dependent for thdr subsistence on the
cultivation of such nutritious plants as accident or necessity
had made them acquainted with. The plants chiefly cultivat
ed by them for subsistence were maize, magu, guegen, tuca,
quinoa, pulse of various kinds, the potatoe, oxalis ttdyerosa,
common and yellow pumpkin or gourd, guinea pepper, madi,
and the great strawberry ; of each of which it may be proper
to give a short account "*.
Maize or Turkey wheat, the Zea mais of botanists, is cal
led gua by the Chilese. It grows extremely weU in ChiU,
where the inhabitants cultivate eight or nine distinct varieties.
The kind in highest repute is called uminta, from which the
natives prepare a dish by bruising die corn, while in a green
unripe state, between two stones into a kind of paste, which
they season with salt, sugar, and butter. This paste is then
divided into small portions, which are separately inclosed in
the skin or husk of the corn, and boiled for use. When ripe,
the maize is prepared for winter use, either by sUghtly roasting,
or by drying in the sun. From the former, named chuchoca,
a kind of soup is prepared by boiling with water : From the
latter they make a very pleasant beer er fermented Uquor.
The maize is sometimes reduced to meal by grinding between
two stones, being previously parched or roasted by means of
heated sand. For this purpose they prefer a variety of maize
named cvrngiia, which is smaller than the other, and produ
ces a lighter and whiter meal, and in larger quantity. Witii thi»
4 The following account of the plants cultivated by the Chilese for food,
Is extracted from thc natural history of Chili by Molina ; but tbe enumera
tion from thc text ofhis civil history will be found to differ materially from
t'jsr given from the natural history of thc same author. — E.

CHAP. IX. SECT. IJ. Conquest of Chili, 2S1
this meal, mixed with sugar and water, they make two differ
ent beverages, named Jilpo and cherchan,
-~. Magu a spedes of rye, and tuca, a species of barley, were
cml^vated by the Chilese before the coming of the Spaniards
to diat country; but have been entirely neglected since the
introduction of European wheat. They are stiU used how
ever by the Araucanians, who make from them a kind of
bread called cffoque, which name they likewise give to bread
made frora maize or wheat.
^inua-h a species of ChenopodiUm, having a black twisted
grain of a lenticular form, from which they prepare a stoma
chic beverage of a pleasant taste. A variety of this plant, nara
ed dahue, produces white seeds, which lengthen out when
boiled like worms, and are excellent in soup, 'rhe leaves of the
quinoa have an agreeable taste, and are eaten by the natives.
Degul is a spedes of bean, of which the Chilese cultivated
diirteen or fourteen kinds before the arrival of the Spaniards,
differing but Uttle from the common European bean or Phase-
olus vulgaris, one of them having a straight stalk, and all the
rest climbers ^.
ChiU is considered by naturalists as the native country of
that valuable esculent the potato, or Solanum tidterosum,
which is known there by the names of papa and pogny. It
is foimd indeed wild aU over the country ; but those wild
plants, named maglia, produce only small roots of a bitterish
taste. It is distinguished into two species, and more than thirty
varieties are cultivated with much care. Besides the common
species, the second is the cari, Solanum cari, which bear^
white flowers having a large central nectary like the narcissus.
The roots of this species are cylindrical and very sweet, and
ai'e usually roasted under the ashes.
The Oca, pr Oxalis tuberosa, prpduces five pr six tuberosi
ties on each rppt, three pr fpur inches in length cpvered by a
thin smpoth skin. It is eaten boiled or roasted, and has a
pleasant subacid taste. Like the potato, it is multiplied by
means of its bulbs cut in pieces. There are several species
of this plant ; one of which caUed red culle, is much used in
dyeing, and is considered as a specific remedy for inflamma
tory fevers.
Two species of gpurds are known in ChUi. The first spe
cies,
5 These teans are obvieusly what ai'e called kidney-beans in this coun-
ry.— E.

i,'32 Discovery and part n, book ii.
cics, with a white flower, caUed quadu, has twenty-six varie
ties, several of which produce sweet and edible fruit, whUe
that of the others is bitter. With one of these last, after ex
tracting the seeds, the Chilese give a pleasant perfomept'
flavour IP their cyder. The yellow-flowering gourd, caUed
penca, hns two kinds or varieties, the common and mamillary,
owing to the fruit of the latter having a large nipple-shaped
process at the end. Its pulp is sweet, and resembles in taste
a kind of potato named camote.
The quelghen, or Chili strawberry has rough and succulent
leaves, and its fruit is sometimes as large as a hens egg. This
fruit is generally red and white; but in the provinces of
Puchacay and Huilquilemeu, where they attain the greatest
perfection, the fruit is yellow. " The Chili strawberry is
dioecial, and has degenerated much in Europe by the want
of male plants, and the females producing hybrid fruit by
impregnation frora the ordinary strawberries growing in the
neighbourhood ; in consequence of which circumstance the
cultivation of this kind has been abandoned in Europe."
The madi, a new genus of plants peculiar to ChUi, has
two species, one wild and the other cultivated. From the
seeds of the latter an exceUent oil is procured, either by ex
pression, or by boiling in water, of an agreeable mild taste,
and as clear as the best olive oil. This plant, hitherto un
known in Europe, would be a most valuable acquisition to
those countries in which the olive cannot be raised.
Many species of the capsicum, or guinea pepper, are culti
vated in Chili, under the name of thapi, and are used as sea
sonings in the food of the natives.
The illmu, or Bcrmudiana bulbosa, produces bulbous roots,
which arc excellent food either boiled or roasted, and are very
pleasant in soups. The liuto produces a bulbous root, which
yields a very white, light, and nutritious flour, which is much
used as food for the sick.
To these enumerated provisions from the vegetable king
dom, may be added the cuy or little rabbit, Lepus minimus,
and fhe Chilihuequo, or Araucanian camel; the flesh of
\^hicll Inst affords an excellent food, and its wool furnishes
clothing for the natives. If tradition may be credited, they
had also the hog and the domestic fowl before the Spanish
invasion. Besides these, the country produced the g?<a«aco,
and the pndu, a species of wild goat, and a great variety of
birds. With these productions, which required only a mo
derate

cmap. IX. sect. II. Conquest of ChUi. 2S.»
derate degree of industry, they subsisted with a sufficient
abundance considering their situation and numbers; insomuch
~\hat, when Almagro invaded ChiU, his array found abun-
daJfte of provisions to recruit after the famine they had en
dured in their imprudent march through the deserts inter
vening between Peru and that country. M'^ith these advan
tages of abundant provisions in a fertile soil and mild climate,
it appears that the first writers who treated of Chili cannot
have greatly exaggerated in saying that it was filled with in
habitants at the first arrival of the Spaniards. Even the cir
cumstance of one language being spoken through the whole
country, is a proof that all the tribes were in the habit ot
continual intercourse, and that they were not isolated by vast
unpeopled deserts, as is the case in many other parts of A-
merica. Agriculture appears to have made' no inconsiderable pro
gress among the Chilese, who cultivated a great variety of
alimentary plants, all distinguished by peculiar and appro
priate names, which could not have been the case except in
consequence of an extensive and varied cultivation. They
even had aqueducts in many parts of the country for watering
or irrigating their fields ; and, among these, the canal which
runs for many miles along the rough skirts of the mountains
near the capital, and waters the lands to the north of that
city, remains a remarkably solid and extensive monument of
their ingenious industry. ITiey were likewise acquainted
with the use of manure, called vunalti in their language ; but,
from the great fertility of the soil, little attention was paid to
that subject. They used a kind of spade or breast-plough of
hard wood for turning the soil, which was pushed forwards by
their breasts. At present the native Chilese use a very simple
plough, called chetague, made pf the branch of a tree crooked
at one end, having a wooden share and a single handle by
which it is guided. Whether this siraple implement has been
taught them by the Spaniards, or is of their own invention I
know not ; but should believe it original, as Admiral Spilsberg
observed a plough of this kind, drawn by two Chilihueques,
used by the natives of the Isle of Mocha in the Araucanian
Sea, where the Spaniards never had a settlement. The
Fathers Bry add, that the ChUese tilled their lands by means of
these animals before the arrival of any European cattle.
However this may have been, it is certain that this Arau
canian camel was employed by the natives as a beast of bur den

251- " Discovery and part ii. book ii.
den before the arrival of the Spaniards, and the transition
from burden to draught is not difficult.
The Chilese cooked their grain for food in various wa-ySf,^
by boiling in earthen pots, or roasting it in hot sand, an^"^
grinding it into meal, which thej prepared in the form of
gruel, of cakes, and of bread. Meal made of parched grain
was called murque, and when made from grairt merely dried
ill the sun rugo. Of the first they made gruels, and a kind of
beverage still used for breakfast. Of the second they raade
cakes, and a kind of bread called covque, which was baked in
holes dug in the sides of hills or the banks of rivers, in thc
form of ovens, many of which are stUl to be seen. They had
even invented a kind of sieve, caUed chignigue, to separate the
bran from the flour, and employed leaven in baking thefr
bread. From the grains already mentioned, and the fruits
or berries of different trees, they made nine or ten different
kinds of fermented liquors, which they matle and kept in jars
of earthen-ware.
Having adopted the settled mode of Ufe indispensable to an
agricultural people, thc Chilese were collected into famiUes-
or septs more or less numerous, in those situations which were
best suited for procuring subsistence, where they established
themselves in large viUages, caUed cara, or in smaU ones
called lov. These villages consisted only of a number of huts
irregularly dispersed within sight of each other, and some of
them still subsist in several parts of Spanish Cliili. The most
considerable of these are Lampar in the prnvince of St Jag<»,
and Lora in the province of Maule. In each viUage or ham
let they had a chief named Ulmen, who was subject in certain
points to the supreme ruler of the tribe, or apo-idmen. The
successipn pf these chiefs was by heretlitary descent ; and frpm
their title pf pffice, which signifies a rich man, it wpuld ap
pear that wealth had been the priginal means pf raising these
families tP the rank they npw pccupy, contrary to the usages
of other savage nations in w hich strength, skill in hunting, or
martial prpwess appear to have been the steps by which indi
viduals have risen to rank and jiower. The authority of these
chiefs or idmens appears to have been extremely limited,
being merely of a directive nature and not absolute. The
right of private property was folly estabUshed among die
Chilese, as every individual was the absolute master of the
land he cultivated, and of the produce of his industiy, both
of which descended to his posterity by hereditary succession. The

CHAP. IX.. SECT. II. Conquest of Chili, "^55
The houses or huts of the Chilese were built in a quadranr
gidar form, of wood covered with clay, and the roof covered
with rushes ; though in some instances the walls v?ere of brick,
the,juse of which they seem to have learned from the Peru
vians, as they used the Peruvian term tica for that material-
Froni the wool of the ChiUhueques they manufactured clodi
for their apparel, .using the spindle and distaff for spinning
this wool into yai'ii, and two different kinds of looms for
weaving, the yarn into cloth. One of these, called guregue-,
is not very UnUke the ordinary loom of Europe ; but ^e other
is vertical or upright, and called uthalgue, frora the verb utkalen,
signifying to stand upright. From a verb in their language,
nudaven, which signifies to sew, they must have used some
kind of needle to sew their garments ; but I know not of what
substance it was composed. They seem even to have been
actjuainted with the art of embroidery, called dumican in their
language. From excellent clay which is found abundantly, in
Chili, they made pots, plates, cups, and large jars to hold
their fermented liquors, baking these vessels in holes or ovens
made in the declivities of hiUs ; and they even used a kind of
mineral earth called colo, for varnishing these vessels. Besides
these vessels of clay, they made others of hard wood, and eveii
Sf marble.; some vases of which excellently polished have been
dug out from under a large heap of stones in , the mountains
of Arauco, From the earth they extracted gold, silver, copper,
tin, and. lead, and employed these metals in a variety of useful
and curious works. Particularly from their native copper,
which is a kind of bell-metal and very hard, they made axes,
hatchets, and other edged tools, but in small quantities, as
these are very rarely met with in their ancient sepulchres ;
where, on the contrary, hatchets made of a species of basalt
or very hard stone are very often found. They seem even to
have known the use of iron, as it is called panilgue in their
language; and weapons made of it are termed chiuquel,. while
those made of other materials are called nulin. A smith like
wise is caUed, ruthave, from ruthan, signifying to work in iron.
The ancient Chilese had discovered the art of making salt,
both from sea water and from inland salt springs ; calling the
former chifldi, a&di..ihe\att£rlilco-chiadi, or salt from the water
of rocks. They procured dyes of various colours for their
clothes, both from the juice of plants and frora mineral earths,
and had discovered the art of fixing thera by means ofthe
pdcura, an aluminous or astringent mineral. Instead of soap, they

256 Discovery and part ii. book ik
they used the back of the quillai, which is an excellent sub
stitute. In their language there are many words discrimina
tive of various kinds of baskets and mats, which they manu-.
factured from Various vegetables. From a plant called gncTc-
chia, they procured a strong fibrous substance resembling
hemp, of which they made ropes and fishing nets of different
kinds ; and the inhabitants on the coast used canoes of differ
ent kinds and sj»es, and floats or rafts of wood, or of inflated
seal skins. Though not peculiarly addicted to hunting, they
were accustomed to kill the wild animals and birds of the
country, both for amusement and subsistence ; for which pur
pose they used bows and arrows, and the laque or running
noose which is employed with so much ingenuity by many of
the South American natives. It is a singular fact that they
had the same device as the Chinese, for catching wild ducks
in their lakes and rivers, covering their heads with perforated
gourds, and wading among the flocks.
They had advanced so far in the knowledge of numbers,
as to have distinctive names for the ten units, and for an
hundred and a thousand, with all the intermediate numbei-s
compounded of decimal terras. To preserve the memory of
their transactions, they used a bunch of threads of sevenJ
colours called pron, similar to the quippo of the Peruvians,
on which they cast a number of knots according to circum
stances. The subject was indicated by the colour of the
threads, and the knots designated the number or quantity,
but I have not been able to discover any other purpose to
which this species of register could be applied. The quippo
is still used by the shepherds in Peru, to keep an account of
the number in their flocks, to mark the day and hour when
the different ewes yeaned, or when any of their lambs are
lost. ITie religious system of thc Araucanians, formerly that of
all the native tribes of Chili, resembles in a great measure die
freedom of their modes of life and government. They ac
knowledge a Supreme Being, the creator of all things, whom
they name Pillan, a word derived from jndli or pilli, die
soul. He is likewise named Gtienn-pillan, the soul or spirit
of heaven ; Buta-gen, the great being ; TImIcovc *, the thun-
derer ;
6 Pillan, according to Dobrizhoffer, is likewise the word for thunder.
In a similar manner, Tupa or Tupi, among all the Tupi tribes of Brazil,
and the Guarnnies of Paraguay, signifies both God »nd thunder. — E. '

fitt/ivvf// /'i-rlu-ny CitUfdiim t'L'Vi'Viuii'S .i-linvels- .

x«n.

PuI'li^lK'ti P*MinIifl£l'v ffr'BUtMMi AUttT

./A/.ffe J.wt'*

CHAP. IX. sect. UI. Cenqmst tf Chili. 257
dwer ; Vilvemvoe, the creator of aU things ; Vilpepilvoe, the
omnipotent ; Mdlgelu, ihe eternal ; Avnolu the omnipotent ;
and is designed by many other sirailar^thets. Their ideas
of the government of heaven form in a great measure a pro
totype of the Araucanian system of civil poUty ; Pillan is
considered as the great Toqtd ofthe invisible worid of Spirits',
and is supposed to have his Apo-ulmens and Ulmens, or sub-
oi'dinate deities of two different ranks, to whom he entrusts
the administration of le-sser affairs. In the first class of these
inferior deities, are Epuiiamun, or the god of war ; Meulen, a
benevolent being, the friend of the human race j and Guecubu,
a malignant being, the author of all evU, who is likewise cal
led Algue. Hence they appear to entertain the doctrine of
two adverse principles, improperly called Manicheism. Gue
cubu, or Huectcvu, is named Mavari by the natives on -the
Orinoco, and is the same with the Aherman of the ancient
Persians. I'o hirn every evil is attributed. If a horse tire, he
has been ridden by Guecubu. In an earthquake, Gueaibu bias
given the world a shock ; and the like in all things. The
Ulmens, or subaltern deities of their celestial hierarchy, re
semble the genii, and are supposed to have the charge of
earthly things, and to form, in concert with the benevolent
Meulen, a counterpoise to the prodigious power of the ma
lignant Guecuba. These ulmens of the spiritual world are
conceived to be of both sexes,' wlio always continue pure and
chaste without propagation. The males are caUed Gen, or
lords ; the females Amei-?nalghen, or spiritual nymphs, and
are supposed to perform the same friendly offices to raen
which were anciently attributed to the lares, and every Arau
canian imagines he has one of these attendant spirits in his
service. Nien cai gni Amchi^malghen, I keep my nymph
stiU, .is a common expression when any one succeeds in an
undertaking. Pursuant to the analogy of their own earthly
government, as their Ulmens have no right to impose -any
service or contribution on the people whom they govern, so
tliey conceive the celestial race require nb services from iuan,
having occasion for none. Hence they have neither idols
nor temples, and offer no sacrifices, except in case of some
severe calamity, or on the conclusion of a peace, when they
sacrifice animals, and burn tobacco as a grateful incense to
VOL. V. part II. R ' their
7 Among the Moluches^ the general name of the Supreme -Being, ac
cording to. falkner, is Toqui-chen, oi the supreme ruler ofthe people. — E.

2i8 Disecmery and part ii, book ii.
their deities. Yet they invoke them and implore their aid
on urgent occasions, chiefly addressing PiUan and Meulen.
Notwithstanding the small regard which they pay to their
deities, they are extremely superstitious in matters of less
importance, and are firm believers in divination, paying the
utmost attention to favourable and unfavourable omens, to
dreams, the singing and fUght of birds, and tbe like, which
they believe to denote the pleasure of the gods. They
have accordingly jugglers or diviners, who pretend to a
knowledge of futurity, who arecaUed Gligua and Dugol ,- some
of them call themselves Guenguenu or masters of heaven, Guen-
pugnu or masters of disease, Guen-pii-u, or masters of worms,
and the Uke, These diviners pretend to the power of pro
ducing rain, of curing diseases, of preventing the ravages
of the worms which destroy the grain, and so on. They are
in peipetual dread of iraaginary beings, caUed Calcus or sor
cerers, who in their opinion remain concealed in caverns by
day, along with their disciples or servants, called Ivunches or
man-animals, who, transform themselves at night into owls
and shoot invisible arrows at their enemies.
TheyoU believe in the iramortaUty of the soul, which they
call am or pulli, and which they say is ancanolu or incorpo
real, and mvgealu, or existing for ever ; but they are not a-
greed as to the state of the soul after this life. All say that it
goes after death tp the west beyond the sea, to a place cal
led Gidcheman, or the dweUing of the men beyond the
mountains. Sorae believe this country is divided into two
provinces ; Pne that is pleasant and filled with every thing
delightful, the abode of the good ; the other desolate and de
void of every comfort, the dwelling of the wicked. Others
again conceive that all enjoy eternal pleasure after this life,
and that the deeds done in the body have no influence on the.
foture lot. They beUeve the soul retains its original attach
ments and dislikes, and that the spfrits of diefr departed
countrymen frequently return and fight furiously with those
of their former enemies, «hen they meet in the air; and tp
these ccmbats they attribute the origin of tempests and of
thunder and lightning. When a storm happens on the An
des or the ocean, tney ascribe it to a batde between the
spirits of their departed countrymen and thpse of the Spani
ards. If the storm take its course towards the Spanish terri
tory, they exclaim triumphantly, Inavimen, inavimen, ptten,
laguvimen ! Pursue diem friends, pursue them, kiU them ! If
5 the

CHAP. IX. SECT. III. Conquest tf Chili. 2S9
the storm tends towards tlieir own country, they cry out in
consternation, Ydvulumen, puen, namuntumen ! Courage
friends, be firm I
They have a tradition of a great deluge, in which only a
few persons were saved by taking refuge on a high mountain,
naraed Thegtheg, the thundering or sparkling, which had
three points, and had the property of floating on the waters.
On the occurrence of violent earthquakes, they fly for refuge
to the mountains, fearful that the sea may again deluge the
world ; and on these occasions, every one takes a good sup
ply of provisions, and a large wooden platter to protect the
head, in case the Thegtheg when raised by the waters should
approach the sun. ,
The year of the Araucanians is solar, and begins on the
22d of December, or imraediately after the southern solstice,
which they call Thavmathipantu, or the head and tail of the
year, and are able to ascertain this period with tolerable pre
cision by raeans of watching the shadows. The 22d of June
is caUed Udanthipantu, the divider of the year, as dividing it
into two equal parts. The whole year is called Tipantu, or
the course of the sun, and is divided into twelve months of
thirty days each, to which they add five intercallary days to
complete the tropical year, but in what way I have not been
able to determine. The months are called aijen, or moons,
and have the foUowing names :
Avun-cujen, the month of fruit, corresponding to January
Coji-cujen, the month of harvest, ^———  February
Glor-cujen, the month of maize,  March
Rimu-cujen, the 1st month of rirau,  '  ——April
Inarimu-cujen, the 2d month of rimu,  ¦  May
Thor-cujen, the 1st month of foam, ¦ ¦  June
Inanthor-cujen, the 2d month of foam, ¦' July
Huin-cujen, the unpleasant month,  __-^^ August
Pillal-cujen, the treacherous mpnth,  ¦ — September
Jlueul-cujeni 1st month of new winds, October
Inan-hueul-cujen, 2d month of new winds,  — — November
Hueviru-cujen, the month of new fruitsj  •  December
The year is divided into four seasons ; the spring being
called Peughen, the summer Ucan, the autumn Gualug, and
the winter Pucham, The natural day is divided into twelve
parts or hours, caUed gliagantu, six of which belong to the
day and six to the night, aU of which have particular names.
Commencing at midnight, there are Puliuen, Ueun, Thi-
panantu,

260 Discovery and part ii, book ii.
panaptu, Maleu, "Vutamaleu, Ragiantu, Culunantu, GuUantu,
Conantn, Guvquenantu, Puni, Ragipun, The stars in gene
ral are named huaglen, which they distribute into consteUa-
tions called pal or ritha. The pleiades are named Cajupal,
or the constellation of six ; the anUrctic cross Meleritho, die
consteUatipn of four, and so on. Thc milky-way is named
Rupuepen, the fabulous road. The planets are called gau,
a word derived frora gaun to wash, as they suppose them to
dip into the sea when they set ; and sorae conceive them to
be other earths inhabited like our own. The sky is called
Guenu-mapu, or the heavenly country; thc moon Cuycn-
tnapu, or the country of the moon. Comets are called Cheru-
voc, as believed to be terrestrial exhalations inflamed in the
upper region of the air. The ecUpses of the sun and moon
are called Lay-antu and Lay-cujen, or the deaths of the sun
and moon.
Their measures of length are the ncla or palm, the duche or
foot, n'amiin the pace, thccan the ell, and tupu the league.
Which answers to the marine league or the pharasang of the
Persians: But they estimate long distances by mornings, cor
responding to our days journeys. The Uquid measures are
the guampar, about a quart ; can about a pint ; and the mencu,
which is still smaller. The dry measures are the chiaique,
about six pints ; and ihegliepu, which is double that quantity.
Oratory is held in high estimation, and is the road to hon
our and the management of public affafrs ; insomuch that the
eldest son of an Ulmen, if deficient in that talent, is excluded
from the right of succession, which devolves upon a younger
son, or the nearest male relative who happens to be an able
speaker. On this account, parents accustom tiieir sons to
speak in pubUc from their early youth, and ciu-iy them to the
national assemblies, where the best orators ofthe nation dis
play their eloquence. Hence the universal attention to speak
the language correctly and to preserve its purity. They are
so careful to avoid the introduction of any foreign words in
to their language, that when any stranger settles among them
he is obUged to adopt a new name in the Chili-dvgu or lan
guage of the country, and even tho missionaries must con-
lorm to this singular regulation, if they would obtain favour;
nnd so fastidious are they in attention to the purity of
their language, that the audience will interrupt a missionary
while preaching, to correct thc mistakes in language or pro
nunciation. Many of them are well acquainted with the
10 Spanish

CHAP. IX, SECT. III. Conquest of Chili, 261
Spanish language; and, from being accustoiried to a soft
regular and varied language, they are able easily to learn the
pronundation of the different European dialects, as was
obseived by Captain Walli^ of the Patagonians, who are real
Chilese, f hey are so uiiwUling however to use the Spanish,
that they never use it in any of the assemblies or Congresses
between the two nations, and rather choose to listen" to a tire
some interpretation than to degrade the dignity of their native
tongue by using another on such occasions. Their style oY
oratory is highly figur.'itive, elevated, allegorical, and re
plete with pecuUar phrases and expressipns that ar? only
used on such occasions-; whence it is called idoyag-tucam or
the style of public harangues. They commonly, divide thefr
subject into j^'egular heads, called thoy^ ahd usually specify
the number they mean to enlarge upon ; say mg Epu' thoy-
gei tamen piavin, •< what I am going to say is ul'Vided into
two heads." Their speeches are not deficient in a suitable ex
ordium, a clear narrative, a well-founded argument, and a
pathetic peroration-; and usually abouiid in parables and
apologues; which sometimes furnish the 'main substance pfthe
discpurse. Their pPets are Called ^mjjm, pr lords of speech; and
their poetry generally contains strong and lively images, bold
figures, ¦ frequent allusions and similitudes, new and forcible
expressions, and ^ possesses the power of exciting sensibility.
It is every where animated and metaphorical, and laUegcry is
its very spul and essence. Their verses are riipstly composed
in stanzas of eight or eleven syllables, and are for the most
part blank, yet rhyme is occasionally introduced, according
to the taste or'^caprice of the 'poet:
They have three kinds of physicians. Of these the ampiveSf
who are skilful herbaUsts, are the best, and have even some
skill in the pulse and other diagpostic.? of disease. The vileus
pretend that all contagious diseases are prpdltced by insects
or worms, and are therefore often called "cutanipiru, which
signifies vermiculous diseases, or diseases proceeding from
Worms. The machis are a superstitious class, or pretenders
to sprcery, and aUege that all diseases proceed from witch
craft, and pretend therefore to cure them by supernatural
means, for which reason they are employed in desperate
cases, when the exertions of the ampives and vileus have
proved ineffectual. They have likewise a kind of surgeons,
caUed gutarve^ who are skilful in replacing, luxations, setting
¦ * fractured

262 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
fractured bones, and curing wounds and ulcers. Before the
arrival of the Spaniards, the ChUese doctors used bleeding,
blistering, emetics, cathartics, sudorifics, and even glysters.
They let blood by means of a sharp flint fixed in a small
stick; and for giving glysters they employ a bladder and
pipe. Their emetics, cauiartics, and sudorifics are aU obtain
ed from the vegetable kingdom.
Their commerce, both internal and external, is all carried
on by barter, as they have not adopted the use of money ;
and this is regulated by a conventional tariff, according to
which the values of all articles in commerce are appraised
under the name of cullen, or payment. Their external trade
is with the Spaniards, with whom they exchange ponchos, or
Chilese cloaks, and animals, for wine or European articles.
The Spaniards of the province of Maule supply the Arauca
nians with iron ware, bits for bridles, cutlery, grain, and
wine ; and are paid in ponchus of which they receive above
40,000 yearly, in horned cattle, horses, ostrich feathers,
curious baskets, and other trifles ; for it has never been pos
sible to induce them lo open their gold mines. The Spanish
merchant has in the first place to obtain permission from the
ulmens or heads of families of a district, after which he pro
ceeds to all the houses, distributing his merchandize indiscri
minately to aU who present themselves. When he has com
pleted his sale, he gives notice of his departure, and aU the
purchasers hasten to an appointed vUlage, where they deliver
the articles agreed for with the utmost punctuality.

Section IV,
First Expedition ofthe Spaniards into Chili under Almagro.
After the death of Atahualpa and the subjection of the
Peruvian empire by Pizarro and Almagro, Pizarro persuad
ed his companion Almagro to undertake the conquest of
Chili then celebrated for its riches, being desirous lo enjoy
the sole command in Peru, Filled with sanguine expecta
tions of a rich booty, Almagro began his march for Chili ih
the end ' of the year 1635, with an army of 570 Spaniards,
and accompanied by 15,000 Peruvians, under the command of
1 The bcgimiing of that year according to Ovale,— E.

chap. ix. sect. IV. Conquest ofChiii. 263
of PauHu *, the brother of the Inca Manco, the nominal em-
^eroi- of Peru, who had succeeded to Atahualpa and Huasear.
Two roads lead from Peru to ChiU ; one of which by the
hiaritime plairi, is the arid desert of Atacama, destitute of
water and provisions; while the other passes for about 120
miles over the immense ridge of the Andes, and is attended
by excessive inconveniences and almost insurmountable diffi
culties. Alriiagro chose this road because it was the shortest
from Cuzco j and in this march his array had to endure in
finite fatigue, and alraost incessant conflicts with the barba
rous tribes in the several distriets through which he had to
pass. He at length reached the eastern side of the vast
chain of the Andes at the coramencement of winter, almost
destitute of provisions, and ill supplied with clothing to pro
tect his people under the inclemencies of the region he had
still to penetrate. At the season of the year which he unfor
tunately chose, snow falls almost continually among the
Andes, and completely fills and obliterates the narrow paths
that are even difficuldy passable in summer. The soldiers,
however, animated by their general, and ignorant of the
dangers they had to encounter, advanced wdth inconceivable
toil to the summit of the rugged ascent. But by the severity
ofthe weather, and the want of provisions, 150 pfthe Spani
ards perished by the way ; and 10,000 ofthe Peruvians, less
able to endure the rigours of that frozen re^on, were destroy
ed. Kot one of all the army would have escaped, had not
Almagro pushed resolutely forward with a small party of
horse to Copaipo, wherite he sent back succours and provi
sions to his army still engaged in the defiles of the mountains.
By these means, those of the most robust constitutions, who
had been able to resist the inclemency of the weather, were
enabled to extricate themselves from the snow, and at length
reached the plains of Copaipo, the most northerly province
in ChiU, where they Were kindly received and entertained by
the inhabitants, through respect for the Peruvians,
As the Inca PauUu was weU acquainted with the object of
this expedition, he obliged the inhabitants of Copaipo to de
liver up to him all the gold in their possession, which he im
mediately presented to Almagro, to the value of 500,000 ducats.
2 By Ovale this Peruvian prince is called Paullo Topo, and the high
priest of the Peruvians, Villacumu, is said to, have been likewise sent in
company with Almagro, — ^E.

264- Discovery and part ii, book ii.
ducats. Almagro was highly pleased with this first fruit ofhis
labours, and immediately distributed the whole among his
soldiers, to whom also he remitted imraense debts which they
owed him, as he had advanced them aU the funds which were
necessary to fit them out for the expedition, Almagro soon
learnt that the reigning Ulmen of Copaipo had usurped the
government of that province in prejudice of his nephew and
ward, who had fled to the woods, CaUing the lawful heir
into his presence, he arrested the guilty chief, and reinstated
the lawfol heir in the government, with the universal applause
of the natives, who attributed this conduct entirely to mo
tives of justice and a ¦wish to redress the injured.
When the Spaniards were recovered from their fatigues,
through the hospitable assistance of the Copaipins, and were
reinforced by an additional number of soldiers brought by
Rodrigo Orgonez fi'ora Peru, Almagro and his troops com
menced their march towards the more southerly provinces of
ChiU, full of the most flattering hopes of acquiring vast riches
and splendid estabUshments in a fine country, which was in
terspersed on all sides with numerous villages, evincing an ex
tensive population and fertile soU. The natives every where
crowded round them on the maich, to examine the wonder
ful strangers, and to present them with such things as they
thought might prove agreeable to beings whom they conceiv
ed of a superfor order to other men. In the mean time, two
soldiers who had separated firom the army, proceeded to the
river Huasco which forms the boundary between the pro
vinces of Copaipo and Coquimbo, where they w ere weU re
ceived at first by the inhabatants ; but, in consequence of some
acts of violence, they were afterwards put to death, being the
first European blood spilt in ChiU, which has since been so-
copiously watered with the blood of the Spaniards, On being
infoimed of this unfortunate accident, calculated to weaken
the exalted notion which he wished to inspire into the natives
of thc character of his soldiers, Almagrp hastened his march
fcr Coquimbp, where he immediately prdered Marcando the
head ulmen of the province, his brother, and twenty others of
the principal inhabitants to be brought before him ; aU of
whom he committed to the flames. This act of cruelty ap
peared extraordinary and unjust to every one; for even
among these adventurers, inured to rapine and bloodshed,
there still were some men of humanity and justice. The ma
jority of die army openly disapproved the severity of the ge
neral

CHAP. IX. sect. IV. Conquest tf Chili. 263
neral on this occasion, and from this time his affairs ceased
to be prosperous.
Some time in the year 1537, Almagro received a consi
derable reinforcement from Peru under the command of Juan
de Rada; who likewise brought him letters patent from the
king of Spain, by which he was appointed governor of 200
leagues of territory to the southward ofthe government which
had been granted to Francisco Pizarro. By the same con
veyance Almagro received lettei's from his friends in Peru,
urging him to return to that country and to take possession
of Cuzco, which they asserted was within the limits of the
jurisdiction confided to him by his patent. But, as he enter
tained very sanguine ideas of the value of the conquest in
which he was now engaged, he pursued his march towards
the south, and passed the fatal Cachapoal or Rapel, regardless
of the remonstrances of his Peruvian allies, who urged him to
refrain from attempting to invade the country of the valiant
Promaucians^. At the first -appearance of the . Spaniards,
these brave Indians were astonished and terrified by the horses
and thundering arms of the strangers ; but soon recovering
from the effects of their first surprise, they intrepidly opposed
thdr new enemies on the banks of the Rio-claro. Despising
their force, and ignorant of their bravery, Almagro placed
his Peruvian aUies in the first line, now considerably increas
ed by an additional number whom PauUu had drawn from the
Peruvian garrisons in Chili. But these troops were soon de
feated by the Promaucians, and fell back in confusion on the
line of Spaniards in the rear. The Spaniards, instead of re
maining spectators of the battle, were now compeUed to sus
tain the vigorous attack of the enemy ; and, : advancing with
their horse, a furious battle was fought with considerable loss
on both sides, and continued till night separated the comba
tants without either party having gained the victory.
Although the Promaucians had sustained a heavy loss in
this battle, they courageously encamped within sight of the
Spaniards, determined to renew the fight next morning.
Though the Spaniards had kept possession of the field, and
considered themselves victorious according to the customs of
Europe, they were very differently inclined from their Valiant
enemies. Hitherto they had been accustomed to subdue ex-
> '' ; tensive
S Called /'ar«»7fl«/r«».t by . Garcijasso, and Pramocaes by Ovale, who
names the Cauquenes and Pencos as their allies.— E.

266 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
tensive provinces with little or no resi.stance, and became dis'-
gusted with an enterprise which could not be accomplished
without much fatigue and danger, and the loss of much blood,
having tb contend against a bold and independent nation, by
whom they were not considered as immortal or as a superior
order of beings. It was therefore resolved by common con
sent to abandon the present expedition, yet they differed ma
terially as to the conduct of their retreat ; some being desir
ous to return into Peru entirely, while others wished to form
a settlement in the northern provinces of Chili, where thev
had already received so much hospitality, and had acquired
considerable riches. The first ppinipn was suppprted by
Almagrp, now strongly impressed by the suggestions of his
friends in Peru to take possession of Cuzcp. He represented
to his soldiers the dangers to which a settlement would be ex
posed in so warlike a country, and persuaded them to foUow
him to Cuzco, where he expected to be able to establish his
authority either by persuasion or force, pursuant to his royal
patent. Having determined to return into Peru, and having fatally
experienced the dangers ofthe mountain road, Almagro re
solved to march by the desert of Atacama in the maritime
plain, by which he conducted his troops into Peru with very
little loss in 1538. He took possession of Cuzco by surprise ;
and, after ineffectual negociations, he fought a battle with the
brother of Pizarro, by whom he was taken prisoner and be
headed as a disturber pf the public peace. Such was the fate
of the first expeditipu pf the Spaniards against Chili, under
taken by the best body of European troops that had hitherto
been collected in those distant regions. The thirst of riches
was the moving spring of this expedition, and the disappoint
ment of their hopes the cause of its abandonment.

Section "V.
Second Expedition into Chili, tinder Pedro de Valdivia, to the
commencement tf the War bctv.^een the Spaniards and Aratif
canians. Having obtained absolute command of the Spanish pos
sessions on the western side of South America, by the defeat
aud death of his rival Almagro, Pizarro resolved to resume the

chap. IX. sect. v. Conquest of ChUi. 267
the conquest of ChiU, which he conceived might become an
important acquisitinn. Ampng the adventurers whp had
cpme frpm Spain tp Chili, were twp pfficers whp held rpyal
cpmmissipns to atterapt this conquest, named Pedro Sanchez
de Hoz, and Camargo. To Hoz had been confided the con
quest of the cpuntry frpm the cpnfines pf Peru tp the river
Maule ; and tP Camargp the remainder pf tbe ccuntry be
ypnd that river tP the archipelagp pf Chilo6. Jealous of the
interference of these officers in the country which he consi
dered as his by right of discovery, Pizarro refused under fri
volous pretences to confirm the royal nomination, and chose
for the conduct of the expedition Pedro de Valdivia, his
quarter-master, a prudent active and brave officer, who had
acquired mUitary experience in the wars of Italy, and who
had already evinced a strong attachment to his party. On
this occasion, Valdivia was directed to take Hoz along with
him to Chili, and to allow him every advantage he could
possibly desire in the allotment or repartition pf lands and In
dians in the expected conquest.
Valdivia accordingly set out fi'om Cuzco in 1540, with a
force of 200 Spaniards, and accompanied by a numerous
body of Peruvian auxiliaries, taking likewise along with him
some monks, several Spanish women, and a great number of
European quadrupeds, with every requisite for settUng a new
colony in the country. On his march fpr ChUi he pursued
the same route with Almagro ; but instructed by the misfor
tunes of his predecessor, he did not attempt to pass the Andes
till the middle of summer, by which precaution he was en
abled to enter ChUi without incurring any loss. His recep
tion there however, even in the northern provinces, was very
different from that which had been experienced by Almagro.
Informed of the conquest of Peru by the Spaliiards, owing to
which they were freed from the submission they had come
under to the Incas, they did not consider themselves bound to
transfer their obedience to the present invaders. The Co-
paipans accordingly began to attack Valdivia iramediately on
entering their country, assailing him at every step with much
valour, but with very little conduct. Like barbarians in ge
neral, they were incapable of making a common cause with
each other ; and having been long accustomed to servitude
under the Peru'rians, during which all union among the
northern tribes had been dissolved, they attacked their inva
ders in separate hordes as they advanced intp the cpuntry, and

268 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
and without that steady and firm courage which stamps the
valour of a free people in die ddence of their liberties. In spit^
of this desultory and uncombined opposition Irom the natives,
Valdivia traversed the provinces of Co;)aipo, Coquimbo,
QuiUota, and Melipiila, with very little loss tliough much
harassed, and arrived in the province of Mapocho, now
called St Jago.
This province, which is more than 600 miles from the con-;
fines of Peru, is one of the pleasantest and moot fertile in the
kingdom. Its name of Mapocho signifies in the Chilese lan
guage, the land of many people ; and according to the earUest
writers respecting ChiU, its population was then extremely
numerous. This province, which borders on the Andes, is
140 mUes in circumference, and is watered by the rivers
Maypo, Colina, Lampa, and Mapocho, which last divides it
into two nearly equal parts. In one place this river sinks into
the earth, and after a subterraneous course of five miles,
emerges again with an increase of its waters, aud finally joins
the river Maypo. The mountains of Caren, which terminate
this province on the north, abound in gold, and in that part
of the Andes which forms the eastern boundary, there are
several rich mines of silver. Valdivia had penetrated thus far
into the country on purpose to render it difficult for his sol
diers to return into Peru, and he now determined to form a
setdement in this province, which frora its remote situation
and natural advantages, seemed exceUently calculated to be
come the centre of his intended conquests. Having selected
with this view a convenient situation on the left shore of the
Mapocho, lie laid the foundation of the intended capital of
the kingdom of ChiU, on die ^l-th of February 1511, naming
this new city St Jago, in honour of the tutelary saint of Spain,
In laying out the ground plan of the intended city, he dirid-
ed the vvhole into plots or squares of 4096 toises each ' , and
allotted a quarter of each square as the scite of a house for
each citizen, which plan has been foUowed in laying out all
the other cities in CliiU. One of tiiese areas situated on one
side of the great square was destined for the cathedral and
bishops palace, and another for the house of the governor and
I Though not distinctly so expressed, this must be considered as squaiR
toises, making each side of the square C4 toises, or 384 feet. In a former
account of the city of St Jago, the public square is described as being 4i0
feet on each side. — E.

GHAP. IX. sect, V. Conquest tf Chili. 269
and the public offices. He then appointed a cabildo or ma
gistracy, according to the usual forms in Spanish cities, fi-om
those persons in his small army that were best qualified for
the purpose ; and, for the protection of the new settlement,
in case of attack from die Chilese, he built a fort on a hiU in
the centre of the city, which has since received the name of
St Eucia,
Though many have applauded the sagacity of Valdivia in the
choice of a situation for the capital of the new colony, it would
jn my opinion have been much better placed on the banks of
the river Maypo, about fifteen mUes iarther south ; as that
' river is much larger than thc Mapocho, has a direct com
munication with the sea, and might easily be made navigable
for ships of cpnsiderable burden. In the year 1787, this city
contained mpre than 40,000 inhabitants, and was rapidly in
creasing in population, pwing to its being the seat of govern
ment, and the residence of many wealthy and luxurious fami
lies, by which it attracts considerable commerce.
The natives observed the progress of this new settlement
with much jealousy, and concerted measures for freeing
themselves from such unwelcome intruders ; but, as Valdivia
discovered their intentions, he confined the chiefs ofthe con
spiracy in his new fortress ; arid having ptiraation of a secret
inteUigence being carried on between the Mapochians and
their neighbours the Promaucians, he repaired with a body
of sixty horse to the river Cachapoal or Rapel to watch the
motions of that brave and enterprising nation. This pre
caution was however altogether unnecessary, as that fearless
jjeople had .not sufficient policy or foresight to think of uniting
with their neighbours in order to secure theraselves from the
impending danger. Taking advantage of the absence of
Valdivia, the Mapochians fell upon the new settlement with
desperate fury, burnt all the half-buUt houses, and assailed
the citadd on all sides, in which the inhabitants had taken
refuge. While the Spaniards were valiantly defending thdr
imperfect fortifications, a woman named Inez Suarez, beat
out the brains of aU the captive chiefs with an axe, under the
apprehension that they were endeavouring to regain their
liberty, and might assist the assailants in gaining possession
of the fort. The attack began at day-break, and was con
tinued without intermission tUl night, fresh assailants con
tinually occupying the places of those who were slain or
disabled. The

270 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
The commandant of the Spaniards, Alonzo de Monroy,
found means to send a messenger to inform Valdivia of his
situation ; and the governor accordingly hastened to the aid
of the besieged with all possible expedition, and found the
ditch almost filled with dead bodies, while the enemy, not
withstanding the heavy loss they had sustained, were prepar
ing to renew the assault. Drawing out its infantry from the
fort to join the cavalry he had along with hira, Valdivia ad
vanced in order of battle against the forces of the enemy,
who were posted on the bank of the Mapocho; The battie
was again renewed in this place, and obstinately contested
with equal valour on both sides ; but with great disadvantage
on the part of the natives, who were far interior in arms and
discipline to the Spaniards. The musquetry and the horse
made a dreadful slaughter among Mapochians, who were on
ly armed with bows and slings; yet obstinately bent upon
preserving their independence, and regardless of their own
importance, they rushed on lo inevitable destruction ; till
having lost the flower of their valiant warriors, and reduced
to a small number, they at length fled and dispersed over the
plain. Notwithstanding this memorable defeat, and others
of not less importance which they sustained afterwards, the
Mapochians did not cease for the space of six years to keep
the Spaniards closely blockaded in St Jago, continually at
tacking them on every opportunity, and cutting off their pro
visions so effectually, that they were often reduced to great
straits, having to subsist upon unwholesome and loathsome
viands, and what little grain they were able to raise under
protection of the cannon from the ramparts. At length,
worn out and brought to utter ruin by this incessant war
fare, the remnant of the Mapochians destroyed their own
crops and retired to the mountains, leaving the fertile plains
around the new city utterly dcsertetl and uncultivated,
Thc soldiers under Valdivia became wearied and disgusted
by this continual war, so different fioin what they had expec
ted ; and as they believed him obstinately bent upon ad
herence to his own plan, and resolved to continue the settle
ment in spite of every opposition from the natives, they en
tered into a conspiracy to kUl their general and to return into
Peru, where they expected to enjoy more ease and tranquilUty.
Having fortunately got notice of this conspiracy, Valdivia,
who possessed great prudence and an insinuating address,
soon concUiated those who were least implicated. After this, as

chap. jx. SECT. V. Conquest of Chili. 271
as he only had the title of general which did not confer any
civil and judicial power, he assembled the Cabildo of the
city, and persuaded thera to invest him in the office of gover
nor of the city and kingdom. In this imposing capacity, he
tried and capitally punished some of the ringleaders of the
conspiracy, and then prudently exerted himself to soothe the
turbulent and seditious spirits of the remainder, by buoying
up their hopes with the most flattering promises of future
wealth. He had often heard in Peru, that the valley of
QuiUota abounded in mines of gold, and was hopeful there
fore of being able to obtain a sufficient quantity frora thence
to satisfy the avidity of his soldiers. Notwithstanding the
difficulties with which he was surrounded, he sent a party of
soldiers mto the valley of QuiUota, with orders to superintend
and protect a number of labourers in digging for the precious
metal said to be abound in that place. The mine which wa%
opened upon this occasion proved remarkably rich and pro
ductive, surpassing their most sanguine hopes; so that all
their past sufferings and present difficulties were soon buried
in oblivion, and henceforwards no one had the remotest wish
to leave the country. Valdivia, encouraged by this success
to new enterprises, ordered a carrack or ship of some con
siderable size to be built at the mouth of the river Chilan,
which traverses the valley of QuiUota, for the purpose of more
readily obtaining succours from Peru, without which he was
fully sensible he could not possibly succeed in the vast enters
prise he had in view, which was no less than to accomplish
the entire reduction of Chili.
In the mean time, considering the urgent state of his af-
feirs, Valdivia resolved to dispatch two of his principal officers,
Alonzo Monroy, and Pedro Miranda by land to Peru, with
an escort of six horsemen, whose spurs, bits, 'and stirrups he
directed to be raade of solid gold, hoping thereby to entice
a sufficient number of recruits to come to his assistance, by
this obvious proof of the riches of the country. Although
these messengers were escorted to the confines of Chili by
thirty additional horsemen, they were attacked and defeated
in the province of Copaipo by a hundred archers, command
ed by Coteo, an officer of the Uhnen of that province. Of
the whole party none escaped with life but the two officers,
Monroy and Miranda, who were made prisoners and car-t
ried before the ulmen covered with wounds. The prince had
rsisplved on putting them both to death ; but, whUe deliberate

272 Discffoery and part h. book, ii,
ing on the mode of execution, his wife, the w/OTewflf or princess
of Copaipo, moved by compassion for their unhappy situation,
successfuUy interceded with her husband to spare their Uves,
unbound them with her own hands, tenderly dressed their
wounds, and treated them as if they had been her brothers.
"When they were entirely recovered, she desired them to
teach her son the art of riding, as several of the Spanish
horses had been taken in the late defeat. The two Spaniards
readily consented to her request, hoping to avail themselves
of this drcumstance to give them an opportunity of recovering
their liberty, which they did in effect ; but the means they
employed was marked by a cruel act of ingratitude to their
compassfonate benefactress, of so much deeper turpitude that
it was unnecessary for thefr purpose. As the young prince
was one day riding between them, escorted by a party of
archers smd preceded by an officer cari-ying a lance, Monroy
suddenly dispatched him 'with two or three mortal wounds of
a poniard. At the same time Miranda wrested the lance from
the officer of the guard, who were thrown into coufosion by
this unexpected event, and the two Spaniards readily accom
plished their escape. Being wdl mounted, they easUy eluded
pursuit, and made their way through the desert into Peru,
whence they continued thefr way to Cuzco, where Vaca de
Castro then resided, who had succeeded to the government
after the cruel assassination of Francisco Pizarro by the Al-
magrian faction.
When De Castro was informed of the critical situation of
affairs in ChUi, he immediately sent off a considerable rein
forcement by land under the command of Monroy, who had
the good fortune to conceal his march frpm the Cppaipans,
and lo jpin Valdivia in safety. At the same time the presi
dent of Peru dispatched by sea Juan Batista Pastene, a noble
Genoese, with a more considerable reinforcement for Valdi
via, On receiving these two reinforcements, which arrived
about the same time, Valdivia began to carry his great designs
into execution. Being solicitous to have a complete know
ledge of the sea-coast, he ordered Pastene to explore the
whole as far to the southwards as possible, noting the most
important places all along thc coast ; and, on his return from
this maritime survey, he sent him back to Peru for additional
reinforcements, as the natives had become every day bolder
and more enterprising, ever since their victory in Copaipo
over Monroy and Mir.ando. Only a littie betbrc this, the
Quillptani

CHAP. IX. SECT. v. Conquest tf Chili, p7S
QuiUotans had contrived to massacre all the soldiers en^loyed
at the gold mines in their country, by the following stratagem.
One day a neighbouring Indian brought a pot fuU of gpld
to Gonzalo Rios, the commandant at the mines, and told
him that he had found a great quantity in a certain dis
trict of the country which he offered to point out. On this
information, aU were eager to proceed immediately to the
place, that they might participate in the imaginary treasure.
As they arrived at the place described in a tumultuary man
ner and entirely off their guard, they feU into an ambush, by
which the whole party was slain, except thdr imprudent com
mander and one negro, both of whom saved their Uves by the
speed of their horses. About the same time the vessel which
Valdivia had ordered to be built at the mouth of the river
Chilian was burnt by the natives, togetiier with the store-houses
or arsenal which he had established in that place.
On receiving notice of the disaster which had taken place
at the mines, Valdivia hastened to QuiUota with a strong body
of troops, and took revenge as far as he could on the Quillptans
for the death of his soldiers ; after which he constructed a
fort in their country in which he left a garrison for the pro-
tectipn pf the pepple emplpyed in the gpld mines. Being
soon afterwards reinforced by three hundred men from Peru,
under the command of Francisco ViUagran and Christoval
Esccbar, he made chpice of a beautiful plain near the mouth
pf the river Cpquirabp, at which place there is a very cpn-
venient riatural harbour, near which he erected in 1544 a city
which he naraed Serena, to serve as a place pf arms tp prp-
tect the nprthern part pf Chili, and tp secure the ccnvpys
and rdnfprcements which might come frpm Peru in that
direction. This place is still known in geography by the
name of Serena ; but in Chili the native name of Coquinibo
prevails, as is the case with most ofthe Spanish cities and
towns in Chili.
- In the ensuing year, 1545, Valdivia marched into the coun
try of the Promaucians, with the view of extending his con-
' quests to the southwards. Contemporary historians have not
left an account of the events of this year, nor of any battles
having been fought on this occasion ; yet it is hardly to be sup
posed that this valiant tribe, who had so gloriously repulsed
the armies of the Inca and of Almagro, would aUow Valdivia
.to reduce their territory to sul^ection without a struggle.
However this may haye been, it is certain that he had the
' VOL. V. s art

274 Discovery and part II. book it.
art to persuade the Promaucians to enter into an alUance with
him against the other tribes of ChiU ; as ever since the. Spa
nish armies in Chifi have been assisted by Promaucian auxi
liaries, owing to which the most rooted antipathy has been con
stantiy entertained by the Araucanians against the remnant
efthe Promaucians. In the year 1546, "Valdivia passed the
river Maul^, and reduced the natives to obedience from that
river to the Itata. "While encamped at a place named Qui-
lacura, near the latter river, he was attacked one night by the
natives, who destrwed many of his horses, and put him into
imminent danger of a total defeat. His loss on this occasion
must have been considerable ; as he found it necessary to re
linquish his plan of farther conquest, and to return to St Jago
to wait reinforcements from Peru. As the expected rein
forcements did not arrive, and Pastene, who had been sent
into Peru to endeavour to procure recruits, brought news in
1547 ofthe civU war which then raged in Peru, Valdivia de
termined to go thither in person, expecting to reap spme
advantages frpm these revolutionary movements.
Valdivia saUed therefore with Pastene for Peru, taking
with him a great quantity of gold, and left Francisco ViUagran
in charge of the government of ChiU during his absence.
Valdiria accordingly arrived in Peru, where he offered his
services to the president De la Gasca, and acted with great
reputation as quarter-master-general of his army in the war
against Gonzalo Pizarro. The president was so much satis
fied with the serrices which were rendered by Valdivia on this
occasion, that, after the insurrection of Gonzalo was entirely
subdued, he confirmed him in the office of governor of ChiU,
and sent hira back to that kingdom with abundance of mUi
tary stores, and with two ships filled with the soldiers whe
had served under Gonzalo in the late insurrection, glad of an
opportunity of getting rid of so many seditious pec^le for
whom there was then no fit employment in Peru.
During the absence of Valdivia frora ChiU, Pedro de Hoz,
who had been deprived of that share in the conquest and
government which had been granted him by the court of
Spain, and who had imprudentfy put himsdf under the power
of his more successful rival, was accused of entering into secret
practices for usurping the government It is now unknown
whether this accusation was wcU-founded, or if it were merely
a pretence for getting rid of him; but, however this may have
been, ViUagran condemned him to be beheaded in 1548,
either to please Valdivia by ridding him of a dangerous com-
* petitor,

CHAP. IX. SECT. V. Conquest tf Chili. 275
petitor, or perhaps in consequence of secret instructions for
that purpose. About this time, the Copaipans killed forty
Spaniards, who were proceeding in several separate detach
ments from Peru to ChiU ; and the Coquimbans, at the in
stigation of these northern neighbours, massacred all the in
habitants of the new city of Serena, and razed that place to
the foundations. On this occasion Francisco Aguirre was
sent into this part of Chili with a mUitory force, to chastise
the natives, and had several encounters with them with vari
ous success. In 1549, he rebuilt the city of Serena in a more
cpmmodious situation, and the inhabitants have ever since
considered him as the founder of their city, many of the mpst
distinguished inhabitants of which ^stiU boast of being his
descendants. After an incessant contest of nine years, attended by in
credible fatigues, numerpus dangers, and many reverses,
Valdivia considered hunself as soUdly estabUshed in the do
minion of that portion of ChiU which had formerly been under
the authority of the Incas. He accordingly distributed the
territory among his fpUpwers in repartimientps, assigning a
cpnsiderable portion of land with aU its native inhabitants to
each ofhis followers in proportion to their rank and services,
under the denomination of commanderies, according to the
banefol system of feudaUsm then prevalent in Europe. Hav
ing thus quieted the restless ambition and mutinous spirit of
his soldiers, he advanced towards the south to extend his
conquests, accompanied by a respectable force both of Spanish
and Promaucians. After a march of 250 miles, during which
he encountered few obstacles of any moment, he arrived at
the Bay of Pence, now generally called the Bay of Conception,
which had been already explored by Pastene during his
voyage of discovery formerly mentioned ; and near that ex
cellent bay he laid the foundation of the third city in ChUi,
on the 5th of October 1550, to which he gave the name of
Conception. The situation pf this place was admirably adapted forcpm-
merce, frpm the excellence of its harbour ; as the bay extends
six miles from east to west and nine miles frpm nprth tb sputii,
defended at its enti'ance frpm the sea by the pleasant island
of Quiriquina. llie passage into the bay en the nprth side
of this island, called the bocca ^ande, is about half a league
bread, and has sufficient water fpr the largest ships, lliat
on the gther side of the island, or bocca chica, is very narrow, and

276 Discovery and paut ii. book ii.
and is only navigable by small vessels. The soil around this
place, under the influence of an admirable climate, prpduces
abundance pf timber, excellent wine, and all^ the necessaries
of life, and is npt deficient in the valuable minerals; and
bpth the sea and the adjpining rivers affprd great quantities of
fine fish. But owing to the lowness of the situation which
was chosen for this city, it was much exposed to inundations
of the sea during earthquakes, which are frequent in ChiU.
On the 8th of July 1730, this city was nearly destroyed by
an earthquake and inundation; and experienced a similar
calamity on the 24th of May 1751, In consequence of these
repeated calamities, the inhabitants established themsdves on
the 24th of November 1 764 in the vaUey of Mocha, nine mUes
south from Penco, between the rivers Andalian and Biobio,
-where they founded a city to which they gave the name of
New Conception. The harbour named Talgacuano, situated
at the south-east extremity of the bottom of the bay, is between
six and seven miles from the new dty ; and a fort is all that
now remains of the old city, now called Pence.

Section VI.
Narrative oftlie War between the Spaniards and Araucanians,
from tke year 1550, to the Defeat and Death tf Pedro de
Valdivia on the %d of December 1553.
Perceiving the intentions of Valdivia to occupy the im
portant post of Penco by a permanent setdement, the adja
cent tribes of the Pencones gave notice of this invasion to tbe
great nation ofthe Araucinians, their neighbours and friends,
whose territories began on the southern shore ofthe Biobio;
who, foreseeing that the sfrangers would soon endeavour to
reduce their own country to subjection, determined to suc
cour their distressed allies for their own security. Accord
ingly, in a butaeoyog, or general assembfy of the Araucanian
confederacy, AiUavalu was nominated supreme toqui, and was
instructed to march immediately with an army to the assist
ance of the Pencones. In the year 1 550, pursuant to the
resolutions of the Araucanian confederacy, ^Villavalu passed
the great river Biobio, at the head of 4000 men, and boldly
offered battle to Valdivia, who had advanced to meet him on
the banks ofthe Andalian. The brave Araucanians sustain-
4 ed

CHAP. IX. SECT. VI. Couqjiest tf Chili. 277
ed the first discharges of musquetry from the Spaniards with
wonderful resolution, and even made a rapid evolution under
its direful effects, by which they assailed at once the front and
flank ofthe Spanish army. By this unexpected courageous as
sault, and even judicious tactical manoeuvre, the Spaniards
were thrown into some disorder, and Valdivia was exposed to
imminent danger, having his horse killed under him ; but
the Spaniards replaced their firm array, forming theraselves
into a hollow square supported by their cavalry, and success
fuUy resisted every effort bf their valiant enemies, of whom
they slew great nurabers by the superiority of their arras, yet
lost at the same time a considerable number of their own men.
The batde remained undecided for several hours ; when at
length, rashly pressing forwards with impetuous bravery,
AiUavalu received a mortal wound', and many of the most
valiant officers and soldiers of the Araucanians bdng slain,
they retired in good order, leaving the field of battle to the
Spaniards, who felt no inclination to pursue them after a so
dear-bought victory.
Valdivia, though he had been present in many battles, both
in Europe and America, was astonished at the valour and
miUtary skiU of this new enemy, and declared he had never
been exposed lo such imminent danger in the whole course
ofhis mUitary service. As he expected to be soon attacked
again, he iramediately proceeded to construct a strong forti
fication for the protection of his new city ; and in fact, the
Araucanian confederacy was no sooner informed of the de
feat and death of their general AiUavalu, than a new and more
numerous army was ordered against the Spaniards, under the
command of Lincoyan, who was elected to the vacant office
of supreme toqui. From his gigantic stature, and freqUL-nt
displays of courage, this officer had acquired great reputation
among his countrymen ; but, though well suited for a subal
tern officer, he was timid and irresolute in the supreme mi
Utary command, and greatly disappointed the expectation^^
which had been formed from his former behaviour.
Having marshalled his array in three divisions, Lincoyan
marched in 1551 to attack the Spaniards under Valdivia, who
still reriiained at Conception, occupied in building and forti
fying the new city. The Spaniards were so much alarmed by
<>¦ - . ;
1 in Ovalle, this generalis named Anabillo, and is said to have been
made prisoner in the battle.— E.

278 Discovery and part ii. book u
by the approach ofthe Araucanian army, that after confess
ing themselves, they took shelter under the cannon of their
fortifications, where the Araucanians boldly assailed them:
But, finding the first assault unsuccessful, Lincoyan became
apprehensive of losing the army which had been committed
to his charge, and ordered a precipitate retreat, to the great
surprise of Valdivia, who was apprehensive of sorae stratagem,
and did not venture upon attempting a pursuit. When it
was discovered that the enemy hod actually retreated, the
Spaniards considered thdr flight as a special fevour fiom
heaven, and some even alleged that they had seen the apostle
St James, mounted on a white horse, waving a flaming sword
and striking terror into their enemies. But the only mfrade
on this occasion proceeded from the timid circumspection of
Lincoyan. Being now in some measure freed from the restraint im
posed upon him by the Araucanians, Valdivia applied him
self diUgently to the building of the city of Conception, for
which place he entertained a strong predilection, as he consi
dered that it would become the centre of maritime cpmmuni-
cation between ChiU and the ports of Peru and Spain. Al
though he had fixed upon St Jago for the capital of the king
dom of ChiU, he determined upon estabUshing his own fomily
at Conception ; for which purpose he selected a pleasant si
tuation for his own dwelling, reserving for himself the fertUe
peninsida between the rivers Andalian and Biobio, and re
solved to a'-k as a reward for his services the two adjoining
districts of Arauco and Tucapel, with the tide of marquis :
For, although these districts still remained in the possession
ofthe Araucanians, he fully expected to be able to subjugate
that vaUant people in a short time.
Hoving speedily reortd the new dty, in which he esta
blished a colony of his foUowers, he employed the remainder
ef the year 155 1 in regulating its internal poUi^ ; for which
purpose, after having established a CabUdo or Ixidy of magis
trates, in imitation of those in Spain, as usual in aU the cities
of Spanish America, he promulgated a body of fundamental
regulations, comprised in forty-two articles or statutes, some
of which respecting tiie treatiient of the natives within its
territory ana jurisdiction evinced much prudent humanity;
yot, as in all tm other subjected countries of America, helef);
them in a great measure subject to the control a^d ^aprics
ef the citizens to whom they were allotted. After

CHAP. tx. SECT. vr. Conquest tf Chili. 279
After the settlement of his new city, and having received a
reinforcement of soldiers from Peru, he resolved to attack the
Araucanians in their own territories, believing that thdr cou
rage was now entirely subdued, as they had made no attempt
to molest him since their late repulse under Lincoyan. With
these views, he passed the Biobio in 1552, and proceeding
rapidly through the provinces of Encol and Puren, unoppo
sed by the tardy and timid operations of Lincoyan, he arrived
at the river Cauten, which divides the couritry of the Arau
canians nearly into two equal parts. Near the confluence of
this river with the Damas, he founded a new city which he
named Imperial*, in honour of the Emperor Don Carlos;
thpugh spme say that it received this name in cpnsequence of
finding some wooden figures of eagles with two heads, fixed
on spme of the native huts. This city was placed in a beau
tiful situation, abounding in all the conveniences of life ; and,
during the short period of its existence became one of the
most flourishing in ChiU. Being placed on the shore of a
large and deep river, capable of allowing large ships to lie
close to the waUs, it was exceUently situated for commerce,
and had free access to receive succours of aU kinds by sea in
case of being besieged. By modern geographers, this place
is stUl spoken of as an existing dty, strongly fortified, and the
seat of a bishopric ; but it has been in ruins for considerably
more than two hundred years.
Intoxicated with his present prosperity, and the apparent
submission of the Araucanians, he assigned extensive districts
in the surrounding country among his officers. To Francisco
ViUagran, his lieutenant-general, he gave the warlike pro
vince of Maquegua, considered by the Araucanians as the key
of their country, with about thirty thousand inhabitants.
The other officers obtained grants of lands and Indians pro
portionate to their rank, and the degree in which they pos
sessed his favour, some getting as far as eight or even ten
thousand Indians. He Ukewise dispatched Alderte, with ^
detachment pf sixty men, with prders to establish a settlement
on the shore of a lake called Lauquen, to which he gave the
name of ViUarica, or the rich city, owing to the great quan
tity of gold that was procured in the environs.
2 The place where Imperial once stood is marked on our mapi on the right
or north shore of the conjoined streams of the Ouisa and Cauten, imme
diately above the junction of a amstll river which i* probably the "Dvaaa of
die text.— £.

280 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
It may be here mentioned that the province of Maquegua
was partitioned anew among the conquerors after the death of
ViUagran ; the principal part of it being assigned to Juan de
Ocampo, and another large share to Andreas Matencio. But,
in consequence of its recapture by the Araucanians, they
reaped very Uttle advantage from their commanderies. Ocam
po was afterwards rewarded for his distinguished services by
being appointed to the office of corregidore of the cities of
Serena Mendoza and St Juan, the two last in the province
of Cujo ; in which province he had likewise the grant of a
considerable commandery of Indians, which he afterwards
ceded to the crown.
Receiving additional reinforcements from Peru, Valdivia
resumed his march for the south of ChiU, stiU foUowed but at
a considerable distance by Lincoyan, who pretended conti
nually to seek a favourable opportimity to attack the Spaniards,
but whose timid and cautious procedure could never find one
of which he dared to avail himself. In this manner Valdivia
traversed the whole territory of the Araucanians from north
to south, with exceedingly little opposition and hardly any
loss. But on his arrival at the river Callacalla, which sepa
rates the Araucauians from the Cunches, he found that nation
in arms on the opposite bank of the river, ready to dilute
the passage. The Cunches are one ofthe most vaUant ofthe
tribes inhabiting Chili, and possess the maritime country
from the river Callacalla, caUed "Valdivia by the Spaniards,
to the gulf of Chiloe. Tliey aie divided into several subor
dinate tribes or dans, each of which, as in die other parts of
Chili, are governed by their resptctive ulmens. They are in
strict aUiance with the Araucanians, and have ever continued
bitter enemies to the Spaniards.
While Valdivia was ddiberating upon die odoption of
prpper measures, for crossing this river, a woman ofthe
country, named Recloma, addressed the general of the Cunches
with so much eloquence in behalf of the strangers, that he
withdrew his army and aUowed them to pass the river unmo
lested. Immediately after this unexpected event, the ^anish
general founded a sixth city on the southern shore of the
Callacalla, near its junction with the sea, giving it his own
name of Valdivia ; bdng the first of the conquerors in Ame
rica who sought in this manner to perpetuate his name. This
setdement, of which the fortress only now remains, attained
in a few years a considerable degree of prosperity ; owing to
the

CHAP. IX. SECT. VI. Conquest tf Chili. 281
the superior fineness of the gold prpcured from its neighbour*
ing mines, which obtained it the privilege of a mint, and be
cause its harbour is one of the most convenient and secure of
any on the shpre pf the Padfic Ocean. The river is here
very broad, and sp deep that ships of the line may be moored
in safety within a few feet of the shore; and it has several
other safe harbours and creeks in the vicinity.
Satisfied with th extent ot the conquests he had made, or
radier with tho incursions he had been able to make in the
Araucanian territory, Valdivia now retraced his steps towards
the north ; and in his progress diu'ing the year 1553, he built
fortresses in each ofthe three Araucanian provinces of Puren
Tucapel and Arauco. From the warUke inhabitants of these
provinces especially, he apprehended any attempt that might
prove fatal to his more southerly settlements of Imperial "V^il-
iarica and Valdivia, and he left garrisons in these more
northern fortresses to preserve the comraunication, and to be
in readiness to afford succours to the others in the south.
According to the poet Ercilla, the Spaniards had to sustain
many battles and encounters with the natives in the course of
this expedition in Araucania, but the particulars of none of
these are recorded. This is however very probable ; as it is
not easy to account for the continuance of Lincoyan in the
command on any other principles. It raay be concluded, how
ever, that, owing- to the caution, or cowardice rather of the
Araucanian toqui, these actions were so ill conducted amd so
inconclusive, as to give very little interruption to Valdivia in
his triumphant progress through these provinces, between the
Biobio and Callacalla, or from Cbnception to Valdivia.
On his return to St Jago, the seat of government, Valdivia
recdved a considerable body of recruits to his army from Peru,
together with 350 horses ; on which he dispatched Francisco
de Aguirre with two hundred men, to reduce the provinces
of Tucuman and Cujo on the eastern side ofthe Andes ; not
considering how inadequate was even his whole undiminished
military force to retain so large an extent of country as that
he had now occupied, and a so numerous and warlike people
under subjection. Indefatigable in. the execution of his ex
tensive plans of conquest, Valdivia returned into Araucania,
where he founded in the province of Encol, a city to which
he gave the name of La Frontera, being the seventh and last
of his foundatiori. This name, from events which could not
theji have been in the consideration of Valdivia, has become strictly

682 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
strictly applicable to its present situation, as its ruins are ac
tually situated on the southern confines ofthe Spanish settle
ments in Chili. Though long ago destroyed, it is stiU men
tioned by geographers as an existing dty under the name of
Angol, by which native denomination it was long known to
the Spaniards. It was situated in a fertile district, excel
lently adapted for the cultivation of vines, and for some time
•tvas in a rich and flourishing condition, principally owing to
its wines, which were in great repute at Buenos Ayres, to which
place they were transported by a road across the Andes and
through the plains of La Plata.
After making suitable regulations for the security of this
new colony, Valdivia returned to his favourite city of Con
ception, where he instituted three principal miUtary officers
for commanding the royal army of Chili, consisting of a quarter
master-general, a serjeant-major, and a commissary. In the
present times only two of these subsist, the quarter-master-
general and the serjeant-major ; which latter office is now di
vided into two, one for the cavalry, and the other for the in-
fentrj ; while the office of commissary is only now known in
the militia. At this time he sent Alderte into Spain, with a
large sum of money, and a particular rdation of his transac
tions and conquests ; and commissioned him to employ his
utmost exertions to obtain for him the perpetual government
of the country which he had conquered, together with the
title of Miarquis of Arauco. He dispatched likewise Fran
cisco de UUoa by sea, with directions to explore the Straits
of MageUan, by means of which he hoped to open a direct
communication with Spain, without being obUged to depend
upon Peru for supplies.
"WhUe occupied in the contemplation of these extensive
plans for the ameUoration of the extensive kingdom which he
had subdued, and the advancement ofhis own rank and for
tune, Valdivia had no suspicion of an extensive and deter
mined system of warfare which was planning among the Arau
canians, and which soon burst forth with irresistible violence,
to the ultimate destruction of all the Spanish conquests be
yond the Biobio, and to which Valdivia himself fell an early
victim. Coloeolo, an aged Ulmen of the province of Arauco,
animated by love for his country, quitted the retirement in
which he had long indulged, and traversed the provinces of
thc Araucanian confederacy, excitingwith indefatigable zeal the
dormant spirit of his countrymen, which had sunk after thefr late

CHAP. IX. SECT. VI. Conquest of Chili. 28*
late disasters, and eagerly solicited them to make choice of a
new supreme toqui capable of directing their arms for the re
covery of those parts of their country which had been subju
gated by the Spaniards, through the timid conduct of Lin
coyan. Coloeolo was well versed in the principles of govern
ment which subsisted among the Araucanians, and had long
enjoyed the reputation of wisdora throughout the whole
country, in whidi he was so universally esteemed and re
spected, that his councils and opinion were always solicited
and listened to on every subject of importance. Roused from
their torpidity by his animating exhortations, the whole body
of Araucanian ulmens assembled according to their custom in
a Butacayog, or national council, in an open plain ; and,
after the ususal least, they proceeded to consult upon the si
tuation of their national affairs, and the election of a new
toqui to wipe off the disgraces which they had suffered wider
the direction of Lincoyan.
Many chiefs aspired to the glorious situation of avenger of
thdr oppressed country, the most distinguished among whom
were Andalican, Elicura, Ongolmo, Renco, and Tucapel,
The last of these was so highly celebrated by his martial
prowess that the prorince of which he was Apo-ulmen has
ever since retained his name. He was besides supported in
his pretensions by a powerful party ; but his elevation to the
supreme command was opposed by the more prudent mem
bers of the assembly, who dreaded lest the impetuosity of his
character might hasten the entire ruin of the nation, instead
of retrieving their honour and independence. Dissensions
arose so high that the opposite parties were on the point of
turning their arms against each other, when the venerable
Cokicolo rose to speak, and obtained a patient and attentive
hearing. By a judicious and energetic address, he pacified
their foctious irritation so completely, that the assembly una
nimously submitted the nomination of a supreme toqui to his
choice. The wise old man, on whom every eye was now fix
ed in anxious expectation, iramediately named' Caupolican,
the ulmen of PUmaquen a subordinate district of the pro
vince of Tucapel, and the whole assembly applauded and
confirmed the chpice. CaupoUcan was of a lofty stature and
uncommon bodily strength ; and though he had lost an eye,
the majesty of his countenance evinced great endowments of
mind. He was of a serious, patient, and sagacious disposi
tion i and besides great personal bravery, had every requisite. tOi

284 Discmeiy and part ii. book ii.
to constitute him an able general of the peculiar troops over
whom he was now appointed to command. On bdng invest
ed with the battle-axe, as the badge of his supreme authority,
he immediately selected the officers who were to bear com
mand under him in the army of the state, among whom were
all the late competitors, and even Lincoyan the former toqui.
The office of vice-toqui, or lieutenant-general, he conferred
on Marientu, a person in whom he reposed entire confi
dence. Even the violent Tucapel, who had nearly involved
his country in civil war for thc attainment of the supreme
command, did not disdain to serve under the orders of his
own vassal, manifesting by this submission his eager wish to
sacrifice his personal ambition to the service of his country.
As the Araucanians beUeved themselves invincible under
the command of their new toqui, they were desirous of going
immediately from the place of assembly to attack the Spa
niards. But Caupolican, no less prudent in coimcil than
valiant in the field, repressed this rash ardour, and persuad
ed them to disperse to their several places of abode, to pro
vide themselves with good arms in order to be in readiness at
the first summons to the fidd, and to leave the direction of
the war to his management. Sliortly afterwards, he coUected
and reviewed his army ^, and resolved to commence his
operations by a stratagem suggested by an accident. He had
that morning taken eighty Indian prisoners, who were con
ducting forage to the Spanish garrison in the neighbouring
fort of Arauco. In place of these men, he substituted on
equal nuniber of his own bravest soldiers, under the com
mand of Cajuguenu and Alcatipay, whom he directed to
conceal their arms ampng the bundles pf grass, and to main
tain possession of the gate of the fortress until he could come
to their assistance with the rest of his army. The pretend
ed foragers conducted themsdves with so much judgment
that they were admitted into the fortress without any suspi
cion pn the part of the garrison, and iinmediatdy seizing
their arras, they attacked the guaid at the gate, kiUing all
that came in their way. The alarm however soon spread,
and the rest of the garrison hastened in arms to the spot,
under Francisco Rcynoso the coniraandant, and drove the
3 Ovalle carries the number of tlie Araucanian army on this occasion to
the inconceivable amount of 67,000 combatants in the fieldi besides a large
body of reserve. — E .

