CwpT
"i 8 O E CV, "Lgive theft Books
a! for tie founding of a College in this Colony"

Gift of
Dr. Hiram Bingham
of the Class of 1898
1907

The Inca.

THE LAND OF THE INCAS

AND

THE CITY OF THE SUN.
THE STORY OF FRANCJSCO PfZARRO
AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU.
BY
W. H. DAVENPORT ADAMS.

'When fierce Pizarro's legions flew
O'er ravaged fields of rich Peru "
Joseph War ton.

BOSTON:
ESTES AND LAURIAT, PUBLISHERS,
301-305 Washington Street.
1885.

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•Preface.

IN the following pages I seek to tell the stirring story
of the Conquest of Peru. That story does not
assume the heroic proportions of the record of the Mexican
Conquest; and Pizarro, the conqueror, is, I admit, an
inferior figure to Hernando Cortes, — inferior as a com
mander, a statesman, and an administrator, — inferior in
intellectual force and moral power. Yet the story has
many romantic and picturesque points, just as Pizarro
presents many characteristics which are worthy of analysis
and consideration. Moreover, while most historians
have done full justice to the great Spaniard who over
threw the brilliant empire of Mexico, and have willingly
recognized his noble qualities, the conqueror of Peru has
been unfortunate enough to meet with artists who have
painted his portrait in the blackest colours. It becomes,
therefore, an interesting study to trace his career with
fairness, to judge his actions with impartiality, and then
to determine whether we can endorse the traditional
verdict. I, for one, confess myself unable to do so. I

8 PREFACE.
can find no proof of the ferocity and treachery of which
he has so freely been accused. It seems to me that his
moral calibre was exactly that of his age ; that he neither
rose above nor sank below the average standard of his
time and country; that though, like Cortes, he committed
some acts of cruelty, he was by no means a man of a
cruel disposition ; that though, like most public men of
his day, he was not too scrupulous in the fulfilment of
engagements, yet, on the whole, he was straightforward
and honest in his policy. I think he was capable of
much generosity towards an enemy, and of sincere attach
ment to a friend ; and it seems to me that in the quarrel
between Almagro and himself, he contrasts very favour
ably with that impulsive and impetuous soldier. Dr.
Robertson ascribes to him "the address, the craft, and
the dissimulation of a politician,'' but he does not show
in what actions, or at what periods of his life, Pizarro
exhibited these qualities. Mr. Prescott speaks of " his
perfidious treatment of Almagro." The reader who does
me the honour to peruse the following narrative will judge
for himself whether the American historian's censure has
any foundation.
The principal English writers whom one naturally con
sults for the life of Pizarro and the conquest of Peru are
Dr. Robertson, Mr. Prescott, and Sir Arthur Helps. I
have availed myself of their lucid ordering of facts, and
their shrewd and sagacious reflections; but I have felt
it necessary to go back to the original authorities in
order to form an honest and intelligent estimate for my
own satisfactoin. The following pages, therefore, assume

PREFACE. 9
to be something more than a compilation from purely
English sources, and will be found, I hope, to present,
in some respects, a new and independent narrative. The
Spanish authorities of most value may be thus enume
rated : Francisco de Xeres, the secretary of Pizarro,
" Verdadera Relacion de la Conquista.'' There is a
French translation in the collection of M. Ternaux-
Campans (vol. iv., edit. 1837 — 1841); but no English
version of this very graphic and interesting chronicle is,
I believe, in existence. Garcilaso de la Vega (the son
of a Spanish cavalier and an Indian mother, the niece
of the Inca Huayna Capac), " Commentaries Reales "
(1609 — 1616). Of this there is a translation by Rycaut.
It is included also in Purchas's " Pilgrims " (vol. iv.) ;
and the Hakluyt Society have published an elaborate
edition, under the care of Mr. Clement R. Markham.
Aug. de Zarato, " Historia del Descubrimiento y Con
quista de la Provincia del Peru;'' this has been trans
lated into French (Paris, 1746). Fr. Lopez de Gomara,
"Historia General de las Indias" (ed. Barcia, 1749).
Auton. de Herrera, " Historia General de Ios Hichos de
Ios Castellanos en las Islas y Tierra Firma de Mat
Oceano" (1601). There is, I believe, an English trans
lation by Stephens. Quintana, "Vidas de Espanoles
Celebues." These are the writers whose materials neces
sarily supply the foundation of all later historians ; but
both Mr. Prescott and Sir Arthur Helps have enriched
their respective works by reference to various manu
scripts ; as, for instance, Sir Arthur Helps relies greatly
(perhaps too much so) on the " Carta de Vicento de

I O PREFACE.
Valverdo al Emperador Carlos Quinto," written at Cuzco
in 1539 — 1 541 ; and Mr. Prescott on Pedro Pizarro's
" Descubrimiento y Conquista." They are valuable as
"side-lights," but they scarcely affect our general con
ception of the course of events, or materially modify our
judgments upon the men concerned in them.
In conclusion, I may be allowed to express my hope
that the concise and comprehensive summary herein
attempted will be found of some utility. It has at least
the merit of being no servile imitation or repetition of
its predecessors.

CoN^TElSJTS.

CHAPTER I. PAGE
PERU AND ITS PEOPLE. — THEIR RELIGION AND
GOVERNMENT  13

CHAPTER II.
EARLY CAREER OF FRANCISCO PIZARRO. — UNDER
TAKES THE CONQUEST OF PERU . . 26

CHAPTER III.
THE INVASION. — CAPTURE OF CUZCO, THE CITY
OF THE SUN ...... 74
CHAPTER IV.
DEATH OF ATAHUALPA. — -THE SPANISH SETTLE
MENT  1CJ
CHAPTER v,
SIEGE AND RELIEF OF CUZCO .... 143

1 2 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VJ. PAGE
THE FEUD BETWEEN ALMAGRO AND PIZARRO. —
EXECUTION OF ALMAGRO .... 179
CHAPTER VII.
EXPEDITION OF GONZALO PIZARRO, AND DISCOVERY
OF THE RIVER AMAZON  20 J
CHAPTER VIII.
ASSASSINATION OF FRANCISCO PIZARRO . . 232

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

Page
The Inca  Frontispiece
Pizarro and his Companions coming in Sight
of Seville  28
Altercation between Pizarro and Almagro . 60
Stone Idol of the Peruvians  64
Chilicuchima  100
Execution of Atahuallpa  114
Heroic Defence of Cuzco  162
Assassination of Pizarro  246

CHAPTER I.
PERU AND ITS PEOPLE. — THEIR RELIGION AND
GOVERNMENT.

N the west coast of the
South Pacific Ocean
lies Peru, the ancient
"land of the Incas."
Its western boundary is
the State Of Ecuador,
its northern Bolivia, its
eastern the vast empire
of Brazil. Geographers
estimate its total area
at upwards of 500,000
square miles ; its ex
treme length at 1,100
miles; its extreme
breadth, in the north,
at 780 miles, diminish
ing in the south to fifty
its coast line, owing to its numerous B

Oa sixty miles

14 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
sinuosities, exceeds 1,700 miles ; but for the greater part
is represented by steep and lofty cliffs, at the foot of
which the billows of the Pacific incessantly thunder;
and consequently the harbours are few, and, with the
exception of those of Callao and Paita, neither very
commodious nor very secure. The distinguishing phy
sical feature of the country, determining its character,
climate, and resources, is the immense mountain system
of the Andes, which traverses its entire extent. This
system divides the surface into three distinct regions,
varying in temperature, in products, and in scenery.
First, there is the Littoral, or coast reg'on, which rises
from the shore to the base of the mountains; arid, sandy,
and irregular, except where it is preserved in the deep
rich valleys, excavated and enriched by streams descend
ing from the Cordilleras. The tracts lying between
these green oases are covered with a fine yellow sand,
which the wind frequently raises in huge columns of from
seventy to eighty feet in height, and hurries over the
sun-burnt soil. No rain falls in the greater part of the
Littoral. The south- east trade winds, after passing over
the Atlantic, cross the wide forest lands of Brazil, and
fertilize them with abundant showers; but their vapour
is taken up and condensed by the heights of the Cor
dilleras, which they crown with diadems of snow, and
they reach the Peruvian coast dry, cool, and pungent.
At night, however, the dews are ample and refreshing.
From the Littoral we ascend to the Sierra, the moun
tainous belt which intervenes between the western base
of the maritime Cordillera and the eastern base of the

THE ANDES MOUNTAIN CHAIN. 15
eastern Cordillera; in other words, it includes the two
ranges, or Cordilleras, of the Andes, over a breadth of
a hundred miles. These are connected by transverse
chains, and present every diversity of mountain scenery.
The eastern range, or Ancles proper, attains its greatest
elevation towards the south ; the western range domi
nates towards the north. Both are conspicuous for tower
ing peaks, which rise to a loftier altitude than Mont Blanc;
for lofty table-lands, which rejoice in an invigorating air,
and wave with prodigal harvests of wheat and maize, and
ry; and barley ; for green valleys and shady hollows,
which teem with heliotrope and lupine, fuchsia, salvia,
and calceolaria, rich in spontaneous growth. They do
not, however, present that profuse fertility of vegetation
which is characteristic of the Himalaya, nor are they so
rich in animal life. The puma, or American lion, wanders
among their solitudes ; the lammergeir and the vulture
haunt their loftier summits ; the llama, the guanaco, and
the vicuna roam about their green sides and their shel
tered valleys. The principal peaks are Sahama, 22,350
feet; Parinacota, 22,030 ; Gualatieri, 21,900 ; Pomarape,
21,900; Cerequipa(i volcano), 20,320; Chipicani, 19,745 ;
Quenuta, 18,765; Coloro, 17,930; ApuCunaranu, 17,950 ;
and Vilcanoto, 17,525. The more remarkable table-lands
are the plain of Titicaca, in the centre of which lies the
great lake of Titicaca, at an elevation of [2,846 feet; the
knot of Cuzco, where several mountain-chains converge,
and with their grand barriers enclose a delightful area
of tropical valleys and luxuriant forests ; and the knot
of Pasco, the average altitude of which is 8,000 feet.

16 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
These and other table-lands yield luxuriant crops of
every European grain, and are frequently dotted with
populous towns and thriving villages. Nor is this a
modern condition of things ; for centuries prior to the
Spanish conquest these table-lands were inhabited by a
mysterious aboriginal race, bearing the same relation to
the Incas and the present inhabitants as the Etruscans
bear to the ancient Etruscans and the Italians of our own
days. The third region, the Montana, occupying two-thirds
of the entire surface of the country, extends for some
hundreds of miles to the dubious and undefined boun
daries of Brazil. The Amazon forms its northern boun
dary ; Bolivia, its southern. Alluvial plains here alternate
with immense tracts of virgin forest, where animal and
vegetable life, unshackled by man, literally runs riot. The
virgin soil, never harassed by plough or harrow, is of
an amazing fertility. In the neighbourhood of the chief
streams are occasional farms, but, as a whole, this bound
lessly fertile region awaits the coming of the agriculturist.
The forests consist of huge trees, some remarkable for
the beauty of their foliage, others for the excellence of
their timber ; some for their fruit and flowers, others for
their odoriferous gums and resins. Luxurious parasites
and creepers climb up their trunks and festoon their
branches, and, springing from one to another, weave
everywhere an almost impenetrable network, through
which may be seen the flash of brightly coloured wings.
The trees attain an enormous stature, frequently to 120
and 150 feet, and their girth is proportionate. Immense

IN THE FOREST. 1 7
ferns and brilliant orchids thrive among the rank under
growth at their feet. In the deeper sylvan recesses the heat
is necessarily suffocating, for no refreshing breezes ever
make their way through the dense overhanging canopy
of greenness; while, after the periodical rains, the
moisture is so excessive that it rises like a thick mist
among the huge stems of the trees, and floats suspended
like a mountain-cloud. .
A silence like that of the grave prevails in the leafy
wilderness during the day, but at sunset all the voices of
nature seem released from a magic charm, and bird and
beast simultaneously unite in what we may assume to be
a farewell chorus to the departing luminary. The night
is not less solemn in its hush than the day, but at the
first burst of dawn animal life is again stirred by one
common impulse. Occasionally, indeed, some nocturnal
prowler awakens a transient alarm, which spreads from
bough to bough and tree to tree, until all the forest echoes
with the clamour. More dreadful is the hurly-burly when
the storm-wind rushes on its furious path : then, in its
furious violence, ,the green tops of the trees are swayed
to and fro like reeds ; the darkness of midnight descends
upon the scene ; the streams, swollen by the rains, roar
through the resounding glades ; the vivid shafts of light
ning reveal the nests of terror-stricken animals, scattering
in headlong flight through the forest depths, and by each
successive thunder peal moved with renewed panic.
Such is a brief outline of the physical geography of
Peru. West of the Andes it has no important rivers ; to
the east, its great streams, the Maranon, the Yucayali, the

1 8 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
Purus, and the Huallaga, belong to the vast water-system
of the Amazons. Its vegetable products are so various
as to defy enumeration; its mineral resources have greatly
fallen off, but still include silver, lead, copper, and some
gold. The silver mines of Potosi once enjoyed a world
wide reputation : they are comprised within the boun
daries of Bolivia. Guano, and nitrate of soda and borax,
are now among the principal articles of Peruvian export.
The origin of the name of Peru is unknown ; nor are
we well acquainted with its earlier annals. Roughly
speaking, its history divides into three distinct eras — ¦
the pre-Incarial, the period of the Incas, and the modern
or Spanish period. Of the pre-Incarial, the chief records
are the mighty ruins of Tia-Huanacu, on the shore of
Lake Titicaca; consisting of colossal idols, of huge pillars,
like those at Stonehenge, of masses of hewn stone, and
sculptured monolithic gateways. Some remains may also
be seen at Paclacamac, near Laina, where, at the epoch of
the Peruvian invasion, a gorgeous temple existed without
any image or visible symbol of a god. It was raised in
honour of a mysterious deity, Pachacamar, or the Earth-
beater ; and no other deity seems to have been wor
shipped by the pre-Incarial race.
The beginning of the second period is shrouded in
mystery. But all conquering races have loved to claim
for themselves a divine original, and the Incarial Peruvians
in their traditions go back to one Manco Capac, who,
with his wife, Manca Ocollo, first presented themselves
on the shores of Lake Titicaca, declaring that they were
children of Cuti, or the Sun, and commissioned by that

RISE OF THE PERUVIAN EMPIRE. 19
glorious power to teach the ways of light and sweetness
to the native population. Manco carried in his hand a
wedge, or wand, of gold ; and announced that wherever
this wedge, or wand, on being struck upon the ground,
should sink into the earth, and disappear, the Sun had
commanded him to build his capital city. The pre
destined spot proved to be the plain of Cuzco, and there
Manco Capac, the first Inca, founded the city of Cuzco.
He proceeded to instruct his followers in the rudiments
of industry and in the arts of social life. He established
a simple and humane legislation, and ordained that no
man should have more than one wife. The religion
which he inculcated centred in a worship of the Sun as
the vivifier of the heavens and the dispenser of all the
benefits of nature ; and he founded a religious commu
nity of virgins who ministered in the national temples.
Meanwhile, Manca Ocollo taught the women to sew and
spin and weave, and to lead pure and virtuous lives :
and the infant state flourished in such tranquil pros
perity under the wise rule of these remarkable indi
viduals, that it gradually drew towards it large numbers
of the aborigines. Before the death of Manco, thirteen
towns had risen to the east, and thirty to the west of
Cuzco. After a reign of thirty or forty years, Manco, finding
that the end was at hand, assembled his principal sub
jects, introduced his son and successor, and exhorted
them to preserve with reverent care the laws and institu
tions to which they owed their happiness. He specially
urged upon them the duty of zealously maintaining their

20 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
religious creed, and reminded his son that he was not
only the ruler but the high priest of his people. Sinchi
Roca, who ascended the throne about 1062, was of a
martial disposition, and added to his inheritance by
conquest. Succeeding Incas witnessed the rapid exten
sion of the Peruvian kingdom by the attractive influence
of its prosperity. About 1453, the eleventh of the
dynasty, Tupac Inca Yupanqui, led his army southward,
crossed the great desert of Atacanca, and pushed his
southern frontier as far as the river Maule (in lat. 360 S.)
On his return he boldly crossed the Chilian Andes, and
by a difficult and dangerous route marched back to
Cuzco in triumph. Meanwhile, his son, Huayna Capac,
had led an army northward, crossed the Amazon, and
subdued the kingdom of Quito. He ascended the throne
in 1475, and under him the empire of the Incas reached
its meridian splendour, stretching from the tropic forests
of the Amazon to the temperate plains of Chili, and
from the sources of the Paraguay to the shores of the
Pacific. The centre and capital of this great territory
was Cuzco {i.e. "the navel"), whence, to the borders of
the kingdom, branched off four great highways, north
and south, and east and west, each traversing one of the
four provinces, or viceroyalties, into which Peru was
divided. The main road ran from Quito, through Cuzco,
into the recesses of Chili ; crossing rivers and chasms
upon bridges of plaited osiers, winding up steep pre
cipitous ascents, and piercing in tunnels the solid rock.
It was nearly two thousand miles in length ; its average
breadth was twenty feet ; and it was paved with flags of