CHAP. IX. SECT. VI. Conquest tf Chili. 285
the "Araucanians from the gate after an obstinate contest,
at the very moment when Caupolican came up with his
army, so .that the Spaniards had just sufficient time to
raise the draw-bridge and hasten to defend their ram
parts. Though disappointed in his expectation of gain
ing adnuttance by the gate, Caupolican was stiU in hope of
Erofiting from the confusion of the garrison, and encouraged
is soldiers to assail the fortress on all sides, notwithstanding
the continual fire kept up by the Spaniards from two cannon
and six small field-pieces. After losing a great number of
men in this unequal contest, Caupolican drew off from the
assault, and determined to attempt the reduction of Arauco
by a strict blockade, in hopes that the Spaniards would be
soon constrained by famine into a surrender.
After the blockade had continued for some time, during
which the Spaniards made several unsuccesful salUes widi
considerable loss, Reynoso determined to abandon the fort
and to retire with his remaining garrison to Puren, as provi
sions began to fail, and there was no prospect of being re
Ueved. Accordingly the whole garrison mounted their
horses at midnight, and rushing suddenly from the gate,
made thefr escape through the middle of their enemies. As
the Araucanians supppsed this tP have been pne pf the prdina-
ry saUies, they took no measures to obstruct their flight, and
Reynoso got off with his men. Having destroyed the fort pf
Araucp, CaupoUcan led his army to attack that of Tucapel,
which was commanded by Martin Erizar with & garrison of
forty men. Erizar ddended himself gaUantly for seVeral
days ; but as provisions began to fail, and his small force was
continuaUy diminishing by the perpetually renewed assaults
of the enemy, he likewise determined upon withdrawing to
Puren, which he successfuUy executed, either by simUar
means as those pursued by Reynpsp, pr in cpnsequence pf a
capitulation with Caupolican. Having destroyed this for
tress, CaupoUcan encaraped with his'array in the neighbour
hopd, to wait the apprpach pf the l^aniards, who he suppo
sed would not be long of coraing against hira with an army.
Valdivia, who then resided in the city of Conception,
no sooner learnt that the Araucanians had besieged Arauco,
than he began his march fpr that place with such fcrces as
he was able tp ccUect at a shprt notice ; though ccntrary to
the advice of his most experienced officers, who urged him
t« wait till he could coUect a more formidable army, and
seemed

286 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
seemed to have a presentiment of the fatal consequences which
were to result from the present expedition. The historian*
of tile times differ materiaUy in their accounts of the force
under Valdivia on this occasion. According to some of these
his army consisted of two hundred Spaniards and five thou
sand Promaudan auxiliaries, whUe ol»ers reduce the number
to a half. The same uncertainty is to be found respecting
the number of the enemy, some estimating them at nine and
others at ten thousand men *. On approaching the en
campment of CaupoUcan, Valdivia sent forwards a detach
ment of ten horsemen under Diego dd Oro to reconnoitre,
all of whom were slain by the enemy, and thefr heads cut off
and hung upon trees by the way in which the Spanish army
had to advance. On arriving at this place, the l^uniards
were filled with horror at this miserable spectade, and many
of them, in spite of their usual intrepidity, were eager to re
treat till a greater force could be coUected. Even Valdivia
regretted that he had not conformed to the advice of his
older officers ; but encouraged by the boasting confidence of
others, who proudly declared that ten Spaniards were suffi
cient to put die whole Araucanian xrray to flight, he con
tinued his march and came in sight of the enemy on the 3d
of December 1553. TTie prospect of the ruins of Tucapel
and the well regulated array of the adverse army, with the in
sulting taunts of the enemy, who upbraided them as robbers
and impostors, filled the minds of the Spaniards, hitherto ac
customed to respect and submission from the Indians, with
mingled sentiments of dread and indignation.
The two armies continued for some time to observe each
other fr-om a smaU distance. At length the vice-toqiu Mm'i-
entu, who commanded the right wing of the .-Araucanians,
began the engagement by an attack against the left wing of
the Spaniards. BovadUla who commanded in that wing,
moved forwanls with a detachment to encounter Marientu ;
but was immediately surrounded, and ho and all his men cut
to pieces. The serjeant-major, who was dispatdied by Val
divia to his succour with another detachment, experienced
the same fate. In the mean time, Tucapel, the Apo-ulmen
of Arauco, who commanded the left wing of the Araucanians, made
4 Ovalte does not mention the amount of the army under Valdivia on
this occasion., but extends ;he force of the Araucanians' to twenty tlwwuid
?teB/— £.

CHAP. IX. SECT. VI. Conquest of Chili. 287
made a violent attack on the Spanish right wing with his ac
customed impetuosity. The batUe now became general, and
the hostile armies joined in close fight from wing to wing.
Animated by the commands and example of Valdivia, who
performed at the same time the duty of a valiant soldier and
experienced general, the Spaniards by the superiority of
their arms overthrew and destroyed whole ranks of the ene
my. But, notwithstanding the horrible slaughter produced
by the cannon and musquetry of the enemy, the Araucanians
continuaUy supplied the places of those who were slain by
fresh troops. Three times they retired in good order beyond
the reach of the musquetry; and .is often, resuming new
courage, they returned vigorously to the charge, which they
urged with the most determined and persevering valour. At
length, after losing a vast number of their men, the Arauca
nians were thrown into disorder and began to give way ; and
in spite of every effort of Caupolican, Tucapel, and even of
the aged and intrepid Coloeolo, to reanimate their courage
and raUy their disordered ranks, they took to flight. Tfiie
Spaniards shouted victory I and pressed ardently upon the
fugitives, and the battle seemed decidedly won.
In this critical moment, a young Araucanian only sixteen
years of age, named Lautaro, who had been" made prisoner
by Valdivia, and baptized and employed as his page, went
over from the ranks of the victorious Spaniards, loudly re
proached his countrymen for their opprobious cowardice, and
eagerly exhorted them to return to the contest, assuring them,
that the Spaniards, being all wounded and spent with fatigue,
were no longer able to bear up against a fresh attack. Hav
ing succeeded in stopping the flight of a considerable num
ber of the Araucanians, Lautaro grasped a lance which he
turned against his late master, crying out, " FoUow me my
countrymen to certain victory." Ashamed at being surpassed
in courage by a boy, the Araucanians turned with fury against
their enemies, whose ranks were somewhat disordered by the
pursuit, and put thera completiy to rout at the first shock,
cutting the Spaniards and their allies to pieces, insomuch that
only two Promaucians of the whole army had the good for
tune to escape, by fleeing to a neighbouring wood, whence
they withdrew during the night to Conception. When all
hope was lost by the entire rout of his army. Valdivia with
drew from the massacre attended by his chaplain, to prepare
himself for inevitable death by confession ahd absolution. H<j

288 Discovery and part ii. book ir.
He was pursued and made prisoner by' the victors; and on
being brought before Caupolican, is said to have humbly
implored mercy from the victorious toqui, and to have soUci
ted the intercession of his former page, solemnly engaging to
withdraw from Chili with all the Spaniards if his life were
spared. Naturally of a compassionate disposition, and desirous
of obliging Lautaro to whom he owed this impoi-tant victory,
and who now interceded for Valdivia, Caupolican was
disposed to have shewn mercy to his vanquished foe ; but,
while deliberating on the subject, an old ulmen of great au--
thority among the Araucanians, indignant at the idea of
sparing the life of their most dangerous enemy, dispatched
the prisoner with a blow of his war club, saying that it would
be madness to trust the promises of an ambitious en eray, who
would laugh at his oaths when once he escaped the present
danger. Caupolican was ranch exasperated at this interference
with his Supreme authority, and was disposed to have punished
it severely ; but most of his officers opposed themselves to his
just resentment ^.
Thus feU Pedro de Valdivia, the conqueror of ChiU ; a man
of superior genius and of great political and military talents,
but who, seduced by the roraantic spirit ofhis age and country,
had not sufficient prudence to employ them to the best ad
vantage. His undertakings had been more fortunate, if he
had properly estimated his own strength, and had less despis
ed the courage and skiU of the Araucanians, presuming on
the dastardly example of the Peruvians, and the want of con
cert in the more northern tribes of Chili, against whom he had
hitherto been accustomed to contend. Historians do not im-
.pute to him any of those cnielties with which the contemporary
conquerors of America have been accused. It is true tlia^
in the records of the Franciscans, two monks of that order
are mentioned with applause, as having dissuaded him from
exercising those cruelties which had been usual with other
conquerors upon the natives of America. By some he has
been
5 According to Ovalle, Caupolican was forced by his officers to pro
nounce condemnation against Vdldivia, which wa? executed immediately,
but different accounts were given of ihe manner in which this was performed ;
some saying that it was done in the way related in the text, while others
nllege that they poured melted gold down his throat ; that they preserved
his head as a monument of victory, to animate their youth to a valorous de
fence of their country, and that they converted the banes of his legs ani
.inns into flutes and trumpL't' — T .

ciMAP. IX. SECT. VI. Coriquist tf Chili. 389"
. been accused of avarice, and they pretend that the Araticaftt-'
ans put him to death by pouring melted gold down his throatj'
in punishment of his inordinate search for that metal : But
this is a mere fiction, copied from a similar story in ancient-
authors.

GarcUasso de la Vega, Pai-t I, Book vii. Chap, xxi. gives
the following account of the battle in which Valdivia was de
feated by the Araucanians.
" In many skfrmishes Valdivia always defeated the Arau
canians and put them to flight, as they were in such dread-
of the Spanish horse that they never dared to adventure into
the open plains, where ten Spaniards Were able to beat a
thousand Indians, for which reason they always kept lurking^
in the woods arid mountains, where the Spanish cavafry could
not get at them ; whence they often sallied but, doing aU the"
injury they were able against' the Spaniards. The war con
tinued in this manner for a long time ; till at length an old
captain of the Araucaniaris, who had been long famous in
their wars, began to consider the reason why so smaU a num
ber as only 1 50 Spaniards should be able to subdue ahd en
slave twelve or thirteen thousand Araucanian warriors. A&
ter raature deliberation, he divided the Araucanian force into
thirteen battaUons each of a thousand men, which he drew
up in successive lines at some distance, so as to act as a series
of reserves one after the other, and marched in this new order
of battle against the Spaniards one morning at day-break,
ordering them to give louder shouts than usual, and to make-
a great noise with' their drums and trumpets. Alarmed by
the noise and shouts of the Indians, the Spaniards sallied forth
to battle; and seeing the' many divisions of the enemy, they'
imagined it would be much easier to break through and de
feat these smaller battalions than if united in one body.
" So soon as the Araucanian captain saw the Spaniards'
advancing, he exhorted the foremost battaUoU ofhis arriiy to
do thdr best;" not, said he, that I expect you to overcome
them J but you must do your utmost in defence of your coun
try, and when you are worsted, then betake yourselves to
ffight, taking care not to break into and disordei^ the other
battalions; and when you get into the rear of aU, you must
there raUy and renew your ranks. He gave similar orders to
all the successive battalions, and appointed ariother bfficer to
remahi in the rear to restore the order-xif those who should
vot. V. T retreat.

390 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
retreat, and to make them eat and refresh theraselves while
the others continued the fight successively. Accordingly the
fprempst battalipn fpught for some time against the Spaniards,
and when no longer able to withstand the impetuosity of thdr
charge, they retired as ordered into the rear. The second, .
third, fourth, and fifth battalions did the same in succession,
and were all successively defeated by the Spaniards, all retir
ing according to orders when their array was broken ; yet
in these reiterated combats the Spaniards sustained some toss.
both in men and horses. The Spaniards, having already de
feated and put to flight five successive bodies ofthe enemy,
and having fought three long hours, were astonished stUl to
observe ten or twelve similar successive battaUons before
them Ul firm array, yet they gallantly attacked the sixth body
which they likewise overthrew, and in like manner the seventh,
eighth, ninth, and tenth. Having now fought seven hours
without intermission, both the Spanish men and horses be
gan to fail from long fatigue, and were unable to charge with
the same vigour as in the beginning ofthe action, yet they ex
erted their utmost efforts not to shew any appearance o* faUure
to the Indians. Yet the Indians could clearly perceive a ma
terial relaxation in the exertions of their enemies, to whom
they did not allow a moment of repose, but plied them as at
first with new and fresh battalions.
" At length, seeing there was likely to be no end of this new
way of fighting, as there were stiU eight or nine battalions of
the enemy in view, and it being now drawing towards even
ing, Valdivia determined upon making a retreat before his
men and horses should he entirely worn out and disabled by
incessant action. He accordingly gave orders lo his men to
retreat, that they might reach a narrow pass about a league
and a half from the field of battle, where they would be se
cure against attack, as in that place two Spaniards on foot
were able to keep off die whole army of the Araucanians.
He accordingly issued ordei's to his soldiers to retreat to diat
narrow defile, passing the word from rank to rank, with direc
tions to turn and make head occasipually against the enemy.
At this time Valdivia was attended by an Araucanian yputh
named Lautoro, the son of an ulmen, who had been bred up
in his family from a boy, and baptized by the name of Philip.
Knowing both languages, and being more biassed by affection
tp his country dian love to God or fidelity to his master, on
hearing the orders given to retreat, he called out to the
Araucanians

tHAP. IX. SECT, Vi. Cohqttest of Chili. 29 1
Araucanians not to be satisfied with the retreat of the Spa
niards, but immediately to take possession Of the narrow pass,
by which they would ensure the entire destruction of their
enemieSi To encourage his countrvmen by his exaraple as
weU as his words, Lautdro took up a lance from the ground^
with which he joined the foremost rank of the Araucanians,
and assisted them to fight against his former master.
" When the Araucanian captain observed the Spaniards
preparing to retire, he immediately followed the advice of
Lautaro, and ordered two fresh battaUons of his troops to
hasten in good order to occupy the narrow pass^ and td use
their Utmost efforts to defend it till the rest of the army could
get up to their assistance. With the remainder of his troops
he pressed on against the retreating Spaniards, still plying
them as from the first with fresh bodies of bis men, and not
allowinir a moments respite to the eriemy. On Coming to the
entrance of the narrow^ pass, where they expected to have
been in safety, the Spaniards found it already occupied by the
enemy, and began to despair of being able to escape. At this
time, perceiving that both the Spanish raen and horses were
completely tired, the Araucanians broke in ambng them,
fifteen or twenty of them seizing upon ohe hbrse, some
catching him by the legs, others by the tail, and others by
the mane ; while others knocked down both meh and horses
with their great war-clubs, kiUing them with the greatest rage
and fory.
" Pedro de Valdivia, arid a priest who accompanied. him,
were taken alive and tied to treesj until the Indians had dis
patched all the rest, only three Indian auxiliaries of the Spa
niards making their escape by favour ofthe night into a thicket,
whence, being well acquainted with the ways and more faith
fol to their masters than Lautaroj they carried the fatal news
to the Spaniards in ChUi. The maniier in which Valdivia
was afterwards put to death has been differently related.
Sorae say that Lautaro, finding him tied to a tree, kiUed
him after revUing and reproaching hira as a robber and a ty
rant. The most certain intelligence is, that ah old captain
beat out his brains with a dub. Others again say that the
-4raucanians passed the night after their victory in dances and
mirth ; and that at the end of every dance, they cut off a
piece of flesh from "Valdivia and anpther from the priest, both
yet alive, which they broiled and eat before thefr faces.
During

292 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
During which horrid repast, Valdivia confessed to the priest
and they both expfred."

Section VII.
Continuation of the War between the Spaniards and Arau-
canians, from the death tf Valdivia, to that of Caupolican.
This important victory, which was gained in the evening
ofthe 3d December 1553, was celebrated next day by the
Araucanians with all kinds of games and diversions, which
were exhibited in a meadow surrounded by high trees, on
which the heads of the slaughtered enemies were suspended
as trophies ofthe victory. An immense concourse of inhabi
tants from aU the surrounding country flocked to Tucapel to
enjoy the triumph obtained over an enemy hitherto consider
ed as invincible, and to join in the festivities on this joyfol
occasion. In token of triumph, the Araucanian officers
dressed themselves in the clothes and arraour of their slain
enemies, and CaupoUcan decorated himseff with the armour
and surcoat of Valdiria, which was magnificently embroidered
with gold. After the conclurion ofthe rejoicings, CaupoUcan
presented Lautaro to the national assembly or Butacayog,
which had met to deUberate upon thc proper measures to be
pursued in farther prosecution of the war ; and, after a speech
in which he attributed the whole success of the late glorious
battle to the young warrior, he appointed him extraordinary
vice-toqui, and to enjoy the command of a second army
which was to be raised for protecting the frontiers against in
vasion from the Spaniards. In consideration of the inaj^re-
ciable service he had rendered to his countiy, the advance
ment of Lautaro to this new dignity was apprpved and ap
plauded by all the chiefs pf the confederacy. Besides the
nobiUty of his origin, as he belpnged tp the order of ulmens,
Lautai'o was singularly beautiful in his appearance, and con
ciliating in his manners, and possessed talents far surpassing
his years, so that in the sequel he fully confiraied the senti
ments now entertained of him by CaupoUcan and the rest of
his countrymen.
The sentiments of the assembled chiefs in respect to the
farther prosecution of the war, were various anddiscordant.
Coloeolo and most of the Ulmens were of opinion, that they
10 ought

CHAP. IX. SECT. VII. Congest tf Chili. 29S
ought in the first place to" endeavour to free their country
from the remaining Spanish establishments within its bounds,
before attempting to carry thdr incursions to the north of
the Biobio. Tucapel and some others of the most daring
officers, insisted that they ought to take advantage ofthe pre
sent circumstances to attack the Spaniards even in the city of
St Jago, the centre of their colonies, while in a state of con
sternation and dismay, and to drive them entirely from the
whole kingdom of ChiU. CaupoUcan applauded the heroic
sentiments of Tucapel, yet adopted the council of the elder
chie&, as the most prudent and benefidal for the interests of
the nation.
About this time Lincoyan, the former toqui, who was at
the head of a detached body of troops engaged in harassing
the dispersed settiements of the Spaniards in Araucania, fell
in with a party of fifteen Spaniards, on their march from Im
perial to join Valdivia, of whose total defeat they had not yet
received intelligence. Before engaging with the enemy,
whom they confidendy expected to defeat with the utmost
faciUty, these Spaniards vainly regretted that their number
exceeded twelve, in hope that the event of the day would
stamp upon tiieir names the, chivafrous tide of the twelve tf
fame. Their wishes were soon more than gratified, as seven
of them fdl at the first encounter with the enemy, and the
remaining seven, taking advantage of -the swiftness of their
horses, escaped ¦ severely wounded to the fortress of Pureuj
carrying widi them the melancholy intelligence of the total
destruction of Valdivia and his army. On this distressing
news the Spanish inhabitants of Puren, and Frontera or An
gola retired to Imperial, where they considered themselves in
greater security than in these other more inland fortresses,
which were entirdy surrounded by the country of the victo
rious enemy. About the same time the inhabitants of ViUa
rica abandoned that settlement and took refoge in Valdivia ;
so that two Spanish establishments only now remained in the
Araucanian country, and both of them at a great distance
from reinforcements or assistance. As Caupolican determin
ed upon besieging these two cities, he committed to Lautaro
the charge of defending the northern frontier against invasion,
and set out for the south- to reduce the cities of Imperial and
Valdivia. The young and gallant vice-toqui, Lautarp, accordingly
took post- on the lofty mountain of Mariguenu, which inter venes

294 Discovery and part ii, book ii.
vencs between Conception and Arauco, and which he fortified
with extraordinary care, rightly judging that thc Spaniards
would take that road in search of C.!up<>licnn on purpose to
revenge the defeat and death of their general Valdivia. fl'his
mountain, which has proved fatal to the .•^) ajiiartls on several
occasions in their wars with the Araucanians, has a large
plain on its summit interspersed w,th sbatiy trees. Its steep
sides are lull of rude precipices and deep cleits or ravines, its
w< stern end being rendered inacceshible by tbe si.'a, while on
the east it is secured by an impenetrabit- forest. The north
side only was accessible to the Spaniards, and even in that
way it was only possible to reach the top by a n.irrow and
winding path.
The two Promaucians who alone had escaped from the
fatal battle of Tucapel, by favour of the darkness and under
Covert of a thick wood, reached Conception, which ihey filled
with grief and consternation, by relating the total overthrow
and massacre of tlte army of Vakiivia. When the general
terror and dismay had a little subsided, the magisiratt'» pro
ceeded to open the sealed instructions which had been left with
thtui by Valdivia, when he departed on his late fatal expedi
tion. In these he nanit d Aldi rte, Aguirre, and ViUagran suc
cessively to the vacant government in case oi" his own de
cease. Alderte being gone to Europe, ami Aguirre absent on
his expedition into the distant provmce of Cujo, the command
devolved on ViUagran. After such preparations as appeared
necessary under die present emergency, ^ iliagran crossed the
Biobio with a considerable army of Spaniards and Promau
cian auxiliaries, inU nding to march for Arauco in the first
place. In a narrow pass at no great distance to the south of
the Biobio, he was vigorously opposci. by a body of Arau
canian warriors, who \^ ithstood the utmost efforts of his army
for three hours, and then withdrew coniinualK fighting, to
wards the top of the mountain where Lautaro awaited the ap
proach ofthe Spaniards with the main body ofhis arn.y, in a
well chosen post defended by a strong palisade. MUagran
ordfred th-. squadrons of cavalry to force ihrir wnv up the
difficult passnge ot" the mountain, which they effected with
infinite diffii.ulty and sivtre tatigue, and were received at a
short distance Irom the summit by showers of stones, arrows,
and other missiks, which were inctssaiitly discharged against
them by the vigUint and brave Araucanians. ViUagran, who
followed his cavalry at the head of aU the infantry of his
5 army.

.CHAP. IX. SECT. vii. Conqucst tf Chili. 295
army, with six pieces of artiUery, seeing the determined op
position of the enemy, several detachments of whom were
endeavouring to gain his flanks and rear, ordered his mus
quetry to advance, and the artillery to take a favourable po
sition for annoying the enemy.
The mountain was .enveloped in smoke, and resounded on
all sides with the thunder of the Spanish cannon and mus
quets, while the balls were heard whistling in every direction,
and dealing destruction among the ranks of the valiant Arau
canians, who continued vigorously to defend their post, un
dismayed , at the numbers who fell amid their thick array.
Percdving that his principal loss was occasioned by the can
non, Lautaro gave orders to one ofhis bravest officers, named
Leucptpn, tp sally frpm the cainp with a select detachment pf
trppps, and tp gain ppssessipn of the cannon at all events, or
never more to appear in his presence. Leucoton executed
his orders with the utmost bravery, and after a furious and
bloody contest with the guard of the guns, carried them off
in triumph ;, while Lautaro, to prevent the Spaniards from
sending succours to their artiUery, raade a furious general
attack- on the whole line with all his troops. Astonished by
this bold and general attack, and disraayed by the loss of their
cannon, the Spanish horse and foot fell into confusion and
disorder, and were so furiously pressed upon by the vkliant
Lautaro and his troops, that they dispersed and fled with the
utmost precipitation. Three thousand of the Spaniards and
their Promaucian alUes were slain in this decisive battle,
ViUagran hiraseff, having fallen in the retreat, was on the
point of being taken prisoner, when he was rescued by the
almost incredible efforts of three of his soldiers, and remount
ed on his horse. I'he remaining Spaniards urged on their
almost exhausted horses to regain the narrow defile where
the engagement had commenced, and were closdy pursued
by the Araucanians ; but on arriving at the pass, they found
it blocked up with trees, which had been felled across by orders
of Lautaro. The engagement was renewed at this place wfth
the utmost fury, and not a man of; the broken army would
have escaped, had not ViUagran opened the pass at the utmost
hazard of his life. Though the Araucanians had lost above
seven hundred men in the course of this eventfal battle, they
continued the pursuit a long way ; but at length, unable tq
keep up with the horses, and exhausted with excessive fatigue,
they gave up the pursuit, and Lautaro encamped for the
night

296 Discoveryand part ii. book it.
night to refresh his men, determined upon passing the Biobio
next day to follow up the consequences of his, glorious and
decisive victory.
On the arrival of the few Spaniards at Conception who
had been able to escape from the shuighter at Mariguenu,
the city of Conception was filled with indescribable grief and
dismay, not a family but had to deplore the loss of some near
relation ; and the alarm was greatly increased by learning
that Lautaro was fast approaching with his victorious army.
As ViUagran considered it to be impossible to defend thed^
under the present dismay of his smaU remaining force, he
hastily embarked all the old men, women, and children on
board two ships that happened to be then in the harbour,
one of which he ordered to proceed to Imperial, and the other
to Valparaiso, while he proceeded by land for St Jago with
all the rest of the inhabitants who were able to carry arms.
Lautaro entered the city next day without opposition, which
he found entirely deseited of its inhabitants, but fiUed widi
much valuable booty, as by its mines and commerce it had
already attained considerable opulence, and the inhabitants
were in such haste to escape with thefr lives, that they only
took what provisions they could procure along with them,
and abandoned their riches. After removing every thing that
was valuable, Lautaro burnt aU the houses, and razed the
citadel and other fortifications ; after which he returned with
his army to Arauco, to celebrate his triumph aft^r the man
ner usual in his country.
While Lautaro thus bravely asserted the independence of
his country on the frontiers, CaupoUcan marched into the
south, as has been already mentioned, to invest the cities of
Imperial and Valdivia, both of which he hdd closdy block
aded. In this emergency, the governors of these two cities
demanded succours from ViUagran ; who, notwithstanding his
late terrible defeat, sent a sufficient number of troops for Uiefr
defence with aU possible speed ; and both places being acces
sible by sea, these succours were able to arrive in time to pre
vent CaupoUcan from gaining possession of dther.
" When the army of CaupoUcan drew near to the city of
Imperial, the air was suddenly enveloped in black douds,
whence arose a mighty storm of hail and rain. In the midst
of the tempest, the eptananon or war god of the Araucanians,
made bis appearance in form of a terrible dragon, .casting
out fire at. his mouth and nosti;ils, and desired them to
hasten

CHAP; IX. SECT. VII. Conquest tf Chili. ,297
hasten thefr march as he would deliver the city into their
hands, on which occasion he enjoined them to put aU the
Christians to the sword. The. epumanon then disappeared,
and they pursued thdr way joyfully, being animated by this
orade. On a sudden the heavens cleared up, and a most
beautiful woman was seen, seated on a bright cloud, and
having a charming yet severe, and majestic countenance,
which much abated the pride and haughtiness inspired by the
former vision. This was the queen tf heaven, whocpm.maud-
ed them tp return tp their pwn homes, fpr Gpd was resplved
tp favpur t^e Christioris; and they immediately pbeyed '."
On abandpuing the sieges pf Imperial and Valdivia, Caupp-
licon went to join Lautaro at Conception, in order to attempt
some enterprise against the Spaniards more practicable than
the attack of fortifications, for the assault of which the Arau
canians possessed no sufficient arts cr arms. Availing him
self of the absence of his redoubted enemy ; ViUagran, whp
appears to have gone along with the succours to Imperial,
ravaged the whole Araucanian territory around that city,
burning and destroying the houses and crops, and car
rying off all the provisions that were not destrdyed to the
town. Though of a humane and generous disposition, a-
verse from the exercise of violence, ViUagran endeavoured to
vindicate the empfoyment of these rigorous measures by the
jiecessity of circumstances, and the pretended rights of war:
But on this occasion they were of no real service to the Spa
nish cause, which they contributed to render more odious to
the Araucanians; and in general the only effect which such
barbarous conduct prpduces, is to heap distress on the weak
and helpless. To the other terrible calamities inseparable
^from war, especially when carried on in this barbarous man
ner, a pestilential. disease was superadded which ; committed
.dreadful ravages in ChiU, especially among the natives.
J)uring the incursicns pf ViUagran into the Araucanian
territory, sorae Spanish soldiers, who were dther infected at
riie time or had recently recovered from the smaUpox, com
municated
1 This paragraph, within inverted commas, i» literally copied from
Ovalle, as an instance of the puerile conceits indulged in by the true Catho-
.Uc writers of the seventeenth century. The brave and faithful Bernai
jDiaz at the beginnmg ofthe sixteentli century sa'w no miracles during the
.conquest of Mexico, and. the judicious Molina at the close of thc eighteenth,
modestly refrains from copying any such incredible absurdities into his history
of Chili.— E,

¦298 Discovery and part n. book ri-
municated that fatal disease for the first time to the Arauca
nians, among whom it spread with the more direful and ra
pid destruction, as they were utterly unacquainted with its
nature. So universal and dreadful was the mortality on this
occasion in several provinces, that, in one district containing
a population of twelve thousand persons, not more than a
hundred escaped with life. This pestilential disorder,
which has been more destructive than any other to the
human race, had been introduced a few • years before into the
northern parts of Chili, where it then occasioned great mor
tality among the natives, and where it has since frequently
reappeared at uncertain intervals, and has greatly diminished
tbe aboriginal population. For more than a century, count
ing from thc present times, 1787, the southern provinces of
Chili forming the Araucanian confederacy, have been ex
empted from the ravage^ of this cruel disease, inconsequence
of the most rigorous precautions being employed by the in
habitants to prevent all communication with the infected
countries, similar to those used in Europe to prevent the in
troduction of the plague.
" The following anecdote will shew what horror the small
pox has inspired into the natives of Araucania. Some con
siderable time ago*, the viceroy of Peru sent as a present to
the governor of Chili, several jars of honey, wine, oUves,
and different seeds. One of these jai-s happened to break
while landing, and some Indians who were employed as la
bourers on this occasion, imagined that the contents of the
jar were the purulent matter of die small-pox, imported by
the governor for the puipose of being disseminated among
tbe Araucanian provinces, to exterminate their inhabitants.
They immediately gave notice to thdr countiymen, who
stopped all intercourse with the Spanisli prorinces and flew to
arms, killing above forty Spaniards who were then- among
them in thc full security of peace. To revenge diis outrage,
the governor marched with an army into the Araucanian ter
ritory, and a new war was excited which continued for some
lime to the gre.it injury of both nations."
While ViUagran was using every possible exertion to main tain
2 The passage within commas is a note in the original English publica
tion of Molina r and from subsequent parts of the history, the event here
Ttlaicd appears to have occurred about the commencement of the s^vcn-i
^efnth century, or more tlian two hundred years ago. — E,

CHAP. IX. SECT. VII, Conquest of Chili, 299
tain the Spanish power in the south of Chili, by combating
the brave and victorious Araucanians, he found himself on
the point of being compeUed to turn his arms against his own
countrymen. It has been already mentioned that Valdivia,
in the instructions he left with the magistrates of Conception
before his fatal expedition into Araucania, had nominated
Francisco Aguirre in thc second place as his own successor
in the g-overnment, and that ViUagran, only third in nomi
nation, had succeeded to the comiviand in consequence ofthe
absence of the other two w'ho were prior to hiraself. When
Aguirre, who was then in Cujo, where he does not appear to
have effected any thing of importance, was informed of the
death of Valdivia, and his own destination to the government
of Chili, he considered the assumption of the vacant com
mand by ViUagran as prejudicial to his own just , rights, and
immediately returned into Chili with sixty men who remain
ed ofhis detachment, determined to acquire possession ofthe
government by force or fixvour. His pretensions and thoSe
of ViUagran must infallibly have kindled a civil war among
the Spaniards iri Chili, to the ruin or vast detriment of the
Spanish interest, had not the competitors agreed to submit
the decision of their respective claims to the royal audience at
Lima, which at that time, 1555, held the supreme legal ju
risdiction over aU the Spanish: dominions in Sputh America.
On this appeal, the court of audience thought proper tp set
aside the pretensions of both competitors, and issued an edict
authorizing the corregidors of the different cities to command
each in their respective districts, tiU farther orders. Per
ceiving the extreme inconvenience that must haye necessarily
resulted to the interests of the colony, frpm this divided go
vernment, especially during so impprtant a war, the principal
inhabitants remonstrated against the imppUcy pf this decree.
The royal audience listened to the representatipns pf the cp-
Ipnists, and apppinted ViUagran to resume the command,
but only granted him the tide of corregidor, and gave him
orders to rebuUd the city of Conception. Although convin
ced of the inutility of this measure in the present conjuncture,
ViUagran, in obedience to the orders, proceeded imraediately
to that place with eighty-five families, whom he established
there, and erected a strong fortification for their defence.
The native inhabitants of that part of the country which
formed the territory of Conception, were indignant at being
again subjected to the intolerable ypke pf the Spaniards, and
had

300 Disecmery and part ii. boox ii,
had recourse to the Araucanians for protection. CaupoUcan,
who seems at this time to have remained in almost entire in
action, either ignorant ofthe proceedings of the Spaniards,
or from some other cause of which we are not informed, im
mediately sent Lautarp at tbe head of two thousand warriprs
tp the assistance of the distressed natives on the ncrth side pf
the Biobio. The young rice-toqui, exasperated at what he
called the obstinacy of die Spaniards in rebuilding the city
which he had destroyed,.immediately passed the Bfobio, and
the Spaniards imprudently awaited him in the open plain,
confiding in their own valour and arms, despising the supe
rior numbers of the barbarians, He Spaniards, however,
were panic struck at the forious energy of the first encounter,
and fled with precipitation to take shelter behind thefr ram
parts ; but were so closely pursued by Lautaro and his vaU
ant followers, that they were unable to dose the gate. The
Araucanians entered the city along with the fiigitives, many
of whom were slain ; and die smaU remnant mode a precipi
tate retreat, part of them by embarking in a ship then in the
port, and others by taking refoge in the woods, whence they
returned through bye-paths to St Jago.
Lautaro immediately plundered and burnt the city, and re
turned loaded with spoUs to his usual station on the mountain
of Mariguenu. The successfid issue of this enterprise ex
cited Caupolican to resume the si^[es or blockades of Impe
rial and Valdivia, during which Lautaro undertook to moke
a diversion of the Spanish forces, by marching against St
Jago, by which he expected to prevent them from sending
reinforcements into the south, and he even conceived that it
might he possible to gain possessipn of that capital of the
Spanish dpminipns in ChiU, uptwithstanding its great dis
tance ; as thc successes he had already obtained so fiUed his
mind with confidence that no difficulty appeared too great to
be pverccme. In prder to execute this hazardous enterprise,
which appears to have been concerted with Caupplicam, he
only required five hundred men to be selected by himsdf from
the Araucanian army ; but so many pressed to sei-ve under
his victorious standard, that he was obliged to admit an ad
ditional hundred. With this determined band of six hundred
warriors, he traversed all the provinces between the rivers
Biobio and Maid^, without doing any injury to the natives,
who haUed him as their deliverer from the Spanish tyranny.
But on crossing the latter rivcr, he iramediately proceeded to
lay

CHAP. IX. SECT. vii. Conquest ff Chili. 3<M
lay waste the lands of the Proraaucians, who were detested
by the Araucanians for acting as auxiUaries to the Spaniards.
Had he treated them with kindness, he might in all probabi
Uty have detached them frora the Spanish interest and united
them in alliance with his own nation. But impelled by e^^err
ness for revenge, he did not appreciate the good effects which
might have flowed frora a reconciliation with that numerous
and warlike nation, whom he considered as traitors to the
common cause. Having satiated his revenge, he fortified
himself in an advantageous post in their territory on the banks
of the Rio-daro, probably on purpose to gain more correct
infprmatipn respecting the state pfthe city be intended to
attack. This ill-judged delay was pf great importance to the inha
bitants of St Jago, by giving them time to pr^are for their
defence. They could not at first beUeve it possible-that Lau
taro would have the audacity to undertake a march of three
hundred miles beyond the Araucanian froj^tfors to attack their
city ; but undeceived by the refugees from Conception, and
the daily reports of the ravages of the enemy in the territo
ries of the Promaucians, they dispatched Juan Cfodinez with
an escort of twenty-five horse into the Promaucian country
to watch the motions of the enemy, and to send intelligence
of his proceedings and designs. Godinez- was unexpectedly
attacked by a detachment of the Araucanians, and obliged to
make a precipitate retreat to St Jago, with his numbers con
siderably diminished, and fiUed the capital with consterna
tion and dismay at the inteUigence of the near approach of
their redoubted enemy. On this occasion the Araucanians
took ten horses and some arms from the Spaniards, both of
which were used by them in the succeeding actipns.
VUlogran, who vvas at this time unable to take the field in
consequence of Ulness, sent his son Pedro against Lautaro
with such troops as could be procured, and immediately pro
ceeded to fortify aU the approaches to the city of St Jago with
strong entrenchments. In the mean time, young ViUagran
attacked the Araucanians in their fortified post. Insti'ucted
by thdr intrepid yet wary commander, the Araucanians pre
tended to take.flight after a short resistance ; but the Spaniards
were no sooner entered into the abandoned inclosure, than
they returned upon them with such impetuosity, that Pedro
and hi? men were completely routed, and only the cavahy
was able to escape by flight, all the infantry who had pene»
trated

302 Discoveryand part ii. book 11.
trated the Araucanian camp being put to death. After pro
curing reinforcements, young ViUagran returned three several
times to attack the camp of Lautaro, in all of which attempts
he was repulsed with considerable loss. He now encamped
his force in a low meadow on the banks of the river Mata
quito, at no great distance from the entrenched post of Lau
taro. The Araucanian general formed a plan for inundating
the camp of the Spaniards during night, by turning upon
them a branch of the river ; but the Spaniards being inform
ed of this design by a spy, withdrew to St Jago.
Having recovered from his illness, ViUagran was soli
cited by the citizens of St .Jago to exert himself to dislodge
the Araucanians from their neighbourhood, as they every
moment expected to see them at their gates. He accordingly,
some time in the year 1556, set out from the city at the head
of 196 Spaniards and 1000 Indian auxUiaries, in search of
Lautaro. Instructed by his severe defeat at Mariguenu,
ViUagran resolved to attack the enemy by surprise j and quit
ting thc direct road, he secretly directed fiis march towards
the Araucanian encampment in the night by a private path
urider the guidance of a spy, and reached their entrenchments
undiscovered at day-break. Lautaro, who had been on
guard all night according to his usual custom, had just re
tired to rest when the alarm was given of the attack fi'om the
Spaniards. He hastened imme<liately to the spot, to observe
the enemy and to issue his orders for defence ; but at the
moment of his arrival, a dart from the hand of one ofthe In
dian auxiliaries pierced him to the heart. Encouraged by
this fortunate event, which was soon known to the Spaniards,
ViUagran urged the assault of the entrenchments, and soon
forced an entrance in spite ofthe Araucanians, who made an
obstinate defence. Finding their post carried, the Arauca
nians retired to an angle ot their works, determined rather to
allow themselves to be cut in pieces than to surrender. In
vain the Spanish commander repeatedly offered quarter;
they continued fighiing with the utmost obstinacy till every
man of them was cut off, many of them even throwing them
selves on the lances of the Spaniards, as if courting death in
preference to submission. This victory, which was not ob-»
toined w iiliout considerable loss on the part of the Spaniards
and their allies, was celebrated in St Jago and the other
Spanish settlements with every demonstration of joy. The
Spaniards fdicitatcd themselves on being freed from a re
doubted

CHAP, IX. SECT. VU. Conquest qf Chili. 303
doubted enemy, who at the early age of nineteen had already
obtained so many victories over them, and who threatened to
destroy their settlements in Chili, and even to harass them in
Peru, When the terror which this young hero had inspired was
removed by his death, even his enemies extolled his valour
and mUitary talents, and compared him to the greatest gene
rals who had figured in ancient times, calling him the Chilese
Hannibal. To use the words of the abbe Oii varez : — " It is
not just to depreciate the merit of one, who, had he been of
our nation, we shoulil have vaunted as a hero. If we cele
brate the martial prowess of the Spanish Viriatus, we ought
not to obscure the. fame of the American Lautaro, as both
valorously contended in arms for the liberties of their country."
For a long time the Araucanians lamented the untimely
fate of the valiant Lautaro, to whom they owed all the success
which their arms had hitherto atchieved, and on whose
conduct and bravery they entirely relied for the preservation
of their independence. His name is still celebrated in thdr
heroic songs, and his actions are stiU proposed as the most
glorious model for the imitation of their, youth. Above all
others, Caupolican felt and lamented the loss of his valiant
associate. Far from thinking he had got free from a rival of
his fame, he considered that he had lost his chief coadjutor
in the glorious cause of restoring their nation to indepen
dence, Imraediately on receiving the moiirnful intelligence,
he quitted the siege of Imperial, though reduced to the last
extremity, and returned with his army to defend the northern
frontiers of Araucania, and to protect his country from the
incursions of the Spaniards, as he learnt by his spies that
they soon expected a large reinforcement of men and warlike
stores frora Peril under a new commander.
On learning the death of Valdivia, as formerly related,
PhiUp II, gave charge of the government and conquest of
Chili to Alderete, the agent who had been sent by "Valdivia
into Spain, and furnished him for this purpose with six hun
dred regular troops. During the voyage to the Tierra Firma,
the ship was set on fire by accident, by his sister who was
accustomed to read in bed ; and of the whole nuniber on
board, Alderete and three soldiers alone escaped to Porto Bello.
Overcome with grief and difappointment at this melancholy
catastrophe, Alderete died soon after in the small island of
Taboga in the gulf of Panama, When informed of this dis
aster,.

364 Discoveryand part ii. book ii.
aster, and ofthe threatening aspect of affairs" in ChiU in con
sequence of the untoward events in the Araucanian war, the
marquis of Canete, then viceroy of Peru, appointed his son
Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, to the vacant govern
ment. As this charge had become both important and dan
gerous, the marquis resolved that his son should be accom
panied by such a body of forces as might be able to support
his authority, and might enable him successfully to terminate
the war against the Araucanians. As the civU dissensions in
Peru were now at an end, and that country abounded in mili
tary adventurers eager for employment, he was soon able to
levy a respectable force of horse and foot for this expedition.
The infantry, all weU eqtiipped and appointed, with a great
quantity of military stores, embarked iri ten ships under the
coirimand of Don Garcia in person ; and the cavalry marched
by larid under tbe orders of Garcia Ramon, who was appoint
ed quarter-master-general of Chili.
Don Garcia arrived' with his fleet in safety in the Bay of
Conception, in the month of April 1557, and came to andfor
near the island of Quiriquina, which was chosen as the head
quarters as a place of great security. The scanty population
of the island attempted to oppose the disembarkation of the
troops, but being soon dispersed by the artiUery, they retired
in their piraguas to the continent. A smaU number bdng
made prisoners, the governor sent two or three of them with
a message lo the Araucanians, lo inform them of his arrival,
and that he was desirous to settle a lasting peace with them
on fair terms. In an assembly of the Ulmens to ddiberate
upon this message, the general opinion was that no proposi
tions ought to be Ustened to from an enemy whp had returned
in greater fprce than ever; under the idea that any terms they
might propose wpuld necessarily be treacherous and unfair.
Old Colocplp pbserved, however, that no injury could arise
from listening to the proposals of the Spanish governor ; and
that they even hod now a favourable opportunity for obtain
ing a knowledge of the amount of his foi-ce, and for discover
ing his designs. For this purpose, therefore, he thought it
advisable that they should send an.'. inteUigent person, under
pretence of congratulating the new governor on his arrival,
and thanking him for his ofier of amicable terms of peace,
who might at the same time gain information of whatever he
should consider important to regulate their future conduct.
Caupolican and most of the older officei-s adopted this judicious

CHAP. IX. SECT. Vll. Conquest tf Chili. 305
cious proposal, and the important commission was confided
to MiUalauco, a person who possessed every requisite for the
business confided to his charge,
MUlalauco accordingly crossed the narrow strait which
separates the island of Quiriquina from the continent, and
presented himself to the Spaniards with all the pride which
characterises the Araucanian nation. In their turn, the
Spaniards were wUling to give him a high idea of their mili
tary power, and drew out their troops in order of battle for
his reception, conducting hira to the tent of the governor
amidst repeated discharges of their artillery. Not in the least
disconcerted by this raiUtary parade, MiUalauco corapUmented
the governor in the name of Caupolican and the Araucanian
chiefs, declaring that they would all be happy in the estatiUsh-
ment of an honourable peace, advantageous to both nations,
in their desire for which they were solely actuated by motives
of humanityj and not by any dread of the Spanish power.
Don Garcia, though much disappointed by these vague offers,
replied in the same general terms respecting peace ; and,
after regaling the ambassador in a magnificent manner, he
ordered some of his officers to conduct hira over the whole
encampment, in expectation of intimidating him by display
ing the immense miUtary preparations which accompanied
him to Chili, This was exactly suited to the wishes of Milla-
laucp, whp pbserved every thing with the utmpst attentfon,
thpugh with apparent indifference ; and, having taken leave
pf the Spaniards,^ he returned to make his report to the as
sembled chiefs. On receiving an exact rqiort of aU that had
been seen by their envoy, the Araucaniari chiefs gave orders
for the estabUshment of centinels along the coast bf their
country, to observe and coramunicate notice of the raoveraents
of the Spaniards, and comraanded the warriors to prepare for
taking the field at the first sunimona, as they believed a re
newal of the war was near and inevitable,
Don Garcia continued inactive almost the whole of the
winter in the island of Quiriquina, waiting tbe arrival of his
cavalry frora Peru, and for reinforcements which he had re
quired frora the cities of Chili, At length, on the night of
the 6th August 1557 he privately landed 130 men and several
engineers on the plain bf Conception, and iirimediately took
possession of Mount Pinto which commands the harbour,
where he constructed a fort well garnished with cannon, and •
surrounded by a deep ditch. This event-was immediately
VOL. v, V- coramuiWeated

306 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
communicated to Caupolican, who hastily coUected his forces,
and passed tbe Biobio on the 9th of August, and next morn
ing at day-break, a day remarkable in Europe by the defeat
of the French at St Quintin, he assailed the new fortress on
three sides at once, having sent on in front a body of pioneers
to fiU up the ditch with fascines and trunks of trees. The
assault was long urged with aU the furious and obstinate
bravery which distinguishes the Araucanians. Numbers
mounted the parapet, and some even leapt within the walls,
destroying many of the defendants. But the cannon and
musquetry of the Spaniards were so skilfolly directed, and
the slaughter of the assailants so prodigious, that the ditch
was filled with dead bodies, serving as bridges for the new
combatants who pressed on to replace their slain comrades.
Tucapel, impeUed by his rash and unparalleled valour, th^ew
himself into the fort, where he slew four of thc eneray with
his formidable mace, and then made his escape by leaping
from a precipice amidst a shower of balls.
While the assault ofthe fortress was pushed with the utmost
fury and was seen from the island of Quiriquina, the remain
der of the Spanish army came over to the aid of the garri
son, and formed in order of battle. The debarkation was
observed by CaupoUcan, who immediately sent a part of his
troops to meet this new enemy. After a severe conffict of
several hours, this detachment was driven back to the moun
tain with heavy loss, so that the Araucanians were now placed
between two fires ; yet they did not lose courage, and con
tinued fighting tiU mid-day. At length, worn out with the
length of the combat, the Araucanian general drew off to the
Biouio, determined to coUect a new arm}' and to return to
the attack. Having in a short lime rdnforced his army,
Caupolican began his march towards Conception ; but, learn
ing on his way that the governor had received a numerous
reinforcement, he halted on the banks of the Biobio, deeply
chagrined at not being able to effect the destruction of the
new fortress of Conception, which had been twice performed
by Lautaro with the universal applause ofthe nation.
In fact, on the preceding day the Spanish cavalry from
Peru, consisting of 1000 weU armed men, had arrived at Con
ception, together with another squadron of Spanish horse
from Imperial, and 2000 Promaucian auxiliaries. Being now
at the head of a numerous and well-appointed army, Don
Garcia determined to invade the Araucanian teiTitory. For this

GHAP, IX, SECT, VII, Conquest tf Cliili. 307
this purppse he crossed the Biobio in boats, six miles above
its mouth, where the river is about ;500 paces broad. As
the Spanish cannon in the boats commanded tlie opposite bank
of the river, Caupolican made no attempt to obstruct the
passage, but drew up his army at no great distance in a posi
tion flanked by thick woods, by which his retreat wpuld be
secured in case of being defeated. The battle began by se
veral skirmishes, which ended in favour of the Araucanians ;
several advanced parties of the Spaniards being repulsed by
the eneray with loss, though reinforced by order of Ramon
the quarter-raaster-general. Alonzo Reynoso likewise, who
was dispatched to their aid with fifty horse, was defeated in
his turn, and obliged to retreat leaving several of his men
dead on the field. At length the two armies met and joined
battle. Encouraged by the advantages they had already
gained, the Araucanians used every effort to come to close
quarters with the Spaniards, notwithstanding the heavy fire
of eight pieces of artillery which played incessantly from the
front ofthe enemy. But when they came within reach ofthe
musquetry, they were quite unable to resist the close and wdl
directed fire continually kept up by the veteran troops of Peru,
After many ineffectual attempts to close in with the Spaniards,
and losing a vast number of thdr bravest warriors, they fell
into confusion from the vacancies in their ranks, and began
to give ground. By a weU timed charge, the cavalry put
them completely to the rout, and made a prodigious slaughter
among them in their flight to the woods.
Either from innate cruelty .of disposition, or oh mistaken
principles of policy, Don Garcia pursued the most rigorous
measures against the enemy. Contrary to the opinion and
advice of most of his officers, he was the first who introduced
. the barbarous practice of mutilating and putting to death the
prisoners ; a system which may intimidate and restrain a base
people accustomed to servitude, but cruelty is detestable in
the estimation of a generous nation, and serves only to exas
perate and render them irreconcileable ^. Among the prison
ers taken on this occasion was one named Galvarino, whose
hands were cut off' by order of Don Garcia, and was then set
free. He returned to his countrymen, to whom he displayed his
3 In a note of the original translation, it is said that " the Indian allies of
the Spaniards cut oflFthe calves from the Araucanian prisoners, which they
rqasted and eat. And, by means of certain leaves applied to the wounds,'
prevented the effusion of a single drop of blood." — E.

308 Discaoery and part ii. book. ii.
his bloody and mutUated stumps, which so inflamed them
with rage against the Spaniards, that they aU swore never to
make peace with them, and even denounced the punishment of
death against any one who should have the baseness to pro
pose such a measure. Even the women, excited by desire of
revenge, offered to take up arms and fight along with their
husbands, which was actually done by many of them in the
subsequent battles. From thence originated the fable of
Amazons in ChUi, placed by some authors in the southern
districts of that country.
After the victory, Don Garcia proceeded with his army
into the province of Arauco, constantly harassed by flying
detachments of the enemy, who never ceased doing them
every possible injury. On his arrival at Melipuru *, Don
Garcia caused several native prisoners to be tortured, in order
to obtain information of the situation of CaupoUcan, but none
of them would discover the place ofhis retreat. On being in
formed of this barbarous procedure, CaupoUcan sent notice
by a messenger that he was not far off, and meant to meet the
Spaniaids the next day. Don Garcia and his army, being
alarmed by this intelligence, passed the whole night under
arms, and accordingly the Araucanian army made its ap
pearance next morning at day-break, advancing in regular
array in three several lines. The Spanish cavalry made a
furious charge upon the frontline, commanded by Caupolican
in person, who made his pikemen receive die charge with
levelled spears, while the alternate mace-bearers were directed
to strike at the horses heads. By this unexpected reception,
the Spanish cavalry were obliged to retreat in conlusion ;
upon which the Araucanian general and his division broke
into thc centre of the Spanish infantiy with great slaughter,
CaupoUcan killing five of them with his own hand. Tucapel
advanced with his division in another quarter with equal
success, and at the first attack broke his lance in the body of
a Spaniard, and then drawing his sword slew seven others.
He received several wounds at this time, yet seeing the vaUant
Rencu, formerly his rival for the office of toqui, surrounded
by a crowd of enemies, he feU upon them with such fory that
he killed a considerable number of thtm, and rescued Rencu
from imminent danger. Victory, for a long time undecided, was
4 Called Millapoa, peihaps by mistake in Piiihertcn's map of Chili, a
place very rear the southern shore of the Biobio, and marked arruinada
1 robably njcaning in ruins.— E.

CHAP. IX. SECT. yii. Conquest of Chili. 309
was on the point of declaring for the Araucanians, as the
Spaniards were ready to give way ; when Don Garcia gave
orders to a body of reserve, hitherto unengaged, to attack that
division of the enemy which was commanded by Lincoyan
and Ongolmo. This order, which was executed with prorap-
titude and success, preserved the Spanish army frora total de
struction. This line or division of the Araucanians being
broken and routed, fell back tumultuously upon the other
two divisions, then nearly victorious, and threw them into
such inextricable confusion, that being utterly unable to re
store his troops to order, after repeated ineffectual efforts,
Caupolican was reluctantly constrained to sound a retreat,
and yielded the victory to his enemies which he had fondly
imagined was already secured to himself. In their retreat,
the Araucanian army would have been utterly cut to pieces,
had not Rencu, by posting himself in a neighbouring wood
with a party of warriors whom he rallied, called off the atten
tion of the victors from the pursuit, which they urged with
the raost deadly rancour. After sustaining the violence of
the Spanish assault till such time as he judged his dispersed
countrymen had ensured their safety, Rencu and his com
panions retired through the wood by a secret path and re
joined his countrymen.
Before leaving MeUpuru, Don Garcia caused twelve ul-
raens who were found among the prisoners, to be hanged on
the trees that surrounded the field of battle, and Galvarino,
now again a prisoner, was condemned to the same fate. That
unfortunate youth, notwithstanding the loss of his harids,
had accompanied the Araucanian army, and had never ceased
during the late battle to excite his countrymen to fight valiant
ly, eidiibiting his rautilated stumps to inspire them with fury
and revenge, and even using his teeth to do all the injury he
was able to the enemy. One of the captive ulmens, over
come with terror, abjectly petitioned for his life; but Gal
varino reproached him in such severe terms for his cowardice,
and inspired him with so great contempt for death, that he
at length rejected a proffered pardon, and even entreated to
die the first, as an expiation of his weakness, and the scandal
he had brought upon the character of his nation. After this
barbarous execution, by which he sullied the glory of his vic
tory, Don Garcia proceeded into the province of Tucapel to
the place where Valdivia had been defeated and slain, where
he built, as if in contempt of the Araucanians, a city which he

310 Discovery itnd part ii, book ii.
he named Canete ^ from the titular appellation of his family.
Bdng in the centre of the enemies country, he strengthened
this new city or fortress with a good palisade, a deep ditch;
and strong rampart, mounted with a number of cannon, and
left a select garrison for its defence under the command of
Alonzo Reynoso.
Believing that the Araucanians, whom be had now defeated
in three successive battles, were no longer in condition to oppose
hisvictorious arms,he went with his army to Imperial, where he
was received in triumph. Soon after his arrival at that place,
he sent off a plentiful supply of provisions for the garrison ofhis
new city under a strong escort, which was attacked and routed
in a narrow pass called Cayucupil by a body of Araucanians,
and had certainly been entirely desti-oyed if the enemy had
not given them an opportunity of escaping to Canete with
little loss, by eagerness to seize the baggage. The fugitives
were received in Canete with much joy, as Reynoso had leamt
that Caupolican intended to attack him. In fact, only a few
days afterwards, that indefatigable general, whom misfortune
seemed to inspire with fresh courage, made a furious assault
upon the place, in which his valiant troops, with arms so ex
tremely inferior to their enemies, endured a continual fire
of cannon and musquetry for five hours with the most heroic
firmness, pulling up and burning the palisades, filling the
ditch, and endeavouring to scale the ramparts. But valour
alone was unable to prevaU in this difficult enteiprise, and
Caupolican was constrained to desist from the attempt by
open force, and to try some morc secure expedient for attain
ing his end. With this view he persuaded one ot his officers,
named Pran, who was of an artftil chai-acler, to introduce
himsdf into the garrison as a deserter, in order to fall upon
some device for delivering it up. Pran accordingly obtained
admission in that character, and conducted himself with the
most profound dissimulation. He soon formed a strict
friendship with a Promaucian named Andrew, in the sei-vice
of the Spaniards, who seemed a fit instrument for his pur
pose. One day, either artfuUy to sound or flatter him, An
drew pretended tP sympathize with his new friend on the
misfortunes pt his cpuniry ; and Pran eageriy tppk advantage
pf this favpurablc oppprtunity, as he thought, to carry his
designs
5 Probably the place distingui^ed in modem maps by the name of Tuca-
pcl-viejo, about 40 miles south from the Biobio, — E.

CHAP. IX, SECT. VII. Conquest of Chili. 311
designs into execution, and revealed to Andrew the motive of
his pretended desertion, earnestly entreating hira to assist in
the execution of his plan, which was to introduce some Arau
canian soldiers into the place, during the time when the
Spaniards were accustomed to indulge in their siesta or after
noon sleep. Andrew readily engaged to give every assistance
in his power, and even offered to keep one of the gates open
on the day assigned for executing the enterprise, Pran,
dated with joy at the supposed acquisition of a so useful as
sociate, hastened to Caupolican, who was only at a short dis
tance from Canete, to whom he related the success of his
endeavours. On his side, Andrew gave imraediate notice of
the intended plot to Reynoso, the coramander of the fort,
who desired him to keep up the deception by appearing to
concur in its execution, in order to entrap the enemy in their
own snare.
Entirdy occupied vrith an ardent desire of accomplishing
this enterprise against Canete, Caupolican lost sight of his
wonted prudence, and too easily reposed confidence in this
ill concerted scheme. The better to arrange his raeasures on
this occasion, he procured an interview with Andrew by
raeans of Pran, and the artful Promaucian appeared before
CaupoUcan with that flattering show of respect and attachment
which viUains know so well to assume. He broke out into
virulent invectives against the Spaniards, whom he pretended
to have always detested, and declared his readiness to per
form the promise he had made to Pran, asserting that the ex
ecution of the plot would be perfectly easy, CaupoUcan ap
plauded his partriotism, and engaged, if the plot succeeded,
to raise him to the office of ulmen, and to appoint him first
captain in the Araucanian army in reward of his services.
He then shewed him the troops which he had along with
him, appointing next day for executing the plot, and dis
missed him with the strongest assurances of favour and
esteem. Andrew immediately coirimunicated the inteUigence
to Reynoso, and the Spari'iards emplpyed the whole of that
night in making every preparation to obtain the greatest pos
sible advantage from this double act of perfidy. When the
particulars of this plot were communicated to the principal
officers of the Araucanian army, they openly disapproved of
it, as disgraceful to the national honour, and refused to ac
company CaupoUcan in the exi^edition. But he obstinately
adhered tp his design, and began his march at day-break for
4 Canete

312 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
Canete with three thousand men, with whom he posted him
self in concealment near the place, tiU Pran came to inform
him from Andrew that every thing was in readiness to deliver
the place into his hands. The Araucanians immediately pro
ceeded in silence towards the city, and finding the gate open
according to promise began to enter it. W^hen a sufficient
number were got in, the Spaniards suddenly closed the gate
upon them, and immediately opened a fire of grape-shot on
those without who were crowding to the gate, making a dread
ful slaughter. The cavalry belonging to the garrison, being
aU in readiness, issued from another gate, and corapleted the
destruction of all who had escaped from the fire of the can
non, so that hardly one of aU the Araucanians escaped.
Caupolican escaped the general slaughter of his raen with a
sraaU number of attendants, and retired to the moimtains,
whence he hoped to be soon able to return with a new army
sufficiently numerous to keep the field. WhUe the cavalry
gave a loose to their fury on the Araucanians without the
walls, the infantry were employed within the fort in putting
to death aU that had got through thc gate ; who, finding all
chance of escape utterly hopeless, chose rather to be cut in
pieces than surrender. Pran, discovering his error when too
late, rushed among the thickest of the foe, and escaped by an
honourable death frora the weU raerited reproaches of his
imprudent and fatal credulity. Among a few prisoners taken
on this occasion were three ulmens, who w ere all blown from
the raouths of cannon.
As Don Garcia believed the Araucanian war was termina
ted by this destructive enterprise, he gave orders to rebuUd
the city of Conception, and desirous of adding fresh laurels
to the victories he had already obtained, he marched in 1558
with a numerous army against die Cunches in the south of
Chili, a nation which had not yet been assailed by the Spa
nish arms. On first hearing of the approach of the Spaniards,
the chiefs of the Cunches met in council to delibei'ate whether
they should submit or resist the invasion of these formidable
strangers. On this occasion, one Tunconobal, an Araucanian
exile, who was present in the assembly, was desired to give
his opinion, which he did in the following terms. " Be
cautious lipw ypu adopt eidier pf these measures. If ypu
submit, ypu wiU be despised as vassals and compelled tp la
bour ; if you resist in ai'ms, you wiU be exterminated. If you
desire to get free of diese dangerous visitors, make them be-
ip Ueve

CMAP. IX. SECT. Vll. Conquest of Chili. 313
lieve that you are miserably poor. Hide your prppertyj
particularly ypur gpld ; and be assured the Spaniards will net
remain in ypur cpuntry if they have no expectation of pro
curing that sole object of aU their wishes. Send thera such a
present as raay impress them with an opinion of your extreme
poverty, and in the mean time retire into the woods."
The Cunches approved the wise council of the Araucanian,
and deputed him with nine natives of the country to carry a
present to the Spanish general, such as he had recomraended.
He clothed hiraself and his companions accordingly in wretch
ed rags, and raade his appearance with every raark of fear
before Don Garcia. After complimenting hira in rude terras,
he presented him with a basket containing some roasted li
zards and wild fruits, as all that the poverty of the country
could supply. The Spaniards.could not refrain from laughter
at the wretched appearance of the ambassadors and their
miserable present, and endeavpured tp dissuade the governpr
from pursuing the expedition into so unpromising a region.
Unwilling to relinquish his plan with too much facility, he
exhorted his troops to persevere; assuring thera that, ac
cording to information he had received, they would find a
country abounding in the precious metals. This was indeed
by no means improbable, as it was usual in Araerica to meet
with the richest countries after passing through frightfol de
serts. He then inquired of the Cunches which was the best
road into the south. Tunconobal directed him towards the
west, which was the roughest and most mountainous ; and
on being asked for a guide, left one of his companions, whom
he directed to lead the Spanish army by the raost difficult and
desolate roads near the coast. The guide followed the in
structions of Tunconobal with so ranch judgment, that al
though the Spaniards had been accustomed to surmount the
severest fatigues in their pursuit of conquests, they declared
they had never encountered such difficulties in any of their
former marches. On the fourth day of this terrible march,
their guide quitted them, and they found themselves in the
middle of a frightful desert surrounded by rugged precipices,
whence they could perceive no way by which to extricate
themselves. But Don Garcia encouraged them to persevere,
by the flattering assurance of soon reaching a happy country
which would amply repay all their present fatigues and pri-
, vations. Having at length overcome all the obstacles in their way, the

314 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
the Spaniards arrived at the top of a high raountain, whence
they discovered the great archipelago of Ancud, more com
monly named of Chiloe, the channels among the islands
being covered by innumerable boats or canoes navigated by
sails and oars. They were filled with joy at this unexpected
prospect ; and as they had suffered many days from hunger,
they hastened to the shore, and were delighted by seeing a
boat making towards them, in which were fifteen persons
handsomely clothed. These natives immediately leaped on
shore without evincing the smallest apprehension of the Spa
niards, whom they cordiaUy saluted, inquiring who they v/ere,
whence they came, whether they were going, and if they were
in want of any thing. The Spaniards asked ibr provisions,
and the chief of these strangers immediately gave them all the
provisions in his boat, refusing to accept any thing in return,
and promised to send them a large immediate supply from
the neighbouring islands. Indeed the famished Spaniards
had scarcely completed their encampment, when numerous
piraguas arrived from the different islands, loaded ¦with maize,
fruit, and fish, all of which the natives distributed gratuitously
among them. Constantly and liberaUy supplied by these
friendly islanders, the Spaniards marched along the shore of
the continent opposite the archipelago, all the way to the
Bay of Rdoncavi. Some of them went over to the neigh
bouring islands, where they found the land weU cultivated,
and the women employed in spinning wool, mixed with the
feathers of sea-birds, which they manufactured into cloth for
garments. The celebrated poet Ercilla was one of the party ;
and as he was solicitous ofthe reputation of having proceeded
farther south than any other European, he crossed the gulf
to the opposite shore, where he inscribed some verses on the
bark of a tree, containing his own name aud the date of the
discovery, being the 31st January 155y.
Satisfied with this di>covery of the archipelago of Chiloe,
Don Garcia returned towanls the north, having one of the
islanders as a guide,- who conducted him safely to Imperial
through the inland country of the HuilUches, which is for the
most part level and abounds in provisions. The inhabitants,
who are similar in all respects to their western neighbours
the Cunches, made no opposition to his march through their
country ; and Don Garcia on this occasion founded tne city
of Osorno in their counti-y at the western extremity of a great
lake, though according to some authors he only rebuilt that
town.

CHAP. IX, SECT, VII, Conquest tf Chili. 315
towrii For some time this place increased rapidly in popu
lation and wealth, in consequence of great abundance of fine
gold being found in its neighbourhood, and of extensive ma
nufactures of woollen and linen carried on by it"* inhabitants ;
but it was afterwards destroyed by the toqui Paillamacu*.
While Don Garcia was engaged in this expedition into
the south of Chili, Alonzo Reynoso the commandant of
Canete used eveiy effort to discover the place in which Cau
polican lay concealed, bbth offering rewards for information
and even eiriploying torture to extort intelligence from the
natives. He at length found a person who engaged to point
lout the place in which the Araucanian general had concealed
Ifimself ever since his last defeat. A detachraent of cavalry
was accordingly sent under the guidance of this traitor, and
coming upon him by surprise one morning at day-break,
succeeded in taking that great and heroic champion a pri
soner, after a gallant resistance from ten faithM foUowers
who ccwitinued to adhere to him under his misfortunes.
During this combat, his wife incessandy exhorted him to die
rather than surrender; and on seeing him made prisoner,
she indignantly threw towards him her infant son, saying she
would retain nothing that belonged to a coward. The de
tachment returned to Canete with their prisoner, amidst the
rejoidngs i>f the inhabitants, and Reynoso immediately or
dered the redoubted toqui to be impaled and shot to death
with arrows. On hearing his sentence, Caupiolican addressed
Reynoso as follows, without the smaUest change of counte
nance, and preserving aU his wonted dignity, " My death
can answer no possible end, except that of inflaming die in
veterate hatred afready entertained by my countrymen against
the Spaniards, Far from being discouraged by the loss of an
unfortunate leader, other Caupolicans will arise from my
ashes, who wUl prosecute the war against you with better for
tune. If however you spare my life, from the great influence
I possess iri Araucania, I raay be of great service to the in
terests of your sovereign, and in aiding the propagation of
your religion, which yc.u say is the chief object of the de
structive war you wage against us. But, if you are deter
mined that I must die, send me into Spain ; where, if your
king
6 The ruins of Qsomo are in lat. 40° 30' S. and long. 73° 20' W.
The lake, or Desaguadero de Osorno, extends 50 or 60 miles from east t»
west,, by a breadth of 6 or 7 miles.— £,

316 Discovery and part ii. book h.
king thinks proper to condemn me, I may end my days with
out occasioning new disturbances to my unhappy country."
This attempt of the unfortunate toqui to prevaU on Rey
noso to spare his life was in vain, as the sentence was order
ed to be carried into immediate execution, A priest, who
had been employed to converse with Caupolican, pretending
to have converted him to the Christian faith, hastUy admi
nistered the sacrament of baptism ; after which the prisoner
was conducted to the scaffold erected for his public execution.
When he saw the instrument of punishment, which till then
he did not clearly comprehend, and noticed a negro who was
ready to execute the cruel sentence, he became exasperated,
and hurled the executioner from the scaffold with a forious
kick, indignantly exclaiming, " Is there no sword and some
less unworthy hand to put a man Uke me to death ? In this
punishment there is no semblance of justice : It is base re
venge I" He was however overpowered by numbers, and com
pelled to undergo the cruel and ignominious punishment to
which he had been condemned. The name of Reynoso is
StUl held in detestation, not only by the Araucanians, but
even by the Spaniards themselves, who have ever reprobated
his conduct, as cruel, unnecessary, and impolitic, and contrary
to those principles of generosity on which they pride them
selves as a nation.