THE PERUVIAN RELIGION. 21
freestone. At intervals of five miles it was studded with
posts, or small buildings, to each of which was attached
a small staff of runners, for the swift conveyance of
official despatches.
The government of the Incas was a paternal despotism,
a mild and prudent theocracy. The Inca, as representa
tive of the race, was the head of the priesthood, and
presided over all religious festivals. He was the legis
lator, the administrator, the source of all power and
honour. He levied taxes, and commanded the army.
His insignia of royalty was a peculiar head-dress, with a
tasselled fringe, and two feathers placed in it erect. The
religion which he taught was remarkable, in contradis
tinction to that of Mexico, for its humane and gentle
character. The altar of the Sun was stained by no
human sacrifices ; the offerings heaped upon it were
plants and cereals, fruits and milk, and, on special occa
sions, a lamb, or sheep, or goat. Such a religion neces
sarily had its effect on the character of the people, who,
though under some of their Incas they accomplished
considerable conquests, were, on the whole, of a pacific
disposition. Their single cruel custom was one which
probably arose in the intimate connection existing between
the Inca and his people. When an Inca died, a large
number of persons suffered death — voluntarily, it would
seem, — in order that he might not enter the other world
without a retinue suitable to his rank.
Social distinctions in Peru partook of the primitive
simplicity of the government. The land was divided
into three portions, one of which was consecrated to the

22 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
Sun, a second to the Inca, while the third belonged to
the People. The first share sufficed for the erection of
temples, the maintenance of the priesthood, and the
support of public worship. The second defrayed the
cost of the royal household and the expenditure upon
government purposes. The third was annually allotted
among the people in proportion to the rank and numbers
of each family. All three divisions were cultivated by
the people, who were summoned to their daily task by
an officer appointed for the purpose. Their work was
lightened by the sound of musical instruments, and the
singing of the national songs and ballads. The manu
factures of the country and the mines were wrought on
the same principle, each person giving a certain portion
of time, during which he was supported at the govern
ment expense, to the needs of the Sun and the Inca.
This system seems to have been attended with some
beneficial results : the idea of mutual help and com
munity of interest naturally stimulated a feeling of kin
dred, and strengthened the bonds of humanity. The
Peruvians formed one great family, actuated by the same
sympathies, and labouring for the same object. On the
other hand, it tended to depress them all to the same
level, to impede the progress of civilization, to prevent the
development of intellectual vigour, and to crush indi
vidual effort and ambition.
Agriculture was the chief concern and occupation of
the Peruvians, but they gave a portion of their energies
to the cultivation of the arts necessary for the sup
port and comfort of life. A word or two may be said

AN INDUSTRIOUS PEOPLE. 23
as to their mode of building. This varied, necessarily,
with the various climatic conditions of the country :
beneath a tropical sky, only the lightest tenements were
required, but in the colder districts solidity and strength
of construction were carefully observed. Their houses,
made of sun-burned bricks, were square, about eight feet
high, and windowless. The palaces of the Incas and the
mansions of the nobles were on a somewhat larger scale,
and in the interior were lavishly decorated with plates
and bosses of silver and gold, and with figures of plants
and animals in the same metals. The Temple of the
Sun, at Cuzco, called Coricancha, or " Place of Gold,"
excelled in magnificence any other building in the empire.
On the western wall, facing the eastern portal, was a
gorgeous representation of the orb of day, consisting of
a colossal human face in gold, with golden rays ema
nating from it in every direction ; while all around the
building blazed with golden plates and bands, and golden
cornices and images, which, when the sunshine fell upon
them, shone with an almost intolerable intensity of
splendour. The ingenuity of the Peruvians was also shown in
other departments of human labour. They not only
wrought in gold and silver, but they manufactured and
polished mirrors of shining stones. They had earthen
utensils of various forms and sizes, and also different
kinds of instruments. In ornamental articles they dis
played considerable dexterity and taste ; and considering
their want ot proper tools, and the fact that they knew
nothing of the use of iron, their perseverance and patience

24 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
must have been exemplary. Yet in these respects, as in
their character and government, they were far inferior to
the Mexicans ; their civilization was of a primitive and
unprogressive type. As they were under their first Inca,
so were they under their twelfth : and, had the empire
survived, so would they have been under their twenty-
fourth. They might multiply and extend, but their social
system forbade that they should rise. In such a system
reform was impossible ; immobility was the very con
dition of its existence ; the first external or internal shock
must necessarily involve it in utter ruin. It has been
well said that if the gentleness of the natives, and their
implicit obedience to the laws of the Incas, had been
the means of advancing them some few steps forward in
civilization, these very circumstances militated in other
respects against their further advancement in social life.
In Peru, as elsewhere, a "paternal despotism" meant
" popular enervation." The moral energies were sapped
and undermined by that kind of lifeless domesticity which
found neither stimulus for emulation nor necessity for
exertion. Satisfied with the mode of living they had
inherited, and a mode of living supposed to be approved
by their deity, they never dreamed of, never yearned
after, a higher order of things. Moreover, they were
bred in so absolute a conviction of the surpassing supe
riority of the Incas, that they were averse to all kinds of
speculation. To criticise was irreverent; to doubt, pro
fane. The superiority of the prince's judgment being
acknowledged by all his subjects, they never felt inclined
to investigate his infallibility. The reasoning faculties

THE EUROPEAN INVASION. 25
were thus suffered to rust unused ; while the comparative
social comfort and actual tranquillity which the Peruvians
enjoyed satisfied them so completely, that they never
desired anything better. How could they pine for what
had never been presented to them ? We repeat, then, that
though in amenity and the softer aspects of life superior
to the Mexicans, they were in all essential respects, and
hi all the higher motives and purposes of national exist
ence, inferior.
Such was Peru and the Peruvians when they first
became known to Europeans. The first white man
landed on the Pacific coast in 15 16, or two years before
the death of Huayna Capac ; but the storm of conquest
did not break upon Peru until sixteen years later. The
reigning Inca was then Huascar, son of Huayna Capac
who was engaged in hostilities with his brother Atahualpa,
to whom had been bequeathed the kingdom of Quito.
This intestine conflict greatly facilitated, as we shall see,
the conquest of Peru by the Spaniards.

CHAPTER II.
EARLY CAREER OF FRANCISCO PIZARRO. -
THE CONQUEST OF PERU.

-UNDERTAKES

B^feot

"0 WARDS the close of the fifteenth century was
born at Trujillo, a considerable town in Spain,

Francisco Pizarro. His father, Gonzalo Pizarro,
was a cavalier of high birth and good estate,
who had won distinction in the wars. His
mother was a peasant woman, with no attraction but her
personal beauty, who, it is said, gave birth to her son on
the bare stone steps of a church, and then took him to
her squalid hovel to share her poverty and shame. As
an illegitimate child, Pizarro, though he bore his father's
name, was never recognized by him, never admitted to
his presence, never allowed any portion of his wealth.
He was denied even the merest rudiments of education,
so that he could neither read nor write ; and when he
emerged from childhood was placed in the low occupation
of a swineherd. There was in him, however, a natural
force of character, an inherent energy of intellect, which
would not be denied ; and, indeed, a meaner spirit

PIZARRO AND THE SEAMAN. 27
might have rebelled against the harsh conditions of his
lot, against the scanty rations of coarse food, the bed of
straw on a paved floor, the menaces and blows which
were his daily portion. The blood of the Pizarros had
in it a hot, impetuous, masterful strain; and this his
father had conferred upon him, though he had denied
him his love and protection. When he was about fifteen
years old, and chafing more and more bitterly against
the yoke he bore, Trujillo was visited by an old wave-
worn, storm-beaten sailor, who had sailed with Columbus
on his ever-famous expedition of discovery. He was as
well pleased to talk as Pizarro was to listen, and into the
boy's ears poured a stirring tale of the adventures he
had undergone and the sights he had seen. He told him
how for many days and nights the great Genoese seaman
had led them across a shoreless sea, with nothing visible
but the heavens above and the waters all around ; how
the hearts of himself and his comrades had sunk within
them as they receded farther and farther from their native
land and plunged into a vast and apparently illimitable
waste ; how at last they were cheered by the welcome
signs of strange birds perching in the rigging, and strange
plants and fragments of wood floating on the waves ; how,
one night, the keen eye of their leader detected the flash
of a light, like that of a torch or lantern, moving in the
dark obscurity before them ; how, next morning, the sailor
at the mast-top made the air ring with the joyous shout
of "Land ahead!" and how that land had proved to be a
bounteous shore, teeming with Nature's choicest products,
and rich, it was believed, in gold and silver and precious

28 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
stones, of which any man might have his share who carried
thither a brave heart and a ready sword.
So romantic a story did not fail to appeal to that love
of adventure which had hitherto lain dormant in the
young swineherd's nature. His eyes glowed and his
blood ran wildly while he mused upon what he had
heard, and contrasted the fair fortunes of the men who
crossed the seas to those new and wondrous regions with
his own dull and uneventful lot. He resolved on the
earliest opportunity to abandon Trujillo and its ignominy,
and, if he could not join some expedition bound for
" far Cathay," to enter the Spanish army, and woo
destiny as a soldier. He communicated his intention to
two of his young companions, swineherds like himself;
and the three contrived one night to elude the vigi
lance of their master, and, stealing out of Trujillo, fared
forth on foot for Seville. The way was long and painful ;
though to Pizarro, who had a vivid imagination, there
was doubtless an infinite source of pleasure in the various
scenery through which they passed ; the forest shades of
oak and chestnut, the glossy groves of olives, the breadths
of corn-field waving with a coming harvest, the bright
brook sparkling through the verdant pastures, the vine-
yaids blooming with the purple of their ripening clusters.
They traversed the Guadalupe Mountains, obtaining a
night's shelter and a frugal breakfast in the hut of a
kindly shepherd, who, after hearing Pizarro's eager antici
pations of future fame, naively said, as he bade him fare
well, " God prosper you ! and when you become a great
captain, remember the night you spent under the shep-

UNDER THE GREAT CAPTAIN. 31
herd's roof." In due time they crossed the wide and noble
Guadiana, and entered the ancient town of Merida, which
sleeps in the shadow of its stately castle, unmindful of the
gay processions of cavaliers that once thronged its streets;
unmindful of the Roman legionaries once garrisoned
there by the Emperor Trajan. The ascent of the Sierra
Morena was next accomplished; then they gradually
descended into fertile and vine-clad valleys, and through
a landscape of picturesque beauty pressed on to
Seville. A tall, robust lad of fifteen, with a well-knit frame, a
quick eye, and an air of activity and daring, Francisco
Pizarro quickly obtained admission to the ranks of the
Spanish army. After a brief period of training, he was
despatched with his battalion to join the forces then in
Italy under Gonsalvo de Cordova, the " Great Captain,"
who was fighting to restore King Ferdinand to the throne
of Naples. Pizarro was present at several engagements
with the French, and attracted the favourable notice cf
his superiors by his splendid courage, his promptitude of
action, and his faculty of endurance. After the capture
of Naples, and the expulsion of the French, the Spanish
army returned home, and Pizarro was rewarded by pro
motion to the rank of lieutenant We cannot doubt
that the military experience he gained in Italy proved of
vast service to him in the great enterprise to which he de
voted his later life ; and there, too, he acquired that know
ledge of men and manners essential to one who purposes
to become a leader of men. He remained in the army f r
several years ; but when the prospect of active service

32 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
faded away, he began to find the monotony of barrack-
life intolerable. He was before all things a man of
action ; to his quick, aspiring spirit rest was torture ; and
we may naturally conclude that his lack of education,
and consequent inability to engage his eager, strenuous
intellect in study, made the uniform dulness of parade
and drill all the harder to bear. The tales which circu
lated throughout Spain of the treasures of the New
World lying open to every comer, revived the impression
made on his boyish mind by the story of the old follower
of Columbus. The thirst for wealth and power which
had infected half the youth of Spain, he felt as keenly as
any ; and happy was he when at last he obtained a place
in an expedition bound for Hispaniola, then the gate of
the Western Indies. He found himself there among
men with a love of adventure as fervent as his own, and
a courage scarcely less indomitable. Yet it was not long
before the masterfulness, so to speak, of Pizarro's cha
racter asserted itself, and he came to be regarded as one
who would faithfully follow and gallantly lead. He stood
out among his companions as gifted with greater foresight,
a sterner purpose, and a stronger will. About 1509 there
arrived in St. Domingo two Spanish cavaliers, to each of
whom had been given as his government a portion of the
mainland of the Isthmus of Darien. These were Alonzo de
Ojeda and Diego da Nicuesa. To prevent collision between
their interests and partisans, they agreed that the river
Darien should be the boundary line between their respec
tive provinces ; between Uraba, which was Ojeda's, and
extended eastward to Cape de la Vela ; and Veragua,

OJEDA S MISADVENTURE. 33
which was Nicuesa's, and extended westward to Cape
Gracias a Dios. This agreement concluded, Ojeda pre
pared to take possession of his province, collected a little
army, and invited Pizarro to accompany him as second
in command. He gladly assented, and on the 10th of
November, 1509, Ojeda and his lieutenant sailed from the
fort of St. Domingo with two ships, two brigantines, three
hundred men, and twelve horses.
In four or five days Ojeda reached the place which the
Spaniards had named Carthagena, and setting aside the
warning of Juan de la Cosa, one of his officers, who had
visited the coast before, and knew that the Indians
were not friendly, resolved to disembark Taking Juan
. de la Cosa with him, because of his knowledge of the
country, he attacked the Indian town or village of Calu-
nar, and made seventy prisoners. Flushed with success,
he marched against the large-town of Turbaco, and finding
it deserted, went in swift pursuit of its fugitive inhabitants.
But not keeping his men together, they were exposed
to a sudden assault from the Indians, who drove them
back to the shore, and with volleys of poisoned arrows
slaughtered the whole detachment except Ojeda and
another. Ojeda took refuge in the woods, where, next
day, a party of his men found him, speechless with
hunger, but with his red sword still in his hand, and the
dents, it is said, of three hundred arrows in his shield.
Soon afterwards, Nicuesa's fleet hove in sight, and the
two governors joining company, they landed a force of
four hundred men to punish the Indians for defending
their native country. Turbaco was burnt to the ground,

34 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
and its unfortunate inhabitants— men, women, and chil
dren — killed.
Nicuesa then sailed for his own province, and Ojeda
made for the Gulf of Urabi, where he landed on the
eastern side, and on a commanding eminence founded a
town, to which he gave the name of St. Sebastian. He
then sent his Indian prisoners, and the plunder of Calu-
nar and Turbaco, to St. Domingo, in order to obtain
more men and supplies. But, with the usual improvi
dence of these Spanish adventurers, he had taken no
thought about feeding his men, and in a few days, having
exhausted their scanty stores, and being unable to obtain
any from the hostile Indians, he and his company suffered
all the anguish of famine. Happily there arrived off the
coast a vessel which its commander, Bernardino de
Talavera, had stolen from the Genoese, and the bread and
meat and wine which he had collected Ojeda eagerly
bought. Ojeda seems to have been deficient in most of
the qualifications of a successful leader ; but at all events
he was a cavalier of courage, and in repelling the attacks of
the Indians he was always one of the foremost. Noting
his temerity, they beguiled him into an ambuscade, and
poured in upon him their poisoned arrows, one of which
wounded him in the thigh. Such wounds were generally
considered mortal ; but Ojeda determined on acting as his
own surgeon, and invented a remedy which would have
tested the fortitude of a Stoic. Two plates of iron, heated
to a white heat, he bound on to his thigh, and yet he
refrained from even a groan ! His leg and thigh were
shrunken by the torture, and the heat so inflamed his

A TIME OF TRIAL. 35
body that it was found necessary to expend a pipe of
vinegar in moistening the bandages which were afterwards
applied. The supplies brought by Talavera were now exhausted,
and famine again laid its grasp upon the warriors at
St. Sebastian. It was evident to Ojeda that all would
perish, unless he returned to Hispaniola for recruits
and provisions. He appointed Pizarro governor in his
absence, and informed him and his people that if he did
not return within fifty days they would be free to aban
don the settlement, embark on board the two brigan-
tines, and go where they would. He then set sail, but
saw the American coast no more. At St. Domingo he
could obtain no assistance, and some time afterwards
died neglected and in extreme want. For fifty dreary
days Pizarro waited, watching night and morning for the
expected sails, living upon palm nuts and the flesh of
wild hogs, and losing many of his men through disease and
the poisoned shafts of the Indians. As the two brigantines
would not hold all his company, he was forced to
wait until death had reduced them to the required
number. Then, having killed and salted the surviving
horses for food, he embarked in one of the vessels,
placing a man named Vahuzuela in charge of the other.
They were scarce twenty leagues from the shore when
Vahuzuela's crazy craft — struck, it was supposed, by some
large fish — sunk suddenly. Pizarro, reserved for a great
destiny, sailed on to Carthagena, where he fell in with the
Bachiller Enciso, Ojeda's alcalde mayor, who, in igno
rance of his master's fate, was wandering in search of

36 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
him with one hundred and fifty men, several horses,
arms, powder, and provisions. He could hardly be per
suaded that Pizarro and his followers had not deserted
Ojeda, and at first was disposed to put them in prison ;
but their wan faces and meagre bodies were powerful
witnesses to the truth of their story. Pizarro would have
dissuaded him from going to St. Sebastian, but the
Bachiller Enciso was resolute to fulfil what he conceived
to be his duty, and they all set sail. Just as he neared
St. Sebastian, his vessel struck on a rock and was dashed
to pieces : those on board saved themselves, but lost
their cattle and provisions. On getting ashore, they
found the fortress entirely destroyed, and were soon
reduced to extremities as miserable as those which
Pizarro and his party had previously suffered. In this
conjuncture, a certain adventurer and brilliant swords
man, named Vasco Nunez de Balboa, informed the
sufferers that once before he had visited this Gulf of
Uiabi, but that he had landed on the western shore,
where a great river flowed through a fertile country;
and he added that as the Indians there did not make
use of poisoned arrows, he advised that they should all
make their way thither without delay.
His advice was so far adopted that the Bachiller Enciso,
with Vasco Nunez and a hundred men, set out for the said
river, which is now known as the Darien. They reached
it in safety, but found the Indians hostilely inclined,
and fought with them a great battle, in which all the loss
was on the side of the hapless Indians, whose innoxious
arrows availed little against the arms and armour of the

NICUESA REJECTED. 37
Spaniards. In an Indian town close by they obtained a
large supply of provisions, and much booty in gold. So
Enciso sent for the rest of his company from St. Sebastian,
and founded on the bank of the broad bright river the
town of Santa Maria da la Antigua del Darien. He
lacked the vigour, however, necessary for one who would
be a ruler of men. His community split into three
factions ; one remaining loyal to himself, another de
claring for Balboa, and the third for Nicuesa. Eventually
the three came to an agreement to invite the last-named
to become governor, and sent deputies to him for that
purpose. Nicuesa was a man of hasty temper and scanty
prudence, and while accepting the invitation, he declared
that as the town of Darien lay within the boundaries of
his own province (which was true), he should confiscate
whatever gold Ojeda's men had acquired there. The
deputies hastened to make known this saying, and much
also concerning Nicuesa which they had gathered from
his followers, to the Darienites. They quickly repented
of the choice they had made, and, instigated by Balboa,
prepared to receive him as no invited governor was ever
received before. On his arrival, he found the shore
lined with armed men, who, when he attempted to land,
bade him in no courteous terms return to his own settle
ment. He persevered, and next day was actually allowed
to disembark; but they speedily seized upon him, and
turned him adrift, with seventeen faithful comrades, in
the craziest bark they could find. It was on the 1st of
March, 15 n, that he put out to sea, and he was never
again heard of.

38 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
The virtual ruler of Darien was now Vasco Nunez de
Balboa, and to make his authority secure, he insisted that
Enciso should leave the settlement, either for Hispaniola
or Castile, as he liked best. Thereafter he ruled with a
firm hand, but not tyrannically. Hearing from some
Indians that gold was to be found at Cueva, about thirty
leagues distant, he sent Pizarro with six men to explore
the district. Half-way the natives, under one Cunaco,
fell upon the little band. Had they used poisoned
arrows, none could have escaped; but their shafts did
not slay, though they inflicted severe wounds; and Pizarro
fought with such splendid courage that he put them to
flight, and killed many, before he returned to Darien.
Balboa then set out with a hundred men to carry fire
and sword through the Indian province ; but all its
inhabitants had fled, and he could find not a single
victim. He next turned his arms against Careta, the
Cacique of Cueva, whose town he captured and plun
dered, while the chief and his family he carried prisoners
to Darien. Wisely treating him with lenity, Balboa
gained in him a valuable ally, and entered into an
agreement by which he undertook to grow supplies for
the Spaniards on condition that they assisted him in his
war against a chief named Poncha.
This pact was duly carried out, and afterwards Balboa
extended his friendly relations to another Indian Cacique,
named Comogre, the ruler of a territory called Comogra,
on the sea-coast. Balboa paid him a visit, was hospitably
entertained, and presented with seventy slaves and 4,000
peros of gold. Some dispute arising in reference to

BALBOA'S EXPEDITION. 39
its division. Comogre's son exclaimed, " How is it
Christians, that you quarrel for so small a thing as this ?
If you have so keen a lust for gold that in order to
obtain it you trouble and disquiet the peaceful nations
of these lands, and, enduring all kinds of pain and
labour, banish yourselves from your own homes, I will
show you a country where you may satisfy your thirst.
But for this purpose it is necessary that you should be
more in number than you are now, for you would have
to fight your way against powerful princes, foremost
among whom is the King Jubanania, whose country,
abounding in gold, is distant from our country six suns.''
He added that this country lay towards a great sea, and
southwards ; and this was the earliest information which
the Spaniards obtained of Peru and the Pacific.
It was not Balboa's fortune, however, to reach the
golden land of the Incas, though he lived to see the
vast ocean which washed its rocky coast. Some months
elapsed — months spent in adventure and exploration of
which I have no space to sum up the record ; after
which, receiving from Hispaniola a reinforcement of a
hundred and fifty men, and his appointment as Captain-
General, he undertook the daring enterprise of searching
for the Southern Sea. His little army consisted of a
hundred and ninety well-armed men ; he took a number
of slaves to act as porters, and several bloodhounds.
Francisco Pizarro accompanied him as second in com
mand. They left Darien early in September, 15 13 ; went
by sea to Careta's territory ; crossed into that of Poncha,
whom he conciliated by presents of trinkets, looking-

40 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
glasses, and hatchets; and then began the ascent of the
mountain range that, traversing the isthmus, links together
the Rocky Mountains of the northern division of the con
tinent with the Andes of the southern division. Entering
the country of a chief named Quanqua, they found the
Indians arrayed in battle to oppose them ; but the fire
arms of the Spaniards put them to a bloody rout. So
great was the slaughter that the field reminded those who
saw it of the shambles.
At Quanqua's town, or village, Balboa left his invalided
men, and taking with him some Indians as guides, he
continued his laborious ascent of the rugged sierras.
On the 25th of September, T513, he was near the summit
of a peak from which, so the Indians told him, the great
southern ocean was visible. Halting his soldiers, Balboa
went forth alone to ascend the topmost height ; and, first
of the men of the old world, looked out upon the vast
Pacific, which, in the course of years, was to be furrowed
by the great commercial highways of nations. Having
gazed his fill upon the shining waters, he called to his
men to come up ; and Pizarro was the second to stand
upon the airy summit. Balboa then addressed his
soldiers: "You see here, cavaliers and children mine,
how our desires are being fulfilled, and that the end
of our labours approaches. That, indeed, we ought
to accept as certain; for as all that King Comogre's
son told us of this sea has proved to be true, so
I feel assured will all that he has told us of incom
parable treasures in it. God and His blessed Mother,
through whose help we have come hither to behold

VIEW OF THE PACIFIC. 4 1
this sea, will favour us that we may enjoy all that it
contains."* Sir Arthur Helps, in reference to this remarkable
incident, which forms one of the landmarks in the
world's history, observes that " every great and original
action has a perspective greatness, not alone from the
thoughts of the man who achieves it, but from the
various aspects and high thoughts which the same action
* This notable episode in the annals of discovery touched the
imagination of Keats, and in one of his sonnets he has a fine reference
to it, though he unfortunately confuses Cortes, the conqueror of
Mexico, with Nunez de Balbao : —
" Like stout Cortez when with eagle eyes
He stared at the Pacific, and all his men
Looked at each other with a wild surmise,
Silent, upon a peak in Darien."
It has also suggested a fine stirring ballad by Mr. Buchanan Read : —
" From San Domingo's crowded whart
Fernandez' vessel bore,
To seek in unknown lands afar
The Indian's golden ore ;
And hid among the freighted casks,
Where none might see or know,
Was one of Spain's immortal men,
Three hundred years ago !
"Bat when the fading town and land
Had dropped below the sea,
He met the captain face to face,
And not a fear had he !
1 What villain thou ? ' Fernandez cried,
' And wherefore serve us so ? '
' To be thy follower,' he replied,
Three hundred years ago.

42 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
will continue to present and call up in the minds of
others to the end, it may be, of all time. And so," he
adds, " a remarkable event may go on acquiring more and
more significance. In this case, our knowledge that the
Pacific, which Vasco Nunez then beheld, occupies more
than one-half of the earth's surface, is an element of
thought which in our minds lightens up and gives an
awe to this first gaze of his upon those mighty waters.
To him the scene might not at that moment have suggested
much more than it would have done to a mere con-
" He wore a manly form and face,
A courage firm and bold ;
His words fell on his comrades' hearts
Like precious drops of gold.
They saw not his ambitious soul ;
He spoke it not — for, lo !
He stood among the common ranks
Three hundred years ago.
" But when Fernandez' vessel lay
At golden Darien,
A murmur, born of discontent.
Grew loud among the men :
And with the word there came the act ;
And with the sudden blow
They raised Balboa from the ranks,
Three hundred years ago.
" And while he took command beneath
The banner of his lord,
A mighty purpose grasped his soul,
As he had grasped the sword.
He saw the mountain's fair blue height
Whence golden waters flow ;
Then with his men he scaled the crags,
Three hundred years ago.

BALBOAS CAPTIVE. 43
queror ; indeed, Peter Martyr likens Vasco Nunez to
Hannibal showing Italy to his soldiers." It seems to
us that the writer misconceives the effect which the
view of the Pacific, as it lay before him in the noontide
glow like a huge shield of burnished silver, must have
had on the imagination of Balboa. He did not know
its vast dimensions ; but he knew at least that it was a
mighty sea, and the very vagueness of his knowledge
would invest it with the greater sublimity. A strange
romance attached to the world's oceans in those credulous
" He led them up through tangled brakes,
The rivulet's shining bed,
And through the storm of poisoned darts
From many an ambush shed.
He gained the turret crag — alone,
And wept ! to see below
An ocean boundless and unknown,
Three hundred years ago.
" And while he raised upon that height
The banner of his lord,
The mighty purpose grasped him still,
As still he grasped the sword.
Then down he rushed with all his men,
As headlong rivers flow,
And plunged breast-deep into the sea,
Three hundred years ago.
" And while he held above his head
The conquering flag of Spain,
He waved his gleaming sword, and smote
The waters of the main.
For Rome ! for Leon ! and Castile 1
Thrice gave the cleaving blow ;
And thrice Balboa claimed the sea,
Three hundred years ago."

44 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
days; and Balboa would look upon the Pacific with
wild dreams of marine monsters, of enchanted islands,
of mysterious music, passing through his brain. With
these would mingle even wilder dreams of golden shores
which lay ready to yield up their opulence to the adven
turer's sword ; while, like a true Spaniard, he would not
fail to think of ignorant peoples to be included in the
Spanish empire, and converted to the religion of the
Cross. After his brief oration to his men, Balboa hastened to
take formal possession, on behalf of his sovereign, of the
Pacific and all that was in it, and with cairns of stones
and crosses made of the trunks and branches of trees he
raised memorials of the event. He then pushed forward
into the territory of an Indian chief called Chiapes,
who at first attempted resistance, but was quickly
defeated, and afterwards, according to Balboa's states
manlike fashion, conciliated, and made a friend of.
Balboa, like Columbus, was careful, so far as circum
stances allowed, to treat the Indians humanely, and to
gain their confidence ; there is less blood upon his fame
than upon that of any of the Spanish conquerors, and
he was second only to Cortes in political sagacity. Thus
he loaded the Indian guides whom he had brought
from Quanqua's country with presents, and sent them
back in safety — a mode of procedure which secured
the confidence of those whom he hired from Chiapes.
Before he resumed his march, he despatched Pizarro,
Alonzo Martin, and some others, to find the nearest way
to the sea-shore. This was soon done ; and Alonzo on

TAKING POSSESSION OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 45
the beach discovered a couple of canoes far above what
seemed the limit of the waters. But the tide gradually
crept up to the canoes, and Alonzo, entering one of
them, called to his companions to bear witness that he
was the first to enter upon the Southern Sea. They
returned with their information to Balboa, who imme
diately marched down to the shore, at the head of eighty
of his men. With his sword at his side, and his shield
on his arm, he strode into the waters up to his thighs ;
and summoned his followers to testify that he touched
with his body, and took possession of, this sea for the
kings of Castile, and would defend their right to it
against all comers. That the natives who dwelt upon
its shores should have any claim to it seems never to
have occurred as possible to the haughty Spaniard !
With Chiapes our bold and wise adventurer had
cemented so strict a friendship that when, with a restless
energy * inferior only to that of Cortes, he resolved to
explore the gulf now known by the name of San Miguel,
Chiapes, though warning him that at that period of the
year the navigation was hazardous, accompanied him.
Balboa asserted, with ready faith, that God would cer
tainly assist them in the enterprise, inasmuch as great
service to Him and large increase of the true faith would
result from it, by means of the great treasures which, he
said, had to be discovered to enable the kings of Castile
to wage war against the infidels. The warning of Chiapes
proved correct; Balboa was caught in terrible storms,
* Las Casas says of him, that " he could not be quiet even while
his bread was being baked." D

46 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
which threatened the destruction of the expedition ; but
he reached the territory of a chief called Tumaco, and
was kindly entertained. The chief presented him with
two hundred and forty large pearls, and ordered his
people to fish for more. This pearl fishery the Spaniards
prosecuted with much zest ; after which Balboa set out
on his return for Darien, passing through the territories
of the caciques whom his policy had rendered friendly
and obedient.
He arrived at Darien on the 29th of January, 15 14,
having been absent for four months, less two days. There
he continued to rule with mingled firmness and mildness,
Pizarro still acting as second in command, for several
months. But towards the end of the summer a great
expedition arrived from Spain, under the leadership of
Pedrarias de Avila, to whom the Court of Spain, ignoring
the services of Balboa, had entrusted the government of
Darien. He landed with eighteen hundred men, splen
didly equipped ; and, as Balboa had scarce one-third
that number, he refrained from offering any opposition.
Pedrarias was not a wise man, and as a governor he did
nothing that he ought to have done, while what he did
he had better have left undone. But our business here
is not with his doings or misdoings. At first there was
little peace between him and Balboa, but the newly-
appointed Bishop of Darien interfered to effect a recon
ciliation ; and after much discussion it was agreed that
Pedrarias should give his daughter in marriage to
Balboa, on her arrival from Spain, and that Balboa should
lead an expedition to the Pacific. He began his prepa-

AMONG THE PEARL FISHERS. 47
rations with indefatigable energy, but past differences
arose between him and the jealous Governor, whose
suspicions were aroused by some of Balboa's careless
utterances. He sent Pizarro to arrest him in the Isle of
Tortoises. He was charged with insubordination, dis
obedience, and treason, found guilty, and beheaded.
Such was the unfortunate end of a man second only to
Columbus and Cortes among the heroes of American
discovery and conquest.
The command of the Pacific expedition was given by
Pedrarias to a cousin of his, named Morales ; but as he
was wholly ignorant of the country and its inhabitants,
Pedrarias associated Pizarro with him. The two leaders
crossed the isthmus and reached its western shore in
safety. Leaving half their force on the mainland, they
set out in canoes for a group of islands famous among
the Indians for their pearl fishery. The natives offered a
vehement opposition as they disembarked on the largest,
and there was much hard fighting before the Spaniards
effected a lodgment Their search for pearls was rewarded
by a large number, conspicuous for their size and beauty ;
they also obtained much gold ; and, loaded with this
booty, the whole company returned triumphant to
Darien. Pedrarias, when he saw such irrefragable evi
dence of the affluence of the west coast, and was told of
the amenity of its climate and the beauty of its scenery,
hastened to remove thither his seat of government ;
and, accompanied by Pizarro, he crossed the isthmus,
and founded, at the head of a sheltered bay, the famous
town of Panama. There Pizarro, who had grown rich

48 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
in his various expeditions, built himself a house, and
bought lands, and maintained a retinue of servants ; for
he was a man who delighted in external show and bravery
— who loved to surround himself with the pomp and
circumstance of wealth. Btlt he bore in his memory
the words of the young Indian cacique, and his thoughts
constantly turned towards that fair southern land beside
the waters of the Pacific where boundless treasures
awaited the disposal of the fortunate adventurer. He
longed in his heart to play the first part in some great
expedition, and to acquire as world-wide a fame as his
kinsman Cortes, the conqueror of Mexico. He felt that
he possessed the capacity for command, and that fortune
could put before him no opportunity to which he would
prove unequal. In the prime of life, with a rich store of
experience as a soldier and an explorer, stalwart in body,
vigorous in mind, he scorned to think of any enter
prise as too difficult for his accomplishment.
While he was indulging his fancy in dreams of a
glowing future, the scene of which was always the golden
land of the south, there arrived at Panama a sea captain
named Andagoya, after a long but not a prosperous
voyage in a southward direction. He had to tell of a
long extent of coast, covered at intervals by fair green
islands ; of a southern range of mountains running
parallel to the sea-line, and with snow-crowned peaks,
shutting out, apparently, the countries that lay beyond ;
and of a land abounding in precious metals, of the wealth
of which he was informed by all the natives with whom
he had opened communications. This exciting narrative