Section VIII.
Continuation of the Araucanian War, after the Death qf Cau
polican, to the Reduction tf the Archipelago tf Chiloe by
the Spaniarcb.
The predictipn of the great and unfortunate Caupolican
was soon fulfilled, by the successipn of new heroes to defend
the liberties of the Araucanians against the Spaniards, In
stigated by the most unbounded rage, that nation imme
diately proceeded to elect a new toqui, capable of taking
ample revenge for the ignominious death of thdr late unfor
tunate general. On this occasion, a majority of the electors
were disposed to have conferred the vacant office on the brave
and impetuous Tucapel ; but the old and sagacipus CpIpcpIo
prevailed on the assembled Butacaypg tp elect the ypunger
Caupplican, eldest son pfthe late tpqui, whp possessed the
talents

CHAP, IX. SECT. VIII. Conquest tf Chili, 317
talents of his celebrated and laraented father. Tucapel a
second time magnanimously submitted to the choice of the
ulmens, and only required to be nominated vice-toqui, which
was accordingly granted. The new toqui immediately as
sembled an army, with which he crossed the Biobio, intend
ing to attack the city of Conception, which according to his
information was only defended by a smaU number of soldiers.
Having learned the intention bf the Araucanian general,
Reynoso followed him with five hundred men, and coming
up with him at Talcaguano', a place not far frora Concep
tion, offered him battle. The young toqui unhesitatingly
accepted the challenge, and, animating his soldiers both by
his exhortations and example, fell with such fury upon the
Spaniards, that he entirely defeated them. Pursued and
wounded by the fierce Tucapel, Reynoso made his escape
across the Biobio with a small party of cavalry ; and, having
collected fresh troops, returned to attack the Araucanians in
their camp with no better success than before, and was again
compeUed to retire with loss and disgrace.
After this second action, MiUalauco was sent with a mes
sage from the toqui to the Spaniards in the island of Quiri
quina, whence he brought back intelUgence that Don Garcia,
with a large body of troops from Imperial, was laying waste
the neighbouring provinces belpnging to the Araucanian con
federacy. On this information, and influenced by the advice
of the aged Coloeolo, young Caupolican deferred his pro
posed enterprise against Conception, and hastened into the
south to oppose Don Garcia, leaving a respectable force
under MiUalauco to make head against Reynoso, Don
Garcia however, on being informed of the march of the Arau
canian army against him, withdrew to Imperial, leaving a
body of two hundred of his cavalry in ambush on the road
by which CaupoUcan had to pass. Though unexpectedly at
tacked by the Spaniards, Caupolican defended himself with
admfrable courage and presence of raind, and not pnly re
pelled the Spaniards with very little loss on his own side, but
cut in pieces a great number of his assailants, and pursued
the rest to the gates of Imperial, to which he immediately
laid close siege. In the mean time, Reynoso and MiUalauco, after
1 In modern maps, a town called Tolcamando is situated on the north
of the Biobio, not far from Conception, and is probably the plac<^ indicated
in the text. — E.

3 IS Discovery and part h. book u.
after several severe yet inconclusive encounters, agreed to
fight a single combat, a practice not unfrequent during the
Araucanian war. They fought accordingly a long while
without either being able to obtain the advantage ; and at
length, fatigued by their combat, they separated by mutual
consent, and resumed their foi-mer mode of warfare.
Caupolican prosecuted the siege of Imperial with miich vi
gour, but possessed no means of making any impression on
its fortifications. After several violent but unsuccessful as
saults, he made an attempt to gain over the Promaucian auxi
liaries of the Spaniaids by means similar to what had been
unsuccessfully em}>loyed by his father on a former occasion.
Two of his officers, named Tulcamaru and Torquin, were
employed on this hazardous serrice and detected by the
Spaniards, by whom they were both impaled in sight of the
Araucanian army, whom they exhoi-ted in their last moments
to die valiantly in defending the liberties of their country.
At the same time, an hundred and twenty of the Promau
cians, who had been seduced to favour the Araucanians, were
hung on the ramparts, all of whom exhorted their country
men to aid the Araucanians. Caupolican was anxious to sig-
lize himself by the capture of a place which his heroic father
had twice attempted in vain, and made a violent effort to
carry the place by assault. He several times scaled the waUs
ofthe town in person, exposing his Ufe to the most imminent
danger, and even one night effected an entrance into the city,
followed by Tucapel and a number of brave companions, but
was repulsed by Don Garcia, whose rigilance was incessant.
On this occasion, Caupolican withdrew, constantly fighting
and covered by the blood of his enemies, to a bastion of the
fortress, whence he escaped by an atlvcnturous leap and re
joined his troops, who were in much apprehension for the
saliety of dieir brave and beloved commander. Wearied out
by the length of the siege, which he saw no reasonable pros
pect of bringing to a favourable conclusion, and impatient of
the inactivity of a blockade, Caupolican abandoned this in-
cfl"cLtual attempt upon Imperial, and turned his arms against
Reynoso in hope of being able to take revenge upon him for
the death of his father. But Don (iarcia, by going to the
lUsistuncc of that oflicer, rendered all his efforts ineffectual.
In thc cainpai{;ii of the following year, 1.559, numerous
buttles were fought between the two armies, with various suc-
t'osscs ; but as these produced no material change in the state of

CHAP, IX, SECT, viii. Conquest tf Chili, 319
of affairs, it is unnecessary to give any particular account of
them, ¦ Though several of these encounters ended in favour
of the Araucanians, yet Caupolican resolved to protract the
war, as his troops were daily diminishing in numbers from
bdnsj continually exposed to the fire arms of their enemies,
while the Spaniards were constantly receiving recruits from
Peru and Europe With this intention, therefore, he took
possession of a strong situation between Canete and Concep
tion, in a place called Quipeo or Cuyapu, which he fortified
so strongly as to be defensible by a few men against any
number of enemies unprovided with artillery. On being in-
forraed of this measure, Don Garcia marched thither -imme
diately with his army in order to dislodge the Araucanian
general, but observing the strength of the position, he delay
ed for some time making an attack, in hope of dravving the
enemy from their strong ground, so that his cavalry might have
an opportunity of acting to advantage. In the mean time,
frequent skirraibhes took place between the two arraies, in one
of which the celebrated MiUalauco was taken prisoner, and
who reproached Don Garcia so severely for his cruel manner
of making war, that he ordered him instantly to be impaled.
While the Araucanians were thus blockaded in their intrench
ed camp, the traitor Aniirew had the temerity to go one day
with a message from Don Garcia to Caupolican, threatening
him with the most cruel punishment if he did not imme
diately submit to the authority of the Spaniards, Caupolican,
though much enraged at sedng before him the man who had
betrayed his father, ordered hiin immediately to retire, saying
that he would assuredly have put him to death by the raost
cruel tortures, if he had not been invested with the character
of an ambassador. Yet Andrew ventured next day to come
into the Araucanian carap as a spy, when he was taken pri
soner, suspended by his feet from a tree, and suffocated vvith
smoke. At length Don Garcia commenced his attack upon the
camp of the Araucanians, by a violent cannonade from aU
his artillery. Caupolican and his valiant followers made a
rigorous sally, and attacked the Spaniards with so much fury
as to kiU about forty of them at the first charge, and conti
nued the battle for some time with much success. After a
short time, Don Garcia, by a skilfol evolution, cut off the
retreat of the Araucanians and surrounded them on every
side. Yet CaupoUcan and his intrepid soldiers fought with
such

320 Discovery and part ii, book ii.
such desperate valour that the issue of the engagement re
mained doubtful for six hours ; till, seeing Tucapel, Coloeolo,
Rencu, Lincoyan, Mariantu, Ongolmo, and several others
of his most vaUant officers slain, Caupolican attempted to re
treat with the smaU remnant of his army : But, being over
taken by a party of horse from which he could not possibly
escape, he slew himself to avoid a similar cruel fate as that
which his father had endured.
Though Don Garcia had already been mistaken in sup
posing that the spirit of the Araucanians was entirely broken
after their terrible overthrow at Canete, he now again
thought he had good reason to believe the war wholly at an
end. This victory of Quipeo seemed to him completely de
cisive, as the nation was now left without chiefs or troops,
all their prindpal officers, and those who chiefly supported
the courage of the Araucanians, having perished, with the
flower of their soldiers, so that he believed the nation would
henceforwards be entirely submissive to the wUl of the con
querors. Impressed with these hopes, be now devoted his
whole attention to repair the losses occasioned by the war, re
building thei fortifications which had been destroyed, parti
cularly Arauco, Angol, and ViUarica, all of which he repeo-
pled and prorided with competent garrisons. He caused all
the mines which had been abandoned to be reopened, and
others to be explored : And obtained the establishment of a
bishopric in the capital of ChiU, to which place he went in
person to receive the first bishop, Fernando Barrionuevo, a
Franciscan monk. Having a considerable number of veteran
troops under his comraand, for most of whom he beUeved
there was no longer occasion in ChUi, he sent off a part of
them under Pedro Castillo to complete the conquest of Cujo,
formerly commenced by Francisco de Aguirre, Castillo sub
jected the Guarpes, the ancient inhabitants of that province,
to the Spanish dominion, and founded two cities on the east
ern skirts of the Andes, which he named San Juan and
Mendoza, the latter in compliment to the family name ofthe
governor Don Garcia, The extensive and fertile province of
Cujo reraained for a considei-able tirae dependent on the go^
vcrnraent of Chili, but has been since transferred to the vice-
royalty of Buenos Ayres, to which it seems more properly to
appertain from its situation and natural boundaries.
While Don Garcia tiius took advantage of the apparent
calm which prcvaUcd in Chili, he received information that
Francisco

CHAP. IX. SECT. VIII. Conquest of Chili. 321
Francisco ViUagran had arrived from Spain at Buenos Ayres,
appointed to succeed him iu the government of ChiU, and
that the king had promoted himself to the viceroyalty of Peru
in reward for his services in his present government. In
consequence of this information, he confided the interim go
vernment of Chili to the care of Rodrigo de Quiroga, and
withdrew into Peru, to take possession of the exalted situa
tion of viceroy which his father had formerly occupied.
ViUagran, who had been governor of Chili previous to Don
Garcia, had gone to Europe when deprived of that govern
ment, and had procured his reinstatement from the court of
Spain. BeUeving, from the information of Don Garcia and
Quiroga, that the Araucanians were in no condition to give
any future trouble, ViUagran turned his whole attention after
his arrival in ChiU, to the reaquisition of the province of
Tucuman, which had been annexed by himself to thegovern
ment of ChiU in 1649, and had been since attached to the
viceroyalty of Peru, Gregorio Castaneda, whom he employ
ed on this occasion, defeated the Peruvian commander, Juan
Zurita, the author of the dismemberraent, and restored that
country to the authority of the governor of Chili, It con
tinued however only a short time under their government, as,
before the close of that century, they were again obliged by
order from Spain to surrender it to the viceroy of Peru,
Though Don Garcia and Quiroga had been long experien
ced in the character of the Araucanians, they had formed a
very erroneous opinion of their temper and public spirit,
when they deemed thera finally subdued in consequence of the
victories gained in the late war. Such is the invincible spirit
of that brave nation, that even the severest reverses of fortune
are insufficient to induce thera to submit. Even the heariest
losses, so far frora filling them with dejection and disraay,
served to inspire them with increased valour. Their heroic
constancy under repeated defeats is perfectly wonderful, and
the successful and determined perseverance with which they
have ever defended their Uberties and independence against
the superior arras and power of the Spaniards, is without
parallel in the history of the world. The scanty remains
of the ulmens or Araucanian chiefs who had escaped frpm
the late sanguinary cunflicts against Dpn Garcia, were mpre
resplved than ever tP cputinue the war. Immediately after
their late entire defeat at Quipep, the ulmens assembled in a
)vppd, where they unanimpusly elected an inferior pfficer
voi. V. X named

322 Dtscovety and part ii. book i^-.
named Antiguenu, who had signalized himsdf in tbe last un
fortunate battle, to the vacant office of supreme toqui- An
tiguenu readily accepted the honourable but hazardous com
mand ; but represented to the assembled chiefs, that as almost
all the valiant youth of the nation had perished, he deemed
it expedient for them to retire to some secure situation, until
a new army could be collected of sufficient strength to keep
the field. This prudent advice was approved by aU, and ac-
cordmgly Antiguenu retired with the smaU remauis of the
Araucanian army to the inaccessible marshes of Lumaco,
called Rochela by the Spaniards, where he caused high scaf
folds to be erected to secure his raen from the extreme and
noxious moisture of that gloomy retreat. The young men
who enlisted from time to time into the national army, went
to that place to be instructed in the use of their arms, and
the Araucanians still considered themselves free since they had
a toqui who did not despair of vindicating the independence
of their country.
As soon as Antiguenu saw himself at the head of a re
spectable force, he issued from his retreat, and b^an to make
incursions into the territory which was occupied by the
Spaniards, both to inure bis troops to discipUne, and to
subsist them at the expence of the enemy. When this un
expected intelligence was brought to St Jago, it g.ive great
uneasiness to ViUagran, who foresaw all the fatal consequen
ces which might result from this new war, having already
had long experience of the daring and inrincible spirit of the
Araucanians. In order if possible to stifle the threatening
flame at its commencement, he immediately dispatched his
son Pedro into the south, widi as many troops as could be
collected in baste, and soon after took the same direction
himself with a more considerable force. The first skirmishes
between the hostile armies were unfavourable to Antiguenu,
and an attempt which he made to beside Canete was equally
unsuccessful. Antiguenu attributed his failure on these occa
sions to the inexperience of his troops, and sought on every
occasion for opportunities of accustoming them to the use of
arms. At length he had die satisfaction of convincing them
that thc Sponiards were not invincible, by defeatuig a body
of Spaniards on tiie hills of Millapoa, commanded by Arias
Fordo. To keep up the ardour and confidence which this
success had excited in his soldiers, he now took possession of
the strong post on the top of Mount Mariguenu, a place of
fortunate

CHAP. IX. ȣCi. viii. Conquest tf Chili.
fortunate omen for his cpuntry. Beii^ either so much afflict
ed vrith the gout, or averse from exposing himself to tlie ho^
zard of attacking that strong post, whichnad formerly proved
so unfortunate to him, Vilfe^an gave it in charge tP one of
his sons to disfodge the enemy from that formidable position.
The rash yet enterprising young man attacked the Araucar
nian entrenchments wdth so little precaution tJiat almost all
his army was cut in pieces, and himself kiUed at the entrance
of the encampment, and on this occasion the flower of the
Spanish troops and a great number of J^efr auxiliaries were
cut off.
Immediately after this signal victory, Anti'gueim marched
against the fortress of Canete, rightly judging that it would
not be in a condition to resist him in the presrait circumstan
ces. ViUagran was likewise convinced ofthe impossibility of
defending diat place, and anticipating the design ofthe Arau
canian generid, ordered aU the inhabitants to withdraw, part
of whom retired to Imperial and the rest to Conception.
Antiguenu, therefore, on his arrival at that place, so l^al to
his natipn, had only the trouble of destroying the fortifica
tions and setting fire to the houses, oU of which he com-
pletdy destroyed.
Overcome with grief and anxiety, ViUagran died soon after
the disastrous battie of Mariguenu, universdly r^retted by
the Spanish inhabitants of ChiU, who lost in him a wise liUr*
mane and vaUant governor, to whose prudent conduct on
several trying occasions they had been much beholdesn for the
preservation' of their conquests. Before his death, in virtue
of spedal powers vested in hira hy his commission from the
court of Spain, he apppinted his eldest sotn Pedro to succeed
him in the goveriurient, whose endowments of mind were in
no respect inferior to those of his father. By the death of the
governor, A^guenu concdved diat he had a favourable op
portunity for undertaking sorae important enterprise. Hie
¦divided his army, which now consisted of 4000 men, into twp
bodies, one of which he ordered to lay siege to Coaceptioti
under the command of his vice-toqui Aniunecul, to attract
the attention of the Spaniards in that quarter, while he
marched with the other division to invest the fort of Araueo,
which was defended by a strong garrison under the command
of Lorenzo Bernal.
Antunecul accordingly crossed the Biobio and encamped
in a place caUed Leokethai, where he wag twice attasked by
the

324 Discovery and part ii. book li
the governor of Conception, against whom he defended him
sdf 80 vigorously that he repulsed hira with considerable loss,
and followed him after the second attack to the city which he
closely invested, by disposing his troops in six divisions
around its walls. He continued the siege for two months,
almost every day of which period was distinguished by some
gallant assault or successful skirmish ; but finding all his at
tempts to gain possession of the place unavaUing, and being
unable to prevent the introduction of frequent succours by sea
to the besieged, he at length withdrew with the intention of
making a new attempt at a more favourable opportunity.
In the raean tirae Antiguenu pressed the siege of Arauco
with the greatest vigour, but was resisted by the Spanish
garrison with determined bravery. Obserring that in aU his
attacks his bravest officers were pointed out to the Spaniards
by their Indian auxiliaries, and made a mark for their ar
tillery, he contrived by means of emissaries to persuade the
-Spanish commander that, the auxiliaries had plotted to deUver
up the fort to the Araucanians. Bernal gave such credit to
this false report, that he imraediately ordered these unfortu
nate men to quit the place, and turned them out in spite aS
thdr remonstrances and entreaties. This was the very object
aimed at by the poUtic toqui, who immediately caused them
all to be seized and put to a cruel death in sight of the
Spaniards, who were exceedingly exasperated at seeing them
selves so grossly imposed upon by one whom they counted an
ignorant barbarian. As the siege was protracted to a consi
derable length and .Antiguenu was impatient for ils conclu
sion, he chaUenged the governor to single combat, in hope
of becoming master ofthe place by the death of Bernal; who,
deeming himself secure ofthe victory, accepted the challenge
in spite of the remonstrances of his soldiers. The battle be
tween these champions continued for two Ifburs, without
dther being able to obtain any advantage, or even to give
his antagonist a single wound ; when at length they were se
parated by their men. What Antiguenu had been unable to
attain by force, was performed for bim by famine. Sever.d
boats loaded with provisions had repeatedly attempted in vain
to relieve the besieged, as the vigilance of the besiegers op
posed an invincible obstacle to thdr introduction. At length
Bernal found himself compdletl to abandon tlie place for
want of provisions, and the Araucanians permitted him and
the garrison to retire widiout molestation, contenting them-
10 selves.

csiAP. IX. SECT. VIII. Conquest tf Chili. 325
selves with burning the houses and demoUshing the fortifica
tions. The capture of Angol, after thot of Canete and
Arauco, appeared so easy to Antiguenu, that he gave it in
charge to one of his subalterns ; who defeated a body of
Spaniards commanded by Zurita,' whUe on his raarch to in
vest Angol : But the Araucanian officer was defeated in his
turn near Mulchen* by Diego Carranza, who had been sent
against him by "the inhabitants of that city.
Solicitous to maintain the reputation of his arms, Anti
guenu marched in person at the head of two thousand men to
resume the attack upon Angol. Before proceeding to attack
that place, . he encamped at the confluence of the river \ej-
gosa with the Biobio, where he was attacked by a Spanish
army under tlie command of Bernal. In this engagement
the Araucanians raade use of some Spanish musquets which
they had taken at their late victory of Mariguenu, which they
employed with much skiU, and bravely sustained the assault
for three hours. At length, when four hundred of the auxir
liaries and a considerable number of Spaniards had fallen,
the infantry hegaji to give way, upon which Bernal gave
orders to his cavalry to put to death every one who attempt
ed flight. This severe order brought back the Spanish in
fantry to their duty, and they attacked the entrenchments of
the enemy with so much vigour that at length they forced
their way into the camp of the Araucanians. Antiguenu
exerted his utmost efforts to oppose die assailants ; but he
was at length forced along by the crowd of his soldiers, who
were thrown into irretrievable confusion and fled. During
the flight, he fdl from a high bank into the river and was
drowned. The Araucanians were defeated, with prodigious
sls^ughter, many of th^m perishing in the river in their at
terapt to escape by swiraraing. In this battle, which was
fought in the year 1564, alraost the. whole of the victorious
army was wounded, and a considerable number slain ; but
they recovered forty-one musquets, twenty-one cuirasses,
fifteen helmets, and a great number of lances and Ather
weapons which the Araucanians had obtained in their late
victories, and had used against their former proprietors.
While these events were passing on the banks ofthe Biobio,
an Araucanian officer named Lillemu, who had been detach ed
2 No such name occurs in the modern maps of Chili, but a town calleij
Millaqui is situated about 20 miles to the north of Angol. — ^E.

Ai6 Discaoery and part II. book n.
ed by Antiguenu to lay waste the provinces of Chilian and
Itata, defeated a Spanish detachment of eighty men com-
immded by Pedro Balsa. To repress these ravages, the go
vernor of Conception marched against LiUemu with an hun
dred and fifty men, and cut off" a party of Araucanians who
were desolating the province of ChiUan. LiUemu hastened
to their succour, but finding them defeated and dispersed,
he was only able to save the remainder of his troops by
Slaking a gallant stand in a narrow pass with a smaU select
band, oy which he checked the advance of the enemy, and
gave time to his army to effect their escape ; but he and his
brave companions sacrificed their lives in this gallant effort
of patriotism.
On the death of the. vaUant Antiguenu, the Araucanians
elected as his successor in the toquiate a person naraed PaiUor
taru, who Was brother or cousin to the celebrated Lautaro,
but of a very different character and disposition. Slow and
drcumspect in aU his operations, the new toqui contented
himself during the first years of his command in endeavour
ing to keep up the love of liberty among his countrymen,
whom he led from time tb tirae to ravage and plunder the
possessions of the Spaniards, always avoiding any decisive
conflict. About this time likewise the royal audience of Lima
idppointed Rodrigo de Quiroga to succeed the younger ViUa
gran in die government of QiiU ; and Qufroga began his ad
ministration by arresting his predecessor in office, whom he
gent prisoner into Peru.
Having recdved a reinforceraent of three hundred soldiers
in 156.5, Quiroga invaded the Araucanian territory, where
he rebuilt the fort of Arauco and the city of Canete, con
structed a new fortress at the celebrated post of Quipeo, and
ravaged all the neighbouring provinces. Towards the end of
the year 1566, he sent Ruiz Gamboa with a detachment of
sixty men to reduce the archipelago of Chiloe to subjection,
Gamboa met with no resistance iu this enteiprise, and founded
in the large island of Ancud or Chiloe, the smaU city of
Castro, and the sea-port of Chacao, Tlie islands of this ar-
chipdago are about eighty in number, having been produced
by earthquakes, owing to the great number of volcanoes with
which that country formerly abounded, and indeed every part
of them exhibits the most unequivocal marks of fire. Several
mountains in the great island of Chiloe, which has given
:pame to the archipelago, are composed of basaltic columns, which

«HAP.4X. SECT. vm. Conquest tf Chili. 32^
which could have only been produced by the operation of
Subterranean fire ^. Though descended from the Chilese of
the continent, as is evident from their appearance, manners,
and language, the natives of these islands are quite of a dif-
ferent character, being of a pacific and rather timid disposi
tion ; insomuch that, although thdr poptdation is said to
hav^e exceeded seventy thousand, they made no opposition to
the handfol of Spaniards sent on this occasion to reduce them,
nor have they ever attempted to shake off the yoke until the
beginning of the eighteenth century, when an insurrection
©f no great importance was excited, and very soon quelled*.

Section IX.
Continuation qf the Armicanian 'war to the Destruction tf all
the Spanish settlements in the territories tfthat Nation.
The long continuance of the Araucanian war, and the
great importance of the kingdom of Chili, at length deter
mined Philip IL to erect a court of Royal Audience in Chili,
independent upon that which had long subsisted in Peru,
To this court, which was composed of four oydors or judges
and a fiscal, the civil and military administration of the king
dom was confided ; and its members made a solemn entry
Into the city of Conception, where they fixed their residence,
on the 13th of August 1567. Immediately on assuming their
functions, the judges removed Quiroga from the government,
and appointed Ruiz Gamboa to the comraand of the army
with the title of general. Learning that Paillataru, the toqui
of the Araucanians, was preparing to besiege the city of
Canete, Gamboa hastened to that place with a respectable
force, and finding the toqui encamped not far from the
threatened city, he attacked his fortified post, and defeated
him after a long and obstinate contest. After this victory,
Gamboa overran and laid waste the Araucanian territories for
3 These are the opinions of Molina, not of the editor, who takes no
part in the discussion between the Huttonians and Wemerians ;_ neither in
deed are there any data in the text on whieh to ground any opinion, were
he even disposed by inclination or geognostic knowledge to become a party
on either side, — E.
4 In the text, Molina gives here some account of the natives of Chilce,
which is postponed to the close of this chapter.'—E,

328 Discovery and part ii, book ii.
for a whble year without opposition, and carried off great
numbers of women and children into slavery. He employed
every effort however, repeatedly to induce the Araucanians
to enter into negociations for peace, but to no purpose, as
they preferred the endurance of every possible evil before the
loss of their national Uberty, and continually refosed to Usten
to his proposals.
As peace, so necessary to the weU being of the Spanish
settlements in ChiU, seemed every day more remote, in spite
of every effort for its attainment, it at length appeared to the
court of Spain that the government of a country in a continual
state of war was improperly placed in the hands of a court
of justice: Accordingly it was again confided to the manage
ment of a single chief, under the new titles of President,
Governor, and Captain-general, Don Melchior Bravo de
Saravia was invested with this triple character in 1568 ; a
man well quaUfied to act as president of the court of audience
and civil governor of the kingdom, but utterly incompetent
to sustain the charge of captain-general ; yet he was anxious
to signalize the commenceraent of his government by the at
tainment of a splendid victory over the redoubtable Arau
canians, fpr which an opportunity soon offered, but which
redounded to his own disgrace.
PaiUataru had collected a new army, with which he oc
cupied the strong position of Mariguenu, so fatal to the Spa
niards, and which for some un.iccoimtable reason they had
neglected to fortify. Immediately on learning this circum
stance, the governor marched against the toqui at the bead of
three hundred Spanish soldiers and a large auxiliary force.
Like several of his predecessors, PaUlataru had the glory of
rendering this mountain famous by the total defeat of the
Spanish army. The governpr had the good fortune to make
his escape from this battle, and precipitately withdrew with a
small remnant of his troops to Angol, where he resigned the
command ofthe army, appointing Gamboa majon-general and
Velasco ' quartei^-master. He was at this time so intimidated
by his defeat, that he ordered these officers to evacuate the
fortress of Arauco, so often already destroj'ed and rebuilt
While escorting the inhabitants of that place to Canete, these
officers fell in with a division ofthe Araucanians, which they
attacked and defeated. Yet PaiUatoi'u, who had removed from
1 In a subsequent passage Molina names this oflicer Bernal. — ^£,

CHAP. IX. SECT. IX. Conquest tf Chili. 329
from Mariguenu to the post of Quipeo, marched two days
afterwards against Canete, which he proposed to besiege ;
but Gamboa advanced to meet him with all the troops he
could coUect, and gave hira battle. The engageraent con
tinued more than two hours, and was one of the bloodiest and
hardest contested ever fought' in ChiU. Though severely
handled, the Spaniards remained masters of the field, and
the Araucanians were compelled to retreat. Gamboa now
invaded the Araucanian territory, intending to ravage it as
formerly ; but PaiUataru, having repaired his losses in a short
time by fresh levies, returning to defend his countrj', and
compelled Gamboa to retreat with loss.
From this tirae, tiU the death of PaUlataru, about four
years afterwards, a suspension of arms or tacit truce was ob
served between the Spaniards and Araucanians, This was
probably owing in a great measure to the general consterna
tion occasioned by a dreadful earthquake which was felt
throughout the whole country; and did great injury to the
Spanish settlements, particularly to the city of Conception,
which was entirely destroyed. Ever anxious to consoUdate
and give importance to their conquests, the court of . Spain
erected in 1570, a new bishopric in the city of Imperial, to
which the vast extent of country between the river Maule
and the southern confines of Chili was assigned as a dio
cese *.
About this time the Mestees, or descendents of Spaniards
by Indian women had multiplied grratly in Chili, and per
ceiving the great advantage that might be derived from their
assistance against the Spaniards, and to attach them to their
cause by a strong acknowledgement that they were their
countrymen, the Araucanians conferred the office of toqui
upon one of these men named Alonzo Diaz, who had assumed
the Chilese name of Paynenancu, and had distinguished him
self for ten years by his valour and abilities, continually fight
ing in thdr armies. If his predecessor Paillataru had the
fault of being too cautious in conducting the operations of the
war, the new toqui was on the contrary so rash and daring,
to avoid that imputation, that he constantly attacked the
Spaniards with ' far inferior numbers, whence all his enter
prises were unfortunate as might naturally have been expec ted.
2 Since the loss of Imperial, Conception has been the residence ef thisv
bishop. — ^E.

330 Dfscoveiy and part ii. book ii.
ted. Immediately on receiving the investiture of the toquiate,
he crossed the river Biobio, probably intenduig to have at
tacked Conceptfon ; but, before reaching that place, he was
attacked and defeated by the quarter-master, notwithstanding
the great valour with which he defended himself for a long
time. Among the prisoners taken by the Spaniards on this
occasion were several Araucanian women, aU of whom killed
themselves the same night. Paynenancu, having escaped
frpm the carnage, raised a new army and marched against
ViUarica, but was again defeated by Rodrigo Bostidas, the
mUitary commandant of that city.
While the war continued to rage in J 575, the Ucentiate
Calderon arrived in Chili from Spain, with a commission to
examine and regidate the government of that kingdom. His
first step was to suppress the court of audience, on the sole
principle of economy, and instead of the president Melchior
Bravo, Rodrigo Quiroga, who had been formerly appointed
governor by the audience of Lima, was reinstated in that
office. Having assembled all the troops he could raise, the
new governor proceeded in i 576 to the frontiers, to oppose
the ravages of Paynenancu, who, though twice defeated, con
tinued to harass the Spanish settiements by frequent inroads.
But, as the toqui carefidly avoided any rencounter, the
governor contented himsdf with ravaging the Araucanian
territories in revenge. Having afterwards received a rein
forcement of two thousand men from Spain, he gave direc
tions to his father-in-law ' Gamboa to found a new city at the
foot of the CordeUieras '*, between the cities of St Jago and
Conception, which has since received the appeUation of Chil
ian from the river on which it stands, and has become the
capital of the fertUe province of the same name. Sliortly after
the foundation of this new city, the governor died in 1580 at
a very advanced age, haring previously nominated Gamboa
to succeed him in the government ofthe kingdom. Gamboa
continued three years in the command, continually occupied
in opposing the Araucanians in the soudi under their toqui
Paynenancu, and in defending the kingdom on the east
against the Pehuenches and ChiquiUanians, who now began
to molest the Spaniards at the instigation of the Araucanians. The
3 TIius in the original, though probably his son-in-law, as Quiroga died
soon after at an advanced age. — E.
4 Thc city of Chilian, instead of being at the foot of the Andes, is m the
plain country more than half way between that great chain and the sea,— E.

CHAP. K. SECT. Kt, Conqucst tfChiii. 331
Tbe Pehuenches ore a numerous tribe who inhabit that
portion of the Andes of Chili which lies between the latitudes
of .S4° and 37° S, to the eastwards of the Spanish provinces
of Calchagua, Maide, Chilian, and Huilquilemu. Their
dress resembles that of thc Araucanians, except that they
wear a piece of cloth like the Japenese round the waist which
hangs down to the knees ^, instead of drawers or breeches.
Their boots or shoes are all of one piece of skin, being that of
the hind leg of an ox taken off at the knee, ^hich is fitted to
the foot of the wearer while green, turning the hair side in
most, and sewing up one of the ends, the skin of the knee serv
ing for the bed. By being constantly worn and frequently
rubbed with tallow, these shoes become as soft and pliant as
the best dressed leather *. Though these mountaineers are
valiant and hardy soldiers, yet are they fond of adorning
themsdves Uke women, decorating themselves with ear-ringa
and bracelets of glass-beads, with which also they ornament
their hafr, and hang small bells around their heads. Although
possessed of numerous herds of cattle and sheep, their usual
food is horse flesh, which Uke the Tartars they prefer to all
other kinds, and always eat cooked, either by boiUng or
roasting. Like the Bedowin Arabs, the Pehuenches dweU
in tents made of skins, disposed in a circular form around a
spacfous area, in which their cattle feed while the herbage
lasts ; and when that begins to faU they remove thdr camp to
a fresh pasture, continually traversing in this manner the
vallps among the Andes. Each village or encampment is
governed by a hereditary ulmen. Their language and re
ligion resemble those of the Araucanians. They are ex
tremely fond of hunting, and often traverse the immense
plains which stretch from the great Rio Plata to the Straits of
MageUan in pursuit of game, sometiraes extending their ex
cursions as far as Buenos Ayres, and even occasionally in-

5 A comparison more familiar to the British reader might be made to the
pkilabeg or diort petticoat worn by the Scots Highlanders. — E._
6 In this part of dress they hkewise resemble the Scots Highlanders of
old, who wore a kind of shoes made of raw hides with the hair on, called
rMgh rulliotu. In both of course using the most obvious and easiest itiean*
of decency and protection. Before the introduction of European cattle into
Chili, the natives must have empkiyed the skins of the original animals of
the country, probably of the guemulvir huemul, the equus bisulcus of Molina
and other naturalists, an aniinal having some resemblance to a horse but with
tfdven hoofs. — ^E.

S32 Discoveiy and part ii. book ii.
dulge in plundering the vicinity of that city. They frequently
attack the caravans which pass between Buenos Ayres and
ChiU, and have been so euccessful in these predatory enter
prises as almost to have stopped that commerce entirely.
It may be proper to relate what I noticed on a journey in
that country, having set out from Mendoza in the province of
Cujo, on the 27th of April 1783, with post horses for Buenos
Ayres. We soon learnt, from some people whom we met,
that the PehuencTies were out upon predatory excursions, and
soon afterwards received tbe melancholy intelligence thatthey
had committed horrible massacres in the Portion tfi\Iagdalena.
In consequence ofthis,aUthepo8t-houseswliere we stopped were
in a state of alarm, and some of them were entirely deserted.
During the year before, three hundred of these Indians ap
peared suddenly before the post of Gutieirez, all lying back
upon their horses and trailing their lances, in order to make
it appear that it was only a drove of mares which is a very
common sight in those Pampas or almost unlimited plains.
Although they saw but one man who patroled the wjdl with
his musquet, and was indeed the only pereon in the post, they
were deterred from making any attack, supposing it to be
strongly guarded. This man knew well that the horses were
guided, by the exact order they pursued, though he could see
nothing of the riders till they were very near. He had the
prudence likewise to refrain from firing his musquet, which
probably led them to believe there was a greater force within
the place, and induced them to abandon the enterprise, vent
ing their rage on the other unprotected inhabitants of the
plains. The commander of the post of Aniatrain was not so
fortunate, as he was killed that same year along with a negro
yiho accompanied him. These posts are fortified with palisades,
or with a mud waU, and li.Hve a ditch and draw-bridge.
Although the Pehuenches frequently commit depredations
in these eastern plains, they have many years refrained from
any hostiUties within the boundaries of ChiU, unless in times
of actual war between the nations ; induced to this either
from fear of the miUtary population of Chili, or by the ad
vantages whidi they derive from trading with the inhabitants
of that kingdom. Thefr favourite weapon is the laque m*
leathern thong with a stone at each end, which they always
carry fastened to their girdles. It is highly probable that the
ten Americnns in the ship commanded by Orellana, of whose
amazing and desperate courage, mention is made in Ansons
voyage.

CHAP..IX. SECT. IX. Conquest tf Chili. 833
voyage, were of this tribe. Notwithstanding thdr wandering
and restless mode of life, they are more addicted to industrious
and even com uiercial habits than any ofthe savage natives of
South America. When in iheir tents, they are never idle.
The women weave cloths pf varipus cplpurs, and the men
occupy themselves in making baskets, and a variety pf beauti
ful articles of wood, leather, skins, or feathers, which are
much prized by the Spauiartls. Every year they assemble in
large numbers on the Spanish frontiers, where they hold a
kind of fair vvhich generally lasts fifteen or twenty days. On
these occasions they bring for sale, besides horses and cattle,
fossil salt, gypsum, pitch, bed-coverings, ponchos, skins,
wool, bridle-reins beautifully wrought of plaited leather,
baskets, wooden vessels, feathers, ostrich-eggs, and a variety
of other articles ; and receive in return wheat, wine, and
European manufactures. In the conduct of this barter they
are very .skilful, and can with difficulty be overreached. Lest
they should be cheated or plundered by the Christian mer
chants, who think every thing lawful against unbelievers, they
never drink all at one time; but separate themselves into se
veral companies, some of whom keep guard while the rest in
dulge in wine. They are generally humane, courteous, just
in their deaUngs, and possessed of many estiraable qualities.
The ChiquiUanians, whom some persons have supposed a
tribe of the Pehuenches, live to the north-east of that nation,
on the eastern borders of the Andes ''. These are thp raost
savage, and consequently the least numerous of any of the
tribes of the Chilese ; for it is an established fact, that the
ruder the state of savage life the less favourable it is to popu
lation. They go alraost naked, raerely wrapping the skins of
the Guanaco round their bodies, and they speak a corrupted
and guttural dialect of the ChUi-dugu or Chilese language.
It is observable that all the Chilese tribes which inhabit the ele
vated valleys ofthe Andes, both Pehuenches, Puelches, HuilU
ches, and ChiquiUanians, are ranch redder than those of thefr
countrymen who dwell iij the lower country to the west of
these mountains. All these mountaineers dress themselves
in skins, paint their faces, subsist in a great measure by hunt-
¦ . ing*
7 In the map accompanying the English translation of Molina, the
Pehuenches and ChiquiUanians are placed under the same parallel between
lat. 33« 30' and se" S. The former on the western and the latter on the
eastern side of the Andes,— E.

334 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
ing, and lead a irlindering and unsettled life. They are irf"
fact the so much cdebrsted Patagonians, who have been oc
casionally seen near the Straits of Magdlan, and who have
eometimes been described as giants, and at other times as not
much beyond the ordinary stature of mankind. GeneraUy
speaking however, they are of lofty stature and have great
muscular strength.
On information being sent to %)ain ofthe death of Quiro
ga, as formerly mentioned, Don Alonzo Sotomayor Marquis
of VHla-hermoso was sent out as governor with six hun
dred regular troops. He landed at Buenos Ayres in 1583,
from whence he proceeded to St Jago. On taking possession
of his government, he appointed his brother Don Luis to thc
new office of Cofonel of the Kingdom, and sent him with a
military force to reUeve the cities of ViUarica and Valdivia,
which were both besieged by the Araucanians. After twice
defeating the toqui, Paynenancu, who opposed his march, he
raised the sieges and supplied both places with reinforcements.
The indefatigable but unfortunate toqui, after two defeats
from Don Luis, turned his arms against Tiburcio Heredia
and Antonio GoUeguillos, who were ravaging the country
vrith separate strong detachments of cavalry, and was suc
cessively defeated by both of these officers, yet the victors paid
dear for their successes.
While these events were going on in the south, the gover
nor had to oppose the Pehuenches who had invaded the new
setdement of Chilian, and whom he defeated and constrained
to retire into their mountains. He tlircn marched into Arau
cania at the head of seven hundred Spaniards and a great
number of auxiliaries, resolved to pui-sue the cmel and rigor
ous system of warfare which had formerly been adopted by
Don Garcia, in preference to the humane procedure of his
immediate predecessors. Thc province of Encol was the first
to experience the effects of this severity, as he laid it entirely
waste with fire and sword, and dther hanged his prisoners,
or sent them away w ith their hands cut off to intimidate thefr
countrymen. The adjoining provinces of Puren, Ilicura, and
Tucapel would have experienced a similar fate, if the inhabi
tants had not ensured their personal safety lOy flight, after
setting their houses and crops on fire, and destroying every
thing they could not carry off. Only diree prisoners were
taken in these provinces, who were impaled. Notwithstand
ing these severities, many mestees and mulatoes joined the
* Araucanians*

CHAP, IX, 'SECT, IX. Sonquest tf Chili. ^35
Araucanians, and even some Spaniards, araong who was
Juan Sanchez, who acquired great reputation aniong them.
ImpeUed dther by his natural rash valour, or byclespair on
finding that he had fallen in the estimation of the Araucanians
by his want of success, Paynenancu gave b.ittle to the whole
Spanish army on the confines oftlie province of Arauco with
only eiglit hundred men ; yet such was the resolute valour
with which they fought that the Spaniards were unable to
break their firm array, till after a hard contested battle of
several hours, in which they lost a considerable number of
men. Almost the whole of the Araucanian troops engaged
in this unequal contest were slain ; but Paynenancu was
made prisoner and immediatdy executed. The victorious
governor encamped with his ai-my on tlie banks of the Caram-
pangui river, and caused the fortress of Arauco to be rebuilt,
of which he gave the command to Garda Ramon the quarter
master. The Araucanian valour, which had been repressed by the
imprudent conduct of Paynenancu, was revived in 1585, .by
the devation of Cayancura to the dignity of toqui, an ulra^i
of the province, or district of Mariguenu. Immediately cm
his election, he dispatched an hundred and fiflly messengers
to every cornea' ofthe country, with the symbolical arrows t©
summon the martial youth of Araucania to the national army.
Having by these means assembled a respectable fprce, the
new toqui deto-mined upon making an attack at midni^t on
the Spanish camp, which was still pn thebanks of the Caram-
pangni, and of the exact situation of which he had procured
information by means of a spy. For this purpose, he formed
his array in three diviaons, of which he gave the coramamd
to three valiant officers, Ixmconobal, Antulevu, and Taro-
diina. The divisions proceeded by three several roads which
led to die camp, and coming upon it by surprise, cut the
auxiUaries to pieces who were the first to oppose their pro
gress. Fortunately for the Spaniards, the moon rose about
Ihe middle of the assualt, and enabled them, after a short
period of confusion, and the loss of several men, to fona
themsdves in good order, and to make head against the as
sailants, who at length began to give way after suffering se
verely from the fire of the Spanish mu.squetry. Just at this
critical tirae, the governor charged the Araucanians and
forced them to give way, after both sides had sufllered con
siderable loss. Cayancura, who had halted with a body of
reserve

836 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
reserve kt the entrance of the Spanish camp for the purpose
of supportihg the attack, on finding his tioops retiring ex
hausted and dispirited, drew off the whole to sorae distance
where he permitted them to take rest and refreshment during
the remainder of the night, and returned at day-break next
morning to the attack. The Spanish army marched out to
meet them in the open field, and a raost obstinate and bloody
battle ensued. After a brave contest, the Araucanians were
overpowered by the artiUery and cavalry of the Spaniards,
and constrained to quit the field with great I6ss, though the
Spaniards paid dear for their victory ; insomuch that, im-
, mediately after the action, the governor raised his camp and
retired to the frontiers, where he buUt two forts naraed Trini
dad and Spiritu Santo on the northern shore of the Biobio.
He also sent orders to the major-general to raise as. many
recruits as possible throughout the kingdom of ChiU, which
officer brought him accordingly a reinforcement of two thou
sand * horse and a considerable number of infiantry.
Undismayed by his recent losses, the Araucanian general
determined to take advantage of the governors retreat to lay
siege to the fort of Arauco ; and in order to secure the suc
cess of this enterprise, he endeavoured to occupy the Spanish
arras in other quarters. For this purpose, he ordered one of
his officers named Guepotan to make incursions on the terri
tory of ViUarica from the fortified post of Liben, where he
had supported himself for several years. To Cudiguala, a-
notlier officer who afterwards became toqui, he gave it in
charge to harass the district of Angol ; appointed Tarochina
to guard the passage of the Biobio, and sent Melilauca and
Catipillan to keep the garrison of Imperial in dieck. These
officers had several encounters with the Spaniards attended
with various success. Guepotan lost the fortified post of
Liben, which was taken by the governors brother. Tm-o-
china made himself master of a great number of boats on the
Biobio, which were conveying supplies of men and warlike
stores to the recently erected forts on that river.
In the year 1586, the toqui Cayancura began the siege of
Arauco, which he surrounded with strpng Unes, so as not
only to intercept all succours, but to prevent thc retreat of
the
8 From tlie onginal army of the go'vemor having only seven hundred
men, I am apt to believe thc number of horse in the text ought only to have
been two hundred.— E.

CHAP. IX. SECT. IX. Conquest tf Chili. 337
the garrison '; Perceiving from these preparations that they
must finally be compelled to surrender or periih by famine,
the garrison thought it better to die at once with arms in
their hands than to be reduced to such extremity. They
attacked therefore the works of the enemy with such rigour,
that after an obstinate and sanguinary combat of four hours,
they succeeded in forcing them, and put the Araucanians to
flight. Cayancura was so exceedingly mortified by this de
feat, that he retired to his ulmenate, leaving the command of
the array to his son, Nangoniel, a young man of great hopes
and mudi beloved by the nation. This young commander
iramediately coUected a new army, in which were an hun
dred and fifty horse, which from this time forwards became
a regtilar part of the Araucanian militaiy force. With these
troths he returned to invest the fortress of Arauco, and guard
ed aU its environs so closely that the garrison were unable td
procure a supply of provisions, and were at length compelled
to evacuate it, prpbably on capitulation. Encouraged by this
good fortune, Nai^oniel proceeded towards the Bibbio, in
tending to attack the foit of Trinidad, which protected the
passage of supplies in that direction from Spanish ChiU to
the forts on the south of that river. But while on his march,
he was encountered by a detachment of Spanish troops com
manded by Francisco Hernandez, by whom he was defeated.
In this action he lost an arm and recdved several other dan
gerous wounds. Being obliged by this misfortune to take
refoge on a neighbouring mountain, where he was drawn in
to an ambush by the sergeant-major '° of the Spanish atray,
he and fifty of his soldiers were slain, after defendiUg them
selves valiantly for a long tirae. On the same day, an officer
named Cad^;uala, who had obtained great reputation in the
Araucanian army for his courage and military skiU, was pro
claimed toqui by the officers.
About this time, while the Araucanians were vaUantly en
deavouring to oppose the Spanish arms, the EngUsh also
planned an expedition against them in that remote quartet of
the world. Sir Thomas Cavendish sailed with this view from
VOL. V. Y Plymouth
9 Lines, it would appear of eircumvallation and contravallation, proba
bly suggested by some of the Spaniards who had joined the Araucanians.
— E- ¦ ¦ , ¦ . ' " '
10 This officer in the Spanish service seems somewhat equivalent to our
adjutant ; and the sergeaiO-major of the army in Chili, may be considered
as a kind of adjutant-general.— E.

838 Discovery and fart ii. book ii.
Plymouth on the 21st of July 1586 with three ships, and ar
rived on the coast of Chili in the foUowing year. He landed
at the desert port of Quintero ", and endeavoured to enter
into a negociation with the natives of the country ; but he
was attacked by Alonzo MoUna, the corregidor of St Jago,
and compelled to reimbark with the loss of several soldiers
and seamen, and quitted the coast after a very short stay.
Cadeguala, the new toqui, signalized the commencement of
his administration by several successful inroads into the
Spanish possessions, the particulars of which are not record
ed. Having notice of the alarm in Spanish Chili occasioned
by the English squadrt.n, he resolved lo avail himself of that
diversion of the Spanish forces to make an effort against the
city of Angol by s^urprise. He maintained a secret inteUi
gence with some of the inhabitants of that place, by whose
means he prevailed upon a number of native Chilese, who
were in the service of the Spanish citizens, to set fire lo their
masters house> at a certain hour of an appointed night, when
he was to be ready with his army at the gates to assault the
place. His plan was accordingly executed ; and entering the
city during the confusion occasioned by the fires, he divided
his force, consi.'^ting of a thousand foot and an hundred horse,
into several detachments, which made a hoirible carnage of
the citizens, who flying from the flames fell into the hands of
the Araucanians. The garrison attempted in vain to dislodge
the enemy, and the whole population of the place had been
assuredly put to the swoid, but for the courage and conduct of
the governor, who had fortunately arrived at the city only
two hours before the attack. He immediately hastened with
his guards to the different quarters which were occupied by
the enemy, where with wonderful presence of mind he collec
ted the dispersed inhabitants who had escaped the sword of
the enemy, and conducted them to the citadel. Having armed
and marshalled all the most resolute of the inhabitants, he sal
lied out from the citadel at thdr head against the eneray, whom
he compelled to evacuate the city at break of day. It would
appear that the Araucanians had now become less scrupulous
than formerly in their mode of making war; for Cadeguala was
not abandoned by any of his officers on this occasion, as
CaupoUcan
11 The port of Quintero, in about lat. ,S2° 45' S. is about 8 or lo miles
to the north of the river QuiUota in Spanish Chili. The voyage of Sir Tho
mas Cavendish will appear in an after division of this work. — E.

OHAP. IX, SECT. IK, K^wquest tf Chili. 339
Caupolican had fcu'raerly been in his attempt to surprise Cai^e^e
by similai' means.
Although the Araucanian general had not succeeded in this
.daring enterprise according to his expectations, he was so
little discouraged by its failure that he immediately undertook
the siege of Puren, which appearod more easy to be taken as
it was situated at some distance from the Spanish frontiers.
He accordingly invested it regularly with fpur thousand raen
in four separate divisions, under the respective commands of
¦Guanoalca, Caniotaru, Relmuantu, .and Curilerau, the most
vaUant officers of his army. On receiving notice of the in
vestiture of Puren, the governor hastened to its reUef with
a strong reinforcement, but was opposed on his march by
Cadeguala at the head ,of an hundred and fifty Araucanian
horse armed with lances, and compelled to retreat after a long
and obstinate combat, in which several fdl .pn bpth sides.
Elated by this success, the toqui made proppsals tp the be
sieged, either to enter into his service or to .allow them to re
tire unmolested. These terms, which he pretended were very
advantageous for raen in their situation, were disdaanfuUy re
jected;, yet one man ofthe garrison, named Juan Tapia,
went over to the Araucanians .by whom he was well received,
and even got advancement in their army. As these terms were
rejected, Cadeguala determined to endeavour tp shorten the
siege in a difierent manner. He presented himself one
day before the , walls raounted on a fine horse which he bad •
taken from the governor, and boldly defied Garcia Ra,mpn
the commander of the garrison to single combat, at the end of
three days. The challenge was accepted, and the intrepid
toqui appeared in the fidd at the time appointed, with a small
number ,of attendants, whpm he placed apart. Rampn like
wise came out from the, fort to meet him, attended by an es
cort of forty raen, whom he ordered to reraain at some dis
tance. The two champions, having taken their distance set
spurs to their horses and ran their course with such fury that
Cadeguala fell at the first rencounter, pierced through the
body by the lance of his adversary. He refused however to
acknowledge himsdf vanquished, and even endeavoured to
remount his horse to renew the combat, but died in the at
terapt. His attendants hastened to raise hira, and even car-.
ried off his body after a sharp contest with the Spaniards.
After the death of their commander, the Araucanians re
tired from the blockade for a short time ; but soon returned to

340 Disemery and part ii, book u.
to the siege, after having elected Guanoalca, to the vacant
toquiate, having been informed by the Spanish deserter Ta
pia, that the garrison was ill supplied with prprisions, and
divided into parties. Cut off" from all hopes of reUef, and
dissatisfied with the conduct of their officers, the besieged
soon determined upon evacuating the place ; ond the Arau
canians allowed them to march off unmolested, according to
thdr usual pdicy, Guanoalca immediately marched against
another fort which the Spaniards had recently erected in the
ndghbourhood of Mount Mariguenu; but finding that it had
been recently and considerably reinforced, he proceeded a-
gainst the foits of Trinidad and Spiritu Santo on the banks
of the Biobio, As the governor of ChiU was apprehensive
that he might not be able to defend these fonts, or perhaps
considered them of too litde importance to hazard the safety
of their garrisons, he evacuated them in 1589, and transfer
red thdr garrisons to another fortress which he directed to be
constructed on the river Puchanqui as a protection for the
city of Angol, so that the operations of the war conasted
mosdy in the construction and demoUtion of fortifications.
The toquiate ef Guanoalca was more remarkable for tbe
expfoits of a heroine named Janequeo than by his own. This
famous woman was wife of Guepotan, a vaUant officer who
had long defended the fortified post of Liben near ViUaricB.
After the loss of that impoitant place he retired to the Andes,
where he used every efibrt to stimidate the Puelches inhabit
ing that mountainous region to rise in defence of the country
agUinst the Spanish invaders. Being dedrous of haring his
wife along with him, he descended into the plains in search
of her, but was surprised by a party of Spaniards, and pre
ferring to be cut in pieces rather than yidd himsdf a prisoner,
he Was slain in the unequal combat. Janequeo, ir-^med by
an ardent desire to revenge the death of her husband, put
hersdf at the head of an army of Pudches in 1590, assisted
by Gucdiiuiitereo her brodier, with which she made inroads
into the Spanish settlements, killing all of that nation who
fdl into her hands. Reinforced by a regiment of veteran
soklicrs whidi had been sent him from Peru, the goveraor
Don Albnza Sotomayor, marched against the heroine ; but,
by constantly occupying the high grounds, attacking some
times the van, sometimes the rear of the l^aiiiaras, and
harassing them in eveiy posdble way, she at last olil^ed the
governor to retire, a'fter having fost much time aada con
siderable

CHAP. IX, SECT, IX, Conquest tf Chili. 341
siderable number of men to no purpose. As the governor
was of opinion that rigorous raeasures were best calculated to
queU the pride of the Araucanians, he ordered all the prison
ers taken in this incursion to be hung before his retreat. Oo
this occasion, one of these men requested to be hanged on a
higher tree thon the rest, that the sacrifice he had made of
himseff for his country might be the more conspicuous, and
inspire his surviving countrymen with the more ardent deter
mination to defend their liberties.
Having thus foiled all the endeavours of a general who had
gained high reputation in the wars of Italy, Germany, and
Flanders, Janequeo proceeded to attack the recently con
structed fortress of Puchanqui, not far from which she defeat
ed and slew the commandant, Aranda, who had advanced to
meet her with a part of the garrison. Not being able to gain
possession of this fort, she retired at the coramencement of
the rainy season to the mountains near VUlarica, where she
fiprtified herself in a place surrounded by precipices, from
whence she continually infested the environs of that dty in
such a manner that no one dared to venture beyond the waUs.
Moved by the distresses of the citizens, the governor sent bis
brother Don Luis to thefr aid, with the greater part of two
reinforcements which he had recently received from Peru,
under the command of Castillejo and Penalosa. The intre
pid Janequeo awaited him in her fortified post, which she
deemed s^ure, and repelled for a fong time the various as
saults pf the Spaniards with great presence pf mind. At
length, her spldiers being dispersed by the fire of the artillery^
she had to seek fpr safety in flight. Her brother was made
prisoner, and obtained his life on condition of promising to
keep his sister quiet, and to secure the friendship of his vas
sals and adherents to the Spaniards. But, while proposing
this measure in a national council, he was kiUed by the ulmen
Catipiuque, who abhorred every species cf reconciliation with
the enemy.
The old toqui, Guanoalca, died about the dose of 1590,
and a young and enterprising warrior, named QuintUguenu,
was elected in his stead in the year foUowing. Being ambi
tious of acquiring mUitary glory, the new toqui assaulted and
took the fort of Mariguenu by assault, and established him
self on the top of that famous mountain vrith two thousand
men, hoping to render himseff as celebrated there as Lautaro
had been formerly, by gaining an important victory over the
Spaniards.

342' Discovery and part rr. book ir.,
Spaniards. Not dismaj'ed by the misfortunes which had be-^
fallen his countrymen in that ill-omened place, the governor
put himself at the head of a thousand Spaniards and a large
auxiUary force of Indians, and marched without delay for
Mariguenu, determined upon dislodging the Araucanians or
of besieging them in their post. Having disposed his troops .
in order, and given the necessaij directions, he began at day
break to ascend the difficult and steep defile, leading the
advanced guard in person, directiy before which was a for
lorn hope of twenty half-pay officers ranch experienced in
similar warfare. He had scarcely got half way vcp the moun
tain when he was attacked with the utmost fury by Qui'Utu*-
guenu ; but animating his troops by his voice and example,^
he sustained for more than an hour the utmost efforts of the
eneray, and gained the top ofthe defile by persevering bravery.
On reaching the level summit of the mountain, the Arauca
nians were forced to take refoge within their entrenchments,
which they did however in excellent order. The Araucanians,.
exhorting each other to conquer or die for their country, de
fended their camp with incredible valour against the utraost
efforts of the Spaniards till mid-day ; when, after a most ob
stinate resistance, Don Carfos Irrazabel forced the lines on
the left with his corapany, while at the same time die quarter
master and Rodolphus Lisperger, a valiant German officer,
penetrated with their companies on the front and the right
of the encampment. Though surrounded on ff^ery side,
QuintUguenu maintained his troops in good order, earnestly
exhorting them not to dishonour themselves by suffering an
ignominious defeat in a place which had so often been the
theatre of victorj' to their nation, and by his efforts and bra
very fong kept the fate of the battle in suspense. While he
flevic from rank to rank, animating his men and constantly
making head against the eneray, he fell pierced with three
mortal wounds given by the governor, who had taken aim at
him. His last words were an enthusiastic exclamation in fa
vour of Uberty. On the death of the toqui, part of the Arau
canian troops alfowed themselves to be cut in pieces, an d
the rest sought thefr safety in flight. Almost dl the auxi-
Maries on the side of the Spaniards fell in this successful battie,
but only twenty of the Spaniards were slain, among whom
was a Portuguese knight of the order of Christ, who was kil-
Iqd at the coraraenccment of the action.
Hij^y gratified with being the fii'st who had defeated the
Araucanians

CHAP. IX. SECT, IX. Conquest of Chili. 343-
Araucanians on theformidable heights of Mariguenu, the gover
nor conducted his victorious army to the sea-shore, where he
was saluted by repeated discharges of cannon from the fleet
of Peru, then scouring the coast in search ot the English
squadron, and which had witnessed the victory. These were
answered by the army with repeated vollies of musquetry,
and the customary demonstrations of joy on so glorious an
occasion. AvoiUng hiraself of the opportunity afforded by the
presence of the fleet, the governor sent the quarter-raaster-
general into Peru to solicit the greatest possible reinforceraent
of troops without delay, to enable him to prosecute the war
to advantage in the ensuing campaign. In the mean time, he
abandoned the ancient scite of the fort of Arauco, and rebuilt
it in a more convenient situation on the sea-shore. Coloeolo,
son of the celebrated ulmen of that name, but of a very dif
ferent disposition frora that of his father, was lord of that
district, and being indignant at seeing his country occupied
by the Spaniards endeavoured to drive thera off; but being
. defeated and made prisoner, he soUcited for his life, which he
obtained on condition of persuading his subjects to return
frora the . raountains and to subrait to the authority of the
Spaniards. On being urged by his wife Millayene, to fulfil
the promise raade by their chief", they replied that he ought to
endure his misfortunes with the firmness that became his rank
and lineage; that they were wUling to encounter every dan
ger under his command, and according to his example, or to
revenge the outrages he might be subjected to, but could
never consent to betray their country by submitting to obey
its bitterest enemies. Irritated by this patriotic resolution of
his subjects, Coloeolo devoted himself in future to the service
of the Spaniards, and even served them as a guide in the pur
suit ofhis own people among the fastnesses in which they had
taken refuge.
In the year 1592 there happened to be a Spanish prisoner
among the Araucanians, who by his ingratiating manriers had
acquired the confidence and esteem of the principal people of
that high-spirited nation. Either by secret instructions from
the governor, or from gratitude for the kind treatment he had
received while prisoner, this man exerted hiinself to effectuate
a treaty of peace between the nations, and h,id at one time a
fair prospect of bringing it about. . But the prelirainaries
which he proposed as the ground work of a recouciUation did
not prove satisfactory to either party, and all his endeavours were.

344 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
were abortive. The governor, being irrital;ed at the rejec
tion of Ids proposals, marched into the province of Tucapel
which he laid waste on every side with fire and sword. As
PaiUaeco, who had been dected toqui in place of Qnintu-
guenu, did not think his force sufficient to oppose the enemy
in the open field, he endeavoured to draw them into an ambush.
With this view, he placed an hundred horsemen at the entrance
of a wood, within which he had concealed the remain
der of his troops, giving orders to the horse to counterfeit
flight on the coming up of the enemy to draw them within
reach of the ambushment. This scheme seemed at first to
promise success, but in the end turned against its contriver.
The Araucanians took to flight and were pursued by the
l^aniards, who soon discovered that it was only a stratagem,
and turned back accordingly as if struck with a panic, in
hopes of decoying the enemy to quit the wood and attack
them in the open field. Not aware of this repetiticm of their
own trick, the Araucanians feU into the snare they had laid
for their enemies ; and being surrounded on every side, were
mostly cut in pieces tc^ether with thefr commander, after
seUing their lives at a dear rate, a smaU remnant taking re
fuge in the marshes from the pursuit of the victors.
These repeated victories certainly cost much blood to the
^Miniords, as the governor after this last action withdrew to
St Jago tp await the reinforcements he expected from Peru,
and to raise as many recruits as possible in the northern pro
vinces of ChUi. As the reinforcements did not appear to him
sufficient for continuing the war with a reasonable prospect
of ultimate success, he even went into Peru in person to so
licit more effectual succours, leaving the charge of the civil
government during his absence to the Ucentiate Pedro Vis-
carra, and the comraand of the array to the quarter-raoster.
On his arrival at Liraa, Sotomayor met with a successor who
bad been appointed to the government of ChiU by the court
of Spain. This was Don Martin Loyola, nephew of St
Ignatius, the celebrated founder of the order of the Jesuits,
who had acquired the favour of the vicei-oy of Peru by taking
prisoner Tupac Amuru thc last Inca of Peru. In requital
for this service, he was not only gratified t^ being appointed
to the govei'nment of ChUi, but was rewarded by obtaining
in marriage the princess or coya Donna Clara Beafrix, the
only daughter and sole hefress of the formor Inca Sayri Tu
pac. Loyola arrived at Valparaiso in 159S, with a reqiectaye
10 body

CMAP. IX, SECT, IX, Conquest tf Chili. 345
body of troops, and immediatdy proceeded to St Jago, where
he was received with every demonstration of joy by the dti
zens; but daring his administration the Spaniards experien
ced the severest disaster that had ever happened to them in
ChiU. After the defeat and death of PaiUaeco, the Araucoinians
dectfd PoiUamachu to the supreme comraand, who was he
reditary toqui or prince of the second Uthulmapu, This mi
litary dictator was already much advanced in years, yet a man
of wonderfol activity and resources, and was so fortunate in
his enterprises that he far surpassed all his predecessors in
mUitary glory, and had the singular fdieity of restoring his
country to its ancient independence by the entfre expulsion of
the ^aniards from its territories. Immediately on his elevation
to the supreme dignity of toqui, he appointed two officers of
great valour and merit, Pdantaru and Millacalqnin to the
important employments of vice>-toqui, deviating from the
usual custom of die nation, which allowed only of. one Ueu
tenant-general, And, asthemilitary force ofthe confederacy
had been grentiy diminished by the late unfortunate incideaats
in the war, he followed the example of Antiguenu, a former
toqui, by -withdravring into the almost inaccessible marshes
of Lumaco, where he used his utraost effi^rts to collect and
discipline an army for the execution of the extensive plans he
had formed for the entire liberation of his country.
After having regulated the police of the capital and the
civil government of the kingdom of Chili, Loyola proceeded
to the dty of Conc^tion, where he established his head
quarters in order to be at hand for conducting the operations
of the war. The toqui of the Araucanians, on bearing of
his arrival, sent an intdUgent and sagacious officer named
AntipUlan to compliment bimi, but charged at the same tirae
to obtain inforraation of his character and designs. In fre
quent confer^ices with this person, the new governor endea
voured to irapress him with an idea pf the vast power and
immense resources of the l^mnisb monarchy, against which
it was imptKsible as he said for the Araucanians to contend
successfully, and insinuated therefore the necessity of their
submitting to an accommodation. Pretending to be con
vinced by the reasoning of Loyola, the ambassador acknow
ledged' tbe prodigious power of the Spanish roonaroby in
comparison with the Araucanian state ; which, notwithstand
ing the vast disproportion, had hitherto been able to resist
every

S'46 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
every effort ofthe Spaniards. He acknowledged even the pro
priety of hia nation entering into negociations for peace, bat
aUeged that the Spaniaids affixed wrong ideas to that word ;
as, under the serablance of peace, they sought to subject the
Araucanians to their authority, which they would never agree^
to while one of them remained aUve. And finally, that the
only peace to which they would consent, must consist of an
entire cessation of hostilities, a complete restoration of all the
lands which were occupied by the Spaniards within the Arau
canian territory, and an explicit renunciation of every pre
tence to controul or interfere with their independent rights.
As Loyola was of a generous disposition, he could net
avoid admiring the noble and enlightened sentiments of the
barbarian ambassador, and dismissed him with the strongest
demonstrations of esteem. Yet so far was he from any idea
of abandoning the posts already estabUshed in the Arauca
nian territory, that he crossed the Biobio in 1594, and found
ed a new city at a short distance from that river, giving it
the name of Coya in honour of his wffe a Peruvian princess.
This place was intended to protect the rich gold mines of
Kilacoyan, and to serve as a place of retreat for the inhabi
tants of Angol in case of need ; and in order to render it
more secure, he constructed two casdes in its immediate
neighbourhood, naraed Jesus and Chivecura, on either shore
of the Biobio. Solicitous to destroy this new setderaent,
which he considered as a disgrace to his administration, Pail-
lamachu sent in 1595, one of his officers named Loncothe-
qua, with orders to destroy the fort of Jesus. AAer twice
penetrating within the works, and even burning a part ofthe
interior buildings of this place, Loncothequa lost his Ufe with
out being able to accomplish the enterprise.
In 1596, the toqui made frequent incursions into all the
Spanish districts, both witiiin and adjoining the Araucanian
territory, on purpose to subsist his troops and to inure them
to a military life. The Spanish ai'my attempted in vain to
prevent or pursue these predatory detachments, as the wary
PaiUamachu took the utmost care to avoid any encounter, de
termined to reserve his force for sorae favourable occasion. On
purpose to restrain these incursions, Loyola erected two ad
ditional forts in the neighbourhood of die encampraent or
head-quarters of the toqui, one on the sdte of die old fort of
Puren, and the other on the borders of the raai"shes of
Lumaco, which he garrisoned with the greater p.ii't of a re-
1 inforcement

CMAP. IX. SECT, rx. Conquest of Chili. 3 47
inforcement of troopis' whidi he had just received from Peru.
He sent the remainder of these in 1597 to the province of
Cujo, where they founded a new city, called San Luis de
Loyola, which stiU subsists in a miserable condition, though
placed in a very advantageous situation.
The fort of Lumaco was soon afterwards taken by storm,
by. the toqui in person, who gave orders to two ofhis officers
to reduce that of Puren. In ten days they reduced the garri
son to the last extremity, but had to desist from the enter
prise by, the approach of a reinforcement under the command
of Pedro Cortes, a Spanish officer who acquired great repu
tation in the Araucanian war. The governor Loyola arrived
there soon afterwards with his army, and gave orders to de
molish the fortifications and to remove the garrison to Angol,
lest it might experience a similar fate with what had so re
cently happened to the fort of Lumaco. He then proceeded
to Imperial, VUlarica and Valdivia, the fortifications of which
places he carefuUy repaired, to secure them against the in
creasing strength of the enemy, and then returned towards
the Biobio under the security of an escort of three hundred
raen. As soon as he thought himself in a place of security,
he ordered back the escort, retaining only along with himsdf
and family sixty-two half-pay officers and three Franciscan
friars. PaiUamachu had secretly followed and watched all
the motions of the governor, and concluded that he had now
found a favourable opportunity to attack him. Finding him
accordingly encamped in the pleasant vaUey of Caralava, he
attacked hira with a select band of two hundred Araucanians,
on the night of the 22d Noveraber 1598, and slew Loyola
and aU his retinue.
It would appear that PaiUamachu had formed confident
hopes in the successful issue of this bold enterprise, and that it
had been long concerted ; as, in consequence of his instruc
tions, the whole provinces of the Araucanian confederacy,
and their allies the Cunches and HuiUiches, were in arms in
less than forty-eight hours after the slaughter of Loyola. In
the whble of that country, frora the Biobio to the archipelago
of Chiloe, every Spaniard who had the misfortune to be found
without the garrisons was put to death ; and the cities and
fortresses of Osorno, Valdivia, ViUarica, Imperial, Canete,
Angol, and Arauco, were all invested at the same time by
dose blockades. Paillaraadiu had even the boldness to cross
the Biobio, burned the cities of Conception and ChiUan, laid
waste

348 Discovery and part ii. book u.
waste the provinces under their dependence, and retnmed
into Araucania loaded with spoil.
On the first inteUigence of these melancholy events, the
inhabitants of St Jago were filled with consternation and de
spair, and were almost unanimously of opinion to abandon
Chili and take refuge in Peru. Yet, having some confidcmce
in Pedro de Viscara, an officer of reputation then b^ond
seventy years of age, they assembled in councU and prevailed
on him to assume the government of the kingdom tUl the
court raight appoint a successor to Loyola. Viscara, having
collected all the troops that could be procured, began his
march for the frontiers in 1599, and had even the courage to
cross the Biobio in the face of the enemy, and vrithdrew the
inhabitants from Angol and Coya, with whom he repeopled
the cities of Conception and Chilian. The government nf
Viscara only continued for six months ; as on learning tbe
perilous situation of ChiU, the riceroy of Peru sent Don Fran
cisco Quinones thither as governor, with a numerous rdn-
forcement of soldiers and a large supply of miUtary stores.
The new governor had several indecisive actions with the
toqui to the north of the river Biobio, to which the Arauca
nians had gone on purpose to ravage the southern provinces
of Spanish Chili. The most important of these was in the
plain of Yumbal. The toqui was on his return into the south
from a successful inroad at the head of two thousand men,
and with a great number of cattle of aU kinds which he had
taken in the province of ChUIan, and Quinones attempted to
intercept his retreat with an equal force, the greater part of
which consisted of Spanish troops. The two ai'mies advan
ced with equal resolution, and die Spaniards attempted in
vain to keep the Araucanians at a distance by a constant fire
from eight field pieces and aU their musquetry. lliey soon
came to close quarters, and the battie continued with incre
dible fory for more dian two hours, till night parted them ;
when PaiUamachu took advantage of the darkness and repas
sed the Biobio. On this occasion, the governor made an
improper display of severity, by ordering aU his prisoners to
be quartered and hung upon trees, whidt was much disap
proved of by his officers, who, either from humanity or a
motive of self-interest, urged him not to give the enemy a
pretence for retaliating by simUar cruelties. But Qm'nones
obstinately adhered to an old maxim of endeavouring to
conquer by means of terror, and was deaf to aU their re-
monstrances.