THE THREE ADVENTURERS. 49
finally determined Pizarro to undertake the conquest of
the rich southern land; but as he was not wealthy
enough to fit out an expedition wholly at his own cost
he made known his designs to one of his associates, a
soldier of fortune like himself, Diego de Almagro. As
Almagro plays an eminent part in the strange drama
we are about to unfold, a word or two may be said in
description of his character. His birth was as obscure
as his comrade's ; he had been trained in the hard
experiences of military life, and in a long career of service
had amassed considerable wealth. Frank, generous, and
open-hearted, he was as courageous as Pizarro ; but as
a military leader he was inferior to him, and he did not
possess his mastery of the minds of men ; he had neither
his fertility of resource, his subtlety of policy, or his
knowledge of the world. The two associates secured the
co-operation of an opulent ecclesiastic, named Hernando
de Luque, the vicar of Panama ; a man whose feverish
ambition could not be concealed by his priestly robes,
and who now, in the hope of gratifying his ambition,
agreed to furnish the greater portion of the necessary
expenditure. It was agreed that the booty acquired
should be divided into three equal shares ; that Pizarro
shoTIH lTadTfhe first armament, that Almagro should follow
witrT supplies and reinforcements, and that De Luque
should remain at Panama to superintend the general in
terests of the expedition. The approval of Pedrarias, the
Governor, was next obtained ; and then the three asso
ciates met to consecrate, by the highest act of religious
worship, their contemplated invasion and subjugation of

SO THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
an unknown and unoffending people. After saying mass,
the priest divided the Holy Host into three portions, of
which he assumed one himself and administered the
others to his companions. It was supposed that the
Divine sanction and benediction were thus secured to
their daring enterprise, one of the objects of which was,
of course, the conversion of the conquered peoples to the
Christian Church ; for the humblest and most violent of
the Spanish freebooters always looked upon himself as
charged with the solemn mission of a propagator of the
faith. No doubt it was an ample satisfaction to his
conscience, that if he robbed the Indians of their gold,
he gave them in place of it a breviary and a rosary;
if in one hand he brandished the sword of extermination,
in the other he put forward the cross of redemption.
The mixed motives which govern human action are
always an interesting subject of philosophical analysis ;
but surely never was there a stranger combination than
in the minds of the Spanish conquerors of the New
World ; never was there a combination which would
better repay the critical investigator.
On the morning of the 14th of November, 1524, after
a solemn celebration of high mass in the cathedral,
Pizarro, with the Governor at his side, marched at
the head of his men to the sea-shore, followed by nearly
the whole population of Panama. Amid a storm of
shouts and acclamations, he took leave of Pedrarias,
embraced his friends Almagro and Luque, and, with a
small company of one hundred and twelve adventurers,
embarked on board a couple of small vessels that had

ALONG THE COAST. Si
been fitted up for his voyage. The wind was fair, and
without delay he weighed anchor, shook out his canvas,
and firing a farewell from his guns, put out to sea. After
a short stay at the Isle of Pearls, he steered to the south
ward, and, coming to the mouth of a river, sailed up it for
about six miles, where he landed. The neighbourhood
proved to be dreary and desolate in the extreme — a wide
tract of swamp, surrounded by a barren region of desert ;
and after some days spent in fruitless exploration, Pizarro
was glad to re-embark and continue his voyage. A
second landing, further south, yielded no more favour
able result, and the dauntless captain sailed onward to
the south ; but a great storm arose, and for six or seven
days and nights the small and crazy ships, leaking in
every seam, were tossed to and fro on the raging waters.
It is marvellous that Pizarro, who was no seaman, should
have weathered such a gale in safety ; probably the very
smallness and lightness of the Spanish vessels contri
buted to their safety. At last the hurricane subsided,
only to expose the adventurers to a new terror. The
ships had been provisioned for a very few days, as it was
supposed they would be able to pick up fresh supplies
along the coast. They had been seriously delayed by
the storm ; the provisions had fallen short, and famine
stared Pizarro in the face. Each man's rations were
reduced to two ears of corn, and Pizarro hastened back
to the inlet where he had effected his second disem
barkation. Without delay he set to work to repair and refit
his ships, while some of his men, now reduced to only
eighty in number, started inland in various directions,

52 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
across swamp and desert, to see if any natives could be
found, or supplies of food collected. Every effort failed ;
and Pizarro, resolute not to return to Panama unsuccessful,
despatched one of his ships, under a faithful adherent
named Montenegro, to procure provisions at the Isle of
Pearls, while he himself and the larger proportion of
the crews endured as best they could the miseries of
that desolate shore.
He expected that Montenegro would return within a
fortnight ; but the third week came, and no Montenegro !
The third week passed, and no welcome sail hove in
sight ; the fourth week glided by, — slowly enough, you
may be sure, to men racked with hunger and burning
with thirst, — -to men exposed to every inclemency of the
weather, and weakened by exposure to the malaria of the
swamps, — and still the longed-for succour did not arrive.
Only the fortitude, the courage, and the moral ascend
ency of Pizarro enabled his men to sustain the long
agony with patience ; but they never upbraided him.
They were silent even when they drank the poisonous
water that stagnated in the rank morass ; even when they
fastened their teeth in the tanned cowhide that coated
the ship's pumps ; even when they devoured the acrid
berries of the palm and the briny seaweed which the
kindly waves cast up on the beach ; for Pizarro's noble
example inspired them with a similar heroism of endu
rance. He ate what they ate, and drank what they
drank ; he waited upon the sick, and administered the
few medicines he had at his disposal ; he arranged soft
beds of leaves and grass for them to lie upon ; he assisted

THE PORT OF FAMINE. 53
in the erection of huts for their shelter ; he had for every
one a cheerful word and a hopeful smile, and that brave
earnest look which goes to the heart like an inspiration.
One day, while he was thus engaged, two of his men
brought him the startling intelligence that, a great way
off, they had seen a light moving through the trees.
Taking with him twelve armed men, he started at once in
the direction indicated, and came upon a cluster of Indian
huts, in which he discovered a store of cocoanuts and
maize. Who shall tell the joy of the little company when
he and his men returned to their wretched settlement
laden with such a promise of life ?
It was then the forty-seventh day since Montenegro's
departure ; happily it witnessed his return. He brought
with him a good supply of corn and pork ; and having
refreshed themselves with a hearty meal, the whole body
prepared to take leave of the Port of Famine {Puerto de
la Hambre), where they had buried no fewer than twenty-
seven of their number. After a short voyage they put
into an inlet, which they named Puerto de la Candaleria,
because it was Candlemas Day (the Feast of the Purifica
tion) on which they arrived there. It was no place,
however, for a permanent settlement. Swarms of mos
quitoes infested it, and the climate was so damp that it
rotted their broad-flapped hats and the linen vests which
they wore over their armour. Penetrating into a wood,
they came upon a small Indian town ; it was deserted,
but they found some ornaments of gold, some maize,
and roots, and pork ; also, in vessels at the fire, the
significant evidence of cannibalism in human feet and

54 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
hands. They quickly departed from so uninviting a
neighbourhood, and landed next at a place called the
Pueblo Quemado. Here they discovered an abundance
of provisions in another deserted town, which stood upon
an eminence, in a position capable of defence. Pizarro
was disposed to occupy it until he was reinforced, and
able to continue his southward advances, but was foiled
by an untoward event. He despatched Gil de Monte
negro on a foray to secure some of the Indians as hostages
and guides; but they proved to be of a warlike race, and
in a large body attacked the Spaniards, killing two, and
wounding several. Their own losses, however, were very
considerable, so that they feigned to retreat ; and making
a swift circuit, suddenly pounced upon Pizarro and the
few men who were with him. Pizarro fought like a
Paladin. The Indians, perceiving that he was the leader,
directed the full force of their assault upon him. He
received severe wounds, and was brought to the ground ;
but speedily recovering himself, he maintained the fight,
and, with his men, held his ground until Montenegro
arrived, and drove the Indians into swift retreat.
Pizarro had now but one ship at his disposal, and this
leaked sorely. Provisions were again running short ; his
followers were sadly thinned by death and disease, and
he recognized the hopelessness of pursuing the expe
dition with such inadequate means. Still, such was his
stubborn perseverance, such the tenacity with which he
clung to a purpose once resolved upon, that he would
not return to Panama, but halted on the way at Chicama,
opposite the Isle of Pearls. It was a sickly, humid

Missing Page

Missing Page

THE TWO COMMANDERS. $7
inhospitable spot, where the rains seemed perpetual ; but
it answered Pizarro's object, and he disembarked his
men, sending on his treasures to Pedrarias, with the
golden ornaments he had found, and a narrative of all
that had transpired. Rivera, touching at the Isle of
Pearls, learned that Almagro had passed with reinforce
ments, and sent the welcome intelligence to Pizarro.
Almagro, meanwhile, had kept along the coast, searching
for his associates ; had landed at the Pueblo Quemada,
and after a sharp fight had captured the Indian town,
and had sailed onward to the river San Juan. But dis
covering no traces of Pizarro, he had hastened back to
the Isle of Pearls. There he was informed of the where
abouts of Pizarro, and the two commanders eventually
met at Chicama. Each had a long and stirring chronicle
to relate ; but the relation did not sink their spirits, and
it was with much alacrity determined that the expedition
should not be abandoned, but that Almagro should
return to Panama to enlist more volunteers, while Pizarro
remained at Chicama. Only a "terrible perseverance''
would have come to such a resolution in the face of all
the sufferings the Spaniards had endured ; in face of the
melancholy fact that out of a hundred and eighty-two
men who had joined the ranks of Pizarro and Almagro
respectively, one hundred and thirty had perished in the
short space of nine months.
Almagro made his way back to Panama, where he met
with a most ungracious reception from Pedrarias. De
Luque once more exerted his influence, and the Governor
was finally persuaded into issuing his licence for the levy

58 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
of additional recruits ; but his indignation against Pizarro,
whom he blamed for the loss of life that had taken place,
was so great that he insisted on joining Almagro with
him in the command. Two ships were bought and fitted
out, and with a hundred and ten men, arms, stores, and
provisions, Almagro once more set sail from Panama.
Having rejoined Pizarro, the two friends steered south
ward with resolute hearts, and arrived at a river near the
San Juan, which they named the Cartagena. There they
surprised an Indian town, took some prisoners, and a
quantity of gold. But they did not fail to see that their
forces were insufficient to carry out the enterprise they
had undertaken. There was treasure to be had, and a
great country to be colonized, if the men could be got.
Again Almagro was sent back to Panama in one of the
ships, while Pizarro established himself on the banks of
the San Juan. He sent Ruiz, his pilot, with the Other
vessel, on a cruise to the southward, and in the interval.
satisfied his restless nature by excursions into the interior.
It is a striking proof of the ascendency he had obtained,
that his men consented to the labours and underwent the
hardships he imposed upon them. In his journeys they
penetrated dense and almost impervious forests, traversed
dangerous marshes, clambered up rocky, banks. They
were harassed by incessant clouds of mosquitoes, stung
by snakes, attacked by alligators, and wounded by Indian
arrows. Hunger they had to endure, and fatigue, and
tropical rains. It was a welcome stimulus to their jaded
spirits when Ruiz returned with tidings full of promise.
He had discovered the Island of Gallo and the Bay of

DISCOVERIES OF RUIZ.

59

San Mateo ; and while sailing in a south-westerly direc
tion had fallen in with a kind of raft, or flat-bottomed
boat, propelled by a lateen sail, which had on board
pottery, and finely-wrought woollen cloths, and ornaments
of silver and gold,* besides two young men and three
women, natives of a place called Tumbez. These spoke
to him, apparently by signs, of a king named Huayna
Capac, and of a city of Cuzco, where gold was plentiful.
Ruiz sailed on until, south of the equinoctial line, he
came to a town called Jalongo ; thence he made his way
back to Pizarro, brimming over with stories of a wonderful
region, where the green mountain-sides were dotted with
flocks of sheep (llamas), and the towns were adorned
with palaces and temples, and the districts were traversed
by broad-paved highways of the solidest construction.
Ruiz had not been back many days before Almagro
arrived from Panama, where he had fortunately found
a new Governor installed, Don Pedro de Ios Rios ; had
' enlisted forty new men, and collected a fresh supply of
provisions. t Pizarro and his pale-faced companions
* They had also implements for testing and weighing the precious
metals. t Oviedo gives an amusing account of the withdrawal of Pedrarias
from his share in the expedition. One day, while he was settling
accounts with the ex-governor, before his residencia, or examina ion,
took place, Almagro entered, and said, " Senor, already your lord
ship knows that in the armada to Peru you are a partner with Captain
Francisco Pizarro, and with the schoolmaster. Don Fernando de
Luque, my companions, and with myself, and that you have not put
anything in it, while we have spent our estates and those of our
friends." And he proceeded to ask him for cattle and money, or
that he would at least pay what was due of his share, and give up

60 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
gladly took leave of the mangrove swamps of San Juan,
and turned their faces towards the magnetic south. But
misfortune still dogged their course ; they were assailed
by heavy tempests, and compelled to put into the Bay
of San Mateo to refit. The question, What shall we do
with it? again forced itself upon the consideration of the
two commanders. Should they not abandon an enter
prise which the very heavens seemed to prohibit? If it
were to be prosecuted, must they not obtain more men ?
Pizarro proposed that this time he should return to
Panama for reinforcements, and that Almagro should
remain, — an offer which led to hot words, and nearly to
blows. Both drew their swords ; but Rivera, the trea
surer, and Ruiz, the pilot, interposed ; the friends remem
bered their ancient friendship, and embraced one another.
It was agreed that Almagro should make one more effort
at Panama, and that Pizarro should take up his quarters
in the island of San Gallo.
There is a striking passage in Sir Walter Raleigh's
" History of the World," in which he commends the
patient virtue of the Spaniards. " Seldom or never,'" he
the partnership. Pedrarias angrily replied that Almagro would not
so have addressed him had he not been quitting the government,
and that had not such been the case, he would have called him and
Pizarro to account for the lives that had been lost. Instead of making
any payment, he demanded four thousand pesos as compensation for
surrendering his share in the partnership. Ultimately he consented
to take in discharge of his claim one thousand pesos, and an
agreement to that effect was signed between him and Almagro ; a
significant proof of the confidence maintained by the latter, notwith
standing every disaster, in the eventual success of the expedition. —
Ovxedo, " Historia Generali," 1. 29, c. 23.

Altercation between Pizarro and Almagro.

A CLANDESTINE LETTER. 6l
says, " do we find that any nation hath endured so many
misadventures and miseries as the Spaniards have done
in their Indian discoveries ; yet, persisting in their enter
prises with an invincible constancy, they have annexed
to their kingdom so many goodly provinces, as being
the remembrance of all dangers past." Of this patient
virtue no more splendid example was ever given than
that afforded by Pizarro and Almagro ; but all Pizarro's
soldiers were not of the same mettle, and a certain man
called Sarabia was dexterous enough to conceal in a bale
of cotton, which Almagro's ship unwittingly conveyed to
Panama, a letter to the Governor, setting forth the losses
they had sustained, and the sufferings they had endured,
and beseeching him to take pity upon them. The petition
ended with four lines of doggrel, which obtained a wide
circulation in the Indies : —
" Pues Seiior Gobernador,
Mirelo bien por entero
Que alia va el Recogedor,
Y aca queda al Carnicero."*
When this letter fell into the hands of Don Pedro de la
Rios he was greatly indignant, forbade the levy of more
men for the slaughter-house, and despatched a lawyer
named Tafur, with two ships, to fetch from the island of
Gallo all who were dissatisfied with the expedition. Not
even so crushing a blow as this could break down Pizarro's
Thus freely imitated : —
" May the lord governor
Have pity on our woes ;
For here remains the Butcher, while
To him the Salesman goes." E

62 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
heroic perseverance. Addressing his soldiers, he said
that those who wished to return should by all means
do so ; but that he was sorry to think that by such a
course they would bring upon themselves harsher suffer
ings and bitterer want than any they had yet experienced,
and lose that which they had laboured for, just as, in his
belief, they were on the point of discovering something
which would satisfy and enrich them all. And he
reminded them of the hopeful intelligence they had
obtained from the Indians taken prisoners by Bartolome
Ruiz. He concluded by expressing the pleasure he felt
in knowing that whatever they had suffered, he had not
shrunk from being the principal sufferer, preferring always
that he himself should want than that they should; and
so, he said, it always would be.
There was a general cry, however, that they should
depart. Tafur, who behaved throughout with great im
partiality, showed no desire to put any pressure upon
their inclinations ; and drawing a line across the vessel's
deck, he took up his station at one end, and placed
Pizarro and his soldiers at the other. Those, he said,
who were decided on returning to Panama should cross
the line, and come to him ; those willing to remain would
stay by Pizarro's side.* It was found that only fourteen
* The following picturesque verses by an American pen will
probably be new to most of our readers : —
" Pizarro's crimes of perfidy and blood,
So largely due to training, time, and r.ice,
Obscure the brilliance of the hero still ;
Yet once, at least, immortally he stood,
Sublime in utterance, sublime in will.
While looking awful Peril in the face,

" UNDER WHICH KING, BEZONIAN ? " 63
heroes clung to their veteran commander. Among those
were the pilot, Ruiz, and Pedro de Candia.
As soon as Tafur had departed, Pizarro and his four
teen gallant companions removed to the island of
G'irgona, which was less open to an attack from the
Indians, and there they waited for Almagro, praying
'¦ He calls his men, and at the leader's word,
Their presence answers quick, though sore deprest.
All further ventures would they now resign,
But lo ! Pizarro traces with his sword
Along drear Gallo's sand the telling line
From west to east, and thus his band addrest : a —
'¦ ¦ On that side, comrades, toil and hunger wait,
Battle and death — for some their lives must lose ;
On this side, truly, safety lies ; but ah !
On that the glory of a splendid state,
On this but poverty and Panama
Now. as becomes the brave Castilian, choose !
'¦ ' As for myself, I go towards the south ;
Let who will follow :' and he passed that bound
Like Rubicon, enduring, though in sand !
Spurred by the doughty foot and daring mouth,
Then followed thirteen of his little band ;
The die was cast, — at length Peru was found !
" When powers that serve thee flag, since foiled so long,
Summon them, soul ! Draw what Pizarro drew ;
Point to that land of riches, this of lack ;
Speak as he spake, then cross the line as strong,
Leaving poor Panama behind thy back,
To find at last the glory of Peru !"
Charlotte Fiske Bates.
The reader will not fail to note that Miss Bates is not quite accurate
in her details. The moral she draws is, however, unaffected by this
negligence. * Some authorities represent the division as being made on the sandy shore.

64 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
daily, — with that simple piety which lay deep at the hearts
of those adventurous men, rough and even cruel as they
were, — and subsisting upon shell-fish and seaweed, the
refuse of the shore. Patiently enduring the severest
hardships, they waited for five months; every morning
when they awoke, and every evening before they retired
to rest, scanning the horizon with eager eyes in quest of
Almagro's vessel. At last a ship hove in sight; she
came from Panama, and she brought supplies, but no
men ; the Governor had refused to allow another enlist
ment, — and we can hardly blame him, when we consider
how terrible a fatality had attended the expedition. He
had also sent orders for Pizarro and his men to return
in six months.
The stern adventurer resolved, nevertheless, on one
more struggle with fortune ; and persuading the crew of
the Panama ship to join the enterprise, he cheerily
steered away to the south-east under full sail, confident
that he would yet realize the fruition of his hopes.
After touching at several unimportant villages, he landed
on a small island, near the mainland, to which he gave
the name of Santa Clara. It proved to be a sacred
place, to which the inhabitants of the mainland some
times resorted to offer sacrifices. There was a great
stone idol, fashioned to resemble a man, but with the
head like a cone ; there were also rich gifts of gold and
silver, wrought in various shapes, and exquisitely woven
mantles, dyed yellow, the mourning colour of the
Peruvians. Resuming his voyage, Pizarro met with five
rafts, bound on a hostile expedition against the island of

Stone Idol of the Peruvians.

ARRIVAL AT TUMBEZ. 67
Puna ; but he bade them accompany him to Tumbez, an
important town on the mainland, and sent the men
ashore with a message to its rulers. Considerably
astonished were they by the appearance of the Spanish
vessel, and of the white and bearded men on board; but
they determined to show their hospitality to the strangers,
and despatched a rich present for them in charge of a
personage of distinction whom, from the shape of his
ears — an artificial deformity, adopted as a sign of rank —
they called an Orejon. Between this Orejon and Pizarro
ensued much interesting conversation, and when he went
on shore he was accompanied by Alonso de Molina, as
Pizarro's representative, and a negro.
If the aspect of a white man had startled the people
of Tumbez, they were still more surprised at that of a
black man, and made vigorous attempts at that pro
verbially useless operation, washing a blackamoor white
Keen, too, was their astonishment at some animals —
two swine, a cock, and a few hens — which the Spaniard
brought as a gift ; when the cock crew, they asked what
it said ! But the surprise and astonishment of the people
of Tumbez did not equal the surprise and astonishment
with which Alonso de Molina regarded the indications of
Peruvian civilization that surrounded him ; and he re
turned to the ship to tell with wonder of the well-built
aqueducts, of the stone houses, of a fortress with six or
seven walls, of the vessels of silver and gold. To obtain
a confirmation of Molina's story, Pizarro sent ashore
Pedro de Candia, a tall cavalier of goodly presence, who,
clothed in shining armour, with his sword by his side

68 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
his shield in his left and a wooden cross in his right
hand, strode through the principal street of Tumbez, the
observed of all observers. I suppose it was as a test of
his courage that the people let loose upon him two wild
animals, apparently a puma and a jaguar. At all events,
he showed no discomposure, and the animals displayed
no inclination to attack him. After this wonderful proof
of the white man's superiority, the natives literally bowed
down before him. They led him in procession to see
the palace and the temple, where gold — gold — gold, on
every side and in every shape, met his enraptured eyes.
The gardens, he observed, were adorned with animals
carved in gold, and flowers and plants beautifully
iaiitated in the same metal. Before he left, they asked
him to make his gun "speak ; " and setting up a board
he fired at it. The loud report, the flash, the smoke,
and the board shivered into fragments, overpowered the
Indians ; some, falling on their knees, hid their faces in
their hands ; others shrieked ; others fled in a panic of
fear. So, in a blaze of glory, the noble Greek took his
departure, and returned on board.
Pizarro was now satisfied that the fulfilment of his
bravest dreams was at hand. He sailed, however, a
little further south, passing Collaque, and reaching
Puerto de Santa, where he met with a cordial reception,
and was entrusted with a couple of Indian youths to go
with him and learn the Castilian language. These boys
were christened Martin and Felipillo. He also obtained
some llamas (sheep, the Spaniards called them), vessels
of gold and silver, and various specimens of Indian

PIZARRO RETURNS TO TANAMA. 69
taste and ingenuity. Then he crowded on all sail for
Panama, arriving there towards the end of 1527. He
had been absent nearly three years ; and, as Robertson
remarks, " no adventurer of the age suffered hardships
or encountered dangers equalling those to which he was
exposed during this long period. The patience with
which he endured the one, and the fortitude with which
he surmounted the other, exceed whatever is recorded in
the history of the New World, where so many romantic
displays of these virtues occur."
At Panama he met with a reception worthy of his
deserts; and the narrative of his expedition excited both
surprise and admiration. But the Governor steadily
refused to sanction another attempt, alleging that the
colony was not strong enough to engage in the conquest
of so mighty an empire as that of Peru. The three
associates, however, were more than ever convinced
that their enterprise was destined to be crowned with
success, and were determined not to be shut out from
the immense fortune that awaited their disposal. They
resolved to appeal for assistance and. approval to an
authority much higher than the Governor's ; to lay their
petition at the feet of the King himself, the potent
Charles V. For this delicate mission Pizarro was
selected ; and it was agreed that he should solicit the
royal permission to equip a new expedition, that he
should obtain for himself the dignity of governor, for
Almagro that of lieutenant-governor, and for Luque the
high office of bishop in the country which they intended
to conquer. So reduced were the resources of the three

70 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
friends that it was with difficulty they raised the money to
defray the cost of Pizarro's voyage to Europe. Scarcely
any fact, perhaps, affords a more striking illustration of
the boundless audacity which led them to meditate the
conquest of a great and powerful kingdom. It was
probably this lack of means which decided them in
sending Pizarro alone ; for Luque, it is evident, would
have preferred that he should have been accompanied
by Almagro. " Please God, my children," he exclaimed,
" that you do not steal the blessing one from the other,
as Jacob did from Esau. I would that you had gone
both together."
Pizarro arrived safely in Spain. But his cup of bitter
ness was not yet full. He had not long been ashore
before he was arrested and thrown into prison at the
suit of the Bachiller Enciso, in connection, I suppose,
with Ojeda's disastrous expedition. By some means or
other he speedily obtained his release, and made his
way to Seville, where he obtained admission to the
presence of the Emperor. His stalwart bearing, his
grave deportment, and the natural air of dignity which
marked him out as a leader of men, produced a favour
able impression ; and the impression was deepened by
the force and simplicity with which he narrated his
sufferings, described his adventures, and indicated his
prospects. Charles V. viewed with interest the speci
mens he had brought with him of Peruvian workman
ship, the llamas, and the ornaments of gold, while the
courtiers seemed never to weary of contemplating the
Indians who had accompanied Pizarro to Spain. Among

A VISIT TO SPAIN.

71

the visitors to the Imperial Court at this time was
Hernando Cortes, the famous conqueror of Mexico.
He was a distant relation of Pizarro ; admired his
dauntless courage and stubborn perseverance, and strongly
supposed his suit to the Emperor. That suit was
entirely successful. The Emperor, by a formal "capitu
lation '' (as it was called), gave his imperial sanction to
the projected expedition against Peru, of which country
Pizarro was appointed Governor-General and Adelantado
for life, with an ample salary ; the extent of his domi
nions, being defined as two hundred leagues down the
coast, from Tenumpuela to Chincha. Luque was ap
pointed Bishop of Tumbez, and Almagro commander
of tie same place; while Ruiz was invested with the
sonorous title of Grand Pilot of the Southern Ocean.
The heroic men who had remained faithful to Pizarro in
the island of Gallo were created hidalgos, and Pizarro,
as a knight of the Order of Santiago, was admitted to
tht,: ranks of chivalry. On his part he agreed to raise
two hundred and fifty soldiers at his own expense, and
h i undertook to set out for Peru within six months from
Ir.s arrival at Panama.
It is said that a prophet receives no honour in his own
country, or from his own kinsmen ; but Pizarro, on
visiting Trujillo, was warmly received by his brothers,
and they entertained so full a confidence in him and
his promises that they agreed to sell their estates and
embark the result in his enterprise. There were four
of them — Hernando (the only legitimate one), Juan,
Gonzalo, and Martin ; all men of thews and muscles,

72 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
brave as lions, and prompt of action, while Hernando
was almost equal to Francisco himself in mental power
and daring. Their united resources, however, were in
adequate to the end in view ; and even with some holp
from Cortes, Pizarro was unable to enlist more tl an one
hundred and twenty-five men ; so that, after obtaining
his patents from the Crown, he was compelled o steal'
out of the port of Seville, in order to elude the scrutiny
of the king's officers, who were charged to eximine
whether he had fulfilled the stipulations of his contract.
His little flotilla of three small ships crossed the
Atlantic in safety, and in the summer of 1530 arrived
at Nombre de Dios, on the side of the isthmus opposite
to Panama. Here Almagro and De Luque were vail
ing to receive him, and learn the result of his mission.
Luque was well satisfied, for the bishopric was all ht:
had desired or expected ; but Almagro waxed indig
nant when he found himself virtually ignored in the dis
tribution of honours. Nor was he well pleased at the
arrival of Pizarro's brothers, which he not unnaturally
regarded as a circumstance unfavourable to his interests.
Pizarro, however, was determined not to risk the ruin of
the enterprise by dividing his authority. After much
angry discussion, which left its evil effects on the minds?
of both, it was agreed that Pizarro should give up his
office of Adelantado to Almagro, which still left him the
sole military and civil authority, and pledge himself not
to promote his brothers until Almagro's claims had been
fully satisfied.
This difficulty removed, the confederacy was formally

DEPARTURE OF THE EXPEDITION. 73
renewed on its original terms, namely, that each associate
should share the expenses, and that the profits accruing
from it should be equally divided. The preparations
were then pushed forward with the utmost alacrity ; so
that Pizarro was able to set out from Panama on the
28th of December, 1530, in three small ships, carrying
one hundred and eighty-three men and thirty-seven
horses. He was accompanied by his three stalwart
brothers, Ferdinand, Juan, and Gonzalo, and by his
maternal uncle, Francisco de Alcantara, a cavalier of
dauntless courage and inflexible intrepidity. Almagro
was left at Panama, to follow, as soon as possible, with a
reinforcement. One hundred and eighty-three men, of whom thirty-
seven were mounted, — such was the force with which
Pizarro proposed to conquer a great and wealthy king
dom, which, at the epoch of his invasion, is supposed
to have had a population of many millions. But the
Spaniards had learned to feel an implicit confidence in
their superiority over the American people, and the won
derful successes of Cortes in Mexico had raised this
confidence to the highest pitch. It was largely in their
favour that Peru was divided and weakened by internal
dissensions, while there can be no doubt that its inhabi
tants were vastly inferior to the Aztecs in all martial
qualities.

CHAPTER III.

THE INVASION. — CAPTURE OF CUZCO, THE CITY OF

.Si

THE SUN.

w

IZARRO'S perseverance was at length crowned
with success. It might almost be supposed
that fortune had grown weary of struggling
against a man who showed so absolute a con
tempt of all that she had done ; for in thirteen
days his ships voyaged safely to the Bay of San Mateo,
which he had previously been unable to reach in as many
months. He immediately landed his little force, and set
out on his march southward along the coast, so that he
might easily retreat to his ships if too heavily pressed,
or receive any reinforcements which might arrive from
Panama. Like a true leader, he placed himself in the
van, and undauntedly pursued his way over swamp and
bog, and across chasm and torrent ; never showing any
sign of weariness or depression, and inspiring his fol
lowers with something of his own heroism. On reaching
the town of Coaque he ordered an immediate assault, but
the flash of the muskets and the tramp of the horses so
affrighted the Indians that they stayed not to meet his
charge, but fled headlong into the woods. A rare booty

ON THE THRESHOLD. 75
in gold, silver, and emeralds — a kind of foretaste or
anticipation of the treasures of Peru — was found at
Coaque, greatly inspiriting the adventurers ; and Pizarro
hastened to send one of his vessels with a portion of the
spoil to Panama, persuaded that it would facilitate the
despatch of reinforcements. Another vessel he despatched
to Nicaragua, to make a levy among the soldiers of
fortune collected in that colony. Then he resumed his
march to the south, but as the road lay over a sandy
waste, and under a blazing sun, the Spaniards suffered
severely. An infectious disease spread through their
ranks ; they went to bed well at night, but woke in the
morning strangely sick and feeble, and disfigured by
horrid ulcers. They also experienced a deficiency of
provisions, and as they passed but few villages, and these
deserted, they could obtain no fresh supplies. Yet,
as Helps remarks, all their miseries were amply repaid by
the delay which caused them, as far as regarded the
ultimate success of the undertaking. " Each day that
Pizarro's men were wasting away by sickness (their losses
being told by units), the Peruvians were busy in destroy
ing their thousands, and in sapping the basis of their
empire, by a civil w-arfare, carried to the extreme of
barbarous hostility."
About seven months had elapsed sines his departure
from Panama when Pizarro, one day, descried a ship
bearing down upon the coast. He ordered his standard-
bearers to hasten along the shore and wave their ban
ners. These were seen by the stranger, which soon
afterwards brought-to at an easy distance from the beach,

76 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
and dropped anchor. To the great joy of the Spaniards
she was laden with provisions, and she had onboard some
officers, despatched by the Emperor, to accompany the
expedition. A few days later, when they had marched
onwards to the harbour of Puerto Viejo, another ship
arrived, bringing thirty foot soldiers, under a veteran
named Belalcazar. The reinforcement was small in itself,
but it strengthened and confirmed Pizarro's hopes, and he
gave the word to march. Some of his soldiers, however,
were so charmed by the grateful shades of Puerto Viejo,
with its luxuriant vegetation and luscious fruit, with its
bland yet refreshing air, with its glorious prospects of
a silver-shining ocean if they looked before them, and a
grand range of snow-crowned mountain heights if they
looked behind them, that they were fain to linger there,
and in this Eden of the Pacific coast to found a colony.
The desire for repose was natural after the hardships and
fatigues they had undergone, but Pizarro was no lotus-eater
— a restless activity consumed him. The vision of the
Peruvian kingdom was always before his eyes, and in a
spirited speech he called on his soldiers to persevere in
their great enterprise. Like Tennyson's Ulysses, he felt
that he could not "rest from travel," but must drink "life
to the lees." AVe can imagine that he may have used to
himself some such words as the poet's hero uses : — ¦
" Souls that have toil'd, and wrought, and thought with me,—
That ever with a frolic welcome took
The thunder and the sunshine, and opposed
Free hearts, free foreheads, — . . .
Death closes all : but something ere the end,
Some work of noble note, may yet be done."