CHAP. IX. SECT. IX. Conquest tf Chili. 349
monstrances: We are ignorant of the loss sustained by the
Spaniards in this batde, but it must have been considerable,
as Arauco and Canete were both iraraedlfttely abandoned,
and their inhabitants 'vrithdrawn to the city of Conception.
PaiUamachu does not seem to have been at all disconcerted
by the issue of the late battle, as he continued the sieges of
the Spanish cities, and was himself in constant motion;
sometimes encouraging by his presence the fprces that were
employed in blockading the cities, and at other times ravag
ing the Spanish provinces to the north of the Biobio, where
he did infinite mischief. Having learnt that the siege of
Valdivia had been raised by the officer whom he had en
trusted with that enterprise, he hastened to that place with
four thousand raen, part cavalry, seventy ofhis infantry being
armed with musquets which he had taken frpm the Spaqiards
in the late engagements. On the night pf the 14th pf Np-
vember '* he crossed the broad river cf Calacala by swimming,
unsuspected by the garrispn, stormed the city at day-break,.
kUled a great number of the inhabitants, and burnt the
houses. He even attempted to gain pussession pf some
vessels in the harbour, on bpard of which many of the inha
bitants had taken refuge, but these escaped his fury by im
mediately setting sail. After this notable exploit, he return
ed in triumph into the north of Araucania with a bppty of
two milhons of dollars, upwards pf.four hundred prisoners,
and a considerable number of cannon ; and rejoined Milla-.
calquin, an officer to whpm he had entrusted the defence nf
the Bipbip during his absence.
Ten days after the destruction of Valdivia, Frandsco del
Campo arrived there by sea frora Peru with a reinfoi'cement ,
of three hundred men ; and finding it in dshes, he ineffectu
ally endeavoured to inti'oduce these succours into Osorno,
ViUarica,,
12 According to Garcilasso, Valdivia was taken on the 24th ef November
1599. In a letter from St Jago in Chili, dated in March 1600, and insert
ed in the Royal Commentaries of Peru, P. I. B. vli. Ch. xxv. the Arauca
nian army dn this occasion is said to have amounted to 5006 men, 3000 of
whom were horse. Of the foot, 200 were armed with coats of mail, and
70 with fire-arniB, as koas said. They surprised the city at day-break with-
•ut lihe smallest alarm, there being only four men on guard, two of whom
went the rounds, the Spaniards being lulled into security by some recent
successes in two difierent incursions they had lately made into the country,
wMdi they had laid waste for eight leagues all around during twenty days,
— E.

350 Discovery and part h. book h,
ViUarica, and Imperial ' ^ Amid so many misfortunes, an
expedition of five ships from Holland arrived on die coast of
ChUi in 1660, which plundered the island of Chili>e and put
the Spanish garrison to the sword. But on a part 'of thdr
people landing in the island of Talca or Santa Maria "^, in
habited by the Araucanians, they were repulsed with the los^
of twenty-three men, being probably mistaken for Spaniards.
Disgusted with a war which threatened such unfortunate
consequences, Quinones solicited and obtained leave to re
sign the government of ChUi, and was succeeded by Garcia
Ramon who had long been quarter-master of the army in
that kingdom. Great expectations were forraed pf success in
the war against the Araucanians under his direction, from bis
fong experience and thorough acquaintance with tbe manner in
which the enemy carried on their warlike operations. But
that experience induced him to conduct the war on prudent
principles of defence, rather than to hazard the loss of that
part of Chili which was subject to Spain. Although he re
ceived a reinforcement consisting of au entire regiment of
veterans, under the command of Don Francisco de OvaUe,
lather to the historian of that name, he confined himself"
almost entirely to the defence of the frontier line upon the
Biobio. Garcia Ramon was however soon superseded in the
government by the appointment of Alonzo Rivera, an officer
who had acquired considerable reputation in the wars in the
low countries, and who now brought out a farther reinforce
ment of a regiment of veteran troops. On assuming the go
vernment, he established a nuraber of additional forts on the
river Biobio, to defend the frontiers, by which he greatly en
couraged tbe Spanish colonists, who stiU entertained an idea
of abandoning Chili to the enemy.
The populous and opident dty of ViUarica, feU into tbe
hands ofthe Araucanians in- 1692, after a siege or blockade
of two years and eleven months ; and soon afterwards Im
perial, the capital of the Spanish settiements beyond the
Biobio, experienced a similoi- fate. The defence of this city
was protracted for sorae months by the courage of a Spanish
lady, named Donna Innes de Aguilera. Seeing the garrison
quite dispirited by the long continuance of the siege, and
ready
IH In the letter quoted from Garcilasso in the preceding note, Del Campo >
is said to have raised the siege of Osorno and to have performed other
actions of happy consequence. — E.
Id St Mary s island is on the coast of Araucania, in lat. 37^. S,— £¦

CHAP, IX. SECT. IX. Conquest tf Chili. 351
ready to capitulate, she encouraged thera to persist in its de
fence, and even directed all the operations in person ; until at
last, 09 a favourable opportunity offering, she escaped by sea
with the bishop and most of the inhabitants. During this
siege, she lost her husband and brothers, and her heroisin
was rewarded by the king with a pension of twp thpusand
dpUars, Osprnp, like-wise a rich and pppulpus city, soon followed ;
as the enemy, now freed frora the attention they had hitherto
given to Valdivia, ViUarica aiid Imperial, were able to bring
their whole force against that last possession of the Spaniards
within the territories of the Araucanian confederacy. The
sufferings endured by the garrison and inhabitants of Osorno
are scarcely to be exceeded by those endured in the most
celebrated sieges recorded in history. They were long ob
liged to subsist on the raost loathsorae food, having no other
sustenance than the carcasses of dead horses ; and when these
failed on cats and dogs and the skins of beasts. Thus in
litde raore than three years, aU the settlements which had
been estabUshed by Valdivia and his successors, between the
river Biobio and the archipelago of Chiloe, and preserved at
the expence of so much blood, were destroyed, and so effec
tually that hardly any vestiges of them now remain. None of
them have been since rebuilt, as what is at present called
Valdivia is nothing more than a garrison or fortified post.
Though great nurabers of the inhabitants of these cities pe
rished in the defence of their walls, by faraine or by the sword
of the enemy, yet Spanish prispners of all ranks were so
numerous araong the Araucanians, that almost every family
had at least one to its share. The married Spaniards were
mosdy aUowed to retain their wives, and the unmarried raen
were supplied with wives frora araong the women of the
country; but the unmarried Spanish women were distributed
araong the chiefs of the Araucanians, who by their custoras
were perraitted a plurality of wives. It is not a little remark
able that the mestees, or offspring of these marriages, became
in the subsequent wars the most inveterate enemies of the
Spaniards. • On this occasion likewise, the ransom and exchange of
prisoners were perraitted, by which means raany of the
Spaniards escaped from captivity. Yet some were induced,
by love for the children they had by the native women, to
reraain captives during thefr lives. Some even ofthe Spaniards acquired

852 Discovery and part ii. book. ii.
acquired liie confidence and affection of the natives, by their
pleasing manners, or by their skiU in useful arts, and ac
quired advantageous establishments in the country. Among
these, Don BasiUo Roxas and Don Antonio Bascugnano, both
of noble birth, acquired high reputation with the Arauca
nians, and both of them left interesting memofrs of the trans
actions of their times. Such of the Spaniards as happened
to faU to the share of brutal nuuters, had much to suffer.
PaiUamachu did not long continue to enjoy the applause of
his countrymen, for having so successfully expeUed the
Spaniards from Araucania : He died about the end of the
year 1603, and was succeeded by Huenecura, who had been
bred to arms under his direction and example in the celebrat
ed military school of Lumaco,
" Modem as is the History of America, it has had its full
share of fable, and the city of Osorno has furnished the
subject bf one not less extraordinary than any of the rest,
which is thus related in the twentieth volume ofthe Seminario
Erudito^^. " During the great effort of the Araucanians to recover
their country from the Spaniards, Osorno resisted thdr arms
with extraordinary vigour for six months. At the end of
this period, the Spaniards repelled a general assault of the
besiegers, and corapeUed them to abandon the blockade. Being
afraid of another attack, the Spaniards retfred about three
or four leagues, to a peninsula at the foot of the Andes,
ii^rmed by the lake from which the river Bueno issues. They
there built a new city on the isthmus, which they secured with
walls, bulwarks, raoats and draw-bridges ; and midtiplied in
process of time so as to be obliged to build another city on
the opposite side of the lake, and their descendents stiU con
tinue to occupy the same place. This people, called Alca^
huncas by the Indians, are armed with lances, swords and
daggers, but whether these are "of iron or not, the person
who discovered the existence of these dties had not been able
to learn. They also use the laque or thong aud ball with gneat
dexterity, on which account they are much dreaded by thdr
ndghbours. They have also cannon, but no musquets.
They retain the dress, complexion and beard of tiidr Spanish
ancestoi's. They used formerly to purchase salt from the
Pehuenches,
15 This fabulous story ofthe new Osorno is contained in a note to Molina
by the English Editor. — E.

CHAP; IX. BECT. IX. Conquest tf Chili. 853
Pehuenches, and even from the Indians who live under the
Spani^ government, which they paid fpr in silver, which
occasioned so great a demand fpr that article in the Spanish
settlements, that a loaf of salt used to sell at the prfoe of an
ox. Of late this demand has ceased, as they have found salt
in abundance in their own cpuntry.
" A year pnly befpre this acccunt was written, or in 1773,
a man from Chiloe got to the dty gates one morning before
the drawbridge was lifted, and knocked for admittance. The
soldier who was on guard told him to hasten back as fast as
possible, as their king was a cruel tyrant, and would cer
tainly put him to death if taken ; and even seemed astonished
that the Indians had permitted hira to arrive at the gate. This
man was killed on his way back ; but the news of his adven
ture reached Valdivia, where it was fully believed. It is said
that the people of these two cities live under a grievous ty
ranny, and are therefore desirous of making their situation
known to the Spaniards ; but that their chiefs use every pos
sible precaution to prevent this, and the Indians of the inter
vening country are equally solicitous to prevent any inteUi-
S rence respecting this state being conveyed to the Spaniards,
est it might induce thera to make new attempts to penetrate
into the interior.
" This account is said to have been written in 1774, by
Don Ignacio Pinner, captain of infantry and interpreter ge
neral at Valdiyia, in a letter addressed to the president of
Chili. The writer states that his thorough knowledge of the
language of the natives, and his great intimacy with them,
had enabled him to coUect this informatipn, by raeans pfthe
artful and persevering inquiries pf twenty-eight years '*.
"In the reign pf the Emperor Charles "V. the bishop of
Placentia is said to have sent four ships to the Moluccas.
When they had advanced about twenty leagues within thp
Straits pf Magellan, three of them were wrecked, and the
fourth was driven back into the southern Atlantic. When
the storm abated, this fourth ship again attempted the passage,
VOL, V. z and
16 This absurd story evidently belongs to the same class with the Seven
dties formerly mentioned^ and the El Dorado and ff^elsh colony, which will
both occur in the sequel of this work. Though not exactly connected in.
point of time with this fabled city of Osorno, a similar fable respecting a
supposed white nation in the interior of Chili, may be noticed in this place,
the reflections on which, in the paragraphs subjoined, give a clear explana
tion of the origin of several of these tales.— E.

351 Discovery and part ii, book m.
and reached the place where the others were lost where they
found the men still on shore, who ientreated to be taken on
board ; but as there was neither room nor provision for so
great a number, they were necessarily left. An opinion long
prevailed that they had penetrated into the interior of ChUi,
where they settled and became a nation called the Cesares,
whose very ploughshares were said to be of gold. Adventu
rers reported that they had been near enough to hear the
soundof their bells; and it was even said that men of a fair
complexion had been raade prisoners, who were suppo&ed to
belong to this nation. The existence of this city of the
Cesares was long beUeved, and even about the year 1620,
Don Geronimo Luis de Cabrera, then governor of Peru,
raade an expedition in search of this Ei j, or ado of Chili.
Even after- Feyjo had atterapted to di.sjjrove ils exi.-tence, the
iesuit Mascardi went in search of it with a large party of
Puelches, but was killed by the Poy-yas on his rtturn from
the fruitless quest''.
*' The groundwork of this and other simUar fables is thus
satisfactorily explained by Falkner'". — ' I .tm satisfied ilat
the reports conceraing a nation in the interior of South
America descended from Europeans, or the remains of ship
wrecks, are entirely false and groundless, and occasioned by
misunderstanding the accounts given by the Indians. When
asked in ChUi respecting any settlement of the Spaniards in
the inland countrj', they certainly give accounts of towns and
white people, meaning Buenos Ayres, and other places to the
eastwards of the Andes. And vice versa, on being asked in
the east the same question, their answers reft r to Chili or
Peru ; not having tbe least idea that the inhabitants ol these
distant countries are known to each other. Upon question
ing some Indians on this subject, I found my conjecture per
fectly right; and they acknowledged, when 1 named Chiloe,
Valdivia, and other places in ChiU, that these were the places
they alluded to under the description of European settlements,
and seemed amazed that I should know that such places exist
ed." SCCTIOM
1 7 DobrizholTer, III. 407.
18 Falkner, Ch.iv, p. U?.

CHAP, IX. SECT. X. Conquest tf Chili. 355

Section X.
Farther Narrative ofthe War, to the Conclusion tf Peace
with the Araucanians.
While Alonzo Rivera applied himself with every possible
energy to check the prpgress pf the Araucanians and to
guard the frontier pf the Biobio, he was removed from the
government of Chili to that of Tucuman, as a punishment
for having presumed to raarry the daughter of the celebrated
heroine Innes Aguilera, without having obtained the royal
perraission. On this occasion Garcia Raraon was reinstated
in the government, and received at the same time with his
commission a reinforcement of a thousand men from Europe
and two hundred and fifty frora Mexico. Bdng now at the
head of three thousand regular troops, besides a considerable
auxiUary force, he invaded Araucania and penetrated without
opposition into the province of Boroa' where he erected a
fort, which he furnished with a considerable number of
cannon, and in which he left a garrison of three hundred
raen under the corainand of Lisperger, a German officer for
merly mentioned.
Iirimediately after the return of the invading array into
Spanish ChiU, the new toqui Huenecura proceeded to attack
this new establishment. While on his raarch he fell in with
Lisperger, who had gone- out from the fort at the head of an
hundred and sixty of his raen to protect a convoy ; and im
raediately attacked the Spaniards with such fury that he cut
the whole detachment in pieces, and the commander among
the rest. After this first successful essay of his arms, he
proceeded without delay against the fort, which he made
three several attempts to take by storm ; but was repeUed
with so much skill and valour by Gil Negrete, who had suc
ceeded Lisperger in the comraand, that after an obstinate
corabat of two hours he was obUged to desist from the at
tempt to storra, and established a dose blockade. This was
continued tiU the governor Raraon sent orders for the garri
son to evacuate the place. The Spanish army was now divid ed
1 The province of Bbroa, formerly mentioned as the residence of a tribe
much whiter in their colour than the other natives of South America, lies
at the foot of the Andes between the heads of the river* Hueco and Tolten,
to the eastward of tha rains ai /lUari;!, — i. '^

3o5 Discoveryand part ii. book ii.
ed into two separate bodies, one under the comraand of
Alvaro Pineda the quarter-master of ChUi, and the other
under the orders of Don Diego Saravia, who proceeded to
lay waste the Araucanian territory without mercy. Watching
his opportunity however, Huenecura attacked and defeated
them in succession, and with such complete success that not
even a single person' of either detachraent escaped death or
captivity. By these unexpected raisfortunes, that fine army
on which such flattering hopes of security at least, if not con
quest, had been founded, was entirely annihilated. In con
sequence of these repeated and heavy disasters, orders were
given by the court of Spain, that a body of two thousand
regular troops should be continuaUy maintained on the Arau
canian frontier ; for the support of which force, an annual
appropriation of 29'i,'.-'79 dollars was raade from the royal
treasury of Peru. At the same time the court of royal au
dience was re-established in the city of St Jago on the 8th of
Septeraber 1609, after having been thirty-tour years sup
pressed. This measure gave universal satisfaction to the in
habitants, and the court has continued there ever since with
high reputation for justice and integrity.
By this new regulation, Ramon added the title of president
to those of governor and captain-general of ChiU. Having
recdved considerable reinforcements, to replace the army so
lately destroyed, Ramon ventured to recross the Biobio at the
head of about two thousand men. Huenecura advanced to
meet him, and a sanguhiary and obstinate battle took place
in the defiles of die marshes of Lumaco. The Spaniards
were for some time in imminent danger of being completely
defeated ; but the valiant governor, taking his station in tiie
front line, so animated his soldiers by his presence and ex
araple that they at length succeeded in breolung and defeat
ing the enemy. Shortly after this victory, Raraon died in
the city of Conception, on the 10th of August i610, univer-
s-ally regretted by the Spanish inhabitants of Chili, to whom
he was much endeared by his excellent qualities and his long
residence among them. He was even highly esteemed by the
Araucanians, whom he hod always treated, when prisonei's,
with a humane attention which did him much honour. Ac-
qording to the royal decree for establishing the court of
audience, the government of ChiU now devolved upon Don
Luis Merlo de Ja Fuente, the eldest oydor «;r judge.
Much about thc same time with Ramon, the toqui Huene cura

CHAP. IX. SBCT. X. Conquest tf Chili. 357
cura likewise died, either frora disease or in consequence of
wounds received in the late b.ittle. He was succeeded in the
toquiate' by AUlavilu the second, who is represented by Don
BasiUo Roxos, a contemporary writer, as one of the greatest
of the Araucanian generals, and as having fought many
battles against Merlo and his successor Don Juan Xaraque-
mada ; but he does not particularize either their dates, the
places where they were fought, or any circumstances concern
ing them.
Among the raissionaries who were at that time eraployed
for the conversion of the natives in Chili, was a Jesuit named
Luis Valdivia, who, finding it impossible to preach to the
Araucanians during the continuance of war, went to Spain
and represented in strong terms to PhiUp III. the gredt
injury suffered by the cause of religion in consequence of this
long and cruel war. That weak prince was raore devoted to
the advanceraent of religion than to the augmentation of his
territories, and sent imraediate orders to the goyefnraent of
Chili to discontinue the war, and to settle a perraanent peace
with the Araucanians, by establishing the river Biobio as the
frontier between the two nations. On purpose to secure the
punctual execution of these orders, the king offered to exalt
Valdivia to the episcopal dignity, and to appoint hira gover
nor of ChUi. He refused both of these high off'ers, and only
stipulated for the restoration of Alonzo Rivera to thegovern
ment, whose views were conformable with his own, and who
had been exiled to Tucuman as formerly mentioned.
Much gratified with the prosperous issue of his voyage,
the zealous missionary returned to Chili in 1612, carrying a
letter written by the king of Spain to the national assembly
of the Araucanian chiefs, recoraraending the establishraent of
peace between the nations, and that they should proraote the
propagation of Christianity araong their dependents. Irame
diately on his arrival in Chili, Valdivia hastened to the fron
tiers, and coraraunicated the nature of the comraission with
which he was entrusted to the Araucanians, by raeans of
sorae prisoners of that nation whom he had purposely brought
with him from Peru. AiUavilu the toqui gave Uttle attention
to the proposed negociation, which he deemed a feint for
deceiving and surprising . him. But, as he died or resigned
the comraand soon after, his successor Ancanamoh thought
proper to inquire into the reality of the pacific proposals,
and directed the ulmen Carampangui to converse with Val
divia,

358 Discovery and pakt ii. book ii.
divia, that his offers might be laid before a general assembly
of the ulmens. Accordingly, on the invitation of Caram
pangui, Valdivia repaired to Nancu in the province of Catiray,
where, in an assembly of fifty Araucanian chiefs, he made
known the substance of the proposed pacific negociations,
read and expounded the roy.il letter to the Araucanian con
federacy, and made a long oration on the motives of his in
terference and on the important concerns of their immortal
souls. The assembly thanked hira for his exertions, and pro
mised to make a favourable report to the toqui. On his re
turn to Conception, Valdivia was accompanied by Caram
pangui, where he was honourably received by the governor ;
who dispatched Pedro Mdendez one of his ensigns, under
the safeguard of the ulmen, on a message to the toqui, car
rying with him the letter of the king of Spain, and a request
that Ancanamon would raeet him at Paicavi, a place near
the frontiers, that they might confer together upon the preU-
minaries of peace.
The toqui soon afterwards came to the place appointed,
with a small guard of forty soldiers, and accompanied by
several ulmens, bringing likewise along with him a number
of Spanish prisoners of the first families, whom he set at
Uberty, The governor, with \'aldivia and the principal of
ficers of the government, received Ancanamon widi every
demonstration of respect, and conducted him to the lodgings
appointed for his reception amid the repeated discharges of
artillery. The governor then proposed, as preliminary ar
ticles of peace, that the river Biobio should serve hereafter
as the common boundary between the Spanish and Arauca
nian nations, beyond which neither should be permitted to
pass with an army : 1 hat all deserters should in future be
mutually returned : And that missionaries should be aUowed
to preach the doctrines of Christianity in the Araucanian
territories, Ancanamon required as a preliminary, that the
forts of Paicavi and Arauco, which had been lately erected
upon the sea coast to the south of the Biobio, should be cva-
tuated. The governor immediately abandonetl Paicavi, and
agreed to give up the other immediately after the conclusion
of pence. Being so far agreed, and as the consent of the
four toquis of thc uthalmapus was requisite to ratify the
treaty, Ancanamon proposed to seek for them in person, and
to liring thera to the Spanish camp.
While the negociation was in this state of forwardness, an
3 unlooked

chap. IX. SECT. X. Conquest of Chili, 359
unlooked for event rendered all these pacific measures abor
tive. Ancanaraon had a Spanish lady among his wives, who,
taking advantage of his absence, fled for refuge to the go
vernor, accompanied by four other woraen who were wives
to the toqui, and two young girls his daughters. The toqui
was extremely indignant on this occasion, though less exas
perated by the flight of his Wives, than by the kind reception
they had experienced among the Spaniards, Relinquishing
every thought of peace, he iraraediately returned to the go
vernor, frora whom he deraanded the restitution of the fogi
tives. His demand was taken into consideration by a council
of the officers; but the majority of these, many of, whom
were averse to peace, refused to surrender the women to the
toqui, aUeging that they were unwilling to expose them to the
danger of relapsing from the Christian faith which they had
embraced. After raany ineffectual propositions, Ancanaraon
consented to limit his demands to the restitution of his
daughters, whom he tenderly loved. To this it was answered,
that as the eldest had not yet embraced the Christian faith,
his request respecting her would be complied with, but as the
younger had been already baptised, they could not think of
deUvering her into his hands.
At this tirae the almost extinguished hopes of peace were
revived for a time by an unexpected incident. Utiflame, the
apo-ulmen of Ilicura near Imperial, had always been among
the most inveterate enemies of the Spaniards, and to avoid
all intercourse with thera, had constantly refused lo ransora
his sons or relations who happened ,tp be raade prispners. He
prided himself pn having sp successfully ppppsed all the
Spanish gpvernors of Chili, from the elder ViUagran to Ri
vera, that the enemy had never been able to acquire a footing
in his province, though near the city of Imperial. One of
his sons who had been taken in the late war, was about this
time sent back to him by Valdivia, in consequence of which
he was so highly gratified, that he went imraediately to visit
the raissionary at the fort of Arauco, where in return for the
civiUties he experienced from the governor and Valdivia, he
engaged to receive the missionaries into his province, and to
use his influence with Ancanamon to conclude a peace with
the Spaniards. He observed, however, that it was necessary
-in the first place to restore his women, which could be done
with safety by obtaining in the first place a safe conduct from
the toqui, and undertook to manage the business. .He ac
cordingly

aeo Discovery and part ii. book ii-
cordingly departed from Arauco for lUcura, accompanied by
three missionaries, one of whom was Horatio Vecchio, the
cousin of Pope Alexander VII. The exasperated toqui no
sooner learnt the arrival of the missionaries at lUcura, than
he hastened to that place with two hundred horse, and slew
them all with their defender Utiflame. Thus were aU the
plans of pacification rendered abortive, though Valdiri^ used
):iepeated attempts to revive the negociation. AU his schemes
were disconcerted by the contrivances of the officers and
soldiers, who were interested in the continuance of the war,
and loudly demanded that vengeance should be taken for the
blood of the slaughtered priests. Notwithstanding his anxi
ous desire for peace and the pious intentions of the king, the
governor found himself compelled to prosecute the war,
which was renewed with more fury than ever. Ancanamon
the toqui, being eager to revenge the affront he had recdved
in regard to his women, incessantiy harassed the southern
provinces of Spanish ChiU, and his successor Loncothegua
continued hostUities with equal obstmacy ; but only very ira-
perfect accounts of this period of the war have been given by
the contemporary historians. The governor Rivera died at
Conception in 1617, having appointed as his successor Fer
nando Talaverano the senior oydor ofthe royal court ; who
was succeeded ten months afterwards by Lope de UUoa.
The toQui Loncothegua resigned in 1618, and was suc
ceeded in the supreme comniand of the Araucanian armies
by an officer named Lientur, whose military expeditious were
always so rapid and unexpected, that the Spaniards used to
call him the w-izard. AU his designs were perfcctl) seconded
by LevipiUan, his vice toqui. Though the line of thc Biobio
was amply secured by fortresses and centinels, these indefa
tigable enemies always contrived to pass and repass without
experiencing any material loss. The first enterprise of
Lientur was the capture of a convoy of four hundred horses,
which were intended to remount the Sjiaiiiah cavalry. He
next ravaged the province of Chilian, ond slew the corregi
dor with two of his sons and several ofthe magistrates, whp
had attempted to resist him in the fidd. Five days after
wards, he proceeded towards St PhiUp of Austria, otherwise
called Yumbel, a place about sixty miles to the east of Con
ception, with six hundred infantiy and four hundred horse,
aU of whom he sent out in various detachments to ravage the
=urrounding country, leaving only two hundred men to guard the

CiiAP. IX. SECT. X. Conquest tfChilL 361
the narrow defile of Congrejeras. Provoked at this daring
enterprise, Robolfedo, the commandant of Yumbel, sent
seventy horse to take possession of the pass and cut off the
retreat pf the tpqui ; but they were received with such bravery
by the Araucanian detachment, that they were cpmpeUed to
retire for security tp a neighbpuring hill, after Ipsing their
captain and eighteen cf their number. RpbpUedp sent three
companies of infantry and aU the rest of his cavalry to their
aid ; but Lientur, who had by this time collected all his
troops together, fell upon the Spaniards, notwithstanding the
continual fire of their musquetry, and put their cavalry to
flight at the first charge. The infantry, thus left exposed,
were almost all cut to pieces, thirty-six of them only being
made prisoners, who were distributed among the several pro
vinces of the Araucanian confederacy. If Lientur had then
invested Yumbel it must have fallen into his hands; but he
deferred the siege till the following year, when his attempt
was rendered unsuccessfal by the valiant defence of Ximen^
who then had the command. On his repulse however, he
assaulted and took a fort named Neculguenu, the garrison of
which was put to the sword, and all the auxiliaries who dwelt
in that neighbourhood were made prisoners. Lientur follow
ed up these successfol exploits with others equally fortunate,
which are not particularized by contemporary writers, who
have given him the title of the darling of fortune.
UUoa the governor, more a prey to anxiety and mortifica
tion than disease, died on the 20th of Noveriiber 1620, and
was succeeded in the government of Chili by Christoval de
la Cerda, a native of Mexico, the eldest oydor, according to
the established rule on such occasions. For the more effectual
defence of the frontiers on ihe Biobio, he caused an addi
tional fortress to be constructed, named San Christoval,
which still remains.. This oydor continued only a year in the
fovernment, during which he was continually occupied in
efending the Spanish settlements against the entjsrprises of
Lientur, ¦vrith whom he had raai^y encounters. His succes
sor, Pedro Suarez de UUoa, continued the war in a sirailar
manner, contenting himself with acting principally on the de
fensive, tiU his death on the 11th of December 1624; when
he was succeeded by Francisco Alava, his brother-in-law,
who retained the office only for six months, being succeeded
by Don Luis de Cordova, in March 1625.
Lientur being advanced in years and worn out by continual
exertions.

562 Discoveryand pakt ii. book n.
exertions, resigned his office in 1 625, and was succeeded as
toqui by Putapichion, a young man whose courage and con
duct much resembled his predecessor in office. The new
governor of Chili was a commander of extraordinary skUl
and courage, and being nephew to the viceroy of Peru, was
abundantly supplied with troops and warUke stores, being
likewise directed by his instructions not to confine himself to
defensive operations, but to carry the war into the Araucanian
territory. His first care on his arrival at Conception, was to
restore the military discipline, and to discharge all arrears
that were due to the troops. He at the same time preferred
a number of Creoles to the vacant offices, by which he acquired
the esteem of all the inhabitants, and gratified many of the
descendents ofthe original conquerors who had been hitherto
much neglected. Having estabUshed good order in the
government, he directed Alonzo de Cordova, whom he had
appointed quarter master, to make an incursion with six hun
dred men into the provinces of Arauco and Tucapel. In this
expetlition only an hundred and fifteen prisoners were taken
and a small number of cattle, as most of the inhabitants took
refuge in the mountain^ with their fumUies and effects.
In the mean time the new toqui, Putapichion, endeavoured
.to signalize the comnicncement of his administration by the
capture of the fort of Nativity, one of the strongest places on
the Biobio, which was constructed on the top of a high and
steep raountain, well furnished with troops aud artillery, and
both from its n;.tural and artificial strength was deemed im
pregnable. Putapichion came unexpectedly against this place,
and soon scaling thc difficult asctnl, got possession ofthe ditch,
set fire to the palisades and houses of the place with fire ar
rows, and very nearly succeeded in its cajiture. But the gar
rispn collected in the only bastion which hod escaped the
flames, whence they kept up so severe a fire against the as
sailants, that Piitiipichipn was constrained tp abandon the en
terprise, cari-j'ing away with hira twelve prispners and several
horses. The ti>qui then crpssed the Bfobio and raade an at
tempt upon the fort of Quind, which was occupied by six
hundretl men ; but failing also in this enterprise, he made an
inroad into the province of Chilian, whence he brought off
a great number of peasants and cattle, in spile of the exertions
of the scrjeant-niajor to stop his rapid march. Eager for
retaliation, the governpr reSolved in 1C»28, to invade Arau cania

chap. IX. sect. X. Conquest tf Chili. 363
cania in three directions, assigning the maritime country to
the quarter-master, the Andes tp the serjeant-majpr, and re
serving the intermediate cpuntry to hiraself. Accprdingly,
at the head pf twelve hundred regulars and a strong body of
auxiliaries, he traversed the provinces of Encol and Puren,
where he captured a great number of men and cattle; and,
having crossed the river Cauten, he ravaged in a similar raan-
ner to the rich province of Maguegua. On his return from
this successful expedition, Putapichion opposed him at the
head of three thousand raen in order of battle. In the first
encounter, the Spanish army was thrown into confusion and
suffered a severe loss ; but, being rallied by the exertions of
their officers, they renewed the battle, which was severely con
tested for some tirae, with considerable loss on both sides.
As the Araucanians had recovered raost pf the sppil, and
taken spine prisoners while the Spanish army was in disorder,
the toqui did not think proper to risk too much on the event
of battle, and sounded a retreat. On his return to Concep
tion, the governor was rejoined bj' the serjeant-major and
quarter-raaster. The former had not been able to eff"ect any
thing of importance, as the enemy had taken refuge in the
raountains. The latter reported that he had made two hun
dred . prisoners, and had acquired a booty of seven thousand
horses and a thousand head of cattle, but had the raisfortune
to lose most of thera during a violent tempest while on his
return. Don Francisco Lasso, an officer who had gained high re
putation in the wars of the low countries, arrived soon after
wards with a coraraission to supersede Cordova in thegovern-
raent of ChUi. At the comraencement of his adrajnistralion,
he endeavoured to corae to an accommodation with the Arau
canians, with which view he set at liberty all the prisoners of
that nation who were confined in the different garrisons. But
the minds of that high-spirited people were not yet disposed
towards peace, and the glory of bringing about that desfrablq
event was reserved for- his successor; yet Lasso certainly con
tributed to prepare the way for peace, by the ten years of un
interrupted war which he waged against the Araucanians, in
consequence of thdr rejecting his pacific overtures, during.
which he gained many victories over that valiant people. At^
the commencement however of his military operations, Lassd;
ivas by no means fortunate. The quarter-master, Cordpvaj^ while;

364 Discovery and pakt ii. book ii.
whUe advancing by his orders to invade the maritime pro
vinces of Araucania, was completely routed by Putapichion in
the small district of Piculgue near Arauco. The toqui placed
a part ofhis army in ambush, and contrived with much skill
to induce Cordova to give battle in an Unfavourable situation.
In this action, the Spanish horse, forming the van of the
array, was unable to withstand the charge ofthe Araucanian
cavalry, now becorae exceedingly expert, and was put to
flight; and the infantry bdng thus left exposed and surround
ed on all sides, was entirely destroyed afler a combat of five
hours, during which they performed prodigies of valour, and
gallantly resisted many furious assaults of the eneray. In this
action Cordova was slain, with five captains, and several other
officers of merit.
On receiving intelligence of this disastrous action, the go
vernor marched in person against Putapichion with a consi
derable body of troops, leaving RoboUedo tbe serjeant-major
to defend the passage of the Biobio against the enterprises of
the toqui ; who yet eluded the vigilance of the serjeant-
major, passed the Biobio with a detachment of two hundred
men, and laid waste the neighbouring provinces of ChiU in
the absence ofthe Spanish army. Lasso immediately return
ed with all his troops to the Biobio, occupied aU the known
fords of that river, in hope of cutting off the retreat of the
invaders, and then went in search of Putapichion with a se
lect detachment equal in number to the enemy. In this ex
pedition, he was attacked at a place called Robleria on the
banks of the Itata by the toqui with such determined resolu
tion, that the Spaniards gave way at the first encounter, forty
of them with several officers being slain. The remainder owed
their safety to the skill and valour of the governor, who re
stored their order with wonderful coolness and intrepidity,
and even repulsed thc enemy with considerable loss. Satis
fied with the success he had already obtained, and proud of
having taken the scarlet cloak of the governor, Putapichion
now conducted his retreat to the Biobio with great skill, and
got over that rivcr unopposed.
On his return from this expedition, the toqui was received
by his army with lively demonstrations of joy, and resolved to
gratify his troops by reviving the almost forgotten festival
caWed pruloncon, or the dance of death. A Spanish soldier,
who had been made prisoner in one of the preceding batUes, Wi^S

CHAP. IX. SECT. X. Conquest qf Chili. 365
was selected for the victim pf this barbarpus spectacle *. " The
officers surrounded by ihe soldiers form a circle, in the centre
of which is placed the (ifficial axe of the toqui, with four
poniards representing tiie tour Uthalmapus of the confede
racy. The unfortunate prisoner is then led in on a sorry horse
deprived of his ears and tail, and is placed near the axe,
having his face turned towards his own country. He is then
ordered to dig, a hole in the ground with a sharp stake, and
is given a handful of small sticks, which he is ordered to throw
one by one into the hole, naming one of the principal war
riors of his nation at each stick, while the surrounding soldiers
load these detested names with bitter execrations. He is then
ordered to cover up the hole, as if to bury the valour and
reputation of the persons whom he has named. After this,
the toqui, or one of his bravest companions to whom he re
linquishes the honour of being executioner, dashes out the
brains of the prisoner with a war-club. The heart is irarae
diately taken out by two attendants and presented still pal
pitating to the toqui, who sucks a little of the blood and pas
ses it to his officers, who successively repeat the sarae cere-
raony. The toqui then fumigates the four cardinal points of
the circle with tobacco smoke from his pipe. The soldiers
strip the flesh fi-om the bones of the victim, and convert the
bones into flutes. The head is cut off and carried round on
the point of a pike, amid the acclamations of the multitude,
Wrhile stamping in measured pace, they thunder out their
dreadful war-song accompanied by the mournful sound of
their horrible instruments of music. The mangled body is
fitted with the head of a sheep, and the barbarous festival is
terminated by riot and intoxication. If the skull of the vic
tim has not been broken by the stroke of death, it is made
into a drinking cup, called ralilonco, which is used in their
banquets in the manner of the ancient Scythians and Goths."'
On the present occasion, the honour of dispatching the
victim was conferred upon the ulmen Maulican. This crUel
spectacle, which some have attempted to excuse on the princi
ple of retaliation, has dishonoured the fame of Putapichion,
and was not even pleasing to all the Araucanians '. According to
2 The particulars of this ceremony are here inserted from a different pari:
of the work of Molina, B. I. Ch. iv. containing an account of the jnanners
amd customs of the Araucanians. — E,
3 It certaiiily Was not raore cruel or more dishonourable than the empale-
ments and mutilations ordered by the Christian enemies ofthe Araucanians :
But

366 Discoveryand part ii." book ii.
to Don Francisco Buscagnan, who was an eye witness, many
of die spectators compassionated the fate of the unfortunate
soldier ; and Maulican, to whom the office of dispatching
him was assigned as a mark of honour, is said to have declared
that he accepted of it with extrerae reluctance, and raerely to
avoid offending his commander the toqui. The torture of an
innocent prisoner, upon whatever motive or pretence, is cer
tainly a crime against humanity of the deepest dye, and can
never be justified on any principle whatever.
Having received a reinforcement of five hundred veteran
soldiers from Peru, and raised two companies of infantry and
a troop of cavalry at St Jago, the governor with these new
troops, added to thirteen hundred Spaniards and si.x hundred
auxiliaries composing the army on the frontiers, marched to
relieve the fort of Arauco which was menaced by the toqui,
Putapichion had in reality commenced his march for that place
at the head of seven thousand chosen men, whose valour he
thought nothing was able to resist. But in consequence of
some superstitious auguries of the ex-toqui Lientur, who had
resolved to share the glory of this enterprise, the greater part
of the Araucanian troops were intimidated, and deserted to
their homes during the march. Putapichion was not dis
couraged by this defection, and observing that there could be
no better omen in war than an eager desire to conquer, he
continued his march with three thousand two hundred of
his most determined followers, and encamped at a short dis
tance from the fort of Arauco. Some of his officers advised
him to assault the fort that same night ; but he declined this
to give his troops time for rest and refreshment, and that the
Spaniards might not reproach him with always taking advan
tage ofthe darkness, like a robber, to favour hi.s enterprises.
The governor, who was close at hand with his array, harinof
resolved to offer battle to the enemy next daj% ordered his
men to prepare themselves tor battle, .iiul had a skirmish that
night with an advanced party of the .-Vraticanians, who had
advanced so near the fort of Arauco as to burn the huts of
the auxiUaries on the outside of the fortifications. At day
break. Lasso took possession vith his armj' of a strong posi
tion called Alvarrada, which was defended on either flank by
a deep torrent, so that it could not bc turned. He placed all
his

But the latter were unbelievers, and were rebels against the authority of the
Catholic jiing and the grant of the holy father of the Christian world, — ^£. .

¦ CHAP. IX, SECT. X. Conquest of Chili. 3Gl
his cavalry on the right, under the command of ithe quarter
master Sea, while die infantry on thc left were under the or
ders of ReboUedo the serjeant-major. Putapichion advanced
with his army in such excellent order, that the governor who
had been all his life inured to arras, could not avoid openly
expressing his admiration of the excellent disposition of the
enemy. The Araucanian soldiers, whose heads were adorned
witii beautiful plumes of feathers, seemed as if going to a
banquet, instead of the doubtful chance of battle. For some
time the two armies remained motionless, as if observing each
other ; when at length the signal of attack was sounded by
Quepuantu, the vice-toqui, by order of Putapichion. The
governor then gave orders to the Spanish horse to charge
that belonging to the enemy ; but it met v/ith so warm a re
ception, that it was broken and put to flight, and obliged to
take shelter in the rear of the infantry. Upon this event,
the Araucanian infantry made so violent a charge upon the
Spanish loot as to throw them into confusion, insomuch that
the. governor gave up all tor lost.. At this critical moment
Putapichion was slain ; and the governor availed himself so
eft'ectually of the confusion which this circumstance produced
among the Araucanians, that he was able to rally his tro'eps,
aud led them up anew to the charge, while the AraucaTvians
were solely intent upon carrying off the dead body of their
toqui. They even effected this, but were completely defeated
and driven in disorder from the field, Quepuantu, the vice-
toqui, exerted himself in vain to restore order and to brin«'
back his troops to the charge, even kiUing several of the fugi
tives with his own hand j but all his efforts were fruitless, and
the Araucanians suffered prodigiously in their flight, being
pursued for raore than six railes in all directions. Many of
the Spaniards fell in this battle, the most decisive that had
been fought for a long time against the Araucanians.
FVom the death of Putapichion to the termination pf the
government of Lasso, the successive toquis ofthe Araucanians
continued the war with more rashness than skill; none of
thera, like Antiguenu and PaiUamachu, having sufficient
judgment to repair the losses sustained by the nation, and
to counterbalance the power and arms of the Spaniards hy
skiU and conduct. Quepuantu, who was advanced to the
rank of toqui alter the defeat at Alvarrada, retired to a se
questered vale under the coVert of thick woods, where he
buijt a house with four opposite doors, to faciUtate his escape in

368 Discoveiy and part ii. book ii.
in case of being attacked. The place of his retirement having
been discovered to the governor, he sent the quarter-moster
to surprise him with four hundred light armed troops. As
these came upon him by surprise, Quepuantu took rd"uge in
the wood ; but soon returned at the head of fifty men who
had come to his assistance, and attacked the Spaniards vdth
great courage. After a desperate engagement of haff an hour,
in which the toqui lost almost aU his men, he accepted a chal
lenge from LoncomaUu, chief of the auxiUaries attached to
the Spaniards, and was slain after a long combat. In 1634,
a similar fate befel his successor Loncamilla, in an engage
ment with a small number of Araucanian troops against a
strong detachment of Spaniards. Guenucalquin, his succes
sor, after making some successful inroads into the Spanish
provinces, lost his life in an engagement with six hundred
Spaniards in the province of Ilicura. Curanteo, who was
created toqui in the heat of this action, had the glory of ter
minating, it by the rout of the enemy ; but was kiUed soon
afterwards iu another confiict. CuriraiUa, the next toqui,
more daring than several of his predecessors, repeatedly
ravaged the provinces tp the north of the Biobio, and under
took the siege of Arauco and the other forts on the frontiers j
but was slain at length by Sea in Calcoimo. .,
During the government of this toqui, the Dutch made
another attempt to form an alliance with the Araucanians, in
order to obtain possession of Chili, but with no better fortune
dian on the former occasion. Their squadron, consisting of
four ships, was dispersed in a storm on its arrival on the coast
in 1638. A boat well manned and armed, being afterwards
dispatched to the island of Mocha, to enter into a parley with
the Araucanians, was attacked by the inhabitants, who put all
the crew to death and took possession of the boat. Another
boat experienced a similai' misfortime in the small island of
Talca or Santa Maria, and the Dutch were obUged to retire
without being able to establish any intercourse with the Arau
canians, who were equally jealous of all the European nations',"
and not without reason. Some years afterwards, notwith
standing the ill success of the Dutch, a similar enterprise was
undertaken by Sir John Narborough, an English naval cora
mander, by order of Charles II. In passing through the
Straits of Magellan, this whole fleet was lost.
In thc mean time, taking advantage of tbe imprudence and
unskilfulness of the Araucanian commanders, the governor
4 continued

^--N,

<5hap. IX. SECT. X. Conquest tf Chili. 359
continued constantly to lay waste tlieir territories. He had
at .first .given, orders that every prisoner capable of bearinb-
arms should be put to death; but aflarwards, recurring to
more humane measures, he ordered thtem to be transported
to Peru, a sentence to them raore intolerable even than death.
Whenever these unhappy exiles carae in sight of land, which
often happened in that navigation, they used to throw them
selves overboard in hopes to escape by svriraraing, that they
might return to thefr country. Many had the good fortune
to save themselves in that raanner ; but such as were unable
to dude the rigilance of the sailors, as soon as they were
landed on the island or at the port of CaUao, exposed them
selves, to every toil and danger to regain their beloved country,
traveUing with incredible perseverance and fatigue the im
mense extent of coast betvveen that port ahd the Biobio,
,When the relations of the prisoners, more anxious to deliver
tjiem from the miseries of exile than even from death, fre
quently sent messages to the governpr to negodate the ran
som of such as were condemned to be sent to Peru, he al
ways refused his consent, unless the nation would lay down
their arms and submit to his authority. Laso was exceedingly
anxious to perform a promise which he had made like several
of his predecessors, of putting an end to the war, and used
every possible effort for that purpo^,. for which no one was
better fitted to succeed ; but he had to contend against an
inrincible people, enthusiastically brait upon the presprvatioii
of their Uberties. He employed every means that coiild be
Sru^ested. by wise policy and profound mUitary skill to effect
their subjugation ; now endeavouring to humble their pride
hy his victories, at other times rav^ing their country with fire
and sword, and endeavouring to restrain them by the esta-
yishment of fortresses in different parts of their territory.
J^maag these, he founded a city not far from the ruihs of
Angol, to which he gave the name Of San Francisco de la
Vega, and left in ita garrison of four troops of horse and two
companies of foot. But it was taken and destroyed in the
same year, in which it was built by the toqui Ctirimilla.
. A great number of men were necessarily expended in the
prosecution of this obstinate war, so that the Spanish army,
though annually reinforced with numerous recruits from Peru,
was diminished to less than a half of its force at the com
mencement of the government of Laso. On this account he
seitt over Don Frandsco Avendano to Spain to solicit new
VOX.V. A a reinforcements

370 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
reinforcements, and with a promise of bringing the war to a
conclusion in the course of two years. But, judging from the
past that so successful an issue was little to be expected, the
court sent out Don Francisco de Zuniga, Marquis of Baydes,
as his successor, who had given unquestionable proofs of his
political and raiUtary talents, both in Italy and Flanders,
where he had executed the charge of quarter-master-general.
On his arrival in Chili in 1640, either in consequence of pri
vate instructions from the prime minister, or of his own ac
cord, Zuniga procured a personal conference with Liuco-
jiichion, who had been elected toqui on the death of Curi-
milla. Fortunately for the interests of humanity, both com
manders were of the same disposition iu wishing for peace,
and equally averse from the continuance of the destructive
war which had so long roged between thdr hostile nations.
They readily agreed upon the raost difficult articles in settling
the preUminaries, and a day was appointed at the commence
ment of the foUowmg year for ratifying the conditions 'of a
definitive peace between the nations.
Accordingly, on the 6th of January 1641, the marquis
came to Quilliu, the place of meeting, a viUage in the province
of Puren, attended by a retinue of about ten thousand persons
collected from all parts of ChiU, who insisted to accompany
him on this joyfol occasion. Lincopichion came there Uke
wise at the time appointed, accompanied by the four heredi
tary toquis of the Araucanians, and a great number of uhnens
and other natives. Lincopichion opened the conference with
an eloquent speech ; and then, according to the customs of
his nation, be killed a cliilihueque or Araucanian camel, and
sprinkling a branch of the boighe or Chilese cinnamon tree
with its blood, he presented' it to the governor in token of
peace. The articles of the treaty of peace were next pro-
ppsed, agreed tP, and ratified, being similar tp thpse formerly
mentioned which had been accepted by Ancanaraon, with
the addition of pne insisted uppn by the marquis, dial the
Araucanians slipuld npt permit die landing pf any strangers
on their coast, nor furnish suppUes to any fomgn nation
whatever. As tiiis was entirdy conformable to the poUtical
maxiras of thc Araucanian nation, it was readily agreed tp,
and the peace finally ratified and confirmed. Thus was an end
put tp a destructive. nnd sanguinary war, which had desplated
the ppssessiens ofthe two nations for ninety years. This im
portant negociatipn was closed by the sacrifice of twenty -eight
chilihueques,

CHAP. IX. SECT. X. Conquest tf Chili. 371
chilihueques, and by an eloquent harangue from Antiguenu,
the ulmen of the district where it was conduded, in which he
eUlarged on the advantages which both nations would reap
from the estabUshment of peace. After this, the two chiefs
cordially embraced, and congratulated each other on the
happy termination of their joint endeavours. They then dined
together, and raade rauiual presents to each other, and the
three succeeding days were spent by both nations in festivities
and rejoicing.
In consequence of this pacification, all prisoners were re
leased on both sides, and the Spaniards had the satisfaction
of receiving, among raany others, forty-two of their country-
raen who had been in captivity ever since the tirae of the
toqiu PaiUamachu. Commerce, the inseparable concomitant
of a good understanding ainong neighbouring nations, was
established between the Spaniards . and Araucanians. The
lands near the frontiers on both sides, which had been de
serted and laid waste by the mutual hostile incursions, were
repeopled, and a new activity was excerted in their cultivation
by the proprietors, who could now enjoy the produce in
tranquiUity and safety. The hopes of disserairiating the truths
of Christianity amorig the infidels were again revived, and
the missionaries began freely to exercise their beneficent
functions araong the inhabitants of Araucania. Notwith-
stantling the manifold advantages of peace to both nations,
there were some unquiet spirits, both among the Araucanians
and Spaniards who used their endeavours on specious pretences
to prevent its ratification- The Araucanian raalecontents
alleged that it was merely a trick to deceive their nation, in
order to conquer them at a future opportunity with the more
facility, when they had become unaccustomed to the use of
arras. Those of the Spaniards, on the contrary, who were
adverse to peace, pretended that by the establishment of peace,
the population of the Araucanians would increase so fast that
they would soon be able to destroy all the Spanish establish
ments in ChiU. Sorae of these had even the audacity to cry
to arms, and endeavoured to instigate the auxiUaries to com
mence hostilities, while the conferences were gping on. But
the marquis had the vrisdora and good fortune to prevent the
renewal of the war, by justifying the purity and good faith of
his intentions to the evU disposed among the Araucanians,
and by reprimanding and keeping in awe the malecontent Spaniards,

372 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
Spaniards, and finally accomplished this glorious measure,
which was approved and ratified by the court of Spain.
Two years after the peace, in 1643, the importance ofthe
article which the marquis procured to be inserted into this
treaty was rendered very apparent to the Spaniards, by its
contributing materially to die faUure of a third and last at
tempt by the Duteh to acquire possession of ChUi. On this
occasion their measures were so wdl taken, that if they had
been seconded by the Araucanians they must have infallibly
succeeded. They fitted out a numerous fleet, well provided
with men, artiUery, and miUtary stores from BrasU, and took
possession of Valdiria which hod been deserted by the Spa
niards for raore than forty years, and at which place they in
tended to form an estabUshment from whence to conqun* the
rest of the kingdom. With this view, they immediately be
gan to buUd strong-forts at the entrance ofthe river, in order
to secure possession of that important port, and inrited the
Araucanians to join them by the most flattering pronuses.
But that gallant nation steadily refosed to listen to the propo
sals, and adhering honourably to the stipulations in the treaty
of Quillin, absolutely refused to supply them with proridons,
of which they were much in want. The Cunchese, in whose
territories Valdivia was situated, in consequence of the counsels
of their Araucanian allies, likewise refosed to enter into any
connection or correspondence with the Dutch, or to suj^ly
ihem with provisions. In consequence of this refosal, being
pressed by famine, and heiu'ing that a combined army of
Spaniards and Araucanians was in fuU march against them,
the Duteh were compelled to abandon Valdivia in three
months after taking possession. Soon after their retreat, the
Marquis de Mancura, son to the viceroy of Peru, arrived at
Valdivia in search of the Dutch with ten ships of war. To
prevent the recurrence of a similar attempt, he fortified the
harbour, and particularly the island at its entrance, which has
ever since borne the name of his family title.
On the termination of the sixth year of his pacific govern
ment, the Marquis de Baydes was necaUed from Chui, and
Don Martin Muxica appointed governor in his place. He
likewise succeeded in preserring the kingdom in a state of
tranquiUity ; nnd the only unfortunate circumstance ihat oc
curred during his governraent was a riolent earthquake, by
which part of the city of St Jago was destroyed on the 8th of
May 1647. His successor, Don Antonio de Acugna, had a
10 very

CHAP. IX. SECT. X. Conquest of Chili, 373
very different fortune, as during his government the war was
excited anew between the Spaniards and Araucanians, as will
fall to be mentioned in the foUowing section.

Section XI.
Renewal of ihe War with the Araucanians, and succinct Nar
rative ofthe History of Chili, fro^ 1655- <o 1787.
I regret much the want of raaterials for this part o^ ™y
work, as all the memoirs of which I haye hitherto availed
myself terminate at this period. In the year 1655, the war
recommenced after a peace of between fourteen and fifteen
years endurance, biit contemporary vyriters have left us no
account of the causes which interrupted the goodunderstand-
ing which had been so happily ^stablishpd by the Marquis de
Baydes. AU we kndw is that Clentaru, the hereditary toqui of
the Lauquenmapu, was uhanimously elevated to the.supreme
coramand in 1655, and signalized the commencent of his ad
ministration by totally defeating the Spanish array commanded
by the serjeant-major ofthe kingdora, whp fell in the action.
This victory was folfowed by the capiture of the fortresses qf
Arauco, Colcura, San Pedrp, Talcaniavida, and San Rosendo.
In 1656, the toqui crossed the BIoImo, completely defeated the
governor Acugna in the plains of Yumbel, destroyed the forts
of San Christoval and Estoncia del Rey, and burned the city
of Chilian. We con only add, that this war continued with
great riolence for ten years, during the governments of Don
Pedro Portel de Cassanate, and Don Francisco de Meneses, as
the successes pf Clentaru are only incidentally mentioned in
any of the writers belonging to this period-
Don Francisco de Meneses, a Portuguese by birth, had
the glory to terminate this new war in 1665 by a peace, which
proved more permanent than that concluded by .Baydes.
After freeing hunself from the Araucanians, he had ^^e misj-
fortnne of being involved in a contest with the members pfthe
royal audience, who opposed his marriage with the daughter
of tJie Marquis de la Pica, as contrary to the royal regula
tions. This difference proceeded to such a length, that the
Marquis de Navamorquende was sent out frpm Spain tb
ChUi with fuU ppwers tp arrange matters; whp, after due
inqufry, sent Meneses to Peru and assumed the government himself.

374' Discovery and part ii. book ii.
himself. Afier Navamorquende, the government of Chili
was administered successively to the end of the seventeenth
century, by Don Miguel de Silva, Don Jose de Carrera, and
Don Thomas Marin de Proveda, by all of whora a good under
standing appears to have been kept up with the Araucanians:
But in 1686, war had nearly been again occasioned with that
nation, in consequence of removing the inhabitants of the
island of Mocho lo the north shore of the Biobio, in order to
prevent any intercourse with foreign ships.
The commencement ofthe eighteenth century was remarka
ble in Chili by three events : The deposition of the governor
Don Francisco Ibanez, the rebeUion of tbe inhabitants of
Chilo^, and the establishment of trade with the French,
Ibanez was accused of having espoused the Austrian party in
the succession war, and was banished to Peru ; and after him,
the government was successively administered until the year
1720, by Don Juan Henriquez, Don Andres Uztiriz, and
Don Martin Concha. The rebellion of the islanders of Chiloe
Was soon suppressed, and the inhabitants reduced lo obedieiice,
by the prudent management of Don Pedro Molina, the
quarter-master-general of ChUi, who was sent against them
with a considerable body of troops, but who succeeded in re
storing them to good order more by mild and conciliatory
measures than by useless rictories. In consequence of the
succession war, by which a prince of the house of Bourbon
was placed on the throne of Spain, tile French acquired for
a lime the whole external commerce of ChiU. ( Frora J 707 to
1717, the ports of that kingdom were filled with f rench ships,
which carried frora thence incredible sums in gold and silver j
and many Frenchmen settled at this time in the country,
who have left numerous descendants. During this period the
learned Feuill^ resided three years in Chili, and made his
well known botanical researches and many profound metere-
ological observations.
I<or some time the Araucanians had been much dissatisfied
with several articles in the peace, under colour of whidi the
Spani.irds availed themselves of forming establishments in
their country. They also were exceedingly impatient of the
insolent behaviour of certain persons, called captains tf the
friends, who had been introduced under the pretence of pro
tecting the missionaries, and now arrogated a considerable
degree of authority over the natives which they submitted to
with extreme reluctance. Stimulated by resentment for these
grievances,

CHAP. XI. SECT. XI. Conquest of Chili, 375
grievances, the AraUconians resolved in 1722 to have recourse
to arms, and in this view they proceeded to the election of a
toqui or military dictator. On this occasion they chose a
person named VilumiUa, a man of low rank; but who had ac
quired a high character with his countrymen for judgment,
courage, and extensive views, entertaining no less an object
than the entire expulsion of the Spaniards frora ChiU. To
succeed in this arduous undertaking, he deemed it necessary
to obtain the support and assistance of all the native Chilese,
from the confines of Peru to the Biobio, and vast as was the
extent of his plan, he conceived it might be easily executed.'
Haring slain three or four Spaniards in a skirmish, among
whom was one of the captains of friends, as they were called,
he dispatched raessengers with the symbolical ari-ows, each of
whom carried a finger of the slain Spaniards, to the various
Chilese tribes in the Spanish provinces, inviting them to take
up arms on the exhibition of a signal, to be given by kindling
fires on the tops of the highest mountains aU over the coun
try. Accordingly, on the 9th of March 1723, the day pre4
viously fixed upon for the commencement of hostUities, fires
were lighted up on the mountains of Copaipo, Coquimbop,
Quillpta, Rancagua, Maule, and Itata. But either Pwing to
the sraallness of their number, their apprehension of the issue
ofthe war, or thdr long habitude of submission, the native
Chilese in the Spanish provinces remained quiet, and this
vast project of the toqui was entirely disconcerted.
Having declared war against the Spaniards, Vilumilla set
out iraraediately at the head of an army to attack the Spanish
settlements : Yet before commencing bpstilities, he requested
the missionaries to quit the country, that they might not be
injured by his detached parties. Vilumilla signalized the
commenceraent of this new war by taking the fort of 'Tucapel
by storm. Being apprehensive of a similar fate, the garrison
of Arauco abandoned that place. After destroying these two
forts, Vilumilla directed his raarch fpr Puren, of , which he
expected to gain ppssessipn witliput resistance. But the cpin-
mander made sp vigorous a defence that he was under the
necessity of besieging it in fiarm- In a short time the garrison
was reduced to extreme distress, both from scarcity of prp-
visipns and want pf water, the aqueduct which brought water
to the fort being destroyed by the enemy. Durmg, a sally
made by the coramander to obtain suppUes, he and all his
folfowers were slain. In this critical situatipn, Dpn Gabriel Canp,

376 JStscovery and part ii. book, H.
Cano, who had succeeded Concha in the government, ar
rived with an army of five thousand men. As VilumiUa ex-
Sected an imraediate attack, he chose a strong positfon for
is airmy which he drew up in order of battle behind tbe deep
bed of a torreht : But, though repeatedly challenged to bat^
de by the eneray, Caho thought it more prudent to abandon
tbe place, and accordingly withdrew the retaainder of the
garrison. The war was afterwards reduced to skirmished
of smaU importance, and was soon terminated by a peace
concluded at Negrete, a place situated at the confluence of
the Biobio and me Laxa, by which the provisions of the
treaty of QuUlan were renewed, and the odious title of ca^stains
of the friends abolished.
After a mild and harmonious government of fifteen years,
Don Gabriel Cano died at St Jago, and was succeeded by
bis nephew Don Manuel de Salamanca, who was appointed
ly die viceroy of Peru, and who condncted the govemiUent in
conformity with the exceUent maxims of his uncle. Don
Joseph Manso, who was sent from Spain as his successor,
brought orders to coUect the Spanish inhabitants who were
dispersed over the country into cities. For this purpose, in
174'2, the new governor founded the cities of Copaipo,' Acon
cagua, Melipiila, Ranfogua, San Femuido, Curico, Talca,
Tutuben, and Angeles. In reward for this serrice, he was
promoted to the high dignity of riceroy of Peru. His suc
cessors continued to form new establishments, and in 1753,
Santa Rosa, GuasCo-alto, Casablanca, Bdlaisla, Florida,
Coulemu, and Quirigua were founded by Don Doimngo
Rosas ; but these have never flourished Uke the former. This
gpvenipr likewise sent a cpfony to occupy the latger island
of Jdan Fernandez, or Isola de Tierra, which bad remained
uninhabited till that time, to the great injury of commerce,
as the pirates found diere a secure retreat whence they could
easily anlioy the trade of Peru and Chili. In 1759, Don
Moimd Amat, who was afterwards viceroy of Peru, founded
the cities of Santa Barbara, Talcamavida, and Gualqui on the
Araucanian frontier.
' TranquilUty was again disturbed about the year 1770, under
thc government of Don Antonio Gil GonengO, who absurdly
endeavoured to compel the Araucanians to Uve in 'dties.
Many coundls were hdd tb devise'ihe most suitable means
rot carrying this chimerical' scheme it^to execution, which
was mncn ndiculed by those who were best Ucquaidted with the

CHAP. IX. SECT. Xl. Conquest tf Chili, 377
the dispositions ofthe Araucanians, while others sided with the
governor in supposing it practicable. The Araucanians were
informed of these intentions of the governor by thdr spies ; and
being apprehensive of danger to their liberties fr6m the pro
posed innovation, their chiefs met secretly to deliberate upbU
the best measures for eluding the designs of the governor with
out having recourse to arms. On this occasion the following
resolutions were entered into by the Butacoyog, or national
assembly ofthe ulmens. 1st, To delay the bU^ness aS long as
possible, by equivocal replies and delusive promises. 2d, When
pressed to commence building, to requfre topis and bther ne
cessary aids from the Spaniards. 3d, To have recourse tO
war, when they found theraselves no longer able to elude the
demands of the governor; but that only the provinces that
were compeUed to build should declare war, while the others
remained neutral on purpose to mediate a peace. 4thj "WheM
the mediation of these should be refused, tliie whole con
federacy to join in the war. Sth, To allow tlie raissionaries to
depart in safety, as they had nothing to accuse them of but
being Spaniards. 6th, To elect a supreme toqui, who should
have the charge of executing these resolutions, and" was to
have every thiiig in readiness for takirig the field Wfhen ne
cessary. -Accordingly AntivUu, apb-ulraen of Maquegiia,
was imanimously elected toqui; but as his province was bne
of those which were to reraain neutral, he declined' to accept
the office, and Curignancu, brother to the ulmen of Ebcbl
W.1S elected in his stead.
At the first conference, the governor proposed his plan to
the Araucanians under every aspect that he thought might
render it acceptable and agreeable. ' In pursuance of their
prerious agreement, the Araucanians objected, equivocated,
and at length appeared to consent,' but ended by requesting
the necessary assistance for beginning the work. Accordingly,
having pointed out thc situations which he thought most
eligible for the new cities, the governor sent them a great
quantity of wrought iron, together with provisions for the
labourers, and cattle for transporting the timber. As the
vrork made no progress, the quarter-master CabritO re
paired to the frontiers with several companies of soldiers, ' to
stimulate the tardy operations, iand placed for this pili^ose
superintendents in different quarters. The serjeant-major
Rivera was eiltiusted with the buUding of Ninincbi and Cap-
lain Burgoa with that of another city on the banks of the
Biobio,

378 Discovery and part ii. boor m,
BipbiO, while Cabritp directed all the operations from his
head-quarters at Angol.
Finding all their acts of equivocation and delay ineffectual,
the Araucanians flew to arms, and having united to the
number of five hundred raen under the toqui Curignancu,
they proceeded lo besiege Cabrito in his carap, Burgoa,
who had been raade prisoner and very roughly treated, was
set at liberty in consequence of being represented as inimical
to the quarter-raaster, Rivera crossed the Biobio in sight of
the eneray who were seeking to slay him, but he got away in
safety under the protection of a missionary, and afterwarde:
returned with four hundred men to relieve Cabrito, Another
missionary requested the Araucanian officer who escorted him,
to fo^ive a Spaniard by whom he had been grievously offend
ed : The Araucanian answered that he had nothing to fear
whUe in company with the inis.sionary ; and that it was now
no time to think of revenging private injuries. Such was the
attention paid to^ the sanctity of the missionaries, that not a
single Spaniard was slain who had the good Ibrtune of getting
under their protection.
In order to attack the Araucanians in several places at
once, the governor formed an alliance with the Pehuenches,
who inhabit the western slopes of the Andes, between the
latitudes of 33° 30' and 36° S. and between the heads of the
rivers Maypo and Chilian. They accordingly sent an army
through the defiles of the mountains to invade Araucania :
But Curignancu, being inforraed of their approach, fell upon
thera by surprise while descending from the Andes and com
pletely routed them, taking their general Coligura and his
son, both, of whom he put lo death. "Hiough this event
might have been supposed calculated to occasion eternal en
mity between the Pehuenches and Araucanians, it yet so effec
tually reconcUed them, that the Pehuenches have been ever
since faithfid allies to the Araucanians, and implacable enemies
to the Spaniards. Even in this war, Curignancu availed
himself of the assistance of these mountaineers to horass the
Spanish possessions in die neighbourhood of St Jago. Since
that tirae, the Pehuenches frequentiy attack the Spanish ca
ravans between Buenos Ayres and Chili, and almost every
year furnishes some melancholy events of that kind.
The mortification of sedng his grand project completely
overthrown preyed on the mind of Gonzago, afready affUcted
by a severe chronic illness, which was so much aggravated by

€HAp. IX. SECT. xr. Conqucst tf Chili. 879
by this disappointment as to cut him off in the second year
of the war ; and Don Francisco Xavier de Morales was ap
pointed his successor by the viceroy of Peru. As formerly
concerted, the neutral provinces of Araucania now declared
in favour of those who had first begun hostiUties, and the
war was prosecuted with vigour by the whole confederacy,
Curignancu and his brave vice-toqui Leviantu, kept the
Spanish troops in constant motion and .nlarni, though rein
forced by several divisions from Spain. Having no materials
for giving an account of the events of this war, it can only
be mentioned that a bloody battle was fought in the beginning
of the year 1778, by which period the expences of the. war
had exceeded 1,700,000 dollars. In the same year an ac
commodation was agi'eed upon, and Curignancu was invested
by the Butacayog with full powers to settle the articles of
peace. He required as a preliminary, that the conferences
should be held in the city of St Jago, which was conceded
by the Spanish governor t1i<iugh contrary to the usual custom.
During the negociations in that city, he made another de
mand still more extraordinary, " I'hat his nation should be
allowed to keep a resident agent in the capital of ChiU." This
was 'warmly opposed by the Spanish officers ; but the gover
nor thought proper to grant tiiis likewise, as an excellent ex
pedient tor readily adjusting any differences that might arise
between the two nations. The other artides of the peace
were adjusted with all manner of facility, as the treaties of
Quiilan and Negrete were revived by mutual consent.
On die death of Gonzago being known in Spain, Don
Augustino Jauregui was sent out to assume the governraent
of ChiU, who has since filled the important office of viceroy
of Peru with universal approbation. He was succeeded by
Don Ambrosio Benarides, who rendered the country happy
by his wise and beneficent administration. " On the 21st of
November 1787, Don Ambrosio Higgins a native of Ireland,
formerly brigadier-general of the cavalry in ChiU, was ap
pointed president, governor, and captain -general of the kingr
dom, a gentieman of an enlightened mind and excdlent dis
position^ who has gained the love and esteem of all the inha
bitants. In 1792 he continued to discharge the duties ofhis
high station with all the vigilance and fidelity which belong
to his estimable character, and which are required in so im
portant a situation. On his first accession to the government,
he visited oU the northern provinces, for the purpose of dis
pensing

880 Disemery and paut ii. book ii.
pensing justice, encouraging agriculture, opening the mines,
and improving the commerce and fisheries ofthe kingdoin.
He has also estabUshed schools, repaired the roads through
out the country, and has built several new cities'."