FORWARD TO PUNA. 77
A swift march brought the invaders to the well-known
shores of the Bay of Guayaquil, which embraces within
its waves the islands of Puna and Santa Clara. On
the opposite bend of the bay stood the town of Tumbez,
with its domed roofs flashing in the sun. To gain pos
session of this town was one of Pizarro's principal objects.
But while he was meditating an attack, messengers arrived
from the cacique of the island of Puna, offering him
hospitality. The offer was accepted through the Indian
interpreters, whom he had carried to Panama that they
might learn Spanish, and who were now attached to his
expedition. A number of large balsas, or rafts, each pro
pelled by a huge brown sail, conveyed the Spaniards, with
their horses and baggage, across the strait that separated
the mainland from the green shores of Puna, where a
splendid reception awaited them. The natives, who were
dressed in cloaks of the gayest colours, and bedizened
with golden ornaments, welcomed them with fantastic
dances and the sounds of rude musical instruments, enter
tained them to a banquet of fruits and vegetables, and
allotted to them as their quarters a green hill-side, stretch
ing down through the forest to the sunny shore. Here
Pizarro and his men remained for some time, until it was
ascertained through the interpreters that the chiefs of the
island were preparing to attack them, though of the cause
of so violent a change of sentiment the contemporary
historians of the expedition give us no inkling. Pizarro
endeavoured to anticipate the attack, and surrounding
the chief cacique's house took him and his sons prisoners,
and conveyed them to his camp. But by this blow the
F

78 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
islanders were rather angered than intimidated, and just
before dawn they assailed the Spanish position in great
force, raining upon it incessant volleys of darts and
arrows. Pizarro immediately replied with a volley of
musketry, and a fierce struggle ensued, which lasted for
some hours. Several Spaniards and some of the horses
were wounded, but their superiority was fully established,
and from a field strewn with their dead and dying the
Indians retreated in great disorder, pursued by the
Spanish horsemen. Profiting by his victory, Pizarro
swept the island with fire and sword ; plundering the
villages, burning the houses, seizing upon any article of
value. He sent to the stake or the scaffold ten of the
principal inhabitants, but released the cacique, on the
ground that he had taken no share in the outbreak, and
to the intent that he might reassemble the scattered and
terrified natives in their villages.
Having exhausted the island of all its treasures, Pizarro
resolved to proceed to Tumbez. He sent his baggage
across the bay on rafts, each having three armed men on
board; he himself, with his soldiers and horses, embarked
in three of his own ships. On arriving at Tumbez he
took possession of the town, which he found partly in
ruins and deserted ; but was surprised to see nothing of
his rafts. Sending out reconnoitring parties, he ascertained
that the Indians had seized and broken up his rafts,
carried off their cargoes, and killed the Spaniards in
charge of them. He immediately despatched Hernando
Pizarro, with eighty foot soldiers and forty cavalry, to
pursue and punish the offending Indians. Hernando

MARCH OF THE INVADERS. 79
crossed a broad deep river on a great raft, overtook the
people of Tumbez, and slaughtered them without mercy.
Having read this terrible lesson to the unfortunate Indians,
the Knight of the Order of Santiago quitted Tumbez on
the 1 8th of May, and resumed his southward march. He
had previously been joined by the famous Hernando de
Soto with a hundred cavaliers and some horses, and his
little army therefore presented quite a formidable aspect.
Many of the Indian villages received him hospitably, and
these were well treated ; at others, as at Almotuxe and
Cachera, he slew the curacas, or chiefs, and principal
inhabitants, in pursuance of his cruel, but not ineffective,
policy, of striking terror into the hearts of all opponents.
On arriving at Tangarala he found himself in a fair
green valley, through which a shining stream poured its
clear waters into the Pacific. Near its mouth, and on a
gently-swelling knoll, he resolved to found a colony, and
set his men to work to fell timber and collect heavy blocks
of stone ; after which he traced the boundaries of his new
town ; divided the surrounding lands amongst those of
his soldiers whom he intended to settle there; apportioned
to each of them a certain number of Indians;* and
erected a church, store-houses, and a small fort. To this
settlement its founder gave the name of San Miguel (or
St. Michael).
Here Pizarro tarried for several months. It is notice-
* A plan "judged to be useful to religion and profitable to the
natives, that the new inhabitants might be maintained and the Indians
instmcted in the faith, conformably to the orders of His Majesty,
until it should be decided what was most suitable for the service of
God and of the king, and most advantageous to the natives."

80 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
able, by the way, that in the conquest of Peru he showed
none of that immense and inexhaustible energy which
Cortes had shown in his conquest of Mexico. He was
tenacious, persevering, patient in the execution of his
designs, but he infused into them no special vigour or
animation. His progress from San Mateo was as leisurely
as that of a king engaged in a calm survey of the resources
of his kingdom ; had in it none of the rapidity and fire
and resistless impetuosity of a conqueror bent on the
acquisition of a mighty territory. This difference between
Pizarro and Cortes was due entirely to a difference of
temper and character ; for the conditions under which
the former invaded Peru were far more favourable than
those under which Cortes invaded Mexico. Cortes had
to be constantly on his guard against the jealous intrigues
of the authorities at Cuba ; had no means of obtaining
continual supplies of arms and provisions ; had no such
depot to fall back upon as Pizarro had at Panama.
Pizarro, moreover, acted under the direct commission of
Charles V., — Cortes was without the imperial sanction.
Again, the warriors of Mexico were well armed, well led,
and fought with wonderful resolution and courage ; while
the Peruvians were inefficiently equipped for war, and un
fitted for it by their irresolute and peaceable disposition.
The conquest of Peru, therefore, remarkable as it was in
many of its features and in its results, was inferior in bold
ness of design and grandeur of execution to the conquest of
Mexico ; just as Pizarro was inferior in energy, in military
skill, and organizing ability to Cortes. The distinctive
feature of his character was his strenuous perseverance.

CIVIL WAR IN PERU. 8 1
However frequently repulsed and beaten, he was always
ready to renew his efforts. He worked slowly — he worked
with an imperfect idea of what he wanted, but he con
tinued to work. From the first he had determined on
the conquest of Peru, and to this object he adhered with
a pertinacity of resolution that commands our admi
ration. While at San Miguel, Pizarro obtained some insight
into the internal affairs of Peru. We have seen that
Huayna Capac, the twelfth Inca, left two sons, to one of
whom, Huascar, or Guascar, he bequeathed his kingdom
of Peru ; to the other, .Atahuallpa (his offspring by a
second wife) his kingdom of Quito. This division of the
empire was unacceptable to the Peruvians, and, encou
raged by their support, he commanded his half-brother
to renounce the throne of Quito. On the other hand,
Atahuallpa had gained ovtr the veterans of his father's
army, and at their head he marched against Huascar,
defeating him in battle and taking him prisoner. For
politic reasons the victor spared his brother's life, but he
put to death all princes of the royal blood on whom he
could lay hands. This civil war was in progress when
Pizarro landed in the country, and therefore it was
that his progress met with no opposition from its chief
authorities. He was allowed to penetrate almost to the
centre of the empire before its power was put forth to
check his career. And now, as if Fortune had determined
upon favouring him as lavishly as she had previously
persecuted him sorely, Huascar sent messages to him,
soliciting his aid against Atahuallpa, whom he denounced

82 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
as a rebel and an usurper. The acute mind of Pizarro
detected at once the advantages to be gained from this
divided state of the kingdom which he had invaded,
and he determined, without waiting for Almagro's long
expected reinforcements, to push forward, while intestine
discord neutralized the Peruvian power against foreign
enemies. By taking part with one or other of the com
petitors, as circumstance might dictate, he would place
himself in a position eventually to crush both.
Leaving a small garrison in San Miguel, he set out, on
the 24th of September, at the head of 102 foot soldiers,
of whom twenty were armed with cross-bows and three with
muskets, and sixty-two horsemen, for Caxamalca, where
he understood that Atahuallpa was then residing. When
about half way on his march, he was met by envoys from
Atahuallpa, who brought him a present and some pro
visions, and the information that their master had been
victorious over his enemies. A courteous reply was
returned by the Spanish captain. Continuing his march,
and resting every night in the fortified stations erected by
the Incas at regular intervals along the great Cuzco" road,
he crossed the territory of a cacique named Cinto. Thence
he diverged to the right, and ascended the mountains by
a pass which a handful of men might have defended
against an army; but whether Atahuallpa believed in the
peaceful mission of the Spaniards, or confidently relied
on his vast numerical superiority, he made no attempt
to hold it. On the summit of the pass more messages
came from the Inca ; he desired to be apprised of the
day of Pizarro's arrival, in order that he might arrange

PIZARRO AND THE ENVOYS. 83
for the supply of abundant provisions to his troops at the
very stations on their march. The envoys also repeated :
the particulars of Atahuallpa's success in the war against
his brother, and of Huascar having been taken prisoner.
Pizarro answered, that to all ambitious men it happened
as it had happened to Huascar ; not only did they not
attain what they had wickedly aimed at, but they lost
also their own property and persons, — a sententious obser
vation, the applicability of which, as a commentary on
his own career, he did not then foresee. He proceeded
to say that he knew Atahuallpa to be a great king, but
his own master, the king of Spain, was lord of the whole
world, and his very servants were greater princes than the
Inca of Peru. This mighty monarch had sent him thither
to bring the people to a knowledge of the true God ;
and, with the few Christians who were his companions, he
had already conquered more potent kings than Atahuallpa.
If the Inca, he added, wished to be his friend, and to j
receive him as a friend, well and good : he would assist |
him in his wars, and he should be allowed to remain on j
his throne, as he, Pizarro, intended to cross the country to [
the other sea. On the other hand, if he wished for war,
Pizarro would wage it against him as he had waged it ,
against the caciques (or curacas) of Puna and Tumbez ;
but he would make war upon none, he would do harm
to none, who did not bring it upon himself.
Pizarro resumed his march, and next day arrived from
Atahuallpa the first messenger, a person of dignity, with
the most cordial assurances from Atahuallpa of friendship
and hospitality. He undertook to accompany the Spanish

84 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
army to Caxamalca. It was on Friday, the 15th of
November, at the hour of vespers, that they entered the
town, which was built at the foot of a mountain-spur,
where the level extended about three miles in breadth.
Two rivers flowed through the neighbouring valley; over
each was a bridge, conducting to the town. Close to
the entrance was a great square, with houses abutting
upon two sides of it. These houses were very spacious,
and surrounded by walls of masonry about eighteen feet
high. Their roofs were formed of straw and timber.
The interior in each case was divided into several blocks,
each block consisting of eight chambers, and having its
own entrance. In front of the square, facing the plain,
rose a fortress of stone ; and above the town, on the hill
side, was a larger fortress, with a triple enclosure. It
was in the great square that Pizarro posted his troops,
while he despatched Hernando de Soto, with twenty
horsemen, to inform the Inca of his arrival, and invite
him to pay him a visit. Soon after, he sent his brother
Hernando with twenty more, to support De Soto if any
violence should be attempted.
De Soto was admitted at once to the presence of the
Inca, whom he found sitting at the entrance of his tent,
surrounded by a number of his chiefs and women. He
wore the characteristic Incariar~riead-dress, "a tassel of
wool, which looked silk, of a deep crimson colour {de
color de carmin), two hands in breadth, set on the head
with fringes, which descended to the eyes ; a long fine
woollen robe clothed his person, and his wrists and
fingers blazed with ornaments of gold." While De Soto,

THE ENVOYS AND THE INCA. 85
through an interpreter, delivered Pizarro's message, he
steadily fixed his eyes upon the ground, and neither
moved nor spoke. One of his nobles replied ; but at
this crisis Hernando Pizarro arrived, and to the Spanish
captain's brother Atahuallpa himself condescended to
speak. He said that Maycahilica, a curaca of his, on
the banks of the river Turicara (that is, near San Miguel),
hud sent him word of the evil manner in which the
Spaniards had used his curacas, putting them in chains.
The same chieftain, he added, had informed him that the
Spaniards were indifferent warriors, and that he had killed
three of them and a horse. Notwithstanding these things
he intended on the morrow to visit the Spanish general,
and he would be a friend to him and his soldiers. The
blood of Hernando Pizarro kindled to fever-heat at the
insult thrown upon the courage of the Spaniards. The
people of San Miguel, he exclaimed, were as hens, and
one horse was sufficient to subdue their whole country.
When the Inca saw them fight he would be able to judge
whether they were cowards. His brother, the Governor,
he said, was well disposed towards the Inca, and if he
were troubled by any enemy the Governor would send at
once to conquer him. The Inca replied, that at five
days' journey were some troublesome Indians whom he
could not subdue, and the Christians might go there and
assist his loyal people. The horsemen, answered the
vehement Hernando, — the horsemen would suffice for
the work, if he set his Indians to hunt out the fugitives.
At which speech, as we do at a vaunt of the silliness of
which we are convinced, Atahuallpa quietly smiled.

86 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
De Soto and Hernando, with their cavaliers, returned to
Pizarro, who took up his quarters for the night in the
palace of the great square, placing his captain of artillery
and a couple of guns in the fortress. He instituted a vigi
lant watch, as he secretly mistrusted Atahuallpa's friendly
professions. Early in the morning, more messengers
arrived to say that the Inca would arrive in the evening,
and that as the Spaniards had come armed to his royal
camp, he should come with arms also. " Let him come
as he pleases," — quoth the Spanish captain.
About midday the Inca removed his camp to within
half a mile of Caxamalca, and sent yet another envoy to
state that he should come without arms, but with a full
retinue, and take up his quarters in a house in the town
called " the House of the Serpent." Pizarro then made
final preparations for his reception. He knew not
whether to expect peace or war, but was resolute not to
be taken by surprise. The guns in the fortress were
trained to bear upon the Peruvian army encamped in
the plain below the town. The foot-soldiers were posted
at intervals along the streets leading into the great square.
The cavalry, with their horses saddled and bridled,
remained on the alert in the palace. Pizarro himself
quietly kept to his own apartments, having with him twenty
picked cavaliers ; for he was resolved, if the Inca came
with treacherous intent, to imitate Cortes in his dealings
with Montezuma — to seize his person, and hold him as
a hostage. The dusky twilight was deepening and dark
ening into night, when the captain went round his posts,
and addressed his men in frank and soldierly language.

ARRIVAL OF ATAHUALLPA. 87
He bade them, since they could not fight in the open
field, make strongholds of their hearts. There were no
others for their protection, nor any succour but that of
God, who helped and defended in the greatest dangers
those who were engaged in His service. Let them think
nothing of the numbers accumulated before them. Though
five hundred Indians might be opposed to one Christian,
let them show that courage which brave men on such
occasions were wont to show, and God would be on
their side. At the moment of attack they were to charge
the enemy with vehemence and swiftness, and the cavalry
were to be mindful that in the rush their horses did not
strike against one another.
Apprehending that Atahuallpa designed to attack them
under cover of night, Pizarro sent to hasten his arrival,
on the plea that he was waiting to entertain him to
supper, and could not sit down until he made his appear
ance. The Inca then prepared to enter the town in
great pomp. In the van were three hundred Indians,
attired in tunics of many colours — crossed like chequers
— and carrying in their hands huge branches of trees,
which they used as brooms to sweep clear their monarch's
path. Next came three bodies of minstrels in fantastic
costumes, singing the soft Peruvian melodies, and dancing
the strangest imaginable measures ; who were followed
by the warriors of noble birth, with their metal cuirasses
and helms of gold and silver reflecting gorgeously the
last purple rays of the sunset. Then marched five or
six thousand of the main body of the Peruvian army ;
some wearing tunics of vivid blue, others robes of snowiest

88 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
white, and bearing maces of copper and silver; others,
again, in helmets of skin, that flashed with jewels, and
their persons curiously arrayed with gems and gold.
Apparently all were unarmed, but in reality they wore
concealed beneath their tunics small darts and slings,
and bags of stones (porras pequuias, e hondas, ebeloascon
piedras). The Inca himself at length approached; sitting
on a throne or litter, adorned with plumes of various
colours, and almost covered with plates of gold and
silver studded with precious stones, he was borne upon
the shoulders of his principal attendants. Behind him
came the chief officers of his court, carried in the same
manner ; and the procession was closed with additional
battalions of Peruvian troops.
On reaching the centre of the square, the Inca bade
his attendants halt. Immediately Pizarro's chaplain,
Father Vincent Valverde, advanced, with a crucifix in
one hand and a breviary in the other. As he approached,
Atahuallpa inquired of one of those Indians who, from
supplying them with provisions, knew something about
the Spaniards, who and what he was. The man answered
that he was "the captain and guide of talk, the minister
of the Supreme God, Pachacamac, and His messenger."
Father Vincent, having made an obeisance, addressed to
the Peruvian a remarkable discourse ; remarkable in itself,
and no doubt more remarkable still in the version ren
dered by the uneducated interpreter. It was divided
into two parts ; the first theological, the second political.
In the first he traced the doctrine of the Creation, the
fall of Adam, the origin of sin, the incarnation, sufferings

FATHER VINCENT'S MONOLOGUE. 89
death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ, the appointment
of St. Peter as Prince of the Apostles, the transmis
sion of his Apostolic power and his office as Vicar of
God to the Popes, who then, now, and always (he said)
had taken, and continued to take, much pains in preach
ing and teaching to men the Word of God. In the
second part he narrated the donation made to the King
of Castile by Pope Alexander VI. of all the regions of
the New World, in order that, having conquered their
inhabitants, and driven out from among them all rebels
and obstinate persons, he might govern them wisely, and
bring them to the knowledge of God, and to the obe
dience of the Church. Accordingly the King had sent
forth his captains, who had subdued and converted to
the true religion the great islands and the realm of Mexico,
and had now chosen for his lieutenant and ambassador
Don Francisco Pizarro, that the kingdoms of the Inca
might receive the same benefits which those other lands
had received, and that a perpetual alliance might be
concluded between him and the Majesty of Spain. This
alliance the Father explained as meaning that Atahuallpa
should acknowledge the supreme jurisdiction of the Pope,
give up idolatry, submit to the King of Castile as his
lawful sovereign, and pay him an annual tribute. If he
refused he would be harassed with war and fire and
blood {con guerra, a fuego y d sangre). Yea, if with an
obstinate mind he resisted, he might take it as a fact
most certain, that as anciently Pharaoh and all his army
perished in the Red Sea, so would he and all his Indians
be destroyed by the Spanish arms.

90 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
At the close of the priest's oration, the Inca uttered
a deep Atac (Alas !) ; but, mastering his emotion, he
proceeded to reply in dignified and moderate language.
He observed that he was lord of the dominions over
which he reigned by hereditary succession ; that he could
not conceive how a foreign priest should presume to
dispose of lands that had never belonged to him. He
declared that he would not pay tribute to the King of
Spain ; nor would he abandon his worship of the Sun,
the immortal deity whom his ancestors had reverenced,
for that of the God of the Spaniards, who was liable to
death. The Spaniards, he said, or is represented as
saying, had more gods than the Peruvians, who adored
only Pachacamac, the Supreme God, with the Sun as
his subordinate, and the Moon as the sister of the Sun.
He added that, of many of the matters related by the
priest* he had never heard before, and he did not now
understand their meaning: where had he learned things
so extraordinary? "In this book," replied Father Val-
verde, handing to him his breviary. The book was
clasped, and Atahuallpa was unable to open it. The
priest stepped forward to do this for him ; but the Inca,
construing his movement into one of disrespect, struck
him on the arm, torn open the book, glanced at some
of the pages, and flung it contemptuously on the ground.
He then said that he well knew what cruel deeds the
* Valverde's harangue, according to Robertson, is evidently a
translation or paraphrase of the form, concerted by a junto of Spanish
divines and lawyers in 1509, for explaining the claim of their king
to the sovereignty of the New World.

THE SPANISH ATTACK. 91
Spaniards had committed on their march ; how they
had ill-treated his chiefs, and pillaged his storehouses.
Valverde replied that it was some Indians who had been
guilty of those offences, and that Pizarro had ordered
them to be punished, and was willing to make restitution.
" I will stay here," rejoined the Inca, " until you restore
to me all that you have taken from my land."
The Father returned to the Governor, and informed
him of all that had occurred, giving it as his opinion
that further delay was unsafe, and implying that the
sword must be called in to effect a settlement. It is
probable that up to this moment Pizarro had thought of
the capture of the king as an expedient which in certain
circumstances might be forced upon him, but had hardly
made up his mind to adopt it. The priest's words turned
the balance. Putting on a thick cotton tunic as a defence,
and taking his sword and buckler, he sent word to his
brother Hernando that the moment had come ; the latter
signalled to the captain of artillery; and amid the roar
of cannon and the blaze of trumpets, the Spanish horse
men rushed to the charge. Pizarro made straight for
the Inca's litter, followed by his chosen band of cavaliers;
but such was the impetuosity of his onset, that only four
were close up to him when, cutting his way through
the Peruvian body-guard, he seized the unfortunate
Atahuallpa by the left arm, shouting the famous war-cry,
"Santiago!" With deadly swords his comrades slew
the bearers of the litter, which fell to the ground, and
immediately the person of the Inca was secured ; his
robe, in the melee, being torn to pieces, and his diadem

92 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
rent in twain. The Peruvians were so taken by surprise,
that they had neither the opportunity nor the presence
of mind to make use of their weapons. Terrified by the
tramping and snorting of the horses, they ran hither and
thither in wild confusion, and were slaughtered without
resistance. If they rushed frantically to the gates of
the square, they found them guarded by companies of
Spaniards, who fired upon them, killing and wounding,
and drove them back upon the panic-stricken crowd, to
perish like sheep in a slaughter-house. The carnage
lasted until nightfall, when the darkness like a shroud
descended upon upwards of two thousand dead.*
Not a Spaniard was wounded, except Pizarro, who in
the scuffle around the Inca's litter received a slight
injury in the hand. Three thousand Peruvians were
made prisoners. ,
After the massacre was over, Pizarro caused the Inca
to be re-clothed according to his rank, and endeavoured '
to comfort him by the assurance that he had fallen into
merciful hands, and that he had no need to feel ashamed
of having been conquered by one who, like himself, had
done great deeds. The misfortunes that had befallen
him and his people were of his own seeking, inasmuch
as he had come with a large army, and had treated with
scorn the Word of God. Therefore, the Lord had per
mitted his pride to be humbled, and had taken care
that no Christian should be wounded by an Indian.
* This is the number given by Pizarro's secretary and biographer,
Xeres ; but Garcilasso de la Vega raises it to a total of five thousand,
and Sancho to seven thousand.

CAPTURE OF THE INCA. 93
Atahuallpa, it is said, replied that he had been deceived
by his captains, who had told him not to fear the Spaniards*6
but to go boldly forward with his army and attack them.
He had wished to come in the guise of peace, but they
had prevented him.
On receiving the reports of his lieutenants, all testifying
to the completeness of his success, and to the fact that none
of the Spaniards had been killed or wounded, Pizarro
gave thanks to God, saying, that so great a victory must
be regarded as a miracle due to His favour. He then
ordered his troops to retire to their quarters, but that a
strict watch should be maintained.
At supper the conqueror and the conquered sat at the
same table. Atahuallpa's couch was placed in Pizarro's
chamber; he was not subjected to the indignity of bonds,
nor was any other guard posted than that which usually
attended upon the governor. As soon as morning came,
a squadron of thirty horsemen was despatched to recon
noitre, and to plunder the Inca's camp ; from which
congenial occupation they returned laden with gold,
silver, emeralds, and provisions. The gold alone, when
melted, yielded no less a sum than 80,000 pesos. They
told Pizarro that they had observed among the dead
some who had not fallen beneath Spanish weapons, and
Atahuallpa acknowledged that these had been put to
death by his orders, because they had been frightened
by De Soto's horse. For when that gallant cavalier
went on his errand to the Inca, he had thought fit to
display the excellent qualities of his famous white charger.
At his bidding it had reared and bounded, had wheeled
G

94 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
and curvetted, had dashed across the field like a flash
fof lightning, and suddenly halted so near the Inca, that
the foam from its mouth had sprinkled his royal robe.
He himself, like a true king, had shown no sign of
astonishment or alarm ; but there were many who fled
in terror before a monster of which they had hitherto
had no knowledge. Poor wretches ! they were cruelly
punished for their not unnatural cowardice. Their punish
ment, however, did not reassure their countrymen, who
to the last were greatly affrighted by the Spanish horses,
which played in the conquest of Peru almost as important
a part as their riders.
The disposal of his numerous prisoners was a matter
of great anxiety to Pizarro. He shrank from the ghastly
proposal of some of his officers, that the fighting men
among them should be slaughtered in cold blood. He
was cruel from policy rather than from inclination.
Eventually he gave his soldiers leave to select such
prisoners as they chose to act as their servants ; the rest
he set at liberty. In like, manner, of the large number
of sheep brought in, those not killed were allowed to
wander away among the mountains. Having despatched
messengers to Panama with the tidings of his victory, he
employed his soldiers in strengthening the fortifications
of Caxamalca, and in erecting a church, being unwilling
to advance into the interior until the long-expected rein
forcements arrived. Meanwhile he taught Atahuallpa
to play at chess and at cards, in order that the hours of
his captivity might prove less irksome. The Inca, a
man of quick intelligence, soon learned to speak Spanish,

A DOUBTFUL STORY. 95
and showed a vigorous industry in endeavouring to read
and write it. Much perplexed to know whether the
Spaniards acquired a knowledge of their language by
natural instinct, or by toil and pains as he did, he one
day asked one of his guards to write the word "God"
on his thumb-nail; and when the soldier had done as
he wished, he went round among the other soldiers and
asked them to read it. Great was his surprise to find
that all of them read alike. Pizarro at this moment
came upon the scene ; whereupon the Inca held up to
him his thumb, and begged him to read what was written
on it. With a blush, it is said, Pizarro was forced to
own that he could not. Thenceforth the Inca, we are
told, regarded him with considerably diminished awe and
respect. Such is the common story ; but it seems to us very
apocryphal. In the first place, that every common
soldier should be able to read must be accepted as an
almost marvellous occurrence ; in the second, it is surely
improbable that a man of Pizarro's ability, in the position
in which he was placed, should not have mastered that
one Spanish word necessarily in common use, and dear
to every devout Spaniard. Thirdly, there can be no just
reason for supposing that Atahuallpa would attach any
special importance to a knowledge of reading and writing,
or that Pizarro's deficiency in this respect would lessen
his respect for the master of the Spanish battalions, the
general who wielded at his will those terrible horsemen
and fatal guns. Atahuallpa was a king, not a school
master, and would judge Pizarro by his material power,

g6 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
and not by his possession of the "elements of educa
tion." In the conversations that occurred between the Srpanish
captain and his prisoner, Pizarro gained a large amount
of information respecting the internal condition of Peru.
He learned that Atahuallpa's army had capt-^ . -d the
great city of Cuzco, and taken prisoner his hai.^ ¦ her
and rival, Huascar ; he was soon afterwards ap . id
-urns
that the latter had been put to death, and that * as
Atahuallpa was sole lord of both Peru and Quito. j ^
his part, he informed the Inca that all the Peruvian
territories, and the rest of the New World, belonged, by
right of the Papal donation, to the Emperor, Charles '/.,
whom he must thenceforth acknowledge as his superior.
This Atahuallpa readily promised ; and having observed
the Christian greed of gold, he added, that if he would
set him free, he would fill the room in which the two
were conversing, up to a mark which he made on the
wall, with gold, — vases, and jars, and bars of gold, piled
(nine feet high.* And this ransom he undertook to collect
!in two months' time. Pizarro eagerly accepted the
{splendid proposal, and a line at the stipulated height
was drawn all round the room, which measured twenty-
two feet in length by sixteen feet in breadth.
Atahuallpa, longing for liberty, and perhaps for revenge,
sent in all haste to Cuzco, and Quito, and other places,
where gold had been accumulated in large quantities for
the decoration of the houses of the gods or the palaces
of the Incas, with instructions to his officials to remit
''¦' The height was half as much again as a man's ordinary stature.

ARRIVAL OF ALMAGRO. 97
what was necessary for making up his ransom to Caxa-
malca. And such was the loyal obedience of the
Peruvians, that though their sovereign was a prisoner,
they executed his orders with the utmost alacrity.* It
may be assumed that it was their hope of releasing him
by this means, which prevented the Peruvians from
attempting any other method, which would probably
have endangered his life ; hence, though the military
force of the empire was still unbroken, no preparations
were made, no army was assembled, to crush the invaders,
and avenge the massacre of Caxamalca. Pizarro's little
army remained unmolested. The opportunity soon
passed ; for Almagro, in the middle of December, landed
at Concibi, near Coaque, with a large reinforcement.
About the same time three caravels, with volunteers on
board, arrived from Nicaragua; so that, in all, 160
Spaniards, with 84 horses, were preparing to join the
conquerors at Caxamalca.
Pizarro then felt strong enough to despatch his brother
Hernando to collect the remainder of the ransom, and
to observe the movements of the Peruvian troops. He
took with him some arquebusiers and twenty horsemen.
Wherever he went, his march lay through a rich and
fertile country, whose inhabitants appeared contented
and prosperous ; the signs were numerous of a peaceful
and advanced civilization. Along the great paved cause
way, which might well be termed one of the wonders of
* The reader will be reminded of the efforts of the people of
England to ransom Richard I. from the hands of the German
Emperor.

98 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
the world — the famous road which for upwards of a
thousand miles crossed the summit of the Sierras, bridg
ing chasms and rivers, ascending precipices, descending
rugged declivities — he rode towards Pachacamac. At every
village he was received with dances and merry-makings ;
at all the stations he was freely supplied with llamas,
maize, firewood, and a stimulating drink called chica. He
observed that the Peruvians were a religious people,
strict in the performance of the rites and ceremonies
of their Sun-worship ; but while most of their temples
were dedicated to the Sun, others were reserved for
" Cuzco the Ancient, father of Atabaliva." In the houses
of the Sun virgins ministered, the altars being stained
with the blood of llamas, and libations of chica poured
upon the earth.
Through a populous and fertile country Hernando
descended to Pachacamac, where, as at every point of
his route, he was greeted with a friendly welcome. He
found it to be a large and well- peopled town on the sea
shore, much of the importance of which was owing to
the fame of its ancient temple. To this temple such
reverence attached, that the Indians spoke of it with
bated breath, and very reluctantly. The whole of the
country round about contributed to its support. It was
of ample dimensions, with large courts and extensive
precincts, but dim and squalid. In a great court outside
the temple were the houses of the virgins. No votary
was admitted into the first inner court unless he had
prepared himself by a twenty days' fast; nor into the
second until he had fasted for a year. There it was

AN ACT OF ICONOCLASM. 99
that the chief priest, in a sitting posture, and with his
head covered, received the disciples who had completed
this prolonged initiation. To him they declared their
desires or necessities ; and the subordinate ministers, or
"Pages of God," retired to an inner chamber to commune
with the divinity, who expressed to them his anger or
satisfaction, and through them gave orders for offerings
and sacrifices. " I believe," says Hernando Pizarro, "that
they do not talk with the Devil, but that these ministers
of the chief priest deceive the caciques, and this I endea
voured to find out. It happened that one of them, so a
cacique told me, had said that he was told by the Devil
that the caciques ought not to be afraid of our horses,
which might frighten, but could do no harm. I put this
man to the torture, but he clung so fiercely to his evil
creed, that nothing more could be wrung from him than
that he really believed the idol to be a god."
To convince the caciques of the deception under which
they grovelled, he strode boldly into the sacred recesses
of the temple, tore down the idol from its place of
honour, and shattered it in pieces. It is probable, how
ever, that this act of iconoclasm had far less effect on the
minds of the Peruvians than the terror of the Spanish arms.
We do not desert our gods because they are broken by
the hands of others. It is only when they abandon us
that we are convinced of their feebleness and folly.
To the great disappointment of the Spaniards, the
priests had removed and concealed the treasures of Pach
acamac on hearing of their approach ; and learning that the
chief Peruvian general, Chilicuchima, was encampe.l neat

100 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
Xauxa with a large army, Hernando marched in that direc
tion. Every mile that he advanced filled him with greater
wonderment at the prosperity of the country, where want
and poverty seemed utterly unknown, and gold and silver
were as plentiful as in fairy tales. In crossing the moun
tains some of his horses lost their shoes, and as no iron
was to be found, Hernando caused them to be re-shod
with silver. On his arrival at Xauxa, a large and prosperous
town, he entered into communication with Chilicuchima,
and easily persuaded him to return with him to Caxa
malca, to pay his respects to his captive sovereign. After
a successful expedition, in which, strange to say, no blood
had been shed, Hernando rode again into Caxamalca, on
the 25th of March, 1533, accompanied by the Peruvian
general, and bringing with him twenty-seven loads of gold
and two thousand marks of silver.
Chilicuchima is described as a robust old man, of
soldierly aspect, tall, and with long white hair. His mode
of approaching his sovereign indicated the profoundest
reverence. At the palace gate he uncovered his head,
took off his shoes, and placed a burden on his shoulders.
The caciques who attended him did the same. Entering
the royal presence, he raised his hands to the sun, and
gave thanks that he had been permitted the happiness of
seeing his sovereign again. With the tears streaming
down his furrowed cheeks he prostrated himself on the
ground, and kissed his face, his hands, his feet. The
Inca preserved an impassive demeanour, though it is said
that he cherished a profound regard for his great captain.
He addressed him calmly, as befitted a descendant of the

Chilicuchima.