Section XII.
Staie of Chili towards the end tf the Eighteenth Century'.
Fbom the short deduction of the occurrences in ChiU
since its discovery, which has been attempted in the foregoing
pages, it wiU be seen that the acquisition aud maintenance of
that interesting and important colony has cost more expendi
ture of blood and treasure to l^ain than all the rest of her
American possessions. The Araucanians, though only oc
cupying a small extent of territory, and with far inferior arms,
have not only been able to resist the miUtary power of Spain,
till then reckoned inrincible, but have endangered the loss of
her best established possessions. Though most ofthe Spanish
officers employed in the early period of the Araucanian war
had been bred in the low countries, that exceUent school of
raiUtary knowledge, and her soldiers were armed with those
destructive weapons before which the most extensive empire
of America had so early fiiUen, and were considered as the
best disciplined and bravest troops in the world ; yet has this
brave people been able to resist their utmost efforts, and stiU
maintain their independence unimpaired. This wiU appear
wonderful, especially when we consider the decided superio
rity which European mUitary discipline and skiU have given
to its troops in all parts of the world. The rapidity ot' the
Spanish conquests in America excited universal astonishment ;
and a small number of Portuguese gained with almost incre
dible faciUty an extensive territory in the east, even although
the natives were extremdy numerous and accustomed to uie
use of fire-arms. Yet, in spite of every effort of force and
^kill, the Araucanians have valiantly defended their country,erindng
I This last passage within inverted commas, is an addidoa to the text
of Molina by the, original translator.— E.
I The iniormation of Molina appears to have doted about 1787 ; but in
^ome notes by the translator, interwoven here into the text, a few short
notices to the year 1 792 occur.— E,

CHAP. IX. SECT. XII, Conquest of Chili. 381
evincing that a fi-ee people, however inconsiderable in point
of numbers, .canperforra wonders.
Since fosing their possessions in Araucania, the Spaniards
have prudently confined their views to the preservation and
improvement of that part of Chili which lies bet\yeen the
southern confines of Peru and the river Biobio, extending
between the latitudes of 24° and 36° 30' S. As formerly
mentioned this khigdom is divided into thirteen provinces.
Of. late years two other provinces have been forraed by thp
disjunction of Maule, and the provinces of Cauquenes and
Cunco are nominally added to the former nuraber, but without
any addition of territory. Besides these, they possess the
fortress and port of Valdivia in the country of the Cunches,
the archipelago of Chiloe, and the island of Juan Fernandez.
This colony, or kingdom of ChUi is governed by an officer^
who combines the titles and functions of civil governor, pre
sident of the court of audience, and captain-general, and
usually holds the rank of lieutenant-general in the Spanish
army. He resides in the city of St Jago, and is solely depdi-
dent upon the king, except that in time of war he is sul^eCt
in sorae points to receive orders from the viceroy of Peru.
In quality pf captain-general, he is ceraraander-in-chief pfthe
army, having under his imraediate prders the three principal
military pfficers of the kingdora, the quarter-raaster-general,
the seijeant-major, and the coraraissaryrgeneral, besides the
four commandants of Chilpe, Valdivia, Valparaiso, and Juto
Pernaridez. As president and governor, he has the supreme
admiinistration of justice, and presides in the superior tribu
nals established in the capital, whose jurisdiction extends
over all the provinces and dependencies of ChiU. The chief
of: these is the royal audience, whose decisions are final in all
causes both civil and criminal, and which is divided into two
chambers, one for civil and the other for criminal caiuses.
Both are coraposed pf several respectable oydors or judges, a
xegent, fiscal, royal procurator, and protector of the Indians,
aU of which officers have high salaries frora the crown. In
dvil causes where the sum at issue exceeds the value of 10,000
dollars, an appeal Ues from their sentence to the supreme
councU ofthe Indies. The other supreme courts are those of
Finance, ofthe Cruzada, of Vacant latids, and the Cpnsulate
or tribunal of cpmraerce.
The provinces of ChiU are governed by officers who were
formerly called corregidors, but are now known by the title of

882 Discaoery and part ii. book ii.
of sub-delegates, which ought to be nominated by the crown,
but are generally appointed by the governor, ovring to the
distance from Spain. These, as lieutenants ofthe governor,
have jurisdiction both in civil and military affairs, and as their
emoluraents are entirely derived from tiees, their amount is
by no means regular. In each capital of a province, there is
or ought to be a municipal magistracy denominated theCabildo,
composed of several regidora appointed for life, of a standard-
bearer, a jirocurator, a fiirensic judge called the provincial
alcalde, a high sheriff called alguazil-mayor, and two alcaldes.
These latter officers are nominateil annually by the cabildo
from the most respectable inha'oitanU, and have jurisdiction
both' in civil and criminal causes hi the &-st instance.
All the inhabitants able to carry ai'ms are divided into re
giments, which are bound to march lo the sea-coast or the
frontiers in case of war. In 1792, die militia amounted to
15,856 men, in the two bishop.-ics of Sl Jago and Concep
tion ; 10,218 in the former, and 5,638 in the latter. This
force which was estabUshed in 1777, during the government
of Don Augustino Jaregui, is only called out on great occa
sions, and is seldom obliged to peribrm the duty of centinels
and patroles ; but is obliged to hold itself always in readiness for
war, and frequently to exercise in the use of arms. Besides
this regular militia, diere are a great number of city corps,
who are commanded by officers named comraissaries instead
of colonels. These are divided into several cpmpanies, ac
cording to ilie extent and population of their respective dis
tricts ; and the companies have no fixed numbers, sometimes
exceeding a hundred men, and at other times faUing short ot"
that nuniber. This city raiUtia supplies guards for the prisons
and for the escort of prisoners, and performs die duties re
quired by the poUce, without being exempted from raiUtary
service when occasion requires ; aud from these companies
recruits are drawn to supply vacancies in the regular militia.
Every pne capable of bearing arms is thus enrolled either in
these companies or in the regultu: militia, except such as are
indispensably necessary for cultivating the land and taking care
pfthe cattle. Besides this militia, the crown maintains aregular
force of veteran troops, part at St Jago and part at Conception
for thc protection of the Araucanian frontier. In 1792, aU
the veteran troops in ChiU amounted to 1976 raen, divided
into two companies of artillery, nine troops of horse, includ
ing a regimeut of dragoons at St Jago, and tiie rest infantry.
1 The

CHAP. IX. SECT. XII. Conquest of Chili. 383
The cavalry is comraanded by a brigadier-general, who is
quarter-master-general of the kingdora, and intendant of
Conception. The infantry and artillery are under the com
mand of two lieutenant-colonels. Besides these royal troops,
the city of St Jago keeps several troops of dragoons in constant
pay for its particular protection.
In regard to ecclesiastical polity, Chili is divided into two
extensive bishoprics, those of St Jago and of Conceptiort,
the bishops of these dioceses being suffragans to the archbi
shop of Lima. The bishopric of St Jago extends from the
confines of Peru to the river Maule, and includes the pro
vince of Cujo on the east side of the Andes, The bishppric
pf Conception coraprises aU the rest of Chili and the islands ;
but the greater part of this extent is inhabited by pagans,
being the confederacy of Araucania and its aUxUiaries, The
two cathedrals have a corapetent nuraber of canons or pre
bendaries, whose revenues as well as those of the bishops
depend upon the tythes. The holy tribunal ofthe inquisition
at Lima, has a commissary and several subaltern oflicers or
familiars resident at St Jago. Upon his first coining into
Chili, Valdivia brought with hira several monks Pf the prder
pf Mercy, About the year 1553, the Dominicans and Fran
ciscans were estabUshed in the country, the Augustins in
1595, ahd the Hospitallers of St John ofGod in 1615, These
orders all have a nuraber of convents, and the three first
form distinct jurisdictions under their respective provincials.
The brothers of St John have the charge of the hospitals,
under the direction of a comraissary, dependent on the prP-
vincial of their order in Peru. The Jesuits came likewise
into Chili in 1593, along with Don Martin Loyola, nephew
to thdr founder, and forraed a separate province, but were
afterwards suppressed along with the rest of their order ih all
parts of Christendom. Other orders have several times at
tempted to form establishments in ChiU, but have always
been resisted by the inhabitants. There are several convents
of nuns in the cities of St ¦ Jago and Conception, but none
are contained in the other cities of the kingdom.
Though the cities are in general built in the inost fertile
districts of the kingdom, raany of thera might have been
more conveniently situated for trade upon the banks ofthe
navigable rivers ; as is more particularly the case with those
of recent erection. The streets in all the cities are laid out
in straight lines, intersecting each other at right angles, and are

381 Discoveiy and part ii. book ii,
are ge;nerally about forty feet wide. The houses are mosdy
of one stprey, yet are very cpmmodious, are all whitewashed
on the oiitside, and handsomely painted vrithin, each being
accommodated with a pleasant garden, frrigated by means of
an aqueduct or canal, which likewise furnishes water for the
use pf the family. Thpse houses which belong to the wealthier
classes, particularly the nobiUty, are splendidly and tastefuUy
furnished. Nolidng that old buddings of two stories had
resisted the most violent eartl^uakes, many of the inhabi
tants have of late years ventured to construct thefr houses in
the European manner, and to reside in upper rooms j em
ploying brides and stone in the construction of their new
buildings, instead of clay hardened in the sun which was
formerly supposed less liable to injury. By this change the
cities have a much handsomer appearance than formerly.
Cellars, sewers, and weUs, were of old much more common
than now ; and the want of these may have contributed to
render the buildings more secure from the effects of earth
quakes. The churches in ChiU are in general more remarkable for
their wealth than their architecture ; but the cathedral and
the church of the Dominicans in St Jago are both biult of
stone and in, a handsome style. The cathedral was recendy
constructed at the royal expence, under ^^ direction of the
bishop Don Manuel Alday. The ptm was drawn by two
English architects, who superintended the work. It is buUt
in a masterly style, and extends 3. St French feet in length.
When about half finished, the architects refosed to proceed
unless their wages were augmented ; but two Indians who had
worked under the Englishmen had privately made themselves
acquainted with every branch ofthe art, and offered to com
plete the fabric, which they did with as much skill as their
masters. The following edifices in the capital are also de
serving of notice. The barracks for the dragoons ; the mint,
lately built by a Roman architect ; and the hospital for or
phans, founded by the Marquis of Monte-pio, and endowed
by the crown.
In consequence of the free trade lately granted to ChUi, it
is increasing in population with a rapidity proportional to the
salubrity otits climate and the fertiUty of its soil. The Eu
ropeans mosdy consist of emigrants from the southern pro
rinces of Spain, with a few French, English, and Italians.
The Creoles, or descendents of European settlers are stUl
more

eHAP. IX. SECT. xii. Conquest tf Chili. 385
more numerous. The character of that race, with some slight
differences owing to cUmate and governraent, is siraUar to
that of other American Creoles descended from Europeans.
" The Creoles are generally well raade, and are rarely fpund
with those deforraities which are so comraon in other countries.
Their courage has frequently signalized itself in war, by a
series of brilliant exploits, nor would there be better soldiers
in the world if less averse from submission to discipline. Their
history furnishes no examples of that cowardice, treachery,
and baseness which dishonour the annals of all nations, and
scarcely can an instance be adduced of a Creole having com
mitted a disgraceful action. Untainted by the raean vices of
dissimulation, artifice, and suspidon, they possess great.
frankness and vivacity of character, joined to a high opinion
of themselves, and their intercourse with the world is not
stained by that mysterious reserve so coraraon in Europe,
which obscures the most amiable characters, depresses the
social spirit, and chills sensibility bf disposition. Possessed
of an ardent imagination and impatient of restraint, they
are prone to independence yet inconstant in their indina-
tions and pursuits. By the warmth of thdr temperature,
they are impelled to the pursuit of pleasure with an eagerness
to which they sacrifice their fortunes and often their lives.
They^possess keen penetration, and a reraarkable facility of-
concdving and expressing their ideas with force and clearness,
together with a happy, talent of observation, combined with.
all those qualities of raind and character, which render men
capable of conceiving and executing the greatest enterprises,
especially when stiraulated by oppression *."
Whatever intelligent and unprejudiced travellers have ob
served respecting the characters of the French and English
Creoles, wiU perfectly apply to those of Chili. The sarae
raodes of thinking and the same moral qualities arc discern
ible in them all. They generally have respectable talents,,
and succeed in all the arts to which they apply. Had they
the same motives to stimulate them as are found in Europe,
they would make as great progress in the useful sciences as
they have already made in raetaphysics. They do not readily
imbibe prejudices, and are not tenacious in retaining them.
As however, scientific books and philosophical instruraents
vol.. V. B b are

2 Thl
a note

fhis character of the Creoles <is inserted by the original translator, in
'., from the Abbe Raynal. — E.

386 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
are very scarce and difficultly attainable in ChiU, thefr talents
have no opportunity of being developed, and are mostly em
ployed in trifling pursuits ; and as the expence of printing is
enormous, they are discouraged frora literary exertion, so.
that few araong them aspire to the reputation of becoming
authors. The knowledge of the dril and canon law is held in
high estimation, so that many of the youth of ChiU, after
completing their academical education in thdr owti country,
proceed to Lima to study law. The fine arts are in a low
state in Chili, and even the mechanical arts are far from per
fection. The arts of carpentry, of working ui iron, and in
the precious metals, are however to be excepted, in which
they have raade considerable progress, in consequence of the
information and example of some German aiti-ts, who were
introduced into Chili . by that worthy ecclesiastic Father
Carlos, a native of Hainhausen in Bavaria. The important
changes which the beneficence of an enUghtened administra
tion in Spain have lately introduced into the American colo
nies, by directing the attention of the subjects to useful im-
proveraents, have extended their infiuence even to ChUi.
Arts and sciences, formerly unknown or but very imperfectl}',.
now engage the attention of the inhabitants, and there is
reason to hope that the country wiU soon assume a better
aspect. , The peasantry of Spanish ChUi, though for much the
greater part of Spanish descent, dress afler the manner of
the Araucanians. Thinly dispersed over an extensive coun
try, and unincumbered by restraint, they enjoy complete
Uberty, and lead a tranqm"l and happy life, amidst the enjoy
ment of abundance, in a delightful climate and fertile soil.
The principal part of these healthy and vigorous men Uva
dispersedly upon thdr respective possessions, and cultivate
with their own hands a greater or less extent of ground.
They are naturaUy gay, and fond of all kinds of diversion..
They have likewise a strong taste for music, and even compose
verses, which, though rude and inelegant, possess much
pleasing native simplicity, often more interesting than the
laboured compositipns pf cultivated poets. Extemporary
rhymers arc common among them, Uke the improvisatori of
Italy, and are caUed PaUadm-es, who are held in great esti
mation, and devote themselves entirely to that occupation.
In the Spanish provinces of Chili, no other language than
Spanish is spoken, except upon the frontiers, where the
10 peasants

CHAP. IX. SECT. XII. Conquest tf Chili. 387
peasants speak both Araueonian and Spanish. The men
dress in the fashion of Spain, and the women in that of Peru ;
only that the women in Chili wear their garmentsJonger than
is usual in Peru. Lima prescribes the fashions, for GhUi,. as
is done by Paris for the rest of Europe;, and the inhabitants
of Chili a!nd Peru are equally luxurious, as in both countries
the wealthy make a splendid display in their dress, titles,
coaches, and servants. Chili enjoys alone of all the Ameri
can colonies, the high honour of having two of its dtizens
exalted to the dignity of grandees of Spain : Don Fernando
Irrazabel, Marquis of Valparaiso, born in St Jago, who was
viceroy of Navarre, and generalissimo of the Spanish army
in the reign of Philip IV. and Don Fermin Caravajal, Duke
of San Carlos, a native of Conception, who resides at present '
at the court of Madrid. Don Juan de Covarrubias, a native
of St Jago, who went into the service. of France in the bee
ginning of the dghteenth cenlury, was rewarded with the
titie of marquis, the order of the Holy Ghost, and the rank
of Marshal in the French army. > r
The salubrity of the climate, and the constant exercise on
horseback to which the natives of Qhili are accustomed from
thefr infoncy, render them strong and active, and preserve
them from uiany diseases. The small-pox is not so comraon
as in Europe, but makes terrible ravages when it appears*.
In the year 1766, it was first introduced into the province of
Maule, where it proved exceedingly fatal. At this time, a
countryman who hod recovered from this loathsome disease,
conceived the idea of curing those unhappy persons who were
deemed in a desperate situation, by raeans of cows milk,
which he gave to his patients to drink, or adrainisfered in
clysters. iBy this simple remedy, he cured all whom he at
tended ; while the physicians saved very few by their cdmpUr
cated prescriptions, I mention this circumstance, as it
strongly confirms the practice of M. Lassone, physician to
the
. 3 This refers to 1787, when Molina published his work,— E.
4 Several years ago, before that terrible French eruption virhich now de
solates Spain, the Spanish government communicated to all her colonies,
te^wevfer distant, the inestimable henefit of vaccination. It may be- here
mentioned that it has been long known among the illiterate covir-henlk> ih
the niQunuins of Peru, all either native Peruvians or Negroes, that a dis
ease of the hands which they are liable to be infected with on handling dis
eased cows udders, the cow-pox, effectually arms all wh^ have been sub-
jested to it against the infectioaof the small-pox. — E.

.«i88 Discoveiy and part ii. book ir.
the queen pf France, published in the Medical Transactions
of Paris for 1779, who w.-is successful in curing the small-pox
with cows milk, mixed with a decoction of parsley roots.
From these instances it would appear, that milk has the
power of lessening the virulence of this terrible disease.
The Creole inhabitants of Chili are in general generous and
benevolent. Contented with a comfortable subsistence, so
easily acquired in that country, they are rarely infected with
the vice of avarice, and even scarcely know what parsimony
is. Their houses are universally open to all traveUers, whom
they entertain with much hospitality, without any idea of
being paid ; and this virtue is even exercised in the cities.
Hence, they have not hitherto attended to the erection of
inns and public lodging-houses, or hotels, which will become
necessary when the commerce of the interior becomes more
active. The inhabitants of Chili are very dexterous in using
the laqui, which they constantly carry with them on their
excursions. It consists of a strap of leather several fathoms
in length, twisted Uke a cord, one end of which is fastened
to the girth under the horses belly, and the other end termi
nates in a strong noose, which they throw over any animal
they wish to catch. with so much dexterity as hardly ever to
miss their aim^. It is used likewise on foot, in which case
one end is fixed to the girdle. The peasants of ChUi era-
ployed this singular weapon with success against certain Eng
lish pirates who landed on their const. Herodotus raakes
mention ofthe employment of a similar noose in battle by the
Sagartii, a nation of Persian descent, who used no offensive
weapons except daggers, depending principally upon cords
~*of twisted leather, with a noose at one extremity, with which
they used in battle to entangle their enemies, and then easily
put thera to death with their daggers. The inhabitants of
Chili are likewise very expert in the management of horses ;
and, in the opinion of traveUers who have seen and admired
their dexterity and courage on horseback, they might soon
be formed into the best liody of cavalry in the world. From
their attnchitienl to horses, they are particularly fond ' of
lior's^races, ¦w'hicli they conduct in the English manner.
'. The negroes, who have been introduced into Chili by con
traband means, are subjected to a much more tolerable ser-
• vitude
5 Tlje laqui in use to the east of the Andes, at least so far as employtil
in WAV, has either a ball or stone at one or both ends. — ^£.

CHAP. IX. SECT. XII. ' Conquest of Chili. 389
vitude than in other parts of America, where the interested
motives of the planters have stifled every sentiraent of huma
nity. As the cultivation of sugar and other West Indian
produce has not been introduced into Chili, the negro slaves
are employed only in (.loinestic service?, where by attention
and diligence they acquire die favour of their masters. Tho.se
raost esteemed are cither born in the country, or mulattoes,
as they become attnclie(.l to the families to which they belong.
By the humanity of government, excellent regulations have
been introduced in favour of this unfortunate race. Such as
have been able by their industry to save a sura of money suf
ficient to purchase a slave, are entitled to ransom theraselves
by paying it to their masters, who are obliged to receive it
and grant them their liberty ; by which means many of them
have obtained their freedom. Those who are ill treated by
thdr masters, can demand a letter of sale, which entitles
them to seek tor a purchaser ; and if the master refuses, they
apply to the judge of the town or district, who examines
into their complaint, and grants the required permission, if
well founded. Such instances are however rare, as the
masters are careful not to reduce their slaves to this necessity
on account of their own reputation, and because the slaves
are generally so ranch attached to their masters, that the
greatest punishment which could be inflicted on thera were to
seU them to others. It even frequentiy happens that those
who have received their freedom in reward of good conduct,
do not avail themselves of it,- that they may not lose the
protection of the family they belong to, from which they are
always sure of subsistence. Masters however have the right "
to correct their slaves, and the kind and degree of punish
ment is left with thera, except in capital criraes.
The internal coramerce of Chili has hitherto been of small
importance, notwithstanding the many advantages possessed
by this fertile country.. Its principal source, industry, or
necessity rather, is still wanting. An extensive commerce
requires a large population, and in proportion as the one in
creases, the other wiU necessarily advance. A comraunication
by water, which gready facilitates the progress of commerce,
has already been opened. In several of the Chilese ports,
barks are now eraployed in the transportation of merchandise,
which had formerly to be carried by land on the backs of
mules, with great trouble and expence ; and this beneficial
alteration wiU probably be folfowed with others of greater
importance.

390 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
importance. Several large' ships have been already built in
the harbour of Conception, and at the mouth of the river
Maule, in the port of Huachapure ; by which the external
commerce ofthe kingdom is carried on with Peru and Spain.
In die trade with Peru, twenty- three or twenty-four ships are
employed, of five or six humired tons each, part of which be
long to Chili and part to Peru. These usuaUy make three
voyages yearly, and carry from ChiU wheat, wine, pulse, al
monds, nuts, cocoa-nuts, conserves, dried meat,. tallow, lard,
cheese, bend-leather, timber for buUdiiig, copper, and a variety
of pther articles; and bring back return cargpes of silver, sugar,
rice, and cotton. The ships which trade directly from Spain
to Chili, receive gold, silver, copper, Vicugna wool, and hides,
iu exchange for European commodities.- A perraission to
trade to the East Indies would be, very profitable to the Chi
lese, as thefr most valuable articles are either scarce or not
produced in these wealthy regions of Asia, and the passage
across the Pacific Ocean would be easy and expeditious, in
consequence of the prevalence of southerly winds. The only
money current in ChUi is of gold and silver, which is con
siderably embarrassing to internal commerce, as the smaUest
silver coin is the sixtec-nth; of a dollar, or 4>|d. The weights
and measures are the same with those of Madrid.
¦ " Of the two great sources of commerce, ^riculture and
manufacturing industry, the former alone hitherto animates
the internal trade of Chili, or even the commercial intercourse
between that country and Peru *. The working of mines also
occupies the attention of raany of the colonists, especiaUy in
the provinces of Copaipo; Coquimbo, and QuiUota. Manu-
fecturing, industry isi hitherto so- trifling, as not to deserve no
tice. Notwithstanding ; the abundance of raw materials for
this purpose, such as flax, wool, hemp, skins, and raetals,
•which might give employment to a flourishing manufacturing
industry, it is still in a languid condition. The inhabitants
however, manufacture ponchos, stockings, carpets, blankets,
skin-coats; saddles, hats, and othci' small artides, chiefly 'for
the use of the poorer people, as those used by the middle and
higher ranks are frora the manufactures of Europe, These
enumerated articles, with the sde of hides and leather, grain
and wine, form the whole internal coraraerce of ChiU, The
external
6 These observations on the trade of Cliili, distinguished by inverted
eommat, are, inserted into the text from a long note in this part of the work
of Molina, — E.

CHAP. IX. SECT. XII. Conquest tf Chili. ^91
external commerce is principally with the ports of Peru, and
particulary with that of Callao, the -port of Lima; -To thfe
amount of about 700,000 dollars is yearly sent to Peru in the
productions of Chili, serving not only to counterbalance the
importations frora that country, but leaving an annual balance
of 200,000 doUars in favour of ChiU. The trade between ChUi
and Buenos Ayres is on the contrary in favour ofthe latter, as
Chili has to pay about 300,000 dollars yearly in cash for the
herb Paraguay alone. The other articles received from
Buenos Ayres are probably paid for by those which are sent
to that place. In the trade with Spaini, theproductions of
Chili go. but a short way in payment of the European goods
which are annuaUy. imported to the value of raore than a mil
lion, of. doUars. 1. Gold,-silver;- and cc^er; form the whole of
the articles sent from Chili to Spain, as tbe hides and Vicugna
rwool are of too little importance to be considered.
~ ,*« Gold to the extent 'of 5^00 marks ^, and as the amounts
which are coined and shipped are -nearly equal, there does
not appear to be any clandestine extraction; But a consider
able quantity is expended in bullion, in works of use or oriia-
-ment. The silver extracted from the mines of Chili is es
timated .at 30,000 marks yearly ^. Of this about 25,000
-marks are coined annually, and the residue is employed in the
febrication of -plate.' Yet a considerably larger amount is
(Shipped every year, arising from'the coined silver, which is
.transmitted from Lima. The remittances of gold and silver
.from Chili to Spain passes usually. through Buenos Ayres.
.The gold, being less bulky,- is carried by land, by the monthly
packets, in sums of two or ijiree thousand ounces. The silver
,i&.sent-by two ships every summer, which likewise carry apart
of the gold. The remittances of gold amount annually to
656,000 doUars', the sUver to 24't,000'°; and the copper
annuaUy extracted from the mines of Chili is estimated at from
eight to ten thousand quintals ". From these data it will not
7 The mark being eight ounces may be valued at L. 4 ; hence the yearly
production of gold in Chili is equal to about L.l 66,400 sterling,— E.
8 At eight ounces the mark, and 6s. per ounce, this amounts only to the
' yearly value of L.72jOOO sterling. — E.
9 At 4s. 6d. the dollar, equal to L. 147,600 sterling.-^E,
10 Or L.S4,900 sterling. — E.
1 1 The quintal bf 100 pounds, at Is. 6d. a pound, gives . an average value
of I/r 67,S00 sterling for the yearly produce of copper. — E.

392 Discovery and paut ii. book ii.
not be difficult to form a general estimate of the value of year
ly produce from Chili '*."

Section XIII.
Account ofthe Archipelago of Chiloe'.
y. Grovs'T.slez de A^ueros
The Archipelago of Chiloe, extends from Cape Capitanes
to QuUlan, frora lat. 41° 50' to 44° S. long. 30sj° to 303° 25'
E. fi'ora the meridian of Teneriffe *. On the north it is
bounded by the continent, where the Juncos and Rancos ',
two independent and unconverted nations, possess the country
frora thence to Valdivia : on the east by the Andes, which
Separate it frora Patagonia ; on the south by the archipelago
of Guaitecas ; and on the west by the Pacific Ocean. The
islands of this archipelago araount to about eighty, and ap
pear to have been produced by earthquakes, owing to the
great number of volcanoes, with which that country formerly
abounded. Every part of them exhibits the most unquestion
able marks of the operation of volcanic fo-e. Several moun
tains in the great island of Chiloe, which gives name to the
archipelago, are composed of basaltic columns, which have
been certainly produced by volcanic fire, whatever may be
alleged to the contrary. The inhabited part of this province,
extends from Maullin to Huilad, comprising forty leagues from
north to south, and eighteen or twenty frora east to west, aud
coraprises twenty-five islands. There are Isia Grande, Ancud,
or Chiloe Proper; Achao, Lemui, Quegui, Chelin, Tanqui,
LinUn, Llignua, Quenai, Meuliii, Caguach, Alau, Apeau,
Chaulinec, Vuta-Chauquis, Anigue, Chegniau, Caucague,
Calbuco, Llaicha, Quenu, Tabon, Abtau, Chiduapi, and
Kau:'. — Chiloe Ancud, or Isla Grande, bdng the largest island as
12 The entire value of the three enumerated articles amountstoL.270,000
sterling ; but the other .-inicles of e.xport from Chili, formerly enumerated,
.ire not here included.-^E.
1 This is appended to the English translation of Molina, and is said to be
chiefly extracted from a ¦work on that subject by Pedro Gonzalis de Agueros,
published at Madrid in 1791. — ^E.
S Or from long. 730 to 74° i!o' W. from Greenwich- — E.
3 Called Cunches and Muilliches by Molina. Several circumstances in this
account are interwoven from the text of Molina, Vol. II. Book iv. ch. ii.
This circumstance will account for occasional repetitions, and perhaps some
apparent cont-radictions, which may appear. — ^E.

CHAP, IX., SECT. XIII. Conquest tf Chili. 393
as its name iraports, is the most populous, and the seat of
government. Its capital, Castro, which is the only city in
the province, was founded in 1 566 by Don Martin Ruiz de
Gamboa, during the viceroyalty of Lope Garcia de Castro in
Peru, and was honoured with the name ofhis famUy.
The inhabitants of these islands are descended from the
continental aborigines of ChiU, as is evident frora their man
ners, appearance, and language ; yet are they very different
in character, being of a pacific and rather timid disposition.
They accordingly raade no opposition against the handful of
Spaniards who were sent to subjugate them under Gambpa,
though their population is said to have then exceeded seventy
thousand. Neither have they ever attempted to shake off,
the yoke, except once at the beginning of last century, when
a very unimportant insurrection was speedily queUed. The
nuraber of inhabitants at present amounts to upwards of eleven
thousand, which are distributed into seventy-six districts, each
of which is governed by a native ulmen. The greatest part
of this population is subject to the Spanish comraanders, and
are obliged to give personal service fifty days in every year,
pursuant to the feudal laws, which are rigorously enforcM in
this province, though they have been long abolished in the
rest of the kingdom of Chili,
These islanders in general possess great quickness of capa
city, and readily learn any thing that is taught them, Ihey
have an apt genius for all mechanical arts, and excel in car
pentry, cabinet-making, turnery, and the like, and are yery
expert in the construction of wooden-houses, as indeed aU the
habitations and even the churches are of tiraber. They are
likewise good manufacturers in linen and wooUen, of which
last mixed with the feathers of sea-birds they make very beau
tiful bed-coverings. They also manufacture ponchos or cloaks
of yarious kinds, many of which are striped, or embroidered
with coloured silk or worsted.
These islands abound in wood, of which they supply lai-g^
quantities yearly. As it rains almost incessantly, the culti^
vated lands are commonly wet the whole year. Though they
have abundance of cattle, these are not employed for plough
ing the ground, which is tilled or cultivated in the foUowing
singular manner. About three months before seed-time,
their sheep are turned upon the lands intended for a crop,
changing their situation every three or four nights, in the
Dianner. called folding in Europe, by which the land is suffi-
dently

594 Discoveryand part ii. book ii.
ciently manured. The field is then strewed over with the
seed corn, and a strong man scratches or slightly turns over
the spU to cover the seed, by means of a rude implement com-
^sed of two crooked Sticks of hard wood' fastened tt^ether
and made sharp, which he forces into the ground with his
breast. Notwithstanding this very imperfect tillage, the sub
sequent crop of -wheatgenerally )aelds- ten or twelve for one.
They Ukewise grow large quantities of barley,- beans, peas,
quinoa, which is a species of chenopodium used in-making a
pleasant ^lecies of drink, and the largest and best potatoes
that are to be found in all ChUi. Owing to the moisture of
the cUinate, the grape never coraes to sufficient maturity for
making wine ; but its want is supplied by various- kinds of
cyder, made frora apples and other wild fruits which abound
in the country.
' Owing to their habitode of frequently going from one
island to another, where the sea is for fitira being pacific,-the
Chilotans are all excellent saUors, and being active,- dodle,
and industrious, they are very much employed' in uavijgating
the shipping of the South Sea. Their native barks or piraguas
are formed of from three to five planks, sewed together, and
'caulked with a species of moss which grows on a particular
shrub. There are vast numbers of these barks aU through
the archipelago, which ihey manage very dexterously both with
sails and oars, and the natives often venture as far as Con
ception in these frail vessels. They are much addicted to
fishing, and procure vast quantities and many kinds of excel
lent fish on the sea around their shores. Of thfee they dry
large quantities, which they export to ChUi and Peru; and
the other countries on the Pacific Ocean. They likewise cure
considerable quantities of testaceous fishes, such as conchs,
clams, and piures, in the following manner. These sheU fish
are laid in a long trench, covered over with the large leaves
of the panke tinctoria, over which a layer of stones is laid, on
which a hot fire is kindled and kept up for several hours.
The roasted fish ate then taken out of thesheUs, strung upon
lines, and hung up for sorae time in the smoke of wood fires.
Cured in this manner they keep weU for a considerable time,
and are carried for sale to Cujo and other inland districts.
The Christian religion was very readily embraced by the
Chilotans after their subjugation, and they have ever since
continued stedfast in its observance, rheir spiritual concerns
are under the direction of the bishop of Conception. For
merly

CHAP. IX. SECT. XIII. Conquest tf Chili, 395
merly the government was administered by a lieutenant-gover
nor appointed by the governor of Chili, but that officer is now
nominated by the viceroy of Peru, The whole external trade
of these islands is carried on by three or four ships which
come there annually frora Peru and ChiU, by which they re
ceive wine, brandy, tobacco, sugar, herb of Paraguay, salt,
and European goods, for which they give in exchange red
cedar boards, timber of different kinds, ponchos of various
quaUties, hams, pUchards, dried shell-fish, white-cedar boxes,
embroidered girdles, and a smaU quantity of ambergris which
is found on thdr shores. '
. The navigation ' in this archipelago is difficult and even
dangerous owing to the strength and nuraber of the currents,
and> nothing can appear worse adapted for so perilous a sea
than the piraguas or boats which are used by the islanders.
They are vrithout keel or deck, and the planks of which they
are composed are sewed or laced together by means of strong
withies, the seams being caulked or stuffed with a kind of
moss, or with pounded cane leaves, over which the' withies
are passed. The cross timbers or thwarts are fixed by means
of pegs or tree-nails. In these frail barks, which are very
easily ' overset, the Chilotans venture with, a fearlessness pro
ceeding entirely' from being accustomed to danger, not from
skiU in avoiding it. Their main source of food is from the
sea, which is general most bountiful in those parts of the
world where the earth is' least so. Their raode of fishing- is
singular and ingenious. At low water, they inclose a large
extent of the flat shore with stakes interwoven with boughs of
trees, forraing a kind of basket-work ; which pens or corrales
are covered by every flood and left dry by the ebb tide, at
which tirae they generally find abundance of fish. They like
wise eraploy as food a spedes of sea-weed, caUed luche, which
they forra into a kind of loaves or cakes which are greatly es
teemed even by the wealthy inhabitants of Liraa. Seals are
more numerous in the archipelagos of Guaitecas and Guay-
ji«;o, still farther to the south, where they are eaten by the
natives, who are said to acquire so rank an odour from the
use of this food that it is necessary to keep thera to leeward.
"Whales soraetiraes run aground among these islands but are
greatly more numerous farther to the south. They have
ptob^ly retired frora this part of the coast in consequence of
being persecuted, as ambergris was forraerly found in great
abundance on these shores, but is new very rare. AU

,39S Discovery and part ii. book ii.
All the islands are very raountainous and craggy, so that
only a few vallies aniong the hills and the flat grounds near
the shore are susceptible u I" cultivation. On this scanty culti
vable ground, there are I'oity-one settlcraents, caUed pueblos
or townships, in the iala grande, or large island of Chiloe.
There is one road indeed across the mountains, but the whole
interior of the island is uninhabited. The isle of Quinchau
has si.v pueblas ; Lemui and Llaicha each four, Calbuco
three, all the other inhabited islands only one each, and there
are three on the continent, in all eighty-one. In these pue
blas or townships, the houses are much scattered, each being
placed upon its attached property. The church stands near
the beach, having a few huts erected in the neighbourhood,
which serve to accomraodate the parishioners when they corae
to church on Sundays or any festival to attend raass. In die
whole archipelago there are but four places where the houses
are placed so near together as to assume the appearance of a
town or village. These are the city of Castro as it is called,
Chacao, Calbuco, and the jwrt of San Carlos. This last is
the largest and raost flourishing. In 1774 it contained sixty
houses, with 462 inhabitants. In 1791, it had increased to
two hundred houses and eleven hundred inhabitants ; but its
prosperity arose on the ruin of Chacao, which was the only
port in the whole archipelago till 1768. The harbour of
Chacao is rendered very dangerous by reason of many rocks
and shoals, and is much exposed to winds from the nortli and
fmd north-cast; on which account Don Carlos de Berenger,
when governor, recommended that a town should be built at
Gacui del Ingles, or English harbour, which was accordinglv
ordered by the court of Spain in 1767. The b.iy was theii
naraed Bahia del Rey, or Kings Bay, and the town and har
bour San Carlos. It is in lat. 41" 57' S. aud long. 73° 58'
W. Thc pott is gootl, but ships are often wrecked at the
cntraucc, iu consequence of tremendous hurricanes which
conic on suddenly, at which time the land cannot be seen.
Since the erection of this town, the seat of governnient has
been removed to it from Castro.
Itis difficult to midei'stand what motives could have induced
the Spaniards lo settle in this miserable country, when the
whole extent of this weslcru side of South America was open
lo tlicni. Where gold and silver are to be found, or where
wealth. is to be acquired by conmierce, men will readily settle,
however barren and unfavourable tiie country, or however
3 pestilential

CHAP, IX, SECT. XT 1 1. Conquest qf Chili. aSTt
pestilential the climate. But Chiloe offers no incitements to
avarice, and only a bare and comfortless subsistence to per
petual industry. Perhaps the principal part of the original
settlers were people who escaped from the fury of the Arau
canians, unable to remove to Peru, or to subsist if they got
there, and who were therefore glad of getting any place of
rest and security. There is perhaps no other colony in the
world to which Europeans have carried so few of their arts
and comforts, or where they have attempted to colonize under
so raany natural disadvantages. Two instances indeed raay
be excepted ; the project of Philip II, to fortify the Straits of
MageUan, and the unaccountable settlements of the Norwe
gians in Greenland. In Chiloe it often rains for a whole
month without iiiterraission, and these rains are frequently^
accorapanied by such tremendous hurricanes that the largest
trees are torn up by the roots, and the inhabitants do not feel
safe in their houses. Even in January, their mid-summer,
they have often long-continued heavy rain. If during the
height of a storm the smallest ^opening be perceived in the
clouds towards the south, fine weather soon succeeds ; but
first the wind changes suddenly to the south, with even greater
violence than it blew before from the opposite quarter, and
comes on with a crash as loud and sudden as the discharge
of a cannon. The storm then jjasses away with a rapidity
proportional to its violence, and the weather clears up. But
at this critical change of the wind, vessels are exposed to the
utmost danger. Thunder and lightning are rare, but earth
quakes are frequent. In 1737 these islands suffered severdy
by an earthquake ; a few days after which a cloud or exha
lation of fire, coming from the north, passed over the whole
archipelago, and, as is said, set fire lo the woods in many of
the islands in the group of the Guaitecas. It is said also that
these islands were then covered over with ashes, and that
vegetation did not again appear upon them till 1750, thirteen
years afterwards.
Though excessively rainy, the cliinate is not unhealthy j
but no people on earth ever had more cause to believe ,tliat
the ground was cursed to bring forth thorns and thistles, and
that man is condemned to eat bread with the sweat of his
brow, as there are none who labour so hard and procure so
little. They are so poor as to have no iron, or so very little
that a family which, has an axe guards, it like a treasure.
Thdr substitute for a plough has been alrei^dy described as
made

f 98 Discovery and part ii. book ji.
made of two crooked branches of a tree, with a sharp point
at one«nd and a rpund baU at the other, which they foijce
into the ground by means of their breast, protected by a
sheeps skin during this rude operation of tUlage. Laborious
as this mode must be even in a free soil, it is rendered stiU
more so in Chiloe by the myrtle roots which everywhere
infest thdr cultivated land. The little corn they raise can
never be left to ripen in the field, on account ofthe heavy
and frequent rains. It must be cut before it ripens, and its
sheaves hung up to dry in the sun-shine, if the sun happens
then to shine ; and otherwise it has to be dried within doors*.
Bread is consequently a luxury which is reserved for great
occasions ; and the want of which is supplied by means of
exceUent pptatpes, far better than any that are prpduced in
Peru.pr Chili.
Apples and strawberries are their pnly fruit, both of which
are good and plentiful. The woods produce a plant called
quilineja, much resembhng the esparto or broom of Spain,
frora which they manufacture their cables; and they make
smaller ropes from several leafless parasitical plants which
twine round the larger trees Uke vines or bindwood. A
species of wild cane or reed serves to roof their houses, and
its leaves serve as hay or fodder for the few horses which are
kept in this inhospitable country. In that part of the conti
nent which belongs to this province, there is a tree, caUed
alerse hy the Spaniards and lahual by the Indians, which
supplies the. principal part of their exports, as from. 50,000
to 60,000 planks of its wood are sent yearly to Lima. It
grows to a large size, and has so even and regular a grain as
to adrait of being cldt by wedges into boards or planks of
any desired thickness, even sraoodier than could be done by
a saw. Neither Aguerps nor Falkner had ever seen the tree;
but the latter supposed it of the fir tribe from description,
and supposes it might thrive in England if its seeds could be
brpught pver, as the cpuutry in which it grpws is as cold as
Britain, and it is reckoned the raost valuable limber of that
cnuntry
4 In many parts of Norway, the peasants have to win, or dry, their
corn sheaves spitted on wooden spars set upon stakes in the open air ; and
a nobleman in the western Scots Highlands, has shades in whicfa'to diy hi^
corn and hay, where the sheaves are hung tipon pegs like herrings in il
curing house. Yet bad as is the climate of Chiloe, Iceland and Kamt^atka.
<ian grow no corn at all.— £.

GHAP, IX. SECT. XIII. Cokquesttf ChUi. 399
country both I for -beauty and duration. The bark of this'
tree makes exceUent oakum few that part of ships which is
under water, but does not answer when exposed to the sun
and air. '. They export also the wood of a tree named luma,;
for axle-trees and the poles of carriages ; of a particular kiml;
of hazle for ship-buUding, which answers excellently for pars ;
they likewise make chests and bpxes pf a species of cypress, and
of a tree named druelillo: ¦¦ =
iHams are a;prindple article among their exports,' as hog^
are the mpst nuraerpus animals in Chilpe, where they find
thdr own fpod in the avppds. Few sheep are kept, yet there
are . .sufficient, to iurnish iwoolto give employment to the
women. From this they manufacture panehas, two of which
give sufficient work to a woman for a whole year, as they
work without a loom. The warp is stretched between a set
of pegs,) and they weave in the woof with their fingers, yet
make the work remarkably fine, strong, and beautiful. They
moke i also a smaUer kind, cedled bordillos, • v.'hich are the
ordinary dress of the negroes at Lima. Besides these, they
manufacture blankets and rugs, or coverlets for beds, and
Unen cfoth ; which" last is woven in looms. '
In sumraer, when die vessels arrive from Callao, Sari
Carlos is like a fair, as this is the only opportunity 'enjoyed
by the Chilotans to get suppUed with any thing which is not
the produce of their own country, or to dispose of any portion
of thdr surplus produce. As they have no money or circu
lating jnedium of coramerce, the whole trade is carried on by
means jof barter, which would leave' the islanders at the
mercy of the merchants from- Liraa, but for the interference
of the governraent. On the arrival of the first ship of the
season, the cabUdo or raunicipal raagistraey of San "Carlos;
fixes a money price at which every thing is to be rated on
both sides ; . whitii means of regulating the market- seems ab
solutely necessary, as otherwise the Chilotans in buying would
be oldiged to give any price deraanded by the seUer, and in
selling would have to take any price offered. StiU it would
be much for thdr advantage to export thdr own commodities ;
but the whole archipelago does not contain a single vessel
large enough to make a voyage to Peru or even to ChiU.
Formerly the soldiers who were in garrison in tliis province
used to receive their pay in clothes and other article&of which
they might be in want j, but they were ordered., by „a late re-.
gulation to be paid in specie ; and if this be continued it must
occasion

400 .Discoveiy and part ii. bOok ii.
occasion an iraportant change in the comraercial situation of
Chilo6, by introducing a circulating raedium. In San Carlos
there is a garrison of regular tioops, consisting of 33 artillery
men, 58 dragoons, and 53 infantry. The militia of the ar
chipelago consists of 1569 men, including officers; which
have to do garrison duty, but receive no pay or rations,
having to serve entirely at their own expence.
The inhabitants of Chiloe consists only of two classes of
people, Spaniards and Indians, there being no negroes and
no mixed breed or mestees. The want of negroes is easily
explained by the poverty of the islanders ; but we are not
told how it happens that the other two races have not inter
mixed ^. This is the more remarkable, as a most extraor
dinary change has taken place in the language of these islands
during the latter half of the eighteenth century ; insomuch
that the language of the Indian inhabitants consists entirely
of Spanish words, but all the inflexions, the sjTitax, and the
idiomatic manner of expression are ChUe.se, that is to say
exactly corresponding to the IMoluchese dialect of the Chili-
dugu. Both men and women of the Spanish population in Chiloe
go barefooted, except a few of the principal farailies who sa
crifice convenience to pride ; as in a country so continually
wet it is safer to go about with n.iked feet than to have them
in wet coverings. The men universaUy wear the poncho.
The houses, or hovels rather, are all buUt of wood, and the
crevices are stopped with sheep-skin or rags. The roofs ai-e
all thatched ; and the climate is so rainy that this soon rots
and raust be frequently renewed. These dweUings consist of
a single room, in which the family, thc catde, and the poultry,
are sul accommodated. A few of the inhabitants who can
afford superior accommodation, have houses divided into se
veral apartments, wainscoted within, and roofed with deal.
Bdng all of wood, fires are frequent occurrences; but as the
houses are scattered, the mischief docs not extend. Owing to
the inclemency of the weather, and the miserable state of the
roads, a family in the scattered and solitary situation in which
the houses are placed, is often weeks, and soraetiraes raondis
without
5 Probably the gradations have not been attended to, because the nice
discrimhiation of ranks has not been deemed -worth vhile in so poors
country. Perhaps the mestees and their gradations are all elevated to the.
rank of Spaniards, or all depressed to that of vAssal Chilotans, — £.

CHAP. IX. SECT. XIII. Conquest tf Chili. 401
without any communication with their neighbours. There
is neither hospital, physician, nor surgeon in the whole pro
vince. A sick person is laid in a bed or a heap of skins near
a large fire, and remains there till recovery or death supervene.
The missionaries who visited these islands could find no books
frora which to teach the children to read, and when they
wished them to write there was no paper. Necessity pro
duced a substitute, and they used wooden boards or tablets,
on which they wrote with a substance which could be washed
out. Such is the miserable situation of the Spanish inhabi
tants of the archipelago of Chiloe: yet they dare not leave
their wretched birth-place in the hope of bettering thdr for
tunes. The small-pox is hitherto unknown among thera, and
those who have attempted to go elsewhere have been cut off
by that loathsorae disease. In 1783, the entire population of
this dreaiy province amounted to 23,477, of whom 11,985
were of Spanish descent, and 11,492 Indians,

Section XIV.
Account tf the Native Tribes inhabiting the southern extremity
tf South America '.
The poet ErcUla has made the name of the Araucanians
so foraous that it were iraproper now to change the appella
tion. But that denomination properly belongs only to those
tribes of the Picunches who inhabit the country of Arauco •'.
The nations or tribes who inhabit the southern extreraity of
South Araerica are known araong themselves by the general
VOL. V. c c names
1 This supplementary section or appendix is added to the second volume
of Molina, apparently by the English translator, and is said to be chiefly ex
tracted from the description of Patagonia by Falkner. As the subject is
new and interesting, we have been induced tp extend somewhat beyond the
rigid letter of a collection of voyages and travels. The picture of > man in
varied circumstances of savage life, is one of the most important pieces of
information to be derived from a collection such as that we have undertaken ;
and where direct means of communicating that intelligence are unattainable,
it is surely better to employ such as can be procured than none. — ^E.
2 It will easily be seen in the immediate sequel, that Falkner yery impro
perly uses Picunches as a generic term, as it signifies in a limited manner
the northern people. Molinra most properly denominates the whole abori
gines of Chili on both sides oi, the Andes, Chilese, as speaking one language,
ihe Chili-dugu ; names the tribes of Arauco and those in the tame r^ub- iliean

402 Disemery and part ii. book ii.
names of Moluches and Puelches ; the former signifymg the
wariike people, and the latter the eastern people.
The Moluches or warlike people, are divided into the Pi
cunches, or people of the north, the Pehuenches or people of
the fine country, and HuilUches or people of the south. The
Picunches inhabit the mountains from Coquimbo to some
what below St Jago in Spanish ChUi. The Pehuenches bor
der on these to the north, and extend to the parallel of Val
divia. Both of these are included in history under the name
of Araucanians ^. Their long and obstinate wars with the
Spaniards, with the Puelches and with each other, have great
ly diminished their nurabers ; but they have been stiU raore
diminished by the havoc which has been made among them
by brandy, that curse of the American Indians, for which
they have often been known to sell their wives and children,
and to engage in savage scenes of civil bloodshed, entaiUng
wide and endless deadly feuds. The small-pox has nearly com
pleted the work of war and drunkenness, and when Falkner
left the country they could hardly muster four thousand men
among them all.
The HuilUches possess the country from Valdiria to the
Straits of Magellan. They are divided into four tribes,
who are improperly classed together as one nation, since
three of thera are eridently of a different race from the fourth.
That branch which reaches to the sea of Chiloe and beyond
the lake of Nahudhuaupi speaks the general language of
Chili, differing only fi'ora the Pehuenches and Picunches in
pronunciation. Tlie others speak a mixed language, com
posed of the Moluche and Tehuel tongue, which latter is the
Patagon ; and these tribes, from their great stature, are eri
dently of Patagonian origin. CoUectively these three tribes
are called the Vuta-Hiiilliches, or great southern-people;
separately they are naraed Chonos, Poy-yes, and Key-yes.
The Chonos inhabit the archipelago of ChiU, and the adjoining
shores ofthe continent. The Poy-yes or Peyes possess the coast
frora lat. 48° to something more than 51° S. The Key-yes or
lican confederacy Araucanians ; and gives distinct names like Falkner to the
allied tribes, the Puelches, Cunchese, HuiUiches, Pehuenches, and others.
Falkner appears to have chosen to denominate the whole from the tribe
whose dialect he first became acquainted with ; and some others seem to se
lect the Moluches as the parent tribe. — E.
3 This account difiers essentially from the history we have just given
from the writings of Molina, an intelligent native of Chili, which cannot be
repeated in the short compass of a note.— £,

OHAP. IX. SECT, XIV. Conquest of Chili, 403^
or Keyes extend frora thence to the Straits of MageUan. The
Moluches raaintain sorae flocks of sheep, principally for the
sake of their wool, and cultivate a small quantity of corn.
The Puelches or eastern people, which name they receive
frora the natives of ChiU, are bounded on the west by the Molu
ches, on the south by the Straits of Magellan, on the east by
the sea, and on the north by the Spaniards. They are subdi
vided into four tribes, the Taluhets, Diuihets, Chechehets, and
Tehuelhets. The frst of these or Taluhets, are a wandering
race who prowl over the country, frora the eastern side of the
first desaguadero as far as the lakes of Guanacache in the juris
diction of San Juan and Saii Luiz de la Punta. Sorae of them
are also to be found in the jurisdiction of Cordova, on the
rivers Segundo Terzo and Quarto. When the Jesiiits were
expelled frora the raissions, this tribe could scarcely raise
two hundred fighting raen, and even in conjunction with all
their allies not above five hundred. The second of these
tribes, caUed the Diuihets, is also a wanderitig race, which
borders westwardly on the Pehuenches, between the latitudes
of 35° and 38° S. They extend along the rivers Sangud
Colorado and Hueyque, and nearly to the Casuhati on the
east. This nation and that of the Taluhets are collectively
caUed Pampas by the Spaniards, whose settlements in Tucu
man and on the southern shore of the La Plata they have al
ways infested, and sometimes even endangered. The third
tribe of the Puelches is named the Chechehets, or eastern-
people. The country which they chiefly frequent is situated
between the rivers Hueyque and the first desaguadero or Rio
Colorado, and from thence to the second desaguadero or Rio
Negro. They are a tall and stout wandering race resembling
the Patagonians, but speak a quite different language. Their
dispositions are friendly and inoffensive, bht they are a bold
and active enemy when provoked. They are now reduced'
to a small number by the ravaged of the small-pox. The
fburth race, caUed the Tehuelhets, or in their own language
the Tehud-kunnees or southern-men, are the real ' Pata
gonians. These are again subdirided into many tribes, all of
'Which and the Chechehets also are called Serranos or moun
taineers by the Spaniards. The Leuvuches, who seem to be
the head tribe of all the S^i-ranos, live oh the Rio Negro.
They speak the same language with the Chechehets, but with
a small mixture of the Tehuel: • This tribe used to keep oh
good terms with the Spaniards, thdf they raight hunt in se
curity

4-04 Discovery and part h, book ii.
curity in the pampas pr imraense plains pf Buenps Ayres.
Abput the year 1740, however, they were provoked to war by
a mest wantpn and treacherous attack, and Buenps Ayres
would in all probabiUty have been destroyed, had not these
injured people been appeased by the Jesuit raissionaries. The
Tehuelhets are raore nuraerous than all the other tribes of
these parts together, and are the perpetual enemies of the
Moluches who are so terrible to the Spaniards, whom they
would have long since destroyed if ihey had been equally weU
supplied with horses.
To the south of these are the ChuUlau-Kunnees, and the
Sehuan-Kunnees, who are the most southerly of the eques
trian tribes. The country beyond them, all the way to the
Straits of Magellan, is possessed by the last of the Tehuel
tribes, called Yacana-Kunnees or foot-people, as they have
no horses. These are an inoffensive race, who are very swift
runners, and subsist mosdy on fish. The other Tehuelhets
and the HuiUiches sometimes attack this tribe for the purpose
of making slaves of the prisoners. The ordinary stature of
all the Tehuel tribes is from six to seven feet. None of the
Puelches either keep sheep or cultivate the ground, but de
pend altogether on hunting, for which purpose they keep a
great number of dogs,
The beUcf in an infinite number of spirits, good and evU,
is common to aU the native tribes south of the Rio Plata.
From the north of that river to the Orinoco a different lan
guage prevaUs, accorapanied by a different form of supersti
tion The Puelches do not appear tp acknowledge any of
those numerous spirits as supreme over the rest. The Talu
hets and Diuihets call a good ^irit Soychu, or he who pre
sides in the land of strong drink. The Tehuelhets call an
evil spirit Atskaiina Kanatz, the other Puelches denominate
the same being Valichu. Huecuvu must be another name
for the evil spirit ; as the Chechehets give the narae of Hue-
cuvu-mapu or the devils-country to a great sandy desert, into
which they never venture lest they should be overwhelmed.
Among the nortiiern Indians, each cast or small tribe is dis
tinguished by the name of some animal ; as the tribe of the
tyger, thc lion, the guanaco, the ostrich, and the like. They
believe that each tribe had its own particular creator, who
resided in some huge cavern under a lake or hiU, to which all
of that tribe will go after death, to enjoy the feUcity of eternol
inebriation. These good creative spirits, according to their
opinion,

CHAP. IX. SECT. XIV. Conquest tf Chili. 405
opinion, having first created' die world, made the different
races of raen and animals, each in their respective cave. To
the Indians, they gave the spear, the bow and arrow, and
the laque or ball and thong : to the Spaniards fire arras.
Aniraals tiiey allege were likewise created in these subter
ranean abodes of the spirits, such as were nirablest coraing
first out. When bulls and cows were coraing out last of all,
the Indians were frightened at the sight of their horns, and
stopped up the mouth of their cavern ; but the Spaniards were
wiser and let them out. Thus they explain itlie reason why
they had no cattle tiU after the coming of the Spaniards* ( In
their opinion, all the aniraals who have been created in these
hidden caverns have not yet eraerged. They attribute all
the raisfortunes or diseases which happen to men or animals
to the agency of die evil spirits, who are continually wander
ing about the world in search of mischief. Their priests or
jugglers rather, are each supposed to be attended by two
famUiar evil spirits, to whom the souls of: these jugglers are
associated after death, and with whom they go about to do
mischief. The jugglers are of both sexes ; but it seems as if
it were thought an occupation beneath the dignity of a man,
as the male wizards are compelled to dress like women and
are not perraitted to raarry. The fdmale jugglers are under
no such restriction. They are generaUy chosen while children
to be initiated in the mysteries of this profossion, from araoiig
those who are most effeminate, and such as happen to be
subject to epUepsy or St Vitus' dance are considered as espe
ciaUy marked out for the service of the jugglers. It is a very
dangerous profession, as these jugglers are frequently put to
death when any calamity happens to befal either the chiefs oi*
the people. '<
No ceremonies are performed in honour of the good spirits.
That which is addressed to the evU ones is performed in the
foUovring raanner. The. assistants assemble in the hut or tent
ofthe wizard, who is concealed in a corner of the tent, where
he has a drum, one or two round calabashes with a few small
sea shells in them to make a noise, like tlie mar oca or rattle
of the Brazilian sorcerers, and sorae square bags of painted
hide in which he keeps his spells. He begins the cereraony
by making a strange noise with his drum and rattle, aftejf
which he feigns to Ml into a fit, wliich is supposed to be oc-
. casioned by a struggle with the evil spirit who then entero
into him. During this fit, he keeps his eye-lids lifted, up,
distorts

406 Discovery and fabt ii. book ii.
distorts bis features,, foams at the mouth, seems to dislocate
his joints, and after many riolent and unnatural motipns re
mains stiff and mptfonless, like a person in a fit of epilepsy.
After some time he coraes to himseff, as if having gained the
victory over the evU spirit. He next causes a faint shrill
mournfol voice to be heard within his tabernacle, as of the
evil spirit, who is supposed to acknowledge himsdf vanquish
ed J after which the wizard, frora a kind of tripod, answers
all questions that are put to him It is of littie consequence
whether these answers tiim out true or false, as on all sinister
events the fault is laid on the spirit. On these conjurmg
occasions, the juggler is well paid by those who consult the
destinies. These southern nations make skeletons of their dead, as is
done likewise by the native tribes en the Orinpco ; but it is
singular that this practice does not prevaU ampng the inter-
metliate tribes, that inhabit between the Maranon and Rio
Plata. On such occasfons, one of the most distinguished
women of the tribe performs the ceremony of dissection. The
entrails are burnt, and the bones, after the flesh has been cut
pff'.as clean as possible, are buried tUl the reraaining fibres
decay. This is the custora of the Moluches and Pampas,
but the Serranos place the bones on a high frame-work of
/Eanes or twigs to bleach in the sun and rain. While the
.ddssector is at work on the skeleton, the Indians walk inces
santly round the tent, having their faces blackened with soot,
dressed in long skin manties, singing in a raournful voice,
and strikibg the ground with thefr long spears, to drive away
theieyil spirits. ¦ Sorae go to condole with the widow and re
lations of the dead, if these are wcdthy enough to reward
them fer their mourning with beUs, beads, and other trinkets;
as their, customary condolence is not of a nature to be offered
gratuitously, for they prick their arms and legs with thorns,
and fed pain at least if not sorrow. The horses belonging
to the deceased are slain, that he may ride upon ihem in the
alhue-mapu, or country of the dead ; but a few of these are
reserved to caiTy his bones to the place of sepulchre, which
is done in grand ceremony within a jeor after his death.
They are then packed up in a hide, and laid on the favourite
horse ofthe deceased, which is adorned with mantles, feathers,
and other ornaments and trinkets. In this manner the caval
cade moves to the family burial-place, oflen three hundred
leagues from the place of death, so wide and distant are their
wanderuigs

CHAP. IX. SECT. XIV. Conquest tf Chili. '407
wanderings in the boundless plains to the south of the Rio
Plata. The Moluches and Pampas bury in large square pits about
six feet deep, the bones being first accurately put into their
proper places and tied together, clothed in the best robes of
the deceased, and ornamented with beads and feathers, all of
which are cleaned or changed once a-year. These skeletons
are placed in a sitting posture in a row, with all the weapons
and other valuables belong to each laid beside him. The pit
is then covered over with beams or twigs, on which the earth
is spread. An old matron of each tribe is appointed to the
care of these sepulchres, who has to open them once a-year,
to clean and new clothe the skeletons, for which service she
is hdd in great estimation. The bodies of the slain horses
are 'placed round the sepulchre, raised on their feet and sup
ported by stakes. These sepulchres are generally at a small
distance froni the ordinary habitations of the tribe. Every
year they pour upon them some bowls of their first raade
ckica, or fermented Uquor, and drink to the happiness of the
dead. The Tehuelhets and other southern tribes carry thdr
dead to a great distance from their ordinary dwellings, into
the desert near the sea- coast, where they arrange them above
ground surrounded by thefr horses. It is probable that only
mose Indians who early their dead to considerable distances
reduce them to skeletons, from the followirtg circumstance.
In the voyage of discovery made in 1746 in the St Antonio
from Buenos Ayres to the Straits of Magellan, the Jesuits
who accorapanied the expedition found one of these tents or
houses of the dead. On one side six banners of cloth of va
rious colours, each about half a yard square, were set up on
high poles fixed in the ground ; and on the otiier side five
dead horses stuffed with straw and supported on stakes.
W^ithin the house, there were two ponchos extended, on which
lay the bodies of two men and a woman, having the .flesh
and hair still remaining. On the top ofthe house was^other
poncho, rolled up and tied with a coloured wopUeii band, in
which a pole was ffxed, from which eight tassels of wool were
suspended. Widows are obliged to observe a long and rigoroiis mourn
ing. During a Whole year after the death of their husbands,
they must" keep themselves secluded in the terits, never going-
Out except oh the raost necessary avocations, and having no
comihuiiication with arty one. In aU this time, they raust
abstain

4»8 Discovery and part ii. book ii.
abstain from eating the flesh of horses, cows, ostriches, or
guanacos, must never wash thefr faces which are constantiy
smeared with sopt, and any breach of chastity during this
year of mourning is punished with the death of both parties
by the relations of the husband.
The office of ya, or chief, is hereditary, and aU the sons
of a ya may be chiefs likewise if they can procure followers ;
but the dignity is of so little consequence that nobody almost
covets the office. To him belongs the office of protecting his
followers, of composing differences, and of delivering up any
offender who is to be capitally punished ; in all which cases
his will is the sole law. These petty despots are prone to
bribery, and will reatlily sacrifice their vassals and even thefr
kindred for a gdod bribe. They arc esteemed in proportion
to their eloquence, and any chief who is not himseff eloquent
employs an orator to harangue the tribe in his place. When
two or raore tribes form an alliance against a comraon enemy,
they elect an apo, or commander-in-chief, frora the ablest or
most celebrated of the yas, or hereditary chie&. But this
office, though nominally elective, has been long hereditary
among the southern tribes in tbe iiamUy of CangapoL The
hereditary chiefs, naraed yas, elTnens, or ulmens, have no
power to take any thing frora their vassals, neither can they
oblige thera lo perform any work without payment. On_the
contrary they must treat them kindly and reUeve their wants,
or their vassals will put themselves undei- the protection of a
more generous chief. Many of them therefore wave the
privilege of their birtii, and decline having any vassals, be
cause they are expensive appendages, which yield litde profit.
But every one must attach themselves to some chiefj or they
would undoubtedly be put to death or reduced to slavery.
Every man buys his wife from her relations, with or with
out her consent, and tiien takes possession of her as his pro
perty. But if the woman happens to have fixed her affec
tions on another, she contrives to wear out the patience of
her purchaser, who either turns her away or sdls her to the
man of her choice, but sddom uses her ill. W iilows, and
orphan girls arc at their own disposal. The yas or ulmens
have generally two or tiiree wives ; and even the common
people may have as raany as they please, but wives are dear
and they are generally contented with one. The lives of the
women are one continued series of labour. They fetch wood
and water ; dress tlie victuals j make, mend, and clean the
tents J

CHAP. IX. SECT. xiv. Conquest tf Chili. 409
tents; cure the skins; make them into raantles; spin and
maniffacture ponchos ; pack up every thing for a journey, even
the tent poles; load, unload, and arrange the baggage;
straiten the girths ofthe horses; carry the latice before thefr
husbands ; and at the end of the journey set up the tents.
Sickness or even die raost advanced pregnancy, give no relief
from these labours, and it would be reckoned ignominious in
the husbands to give them any assistance. The women of
jioble famiUes may have slaves to relieve them of these labours ;
but when in want of these, raust undergo the same fatigues as
the rest. Yet tbe tribes of the sputhern extreraity pf Ame
rica are net brutal to their women like those in the north, »
and the marriages only endure during pleasure, though those!
who have children seldom separate. The husband invariably
protects his wife, even when in the wrong; and if detected
in any criminal intercourse, aU his anger faUs upon the para
mour, who is cruelly beaten, unless he can atone for the in
jury by payment. Their jugglers sometiraes persuade them
to send their wives into the woods, to prostitute themselves
to the first person they raeet, which is obviously a device for
cpnsoUng theraselves frpra the ceUbacy tP which they are cpn-
deraned; The husbands readily pbey these directipns ; but
there are wpraen in whpm native mpdesty pverppwers super-
stitipu, whp refuse obedience to thdr husbands pn such occa
sions, and bid defiance to the wizard.
The dresses of all these tribes are forraed of skins ; but all
except the serranos or mountaineers, weave mantles or pon
chos of wooUen yarn, beautifuUy died of various colours,
which when wrapped round the body reach frora the neck to
the calf of the legs. A sirailar raantle is tied round the waist
and reaches to the anklet. Besides these they have a three-
cornered piece of dressed hide, of which two of the corners
are tied round the waist, and the third, being passed between
the legs is fastened behind. The hair is tied up from behind
with the points upwards, by means pf a woollen band bound
many times round the head ; but they are fond o^ wearing
hatswhen they can get thera frora the Spaniards. They
paint their faces red or black, and wear necklaces and brace
lets of sky-blue beads. When on horseback they wear a par
ticular kind of cloaks, having a slit in the middle through
which they put their heads, and the skirts hang down to the
knees or even somethnes to the feet. Thdr stockings or
boots cpnsist of the skin of a horses thigh and leg, flayed off"
whole,

4 1 0 Discovery tf Florida paIit ii. book rt .
whole, dried and seftened with grease, ami rendered Supple
by wringing. The wpmen wear straw hats in shape like those
used by the Chinese, Thdr defensive arraour consists pf a
helmet pf double bulls hide shaped like a broad-brimmed hat ;
a tunic or bodice of hardened skin three or fcur fold, which
is very heavy, but effectuaUy resists the arrcw and spear, and
is even said to be musquet prpof. When on foot, they have
Ukewise a large unwieldy shield of bulls hide. The Tehuel
hets and HuiUiches soraetiraes poispn thdr arrpws. Thefr
spears are pf cane, fcur pr five yards Iraig, and are ppinted
with iron ; and they use swords when they can procure them
from the Spaniards. They use the laqui both in' war and
hunting; but that used in war has a ball, or weight fastened
to one or bpth ends pfthe leathern thpiig instead pf a nppse.
The ball weighs abput a ppund. When used single, or with
pnly pne ball, it is aimed at the head pf the enemy, to knock
out his brains. With the double laqui, haring a boU at each
end, they can fasten a man to his horse, and effectuaUy en
tangle both man and beast.
END OF THE HISTORY OF CHILI.

CHAPTER X.
DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA, AND ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL INEF
FECTUAL ATTEMPTS TO CONOUEK AND SETTLE THAT COUN
TRY BY THE SPANIARDS.
A. V\ct\era -j Icrot:, \ ildc^
' " ' Introduction.
IN the preceding Chapters of this Second Book, we have
given an extended account ofthe Discovery of America by
Columbus, and of die establishment ofthe principal Spanish
Colonies in the New World, from authentic Original authors,
a large portion of which never appeared before in any Collec
tion of Voyages and Travels, and some important parts are
now given for the first time in the English language. It is
not the object of this work tp attempt giving a regular series
pf the Histpry of America, by inserting the establishments
of all the European colonies which havelieen settled in that
quarter

CHAP. X. by the Spaniards. 411
quarter pf the wprld, which would occupy more rppm than
can be cpnveniently aUowed in our CoUection, and for which
we do not possess original documents of sufUcient interest.
In the present chapter it is only meant to give a relation of
the Discovery of Florida by Juan Ponce de Leon in 1512;
of the disastrous attempt- of Paufilo de Narvaez to conquer
that country in 1 528 ; and of the romantic exploratory ex
pedition of Ferdinand de Soto in the years 1539-154^: AU
of which is taken from the General History of America by
Herrera, which may b'e considered as an original and almost
contemporary authority.
Antojiio de Herrera, who was historiographer to the king
of Spain, appears to have coraposed his work only a short
time after the middle of the sixteenth century, as he continues
the series of events no farther than 1554; though he inci
dentally alludes to one transaction which happened in 1572.
The authenticity ofhis work is unquestionable, as the author
assures us that it was composed by royal comraand, frora- all
the best and most authentic sources of inforraation which the
crown could furnish, both in print and manuscript ; and that
he had carefuUy consulted and foUowed the original papers
preserved in the royal archives, and the books, registers,
relations, and other papers of the supreme council of the
Indies, together with all the best^ authors on the subject then
extant. As a literary curiosity of its kind, we subjoin his list
of what were then considered the best writers on the affairs
of the New World. — Those in Italics have been already in-
'serted into this work.
. Peter Martyr of Angleria. — Diego de la Tobilla. — Moto-
Unea. — Don tlerndndo Colon. — Olonso de Ojeda. — Alonso de
Mata. — Enciso. — Gonzalo Hernandez de Oviedo. — Francisco
Lopez de Gomara. — Andres de San Martino. — Pedro de
Zieza.^- Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de N&ca.-^— Bernal Diaz del
Castillo.- — The Bishop of Chiapa, Las Casas.— The Dean
Cervantes — -Francisco de Xeresi-^Gonzalo Ximenes de
Quesada.— Garibay. —f'edro Pizarro. — The relatipns pf
Cortes. — Nunno de Guzman.— Diego Fernandez de Palentia.
^—Augustirio de Zarate.' — The Pontifical History.---Dpn
Afonzo de Ercilla, — Geronimo Benzon. — Theodore de Bryc.
— ^Jusepe de Acosta  Father Augustino Davila. — Garcilasso
Inga. — ^Gabriel Lasso de la Vega. — Don Antonio de Saavedra.
In the Catalogue of Spanish Books and Manuscripts con
sulted by our iUustrious Historian of America, William Ro
bertson,

412 Discovery of Florida part xi. book «.
BERTSON, an edition of Herrera is quoted as printed at Ma
drid in 1601, in 4 vols, folio. We have used on the present
occasion the Translation of Herrera into English by Captain
•John Stevens, in 6 vols. 8vo. printed at London in 1725.
Though assuredly authentic and to lie depended upon so far
as it goes, the plan of this General History ofthe vast Conti
nent and Islands of America, is exceedingly ill devised, and
very troublesome for being consulted ; as the author endea
vours continually to preserve the chronological series of events
throughout the numerous discoveries, colonizations and con
quests of the Spaniards, in all the islands and continental
provinces of Spanish America, by which he is forced into
perpetual and abrupt transitions from subject to subyect;
instead of using a double arrangement, geographical as well
as chronological, in which the narrative belonging to each
territorial division might have been distinctly and separately
arranged in chronological order. Thus in regard to Florida,
which constitutes the subject of our present chapter, we have
had to travel through every one of the six volumes of Herrera,
on purpose to reduce aU the scattered notices respecting the
early discovery of that country under one unbroken narra
tive. Owing to the utter impossibUity of ascertaining the various
parts which were visited by the Spaniards, in these early pe
regrinations in Florida as related in this chapter, we have not
given any map of the country on this occasion, which will be
supplied in a future division of this work, when we come to
particular and raore recent travels in that province of North
America. Indeed the country originaOy named Florida by
the Spaniards was vastly more extensive than the modern ap-
pUcation of that name, and appears to have included all Loui
siana, with Georgia the CaroUnos and Virginia, and the
entire countries on the Mississippi and Ohio rivers. In fact it
was meant as a generic term, including all of die eastern
parts of north America, not previously comprised under New
Spain and its dependencies ; just as Virginia was applied in
tbe reign of Queen Elizabeth to all that part of North Ame
rica claimed by thc English, which was afterwards partition
ed into many provinces, from Nova Scotia to Georgia both
inclusive. Besides, a map to serve the purposes of the present
chapter is pf alnipst imppssible construction, as all the appel
lations of towns and territories, espedally in the extensive
peregrinations of Ferdinand de Soto, are raerely the fugaci-
'0 ous

CHAP. X. SECT. 1. by the Spaniards. 41^
ous names of the caCiques or sachems who happened at the
time to rule over the vai'ious tribes of savages which were vi
sited by Soto in his singularly erratic expedition. One point
only in the whole course ofhis wanderings can be ascertained
with certainty, the Bay of Espirita Santo on the western
coast of Florida, in about lat. 28° N. and lohg. 83° W. Mavila
may possibly be what has since been called Mobile, and tho
Rio Grande or great river was most probably the Mississippi.
All the other points are involved in impenetrable obscurity,
or would require an extended discussion inadmissible on the
present occasion. In the course of the chapter some conjec
tures will be attempted respecting the geography of the wan
derings of Soto and his atlventurous followers, whose sole
object appears to have heen to search for mines of the preci
ous metals, in which they -were altogether unsuccessful.
One circumstance, to be gathered from the peregrinations
of Soto seems worthy of remark ; that the scattered tribes
then occupying the southern portion of North America which
he visited, wei'e more agricultural than when the country
came afterwards to be colonized by the English, and not ad
dicted to the horrible practices ofthe North American savages
of torturing their prisoners taken in war. Perhaps they were
afterwards extirpated by a more savage race from the nortii-
west, who have no hereditary chiefs, as were found by Soto.
From these differences, and their worship of the sun and
moon, the tribes met with by Soto were probably branches
of the Natches, a nation which will be described in the sequel
of this work, and which does not now exist.

Section I.
Disemery of Florida, by Juan Ponce de Leon.
After the settlement of Hispaniola in peace by Obando,
Juan Ponce de Leon was appointed lieutenant of the town
and territory of Salvdeon in that island. Learning from the
Ifidians of that district that there was much gold in the island
of Borriquen, now called San Juan de Puerto Rico, or Porto
Rico, he procured authority from Obando to go over to that
island, which he reduced '. He was afterwards appointed hy
the king of Spain to the government of that island, independent of
1 Herrera, L 327.

»

414 Disemery of Florida part ii. book ii.
of the admiral Don James Columbus. In a war between De
Leon and the natives, wonderful havoc was made among these
poor people by a dog belonging to the governor, called Beze-
rillo, insorauch that the Indians were more afraid of ten
Spaniards with this dog than of a hundred without him, on
which account the dog was allowed a share and a half of all
the plunder, as if he had been a cross-bow-man, both in gold,
slaves, and other things, all of which was received by his
master *•
Having acquired much wealth, and being deprived of the
government of Porto Rico, Juan Ponce de Leon determined
upon making discoveries to the northwards, that he might
gain honour and advance his estate^. For this purpose, he
fitted out three ships well manned and stored with plenty of
prorisions, with which he sailed from the port of St German
on Thursday the 3d of March 1512, steering for Aguada.
Next ni^ht he stood to the N. W. and by N. and on the Sth of
the same month came to anchor at the shoals of Babecua, near
the Isola del Viejo, in lat. 22°f N. Next day he anchored at
one of the Bahama or Lucayos islands called Caycos, and then
at another called Yaguna, in lat. 24° N. On the 11th he
came to the island of Amaguca/o, and then passed Manegua,
in lat. 24°^ N. He came to Guanahani, in lat, 2.54 N. on
the 14th, where he refitted the ships before crossing the bay
to windward of the Lucayos. This island of Guanahani was
the first land discovered by the admiral Don Christopher
Columbus in the New World, and by him called San Salva
dor. From thence De Leon steered to the north-west, and
on Sunday the 27th of March, being Easter-day, caUed Pas-
qua de Flores by the Spaniards, he saw and passed by an
island. Continuing the sarae course tUl Wednesday SOtli of
March, when the wind became foul, he altered his course to
W.N. W. and on the 2d of April came to nine fathoms water
a league from the land, in lat. 30° 8' N. Running along the
land in search of a harbour, he anchored at night in eight
fathoms near the shore. Believing the land to be an island,
he gave ^t the name of Florida, because it appeared very de
lightful with many pleasant groves, and all level, as also be
cause
2 Herrera, I. SS9,
8 Id. II. 33. We now <nter upon the discovery of Florida, which will be
found regularly referred to the fragments of its History, as scattered through
the work of Herrera, at estch respective transition. — E.
8

CHAP. X. sfiCT. I. by the Spaniards. 415
cause first seen during Easter, which the Spaniards caU Pas-
qua de Flores, or Florida. At this place Ponce went on shore
to take formal possession.
On Friday the Sth of April he continued his course along
the coast as before ; and next day changed to the S, and by
E, till the 20th, when he perceived some bohios, or Indian
huts on the coast, off which he came to anchor. Next day
the ships continued their course along shore, but met with so
strdng a current as drove them back though with a fair wind.
The two ships nearest the shore dropt their anchors, but the
force of the current was so great as to strain thefr cables.
The third was a brigantine, and farther out at sea ; which
either found no bottom for anchoring, or did not perceive the
current, so that it was carried to sea and lost sight of by the
rest, though the weather was fair. Being invited on shore by
the natives. Ponce landed, and the natives imraediately en
deavoured to seize the boat, oars, and arms of the Spaniards,
who were forced to fight in their own defence, during which
two of them were wounded with darts and arrows pointed
with sharp bones. Night parted the combatants, and Ponce
collected his people with some difficulty, having done very
litde damage to the Indians, and returned to the ships. He
sailed next day along the coast to a river, which he named
Rio de la Cruz, where he proposed to wood and water and
to wait the return of the brigantine. He was opposed at this
place by rixty Indians, one of whom was made prisoner, that
he might learn Spanish, and be able to give information re
specting the country. Leaving at this place a stone with an
ihscription, be doubled the Cape of Florida on Sunday the
Sth of May, giving it the narae of Cabo de las Corrienfes, or
Cape Currents, because they are there stronger than the
wind ; afler which he came to anchor near an Indian town
caUed Aboaia. All this coast, from Cape Arracifes to Cape
Carrientes lies north and south one point east, being clear
and free from rocks and shoals, with six fathoms water near-
the ishore.
After passing Cape Corrientes, he sailed on tiU he feU in
with two islands to the southwards, in lat, 27° N. At one of
these, which he named Santa Martha, about a league in cir-
cumferehce, he watered. On Friday the 13th of May, he
sailed along a shoal -with a chain of islands, to one called
Pola, in 26° 30' N. Between these islands and the continent
is a spacious sea like a bay. On the 15th pf May he pro
ceeded

416 Discovery tf Florida part ii. book ii.
ceeded ten leagues along the chain of small islands, to two
white ones which, he called Los Martires in 26° 15' N. He
continued along the coast, sometimes N. sometimes N.E. tUI
thc 23d of May, ami on ilie 24th ran along the coast to the
southwards as far as sonic small islands that lay out at sea,
still believing that he was coasting along the shore of a large
island. As the aneliorage between these small islands and the
coast appeared convenient for the puipose, he continued there
till thc 3d of June taking in wood and water, and at the same
time careened one of the ships named the St Christopher.
At this place thc Indians for the first time came off in canoes
to view the Spaniards, who refused to venture on shore though
repeatedly invited. Seeing thc Spaniards about to heave one
of the anchors, on purpose to shift its situation, the Indians
laid hold of the cable as if lo draw the ship away ; on which
the long-boat was sent after them, and the crew going on
shore took four women and broke two old canoes. No hos
tiUties of any moment occurred, and the Indians even bartered
some skins and low gold with the Spaniards for trinkets.
On Friday the 4th of June, while waiting for a wind to go
in quest of a cacique named Carlos, who was reported by the
Indians to have gold, an Indian came on board who was
able to converse with the Spaniards, and who was conse
quently supposed to be a native of Hispaniola or of some ofthe
other islands possessed by the Christians. This man desired
them to remain at their present anchorage, as the cacique in
tended to send gold to barter. Accordingly, they soon after
saw twenty canoes approaching, some of which were lashed
two and two together. Some of these canoes went to tbe
anchors, which they endeavoured to weigh, but being unable
attempted to cut the cables, while others of them drew near
the ships and began to figlil. The long-boat wdl manned
and armed was sent against them, and put them to flight,
taking four prisoners and killing several of the Indians. Ponce
sent two of the prisoners to tell the cacique that he was wiUing
to make peace with hira, although he had slain one of the
Spaniards. Next day the boats were sent to sound the har
bour, and some of thc men landed, when they were assured.
by the Indians that the cacique would come next day to trade; ¦
but tiiis was a mere fdnt to gain tirae, as at eleven o'dock
eighty canoes well equipped and full of men attacked the ship
nearest tiic shore, ami fpught till night without doing any
harm, as all their arrows fell short, and they durst not come near

CHAP* X. SECT.. I. • l& the Spaniards. ^ J?
near for fear of the cross-bows and great guliS. Atiength
they retired, and the Spaniards having stajd nine days re
solved to return to St Domingo and Porto Ricp, endifavpur-
ing to discover some islands by the way of which they bad
received accounts from the Indians. Ponce accordingly; set
sail on his return on the I4th of June,, and sailed, aniong
islands tiU the 21st, when he arrived at the small islands cah
ied Las Tortugas, or the tortoises, because the crews tpok. 170
of diese creatures in a short time of one night in pne pf these
islands, and raight h^ve had mpre if they pleased^ They
alsp tppk fpurteen dpg-fishes *, and killed at least 5000 sear
guUs. and other birds.
On the 24th, leaving Tortugas, they steered S, W. and by
W. On the 26th they saw laiid,^ which they saUed along till
the 29th, when they came to anchor to trim their yards ajad
sails, but could not tell what country it was, Most of the
%ianiards believed they were on the coast of Cuba, because
they found canoes, dogs,, . knives, and others tools of ir^n.
On the 25th of July they were among a cluster of low island^
still ignorant of where they were, till Ponce sent to view an
island which appeared to be Bahama, as indeed it was said to
be by an old woman whom they found in another island,
and in which they were confo'med by a pUot named Diego
Miruelo, who happened to be there in a boat from Hispanipla.
Having ranged backwards and fprwards tUl the 23d pf Sep-'
tember, and refitted, the ships, Juan Ponce resplyed tp send
one of thetn lo take a view ofthe island of Bimini, which the
Indians r^orted to contain much wealth, and to have a
spring which made old people young again. Juan Perez de
Ortubia was appoit>ted captain of. that ship, and. Anionic) de
Alamihos pilot. They took two Indians along with them to
point out the shoals, which were so nuraerous that it was both
difficult and dangerous to get through among them. Twenty
days afterwards, Juan Ponce returned to Porto Rico, and
was foUowed some time after by Ortubia, who hod found the
island of Bimini, which was large, pleasant, and abounding
in good water and deUghtful , giroves ; but the wonderful
•Spring was not be . discovered; It is certain that JuflP Ponce
de Leoni besides the main design of discovering new islands
which all the Spaniards then; aspired to, was desirous of find
ing out the spring of Bimini and a certain river in Florida,
voi«. V. Dd :¦ ¦ > ia
4 Probably Sharks. — E.

418 Discovery tf Florida part ii. book ii.
in both of which it was asserted by the natives of Cuba and
Hispanfola that old people became young again by bathing
in their waters. It is Ukewise weU known that many of the
natives of Cuba, firmly beUeving the existence of such a river,
bad gone over into Florida in search of it, and had built a
town there before the coming of the Spaniards to the West
Indies, and that their descendents continue there to this
day. This report prevailed among all the princes or caciques
in these parts, who were all su anxious to find out this won
derful river, that there was not a river, brook, or lake in all
Florida in which some of them had not bathed, and many
still persist iii the belief that it is the river now caUed Jordan
at Cape Santa Elena, without reflecting that the Spaniards
first gave it that name in 1520, when the country of Chicora
was discovered.
Although this voyage turned out to litde or no account to
Juan Ponce, it yet encouraged him to go to court to sue for
some reward for baring discovered this new country, which
he still continued to believe an island or cluster of islands,
and which opinion was retained by the Spaniards for some
years. Yet this voyage was actually beneficial on another
account, by the discovery of a passage to Spain from the
"West Indies through the channel of Bahama, which was first
performed by the pilot Alaminos. For the better understanding
the voyage of Ponce, it must be observed that the Lucayo or
Bahama Islands consist of three groups. Thefrst, or Baha
ma cluster gives name to the passage, and in which the cur
rents are most impetuous : The second is called De los Orga-
nos : and the third the Martyrs, which are next to the Cayos
de las Tortugas, or Turtle Keys to the westwards ; which last
are not to be seen from any distance, bdng all low sands,
and in consequence many ships have perished on them, and
all along the Bahama channel, nnd on the islands of Tortu
gas. Havannah in the island of Cuba and Florida, are south
and north of each other ; and between them are these before-
mentioned islands of Orgatios, Bahama, Martyres, and Tor
tugas, having a channd with a violent current, twenty leagues
across in the narrowest port between Havannah and the
Martyrs, and fourteen leagues from the Mar^rs to Florida.
The widest part of this channd is forty leagues, with many
shoals and deep channels between these, but ha» no safe pas
sage for ships, and is only practicable for canoes. But this
passage from thc Havannah for Spain, is along tbe channel of

CHAP. X; 8SCT. i; by thU Spaniards. 419
of Bahama, between the Hflvarlnah,' ihe Mrirtyrs, the Lucayos,
and Ci^e Canaveral.
No farther atterijpt appears to ha Ve been ftiade towards the
conquest and settlement of Florida by the Spaniards, till the
year 1528, vfhen Panfilo de Narvaez made a most disastrous
expedition to that country, which will forhi the subject of the
ensuing section of this chapter ; except that abdilt the yeaP
1525, the Ucentiate Luke "Vasquez de AyUon sailed with three
ships for tliat country from Santjago in the island of His
paniola '. Vasquez arrived with his small armament at Cape
Santa Elena in Florida, where he found an Indian town cal^
led OritzU; since named Chicora by the Spaniards^ and a-
nother town in the neighbourhood called Guale, to which the
Spaniards have given the name pf Gualdape: At this place
is the river Jordan, sc named frohi the pilot by whom it was
discovered, and where Vasquez lost one of his ships. He
proceeded however in his enterprise with the other two ships,
and landed two hundred men upon the coast of Florida;
but being himself unacquainted with military discipline, and
little regarded by his men, his troops were defeated by the
natives and mostly slaih. The few who escaped returned to
Hispaniola ; some alleging that VaSquez was of the number;
tvhile others assert that he was slain in Florida: In this un
fortunate expedition, from which great consequences had
been expected, no other towns but the two above mentioned
were seen in Florida ; and by this disaster all attempts for
the conquest and settlement of that country were laid aside
for some time, more especially as all the natives who had been
there met with appeared poor and miserable; and having very
smaU quantities of gold and sUver, and even what little they
had appeared to have been brought to them from remote parts
of the country. SECTIOif Ili
Narrative tf' a Disastrous Attempt l)if Panfilo de Narvaez to
conquer Florida ; together with sotne account tf' that
Country '<
The abortive attempt of panfilo de Narvaez to supersede
Cortes in the command of ^e e:st)edlti0;p|igainst Mexico has
, been
6 Hemsra, til. 367,
1 Id. IV. 37.

420 Discaoery of Florida part u. book h.
been already related. He afterwards endeavoured to settie
a colony at the Rio de las Palmas in the bay of Me^dco,
whence he was expelled by the arrogance of Nunno de Guz
man, who hod been appointed governor of the adjoining pro
vince of Panuco, and endeavoured to appropriate the terri
tories belonging to others in his neighbourhood to his own
advantage and emolument in the most uiijustitiable manner.
lUi March 1.528, Narvaez sailed from Cuba with four ships
and a brigantine for the conquest of Florida, having a force
of about four hundred men with eighty horses. During the
voyage, the squadron was carried aniong the shoals of Canar-
reo by tbe unskilfulness of the pilot Meruelo, where the ships
got aground and remained for fifteen days constantly touching
with their keels and unable to get into deep water. At the
end of this period a storm at south bronght so large an ac
cession of water from the bay upon these flats that the ships
got off. At Guaniguanigo they encountered another storm in
wluch they were near perishing, and met with a third at Cape
Corrientes. Three days after getting to windward of Cape
St Antonio, they were driven by contrary winds to within
twelve leagues of the Havannah ; and when about to put in
there for dicker were carrieil back by a south wind to the
coast of Florida, where they arrived on the 12th of April,
and carae to anchor in the mouth of a bay where they could
perceive sorae Indian huts on the shore*. Alonzo ELnriquez,
the coraptroller ofthe arraament, hailed the natives fi'ctn a
smaU island in the bay, and procured from them some fish
and venison by means of barter.
Next day, Narvaez went on shore with as many men as the
boats could carry, and found the dweUings of the natives aban
doned, pne of them being large enough to contain three' hun-
di'ed men. In the houses^ were found a number of fi.shii^
nets, and along with these a sort of tabor or drum, prnament-
ed with gpld bells. On the day following, Narvaez landed aU
the rest ofhis men, and forty-two horses, the others having
died during the voyage. Narvaez took formal possession of
the country iu the name of the king of Spain. Some ofthe
Indians drew near that day, but haring no interpreter they
could not be ccnversed wUh, though it appeared by thefr
threatening
' ¦-,. :¦; 'r-n '¦*'
S Hiring ao indicatipus Whatever of the. place $( laading, it i« qpite impbs*
sible to attempt tracing the steps of Narvaez m hit short and disastrous expe
tlition to Florida."— £.

CHAP. X. SECT. II. l^tlte Spaniards. 42 1
threatening signs that they warned the Spaniards %a leaye
their country. On the saine day Narv^eai, mardapd north
wards intq the country, with forty men and six horses, and
icame to a lai-ge bay which seeraed to penetrate fair into the
interior. Having hidted at that place for the. night, he re
turned next day to the ships. The pilot Meruelo was sent
in the brigantine to find out a harbour for the squadron, and
to endeavour to procure provisions. Having taken; four
prisoners, some maize was sbewn thpra, to tn.leavour to disr
cover if the natives were acquainted with thijit grain, as none
had been seen hithertp; in the. country. Thpy accordingly
offered by signs to lead the Spaniards to where some of it
could be propured, and guided thera to the tpvvp pr viljivge
where they dwell, where serae maize was growiiig in a field
in the envirpus. In the same place, they found some Spanish
chests, in each of which was a dead bpdy wrapped. up in
painted deers skins; and as the cpmm(issary, Juan Xuorez
cphsidered this tp be sPine idolatrous institution, lie ordered
the chests and bodies to be burned. They likewise .fpUud
some pieces of Unen and woollen cloth,, with several plmnes
of feathers which seeraed to have corae from Mexico, Oind a
sradll quantity of gold. Being iijterrogated by signs whence
those things were procured, the Indians raade thera ,underr
stand by siraUor means that there was great abundance pf|[old
in a' province at a very great distance called Apalache I,.; ,•• . •
Twdve leagues from thence they came to an Indian tOwn
consisting of fifteen, houses, near which there was great plenty
of maize just ripe; Narvaez and others were of, opinion that
they should raardi immediately into the interior, sending the
ships
.3 The name of Apalache is now given to a large bay on the western coast
ol East Florida, and towards its northern extremity, the bottom of northern
extremity of which is in lat 50" N'. and long. 67° 13' W. where a small
river iiamed St Marks enters the sea. ' The river Apalachicblaj likewise nam
ed R. des Cabuilas, or Catahoche, runs into the western part of the same
bay. by two mouths, the easternmost of which is about fifteen miles S. W. of
,St, Marks River, and western mouth about twenty miles farther to .the W, S.
W. The same name is applied to the south western extremity of 'thegreat
raingeof mountains in the middle states of North A.merica| 'dividing the
'Atlantic country from the western waters which run into the Ohio, called
' Blue Mountains, Alleghanjr Mountains, and Apalachean Mountains, These
.|ast4ivide North Carolina from the sources of the Tenassee and Cumberland
,rivers. A, part likewise of Georgia, east frorri the Apalachicola rlve^, along
the northern boundary of East Florida, is still named the Apalachi country.
¦-E.

422 Discovery of Florida part ii, book n.
ships in search of a safe harbour on the cpa.st ; but the trcar
surer of the expedition, Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de "Vaca, ad
vised that they should aU embark tiU such time as a safe har
bour could be discovered. The other opinion prevailed, and
the whole land forces set out upon tiieir march on the 1st of
May, being about three hundred foot and forty liorsp, every
man cairying two pounds of biscuit, and half a ponnd of bacon.
"With only that scanty provision, they proceeded for fifteen
days, finding nothing to eat in the country, exc^t some
palmeiOBS like those of Andalusia, and without seeing any
towns, house, or Indians in the whole way. At this time
they damie tp a river which they crossed, some by swimming
iand others on rafts or floats, which empfoyed them a w hole
day in con.-icquence of tbe strength of the current. They
were opposed by about two hundred Indians on the opposite
bank, who only threatened them without coming to Wows. Of
these they took six prisoners who conducted the Spaniards to
their dweUings, where they found a considerable quantity of
Indian com, which proved a great reUef to thefr urgent ne
cessities. From this place two ofiScers were sent with a de
tachment ih search of the sea-coast, in hopes of estabUshing
a Communication with the ships ; but all they found was a
creek only fit for receiring canoes*
. After a short stay, ^ey marchec^ onwards in quest of the
province oi Apalache, which the Indians had reported to be
rich ih gold, guided in the way by some of their prisoners.
After marching fifteen days without meeting with any inhabi
tants, they fdl' in with an Indian chief, who was dressed in a
painted deers skin, carried on the back of one of his subject^
and attended by a great number of Indians, some of whom
went before him playing upon a kind of pipes made of reeds.
On being inforraed by dgns that tbe ^panianls were in searph
of the province of Apalache, he seemra to intimate that he
was d^ enemy to the people of that country. The Spaniards
gave this caCique beads, hawk- bells, and other such trinkets,
and continued their march. They came thai night to a river
which was so rapid that they durst not venture to cross it on
floaits, and were tb^^fo^ obUged lo construct a canoe for
that purpose. Juan Vdasqviez ventured to attempt crossing
it by swimming his horse, but both were drowned, and the
Ihdfan' attendants ori the cadqiie drew the drowned horse
from the river und eat him for thdr supper. On their arrivd
tii the town belonging to the cacique, tliey were suppUed y^ito
Indian

chap. X. SECT. It. iy the Spaniards, 423
Indian corn, and next day were guided on thdr way through
thick woods, in which the road was obstructed by many fal
len trees, and the fragments of others which had been shivered
by lightning, as the country was subject to severe thunder
storms. On the 25th of June, Narvaez and his people came
in sight of Apalache, without having been perceived by any
of the inhabitants ; and, though weary and hungry they were
aU in high spirits, thinking uiemsdves at the end of their
labours, and that they should find some great treasure in re
compence of their fatigues. Some horseraen immediately en
tered the plaee, in which they found only women and chil
dren ; but the men soon returned and attacked them with
thdr bows and arrows, and were soon repulsed, yet killed the
comptrollers horse. This town of Apalache contained forty
low huts or cabins, enclosed among thick woods and moras
ses in which they found abundance of maize, deer-skins^
mantles, head-dresses for women, and stones for grinding
corn, but no gold. AU the country, from the place where the
Spaniards landed to Apalache was one continued sandy fiat,
yet thickly overgrown with woods of walnut, laurel, liquid*
amber, cedar, savine, oak, pine, and palmetoes ; inteipersed
with many swamps or morasses which were very troublesome
to pass, and many fallen trees which lay athwart the way. In
their march they saw three different kinds of deer, hares,
rabbits, bears, and lions*, with other wild beasts; and among
these an animal called the opossum, which carries its yoiing
in a pouch under the belly till they are able to shift for them
selves. The country is cold^, and has good pasture for cato
de. In die woods and marshes through which they passed
they saw many different kinds of birds, as geese, ducks^
herons, partridges, falcons, hawks, and many others. Two
hours after the arrival of the Spaniards, the inhabitants of
Apalache came to demand their wives and children, aU of
whom were set free ; but as the cacique was detained they were
much displeased, and came next day to assault the place, en
deavouring ta set fire to thdr own honses, but on the appear ance
4 It IS hardly necessary to say that there are no Uons in America, The
Spaniards must accordingly have given this, name to the cougar, now called
fhe panther by the North Americans,, a very inferior species of the feline
jace.— £.
5 This must be considered as in comparison with the climate of Cuba and
liispaniola, to which the Spaniards had been lon^ accustomed, as the climatp
ef Florid* is certainly hot la referens? to ^ny part of E»fope.*-E.

42* Disemery of Florida part 114 book ii.
ance ofthe Spanfarde they fled to the morasses j and next day
a similar atterapt was inade but w'iih the same consequences.
' The 'laniards reraained twentyMfiire> days at thisifdace,
dbring which time they made three incursions into the ccmn-
try- to some distance, finding it eveiy where Ul-inhabited and
(^ctiltly penetrable, owing to similar, obstacles with those
t^ey had ah;eady encountered. From the cacique whom they
bod in oultody, they were informed that Apalache was one ^
the best towns in these parts, and tliat on going farther inland
the land was worse and more thinfy peopled. He added,
that at nine days' journey southwards there was a towncalled
Ante near the sea, inhabited by a tribe in amity with him,
who had plenty of provisions. Taking this information into
obnsideration, and especially as the Indians of Apalache did
them considerable irtjury by frequent assaults, and alw^ re
treated tt> their fixrtresses in the marshes, the Spaniards de
termined upon returning towanls the sea. On the. second
Aiij of their retrograde march, they were attacked by the In
dians while passing across a nioras'<, and several both meu and
horses were'<wiiuTided, without bing able tu take vengeance
in thdr eneraieSj as they always fied into the water. These
Indians were . of large stature and well made, very nimJsie,
Atid'W'ent enttl-ely-naked, being- ami ed with bows as thick as
a' marts arm and twelve spans long. They marched in this
iflanner, under continual assaults, for eigub days^ at the end
df^'which period they came to the town of Aute, where diey
g&t Indian corn, pompions, kidney-beaiK, and other pi o\i«
sfons, FrWn this place the treasurer, Cabeza de Vaca, was
$ent with a p^rty to endeavour to find the sea; bat came
bade in three days) reporting that the sea was fi^r off, and he
bad only been able to readisome creeks which penetrated
deep into the land. They had already travelled two hundred
and eighty leagues from the place at which they fii^t landed.
In aU which wny ^hey had seen neither mountain nor even
atiy thing whidi eoold be called a bill*. The men were be-
cUme ihuch dejected and very sickly, and no longer able to
W^HA. so as to endeavour tp make their way back tc where they
left the ships ; in which miserable condition it was resolved to
build
6 Their wandering had probably been in the country of the Credca, in the
western parts, qf Qeorgia, and the two rivers they crossed may have beea
the Catahoche an4 Mobile ; but we have no indications from which 10 form
any conjectiice at to the part of the coast on which they built their ill-fiued
barks.— E.

CHAP. X, sscT.i Ib by the Spaniards. 425
build some barks for the jiurpose of making their way along
shore in search of the strips. They accordingly constructed
five barks, each of them twenty cubits long, which they caidked
widi' the husks of palmetoes, nuking ropes ofthe manes and
tails of their horses, and sails of theu' shirts ; but were hardly
able to find enoagh. of stones to serve for ballast and anchors.
They embarked on the •22d of September, after having
eaten all their horses, and having lost above forty of their
men fvorti. sickness, besides several who were slain by the In
dians. Their barks were hardly able to carry themj and
they had no sailors among them to direct their perilous na-
vagation. After five days painful progress among intricate
creeks \ they came at last to an island, where they fbund.five
canoes abandoned iby the Indians, and on going into a house
they found some dried skates which were a very acceptable
though scanty relief to their necessities. Proceeding onwards
with the help of tbesa canoes, they suffered extremely for want
of water, during which five of them died in consequ^ice of
drinMng sea-water too freely. Owing to this necessity they
were ^oin obUgjed to land on the continent, where they found
water and fish ready dressed in some Imlian houses. At night
these people attadced them, and the cacique of Apalache
whora they had hitherto kept afong with thera raade his
escape, leaving a raantle of sables behind hira so strongly
scented with arabergris that it could be smelt from a consi*
derable idistance. Obliged to reimbark, and the weather
proving stormy,, theibarks were all dispersed, andi none of
thera ever more heard of except that in which Cabeza de Vaca
was, which was throlvn /ashore. Panfilo de Narvaez and
most, of his raen were assuredly lost in the storm, or destroyed
by the Indiafas on shore ; thdugh there was a foolish report
long current that he had penetrated to the South Sea.

. Section III.
i^dveniwes and wondeiful espape of Cabeza de Vaca, after, the
j! :, loss tf Narvaez.
"When cdst on shore, as mentioned at tbe close ofthe for
mer section, Gab^za de Vaca and the people along with him
were
7 These intricacies may possibly have been between Mobile Bay, and the
western bay of Spiritu Santo at the mouths of the Missi6ippi,«<'£.

426 Discovery ofFloiida part ii. book ii.
werereUeved by the Indians; and on endeavouring. again to
put to sea, the bark was overset, three of the Spaniards
were drowned, and Cabeza and a few more got again on shore,
naked and without arms. On seeing the miserable fdight of
these unhappy Spaniards, the Indians came to them with pro-
vidons, sat down by them and lamented their misfortunes,
carried them to their houses, and made fires by the way to
warm them, otherwise they must have perished with tbe
cold, as they were naked and it was now the raonlh of No
vember. -They were put into a house with a good fire, the
natives dandng aU night close by them, which the S^niards
were sadly afraid was a prelude to their being sacrificed next
day. . But as they were plentifully supplied with provisions
they began to recover their spirits and confidence next day.
Cabeza de Vaca and his companions were soon afterwards
joined by the Spaniards who had escaped from the wreck of
another bark. At first diey were in ail dghty men ; but in a
short time thdr number was reduced to fifteen, as they were
forced to winter on the island, exposed to excessive cold and
great scarcity of provisions. Owing to their misfortunes,
they caUed this Isola de Mal-hado, or the isle of Bad-Lock '.
The inhabitants of this island were of large stature, their
only weapons being bows and arrows. The men had one of
their nipples bored, wearing a piece of reed in the hole, and
a similar ornament in their under lip. They dwdt in this
island from October to February, feeding much on certain
roots. In the months of November and December they caught
fish in a kind of wears indosed with reeds; but these were
not to be got at any other time. At the latter end of Feb
ruary, when all the roots were eaten, they were forced to re
move from the island in search of food elsewhere. These
natives were extraordinarily fond of their children, tlie parents
and kindred lamenting for such as died during a whole year,
after which they completed the funeral ceremonies, and wash
ed off the black paint they had worn in token of mourning.
They did not lament for the death of the old, aUeging that
they had lived their time, and that they took away the food
which
1 A; we have no infiannation in the text which could lead to suppose that
Cabeza ever crossed the great river Missisippi, ^ther before laodipe on th^
itiand of MaUhado, er in his stibsequent journey to Kew Spain, the isle of
Bad-Luck may have been to the west of the Missisippi.'— £,

leiiAF. X. SECT. III. by the Spaniards. 427
which ought to goto the children. AU the dead wereburied*
except the physicians *, whose bodies were burnt, and thdr
ashes kept for a year, after which these ashes were mixed
with water and drank by the relations of the deceased. Every
man was contented with one wife ; but these physicians had
usually two or three each, who Uved together very amicably,
When a man engages to marry the daughter of another, ne
gives her aU he possesses, and sends to the father of his bride
every thing he kills, and in reti^rn his diet is sent him from
the house of his father-in-law, as he is not permitted to enter
the house during the first year of the marriage. Should his
father-in-law or any ofthe brothers of his wifie meet him during
that tirae, they always fook down and pass on without speak»^
ing ; yet in that period the woman converses freely with the
father or other relations of her husband. These customs are
observed both in the island of MaUhado and through all the
country of Florida for fifty leagues inland. "When a son or
brother dies, the pe<^le of the house wiU rather starve than
goin quest of any thing to eat during three months, in aU
which time the relations ofthe family send in all that is ne
cessary for their sustenance. Owing to this, several families
in Mal-hado were in great straits while the Spaniards resided
among them, as many had died and the survivors strictiy ob
served the custom. The houses in the island were of mats,
and strewed with oyster shells, on which they lay at night
stark naked round the fire. The inhabitants of the province
of TegeSta ^, reaching from the Martyrs to Cape Cannaveral,
feed better than those Indians among whom Cabeza resided,
being extraordinarily expert fishers. Two ofthemwiU venture
out in a small canoe to attack whales when any are seen upon
the coast. One of them steers or paddles the canoe ; while
the other, bdng provided with two or three stakes and a
mallet, leaps into the sea as soon as he sees a whale rise to
the surface, gets upon its head, ^nd immediately drives one
of the stakes into one of the /spiracles pr blowing holes by
which the whale breathes. The whale immediately dives to
the bottom ; and when forced to come up again to breathe,
he repeats the operation and plygs up the other spiracle, so
thai
2 So called by the translator pf Herrera, but perhaps these were a kind
of priests or conjurers — ^E.
3 In some modern maps Tegesta is cpiisidered ^s the soutliien] extremity.
of the province of East Florida. — B.

*28 Discaoery of Florida fart n. book ii,
that it cannot gefc breath and is soon suffocated,^ When the
whale dies, tiiey fosten a line of withes or twisted branches to
its neck, and tow it to the shore, where it serves a long whUe
for them lo feed upon.
' Cabeza de Vaca and the remnant of his unfortunate com
panions iremained in the isle of Malrhado tiU the end of April
lil^^i,by)which time all the lood in the island being devoured^
the-n/tbcJcl population was forced by bnnger to go over, to the
continent; of Fforkla, where they f lad upon wUd ben^, Tlje
Spaniards were obliged to act a$ physicians to thc natives, as
otherwise diey were refused food,^ In the <.'Xercise of this pro
fossion, they made the sign of the cros.^ on the parts affected,
refeiting;the' Pater nost^r^ and prayed to God to heal their pa
tients^ who aU affirmed that they derived great benefit from
diese ceremonies, and supplied the Spaniaods. with food in
returti. There were two languages used among, these natives
within a very little distance, those .who spoke the one being
eaUed Capoquesi and the others Han. When the, natives hap
pened to meet together after a long -separation, they would
often sit down and weep for haff an hour before they b^an
to converse.
AU the remaining Spaniards, to tbe number of fourteen,
went away along the coast, leiai^g Cabeza de Vaca behind,
who happened to be sick and unable to travel. On his re
covery, he had to search among the water for roots* on which
to support himseff. Wearied of this uncomfortable manner
of life, and being entirdy naked, he went away among a
tribe called the Charrucos, who dwdt among mountains,
where he fared much better, as he turned merchant, going
about from place to' place bartering such things as they want
ed, and in this way he travelled over forty or fifty leagues of
the coast. He dealt in sea-sbells Uke those of snails which
were used as beads, and in a different kind of sheUs which
were used instead of knives; and in return for these he pro
cured deer-skins, vermillion, and ochre, with whichtbe natives
paint themselves, fiints for pointing arrows, a kind of bitu
men with wliich these arrow heads ai'c fastened, and reeds
with which the arrow shafts are made, as also tufts of deers
hair dyed red, which are used as ornaments. By means of
this
4 Probably the translator has mistaken the original of this passage, and
'Cabeza may have searched for shell fish adhering to the roots of trees under
water.— E.

CUKP. X. SECT. HI. by the Spaniards. 429
this trade Cabeza de Vaca had Uberty to go wherevfet' he
pleased, and was weU received wherever he went, receiving
provisions in return for his merchandize.
Cabeza de Vaca continued in this mode of life to the year
1535, always well entertained, and always traveUing towards
the south- west to gain ground in hopes of regaining his liberty
by getting out ofthe country into Mexico^. Though naked
and alone, and emluring much hunger and cold, he enjoyed
his liberty, and remained .six years in that part of the country,
always in hopes of being able to bring away his two reraaining
countiyraen, Oviedo and Alanis, who had tarried in the
island of Mal-hadok At length Alanis died, and he set oft*
along, with Oviedo. Coining to a creek near a raile in breadth,
supposed by thi'm to be that called Dei Espiritu Santo^, they
were inforriied by some Indians that they would find three
men like theraselves farther on, whose naraes they told. They
also said that the Indians had slain Orantes, ValdivieSo,
Hudva, Esquibel, and MendezT; but that the three who
StiU lived, were very ill used, especially by the boys, who
kicked,. beat, and abused thein for their arauseraent. At this
time the Indians treated Cabeza and Oviedo very ill, so that
Oviedo went back along with some ofthe native^, but Cabeza
^ayed and they two never met more.
Two days, after the departure of Oviedo, the Indians; with
whora Orantes re^ed came to the banks of this creek to eat
nuts, on which they i fed two months of the year. Orantes
went to visit Cabeza who had been hidden by some Indians
who fevoured him, and it was a great satisfaction to these
friends to meet, though in great trouble as being naked and
miserable in a land of savages. They agreed to endeavour
to proceed to the south-west, but to remain with the Indians
till the nuts were consumed, and then to reinove along with
them to another place where they fed upon tunas ,• because if
diey should, attempt to escape the Indians would kiU them. All
5 Herrera, V. 92.
6 It is quite intpossible to form any reasonable conjecture as to the sf->
tuation of this creek, which could not be the bay of Espiritu Santo in East
Florida; nor that ofThe-same name nearly opposite in West Florida at the
mouth of the Mi»sisippi.-^E.
7 There is considerable difficulty, to understand the translation here, as
Mr .Stevens does not seem to have ui^derstood his original. '. Orantes appears
ill the sequel to have been still alive; but we must take jthe transladon is it
is, not having the original to con»ult.-iE, ' '

430 Discoaety tf Florida part ii. book U.
All the rest belonging to the expedition had perished, sorae
having been stoned to death by the natives, and others
drowned, among whom was Panfilo de Narvaez, as Figueroa,
who was present, related to Cabeza. Among these Indians
who fed upon tunas they endured much hunger, as there was
not enough for them all". In that country there were grey
and black wild cattle of low stature, like those of Barbary,
having very long hair, but their flesh was cparser than the
beef pf Spain. Having ccncerted to raake their escape, the
Indians among whora they lived hod a quarrel on accpunt of
a woman, and parted company, so that the Spaniards were
obliged to separate likewise, but agreed to meet again at the
same place next year, which they did accordingly, but were
again separated on the very day when they meant to have fied.^
"Vet they appointed to meet ag-ain on the 1st of September,
when the moon was fuU. Two of them came on the ISth
and Orantes on the l4tb, when tbey actually fled. Coming
to a tribe of Indians called Avares, they were weU recdved
and procured plenty of provisions, as these people bad leamt
that the Christians performed cures. That same night three
Indians came to wait upon them who were troubled with pains
in their heads, desiring Castillo to cure them, and as soon as
he hod blessed them with the sign of the cross they became
weU ; in reward for which they brought tunas and venison,
and blazed abroad thc wonderful cures which bad been per
formed upon thera by the strangers. In consequence of this
so raany persons came to be cured, and brought with thera
such abundance of provisions that the Spaniards knew not
how to dispose of it, and thc Indians made a solemn dance
for joy of the cures. 1 he Spaniards intended to have pro
ceeded farther, but on being informed that the country
through which they meant to travel was desert, the tunas all
eaten, and die climate excessively cdd, they agreed to re
main with thc Avares aU winter, who went five days journey
into the country to feetl on a sort of fruit cahed yeros. When
they liad settled their habitation near a river, many Indians
came with their sick to be cured by Castillo, who blessed them
and prayed to God to cure them, as this was the only means
they had for subsistence. Next morning they were all wdl
to the great satisfaction and astonishment of the Indians ^ and
for which ttie Spnnianls returned thanks to God, confiding
that he would deliver them out of their miserable bondage.
Departing from the Anares, tbe Spaniards caifte to eertam
S tribes

«iiap. X. SECT. III. by the Spaniards. 431
tribes of Indians caUed Maliconas, Susolas, and Atayos, araong
whom their wonderful cures were already known, so that
many sick persons were brought to them. But as Castillo
was a man who feared God, and despaired of being able to do
them good on account of his unworthiness, Cabeza de Vaca
was obUged to officiate in his stead. Taking along with him
Oriintes and the mulatto Estevanillo, he went to visit a sick
person in a very dangerous condition, being almost dead,
with his eyes turned in his head, and no pulse ; and so con
fident were the Indians of his approaching death that his
house was already pulled down according to their custom on
such occasions. Cabeza took off the mat frora the dying raan,
prayed to God to restore hira to health, and when he had
several times blessed the man and breathed on him, the at
tendants presented hira with a bow and arrows arid a basket of
tunas, conducting hira to cure others in the same raanner.
After this the Spaniards returned to their quarters, and were
inforraed by the Indians that the dying raan had got up,
spoken to his, friends, and eaten with thera, and that all the
rest of their patients were in perfect health. The fame of
these cures spread over all the country, so that many other
sick persons were brought to them to be healed, bringing
presents of provisions. According to their account, the
Spaniards remained eight moons araong the Avares, neither
Cfrantes nor EstevanUlo haring yet perforraed any cures,
though so ranch importuned that they were at Jeiiglh forced
to comply, being called the children of the sun. Being intent
on prosecuting uidr journey, they fled one days journey into
the country of the Maliconas, where they fed for twelve days
on a smaU kind of fruit till the tunas were ripe. Having
endured much hunger there for some tirae, they were direct
ed to the habitations of another tribe which spoke the sarae
language. To add to their sufferings, they fost their way,
and it rained very much which distressed them greatly, as
tiiey were entirely naked. They rested that night in a wood,
where they roasted tunas as food. Next morning, when en
deavouring to find out their way, they met a nuraber of wo
men and children who aU ran away to call the raen, who con
ducted the Spaniards to their vUlage, consisting of fifty houses.
The natives gazed on the strangers with much fear and ad
miration, touching their faces and bodies ; and when reco
vered from their fright they brought their sick to be cured by
them.

432 Discovery of Florida part ii. book ii.
tbem, and even forbore from eating themselves that they
might supply the Spaniards with food. <
So gi-eat is the want of food in all the country from the isle
of Malhado to this district of the Maliconas, that the natives
are often three days without eating ; on which account it is
the custom of mothers to suckle thefr children till twelve years
of age, and they never have any intercourse with their hus-
bands till two years after delivery. When a married pair do
not agree, it is customary for them to part and form new
connections, but this is never done when they have children.
M^en the raen fall out araong theraselves they only use thefr
fists or cudgels, never employing- their bows and arrows m
private broils ; and on these occasions the woraen only ven
ture to interpose to part tiiem. These Indians are very .brave,
and are as rigilant against thefr eneraies as the best scJdiers in
Europe. They dig ditches, throw up entrenchments, make
loop-holes, lay arabudies, and use various strat^ems with
great art and patience, usuaUy kiiUng each other by . surprise
in the night. They are very cruel, are always ready on any
alarm, and are watehful of opportunities to take revenge ana
to gain advantage over any want of foresight in their eiurmies.
When actually engaged in battie, they have a strange manner
of skipping about from side to side, to prevents thefr euemies
froin taking aim, and they shoot their arrows in . a stooping
posture, to prevent being observed. Their languages are ex
ceedingly various, changing almost at each town.
Coming to another town, the Indians brought their chil
dren to touch the hands of the Spaniards, givuig them meal
made of a fruit like carobs, which was .eaten along with a
certain kind of earth, and was very sweet and agreeable. De
parting from thence, after passing a great river the: water of
which reached to their breasts, tiiey came to a town of an
hundred houses, whence the people came out to meet them
with great shouts, clapping thdr hands pn their thighs, and
making a kind pf music by means of hollow gourds with
stones in them. These Indians received thera with great
kindness, carrying them to their houses without sufiin'ii^
their feet to touch the ground, and great numbers flocked to
them to be blessed. Next day they continued thdr joiimey,
and were well received by the next Indians, who. supplieil
them with plenty of venison, and brought their sick to, be
cured. They were equally well treated by the next succeed
ing tribe, by whom so great rejoicing was made for their ar-
* rival.

CHAP. X. SECT. hi. by the Spaniards. 433
rival, that they could not sleep for the noise. They observed
a strange custora among all these Indians, who, when they
escorted the Spaniards to another tribe, always plundered the
houses they came to. Cabeza and his companions were
much concerned at this ; but those who had lost their goods
in this raanner made quite light ofthe matter, desiring thein
not to be troubled at it, as they woidd repay theraselves, farther
on among tribes who were very rich. At this place the Spa
niards began to perceive a chain of mountains which tliey
thought extended towards New Spain, and to which they now
directed their journey accompanied by the. Indians, who pil
laged as usual wherever they went. When their guides re
tired, their new frosts presented the Spaniards with sucli
things as they had hidden, being beads, vermiUion, and sorae
small bags of silver.
At this place the Spaniards agreed not to make for the
mountainous country, where the inhabitants were reported to
be ferocious, but to continue in the low country in which the
people were extremely courteous,. Many raen and woraen
loaded with water bore them company, and their authority
was so great that no one would presurae to drink without
their leave. In this part of their journey they proceeded
along a riyer, having been abandoned by their Indian guides,
and v/ere supplied with sorae meal made of Indian corn by
two women. About sun-set they came to a vUlage of about
twenty houses, where the inhabitants were in great fear of
being plundered by thdr guides ; but were quite rejoiced on
seeing them come alone. Next morning, when the Spaniards
were about to depart, the inhabitants of the former town
came in a body and plundered that in which they had spent
the night ; telling the inhabitants that these strangers were
children ofthe sun and cured the sick, though able to destroy
them aU, and therefore that they raust be respected; they
told thera likewise logo and plunder the next town according
to custom, and to carry the strangers on their way. , The
Spaniards were accordingly well treated by this tribei who
carried them on for three days to a place having many houses,
sending sorae before to giye an account of what the others
had said of the Spaniards, to which they added ranch of thefr
own invention, being fond of novelty and much addicted to
lying, especially where any advantage ¦ was expected. The
Spaniards were well received, and their guides plundered as
much as they could find and tlien returned to their own habi-
voL. V. E e tatiens

45* Discovery of Florida part il. book ii.
tations. From this place the Spaniards travelled above fifty
leagues along the face of a mountain, and came to a town of
forty houses, in one of which they were shewn a large copper
hawks-beU ornamented with a face, which these people va
lued highly, saying that they got it from a neighbouring tribe.
Travelhng from thence seven leagues over a mountain, the
stones of which were iron ore, they came to spme hpuses on
the banks of a river, where the principal raen came put to
meet them, having their children on their backs, and pre
sented the Spaniards with small bags of fine sand and pow
dered antimony, with which they daub their faces, and gave
them also beads and cloaks made of dressed skins. Thc food
at this place was tunas and the kernels of pine apples, better
than those of Spain, but smaUer, as were the trees*.
At this place a man was brought to Cabeza who had been
tvpunded by an arrow, the point of which as he said had
reached his heart and gave him much pain, being stiU there,
and he was to all appearance in extreme danger. Cabeza
opened his breast with a knife and extracted the arrow head
with much difficulty, after which he stitehed up the wound
and staunched the bleeding with the scrapings pf a cpws hide.
The point of the anow was exhibited all over the country,
and caused much rejoicing. After sorae days, Cabeza re
moved the stitches, and the man was quite sound, declaring
himself free of pain. This cure acqufred the Spaniards so
great reputation that they could do any thing they pleased.
From this place they proceeded through so many different
tribes that it were tedious and indeed impossible to mention
them aU ; and all the way each tribe as they conducted the
Spaniards to the next, plundered thefr neighbours in succes
sion. Through the whole journey the Spaniards hod so much
company that they knew not how to turn themselves. During
their journey the Indians killed many deer, hares, pigeons^
and other birds by means of their arrows and speats, all of
which they presented to the Spaniards, and would not use
them for ttieir own necessities without leave. Sometimes they
were attended by above four thousand persons at once, which
was extremely troublesome, as none of them would either eat or
8 This surely i^ a mistake of the translator, as pine apples do not grovr
«n trees, nor are their kernels the edible part. It may possibly have been
>iine nuts, or something of a similar kind, — E.

CHAP. X. SECT. III. by the Spaniecrds. 43^
or drink tiU the Spaniards had blessed the food arid drink and
breathed on them.
' They travelled in this manner for upwards of thirty leagues,
at the end of which the mode of their reception was consider
ably changed, as the Indians who accompanied them ceased
plundering ; yet the tribe at which they arrived offered every
thing they had, which was divided aniong the escort,- who
then returned to their own dwellings,, and this tribe recovered
what they had givai away in a similar raanner on accompany
ing the Spaniards to the next tribe. In the course of their
journey Irowever the Spaniards had to travel for more than
fifty leagues through a craggy mountainous country, where
they suffered extremely for want of food, tiU at length they
arrived at a plain country where they met with a kind recep
tion, and where their escort received abundance of goods and
proridcms and then returned to their own habitations. ' As
the people farther on were at war with the tribe where the
Spaniards then were, two wpraen were sent on to inform the
hostile tribe ofthe aj^roach ofthe Christians, as it was usual
among these people, even when at war, to continue an inter-i
course of trade by means of their women. Continuing thefr
journey, the l^aniards were inclined to change the route more
to the nprthwards, as no person came to raeet thera from the
tribe to which the women were sent ; but the Indians who
accompanied diem objected to this measure, as they alleged
that the natives in that direction were ¦wicked and cruel, and
that besides they would be unable to procure food or water.
As the Spaniards were displeased at this interruption, the
Indians declared themsdves ready to go with them wherever
they were pleased to command, even though sure to perish,
and they accordingly went on ; but as many of the Indians
feU sick, and eight of them died in this part of the journey,
.the other tribes were thrown into great consternation, believ
ing that they should all die upon being risited by the Spaniards.
So great was the dread and reverence in which the Spaniards
were hdd by the Indians, who imagined they were the cause
of the sickness and death of their countrymen, thatthey ear
nestly entreated the Spaniards not to be angry with them.
Cabeza de Vaca and his companions became apprehensive
that this mortality might estrange the Indians from thera,
and therefore prayed earnestly to God to put a stop to the
sickness, and accordingly ali who were sick began immediately
to recover. Three

436 Disemety of Florida part ii. book ii.
Three days journey from thence, Orantes and Estevanillo
went under the guidance of a female slave to a viUage in which
her father lived, and where they saw the first houses that
were buUt in any thing Uke regular order, the inhabitants of
which cultivated kidney-beans, pompions, and maize. Cabeza -
de Vfica and his companions went to this place, dismissing
thdr former conductors. At this town a new custom b^an
among the natives. Instead of coming out to meet the Spa
niards as had been the case hitherto, the inhabitants were aU
seated in their houses, hanging down their heads with their
hair before their eyes, and all their goods in a heap in the
middle of the floor, presenting aU they possessed to the
strangers. These natives were well shaped and industrious,
and their language easily comprehended. ITie women and
such men as were unfit for war were dressed in mantles made
of deer skins. After remaining two days among these In
dians, who directed thera to go in the first place up a river to
the northwards, where they would find abundance of wild
cattle, and then to turn westwards, in which direction the
natives cultivated maize. Following this direction, they pro
ceeded for thirty-four days across the country, till they came
at length to the South Sea. In this journey the Spaniaids
.suffered prpdigious hardships and were reduced to extreraity
by famine, having to pass through the territories of a tribe
which feeds on pounded straw for a considerable portion of
the year, , and they had the misfprtune tp corae araong them
at that period. At length they carae to a better country, in
'which the natives had tolerable houses, widi plenty of' corn,
ponipions, and kidney-beans, the people being decently dressed
in cotton mantles. From this place their forraer conductors
returned well pleased with the things they procured according
to the usual custoras among the natives. Cabeza and his
companions travelled above an hundred leagues with much
satisfaction in this cpuntry, blessing Gnd fpr having brpught
them at length intp a land pf plenty, as besides vegetable fpod
in abundance, the natives killed venispn and other game, and
presented the Spaniards with cotton mantles, coral beads prp
cured frora the South Sea, turquoise stones, and several
arrow heads raade of eraeralds, which they procured from a
neighbouring nation in exchange for various coloured plumes
of feathers.
In this country the women were more modestly clothed
than any they had hitherto seen. Evei^ person, whether sick or

CHAP. X. BECT. III. by the Spaniards, 437
CM- well, came to tiie Spaniards to be blessed, beUeving them *'
to be men corae down frora heaven, so that their authority
was unbounded araong the natives. It fortunately happened
that the Spaniards could make themselves understood wherever
they went, although they only knew six of the Indian Ian-
guages, which would have been of little use if Providence had
not preserved lliem, considering the vast multiplicity of lan
guages spoken ainong the detached tribes of America. '
Wherever they travelled, the tribes who happened to be at
war immediately inade peace at their approach, that they
might have the opportunity of seeing the Christians ; who
thus left them aU in amity, aud exhorted them wherever they
went to worship the one only true God who had created the"
heaven and earth, the sun, moon, and stars, and all other
things, and from whom procecoled all blessing. The Spaniards
likewise earnestly urged them to refrain from injuring one
another by going to war or taking away the gopds of others,
with many similar instructions, all of which were well receiv
ed. The whole country along this coast seemed well peopled,
and abounded in provisions, as the natives sowed maize and
kidney bcaus thrice a-year. In one town the natives used
jioisoned arrows, their points being dipped in the juice of
some kind of fruit or plant. At this place they staid three
days ; and after a days journey, coming to another town, they
were obliged to stop for fifteen dajs, owing to the river being
in flood. At this place Castillo observed an Indian .who had
a- sword buckle and a horse shoe hanging from his neck", who
•alleged that he got them from heaven ; but on beitjg farther
interrogated, he said diat some bearded men had come frora
heaven to that river, having horses, spears, and swords, who
had gone again to sea, where they and their spears plunged
under water, but appeared afterwards above it again. Cabeza
and his corapanfons joyfully gave thanks to God for hearing
some news of Christians after their long and disti-essing soj6ui:n
among the barbarians, and hastened on their journey to find
them the sooner, telling aU the Indians that they were going
to order these bearded men not to kiU or make slaves pf ..the
natives nor to do them any harin..
In coildnuing. their journey they passed through a consi
derable extent of fruitful and agreeable couritry which was
totally destitute of inhabitants, all the Indians having fled lo
the inountains for fe.ar ofthe Spaniards, " They carae at length
to .the fop,of a hill where a great number of Indians had with-
•i.-:!! \'> '. >~ ¦.¦¦'¦' ' '¦ drawn,

438 Discaoery tf Florida part ii. book ii.
drawn, who presented them with a vast quantity of com,
which they gave to the poor fariiished natives who bad escort- .
ed them thither. Continuing their journey, they observed
many indications of Spaniards having been in the country,
and they pressed onwards giving praise to God that their ItHig
and miserable captivity seemed near a close. One day, while
Cabeza and Estevanillo were in advance, accompanied by
deven Indians, they overtook four Spanish horsemen, who
were much astonished at being accosted in their own language
by persons in their strange garb and appearance. Cabeza
requested to be conducted^ to their commander, Diego de Al-
caraz, who inforraed him they were now in New Galicia, and
about diirty leagues from the town of San Miguel, Castillo
and Orantes then came up, attended by above six hundred
of the Indians who had deserted their babitatfons from fear of
the Spaniards. By their means all the others were induced
to return to thdr nouses in peace and to sow the land, Ca
beza and his three companions having taken leave of the In
dians who accompanied them with many thanks for their pro
tection, travelled twenty-five leagues farther to a place called
Culiacan', where they airived much spent with long fatigue
and after having endured much hunger and thirst during their
arduous and anxious peregrinations tbrongb the vast wilder
ness from Florida to New Galicia.
Mdchior Dia;:, who was captain and alcalde of the pro
vince, received them with singular humanity, giving praise to
God for haring delivered them out of their tedious and miser
able captirity, and requested ihcm to use their endeavours to
appease the Indians of that part of the country, who were in
arms against tbe Spaniards. This they most readily under
took, and sent messages by some of the Indians to the neigh
bouring caciques, three of whom came to Culiacan attended
by thirty Indians, bringing presents of feathers and emeralds.
In conversation with these Indians about their religious be-
Uef,
9 Culiacan, or Hueicolhuacan, on a river of the same name which dis
charges itself into the Terinilion Sea or Gulf of California, is in lat. 34'
50' N. lon^. 1 06" *n' W. in tht province of Cinaloa. Cabeza de Vaca and
his companions had therefore followed an oblique course firom the north-east
in the south of Louisiana entirely across the continent, to the south-west,
from about the latitude of si" to Ss" both north ; ajoumey in all probabi
lity exceeding I20u English miles in a straight line. The beginning of their
journey seems to haye been to ihe west of the Missi*^>pii as that mat river
18 net mentioned ; neither indeed do we find any indications of tht Kio Bravo
del None, which they must necesHrily have crossed.->£.

CHAP. X. SECT. III. by the Spaniard. 43^
lief, ,they said they beljeved in a being named Aguar, the
lord of all things,, who resided in heaven and sent them rain
' when they prayed to him for it ; si}ch being the tradition they
had learnt froni their fathers. Oaheza told them that Aguar.
was God the Creator of heaven and earth, who disposed all
things according to his holy will, and who, after this life, re
warded the good and punished the wicked. He exhorted
them therefore to believe henceforwards in this only true God,
to return to their houses and Uve in peace, to build a bouse
for the worship of God after the manner of the Christians,
and when any Spaniards came to visit thera, that they should
meet them with crosses in thdr hands, and not with bo^vs
and arrows J promising, if they did this, that the Spaniards
would, be their good friends and would teach them every thing
they ought to know, that God might make, them happy in
the next life. AU tiiis the Indians engaged to perform. Ca
beza de Vaca and his companions went on from Culiacan for
San Miguel'", attended by a few Indians, the natives by the
way coraing out to meet thenuin great nurabers with presents,
whom they exhorted to becorae Christians as they were now
subjects to the king pf Spain. They aU received these advices
in the raost friendly manner, requesting to have their children
baptized. While on the road ,they were overtaken by Al-
caraz, by whom they were informed that all the deserted
country through whidi they had lately travelled was again
weU peopled and in peace, and that thp Indians were . all oc
cupied in sowing their lands.
Cabeza de Vaca and his companions judged that the extent
of country through which they had travelled, frpra Florida on
the Atlantic to San Miguel on the South Sea, could not be
less than two hundred leagues ", as they declared upon oath
before a notary at San Miguel on the 15th of May 1536,
before whom likewise they subscribed a narrative of^ all the
incidents of their weary pilgrimage. After resting fifteen
days in San Miguel, they proceeded to the city of Corapios- teUa,
10 San Miguel is not to be found in the most recent niapof New Spain
By M. de Humboldt ; that name may possibly have been giveft to the city
of Mazadan, ia lat. 23" 15' N. on the coast of Cinaloa. — ^E,
11 Two hundred Spanish leagues of 17^ to the degree, or about 800
English miles. It has been already stated in a former note that the direct
distance they had travelled could not be less than 1200 li^iles^ probably 16^9
'l^lbwing for 4efleciioij5.-^E,

44(> Discovery of Florida part ii, book ii.
teUa'*, a distance of an hundred leagues, where Nunnp de
Guzman then was, by whpm they were kindly received and
furnished with clpthes and aU Pther necessaries. From thence
they went tp Mexico, where they arrived on the 22d of July,
and met with a courteous reception from tbe viceroy, Don
Antonio de Mendoza. Leaving Castillo and EstevaniUo at
Mexico, Cabeza de Vaca and Orantes proceeded to Vera
Cruz, whence they passed over into Spain in 1537.
We learn from Herrera '^ that Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de
Vaca was sent out in 1540 as governor ofthe incipient Spa
nish settiements on the Rio Plata, in which expedition he was
accompanied by his former companion in distress Orantes.
In the year 154'5, he was made prisoner by some mutinous
oflicers of the colony and sent into Spain, where his conduct
was cleared by tbe councU of the Indies, yet he was not re
stored to his government.

Section IV.
Narrative tf a new attempt to Conquer Florida, by Ferdinand
de Soto '.
Ferdinanb he Soto, had served with much reputation in_
CastiUa del Oro and Nicaragua, and went with Pizarro
upon the conquest of Peru, being even promoted for his
worth and valour to the distinguished office of lieutenant-ge
neral under Pizarro. On the nreaking out of the disturban ces
IS San Miguel and Compostella are both omitted in the most recent map
of New Spain by Humboldt, though both are inserted in Governor Pownalls
map of North America ; in which San Miguel is placed about 37 miles S. E.
from Culiacan, and Compostella 330 miles S. S. E. from San Miguel ; all
three near the western coast of New Spain, the former in the province of
Culiacan, the latter in that ef Guadalaxara — £.
13 Herrera, V. 312, 390, 403.
1 Herrera, V. 223 — 23D. — This narrative, as will be seen by the series
of quotations from Herrera, is broken down by that writer into detached
fragments, in consequence of rigid attention to chronological order. In the
present instance these are arranged into one unbroken journal, but with no
other alteration in the text. It is one of the most curious of our early ex
peditions of discovery, bearing strong internal evidence of having been
taken by Herrera from an original journal, and so far as we know h^s
never been adopted into any former Collection^ — ^£.

OHAP, X. SECT, IV, by the Spaniards. 441
oes between the factions of Pizarro and Almagro, he was so
much disgusted that he returned into Spain, without having
acquired the riches that his services and good qualities de
served, con.sideriiig the iraraense wealth which was found in
Peru, Aspiring to undertake sorae brilUant enterprise suited
to his lofty genius, he petitioned the king to be allowed to un
dertake the conquest of Florida, which was readily granted
to hira, as he was a person of experience, of a fine presence
and graceful carriage, and well fitted by the strength of his
constitution to encounter the hardships incident to such ha
zardous enterprises. Since the entire failure and destruction
of Panfilo de Narvaez aud his armament, as already related,
no one had hitherto offei-ed to attempt tbe reduction of that
country tUl now. Among the tei-ms granted to Soto on this
occasion, he was appointed governor of the island of Cuba,
which was to serve as a place of arms from whence to conduct
the intended conquest of Florida. On the design of this en
terprise being made public, near a thousand raen were soon
raised for the expedition, among whom were many gentle
men of good birth, encouraged by the reputation of the com
mander, and the hopes of acquiring wealth.
Ten ships were fitted out at San Lucar for carrying out the
troops and aU the necessary stores, which set sail on the 6th
of April 1538, accompanying the fleet for New Spain, the
whole being under the supreme command of the adelantado
Ferdinand de Soto so far as the island of Cuba, after which
the flota was to be commanded by Gonzalo de Salazar, the
foetor of New Spsiin, To shew his proud and turbulent dis
position, on the first night after going to sea, Salazar pushed
a cannon shot a-head ot all the fleet to affront the admiral,
who iramediately ordered a shot to be fired at him. The ball
went through all the sails of Salazars ship frora the poop to
the head ; and by a second shot, aU the side of his ship was
torn iraraediately above the deck, Salazars ship becarae un
manageable from the injury done to her sails, and on the
admiral pufehing forwards the two ships ran foul of each other
and were both in irarainent danger of perishing in the dark,
but by cutting all the rigging ofthe other ship the adrairal
got clear. Soto was so highly incensed by this haughty
conduct of Salazar that he had well nigh ordered him to be
beheaded ; but forgave him on submission and promise of
fetter behaviour in futiire.
' The fleet arrived safe at Santiago in Cuba. Not long be-
fore

442 Discovery of Florida part ii. book ii.
fore this a Spanish ship commanded by Die^o Perez had an
engagement of four days continuance with a trench privateer,
separating courteously by mutual consent every night, and
recommencing furiously every morning ; but the Fr«ichmen
slipped off during the fourth night. Immediately on his ar
rival in Cuba, Soto sent orders to repafr the Havannah,
which had been burnt by some French privateers, and he or
dered a fort to be built for the protection of that place. Hav
ing sent some persons of skill to discover and exaraine the
harbours along the coast of Florida, and appointed his lady
to adrainister the government of Cuba in his absence, he pre
pared to enter upon the great object of his expedition.
Accordingly, having embarked nine himdred men and
three hundred and thirty horses, he saUed from the Havan
nah on the 12th of May 1539, and carae to anchor on the
last day of that raonth in the Bay of Espiritu Santo on the
coast pf Florida *. He iraraediately landed three hundred
raen, who lay on shore all night without seeing a single na
tive. About day-break next day the Spanish detachment
was attacked by a prodigious midtitude of Indians, and com
pelled to retreat predpitously to the shore. Bascp PorcaUo
de Figuero was sent with a party to thefr reUef, as the Indians
pressed hard upon thera with incessant flights of arrows, and
the Spaniards being raw soldiers unaccustomed to arms or
discipUne knew not how to resist. On the approach of Por
caUo the Indians were obUged to retfre in their turn ; yet
killed tiiat commanders horse with an arrow, which pierced
through thc saddle lap and penetrated a span deep into the
horses body. All the forces were now landed, and marched
about two leagues inland to a town bdonging to the .cadque
Harrihiagua ^, who had fled to the mountains lest he should
be called to account for his cruelty to the Spaniards who had
been here formerly along with Panfilo de Nai-vaez. None of
these
2 It has been already mentioned that there are two bays of this narae, one
in East, and thc other H'esI Florida. There can be no doubt that the one
here mentioned in the text is the former of these, in lat. 270 48' N. long.
83» 20' W. It lies on the western coast of East Florida, and runs about 35
miles into the land> dividing at its head into two coves Or bays named Hills
borough and Tampa. — E.
3 This name considerably resembles the names of men and placed in His
paniola and Cuba, hence we may conjecture Harrihiagua to have been
cacique over some of the emigrants said to have gone from Cuba to Florida,
as mentioned in the-first seetion of this chapter.— E.

CHAP. X. SECT. IV. by the Spaniards. 443
these were now alive in the country except one man named
jjuan Ortiz, who had been saved by the wife of the cacique,
who abhorred the "cruel disposition of her husband. By her
assistance, Ortiz had been enabled to make his escape to
another cacique named Mucozo, who protected liim and used
him weU. Having learned where this man was, Soto sept
BaltaSar de Gallegos with sixty horsemen to bring him to the
camp, wishing him to act as interpreter with the natives. At
the sarae time Mucozo was sending Ortiz with an escort of
fifty Indians to offer peace to the Spaniards. These Indians
were all stark naked, except that each wore a small clouts'
but tiiefr heads were ornamented with great plumes of feathers.
They all carried bows in their hands, and all had quivers well
filled with arrows,
Immediatdy on seeing the horseraen, the Indians ran for
shelter into the wood, being afraid of an attack, and the raw
Spaniards went full speed after them in spite of their cora
mander, Ortiz alone remained in the open plain, and was
assaulted by Alvaro Nieto with his lance. Ortiz leaped to one
side to avoid the lance, and called out in the Indian language
having forgot his own by long disuse, but fortunately made
the sign of the cross, on which Nieto asked if he were Juan
Ortiz. Answering in the affirraativei Nieto took hira up be
hind him on his horse and carried hira to his. captain Gallegos^
who was gathering his raen that had dispersed in pursuit of
the Indians. Sorae of the natives never stopped till they
reached the town of their cacique, but others were appeased^
and seeing one of their companions wounded they exclaimed
bitterly against Ortiz, as it had happened through his inadver4
tence. .Soto was much pleased that he had got Ortiz^ whom
he greatly caressed. He was likewise very kind to the In
dians who had accompanied hira, and ordered the one who
had been wounded to be carefully dressed ; and sent by them
a message to the cacique Mucozo, thanking him for his kind
usage of Ortiz, and ofiering his friendship.
Ortiz could give very little account of the country, as his
whole employment under his first master had been to carry
wood and .water, and he bad never ventured to go out of
sight of the other who used him well, lest be might be
suspected of endeavouring to escape ; but be had been told
that the interior ofthe country was pleasant and fertUe. Mu
cozo came to risit Soto, who entertained him and gave him
some Spanish trinkets to secure his friendship. Soon after
wards

444'- Discovery qf Florida part ii. hook ii.
wards the mother of the cacique came weeping to the Spa
niards, demanding to have her son restored, and begging that .
lie might not be slain. Soto endeavoured to sooth and rea-
sure her, yet she ate of such victuals as were offered with
much hesitation, asking Ortiz whether she might eat in safe
ty, as she was fearful of being poisoned, and insisting that
Ortiz should taste every thing in the first place. Mucozo re
mained a week among the Spaniaids, amusing himself with
the novelty of every thing he saw, and making many inquiries
respecting the customs of Spain. During this time Soto en
deavoured to learn some particulars respecting the country,
remaining always with his troops at tbe town bdonging to
Harrihiagua, because near die Bay of the Flqly Ghost. At
this time he dismissed the ships, that his men might bave no
hopes of getting away from the country, foUowing in this
measure the example of many andent and modern comraan
ders, and among these Cortes on his invasion of Mexico. He
reserved however four of his ships to serve upon particular
occasfons^ Soto used every raeans to acquire the friendship of Harri
hiagua, giving strict charges that no damage should be done
in his country, being extremely unwilling to give the first
cause of offence, but nothing could prevail on that cacique to
enter into any friendly connection. As some of the men
were sent out daUy, under a strong escort, to bring in forage
for the horses, they were one day suddenly assailed by a mul
titude of Indians, making such hideous }-dls as scared thera
for sorae time. Before the Spaniards could recover from
thdr panic, the Indians laid hold of a soldier named Grajal,
whom they carried off without doing any other harm. More
Spaniards coming out on this alarm, the Indians were pursued
on the track for two leagues by twenty horsemen, when they
were found among some tall reeds eating, drinking, and
making merry widi their women, and bidding Grajal eat, as
they told him they would use him better than Ortiz. On
hearing the trampling of the horses all the men fled, leaving
the women and children with Grajal, whom they had stripped
naked. The Spanianis returned wdl pleased with Grajal and
the women and chUdren, all of whom Soto set free along with
some men who had been irade prisoners formerly, j)n purpose
if possible to conciliate the cadque and his suiijccts.
After remaining three weeks in that place, Soto sent a de
tachment of sixty hor*c and an equal uurabei" of foot under
10 Gallegos

CHAP. X. SECT. IV. : hy'the Spaniards, 443
Xjtallegos to explore the country beyond the districts belong
ing to Harrihiagua and- Mucozo, which belonged to a cacii^ue
«amed Urribarraaixi. On asking guides frora Mucozo for
this expedition, he refused it saying that it Would be treacher
ous to furnish guidesj for doing injury to his friend and bro
ther-in-law. The Spaniards answered that they meant no
injury, and he raight send his friend notice of their intended
visit, as they were resolved at all events to go. In that part
of the'country they found raany wHd vines, walnut-trees, raul-
berry, plura, oak, pine, and other trees resembling those
which grow in Spain, and the open fields appeared pleasant
¦and fertile. But they found Urribarracuxi's town, which was
at the distance pf seventeen leagues, entirely abandoned", and
could by no means prevail upon him to come out of the woods
or to contract any friendship with them, though he Ifliewise
entirely refrained from doing them any harm. Gallegos sent
back word to inform Soto ofthe nature ofthe country he had
explored, and that' there were plenty of provisions in the
town to which he had penetrated. Being anxious to take
Harrihiagua prisoner, his lieutenant Vasco PorcaUo went
out with a party on that service, though. Soto advised him to
send some other person. "When Harrihiagua learnt the ob
ject of this expedition, he sent word to PorcaUo that his la
bour would be all in vain, as the. roads were so bad he would
never be able to reach the. place in which he dwelt. PorcaUo
however persisted, and coming to a deep morass which his
men refosed to enter, he spurred on his horse to set a good
example ; but his horse soon floundered in the morass and
PorcaUo fell off and was nearly stifled. Considering that he
was wdl up in years and had a good "estate, PorcaUo consi
dered this as a warning to him to desist from such danger
ous and fatiguing enterprises, for which reason he asked leave
to return to Cuba', and distributed his horses, arms^ and pro
visions araong the troops, leaving his son Goraez Xuarez de
Figuero well equipped behind him to continue the enterprise,
which was better fitted for younger men, and in which Gomez
acquitted hiraself like a raan of honour.
On receiving intelligence frora Gallegos of the pleasantness
of the interior country, Soto determined to advance with the
bulk of his raen, leaving Calderon to command at the town
belonging to Harrihiagua with forty horsemen, to secure the
ihips, provisions, and stores. On this occasion he gave strict
orders to Calderon, to give no offence to the Indians, but
rather

446 Discovery tf Florida fart ii. book ii.
rather to wink at any injuries they might offer. Soto did not
think proper to halt in the town of Mucozo, lest he might be
burdensome to him and his people with so great a forces
-though that friendly cadque offered to entertain him. But he
recommended to Mucozo to be kind to tbe Spaniards who
had been left at the Bay of the Holy Ghost. Soto marched
N. N, JI, to the town of Urribarracuxi, but neglected to make
proper marks in the country through w^hich he travelled,
which was a great fault, and occasioned much trouble in the
sequel. On coming to the town of Urribarracuxi, he used
every possible endeavour to prevail upon that cacique to enter
into friendship, but quite ineffectuaUy> Endeavouring to
penetrate farther into the country in search of that cadque,
they came to a morass which was three leagues over, and the
road through which was so difiicult as to take two da}'s of
hard labour ; and next day the advanced party or scouts re
turned saying that it was quite impossible to proceed forther
in that direction, on account of a number of rivers which took
their rise in the great morass and intersected the country in
every direction. Three days were ineffectoaUy spent in
searching for some way to pass onwards, Soto being always
among the foremost to go out upon discovery. During this
period the Indians made several recursions fixira the woods and
morasses to assail the Spaniards with their arrows, but wra'e
generally repelled without doing any harm, and some of them
made prisoners, who, to regain mefr liberty, pretended to shew
the passes to the Spaniards, and led them to such places as
were not fit for the purpose. On thefr knavery being discover
ed, some of them were torn in pieces by tbe dogs, which so
intimidated the rest, diat at length one of them undertook to
guide thera, and very eosUy brought them into the open
country. Soto and his men came soon afterwards to another morass,
which had two large trees and some branches laid across its
narrowest part to serve as a bridge, Soto sent two of his sol
diers who were good swimmers to repair the bridge, but they
were set upon by many Indians in canoes from whom tbey
difficultly escaped after being severely wounded. But as the
Indians no more appeared at this pass, the bridge was soon
repaired, and the army passed over into the province or dis
trict of another cacique named Acuerui who, upon recdving
an offer of peace, sent back for answer that he would rather
have war than peace with vagabonds, Soto continued twenty
> days

CHAP, X. sect, I V. hf the Spaniards. 447
days in this country, diu'ing which time the Indians killed
fourteen Spaniards who had straggled from the main body^
whose heads they carried to their cacique. The Spaniards
buried the bodies of their companions wherever they found
thera ; but the Indians dug them up again and hung thdr
quarters upon trees, Iri the same time the Spaniards only
killed fifty Indians, as they were always on thdr guard and
kept among the woods and swamps. Leaving the town of
Acuera, to which they did no harm, Soto continued his march
inland for Ocali, keeping a direction a little to the east of
north, through a fertile country free fi'om morasses. At the
end of about twenty leagues they came to Ocali, a town of a-
bout six hundred houses, abounding in Indian corn, pulse,
acorns, dried plums, and nuts. The cacique and all his peo
ple had withdrawn into the woods, and at the first message
desiring them to come out sent a dvil evasive answer, but
complied at the second summons with some apprehension.
Going some days afterwards accorapanied by this cadque
to examine a river over which it was intended to lay a bridge,
there appeared about five hundred Indians on the other side,
w'ho shot their arrows towards the Spaniards, continually
crying out ?' go away with you, vagabond robbers !" Soto
asked the cadque why he permitted hissubjects to behave in
this mSnner ; to which he made answer that raany of thera
bad thrown off their obedience because he had entered into
friendship with the Spaniards, Soto therefore gave hira per
mission to rejoin his subjects, on promising to return, but
which he never did. The proposed bridge over this river
was constructed of two cables stretched across, having planks
laid between them, of which they procured abundance fit for
the purpose in the woods. By this means the whole force
marched across with the utmost ease and satisfaction, the
Spaniards on this occasion becoming engineers and pioneers
to build bridges and construct roads, after the manner of the
ancient Romans. As the guides had fled, the Spaniaids
made prisoners of thirty other Indians to shew thera the roads,
whom they treated well and presented with baubles so much
to thdr satisfaction, that they conducted thearray for sixteen
leagues through a fine open country to the district of S itacu-
tho which was about fifty leagues in circumference and was
then divided among three brothers.
On coming to a town called Ochile about break of day, the
Spaniards surrounded it before the natives were aware j but on

448 Discoveiy of Floi-ida paut ii, book ir.
on hearing the drums and trurapets they ran out, and find
ing aU the avenues blockaded they stood on their defence
though the cadque was invited to enter into friendship. He .
continued for some time to resist; but as his people perceived
that the Spaniards released the prisoners without doing them
any harra, they represented this to their chief, on which,
making a virtue of necessity, he submitted to Soto and was
well treated. After this, he accompanied Soto, with many
of his people, and conducted the Spaniards into a spacious
and delightful vale in which there were many scattered habi
tations. The cacique sent Ukewise to acquaint his brothers
that the Spaniards were marching through to other countries,
only requiring to be supplied with provisions on their way,
and did np harm tP thpse who accepted their friendship.
One of the brothers returned a favourable answer, and treat
ed the Spaniards with great respect ; but the eldest and most
powerfol of the three, would not allow the messengers to re
turn, and sent afterwards a reproof to his brothers, who he
said had acted like foolish boys, and might tell the strangers
that, if they ventured into his country, he would roast one
half of thera and boil the other. But as Soto sent another
kind raessage lo him, he consented to visit Soto accompanied
by five hundred warriors gaily adorned after thdr fashion,
and was received with much civiUty and presented with such
ornamental trinkets as pleased hira ranch. He was greatly
astonished at the appearance of the Spanish troops, and asked
pardon for his rude and threatening expressions, promising to
make amends by his future good conduct. This cacique,
naraed Vitaaicho, was about thirty-five years of age, strong
lirabed, and of a fierce aspect. Next day the Spanish army
entered Vitacucho's town in martial order. It consisted of
about two hundred houses or cabins, besides a great many
others scattered all over the country. All the towns in this
country have no other names except those of the caciques to
which they respectively belong. After remaining two days
in this town making merry, the two ypunger caciques asked
permission of Soto to return to thdr own districts,'which was
granted, and having recdved some presents frora Soto, they
went away well pleased.
Vitaaicho continued slUy for some tirae to behave respect
fully to Soto and the Spaniards, yet contriving how best to
destroy thera. For this purpose he concerted with all his
neighbours, whom he persuaded that it was prpper and neces sary

CHAP. X. SECTk IV. ly the Spaniards. 449
sary to destroy these wicked vagabonds who had corae into
their country to reduce thera to serritude. He iraparted his
•design to four Indian? who attended Soto in quality of inter
preters, whora he inforraed that he had ten thousand well
arraed Indians in readiness to aid hira in the execution of this
enterprise, and that he proposed to roast sorae of the Spa
niards, to boil others, to hang up another part on the loftiest
treSs, and to poison all the rest in such a raanner as to pine
and rot away for a long time befpre they died. Being de-
sfred tP keep the secret and tP give their ppinion of this de
sign, they answered that they approved it highly, as an exploit
worthy of his wisdom and valour, and that nothing could be
better contrived. Vitacucho thus encouraged, determined to
persevere, and sent notice to his confederates to hold thera
selves in readiness; but the four Indians, satisfied ofthe im
practicability of the design, owing to the excellent discipline
and vigUance of the Spaniards, made a discovery of the whple
pfot tp Juan Ortiz, who communicated it without delay to
Soto. . In a council of the officers held to consult how to act
in this emergency, it was thpught best to take no immediate
notice ofthe matter, except standing vigUantly on their guard
as if ignorant ofthe treacherous intention of the cacique, but
to cpntrive tp make hira fall intp his pwn snare.
When tlie day cpiicerted between Vitacucho and his con
federates for putting their enterprise into execution was come,
the crafty cacique requested Soto to go with him out of the
town to see his subjects whom he had drawn up in martial
array for his inspection, that he might be acquainted with his
power, and with the raanner of fighting practised araong the
Indians, Soto was a prudent raan ivell versed in the art of
war, in which he had gradually risen by his raerit. On this
occasion he courteously accepted the proppsal pf the cadque,
saying that if was likewise custpraary arapng the Spaniards to
shew honour to their friends by displaying their troops^in
order of battle. The Spanish forces accordingly marched out
in good order, prepared for whatevei" raight occur ; and the
better to conceal his suspicions, and the purpose he had now
in view, he walked out of the town on foot along with the
cadque. The Indian warriors, to the nuraber of about ten
thousand raen, were found drawn up in good order at sorae
distance from the town, having thefr left wing protected by a
wood and their right by two lakes. They were well equipped
after their manner, their heads adorned with high plumes, of
vol. V. F f feathers

4 so Disemery of Florida part ii. book ii.
feathers of herons, swans, and cranes. Their bows lay beside
them on the ground, and thdr arrows were covered over
with grass, to make it appear that they were unarmed. Be- ¦
sides the main body in the position before v..entioned, they
had a wing on each flank advanced into the plain.
Soto and the c:!(-ique advanced into the plain towards the
Indian army, each attended by twelve cl'osen raen. The
Spanish troops moved forwards in order of battle on the
right of Soto, the cavalry being in thc middle of the plain,
while the infantry raoved close to the wood on the left of the
Indians. When Soto ;\nd Vitacucho were arrived at the
place where it was previously known that the cacique intend
ed to have given a signal for attacking the Spaniards, who
were now all in readiness and fully instructed how to act,
Soto gave notice to his army to corp.mence the attack by or
dering a musket to be fired off. The twelve Spaniards who
attended Soto immediately seized the cacique according to
the instructions they had received for that puipose; and Soto
mounting his horse led on the Spanish cavalry to the charge,
being always foremost on every occasion, whether for fight
ing or hard labour. The Indians look up their arms and
resisted the Spaniards as weU as they could by repeated flights
of arrows, even killing the horse on which Soto rode, as they
chiefly aimed at the horses of which they stood in ranch fear.
Soto soon got another horse from his page, and as the cavalry
now penetrated the main body of the Indians their whole
array took to flight, some seeking for safety in the wood and
others by throwing themselves into the lakes. All who fled
along the c^eii plain were either killed or made prisoners.
About nine hundred ofthe Indians took sheker in the smaller
lake, which was immediately surrounded to prevent their
escape, and the >paniards likewise kept up an incessant at
tack upon them with their fire-arms and cross-bows, to in
duce thera to surrender. Although in the water, the Indians
continued to shoot as long as their arrows lasted, raany of
thera standing on thc backs of their comrades, who were
swiniining, till thdr arrows were spent, and then giving si
milar aid lo others. They continued in this manner from
about ten in the morning till midnight, aKva_\s surrounded
•by the Spanrnrds, refusing, to surieiider though assured of
their lives. At length many ofthe feeblest suriem'ered, alter
¦being fourteen hours iu the water. As the rest observed that
no injury was ofl'ered to the prisoners, they mostly surren-
j dered

CHAi?. X, SECT. IV. by the Spaniards. 451
dered next day at noon, when they had been above twenty-
four hours in the water ; and it was observed that they came
out excessively tired, hungry, sleepy, and swollen. Seven still
obstinately reraained in die water till about seven in the even
ing; when Soto, thinking it a pity such resolute raen should
perish, ordered twelve Spaniards to swim to them, with their
swords in their mouths, who dragged thera aU out half-drowned.
Care was taken to recover them ; and when asked the reason
of their obstinacy, they alleged that as comraanders, they
were willing to convince their lord that they were worthy of
their rank, by dying in his service and leaving a good narae
behind them, even expressing a desire that they had been
perraitted to perish. Four of these raen were abput thirty-
five years of age. The other three were lads about eighteen,
the sons of chiefs, who had obeyed the summons of Vitacu
cho, in hopes of acquiring honour, and were unwilling to re
turn home vanquished. Soto presented some small mirrors
and other baubles to these youths and dismissed them ; but
he told the four commanders, in presence of Vitacucho, that
they all deserved to be put to death for having broken their
plighted faith, yet he forgave them in hopes that they would
take warning by what had now befallen them, and behave
better for the future. He then invited Vitacucho to dine at
his own table every day, being of opinion that more was to
be gained among these barbarians by kind usage than severi
ty, unless when indispensably necessary.
The prisoners taken on this occasion araounted to above a
thousand men, who were distributed as servants among the
Spanish troops. Vitacucho gave these men secret orders to
fail upon and destroy the Spaniards while at dinner, ahd ap
pointed the seventh day after the engagement for the execu
tion of this new plot. On that day, while Vitacucho as usual
was at dinner along with Soto and the principal, Spanish offi
cers, he started up on a sudden and gave a loud whoop or war
cry, which was the appointed signal of attack, and laying
hold of Soto gave hira so violent a blow with his fist as
knocked him to the ground, and immediately fell upon him
endeavouring to kill him ; but the other officers who were at
dinner killed Vitacucho immediately. On hearing the signal
from the cacique, all the other Indians attacked their masters,
some with fire-brands, others with the cooking kettles, pitchers,
or whatever they could get hold of, of which the fire-brands
- did

452 Disemery of Florida part ii. book'ii.
did most harm; but as the Spaniards imraediately seized
their arras in their defence, aU the Indians were slain.
Four days after this fray, the troops marched to another
town called Osachile after the name of its cacique. Coraing
to a river which could not be forded, it was proposed to con
struct a bridge similar to that employed on a former occa
sion ; but on account of opposition from a body of Indians
on the farther bank it was necessary in the first place to drive
these away. For this purpose an hundred men armed with
muskets and cross-bows were ferried over on six rafts, and
thirty horseraen got over by swimming their horses. The In
dians then fled, and the bridge was constructed in the same
manner as formerly described, over which aU the rest of the
army passed. About two leagues after crossing the river, the
army came to some corn-fields with scattered houses, and
were galled for sorae tirae by the Indians, who lurked among
the standing maize, whence they discharged their arrows at
tbe Spaniards : But they were soon put to flight and several
of thera speared by the cavalry. On arrivmg at OsachUie
they found the town abandoned, and the cacique of that place
could never be persuaded to raake his appearance. Some
Indians were made prisoners on this march, who were more
tractable than any they had hitherto met with, and undertook
to act as guides. It was now necessary for the Spaniards to
consider of a proper place in which to pass the winter, and
OS there had been much talk about the province or district df
Apalache, as producing gold, the army only halted two days
at Osachile, and recommenced thefr march in the direction of
Apalache. After marching twdve leagues through a desert
wilderness, they came to a swamp half a league over, where
the pass was defended by a considerable number of Indians.
An engagement ensued in which several were kiUed on both
sides, and the Spaniards were foiled for that day. But on
the next, after a bloody encounter, the Spaniards drove
the Indians frora the swamp and got possession of the pass,
all of which was fordable except about forty paces in the mid
dle, over which there was a bridge of trees made fast to
gether. Having crossed the swamp, a very thick wood was found
on the olbcr side, above a league and half through, which
the army had great difficulty to penetrate, neither indeed
was it able to pass through the wood in one day. During this
•Jifficult march, an hundred horsemen armed with targets led
the

CHAP. X, SECT, IV. by the Spaniards. 453
the van, and were foHowed by an hundred musqueteers and
cross-bow-raen, all of whora carried axes to hew down trees
and make a clear space for the army to encamp, which it
did in the middle of the forest, and was all night long dis
turbed by the incessant war-hppps pf surrounding Indians.
Next day they continued their raarch through the wood,
which now becarae more open, but they were constantiy
harassed by the Indians, more especially as the cavalry could
be of very Uttle service araong the trees; and wherever there
were any open spaces, the Indians had cut down trees to ob
struct the passage. After getting out of this forest into the
open country, they marched two leagues farther, kiUing or
making prisoners of all the Indians who -attempted to raake
any opposition ; so that the natives becarae at length con
vinced that they were unable to destroy the Spaniards or to
expel thera frora the country. The array now encaraped at
the coraraenceraent of the cultivated lands belonging to the
Apalaches, but the Indians still continued to annoy them, by
continually pouring flights of arrows into the carap.
Next day the army marched two leagues through a perpe
tual succession of fields of Indian corn, interspersed with
straggUng houses, and were frequently vexed by lurking In
dians who shot off their arrows and then ran away. At the
farther side of this cultivated plain, they carae to a deep
brook running through a wood, the ford of which was forti
fied by palisades or fallen trees, to prevent the passage of the
cavalry : But a hundred of thera alighted frora their horses,
and cleared the way with their swords and targets in spite of
the Indians, who fought with much obstinacy, and did not
give way tiU many of them were slain, but some of the Spa
niards were kiUed in this engagement. They marched four
leagues next day with little opposition : and the day foUowing
were informed Capasi, cacique of Apalache, had taken
post at the distance of two leagues with a large body of brave
Indians intending to give thera batde. The horse iraraediate
ly advanced to attack him, and took some of his raen, but
Capasi made his escape. The town of Apalache, of which
they now took possession, consisted of two hundred and fifty
houses, having several other smaU dependent towns or vil
lages, and raany detached cabins or farm-houses scattered over
the cultivated fields. The country was fertile and agreeable,
the cUmate excellent, and the natives numerous and warlike.
After sorae days rest, parties were sent out in different direc tions

454 Disemery ofilorida part ii. book ii.
tions to explore the country. Those who penetrated north
wards into the interior, reported that the country was excel
lent, fertile, populous, and free from woods and swamps ;
while those who went south towards the coast, found a rugged,
barren, and irapracticable country, being the same through
which Cabeza de Vaca had travelled.
It being now the month of October, Soto determined to
winter in this place ; for which purpose he ordered sufficient
fortifications to be constructed for defence, and provisions to
be stored up for the supply of his army. He likewise sent
back a party by the same way which the army had marched,
being an hundred and fifty leagues to the bay of the Holy
Ghost*, to bring away the cavafry that had been left there to
rejoin the rest of the army. He also sent a message to Ca
pasi, the only cacique who had been hitherto met with having
a proper narae different frora that of his town, requesting him
to come in and make peace with the Spaniards, to which he
would by no means consent. Being inforraed that Capasi
had intrenched himself in the middle of a wood about eight
leagues frora Apalache, Soto marched against him and assaU-
ed his fortified post. The Indians defended themselves for
some tirae with great bravery ; but at length begged quarter
which was granted, and Capasi was brought out on mens
shoulders ; as he was either so fat and unwieldy, or so ranch
disabled by some distemper, that he was unable lo walk, and
was therefore carried on a kind of litter or bier, or crawled
on his hands and knees. Soto returned well pleased at this
good fortune to his quarters at Ap.-dache, expecting that the
Indians would give hira no raore disturbance, now that thefr
chief was in his hands. But matters turned out quite other
wise ; for having no ruler the Indians became even more dis
orderly and troublesome than before, anil refused to obey
the command of Capasi to remain hi peace with the Spa
niards, Under these circumstances, when Soto complained to ihe
cacique of the perpetual hostilities of his people, Capasi pre
tended, if he were permitted lo go to a place about six leagues ii-om
4 Although in the te.xt the general direction of ihe niarch of Soto js men
tioned as to the N. E. there is every reason to believe it must have been to
the west of north, into the country of what are now called the Creek In
dians. The town of Apalache in which Soto spent the winter 1539-iO may
haye been on the river Catahoche otherwise called of Apalachicola, or on the
Alihama, which runs into thc Mobille. There still is a place known by the
name of Apalache near the mouth of the Mobille river. — E.

CUAP, X, SEtfT. iv. by the Spaniards. 4j55
from Apalache, to which the head raen of the tribe had retir
ed, that they would obey his orders on seeing him amouo'
them and agree to peace. Soto accordingly gave his per-
mis.-ion, and Capasi went to the place indicated, carried as
usual on a bier, and accompanied by a strong guard of Spa
niards. The cacique then issued orders for all his people to
appear before him next day, having some important matters
to coramunicate. The Spaniards posted their guards for the
night and went to rest, beUeving every thing secure ; but
when day appeared next morning neither the cacique npr any
ofhis attendants were to be found. Taking advantage of the
centinels falling asleep, Capasi had crept out from among
them on all fours, after which his Indians carried him off to
some raore secure place than the former, as he was never
raore seen. The Spanish escort returned much ashamed of
theraselves to Soto, pretending that Capasi and his attendants
must have been carried off through the air, as it was impossi
ble for him to have got away from among thera in any other
manner. Soto prudently accepted of this excuse, saying with
a sraile that the story was very probable as the Indians were
notable sorcerers. He was unwilling to punish his men fpr
their negligence, being always more desirous to gain the af
fection ofhis soldiers by kind usage, as far as consistent with
military discipline, that they might be ready to endure the
fatigue and danger he expected to encounter in the prosecii-
tion ofhis enterprise.

Section V. ,
Continuation tf the Transactions tf Ferdinand de Soto in
Florida '.
"We have already mentioned that Soto, having determined
to spend the winter 1539 at Apalache, sent a detachment
back to Harrihiagua on the bay ofthe Holy Ghost, to bring
away Captain Calderon and the raen who had been left there.
This detachment consisted of thirty horse under the command
of Juan de Anasco. On coraing tp the ford of the river OcaU,
Anasco was obUged to pass it by means of rafts, as the river
was flooded ; and though they used the utraost diligence, the
Indians
1 Herrera, V. 307.— 3.41.

456 Disemery of Fkrida part ii. book ii.
Indians were up in arms on both sides ofthe river to oppose
bim, so that the Spaniards had to fight both to the front and ¦
rear while their baggage, horses, and selves were wafted over.
Having got satdy over, they found it necessary to go to the
town, as one of their comrades was quite benumbed in pas
sing the river. Believing the Spaniards more numerous tiian
they really were, the Indians only defended their town tiU
their wives and chUdren were got away to a place of safety,
and then abandoned the place, of which Anasco took posses
sion. The Spaniards made four large fires in the market
place, on purpose to restore thdr benumbed comrade, to
whom likewise they gave the only clean shirt they had araong
thera. They likewise dried their clothes and saddles, which
had been aU wetted in passing the river, and fornished tiiefr
wallets with provisions f'rora the stores of the Indians. In the
mean time, ten horses at once were aUowed to feed, whUe aU
the rest stood ready bridled in case of attack. About mid
night an alarm was given by the centinels of the approach of
a numerous body of Indians; on which the whole party
mounted, tying the benumbed man who was now somewhat
recovered, fast upon his horse which was led by another sol
dier, and set off on iheir march with so much expedition that
they were five leagues frora the town hy day-break next
morning. In this manner they continueil their journey with
as little delay as possible, going on at a round trot wherever
they found the country inhabited, and walking their horses in
passing through the wilderness.
On the seventh day after leaving Apalache, Pedro de
Atieiiza was taken very Ul, and died a few hours afterwards.
Having travelled that day near twenty leagues they arrived
at the great swamp * in the evening, and remdned all night
on its border, making great fires to keep thera warra as the
weather was exlrerady cold. Next morning, on attempting
to pass, the horses refused on account of the excessive cold ;
but about noon die sun yielding some heat, thty got across ;
On the third day after, while continuing thdr march with
thc usual diUgence, they observed the track of horses, and
some appearance of their having used a pool of water by the
way side. Thdr horses even took heart at these appearances, smelling
2 A great swamp is laid down in lat. Sl' N. on the firontiers between
Georgia and East Florida, at the head ofthe rivers of St Mary and St Mark,
the former of which flows east to the Atlantic, and the latter sonth-west into
the Bay of Apalache.— £.

chap. X. SECT. v. by the Spaniards, 457
smeUing the track of others, and Anasco and his men were
much rejoiced, having been previously afraid that Calderon
and his trppps had either gpne away tp Cuba, pr had been
slain by the Indians, Abput sunset pf this day, being the
tenth after leaving Apalache, they carae in sight cf Harrihia
gua, just as the hprse patrple was leaving the tpwn. The
new coraers set up a loud shout for joy at seeing their friends,
and Calderon carae iramediately out to welcome them with
equal satisfaction.
When the cacique Mucozo learnt the arrival of Anasco,
he went to visit him, and brought the horse belonging to the
man who had died by the way, which had been left in a mea
dow with the saddle hanging to a tree, which Ukewise was
brought in by an Indian on his back, not knowing how to
fasten the girths. Mucozo inquired after the health of Soto
in a friendly manner, and expressed his sorrow that the other
caciques were not of the same friendly disposition with him
seff. Calderon and Anasco consulted together as to the best
way of going back to Apalache. As the stores of provisions
shoes and clothes which had been provided liberally by Soto
for the expedition were very large and could not be removed
to Apalache, it was agreed to leave aU these under the charge
of Mucozo. It was likewise resolved that Anasco should pro
ceed by sea with two of the brigantines to the Bay of Ante,
which he had discovered when detached by Soto to explore
tbe country to the south of Apalache, while Calderon was to
go by land. Accordingly, every thing being in readiness,
seven days after the arrival of Anasco, Calderon, set out by
land for Apalache with seventy horse and fifty foot soldiers,
aU the rest going by sea along with Anasco.
On the second day of his march, Calderon came to the
town of Mucozo, and was hospitably entertained by that
friendly chief. Nothing remarkable happened during this
march till they came to the great swamp, except that one horse
was killed by an arrow which penetrated through his breast
to his bowels. These Indians are such powerful archers that
they have been known to shoot through four folds of mail ;
fpr which reason the Spaniards laid aside their European ar
mour, and used a kind which is stuffed with cotton, called
eseauptles, to defend both themselves and their horses. Cal
deron travelled with very little opposition or difficulty all the
way to the swamp of Apalache, where the Indians attacked
him desperately and kUied one of his horses. Next day he
was

4.58 Discovery of Florida part ii. book ii.
was again attacked, and disturbed all the ensuing night, the
Indians constantly upbraiding the Spaniards as vagabonds and .
robbers, and threatening to quarter them. On the following
day Calderon and his men reached Apalache, where ten or
twelve of his people died of their wounds. Anasco arrived
safe with the remainder of the Spaniards at the Bay of Ante',
whence he marched by land to Apalache. Having now col
lected his whole force at ApaLache, Ferdinand de Soto sent
Diego Maldonado with the brigantines to explore the coast
to the westwards, ordering him to return in two months vrith
a particular description of all the ports, creeks, and headlands
he might fall in with. Maldonado executed these orders ;
and on his return reported that he had discovered a very ex
cellent harbour, called Achusi, sixty leagues to the westwards
of Aute*, whence he brought two Indian prisoners. Soto
then sent Maldonado with the brigantines to the Havannah,
carrying letters to his lady, and directed him to inform the
colonists of Cuba that he had found an excellent harbour in
Florida, and that the country was pleasant and fertile, by way
of encouraging settlers to come over.
It happened one day that seven Spanish horsemen riding
out from the town of Apalache saw an Indian man and wo-
raan gathering old kidney-beans in the fields. Iramediately
on seeing the hc>rsemen the man took up the woman in his
arms and carried her into the wood, whence he returned with
his bow and arrows to attack the horseraen, who would have
saved his life on account ot his bravery, calling out to him to
yield ; but he was so desperate that he wounded thera aU,
and when his arrows were expended he gave one of them so
violent a blow with his bow on the head-piece that it stunned
him, on which provocation he killed the Indian with his
lance. ^A'liile Soto wintered in Apalache, he used everv
exertion to obtain intelligence rq^pccting the country towards
the west, in order to prepare for extending his discovei'ies in
the spring ; and among the Indians who were brought to hira
on this occasion, was one about seventeen years of age who
h.id been a servant to some Indian travelUug merchants. From
3 No bay Is now known of this name, but it may possibly have been
that now known by the n.ime of Mobille. — E.
i This distance from Mobille Bay would lead ii'i considerably to the west
nf tlie Missisippi, perhaps to Ascension Bay, or perhaps to the entrance of
Uuachas Lake. — E.

chap, X, SECT, v. by the Spaniards. 459
From this youth he was inforraed that, about thirteen or
, fourteen days journey farther on, there was a province called
Cofachiqui^, which produced golil, silver and pearls. This
intelligence was very pleasing to the Spaniards, and made
thera wish anxiously for the season in which to march forwards.
During all the winter, which the Spaniards spent in Apalache,
when any parties of them went out into the country, the
Indians seldom failed to kill some of the men or horses with
their arrows, yet always kept at a distance or among the
woods, carefully avoiding to encounter thera in the open
fields. The season being at length come, in the spring of 1 540,
for taking the field, Soto set out on his march from Apalache
towards the north, and on the third day encamped in a pe
ninsula formed by a swamp, having wooden bridges of com
raunication with the dry land. This being an elevated situa
tion, several towns could be seen frora the encampraent,
which was still in the district belonging to Apalache. The
Spaniards rested here two d.ays, during one of which seven
men stroUed out from the camp without orders, six of whom
were slain by the Indians before they had got two hundred
paces from the camp, and the seventh difHcultly escaped with
two wounds. Leaving the province of Apalache, the Spaniards
now entered that called Atakpaha, the first town they came to
being abandoned by the natives. Six of the principal people
reraained behind, who were brought before, Soto, whom they
boldly asked whether he was for peace or war with their
nation. Soto answered by means of his interpreter that he
had no inclination for war, as his only intention was to pass
through their country, yet desired that his people might be
supplied with provisions. To this they answered, if such
were his intentions there was no occasion to have made thera
prisoners, and if he conducted himself in a friendly manner
he might depend on better treatment than he had received at
Apalache. They accordingly dispatched some of the coraraon
people to desire the natives to return to their houses to serve
the Spaniards, whom they conducted to a better town, where
the cacique came to ratify a peace, which was punctually ob
served during three days that Soto remained there.
From that place they advanced for ten days to the north
wards along the banks of a river, through a fertile country,. ii\
S Perhaps the ceuntry of the Chicasaws, — E.

4^0 Disemery of Florida part ii. book ji.
in which all the inhabitants behaved in a friendly raanner.
After this they entered the province of Achalaqui, which was .
pppr, barren, and thinly inhabited, having very few ypung
men, and the pld pepple being raostly short-siglited and many
pf them quite blind. Quickening the raarch through this bad
country they came to the province of Cofachi, where, besides
other presents, Soto gave the cacique some boars and sows
for a breed, having brought above three hundred of these
animals with him to Florida, where they increased very fast,
as the Spaniards had no occasion to kill them, gettuig abun
dance of other provisions. During this expedition, SPto
made it an invariable practice, before entering any province,
to send a raessage to the cacique offering peace and demand
ing leave to pass through his dominions, that the natives
might not be alarmed at the appearance of so raany arraed
strangers ; and besides it was always his wish to erapfoy fair
raeans in his intercourse with the Indians, rather than force.
He accordingly sent a message to the cacique of Ctfa writh
the usual requests of peace, provisions and a free passage,
with which the cacique complied, coming himseff to raeet the
Spaniards, for whora he appointed quarters and plenty of
provisions. The land bdng plentffui, Soto and his army
rested here five days. Tlie next province belonged to a
brother of Cofa, naraed Cofaqui, who carae out to raeet the
Spaniards attended by a great number of his people, all finely
acforned with plumes of feathers, and wearing mantles of rich
sables and other valuable furs. After this friendly reception,
the cacique went away to another town, leaving his own en
tirely for the accommodation of the Spaniards. This country
abounded in maize or Indian corn, which is used by the
Indians as wheat is in Europe. They had also abundance of
dried fruits ; but flesh was rare, being only what they procured
by hunting, as they had no domesticated animals.
Next day, Cofaqui returned to Soto, oft'ering a supply of
provisions and a strong escort of .irmed Indians, lo enable
the Spaniards to cross a desert or wilderness of seven days
journey leading to the next province of Cofacbiqui"'. Ira
mediately there appeared four tiiousand Indians to carry
burdens, and thc like number arraed, to accorapany the Spa
niaids.
6 The word Cofa seems to have signified lord or chief among these
Indians; as we have four successive chiefs in the text, named Cofa,Co-&chi,
Cofa-qui, and Cofa-chiqui. — E.

CHAP. X, SECT, V, by the Spaniards. 461
niards. On seeing so great a number of raen, Soto was on
his guard like a gppd spldier and prudent coramander, that
he might not be taken by surprise. On this occasion the
£aci(]ue raade a speech to the comraander of his forces, en-
1'oining him, as he knew the ancient enmity subsisting between
lira and the people of Cofachiqui, that he should not let slip
the present favourable opportunity of taking severe revenge
Upon their enemies, considering that he was now supported
by these Valiant strangers. The Indian comraander, throwing
off his raantle of fors, flourished a two-htoded sword or war-
club, the ensign of his coraraand, and told his lord in porap-
ous terras what he would do for his service. On this, the
Cacique took froiii his own shoulders a rich mantle of sables,
thought by the Spaniards to be worth a thousand ducats,
which he put upon the shoulders of his general, and placed a
splendid plume.of feathers on his head. The presentation of
a raantle and plurae of feathers is considered among the
Indians as the highest honour which can be bestowed.
There were two Indians among the Spaniards who were
extrerady faraiU^:, named ordinarily Mark and Peter though
not baptized. On the night before commencing the new
raarch for Cofachiqui, Peter made a violent outcry as if in
danger of being slain. All the forces turned out under arms
bn this alarm, and found Peter in great trepidation and dis
tress. He aUeged that the devil and a nuraber of his imps
had threatened to kiU him if he acted as a guide to the Spaniards,
and had dragged hira about and beaten hira so unmercifully
that he had assuredly been killed if they had not corae to his
assistance ; and, since the great devil fled frora two Chris
tians, he begged to be baptized that he might be a Christian
like them and able to drive away the devil. This appeared
to be no fiction, by the bruises and swelling which Peter ex
hibited ; and accordingly Soto gave hira in charge to the
priests, who remained with him all night and baptized him ;
and next day he was raounted on horseback, being unable to
walk on account of the drubbing he had got from the Devil !
The two armies marched apart, pursuant to the wise pre
cautions adopted by Soto. The Indians kept excellent order,
having a regular van and rear guard, and making those who
carried the provisions and baggage keep in the centre. Every
night the two armies lay at some distance, each appointing
their own guards. On the third day of the march frora Qo-
faqui fliey entered upon the Wilderness, through which they
10 marched

462 Discmety tf Florida part ii. book ii.
raarched for six days, finding the country very agreeable.
They had two rapid rivers to cross, at both of which the
cavalry was raade to form a kind of wall above the ford to
break the force of the stream, by which means they aU got
safe over. On the seventh day both Spaniards and Indians
were much at a loss, as the road they had hitherto foUowed
was now at an end, so that they knew not which way to take
through the rest of the wilderness. Soto asked the Indian
general how it could possibly happen that araong eight thou
sand raen of his nation, more especially as they had always
been at war with the people to whose country they were going,
no one should know the road. The Indian chief answered
that none of them had evtr been there ; for the war was never
carried on by means of complete armies, as they raerely kiUed
or raade prisoners of each other, when they chanced to raeet
at the fisheries on the rivers, or while hunting ; and as the
people of Cofachiqui were raost powerful, his countryraen did
not venture so far into the wilderness, by which reason they
were unacquainted with the countrj'. He farther assured
Soto that he niight rely on the probity and good faith both of
the cacique and himself, who had no intention of fraud or
perfidy ; yet he raight if he pleased take what hostages be
thought proper for his security, and if that were not sufficient,
he would submit to lose his own head, and that aU his men
should be put to death, wherever lliey were found to harbour
any evil intentions.
Satisfied with these assurances, Soto sent for Peter the
Indian, who was lik-jwise at a loss, as he had not been in
these parts for five years. They raarched on however the rest
of that day, without knowing any thing of the road, vet
found the woods easily passable. Tow.trds evening they ar
rived at a great river which could not be forded". This cfr-
cumstance added greatly to tlieir p.rploxily, as they now had
only seven days provisions, wliich would not hold out till ihey
could make rafts to pass this river. Next day Soto sent off
four several detachuients in different dfrections to explore the
coimtry,
7 In the utter impassibility to trace the route of Soto, it may even appear
absurd to suppose that this may have been the Tenas,se or Hogohecee River,
formerly called the Cherokee River ; yet he assuredly raarched in various
directions thiough the interior country of North Air.eric.i, westwards of
the present states of Virginia, the larnlinas, and Geoigia, to the north of
modern West Florida, novi orcupied bj the Creeks, Cherokees, Cjftawbas,
Chactaw^ and Chickasaws. — £.

CHAP. X. SECT. v. by the Spaniards. 463
country, with orders to return in five days ; and with each
of these went a thousand Indians, to assist in finding the
' way of which they were in search. The Indians who carried
the baggage, and who remained at the encampment, went out
every morning armed, and returned at night with herbs, roots,
birds, some small land animals, and a little fish, part of
which they gave to the Spaniards ; but this scanty supply was
quite insufficient for their necessities, Soto now ordered
some of the swine which accompanied the army to he slaugh
tered, and distributed eight ounces of their flesh daily to
every one of his men. Even this was only protracting their
misery, yet all shewed vvonderful patience, as their comman
der gave them a good example.
Three of the detachraents that had been sent out on dis
covery returned on the sixth day unsuccessful. But the com
mander of the fourth, Juan de Anasco, who had gone up
the banks of the riyer, sent back four horsemen to inform
Soto that he had found a sraall town on the same side of the
river, which had a good store of provisions, and had seen
several towns still higher up, where there was a good deal of
cultivated land. The raessengers brought with them many
ears oi zara^, and sorae cows horns, without knowing
whence these were procured, not having hitherto seen any
cows in the country. The Indian general Patoja and his
men, who accompanied Anasco, killed all the inhabitants of
that town whom they could lay hands on, taking off' their
skulls^, and plundering the temple or place of burial, where
the best of the effects were secured. This town was in the
province of Cofachiqui ; and as the Indians accorapanying
the Spaniards did much injury to the country, Soto now sent
them honne again to prevent any farther harm being done
under his auspices ; and by making presents to the Indian
general and the other chiefs, and supplying them with provi
sions for their journey, they went away well satisfied, Soto
now advanced with the Spaniards through a pleasant and
plentiful country, but which was abandoned by the natives
on account of the ravages and slaughters that had been com
mitted by Patofa and his people.
Three' days afterwards, to avoid going on at random, Soto sent
8 This word, left unexplained by the translator of Herrera, pei'hapa
means some species of millet cultivated by the Indians. — E.
9 This ought in all probability to have been translated scalps. — E,

464 Disemery of Florida pakt ii. book ii.
sent on Juan Anasco with thirty horse to explore the country.
Anasco set out a little before riight, and after proceeding
about two leagues, he heard the barking of dogs and the noise
of some children, and saw some lights ; but on going towards
the place for the purpose of trying to seize one or two Indians
frora whora to gain inteUigence, he found that the town was
on the other side of the river. He halted therefore at a place
which seemed to be used as a landing for canoes ; and having
fed and rested the horses, he returned to give Soto an acccunt
of what he had observed. Soto went accordingly next day
with an hundred hoise and an equal nuraber of foot to riew
the town ; and as the Indians fled on seeing the Spaniards,
the two Christian Indians, Peter and Mark caUed to them
across the river that no harra was intended. Upon this six
Indians ventured across the river in a canoe, and came to
wait on Soto, who was seated in a chafr, which was always
carried with hira to receive the natives in state, as the custoras
of these people required. On approaching Soto, the sii
Indians made their obeisances ; first to the sun, then to the
moon, and lastly to the Spanish commander, whom they
asked whether he was for peace or war with their nation. He
answered by means of his interpreter, that he was desirous of
peace, and required nothing from them but prorisions for his
people. They replied that they wilUngly accepted of peac^
but were sorry to say that they were very scarce of provisions
in consequence of a pestilence which had lately raged among
them ; but they would inform their sovereign of his demands,
who happened to be a young unmarried woman. When
they had delivered their raessage to the princess, two large
canoes covered with awnings were seen to set out frora the
town on the other side of the river, into one of which seven
or eight women erabarked, and six raen in the other. Araong
the women was the princess who ruled over the tribe ; and
immediatdy on coming to Soto, she sat down on a stool be
fore hira, which her people brought for her use, and after
some complimentary discourse, she expressed her sorrow for
the scarcity which then existed in her countiy, but that
having two storehouses filled with provisions for'rdieving the
necessities of her subjects, she would give him one" of tiiese,
and hoped he would leave her in possession of the other. She
said Ukewise that she had two thousand raeasures of raaize at
another town, which she would give him, and would quit her
own house and half the town to accommodate bim and his
people.

chap. X, SECT, V. by the Spaniards, 465
pepple, arid if that did npt suffice, that the whble pf the tPwn
ahpuld be deared fpr his use. SpIp thanked her in a cour-:
teous manner for her friendly offers, declaring that he would
be perfectly satisfied with whatever she. was pleased to give.
"While he was speaking, she took off' a string of pearls which
she wore round her neck, and gave it to Juan Ortiz the in
terpreter to present it in her name to Soto, as she could not
deliver it with her own hands without transgressing the rules
of decorum '". Soto stood up and received it with ranch re
spect, and presented her in return with a ruby which he wore
on his finger. Thus peace was ratified with this princess,
who now returned to the other side of the river, all the
Spaniards admiring her beautiful appearance and good beha
viour. After this all the Spanish force was transported across the
river, on rafts and in canoes, four horses being drowned in
the passage. The Spaniards were all comraodiously quarter
ed in the middle of the town, and the country round was
found to be extraordinarily fertile. The mother of the prin
cess of this tribe was a widow, and resided about twelve
leagues fi:om this town in great retirement ; and on being
sent for by her daughter to see the strangers, she not only
refused^ but sent a severe reproof to her daughter for admit
ting those persons of whora she knew nothing. Soto sent
Juan Anasco with thirty horse, with a respectful raessage to
the old lady inviting her to come to visit him. Anasco was
accorapanied on this occason by an Indian of considerable
rank, who seemed pensive and melancholy. After traveUing
some leagues, they stopped for rest and refreshraent, and sat
down under the shade of .a tree to partake of a repast.
Throwing off his raantle of sables, the Indian took the arrows
one by one frora his quiver, which were very curiously made
of reeds, having headsof bones with three points " aU of them
feathered on three sides, and both thera and his bow beauti
fuUy painted with some kind of bituminous substance, as
yoi. V. & g smooth
10 The circumstance of great quantities of pearls being found in this
part of the country tends in some measure to confirm the idea of Soto being
now on the Teiiasse River. In the most recent maps of this part of Ame
rica, a part of this river near its great bend, where it sweeps round from a
S. W. to a N. N. W. direction, is distinguished by the appellation of the
Muscle Shoals, and it is welj known that the fresh-water muscles are often
very productive in pearls.: — ^E,.
1 1 Perhaps this ought to have been triangular pointed heads,— E,

466 Disemery of Florida part ii. book ii.
smooth and glossy as the finest varnish. The last arrow
which he drew out was headed with flint, sharp-pointed, and
double-edged Uke a dagger. Seeing that tbe Spaniards were
aU intent upon observing the curious arrows, he cut his own
throat with the flmt-headed arrow, and immediatdy fell down
dead. The other Indians who accompanied Anasco said that
in thdr opmion he had killed himself because he was carrying
a raessage which he believed was disagreeable to the old lady.
A short tirae alter this, as Anasco was stiU proceeding, one
of the Spaniards observed that they were going blindly in
search of a woraan who was said to have gone to hide herself
from them in another place ; and as Soto already had the
daughter in his power, he had no occasion for the mother
also, and as their number was smaU they were exposed to
much danger, and had much better return lo head -quarters.
As this advice was universally approved of, they turned back.
Three days afterwards Soto sent twenty Spaniards up the
river in two canoes at the request of the daughter to seek her
mother, under the conduct of an Indian who offered to con
duct them to her place of concealment. WhUe on this ex
pedition, the Spaniards recoUected that Peter and Mark had
reported there was both gold and sUver in that province ; but
upon search they found much copper of a golden colour, and
great plates of ore '* which was very light and mouldered
away Uke earth, which probably hat! deceived the young
Indians. A wonderful quantity of pearls were found, and the
old lady gave them leave to go into a sacred house where the
chiefs or nobles of the tribe were buried, to take what pearls
were there, and to another temple, or sepulchre i-atber, near
the town, in which the bodies of her own ancestors were re-
posited, where they found pearls in stiU gieater abundance.
In these repositories of the dead they found a number of
wooden chests in which the bodies were laid; and beside
tht m in baskets made of reeds there were great quantities of
large and seed pearls, as also garments both for men and wo
men, made of skins and fine furs. So great was the abun
dance of pearls found on this occasion, uiat the kings officers
weighed five hundred pounds weight. As Soto was unwiUing
to encumber his troops with so much additional weight, he
proposed
12 These large piatci of ore, were probably siWer-colourcd mica ; and
the golden^oloured copper in the text may ha've been bright yellow pyrites.

CHAP. X. SECT. V. by the Spaniards. 467
proposed that no more than fifty pounds should be then taken,
to send to the Havannah to learn their vtilue ; but as they
were already weighed, the officers begged that they might be
all carried away, to which he consented, and gave his captains
two handfuls of pearls as large as pease to make strings of
beads or rosaries<
Leaving Cofochiqud, the array came to another town called
Tciomeco, in a temple or chornd-house raore properly of
which place, <^posite the residence of the chief, they found
strings of large pearls hanging on the waUs; and others ih
chests, with many fine garments like those formerly raention
ed ; and in rooras over this charnd-house were great numbers
of pikes with copper heads resembling gold, and clubs, staves,
and axes of the same metal, and bows, arrows, targets, and
breast-plates. Soto would not take away any of these, being
resolved to continue his raarch. AccortUngly, taking leave
of the princess of Cofachiqui, he divided the array into two
parts for the better convenience of provisions, retaining thc
immediate command of one, and confiding the other to the
charge of Baltasar de GaUegos. In this order they raoved ori
to the province of Chalaqui ; and next day were exposed to
such a storm of wind, lightning, and hail, that many of them
must have perished, but for the shelter afforded by the trees,
as the hail-stones were as large as pigeons eggs. On the sixth
day of this new march, they carae to the vaUey of Xaula, a
pleasaiit country to the N.N-E. The sailors who accom
panied the army beUeved the river which flo^Ved past Cofa
chiqui to be the same which is known on the coast under the
name of Santa Ellena ; and computing their marches at
four leagues a-day, it appeared that the forces had come two
hundred leagues from Apalache to Xaula *^ ; which, with ari
hundred and fifty leagues from the Bay of the Holy Ghost to
Apalache, made four hundred and ten leagues in all'*. The
13 Two hundred Spanish leagues would amount to near 800 Engli^
miles. But as the march was entirely in an uncertain and probably chang
ing direction, this estimate does not assist in determining any thing of its
extent. Eight hundred miles would reach, even from Espiritu Santo Bay,
to beyond the Ohio. — ^E.
14 The numbers in the text are obviously corrupt, as the particulars do
not agree with the sum ; but it is impossible to correct or reconcile them,
neither indeed is it of much consequence, as no establishment was made in
Florida fey Soto, -and the names of the places he visited are now unkno-wn
and uninteresting. Four hundred and ten Spanish lejigues, or 1640 English
miles, would carry us irito Upper Canada. — E,

46S Disemery of Florida paet ii. book ii.
Tlie Spanish forces rested a fortnight in the vale of Xaula,
which was subject to the prmcess of Cofachiqui, though a
separate province, being induced to this delay by finding
abundance of all thmgs, and on purpose to recruit their horses.
Leaving this place, they marched one day through an agree
able country, and then five days over an unpeopled ' moun
tain'^, though not disagreeable, as it had many fine groves,
waters, and pasture-gi'ounds, the way over being about twenty
leagues. Four Indian chiefs who accompanied tiiera by order
of the princess of Cpfachiqui, sent to require the cacique pf
Guanale tp receive the Spaniards with kindness, pr otherwise
to declare war against him. WhUe on the march, a fppt-
spldier naraed Juan Terron pulled a Uttle bag from his waUet
full of large well-coloured pearls not pierced, which he offered
to a horseman, who advised him to keep them as the general
meant soon to send to the Havannah, where he might pur
chase a horse for thera to ease hira frora raarching on foot.
On this refusal, Terrpn threw his pearls on the ground,
alleging they were troublesome to carry, and they were picked
up by his comrades. He sorely repented of this afterwards,
as he was informed they would have been worth 6000 ducats
in Spain. The Sponi^ds stopped four days at Guanale, and
in five days march frora thence they reached Ychiaha, a town
situated on an island in the river about five leagues in length.
As the general always raade inquiry evei-y where concerning
the cpuntry farther pn, the cacique pf Ychiaha tpld him
there were raines of yeUow metal about thirty leagues frpm
thence, and presented him with a long string of large pearls,
which would have been of extraordinary value ff tiiey had not
Jieen bored. As Soto seemed to prize them, the cadque said
there were many such in die burial place of his ancestors
which he was welcome to take if he pleased. In return Soto
presented the cacique with some pieces of vdvet and satin,
with which he was much gratified. Two soldiers were sent
on, accorapanied by a party of Indians, to view the reported
mines of ydlpw metal, who reported that they were only
copper, tiiat the country was fruitful, and that tiiey had been
well treated by the inhabitants. Sorae of the men likewise
were ordered to drag the river for the peail oysters, where they
IS If correct in the idea of Soto haying crossed the Tenassee, the moun
tainous district here indicated may have been tbe Cumberland mountains,
between the Tenassee and Cumberland Rivers. — E.

chap. IX. SECT. V. by the Spaniards. 469
they soon brought up large quantities, which were laid on a
fire to make them open their shells, and the pearls were taken
' out somewhat damaged by the heat. A soldier who boiled
some of these oysters, while eating one of them, almost broke
his teeth on a pearl as big as a hazle-nut, whicli he presented
to Soto for his lady, as it was bright and weU shaped ; but
the general refused it, desiring hira to keep it to purchase
horses, and in return for his good will paid the kings fifth
out ofhis own money, its value being estimated at 400 ducats.
Soto was exceedingly generous and obliging to his soldiers,
making no distinction between himself and thera, in clothes,
eating, lodging, or enduring hardships, and enjoyed their
entire confidence and affection.
From Ychiaha, the Spaniards proceeded onwards to Acoste,
where the cacique received them with ill-will, and an open
breach had like to have taken place ; but Soto prevented this
by conciliatory inanageraent, and stiU preserved the peace,
which had not been infringed since leaving Apalache. Next
day the Indians of Acoste became better humoured, and
having contented them, Soto crossed the river into the large
province of Coza, through which he raarched for an hundred
leagues, finding it every where populous and fertile, and the
Spaniards were every where received in a friendly manner,
weU treated, and commodiously lodged. At the town of Coza,
the cacique carae out to meet Soto attended by a thousand
Indians wearing plumes of feathers and rich mantles of furs.
The town consisted of about five hundred houses along the
side of the river, and here the Spaniards were most hospi
tably entertained. While dining one day with Soto, the ca
dque requested he would spend the winter in his country and
establish a colony there ; and indeed it was better land than
any that the Spaniards had hitherto passed through, Soto
thanked hira for his friendly offer; but said' that it was ne
cessary for him in the first place to explore the country farther
on, that he might be able to judge what articles were neces
sary for trade, and that he might give orders for seeds and
all other requisites, after which he would return and accept
his offer. He staid twelve days at this place, raore to oblige
the cacique than on any other account ; and then set out to
wards the sea, which he had long designed, making a semi
circular turn that he might march back by a different route to
explore tbe country, meaning to make his way to the port pf
Arichtisi. " ¦; •
In

470 Discovery of Florida part ii. book ii.
In five days march he reached TaUsse, a town fortified
'with entrenchments of tiraber and earth, on the frontiers of
the territories ofthe cadque of Tascaluza, who was in enraity
with the cacique of Coza, who went so far with the Spaniards
on purpose to intiraidate Tascaluza. At this place Soto was
received by a son of Tascaluza, only eighteen years of age,
and so tall that none of the &)aniards reached higher than
his breast. This young man offered his fathers compliments
of friendship to the Spaniards, and conducted Soto to Tas
caluza, who received him sitting after their manner on a kind
of chair, with a great number of men standing round hira ;
and though the different commanders came up successively
to salute him, no one stfrred tUl Soto came forwards, when
the cacique stood up and advanced twenty paces to meet him.
Tascaluza was like a giant, much taUer thou his son, well-
shaped, and of a good aspect. The Spaniards were well re
ceived, abundantly si^ipUed, and comraodiously quartered.
They set out again on their raarch on the third day ; and as
the cacique Tascaluza chose to accorapany them, one of the
baggage horses belonging to Soto was selected for bun to ride
upon. When mounted, his feet reached within a span of the
ground. He was not fat, as his waist was hardly a yard in
compass, and he did not seem to exceed forty years of age.
In the course of this days march, after coming to a fortified
town, the Spaniards had to cross the river, which they did
with considerable difficulty, being badly suppUed with rafts or
floats. On taking up their quarters for the night, two Spa
niards were amissmg ; and when the Indians were asked
about them, they answered in a haughty raanner, they were
not given to our keeping, so that it was strongly suspected they
were ram-dered. Upon this cause of jealousy, and being like
wise privately inforraed that the cacique had asserabled a great
nuraber of men at a place caUed Mavila, under pretence of
serving the Spaniaids, Soto sent three confidential officers to
yiew that place, which was about a league and a half from
auarters. They reported that they had seen no person by
le way, but that Mavila was a much better fortified place
th'ih any they had hitherto seen in Florida.
\s the Spaniards were bound for Marila, and under cir
cumstances of very considerable suspicion as to the good in
tentions of Ttuicaluza and his subjects, they marched with the
utmost circumspection. Soto led the van in person, consist
ing of an hundred horse and an hundred and fifty loot. He
8 was

c:rAP. x. SECT. v. by the Spaniards, 471
was accompanied by Tascaluza, and as he marched with di
ligence, he arrived at Mavila at eight in the morning, the
main body not coming up for a considerable time after. The
town of MavUa was seated in a plain, enclosed by a double
row of piles with timb'rs laid athwart, and the interstices
rararaed fuU of straw and earth, so that it looked like a wall
smoothed by a masons troWel. At every eighty paces dis
tance, there was a tower or platform where eight raen could
stand to fight, having many loop holes. It Ukewise had two
gates. Though it only consisted of eighty houses, these were
so large that each could have contained a thousand men. Ia
the middle of the town was a large square or market-place,
into which when Soto and the cacique were cOhie and had
dismounted, Tascaluza, pointed out to the interpreter a house
in which the general raight take up his quarters arid anothef
for his kitchen, saying that huts and barracks were provided
for the rest of the Spaniards on the outside of the town. To
this Soto raade answer, that, when the major-gerieral dame
up, he would distribute the troops to proper quarters.
Tascaluza now retfred into a house where all liis chiefs
were assembled, on purpose to consult how best to kill all the
Spaniards, which he had been long plotting to accomplish.
It was proposed in this council to attack thtsm ih their present
divided state, before the rest of the Spaniards could get for
wards to the town ; but another opinion prevailed, which was
to allow them all to assemble, as the Indian chiefe had a large
force concealed in the houses of the town, and thought them
selves perfectly able to encounter with the Spaniards. Wheh
the meat was dressed at the quarters of Soto, Juan Orti^ the
'faiterpreter was sent with a message to Tascaluza desiring his
presence ; but he was refused admission to deliver his mes
sage, and on pressing to get in, an Indian carae to the door
exclaiming angrily, " What would these unmannerly vaga^
bonds have with ray lord ? Down with the villains, there is no
enduring their insolence !" He immediately bent his bow, and
levelled at some Spaniards who were in the street ; but Bal
tasar de Gallegos, who happened to be close by, gave him
a cut on the shoulder which cleft him to the raiddle. An
-Indian youtl^ now let fly six or seven arrows at GallegOss,
which did hira no harm as he was in arraour, after which thfe
Indian gave hira three or four strokes on the helmet with his
bow, but Gallegos kiUed him with two thrusts of his sword.
The moment these Indians were slairi an alarm was giveft, and

472 Discovery of Flcyridtt part ii. book iu
and above seven thousand warriors, who had been concealed
in the large houses of the town, rushed out mto the streets ^
and drove all the Spaniards out of the town.
The Spaniards who managed best on this alarm, ran ira
mediately to mount their horses, which bad been left tied on
the outside of the town ; while others cut the baiters or reins
thatt he Indians might not shoot them. Others reraained tied,
and were slain by the Indians. Such of the Spaniards as had
been able to raount their horses, with others who now arriv"
ed, charged the Indians who were engaged with the infantry,
raaking room for them to draw up in regular order. Having
re-established their ranks, a troop of horse and a company of
foot made so furious a charge on the Indians that they drove
thera into the town, and atterapted to get in at the gate after
thera ; but they were received by such a voUey of arrows and
stones as compelled them to retire two hundred paces, yet
without turning their backs, in which consisted thefr safety.
As the Indians foUowed thera, they made a fi-esh charge, and
drove the Indians back to the town, yet dared not to venture
too near the waU ; and the fight continued in this manner for
some tirae, altematdy gaining, and losing ground, several of
the Spaniards being killed and wounded. Finding they had
the worst of it in the open field, the Indians kept close behind
the walls of the town. On this Soto alighted frora his horse,
causing others to do the same, and advanced up to the gate
at the head of a party armed with targets, under cover of
which two hundred men with axes hewed down the gate and
rushed in, not without much hazard and some loss. Others
of the Spaniards contrived to raount the wall, helping each
other, and hastened to succour those who had gained the
gate. Seeing the Spaniards had forced their way into the
town, which they deemed impregnable, thelndians fought des
perately in the streets, and from the roofs of the houses, for
which reason these were set on fire by thc Spaniards. After
entering the town, Soto remounted his horee, and charged a
body of Indians in the market-place, killing many with his
spear ; but, raising himself in the stfrrup lo make a home
thrust, an arrow penetrated through his armour and woimd-
ed him in the hip, so that he could not regain his scat : yet,
not to discourage his men, he continued lo fight during thc
remainder of the action, though obliged to stand the whole
time in the stirrups. Another arrow pierced quite through
the spear of Nunno de Tovar, near his hand, but did not
break

chap. X. SECT. v. by the SFpaniards. 473
break the shaft 'of the lance, which continued to servo after
the arrow was cut off.
The fire which had been put to the houses burned fiercely,
as the houses were all of wood and covered with thatch, by
which great numbers of the Indians perished. About four
in the afternoon, being sensible of their own weakness and
that they were likely to be worsted, the Indian women began
to join in the battle, armed widi the spears, swords, and par
tizans which the Spaniards had lost, some even with bows
and arrows, which they managed as dexterously as their hus
bands, and some armed only widi stones exposed themselves
courageously in the heat of the action. The foremost of the
Spanisli main body, which had fallen greatly behind the van
little thinking of what was to happen, on hearing the noise of
trumpets, drums, and shouts, gave the alarra to the rest, and
hastening forwards came up about the dose of the engage
ment. At this time many of the Indians got over the wall
into the fields, and endeavoured to make head agaiust the
newly arrived Spaniards, but were soon slain. On the arrival
of the Spanish main body, about twelve fresh horseraen made
a furious charge on a large body of Indian men and women
who StiU continued the battle in the inaiket-place, and soon
routed thera with great slaughter. This ended the fight
about sunset, after it had lasted nine hours, being on St
Lukes day in the year 1541 "'.
During the night and next day, Suto ordered the best pos
sible care to be taken of the wounded, some of whom died
for want of proper necessaries, no bandages, lint, oil, or
medicines being to be had, as all these things had been plun
dered along with the other baggage at the commenceraent of
the battie by the Indians, and having been carried into the
town were all thei'e burnt along with the houses. Forty-eight
Spaniards were slain in this batde ; thirteen others died
shortly of their wounds, and twenty-two some tirae afterwards,
so that the entire loss was eighty-three men, besides forty-five
horses, which were much raissed, as the cavalry constituted
the raain strength of the army. It was reckoned that eleven
thousand Indians perished, four thousand of whom were
found
16 The date of 1541 seems here erroneous, Soto having landed in 1539,
and spent only one winter in the country, the transactions in this part flf the
text ought only to refer to the year 1540. — E,

474 Disemery of Florida pakt ii, book ii.
found dead withput the tPwn, and young Tascaluza araong
them. The dead bodies within the town were computed at
three thousand, as the streets were all full of them ; and it
was believed that upwards of four thousand were consumed
by fire in the houses, for above a thousand perished in one
house, as the fire began at the door and they were aU stifled.
When the Spaniards afterwards scoured the country round,
many were found to have died of their wounds in various
parts, and some of them four leagues from the town. The body
of the cacique Tascaluza could net be fpund, whence it was
cpncluded that he had perished in the flames, a rictim tp his
eager desire tp destrpy the Spaniards, which he hod anxious
ly premeditated frora the first notice he hod received of thdr
arrival in the neighbourhood of his territories. It was re
ported by some women who were made prisoners, that on the
Indians of Talisse complaining of haring been ordered by
their cacique to carry the baggage of the ^aniards, Tas
caluza had exhorted them to have a Utde patience, as he
would soon deliver up these strangers to thera as slaves. These
Woraen said that they were strangers who had accompanied
their husbands at the invitation of Tascaluza, who had pro
mised to give them scarlet and silk dresses, and fine jewels to
wear at their dances, and to diride the 'Spaniards and their
horses araong thera. They said likewise that aU the woraen
of the surrounding country, raarried and single, had collected
on this occasion ; as it had been given out that an extraor
dinary festival was to be held in honour of the Sun, after the
destruction of the Spaniards. Besides the destructfon of thdr
baggage on this occasion, the Spaniards lost all the wine,
chalices, and holy vestments for celebrating the mass, so that
in future they could only have ordinary prayers and sermons,
without any consecration or comraunion, tiU after their return
araong Christians,
The Spaniards remained a fortnight at Mavila, making
frequent excursions into the country, where they found plenty
of provisions. From twenty Indians whom they took prison
ers, they were informed that tliere were no warriors left to op
pose them in all the surrounding country, as all the bravest
men of the nation and its alUes had been slain in the battie.
At this tirae they received the inteUigence that Maldonado
and Gomez .\rias were raaking discoveries along the coast ;
and Soto was much incUned to, have estabUshed a colony at
the

CHAP. X. SECT. V. by the l^aniards. 475
the port of AckiuSi or Anchusi, '^, to carry on trade with
another establishment twenty leagues up the country, but this
was opposed by some of his officers, who thought the Spanish
force too small for subduing so warlike a people, considering
the experience they had of thdr fierceness in the battle of
Mavila. They objected likewise that they saw no reason for
exposing therasdves to such hazards, without hope of reward,
as they had found no mines in all the vast extent of country
they had travdled over. This opposition was exceedingly
perplexing to Soto, as he had expended the whole of his sub
stance on the expedition, and was afraid his men would desert
him if he came near the coast, when he was not in a condition
to raise new forces. For these reasons he resolved to pene
trate into the interior of the country; and, bdng disgusted
at sedng all his projects disappointed, he never succeeded af
terwards in any of his undertakings.
When the sick and woimded were so far recovered as to
be able to travel, Soto set out frora Mavila, and raarched
through a fine country for three days, after which they enter
ed the province of Chioza, where the natives refused to re
ceive him in a peaceable raanner. They abandoned thefr
town, and took post to defend the passage of a very deep
river in which were raany craggy places. At this pass above
dght thousand Indians collected, sorae of whom crossed in
canoes to attack and harass the Spaniards : But Soto caused
some trenches to be made, in which he concealed several
bodies of musqueteers, targeteers, and crossbow-men, who
fell upon the rear of the Indians, who forbore to repeat these
attempts after having been twice discomfited in this manner.
As it was found irapossible to cross over in the face of so
large, a force of Indians in the ordinary raanner, two very
large piraguas were prirvatdy built in the woods, which were
got ready in twelve days, and were then drawn out of the
wood on rollers by the Spaniards with the assistance of thdr
hors^
17 It is quite impossible to conjecture even where this place may have been
situated ; perhaps it is the same bay or creek formerly called Auche,and may-
have been that now called Mobille Bay- The Mavila of the text may like-
¦wise have been on the river now called Mobille. We know that the b and 'o
are often interchanged in the Spanish names of places and_ persons ; as for
example Baldivia and Valdivia are both applied to the original Spanish con
queror of Chili. In the pre.«en" instance, Mavila may afterwards have been
changed to Mabila, and then by the French to Mobille. AH this however is
mere conjecture.— E.

476 Disemery of Florida part ii, book ir.
horses and mules. These were launched into the river with
out being percdved by the Indians ; and forty musqueteers
and crossbow- men were embarked in each with a few horses,
and these pushed across the river with the utraost dUigence.
They were descried however, by five hundred Indians who
were scouring the country, who with loud cries gave the
alarm to the rest, and all hastened to defend the pass. Most
of the Spaniards were wounded while on the water, as the
Indians continuaUy shot their anows against thera unoppos
ed. One of the piraguas got straight across to the landing,
but the other was forced some way down by the current, and
had to be towed up. Two horseraen landed frora the first
piragua, who drove the Indians above two hundred paces
back, and made four several charges before any reinforce
ment could land ; but at length were joined by other four
horsemen, and made several desperate charges on the In
dians, so as to aUow of the infantry getting on shore ; but as
these were almost all wounded, they were obUged to take
shelter in an Indian town bard by. Soto came over in the
second trip of the piraguas, accompanied by sixty men ; and
the Indians, on seeing the Spanish force increase, retired to
a fortified town in the neighbourhood, whence they frequent
ly sallied out to skirmish with the Spaniards; but as the
cavalry killed many of them with their spears, they evacuated
that place during the night.
The Spaniards now broke up their pfraguas, keeping the
iron work for future service, and advanced faither into the
country. In four days they reached a town called Chicoza '%
well situated in a fertile couiiory among brooks and surround
ed by abundance of fruit trees. Resolring to spend the
winter in this place, Soto caused it to be fortified, huts to be
built for the accommodation of his troops, and all the pro
visions that could bc procured to be coUected. At this place
they remained in peace for about two months, the horsemen
making frequent excursions into the surrounding country in
quest of provisions. Such Indians as happened to be raade
prisoners on these occasions were imraediately set at Uberty,
receiving various trinkets for tiieniselves and presents for
thefr
1 8 This word seems to have almost the sarae sound with Chlcasaw, and
Soto may on his present return into the interior have crossed the river
Yazous, which flows into the Missisippi in lat. ^32? 30' N. a short way
above the Natches. — E.

CAAP. X. SECT. V. by the Spaniards. 477
thdr chiefs, witii messages desiring them tb repair to the
jSpanish quarters to enter into terms of peace and amity.
The chiefs sent preserits of fruit in return, and promised
soon to visit the Spanish general. Soon afterwards they
began every night to alarm the Spaniards ; and one night
three considerable bodies of thera drew near the town about
raidnight, and when about an hundred paces frora the en
trenchments diey set up loud shouts and raade a prodigious
noise with their warlike instruraents ; after which, with burn
ing "wi'eaths of a certain plant tied round their arrows, they
set the town on fire, all the houses being thatched. Undis-
raayed at this calaraity, the Spaniards repaired to their alarm
posts, and Soto issuing out in his escaupil or cotton armour,
mounted his horse and went to attack the Indians, being the
first to kiU one of the assailants with his spear ; as upon all
occasions of danger he gave a wonderful example of cool and
intrepid courage. Some sick Spaniards and several' horses
were burnt on this occasion ; but Captain Andres dc Vascon-
jcAos with four horsemen fell with such fury on the eriemy
that he forced them to retire. Soto, being eager to slay an
Indian who particularly distinguished hiraself in this action,
leaned forwards so much that he and the saddle fell off; but
being bravely rescued by his men, he mounted again -and re
turned to the fight. At length after two hourshard fighting,' the
Indians were constrained to fly, and were pursued as far as they
could be seen by the light frora the burning houses, after
which Spto sounded a retreat. In this fatal night, the Spa
niards lost forty raen and fifty horses, twenty bf them being
burnt. AU the swine likewise perished in tbe fire, except
a few that broke out of an enclosed yard. During this
engagement prodigious shots of arrows were made by the
Indians, one of wliich pierced through both shoulder-blades
of a horse, and carae out four fingers breadth on the opposite
side. Soto now thought proper to remove the army to a town
named ChicacoUa, about a league from that which had been
burnt ; and, having fortified these new quarters, the Spa
niards were obUged to make new saddles, spears, targets and
clothes, to supply the places of those which had been burnt.
"The clothes were made of goats skins '^. At this place the
Spaniards
19 More probably of deer skins found in the Indian towns, as goats certainly
were not among the indigenous animals of North America.— E.

478 Disemery of Florida part ii, book «.
Spaniards spent the rest of the winter, during which they
suffered extrerae hardships for want of clothes, as the weather
was excessively cold. Being sensible that they bad done
much harm to the Spaniards in the late night attack, the
Indians returned again to make a similar attempt ; but their
bow-strings being wetted by riolent rain, they withdrew, as
was learnt from an Indian prisoner. They returned bow-
ever every night to alarm the Spaniards, of whom they al
ways wounded some ; and though the cavalry scoured the
country every day four leagues round, they could meet none
of the natives, so that it was wonderful how they should
corae nightly from so great a distance.
The Spaniards contrived to shift in a very miserable manner
at ChicacoUa tiU about the latter end of March 1542*°, when
they resumed thdr march. At the end of about four leagues,
the advanced guard returned with a report that tbey had seen
an Indian fort which appeared to be defended by about four
thousand warriors. After viewing it, Soto told his soldiers
that it was indispensably requisite to dislodge these people,
who would otherwise annoy them with night attacks, and that
it was likewise necessary to do this that they might preserve
the reputation they had already gained in so many provinces
of the country. This fort, called Altbamoi*', was of a square
fprm, each side being four hundred paces in length, and the
gates were so low that the horsemen could not ride in, similar
in aU respects to what has been already said respecting Mavila.**
The general therefore gave orders to three companies of in
fantry to assail the gates, those who were best armed bdng
placed in front. When they were all ready to begin the as
sault, a thousand Indians sallied out from the town, all adorned with
so Herrera persists in the error already noticed of advancing liis chronology
a year, as hitherto between May 153f) he has only accounted for two
winters, and ought consequently to have been now only in the spring of
1541.— E.
21 At present Toulouse, built on the scite of an Indian village called Ali--
bama, stands on a river of the same name, which flows into the left or
east side of the Mobille River in the back part of Georgia, and seems
to have been surrounded by a tribe called the Alibamons. If this be the
place indicated in the text, it is quite adverse to the idea of Chicoxa being
to the north-west of the Yazous. — ^£,
82 These square forts of logs rammed full of earth may have given rise
to the entrenchments which have lately occasioned some speculation in
America, as having belonged to a people more advanced in civilization than
the present race of savage hunters.— £,

chap, X. SECT. V, by ihe Spaniards. 479
with plumes of feathers, and haring their bodies and faces
painted of several colours. At the first flight of arrows, five of
the Spaniards were shot, three of whora died of their wounds.
To prevent the discharge of raore arrows, the Spaniards ira
mediately closed and drove the Indians in at the gates, which
they entered along with them, making dreadful havock with
thefr swords, as may easily be imagined, the Indians being all
naked. To escape from the infantry, the Indians threw them
selves from tbe walls, by which means they fell into the hands
of the horsemen, who slew many of them with their spears.
Others of the Indians endeavoured to escape by swiraraing a
river behind the fort ; but a squadron of horse passed the river,
and kiUed many of them, so that on the whole two thousand
Indians were supposed to have been slain in this battle. During
this engagement, an Indian challenged Juan de Salinas to single
combat, which he accepted, and when his comrade made offer
to cover him with his target, he refosed, saying that it was
a shame for two Spaniards to engage one Indian. Salinas
shot his bolt through the breast of the, Indian, and in return
the Indians arrow went through the neck ofthe Spaniard.
At this time the Spaniards were reduced to great distress
from want of salt, owing to which they were afflicted withlin*-
geriiig fevers, of which several died, and their bodies stunk so
violently, that there was no coming near them. As a remedy
for this evil, the Indians taught them to raake a lye of the
ashes of a certain herb, into which they dipped their food by
way of sauce. At this time likewise the Spaniards were put
to much trouble for interpreters, on account of the great
diversity of languages, so that they were obliged to employ
thirteen or fourteen others besides Juan Ortiz, among tbe
various tribes they met with in traversing the country ; but
so acute were the natives, that such of their women as happen
ed to live with the Spaniards were able to understand them
in two months. After three dajs march frora AUbamo, the
Spaniards carae to another town named Chisca, on a river to
which they gave the name of El Grande''^ or the Great River,
as it was the largest they had yet seen. Coming upon this place by
23 From what will appear in the sequel, there can scarcely be a doubt
that this great river must have been the Missisippi, AGcqrding to t;he Go
vernor Powuall's map of North America, Soto fell in with this river in
1541, about the lat. of 34° 30' N. in the country of fhe Chicasaws and
to the west of the Yazous, near where we have already supposed Chicoza
to have been situated, — E.

480 Disemery tf Florida part ii. book ii.
by surprise, most of the inhabitants were made prisoners ;
but some of them made their escape to the residence of the
cacique, which stood on a high and difficult asce'nt, to which
the pnly access was by means pf stairs. Though old and sick,
the cacique was coming down to attack the Spaniards, whom
he threatened to put sdl to death, but he was stopped by his
women and servants. As there was no proper access for the
horsemen to assail the residence of the cacique, and besides
as Soto was always more incUned to carry his purposes by
gentle means than by the exertion of force, he very courteous
ly offered to enter into peace and amity with this cacique and
his pepple. In less than three hpurs, mpre than four thousand
Indians asserabled at the residence of the cacique, among
whora there was great difference of opinion as to the choice
of peace or war with the Spaniards, raany of thera inclining
to war as accordant with the natural ferocity of their dispo
sitions. The opinipn however pf the wiser prevailed, who
deeraed it better to make peace, by which they might recover
their wives and children, and retrieve their property without
bloodshed, and might save their corn, which was then ripe,
from being destroyed. Peace w.is accordingly conduded, on
condition that the Spaniards should not insist upon going up
to the residence of the cacique ; the prisoners were set at
Uberty, all the plunder of the town restored, and the Span
iards were suppUed with provisions.
Having rested sixteen days, in Chisca, on purpose to give
time for the sick and wounded to recover, during which time
they gained the fiiendship of the cacique, the Spaniards re
sumed their journey, and went four days along- the river in
search of some place in which it could be crossed, as the
banks were everywhere high and almost perpendicular, and
closely wooded. Although above six thousand Indians, witii
great numbers of canoes, were seen posted pn the ppppsite
side pf the river, it was deemed necessary tp get across in
search of provisions, for wliich purpose two large piraguas
were ordered to be built. In the mean t'me four Indians
came to the camp, and having made their adorations to the
!iun nnd moon, they addressed Soto in the narae of thdr
cacique, bidding hira welcome to his territories, and offering
his friendship. The general returned a courteous answer,
and was weU suppUed with provisions for his forces during
his stay, but could never prevail on the cacique to visit
Jiim, who always excused himself under pretence of sickness ;
» but

a

-CHAP. X. SECT. V. by the Spaniards, 481
but it was afterwards found that this peace was con
duded by the Indians on purpose to save their harvest, which
was then ready to be carried home. In fifteen days the two
piraguas were finished for crossing the river, although some
damage was done by the Indians from the opposite side by
means of their canoes ; but the Spaniards drove them al
ways away, as they kept a constant guaid concealed behind
trenches. These piraguas were so large as to contain an
hundred and fifty foot and thirty cavalry, all of whora era-
barked in sight of the Indians, and plied up and down the
river with sails and oars ; and the Indians were so astonished
and intiraidated by the sight of sudi huge floating raachines,
that they abandoned the opposite bank of the river and dis
persed. After passing the river, the Spaniards carae to a town of
about four hundred houses, constructed upon sorae high blufts
or ridges near another river**, and surrounded by spacious
fields of Indian corn, and abundance of fruit-trees of several
kinds. The Spaniards were courteously received at this place
by order of the cacique, named Casquin^^, who resided at a
different town higher up the river, and sent to compliment
the Spanish comraander. After resting rix days, they pro
ceeded up the banks of the river, through a plentffui and
populous country, tiU they carae to the town where Casquin
resided, who received and entertained thera witii great atten
tion and kindness.
Three days after thdr arrival, the cacique waited upon
Soto, and, after raaking his obeisance to the sun and raoon,
be said " he was persuaded the Spaniards worshipped a better
God than the Indians, since he had given them victory with
so small a nuraber over such multitudes of Indians : Where
fore he requested that Soto would pray to his God to send
rain, of which they were in great want." The general an
swered, that though he and aU his men were sinners, they
VOL. V. H h would
24 This other river may have been the St Francis, which flows into the
¦west side of the Missisippi a little above where Soto is supposed to have
crossed. — ^E
25 The memory of this name perhaps is still preserved in a small river
or creelc, called Kaskin-opa, which runs into the east side of the Missisippi
about 20 miles below the mouth of the Ohio. The situation indeed is
materially different from that in which Soto is supposed to have found the
cacique named Casquin in fhe text ; but the roaming tribes of Indians
frequently change their places of residence, as influenced by success "or mis?
fortune in war and hunting.- E,

482 Disemery of Florida pakt ii. book ii,
would humbly pray to God to shew mercy. Haring accord
ingly ordered a cross to be erected on a hiU, he and aU the
forces,' except a guard left to protect the quarters, went in
solemn procession to adore the cross, accompanied by the
cadque and some Indians, the Christian priesU singing the
litanies, and all the soldiers joining in the responses. Being
come to the cross, many prayers were recited on their knees,
after which they returned to their quarters chanting appro
priate psalms. Above twenty thousand natives stood gazing
at this religious procession, some on the same side of the
river, and others on the opposite bank, aU of whom occasion
ally set up loud shouts, as if begging of God to hear them.
It pleased God to answer their humble prayers, as towards
midnight there fell sufficient rain to satisfy the wants of the
Indians, and the Christians returned solemn thanks for the
mercy which God had been pleased to grant at thefr inter
cessions. Nine days afterwards, the Spaniards again set out on their
march, accompanied by Casquin and a great number of In
dians carrying water and other necessaries. The cacique was
also accompanied by five thousand of his warriors, as he was
at war with the cacique of the next adjoining tribe, and took
the opportunity of the Spaniards to assist in uie war. During
this march they spent three days in getting across a great
swamp, when they came in sight of Capaha**, bdng the iron-
tier town of the next tribe. This place was fortified on three
sides by a wet ditch forty fathoms wide and ten fathoms deep,
into which water was conveyed from the great river by a
canal three leagues in length. The fourth side, which had
no ditch, was secured by high and thick palisades. As the
cadque of Capaha was unprovided for resistance, he went
away on seeing the approach of his enemies along die canal
in a canoe, and shdtered himself in a fortified island in the
great river. Many of his subjects accompanied him, and
those who remained were butchered by the followers of Cas
quin, who took the whole scalps" of aU they kiUed to carry
home
SS On the western bank of the Missisippi, and in the country of the
Akansas, there are two Indian towns named Kappas or Quapa, which
may possibly have some connection with the Capaha of the text. — £.
S7 On all occasions the text of Herrera, as translated by Stephens, names
these savage trophies of massacre scullsi which we have ventured to call
scalps, consistent with the now universal practice of the North American
savages. Possibly the entire scull might be the original trophy, for
which the scalp was afterwards substituted ai more portable.— £,

chap. X. SECT. V. by the Spaniards. 483
home as trophies. They plundered the town, and took many
prisoners, amongwhom were two beautiful women, wives ofthe
cacit^ue. They Ukewise demolished the burial-place belonging
to Capaha, throwing about tho bones ofhis ancestors, and re
covered the scalps of thdr own countrymen which were hung
up there as memorials of victory. All this evil was done
before the ai-rival of Soto and the Spaniards, who had not
been informed by Casquin of the enmity between him and
Capaha. He would even have destroyed the town, if he had
not feared giving offence to Soto,
On the coming up of the Spaniards, Soto sent a message
to the fugitive cacique by raeans of sorae prisoners, offering
peace ; but Capaha would not hear of any friendly intercourse,
and loudly declared his resolution to take ample vengeance
of his enemies. Learning that the Spanish commander was
making preparations for an attack on Capaha, Casquin re
quested him to wait for sixty canoes which he had ordered up
the river, by means of which the army could be transported
to attack the fortified island. In the mean time the troops
of Casquin marched through the cpuntry pf their enemies,
which they laid waste en all sides, and in their cpm'se set free
sorae of thdr own countryraen who were there in captivity,
and had been laraed by cutting the sinews of one of their legs
to prevent thera frora running away. On going in the ca
noes to attack the island, a great part of its coast was inac
cessible, being overgrown with thick briars and brarables,
*hich forraed an impenetrable barrier, and the only accessible
part was fortified by several rows of strong palisades. Soto
ordered two hundr«i of his Spanish soldiers to endeavour to
land along with the Indians belonging to Casquin. On this
occasion one Spaniard was drowned by too great eagerness
to get first to land ; but the rest managed so weU that they
soon gained the first palisade, on which the woraen and chit
dren belonging to the defenders set Up a terrible cry of con
sternation. A desperate opposition was made at the second
palisade, in which consisted the last refuge of the defenders.
The subjects of Capaha revUed those of Casquin, calling them
cowardly dogs, whp had never ventured befpre tp attack that
place, and threatened them with ample vengeance when the
valiant strangers had left the ccuntry. The subjects pf Cas
quin were so intimidated by these threats and the brave op-
position they experienced, that in spite of every thing their
cadque could say they took to flight, carrying off forty of
the

484 Disemery tf Florida part ii. book ii.
the canoes, and would have done the same with the other
twenty, had not two Spaniards that were left in charge of
each defended them with their swords. Bdng thus deserted
by thdr aUies, and having no horses to act against the Indians,
the Spaniards began to retire ; and when thc Indians pro
posed to pursue thera, Capaha restrained thera, thinking
this a favourable opportunity to embrace the peace he had
before rejected, and the Spaniards accordingly retired unmo
lested. Next day, without taking any notice whatever of Casquin,
Capaha sent four raessengers to Soto, apologizing for having
before refused peace, which he now sued for, and requeted
leave to wait upon him. Soto was weU pleased with this,
and returned a suitable answer. Acconlingly, Capaha came
next day to the town, attended by an hundred Indians finely
adorned with plumes of feathers ; and before waiting on the
general went to the sepulchre of his forefathers, where he ga
thered together the bones with anxious care, kissed them
with much reverence, and replaced them in their chests or
coffins. On coraing into the presence of Solo, he paid his
compliments with a good grace, and though only about twenty-
six years of age gave an inteUigent account of the affairs of
his country. Turning to his enemy Casquin, he addressed
him as foUows : " I suppose you are now well pleased at having
seen what you never expected, for which you may thank the
power of these valiant strangers : But when they are gone,
you and I shaU understand each other. In the mean tirae
I pray the sun and moon to send us good seasons." Being
informed of what Capaha had said, the general without giv
ing time to Casquin to reply, assured Capaha that he and his
Spaniards had not come into the country to inflame the en
mity of the tribes, but to reconcile them. After raore friendly
discourse of this nature, Capaha consented to be friends with
Casquin, and the two chiefs sat down to dinner with Soto.
After the repast, the two women who belonged to Capaha
^d had been taken prisoners were brought in and restored
to him, at which he seemed well pleased, yet presented them
to Soto, who declined accepting thera ; but Capaha desired
hira to give thera to any one he pleased, as they should not
stay with him, and they were accordingly admitted among the
followers ofthe Spanish army.
At this time the Spaniards suffered excessively for want of
salt,

CHAP. X. SECT. v. by the Spaniards. 485
salt, when they were informed by some Indians that there was
plenty to be had, and likewise of the metal they called gold
only about four leagues from thence. Soto accordingly sent
Ferdinand de Silvera and Pedro Moreno under the guidance
of these Indians to the place, ordering them Ukewise to ex
amine diligendy into all the circumstances of the country they
passed through. They returned after eleven days with six
loads of rock salt, as clear as crystal, and one load of fine
copper ; and reported that the country they had passed through
was rather barren and thinly inhabited. On receiving this'
report, the general resolved to return in the first place tOi
Casquin, and thence to proceed towards the west, having
marched northward all the way frora Mavila, in prder tP
reraove to a distance frora the sea. After resting five days
at Casquin, they marched other five days down the river, where
at a town in the province of Quiguate the inhabitants fled
without any hostilities, hut they returned in two days and the
cacique made an apology for his absence. In the interval,
the inhabitants of that place wounded two of the Spaniards,
which the general thought proper to overlook under the pre
sent circumstances. Departing from Quiguate after a sojourn
of seven days, they arrived in five days raore at the province
of Colima, raarching still down the river, and were received
in a friendly manner. At this plaee they found another river
having blue sand, which was salt to the taste. The Spaniards
being much in want of salt, steeped some of this sand in water,
wliich they strained and boiled, and procured excellent salt
to their great joy ; yet sorae ate of it so voraciously that ten
of thera died;
Departing frora this prpvince of CoUraa, which the Spa
niards named De Sal, or the Salt Country, they marched four
days thrpugh an uninhabited wilderness, after which they
came tP a prpvince called Tula **. On apprpaching the first
tPwn, the whple population both male and female came out
to oppose thera, and a battle ensued iri which the Indians
were defeated, and the Spaniards rushed into the town along
with the fugitives.; and as the inhabitants obstinately refused
tp submit or surrender they were all massacred. After this, on
28 It is proper to observe that this place is named Fula on another occa<-
sion by Herrera. — ^E.,

48^ Disemery tf Florida part ii. book ii.
on Reynoso Cabeza de Vaca *" going into one of the houses,
he was suddenly beset by five women who had hidden them
selves in a corner, who would have stifled hira ff he had not
been rescued by two soldiers who carae in upon hearing his
cries fpr assistance, and who were fprced tP kUl the wpraen
befpre they could extricate hira frora their hands. Frora this
place Soto sent out parties of his cavalry to view the country.
When any Indians were raade prisoners in these excursions,
they used to throw themselves on the ground, exclaiming
" either kill me or leave me," refusing obstinately to accom
pany the Spaniards, or to give any account of the country.
At this place the Spaniards found several weU dressed cows
hides, though they could never learn from whence they came ^°,
and likewise other good skuis of various kinds. Four days
after the arrival of the Spaniards at this place, they were at
tacked one morning early by surprise by a large party of In
dians, in three several places at once, aU calling out Tula 1
Tida I continually, which was considered as a wateh-word to
know each other in the obscurity and confosfon ofthe attack.
The Spaniards seized their arms in all haste, invoking the
blessed virgin and thdr patron apostie St Jago for aid, as
they were in tbe utmost peril. In this battie the Indians
fought with great clubs, a weapon which had not been seen
before in Florida. The Indians continued the assault with
such obstinacy tiU after sunrise, and the Spaniards had been
so completely surprised, that they were fprced tp lay aside aU
punctilics pf military discipline, each using his utmpst indi
vidual effprts for safety, and the officers even submitting to
fight occasionally under the command of thdr inferiors. At
length the Indians were repulsed, and retfred unpursued by
the Spaniards, of whom four were kiUed and a good many
wounded. While die Spaniards after the batde were surveying the
dead, and looking at the dreadful wounds made by thefr
swords and spears, an Indian started up from among the
dead, on which Juan de Canuiza ran to attack him. But
the Indian gave hun such a stroke widi a Spanish battie-oxe he
29 This may haye been a relative of Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de Vaca,
whose adventures in escaping from the disastrous 'expedition of Panfilo de
Narvaez to Florida have been related in the third section of this chapter.-— £.
30 It is however w'ell known that buffaloes are found in various parts of
North America, — E,

CHAP. X. SECT. V. by tlie Spaniards, 487
he had laid hold of, as to cleave his target and wound him in
the arm. On this Diego de Godoy came up to assail him,
but was soon disabled. Francisco de Salazar came on next,
and made several thrusts at the Indian who skulked behind a
tree, but at length gave Salazar so violent a blow on the neck
that he dropped frora his horse. The fourth Spaniard who
carae against this single Indian Was Gonzalo Silvestre, who
conducted himself with more caution. Having avoided a.
blow aimed at him by the Indian, he gave him in return o
back sti'oke with his sword on the forehead, which glanceddown
his breast, and cut off his left hand at the wrist. The Indian
rushed on aiming a blow at the face of Silvestre, who warded
it off with his target, underneath which he with another bock
stroke cut him almost in two at the waist. The general and
many others went up to see this Indian who. had made him
self so remarkable by his valour, and to admire the wonderful
cut he had received from Gonzalo Silvestre ; who was well
known at the court of Madrid in 1570, by his valour and
dexterity. After remaining twenty days in Tula, the Spaniards de
parted from thence, accompanied only by one Indian woraan
and a boy belonging to tiiat place, the former having at
tached herself to Juan Serrano de Leon, and the other to
Christopher de Mosquera, In two days march, they carae to
the territory of Vitangue, through which tbey marched for
four days, and then took up thdr quarters in a well built
town, which they found abandoned. The situation of this
place was advantageous, as it was inclosed with good palisades
and there was plenty of provisfons both for the raen and
horses ; and as the winter advanced with hasty strides, Soto
resolved to remain here till the ensuing spring, although the
Indians were continually troublesome, and rejected every
proposal for peace.

Section

488 Disemery tf Florida part ii, book h.

Section VI.
Conclusion tf the Expedition to Florida by Ferdinand de
Soto \
Soto and his men accordingly took up thdr quarters in
the town of Vitangue at the latter end ofthe year 1541 *, As
during their abode at this place, the Spaniards often went out
to kUl deer, rabbits, and roe-bucks, all of which were plenti
ful and good in the surrounding country, they were frequently
on these occasions way-laid by the Indians, who discharged
their arrows at thera from ambushments and then made thdr
escape. A great deal of snow feU during the winter, but as
the Spaniards had abundance of fire-wood and provisious,
among which was exceUent fruit, they lived in tolerable Jcom-
fort and in plenty. The cacique of the province, desirous of
becoming acquainted with the strength and numbers of the
Spaniards, that he raight know how best to attack them, sent
several messages to the general under pretence of offering to
visit him. At first the Spaniards adraltted these people into
their quarters even under night ; but at length Soto began to
suspect sorae sinister purpose, by the frequency of these raes-
sages, and gave orders that no more of them should be ad
mitted at night, reproring those who did not chastise and turn
back these unseasonable visitors. In consequence of these
orders, one of the centinels kiUed an Indian who impudently
endeavoured to force his way into the town next night, for
which he was much commended by the general.
Towards the end of winter, several parties were sent out in,
different directions to endeavour to procure Indians for caiTy-
ing the baggage, who brought in very few. Upon this Soto
set out himself on a similar expedition, with 100 horse and
150 foot. After a march of twenty leagues into the province
of Naguaten, which was very populous, he attacked a town
by surprise one morning at day-break, and returned with
many prisoners. In AprU I54t2, the Spaniards broke up
frora their winter quarters at Vitangue, and in seven days
through a fruitful country arrived without opposition at the
chief
1 Herrera, VT. 1—30,
8 At this place the text returns to the true date of 1 541, quite conforma
ble with the whole tenor of the narrative, and fully confirming our observa
tions respecting erroneovs dates in the text on former occasions,— E.

CHAP, X. SECT. VI. by the Spania3-ds, 485
chief town of Naguaten, where they found abundance of pro
visions, and remained seventeen days. On the sixth day af
ter their arrival, a message was brought from the cacique, to
excuse himself for not having visited the general and offering
his services. Soto received this messenger with much civility,
and sent back a courteous answer. Next day four chiefs came
attended by 500 servants with a large quantity of provisions,
raying they had been sent by their lord to attend upon the
general, but the cacique never raade his appearance.
On departing from Naguaten, and after the Spaniards had
marched two leagues, they missed a gentieman of Seville,
named DiegO de Guzman, who had always hitherto behaved
hiraself weU, but was ranch addicted to garaing. On inquiry
it was found that Guzraan had lost every thing he had at play
the day before, among which was a good black horse and a
beautifol young Indian woraan to whora he was much attach
ed. He had punctuaUy delivered up every thing he had
lost, except the woraan, whora heproraised to yield up in five
days. It was concluded therefore that the reason of his dis
appearance was frora sharae of having abandoned hiraself to
garaing, and owing to his love for the woman. ' On this oc
casion, the general required! of the four chiefs .'belohgiBg to
Naguaten to restore Guzraan, or that he would detain thera
as prisoners. They accordingly sent to inquire after bim,
and it vvas found that he had gone along with' the woman to
the cacique, whose daughter she was, that the Indians used
hira weU, and that he refused to return. Upori this, one of the
four chiefs asked permission of the general to go and inquire
the reason of Guzman refusing to come back, and requested
a letter to the deserter to that effect, saying.' that it was -not
reasonable he and his comrades should be reduced to slavery'
for the fault of another person who renounced his" counta-y
and deserted from his commander, Soto accordingly ordered
Baltasar de Gallegos, who was the friend and townsman of
Guzman, to write him a letter reproving his behaviour and
advising him to return ; promising in the name of the general
that his horse and arms should be returned, or others given
in their room. The Indian who carried this letter was or
dered to threaten the cacique with having his country laid
waste if he did not restore Guzman. The messenger return
ed in three days, bringing back the letter, having Guzmans
name wrote upon it with a piece of burnt stick, and an answer
peremptorily refusing to return. Along with this letter, the
cacique

490 Disemery of Florida part ii. book ii.
cacique sent a message, declaring tiiat he had done nothing
to obUge Guzman to stay, and did not think himseff obliged
to force him back, but would on the contrary be weU pleased
if many others of the Spaniards would stay with him, ail of
whom should be weU used : And if the general thought pro
per on this account to kill the four chiefs who were in his
power and to ruin the country, he certainly raight do so, but
it would in his opinion be extremdy unjust. Percdring that
it was impossible to induce Guzman to return, and that the
cacique was in the right, Soto dismissed the four chiefe with
sorae presents, and continued his progress.
After five days march through the province of Naguaten,
the Spaniards entered upon a new territory caUed Guacane,
inhabited by a fierce and warlike tribe, who obstinately re
fused to be at peace with them. In aU tbe houses of this
tribe, wooderv-crosses were found ; supposed to have been oc
casioned by what Cabeza de Vaca and his companions had
taught in thdr progress through some other provinces of
Florida, from whence these crosses had been conveyed to this
province and several others ^. Soto, having now lost half of
his men and horse-s, was very desirous to establish some colony,
that the fatigties and dangers which had been endured by him
and his men might turn out to some useful purpose. With
this view he was now anxious to return to the great river,
repenting that he had not buUt a town at Achusi, as he once
designed. He had now a strong indination to found a colony
in sorae convenient situation near the great river ; where he
could build two brigantines to send down to the sea, to give
notice of the large and fertile provinces he had discovered,
considering that if he should happen to die, all the fruits of
his labours would be lost. Having marched dght days
through the hostile province of Guacane, he proceeded by
long marches in search of the great river through seven
extensive provinces, some of which were fertile. In some of
these the Spaniards were received in a friendly manner, as
they used every possible raeans to avoid war, because thefr
nurabers were so much diminished, and they feared the sura
mer might pass away before they could reach the great river.
Having entered the province of Anilco, they marched thirty
leagues
3 In Governor Pownalls map of North America, Soto is said to have
reached a place called Caligoa in Louisiana on a branch of a Red river, in
lat. Z6<> N. and about SSO miles west from the MissisippL—E,

GHAP. X. SECT. VI. by the Spaniards, 491
leagues through it to a town of four hundred houses, having
a large square in which the residence of the cacique stood on
an artificial mount on the bank of the river, which was as
large as the Guadalquiver at SeviUe. On their approach to
this place, the cacique drew out 1500 warriors to combat the
Spaniards ; yet as soon as they drew near, all the Indians
fled without shooting a single arrow, and crossed the river in
canoes and on floats, carrying off their women and children,
only a small nuraber being taken by the Spaniards. Soto
sent several raessages to the cacique requesting peace, but he
constantly refused to be seen or to send any onswer.
Leaving AnUco, and crossing the river on which it stood
without opposition, the Spaniards marched through an ex
tensive unpeopled wilderness overgrown with wood, and came
into the province of Guachacoya. The first town they came
to was the capital of the province, and was situated on several
hiUocks at the side of the great river, on one of which hiUocks
stood the residence of the cacique. Being taken by surprise,
as he had received no inteUigence of the approach of the
Spaniards in consequence of bdng at war with Anilco, the
cacique of Guachacoya saw no likelihood of being able to
defend his town, and made therefore a precipitate retreat
across the river with his people in canoes and floats, carrying
off as raany of their effects as they could.
The wars which were carried on among the tribes inhabi
ting the various districts or provinces of Florida, were not in
tended to deprive each other of their dominions, neither did
they ordinarily engage in pitched battles with their whole
forces ; but consisted chiefly in skirmishes and mutual sur
prises, carried on by small parties at the fishing-places, in the
hunting grounds, among the corn-fields, and on the paths
through the wilderness. Sometiraes they burnt the towns of
their enemies, but always retired into their own country after
any exploit ; so that their warUke enterprises seemed rather
for exercise in the use of arms, and to shew their valour,
than for any solid or public puipose. In some places they
ransomed or exchanged prisoners. In others they made
them lame of a leg in order to retain them in their service,
more from pride and vain glory than for any substantial use
or benefit '*. Three
4 It is perhaps singular that no mention is made of the cruel manner in
which

4^ Disemery of Florida part ii. book k.
Three days after the arrival of the Spaniards at Guacha
coya, the cacique became acquainted with the unfriendly re
ception they had received at Anilco. Though a barbarian,
be cpuld perceive the advantage which might be derived from
that circumstance to obtain revenge upon his enemies, by an
alliance with the warlike strangers. He sent therefore four
of his inferior chiefs to wait upon the Spanish general attend
ed by a considerable number of Indians loaded with fish and
fruit, and desiring permission to wait upon him at tbe end of
four days. Soto accordingly recdved the raessengers with
great courtesy, and sent back a friendly answer; yet the wary
cadque Sent fresh messengers every day to see in what dispo
sition the Spanish general w'as. At length, bdng satisfied
that Soto was disposed to receive hira well, he raade his ap
pearance attended by ten chiefs splendidly dressed after thefr
manner, in fine pluraes of feathers, and rich furs, but aU
arraed. Soto received them in a friendly manner, and had a
Ipng discourse with the cacique in one of the spacious rooms
belonging to his residence, by the intervention of interpreters.
At one time the cacique happened to sneeze, on which oU thc
Indians who were present bowed thdr heads and extended
thdr arms, in token of salute ; some saying, tlie sun preserve
you, others the sun be idth you, and others may the sun make
you great, with other compliraentary expressions of sirailar
import Araong other discoui-se at this interview, the cacique
proposed to Soto to return into the province of Anilco to take
revenjre on the cacique for his enmity, and offered to supply
80 canoes to carry the Spaniards down the great river and
up that of Anilco, the distance being only twenty leagues,
when the rest of the army marching by land might form a
junction in the centre of the enemies counti-y. As Soto was
inclined lo take a full view of the country, meaning to form a
settlement between these two provinces, where he might build
his brigantines, he agreed to this proposal, and accordingly
orders were given out to prepare for the march. Juan de
Guzman was ordered to embark with his company on board
the canoes, which were likewise tp carry 4000 Indians, and
w lip were expected to join the forces which raarched by land
at the end of three days, Soto and the rest of the Spanish forces
which the North American Indians were in use to put their prisoners to
death. Probably that practice was then conimed to the tribes fartjier to the
iionh and west. — E.

gHAP. X. SECT. VI. hy the Spaniards, 493
forces marched by land, being accompanied by Guachacoya
with 2000 warriors, besides a large nuraber cariying the pro
visions. They all met at the time appointed, and as the Aiiilcans
were unable to oppose the great force which came against
them, the Guachacoyans entered thc town kijling all they met,
without regard to age or sex; committed all imaginable
barbarities, broke open the sepulchres scattering and tramp
ling on the bones, and took away the scalps of their coun
trymen and other trophies which the Anilcans had hung up
in commemoration of their victpries. On seeing the barba
rity pf his allies, Soto sounded a retreat and ordered the
Spaniards to turn the Indians out of the town, wishing
anxiously to put a stop to any farther mischid", and to prevent
it from bdng set on fire. But all his efforts were ineffectual,
as the Guachacoyans thrust burning brands into thc thatch of
the houses, which soon took fire, and the town was utterly
destroyed. The Spaniards and their allies now returned to
Guachacoya, where Soto gave orders for cutting down and
hewing timber with which to build the brigantines, and to
prepare iron work for their construction ; designing when the
vessels were finished to cross the river into a province named
Quiqualtangui, which was very fertUe and populous, the ca
cique of which had a town of five hundred houses, but who
could never be induced to listen to proposals of peace from
the Spaniards: On the contrary, he had sworn by thc sun
and moon, that he would give battle to these vagabond robbers,
and would hang up their quarters on trees. The general
endeavoured to appease him with presents and fafr words,
being always generous towards the leaders of the barbarians,
endeavouring to bear with and soften their savage manners,
and to conciUale their friendship. By this wise conduct he
had hitherto been able to subsist his troops for so long a tirae
among so raany fierce and savage nations.
While engaged in these things, Soto was seized with a
violent fever, which increased upon hira so that he soon per
ceived it would prove raortal. He raade therefore his wUl,
and endeavoured to prepare for death like a good Christian.
That nothing raight be left unprovided for, he appointed in
presence of all his officers and principal followers Luis Mos-
coso de Alvarado to succeed him in the command till the
king might order otherwise ; and after commending the virtue
and bravery of Alvarado, he entreated and commanded all to
6 yield

494 Discovery tf Florida part ii. book ii.
yield him implicit obedience, even taking their oaths to that
purpose, and represented to them how necessary it was for
them aU to be united and obedient, for their own preservation
among these barbarous nations. He then took an affection
ate leave of all his officers and soldiers, and departed this
life on the seventh day of his Ulness, after performing aU the
duties of a zealous Christian. Ferdinand de Soto was of a
comely appearance and pleasant countenance, and of affable
and generous dispositions. He was an exceUent soldier, and
managed his weapons with much dexterity both on foot and
on horseback ; skifful and experienced in all militaiy affairs ;
always brave and cool in action, and the foremost in every
enterprise of danger: severe in punishing when necessary,
yet easy to forgive, and always inclined to please his soldiers
when that might be done without lessening his authority. At
his death he was only forty-two years of age, and had expend
ed his whole fortune, exceeding 100,000 ducats on this ro
mantic and fruitless expedition. His death was universally
lamented among his followers, as he had acquired thefr uni
versal love and esteem by his excellent qualities and conduct.
It was thought necessary to bury him under night, that his
death might not be known to the Indians, nor the place of
his interment, lest they should insult his remains ; but in spite
of all their precautions the secret was revealed ; for which
reason they hoUowed out a log of oak into which they put his
body, and sunk it in the middle of the great river, at a place
where it was a quarter of a league across and nineteen feel
deep. When the funeral of the general was over, Luis de Alva
rado assembled his officers to hold a council upon the present
state of their affairs. After thanking thcni for admitting him
as their commander, and making a statement of dieir numbci's,
arms, and araraunition, he desired they would determine
upon what was best to be done, considering the fierceness
and inveterate enmity of the barbarous nations by whom
they were surrounded : Whetiier to prosecute what hod been
previously resolved upon by their late lamented general, or to
devise some other measure for extricating themselves from
the country, declaring that he was ready to proceed according
to their opinion and advice. In their answer, the officers
thanked him for the compliraent he paid them, but referred
the determination respecting their future proceedings to hira-
sdf, and again submitted to obey him as their commander.
I The

CHAP. X. SECT. VI. by the Spaniards. 4»S
The death -of Soto had made a great change in thc minds of
the Spanish forces, who now determined to abandon the
country they had taken so much pains to discover. Accord"
ingly, they set out on the 5th of July 1542, and marched
above 100 leagues tP the westwards, through a barren and
desert country ^ On leaving Guachacoya they were joined
by an Indian youth of abou^ sixteen years of age, whom they
did not observe tiU the fourth day of their raarch. Suspect
ing him of being a spy, Alvarado asked hira who he was and
what was his object in following them. He said that he had
fled frora Guachacoya, because the chief whom he served was
at the point of death, and he had been appointed to be buried
aUve along with his master, as it was the custom ofthe cpuntry
tP inter women and servants along with great personages, tp
minister to them in the next world.
At the end of the 100 leagues of wUderness, the Spaniards
came to a province called Auche, where they were well receiv
ed, and where they rested for two days. Still determined
upon proceeding to the westwards, they were inforraed that
they had a desert wilderness of four days journey to cross,
and received a supply of provisions sufficient for the journey,
with a guide to conduct thera through the wilderness. But
after having marched for eight days in that direction, stiU in
the unhospitable and unpeopled wilds, and having been three
days without Indian corn, they discoveied that they had been
imposed upon and were likely tp perish pf famine. Alvaradp
npw ordered a dpg tp be let Ipose upon the faithless guide ;
who acknowledged that he had received orders from the ca
cique of Auche to lead them into the heart of tbe desert that
they might there perish, because he did not think himself
able to contend with therain arms. He craved pardon there
fore of the general for having obeyed the orders of his chief;
and engaged to lead the army in three days more, still pro
ceeding to the westwards, to an inhabited country where they
would find provisions. But the Spaniards were so incensed
against him for leading them into the present alarming situa
tion, that they would not listen to his apology or promises,
and permitted the dogs tP devpur him. Ihus left in the
utmpst
5 Though not directly so expressed in the textj it may be inferred from
circumstances in the after part of the narrative, that the present object of
Alvarado and the Spaniards, was to endeavour to find their way by land t*
the northern part of New Spain. — E.

496 Discovery of Florida part ii. book it.
utmost want of provisions, and utterly ignorant ofthe country,
tbe Spaniards held on their way towards the west for other
three dtsys, during which they had to subsist upon any wild
plants they could find ; and at length came to an inhabited
thoush barren country. They here procured the raeans of
subsistence, particularly beef, and saw raany fresh cows hides,
though the Indians never shewwl tliera any cows". While
tbe Spaniards were proceeding on their raarch through this
province, which they denominated De los Vaqueros"^, or the
tribe of cow-herds, they observed an Indian approach frora
the skirts of a wood, and believing he might have brought
some message from the cacique, they perraitted him to draw
near. But as soon as he was within reach, he levelled an
arrow at five or six soldiers who stood together, who fortu
nately escaped the danger by stepping to a side ; but the arrow
flew ainong some Indian women who were dressing provisions
for their masters, pierced one of them quite through, and
wounded another in the breast, so that both died. On the
alarm being gi^en, Baltasar Gallegos, who happened to be at
hand, overtook the Indian before he could get back to the
wood, and slew him.
Having travelled above thirty leagues westwards through
this province of the cow-herds, they discovered a ridge of
vast mountains still farther to thc west, which from thdr own
scouts and the information of the Indians, they leamt were
barren, desert, and unpeopled. They were also informed,
that if they bent their course to the right hand, they would
come into a desert countrj'; but that to the left, though a longer
way, they would travel through inhabited and plentifiil coun
tries^. Considering what they had endured in their late
march
6 Unquestionably because they had none to produce. The beef and the
hides weie assuredly acquired by hunting the w^ild American buiffaloe or
bison. — v..
7 In this rare instance our maps throw some light on the text Nearly in
the latitude of the mouth of the Ohio, but 700 or 8P0 miles west from the
jVIissisippi, there is a nation named the Apaches Vaqueros, probably tbe
same indicated in the text. The route thither from the Missisippi leads
through several tribes of savage Indians, naraed Ozages, Paducas, and
Kanzez. — ^E.
8 There is sorae ambiguity in the text, from which it is difiicult to ascer
tain -whether the left and right hand of their general line of march is now to
be respectively considered as south and north, or the contrar)'. But as
coupled with their intended return towards the great river, now to the east,
the left means probably the north, and the right the south. — £,

chap; X, SECT. VI. by the Spaniards, 497
march through the desert intervening between Audie and the
country of Los Vaqueros,, they had deterrained upon giving
up their first plan of proceeding by land to Mexico, thinking
it better to return to tiie great river, iand so proceed to the
sea pursuant to the plan originally proposed by their late o'e-
neral. They accordingly took long raarches to the southwards,
taking care not to offend the barbarians, yet they were teased
by frequent attacks whUe leaving die country of the covv-herds.
On one of these occasions a soldier was wounded by an arrow,
which penetrated through his greaves and thigh, and passing
through the saddle lap, ran two fingers breadth into the
horses side, the arrow being made of reed witii no other head
than the reed itsdf hardened in the fire and sloped to a point.
The wounded soldier was lifted from his horse, the arrow
being previpusly cut pff between his thigh and the saddle, and
he was left to cure himself, as he had formerly performed
many wonderful cures on his comrades with only oil and wool,
assisted by prayersi But since the battie of MavUa, in which
all the oil was lost, he had never attempted to cure either
others or himself, though twice wounded before, beUeving'
that the cure could not be performed withoiit oil and dirty
wool. In this distress, he swore that he would not submit to
the surgeons, and would rather die than allow them to dress
his wound. Having no oil, he substituted hogs lard, and
procured some wool from an Indian mantle, as the Spaniards
had now no shirts or any other linen among them, and to the
astonishment of every one he was so sound in four days that
he was able to mount his horse on the fifth day. He now
begged pardon of the soldiers for having allowed so many of
his corarades to perish, by refusing to cure thera, as he had
beUeved the eflBcacy of his raode of cure depended on the oil,
but as he now found that it consisted in the holy words he
had pronpunced Pver the dressings, he desired they raight
again recur tP him when wpunded, and he wpuld exert him
self as formerly. This spldier, naraed Sanjurgp Gallegp,
was very chaste, a gPPd Christiaiij ever ready to serve all
meh, and had many other virtues'.
VOL. v. I i After
9 Though not mentioned In the text, it is not improbable that Gallego
had formerly placed considerable dependence on the use of holy oil, or
chrysm. The whole secret of his surgery seems to have consisted in the
application of bland oil3> and leaving nature to operate, without the em
ployment

498 Disemery of Florida pakt ii. book ii.
After learing the territories of the cow-herds, the Spa
niards marched for twenty days through the lands of other
tribes. Being of opinion that they had declined too much
from the direction of Guachacoya, to which place they now
proposed returning, the Spaniards now directed their course
eastwards, still inclining somewhat towards tbe north, so that
in this way they crossed the direction they had forraerly gone
in their march from Auche to the country of the cow-herds,
yet without percdving il. When at length they reached the
great river, it was the middle of September, having traveUed
three months frora learing Guachacoya ; and though they
had fought no pitched battle during all that time, they were
never free from alarm night or day, so that they had lost forty
soldiers during this lost useless and circuitous march. The
Indians on every opportunity shot all who happened to stray
from the main body, and would often crawl on dl fours at
night into their quarters, shoot thefr arrows, and raake their
escape, unseen by the centinels. To add to thefr disti'esses,
the winter now began to set in, with much rain, snow and
excessive cold weather. On coming to w here they proposed
quartering for the night, though wet, cold, weary and hungry,
ihey were obliged to send parties in advance to secure them,
generally by force, and after aU were mosdy under the neces-*
sity of procuring provisions by means of their swords. Be
sides all this, they were often forced to construct rafts or floats
on which to pass rivers, which sometimes occupied tbem five
or six days. The horsemen were frequently obUged to pass
the night on horseback, and the infantiy to stand up to thefr
knees in mire and water, with hardly any clothes to cover
diem, and such as they had always wet. Owing to these ac
cumulated hardships, raany of the Spaniards and their In
dian attendants fell sick, and the distemper proceeded to the
horses, so that sometiraes four or five men and horses died in
a day, and sometimes seven, whom they scarcely had leisure
to bury for haste in pursuing their march.
In this miserable condition they came to the great river
about die latter end of November'". In their moich on die
west
ployment of the ancient barbarous methods of cure, by tents, escharotics,
cautery, and heating inflammatory applications ; which in modem times,
abandoned by surgeons, have been adopted by farriers. — E.
10 They were already said to have reached it in the middle of September.
The discrepancy may either be an oversight of Herrera ; or they took from the

CHAP. X. SECT. VI. by the Spaniards. 4fQ9
west side of the great river, from leaving the territory of
Guachacoya to their arrival at their ne\y winter quarters,
they had marched by estimation 350 leagues, and lost lOQ
men and 80 horses by the way, wiUioul counting their Indian
servants, who were of vast use. This was the only fruit of
their long and painful march westwards in quest of New
Spain, and of refusing to follow the plan which had been de
vised by thdr late general for descending the great river to
the sea. At this period they were much gratified by finding
twp cphtiguous towns on the great river of 200 houses each,
which were enclosed by a wet ditch drawn from the river.
They were now reduced to a20 fpot^ind 70 hprse, or 390 in
all, who now remained pf 9po raen and 330 horses which had
landed in the bay pf ]Espiritu Sanfo at the end of May 1539,
four years and a halfbdhiT- Yet inured to bardships and
accustoraed tp cpnqner, they imraediately attacked apd gain
ed pnssession of these towns, from whjch the inhahitahtsfled,
having heard of the irresistible yalpur of the Spaniards frpm
other tribes. They had ^^he good fortune to find plenty of
provisions in these towns, and tq remain iindisturbed by thp
Indians, so that they spon recovprpd froin their ffitigues ; yet
several di^d in consequence of their past sufferings, and among
the rest Juan Ortiz, thdr chief interpreter and an excellent
soldier. Having determined to take up their quarters at this place,
they fortified one of the towns to serve as quarters for thp
winter. Th'^ P'"''^^^'^^' called Aminoya, lay seventeen leagues
farther up jlhe, river than Guachacoya, to which they had en-
deavbprcd to direct their course on returning from the pro
vince of Los f^aqueros. Being somewhat recovered towards
the end pf January 1543, they set to work to cut dpwn and
prepare jtiipber fpr building their brigantines. At this place,
an pld Indian, who had been unable to make his escape along
with the rest, objected to their staying 'it\ their present
quarters for the winter, saying that the river was in use to
overflow every fourteen years, and that this was the expected
season of its doing so. They refused hpwevpr tp profit by
this information, of which they had sufficient reason to repeijt
in thp sequel. The return of the Spaniards to the great river
the middle of September to the end of November, in descending the right
bank of the'gr?^* "^^"^ '° where they passed the winter, having come to it
much higher up than theyintended. — E.

£00 Disemery of Florida part ii. book n-
river was soon known in all thc neighbouring districts. Upon
which the cacique of Anilco, to prevent them frora favouring
the Guachacoyans as forraerly, sent an embassy to Alvarado,
offering his friendship and making mighty promises. The
ambassador sent upon this occasitm by Anilco was his Apn
or lieutenant-general, who brought great abundance of fruit
and other things to the Spaniards, and 200 Indian servants
to attend upon them and supply their wants. Having deli
vered his raessage, the Apu sent back the answer to the ca
dque, and remained with the Spaniards, The cacique of
Guachactiya carae likewise to wait upon the Spanish general,
with a great present, to confirm the forraer friendship, and
though he saw the lieutenant of his enemy among the Spa
niards, he took no notice of the circumstance. On consul
tation about the brigantines, it was found that it would re
quire seven of them to accommodate all the people ; and the
timber being all hewed and ready, the work was begun in
earnest, and occupied their utmost diligence aU the months
of February, March and April 1 543, during all which time
they -vi'ere amply supplied with all necessaries by Anilco, who
even furnished them with blankets and mantles lo defend
themselves from the cokl. These articles of clothing were
manufactured by the Indians frora an herb resembling mal-
fows, which has fibres like those of flax; and the dresses
¦which are made of this substance are afterwards dyed accord
ing to their fancies. On the present occasion, the Spaniards
reserved the new blankets and mantles furnished by Anilco
for sails to their bi'igantines, and broke up those which were
old and useless to serve a.'; oakum for caulking their vessels.
Of the same raaterials the Spaniards made all kinds of cordage
for their brigantines, from the smallest ropes up to cables ;
and in every thing the cacique Anilco, to whom they had
formerly done so much injui'Vi assisted the Spaniards to the
utmost of his power, while Guachacoya was exceedingly dis
satisfied at seeing the intfnincy between them.
On the other skle of the rivcr there lay a large and fertile
province called Qniqualtanqui, the cacique of which was a
haughty warlike youth, who believed that although the Spa
niards were now building vessels to convey lliem out of the
country, they might yet return in greater nurabers to enslave
ihc natives. For this reason he determined to destroy thera,
nnd assembled forces from all parts of the country, both thpse
of his own tribe and frpm all the tribes aipund. Having cpu^
eluded

CH AP. X, SECT, VI, by the Spaniards. 501
eluded an extensive confederacy and begun his preparatipns
fbr war, he sent a friendly message tp Alvaradp to luU him
into security, advising all his confederates to do the same.
The general gave thera all favourable answers, yet kept hira
self carefully on his guaid. Qjuqualtanqui invited Anilco to
join in the confederacy, instead of which he gave notice of it
to the Spaniards. It was not known how Guachacoya stood
affected on this occasion, but he was suspected of having
hostile intentions, as he made no communication of the con
spiracy. The confederates continued to send frequent mes
sages and presents to thc Spaniards to discover what they
were doing ; and though repeatedly warned not to corae to
their quarters under night they took no notice of it. One
night that Gonzalo Silvestre happened to stand centinel in
the second watch, the moon shining very bright, he observed
two arraed Indians in their plumes of feathers, passing over
the ditch on a ti'ee that lay across instead of a bridge. These
men carae to a postern which they entered without asking
leave, on which Silvestre gave one of thera a cut on the fore
head, on which he iramediately fled. The other Indian,
without waiting for his wounded companion, got into the
canoe on the river and gave the alarm to his party. The
wounded man, missing the tree across the ditdi, swam over
and cried out for assistance when he came to the river, on
which sorae of his fiiends came and carried hira off. At sun
rise, Quiqualtanqui sent four raessengers deraanding that Al
varado .should punish the centinel for having been guilty of a
breach of the peace, raore especiaUy as the wounded raan
was a chief. Four other messengers arrived at mid-day on a
sirailar errand, saying that the wounded chief was at the
point of death ; and four raore came in the afternoon affirm
ing that he was dead, and insisted that the centinel should be
pubUcly punished, since the action he had comraitted was an
affront to aU the Indians ofthe confederacy, Alvarado bold
ly answered, that they had been previously and repeatedly
warned never to corae to the Spanish quarters under night,
being always welcome and honourably treated through the day.
He added that though sincerely sorry for what had happen
ed, he could not possibly punish the centinel who had only
done his duty accordingto raUitary discipUne, neither would his
soldiers allow of any such thing being done. The confederates
thought fit to connive at this transaction, satisfied that Alva
rado was a roan of invincible courage and wise conduct ; yet
resclved

50i! Disemery of Florida pakt il, book ii.
resolved upon executing their design against the Spaniards
as soon as possible.
Being eager to get away frora the country, the Spaniard*
laboured indefatigably ih fitting out the vessels, even the best
gentlemen among them using the utraost diligence; while
those who were not handy in the several occupations about
the brigantines employed themselves in hunting and fishing
to procure provisions for the rest. Among other fish taken
on the present occasion, one was taken by means of a hook of
such enormous dimensions, that the head .nlone weighed forty
pounds. The confetlerate Indians under Quiqualtanqui con
tinued thdr warlike preparations, being much encouraged by
knowing that Ferdinand de Soto was dead, that the number
ofthe Spaniards was very much diminished, and that very few
horses were left. So confident were they of success, that two
of their spies desired some ofthe Indian women who served the
Spaniards to be patient, for they would soon be freed from
their bondage to these vagabond robbers, as they were all to
be slain. But the women disclosed this to their masters.
When the night happened to be very still, the noise of many
people could be beard frora the opposite side of the river ;
and the Spaniards could distinctly see nuraerous fires at re
gular distances, as of the quarters of a large array. But it
pleased God to confound the evil designs of these Indians,
by an inundation ofthe river, which began on the 10th of
March 1543, and increased with prodigious rapidit)-, so that
bn the 18th which was Palra Sunday, when the Spaniards
were in procession, for they observed all the religious solem-
hities, the water broke in at the gates of the town, and there
Was no going along the streets for long after but in canoes.
This inundation was forty days of rising to its greatest height,
Svhich was on the 20th of April, at which time it extendeil
above twenty leagues on each side of die rivcr, so that no
thing could be seen in all the country around but the tops of
the trees, and the people had tu go every where in canoes.
During the time of this terrible inundation, Alvarado sent
twenty Spaniards to Anilco to request a supply of rosin,
blankets, and cordage for completing thc equipment of the
vessels, and these men were sent in four canoes lashed two
and two together, to prevent them from being overset by the
trees which were under water. On coming to the town of
Anilco, they found it destroyed, tiiough twenty leagues from
the Spanish quarters, and the inundation bad extended five
leagues

CHAP. X, SECT. VI. by the Spaniards. 503
leagues farther. Gonzalo Silvestre who commanded these
Spaniards was greatly in favour of the cacique AnUco, be
cause he had rcstored to him a youth who had accorapanied
the Spaniards on their raarch to the westwards, who perfectly
understood the Spanish language, and was so ranch attached
to the Spaniards as to be very averse frora returning to his
father. On this occasion Anilco supplied Silvestre with every
thing of which he was in want.
It pleased God that the water began to subside towards the
latter end of April; yet so slowly that on the 10th of May
there was no going about the streets of the town on account
of the deep mire with which they were filled. This was the
more distressing to die Spaniards as they were barefooted,
all their shoes having been burnt at Mavila, and the shoes
thev had since been able to make, being of untanned leather,
were like so much la-ipe as soon as wet. At the latter end of
May, the great river returned to its usual cliannel, and the
confederated Indians again drew their forces together to exe
cute thdr original design against the Spaniards, of which
they received inteUigence from Anilco ; who likewise inform
ed Alvarado of the signals which had been concerted by the
confederates for the better prosecution of their enterprise,
iind even offered to assist the Spaniards with 8000 well armed
warriors, and that if they chose to retire into his country the
confederates would not dare to attack them. Alvarado re
turned thanks for these friendly offers, but declined accepting
them ; because as he intended to go down the river and to
quit the country, he did not deem it proper either to take re
fuge in the territory of Anilco or to accept the assistance of
his warriors, as either of those might draw upon him the
confederated hostiUty of his neighbours : But he promised, if
it should please God ever to put it in his power, Anilco should
not have cause to repent the service he had been of to the
king of Spain, or the kindness he had shewn to the Spaniards,
In condusion, he recommended to Anilco to discontinue any
forther intercourse with him, lest he might give umbrage to
the confederated caciques. Many of the Spaniards were so
puffed up by the friendly offers of AnUco, that they endea
voured to persuade Alvarado to accept the proferred aid,
and prosecute an offensive war, thinking it easy to subdue
these people. But Alvarado was quite sensible of his present
weakness, and determined to leave tbe country as soon as
possible .;

1)4 Discovery of Florida part ii. dook ii.
possible ; besides which he did not deem it prudent to confide
too much on the fidelity of Anilco.
Four days afterwards, exactly conformable to the informa
tion received from Anilco, a numerous embassy arrived from
the confederated caciques, intended to spy out the posture of
thc Spaniards, to enable them to concert measures for the in
tended attack. Having rigidly examined these pretended
messengers, it was debated ainong the leaders of the Spaniards
what ought to be done with these fraudulent envoys. Sorae
were fpr giving thera fair words, as had been the practice
hithertp ; but it was finally resolved lo punish them in an ex
emplary manner, that the caciques might know their treach
ery was discovered, which might perhaps prevent the execu
tion of thdr designs. Accordingly though the messengers
pn this occasion were very numerous, thirty only were select
ed who had their hands cut off, and were sent back in this
fuise to their employers, with a message signifying that the
paniards had all afong been aware of their viUainy. This
severe example, proved successful, insomuch that the confe
deracy was immediately dissolved, and the forces retired to
their respective countries. Yet as the Spaniards had only
built seven great boats, they thought they raight possibly be
raore successfol by water, and they agreed to coUect a great
number of canoes to attack them while going down tbe
river. As (he Spaniards believed that their only safety depended
upon going down the river as soon as possible, they hastened
thc completion of their vessels ; and as they had not enough
of iron for the construction of whole decks, they satisfied
themselves with quarter-decks and fbre-castles to secure thc
provisions, laying planks only a midships. Every thing re
lative to the brigantines being completed, they gathered all the
Indian corn, pulse, and dried fruit ihey could procure ; made
bacon of all the swine that were left alive, except eighteen
they carried with them alive, and two boars and two sows
which they gave lo each of the two caci<jues who were thdr
friends. With the lard of the slaugbtcred swine, they tem
pered rosin instead of pitch and tar lor paying dieir vessels.
Tliey Iike\vi>c provided a number of canoes ; piu-t of which
wire lashed 1\m) and two together to carry thirty horses which
still remained alive, and answered well for the purpose; the
rest were distributed .traong the bi'igantines, eadi having one
:.t her stem lo serve as a boat. On midsummer day 1543 the

CHAP. X. SECT. VI. by the Spaniards. soS
the brigantines were launched into the great river, and on St
Peters day, the 29th of that raonth, every thing bdng in
readiness, the brigantines and ciuioes having defences made
of boards and skins to fend oft' the arrows, they took leave of
the friendly caciques, Anilco and Guachacoya, and set sail
down the great river.
Two captains were appointed to each brigantine, thatwhrai
one had occasion to land the other might remain on board
iu charge of the vessel. About 350 Spaniards erabarked, all
that remained of 900 who had originaUy landed in Florida.
Near thirty Indian men and women were on board each ves
sel, all of their own free wiU, as they declared they would
rather die widi their masters than reraain behind. Accord
ingly on St Peters day before mentioned, about sunset, after
Alvarado had given regular instructions to all his oflicers and
encouraged his men, they began their voyage, holding on
their course down the river both with sails and oars, all that
night and the next day and night. But on the following day
they were opposed by a fleet of near 1000 canoes belonging
to the confederated caciques, some of which were so large as
to have twenty-five paddles on each side, and carryirig many
armed men besides the rowers. These large canoes were
called the admirals, as being supposed to have the principal
commanders on board. One was painted red, another blue,
and others of several colours ; the men on board having their
bodies painted of the same colours as the canoes, as were
thefr bows. AU this splendid shew, with the variegated
plumes of feathers on the heads ofthe warriors, made a grand
display. While they rowed after the Spaniards, they kept
time to their songs, which were said by the interpreters to
signify, " That the vagabond strangers should all be slain on
the water, and becorae food for the fishes."
After taking a close view of the Spanish brigantines, the
Indians divided thdr fleet of canoes into three equal squa
drons, plying up close to the bank on the starboard side ;
and when up with the brigantines, the van forraing a long
and narrow line a-head, crossed the river obUqudy passing
close by the brigantines, into which they all successively
thrfw in a shower of arrows, by which several Spaniards
were wounded notwithstanding their targets and baricades.
The other squadrons did the same in regular order, and as
the brio'antines contmued on their course, thc squadrons of
canoes continued successively to repeat simUar charges, both
s day

506 Discovery tf Florida part ii. book ii.
day and night, expecting in this manner to destroy all the
Spaniards by degrees. The Spaniards held on their way
for ten successive days and nights, continuaUy assailed in
this manner by the Indians, and doing some execution in
their turn by raeans of their crossbows, 'all their rausquets
having been turned into iron work for the brigantines, hav
ing become useless as all their powder was expended. At
the end ot these ten days, the Indian fleet drew back from
the Spaniards to the distance of about half a league. The
Spaniards still advancing carae in sight of a small town, and
supposed from the Indians leaving them that they were now
near the sea, having run by estimation 200 leagues, as they
used both sails and oars, and went straight down the river
without stopping in any place. Bdng desirous of procuring
provisions, Alvarado ordered 100 raen to land, with eight
horses ; and as the Indians iraraediately abandoned their
town, they procured plenty of provisions of all sorts. In
this town likewise tbey found leather made of goats skins,
some white, and some of various colours, and other skins of
different kinds well dressed, and many manties. They found
here a long slip of the finest sables, eight ells in length and
an eU broad, adorned at regular distances with strings of
pearls and small tufts of seed peoil, regularly placed. Gon
zalo Silvestre who commanded on this enterprise, got this
rarity to his share, which was supposed to be some ensign
of war, or sorae ornaraent for thefr dances.
As raany Indians appeared collecting in the fields, and
the canoes were returning to attack the brigantines, Alvarado
ordered the trumpets to sound a retreat to recall Silvestre
and his men on board. On this occasion the Spaniards
Were obliged to abandon their horses, which the Indians im
mediately shot to death with their arrows. W^hen the party
was all returned to the brigantines, the Spaniards resumed
their voyage down the river, followed by the canoes, which did
not now retain their former order, but tbUowed in several sepa
rate squadrons. On, the thirteenth day of their voyage down
the great river, one of the brigantines happening to fall
about an hundred paces behind the rest, the Indians irarae
diately attacked and even boarded it, and would in all pro
bability have raade themselves master of it, had not the other
Imgantiucs come up to its rescue. However the Indians
•Harriett off the canoe from the stern, in which were five sows
that had been reserved for a breed. I" On

chap. X, SECT, VI, hy the Spaniards. 507
On the sixteenth day of the voyage, one Estevahez, a des
perate yet clownish fellow, whp was vain pf the reputation he
had acquired by his intrepidity, took away thc canoe from
the stern of the brigantine in which he was embarked, and
persuaded five other soldiers to accompany him, saying that
he was going to perform an exploit to gain fame, and to ob
tain leave of the captain of the vessel, he pretended that he
was going to speak with the general. When he had got
clear of the brigantine, he immediately made towards the
enemy, crying out fall on them ! they run ! When Alvarado
saw this mad action he endeavoured to recall Estevimez by
sound of trumpet, and sent about forty raen after hira in
several canoes under the coramand of Juan de Guzman, to
bring back Estevancz whora Alvarado intended to hang for
his breach of discipline. At the same time the brigantines
furled their sails and rowed up against the stream to support
the canoes. The Indian canoes, which covered the water
for an extent of a quarter of a league, retreated a little way
on purpose to Separate the Spanish canoes from the brigan
tines ; on which, quite frantic at sedng them give wa)', Este-
vanez pushed on, followed by the other canoes which were
sent to bring him back. The Indian canoes then drew up
ih forra of a crescent, and when the Spanish canoes were
well advanced arapng them, thpse Indian canoes which form
ed the horn or ppint on the right, attacked thera so furiously
athwart ships that they sunk thera all, by which raeans all
the Spaniards were drowned, and if any happened to appear
above water, they were either shot with arrows, or had their
brains dashed out by the paddles. Thus forty-eight Spaniards
perished, only fpur escaping of aU that were in the canoes.
The Indians held on their pursuit of the brigantines all that
day raaking continual rejoicings for their victory. On the
seventeenth day at sun-rise, when the Indians had paid thdr
adorations to the sun with hideous cries, and a prodigious noise
of druras, horns, and trurapets, they ceased the pursuit of the
Spaniards and retired, having continued the chase about four
hundred leagues.
The river was now estimated by the Spaniards to be
fifteen leagues across, from which they concluded they were
near the sea, yet did not venture to quit the raain stream for
fear of hidden danger. Thus holding on thefr course, on
the nineteenth day of their voyage they came to the sea, com
puting

50S Disemery of Florida part ii, book ii.
putihg that they had run Utile short of 500 leagues ", from
thc place where they buUt their brigantines. Being ignorant
whereabout they were, they cast anchor at an island, where
they rested three days to recover from their long fatigues and
continual watching, and to refit their brigantines. They
here computed how far tliey had been up the country, and
as already mentioned estimated the distance frora where thc
brigantines were built to the sea at near 500 leagues : And
as the river was there nineteen feet deep and a quarter of a
league .over, they conjectured that the source of the river
might be still 300 leagues farther up the country, or 800
leagues in its whole course. When tbe Spaniards had been
three days in this island, they observed seven canoes to
issue frora a place overgrown with tall reeds, and come to
wards them. When within hearing, a gigantic man, as
black as a negro, stood up in the headmost canoe and ad
dressed them in the following harangue : " Wherefore do
you vagabond robbers stroll about this coast, disturbing its in
habitants ? Get you gone speedUy by one of the mouths of the
great river, and let me not find you here after this night, or I
will kiU you all and burn your ships !" After this he withdrew
among the reeds, and Alvarado sent Gonzalo SUvestre with
100 men in the remaining canoes to examine the inlet among
the reeds. Of these raen seventeen were armed with cross
bows and three had long bows taken from die Indians, as the
want of rausquets had induced the Spaniards to use the arras
of their enemies, at which they were become skilful. On get
ting into thc creek or inlet araong the rtieds, Silvestre found
sixty small canoes drawn up in readiness to receive him, which
he imraeiUately attacked, and overset three of them at the first
shock,
1 1 Five hundred Spanish leagues at 17^ to a degree, or about four English
miles, would amount to about leoo miles of voyage down the Missisippi j but
wc have no sufficient warrant in the text to ascertain the league used by
Herrera, neither is it prnbable that the Spaniards on this occasion could
make any computation nearly accurate. The only reasonable conjecture on
this subject is from the number of days employed in descending the river,
which the text informs us was niue(een, three of which we may suppose
were occupied in difi\;rent stoppages. We know likewise from Imlays De
scription of Kentucky, p. 12fi, that the ordinary rate of descending the
Missisippi it about SO miles a-day. On these data, the Spaniards made a
voyage down that river of about 1280 English miles, from which we may
conclude that they had wintered somewhere about the situation of New
Madrid, in lat. sc" 30' N. or perhaps nearly opposite the junction of tho
Ohio with the great river. — E.

CHAP. X. SECT, VI, by thc Spaniards. .509
shock, wounding many of the Indians ; and as aU the rest of
the canoes immediately fled, " Silvestre^ and his party returned
to the brigautiues.
Leaving the island, and going out into the open sea, the
Spaniards now bore away to the westwards to endeavour to
find thdr way to New Spain, always keeping the coast of
Florida '* on their starboard-side or right hand. They
knew not whereabout they were, and had neither chart nor
compass to guide thdr course, neither had they any instru
ment to find the latitude ; but they satisfied themselves in
the hope of reaching New Spain by following the coast.
During all the first day and night, they continued to sail
among the fresh w^ater of the great river. After this they
held on thdr course ibr fifteen days without anj' thing .re
markable taking place ; only that they were under the neces
sity of landing evei-y day to procure water, as they had no ves
sels in which to carry any store on board. At the end of that
period they got araong a parcel of small islands, which were
frequented by such multitudes of sea fowl that the entire sur
face was covered by their nests, so that there was scarcdy room
to tread. These furnished an ample supply of provisions,
though their flesh had soraewhat of a fishy taste. Next day
they landed on a pleasant shore covered with trees, to procure
water ; and while looking about iri search of shell fish, some
pieces of bitumen were found resembling pitch, and upon
farther search they were fortunate enough to find the source
whence it flowed. On finding this convenience, they thought
proper to repair or careen their brigantines, which had be
come leaky, which they did by means of this bitumen melted
along with a proper quantity of hogs lard. This work occu
pied them for eight days, during which time tbey only saw
eight Indians, to whom they gave some trinkets they had yet
remaining,, without asking any questions respecting the
country where they now were, as all their hopes and wishes
centered in arriving in New Spain.
They proceeded on their voyage keeping as close as possible
to the shore, for fear of being driven out to sea by the north
wind, and Ukewise for the convenience of fishing, as they had
nothing

o

12 It has been already noticed that the term Florida is used in the whole
cf this chapter in a very extended sense, being applied to' all' of North
America to the north of the Qulf of Mexico. Immediately on leaving the
great river or Missisippi, and sailing to the west, the coast is now known
under the name of Louisiana- — E.

510 Disemery tf Florida part ii. book ii.
nothing else now to eat, for which reason they always made
sorae stay wherever they found good fishing grounds. They
continued always in this manner, coasting the land which
lay to starboard, the wisest araong thera being quite ignorant
whereabout they were, yet always satisfied that by holding
this course they raust at length get to New Spain if not
swallowed up by the waves. At the end of fifty-three days
after leaving the great rivrr, the north wind of which they
had been so long in dread began to blow with great fury '^,
On this occasion five of the vessels which kept close under
the land sought shelter in a creek ; but the other two, being
soraewhat farther put at sea, were in great danger pf perishing.
They were all stark naked, having only clouts hung before
thera, and were almost drowned with wet and benumbed
with cold, as part of them had continually to bale out the
water from their vessels while the rest handed the sails. At
length the gale somewhat moderating, they were able to
shape a course to the westwards, and having been twenty-six
hours in great distress without food or sleep, they discovered
land about sunset. One young raan who had been twice be
fore upon the coast said that he now knew the land, though
he cpuld npt. say in what country it was : But he said that
part which seemed black was a high bluff impracticable shore,
while that which had a white appearance was a dean sofi
sandy beach, and advised them to endeavour to make for
that part before night, as if the wind should drive them on
the black coast there would be no probabiUty of saving thdr
lives. The officers of the brigantine in which this young man
was endeavoured by signs to make known what was intended
to the other vessel, ond then raade direct for the wliite coast
foUowed by the other, and before sunset ran both vessels
aground on the sandy beach, after which they Ughtened both
vessels by carrying every thing on shore, and propped them
up to keep them from oversetting, Haring thus landed, two
men undertook to go in quest of the other brigantines.
Next day three parties were sent out in different directions
to discover die country. The two parties which went along
the coast to the right and left soon returned with sorae brdcen
pieces of earthen ware, of the kinds which are raade at Ta-
lavera
if! By this time their course must have long been almost due south along
the coast of the new kingdom of Leon, and province of Nuevo Sant-
andcr..— E.

CHAP. X, SECT; VI, by the Spaniards. 511
lavera and Malaga in Spain, which gave thera much satisfac
tion to tliink tliat they raust now be in the neighbourhood of
their countrymen. Gonzalo Silvestre, who went up the coun
try with the third party, at the end of a quarter of a league
saw sorae Indians fishing on a lake'"*, and two others gathering
fruit frora the trees. The Spaniards endeavoured to lay hold
of these two Indians, but one of thera escaped by swimraing
over the lake. Silvestre found likewise in a cottage two small
baskets of fruit, a turkey, a cock and two Spanish hens, and
some conserve of maguey. Still holding fast the Indian, Sil
vestre went back to his comrades at the sea-side, and lo all
the inquiries they made of the Indian as to where they were,
his only answer was Brezos I Brezos I which, as they afterr
wards learnt, was meant to si^ffy that he befolnged to a
Spaniard named Christoval de Brezos. On rejoining his com
panions, SUvestre found them rejoicing at the sight of the
broken earthen dishes ; but they were still mpre gratified at
seeing the Spanish poultry, and the Indian being now reai^
sured on finding he was in the hands of Spaniards, told them
they were in the province of Pamicp, and that the other
brigantines had gone up the river Tampicp to that city, which
was ten leagues off. He said likewise that he belonged to one
Christpval de Brezps ; and that a cacique resided pnly ^t the
distance of a league and a half who could read and write.
Accordingly they gave the Indian sorae toys and sent hira to
the cacique; and in four hours afterwards the cacique came
to them attended by eight Indians, loaded with fowls, fish,
fruit, and Indian corn, and brought thera paper, pens, and
ink, that they might write an account of their, arrival and
situation to the'^ governor of Panuco.
The two raen who had gone in search of the five brigan
tines, found them in the river Tampico, so that the whole
company met at the end of eight days, all barefooted and
almost entirely naked, having only some scanty coverings of
the skins of deer, bears, and other aniraals. The governor of
Panuco treated thera with much attention, and sent advice of
their situation to the viceroy of Mexico, who ordered them to
1 4 Probably the lake of Tamiagua, a few miles south from the river
Tampico, into which, as will be found in the sequel, the other five brigan
tines had got at the beginning of the storm. In this case, the two brigan
tines had run upon a spit which separates that lake or lagoon frora. the
sea. — E.,

512 Discovery of Florida part ii, book ir.
to be sent without delay to that city, and sent them four horse-
loads of shirts, shoes, and other necessaries, besides medi
cines and sweetmeats. After recovering from their fatigues,
the raen were ready to destroy their officers for not having
settled in Florida, where there was such plenty of pearls and
rich furs. On their raarch to Mexico, which was made in
several detachments to avoid mischief, the people everywhere
ran to see them pass as so many monsters. At Mexico they
were clothed and kindly treated by the rich inhabitants ; and
as discord soon broke out again among them, for having
abandoned so fine. a country as llorida, the viceroy appeased
them by promising to undertake the enterprise speedily in
person along with thera, when they should all have good pay,
and that he would provide for thera in the mean time.
When clothed, someof the adventurers relumed into Spain,
others reraained in Mexico, and others went into Peru, while
sorae entered into monasteries ; and thus all these brave sol
diers were dispersed.
Those persons who had been sent by the late general,
Ferdinand de Soto, when he first advanced into the interior
of Florida, to bring him suppUes frora the Havannah, faith
fully obeyed bis orders, as they saUed from thence four several
years, and plied aU along the coast to find him, but could
never hear any tidings of hira or any of his raen, till, in die
year 1543, arriving at Vera Cruz in October, they learnt that
the remains of the expedition had been conducted to Mexico.
— Tliis relation has been faithfully taken from that which was
transmitted to the king, immediately after the close qf that un*
forltmate enterprise.

END OF the nil II VOLU.MF.

Printed by Ororate Kiinisaj
Edinburgh, 1812,

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