EMBASSY TO CUZCO. IOI
Sun, and, after a brief interview, dismissed him with a
haughty wave of the hand.
During Hernando Pizarro's absence at Pachacamac and
Xauxa, his brother despatched three cavaliers to Cuzco,
to receive its contribution to the promised ransom, and
report upon the appearance and condition of the country.
The three chosen were Pedro Moguer, Francisco de
Zarate, and Martin Bueno. Escorted by the Inca's
brother, and conveyed in luxurious litters, they travelled
the whole distance of six hundred miles, through a country
which astonished them by its multiplied evidences of pros
perity. On their arrival at Cuzco they were welcomed
with feasts and dances and songs, and splendidly lodged
in a magnificent palace. These unaccustomed honours
proved too much for the self-restraint of the Spanish
soldiers, and they behaved with so much incontinency,
indiscreetness, and grossness — I borrow the words from
a Spanish writer — as effectually to disabuse the Indians
of their first simple belief that they were the sons of the
gods (hijos de Dios), and to impress them with the idea
that they were a new scourge sent from heaven in punish
ment of their sins. At one time the Cuzcans contemplated
killing them, but forbore out of their dread of Atahuallpa's
vengeance, or their fears for his safety, and made haste to
free themselves from the humiliation of their presence
by conceding all that they demanded. The defect of
Pizarro as a statesman is shown in his selection of mes
sengers so unfit for the task committed to them. Cortes
would have converted such a mission into a means of con
ciliating and attaching the Peruvian people, and would

102 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
have been careful that his envoys should be men worthy
of representing the Spanish nation, and capable of ad
vancing its interests.*
The three soldiers returned to Caxamalca with glow
ing tales of the wonders they had seen. They spoke of
Cuzco as if it had been a city of gold, an earthly paradise,
that " Dorado" which had figured in the old legends and
romances. They declared that the walls of the Temple of
the Sun shone resplendent with vast plates of gold, of
which they themselves had carried off no fewer than
seven hundred ; and that it was adorned with an image
of the orb of day, all wrought in gold, with rays of gold,
which it dazzled the eyes to look upon.
On the 14th of April, during their absence at Cuzco,
Almagro and his reinforcements marched into Caxa-
* " We may well pause to consider the sufferings of the inhabitants
of Cuzco, as having something peculiar in them, even for the Indies.
Their city, in their eyes a Paris, a Rome, and a Jerusalem, was
fondly, devotedly, adoringly regarded by them. At any caravanserai,
the traveller who was journeying from Cuzco took the precedence —
belonging to a superior fortune — of the Peruvian who was only ap
proaching the sacred city. But now Cuzco was desolate and cast
down, for in a few brief weeks it had suffered the two greatest evils
known in the life of cities. It had recently been occupied by a con
quering army of its own people, and had experienced all that the
bitterest civil discord let loose in a town can inflict upon it. Hardly
had this storm swept over the devoted city, when it was to encounter
the frigid insolence of alien victors, who knew nothing of its manners.
its religion, or its laws. Was it for this that, by incredible labour'
the stones had been adjusted in its palaces so as to appear like the
cleavage of the natural rock ? Was it for this that its Temple of the
Sun towered conspicuous above all other temples, merely to attract
upon it the lightning of destruction from all sides?" — Sir Arthur
Helps, " Spmish Conquest in America," \ol. i;i.,pp. 561-62.

ARRIVAL OF ALMAGRO. 103
malca. However agreeable this arrival might be to the
Spaniards, it was alarming to the Inca, who saw the power
of his enemies largely increased; and as he knew neither
the source whence they derived their supplies, nor the
means by which they were conveyed to Peru, he could
not foresee (says Robertson) to what a height the inun
dation that poured in upon his dominions might attain.
As a matter of fact, had the Inca been a man of any
political sagacity, he would have seen in the arrival of
Almagro the fulcrum on which to rest a successful effort
for the deliverance of his country. He would have de
tected the rising jealousy between the two Spanish leaders,
and availed himself of it to further his own purposes.
Nothing, however, is more remarkable in the history of the
conquest of the New World than the fact that two great,
opulent, and civilized nations fell before a handful of in-,
vaders, without producing a single man capable of initiat
ing and conducting a vigorous defence, of stimulating his
countrymen to a patriotic resistance.
Almagro, since Pizarro's return from Spain, had sus
pected him of an intention to arrogate to himself an undue
share both of power and plunder. That Pizarro cared
much for plunder I do not believe; but a marked feature
of his character was his love of power, and that he intended
to keep the government of the empire in his own hands
cannot be doubted. The time had not come, however,
when he could afford to quarrel with his colleague ; and
on his arrival at Caxamalca he received him with every
demonstration of sincere respect and cordiality, and
lodged him in the best quarters. Moreover, as his brother

104 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
Hernando, a cavalier of good blood and fine manners,
was not slow in exhibiting his scorn of the rough un
lettered adventurer, Pizarro resolved to send him on a
mission to Spain, in order to prevent any premature dis
ruption of the confederacy. He prepared, therefore, for
a division of the treasure which had been collected for
Atahuallpa's ransom, that the King's fifth might be ascer
tained and conveyed to Seville by Hernando. Gold had
been accumulated in such shapes and quantities as the
most vivid imagination had failed to conceive in its
least sober dreams. Goblets of gold, vases of gold, slabs
and basins and plates of gold, utensils of gold, rings
and bracelets of gold, panels of gold wrenched from the
walls of the temple, heavy golden bars which had formed
their cornices, fountains of gold, and birds, fruits, and
vegetables of gold, — gold everywhere ; much of it ex
quisitely wrought, all without alloy : —
" Gold ! fine gold ! both yellow and red ;
Beaten and molten, polished and red."
All this mass was melted down into square ingots or
bars, and then weighed. It was found to represent in
value 1,326,539 pesos;* or, as money is now valued,
about ^3, 500, 000. t A fifth having been set apart for
the king, Pizarro received the next great share (57,222
pesos), along with the massive throne of gold on which
Atahuallpa had been brought to Caxamalca; his brother
Hernando (with 31,080 pesos), De Soto (with 17,740
* A peso was worth about 4s. S^d. ; or, at the present value of
money, about five times that sum.
¦f There was also silver to the value of 51,610 marks.

AN ENORMOUS BOOTY. IOS
pesos), and the other principal cavaliers came next in the
distribution. Then each horse-soldier received 8,880
pesos ; and each foot-soldier between 3,000 and 4,000.
To Almagro,*' in recognition of his share in the enter
prise, 100,000 pesos were allotted; and 20,000 pesos were
divided among his soldiers, who had borne nothing of
the heat and burden of the day. A sum of 2,220 pesos
was set apart for the new Christian church of San Fran
cisco, at Caxamalca; and 15,000 pesos for the colony
of San Miguelt (July 25th).
" There is no example in history," says Robertson,^
" of such a sudden acquisition of wealth by military
service, nor was ever a sum so great divided among so
small a number of soldiers. Many of them, having
received a recompense for their services far beyond their
most sanguine hopes, were so impatient to retire from
fatigue and danger, in order to spend the remainder of
their days in ease and opulence, that they demanded
their discharge with clamorous importunity. Pizarro,
* Luque had died at Panama a short time before Almagro's de
parture. f As is always the case, this vast increase of individual wealth was
attended by a great increase in the price of the articles in general
demand. A horse could not be bought for less than 1,500 pesos ; a
sheet of paper cost 10 pesos ; a bottle of wine, 70 pesos ; even a head
of garlic (a condiment almost indispensable to the Spaniard), half a
peso. It is recorded by Oviedo as one of the results, and certainly
the most curious, of the shower of gold which had descended on the
Spaniards, that instead of debtors avoiding their creditors, the reverse
prevailed, and creditors hid themselves in order to evade payment !
Such a state of things has never obtained in our day.
% Robertson, "Conquest of America," vol. ii., p. 310. See Gar-
cilasso de la Vega, pt. 2, lib. i., c. 38.

106 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
sensible that from such men he could not expect enter
prise in action nor fortitude in suffering, and persuaded
that wherever they went the display of their riches would
allure adventurers, less opulent but more hardy, to his
standard, granted their suit without reluctance, and per
mitted above sixty of them to accompany his brother
Hernando." Yet as these were veterans, and accustomed
to serve under his standard, he must have regretted their
departure, which weakened materially his force in com
parison with that enlisted by Almagro ; and his ready
compliance with their demand is one of those instances
of generosity which brighten his stormy career.

CHAPTER IV.

DEATH OF ATAHUALLPA.  THE SPANISH SETTLE-

TrJ-ffeo.

MENT.

AVING paid a magnificent and right royal
ransom, Atahuallpa naturally demanded to
be set at liberty.* I have no doubt that this
was the original intention of Pizarro ; that he
would have released him under such con
ditions as would have ensured his subordination to the
Spaniards ; but the arrival of Almagro and his men
brought about a complete change of affairs. From the

* Atahuallpa was well treated in his captivity. He was attended
by his wives and concubines, who waited on him at table, and dis
charged the various duties about his person. Indian nobles were
stationed in his ante-chamber, though they never entered his pre
sence, unless summoned. His table was served with gold and silver
plate. His dress, which he changed frequently, was a robe made
of the skins of bats, or a mantle of the finely-woven wool of
the vicuna. Upon his head he wore the llautre, a woollen
turban of the most vivid colours, and round his forehead was
twisted the emblematic borla. He was taught to play with dice,
and in the game of chess he became very expert. In truth, he
wanted nothing but that which the captive wants most of all-
freedom. — See Pedro Pizarro's graphic narrative, App., Prescott,
" . 458. 459-

108 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
first they were inimical to the Inca, partly, perhaps, from
a jealous feeling that he should have been captured by
Pizarro and his soldiers ; partly because they feared that
whatever gold might come in would still be claimed as a
portion of his ransom. This unfavourableness of senti
ment was early detected by Atahuallpa. who, when
Hernando Pizarro took leave of him, exclaimed, " I am
sorry that you are going ; for when you are gone, I know
the fat man and the one-eyed man " — that is Riquelma,
the King's treasurer, and Almagro — " will combine to
kill me." He had another and even more powerful
enemy in the interpreter Felipillo, who, to the intense
wrath and shame of the Inca, had presumed to fall in
love with one of his concubines, — an offence against
the monarch's dignity which he felt very keenly. Thus
it came to pass that the question of the disposal of
Atahuallpa was much discussed in the camp, under
influences which did not bode him well. About the
same time rumours reached Pizarro of the gathering of
the Peruvian army, as if it had suddenly awakened from
its long lethargy, and designed to strike a blow for the
national independence. Brave as the Spanish captain
was, and conscious of the superiority he derived from the
arms and discipline of his men, he knew that they were
but a handful in the midst of millions, and that at any
time a well-conceived combination or a skilful surprise
might set aside the superiority on which he relied, and
overwhelm him with ruin. He could not afford, there
fore, to throw away a single chance, and the release of
Atahuallpa might have been such a chance, as it would

A DIFFICULT SITUATION. 109
have afforded the Peruvians a centre, a rallying-point, so
to speak, and a legitimate and, in their belief, Heaven
sent leader. On the other hand, if he held him pri
soner, he was liable to a thousand annoyances and
anxieties; Atahuallpa would naturally intrigue for his
liberation or to effect his escape, or the Peruvians would
be incited to some desperate attempt on behalf of their
imprisoned monarch. Pizarro was perplexed and uneasy ;
for throughout his Peruvian expedition he was a close
copyist of Cortes, and here was a dilemma in which he
had no example of Cortes to guide him. In adopting
the principle that whatever was expedient was just
(" Y esto tenia per justo, pues era provechoso "), he
adopted one which Cortes was not fond of recognizing.
His hesitation is shown by the circumstance that he
published a formal and official document, fully dis
charging the Inca of further obligation in respect to the
ransom, though its exact terms had not been, and
perhaps never would have been, fulfilled. Yet, at the
same time, he expressed an opinion that considerations ot
safety and security rendered necessary the detention of
the Inca until additional reinforcements came from Spain.
While he thus wavered, the rumours of an Indian attack
revived ; an army, it was said, was assembling at Quito,
and would be supported by 30,000 Caribs ; and many
tongues connected with this menacing movement the
name of Atahuallpa. When Pizarro repeated the story
to Chilicuchima, the grey-haired veteran pronounced it a
calumny. Pizarro next went to the Inca himself : " What
treason is it you are meditating against me ? against me,
H

IIO THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
who have treated you with honour, and trusted in your
words as in those of a brother?" "Why do you mock
me?" replied the Inca; " why are you always saying these
jests of me ? What are we, I and my people, — how can
we conquer men so valiant as yours ? Do not cast
these gibes at me." This he said (we are told) with great
composure, but he did not convince Pizarro, who re
membered that he had often spoken with the same
coolness and astuteness, so that the Spaniards had been
surprised to see such prudence in a barbarian (" en vu
hombre barbaro tanta prudencia ").
Perceiving that he had not removed the general's
suspicions, Atahuallpa again asserted his innocence.
" Am I not," he said, " a captive in your hands ?
How could I conceive such a design as you speak of,
when I should be the first victim ? And little do you
know of my people if you think they would enter upon
it without my orders, when the very birds in my domi
nions would not dare to fly in opposition to my will."
But the belief of the troops in a general rising of the
natives deepened every hour. A large force, it was said,
had been concentrated at Guamachucho, some ninety
miles from the camp. Pizarro seems to haie shared
their apprehensions. He caused the Inca to be loaded
with fetters ; he doubled his patrols, and went the rounds
in person to see that vigilant watch was kept. The
soldiers slept on their arms ; the horses were all saddled
and bridled in readiness for immediate service. What
was more to the purpose, two Indian spies were sent
out to reconnoitre the enemy's position. They returned

THE INCA BROUGHT TO TRIAL. Ill
with the information that the Peruvian army was slowly
advancing through a mountainous district ; that Atahu
allpa had at first ordered it to retreat, but had afterwards
cancelled the order, and named the hour and place at
which the attack was to be delivered, saying that if it
were delayed he should be put to death. The soldiers,
and especially those of Almagro's party, were more
clamorous than ever, and openly declared that Atahu
allpa's death was essential to the safety of the Spaniards.
They were supported by Riquelma the treasurer, and
other royal officers, who had accompanied Almagro to
the camp. Pizarro still shrank from so extreme a measure
as the death of his prisoner, and Hernando de Soto and j
a few others nobly protested against it, asserting that
there was not sufficient evidence of his guilt. It occurred
to Pizarro to despatch Soto at the head of a small force
to reconnoitre the country about Guamachucho, and
ascertain if the rumours of warlike movements were
based on fact or fictitious. But while Soto was absent
there came to the camp at Caxamalca a couple of
Indians, who were attached to the Spanish army, and
they declared that the Peruvians were only three leagues
from Caxamalca, and would attack on that or the
following night. The excitement then became so intense
that Pizarro consented to bring the Inca to immediate
trial. The usual formalities were observed. Pizarro
and Almagro presided as judges ; a doctor of laws acted
for the prosecution; and an advocate was assigned to
the prisoner. Twelve charges, drawn up in the form of
interrogatories, were preferred. Of these the most impor-

112 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
tant were, that the Inca had ordered the assassination
of his brother, and fomented a conspiracy against the
Spaniards. He was also accused of idolatrous and
adulterous practices, and of lavishly and unprofitably
expending the revenues of the kingdom since the con
quest, of prosecuting unjust wars, and wasting his estates
upon his kinsmen. It can hardly be said that any of
these matters came within the cognizance of an invading
power, except the alleged conspiracy ; but they seem to
have been formally investigated. The principal wit
nesses were the two Indians, whose evidence was wholly
unsupported ; the judges, however, declared Atahuallpa
guilty, and sentenced him to be burnt at the stake. He
was offered another form of death if he embraced Chris
tianity — a religion which could hardly have been recom
mended to him by the conduct of its Spanish professors !
An angry discussion followed the declaration of the
sentence. Many of the Spaniards protested against its
being carried out. They were not insensible to the claims
of honour, justice, and good faith, and insisted that
Pizarro was bound by the promise he had given. They
even suggested that the Inca should be transferred to
Spain, where the charges against him could be examined
by the proper tribunals. They denied the authority of
the court that had condemned him, and impugned the
validity of the evidence brought before it. In all this
they were fully justified ; the trial was a gross outrage on
the law of nations ; their sole error lay in supposing that
any Spanish tribunal had a right to sit in judgment on
an independent prince. Their courageous and manly

SENTENCE UPON THE INCA. 113
protest failed, however, against the bloodthirstiness and
panic fears of the majority,* and all that remained for
them was to record in writing their sense of the iniquity
of a procedure which has left an indelible blot on the
Spanish name.
We acknowledge much force, however, in the reasoning
of the historian that this vehement debate, and the large
majority against Atahuallpa, militate against the com
mon belief, that his death was the result of a previous
and stern resolve on the part of the Spanish commander.
I am convinced that Pizarro shared in what was obviously
the opinion of most of his soldiers, that the Inca had
secretly ordered military preparations, and that he re
garded his death as an urgent measure of self-preserva
tion. It must be admitted that this argument does not
absolve him from the guilt attaching to so cruel and
unprecedented an outrage, but it furnishes an excuse
which will be accepted by persons capable of calmly
considering the position of the Spaniards, and the hopes
and fears by which they were swayed. The whole
transaction is an illustration of the great truth which
common experience is continually demonstrating, that
one ill deed inevitably leads to another, that good cannot
come out of evil. The invasion of Peru was the initial
crime, and it necessitated a long series of crimes over
the record of which our shocked humanity may well turn
pale. When the sentence was communicated to the Inca
his emotion was uncontrollable. With tears in his eyes,
* The majority numbered 350 ; the minority, 50.

114 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
he exclaimed : " What have I or my children done
that I should meet such a fate ? " Turning to Pizarro,
he continued, reproachfully: "And from your hands !
You, who have received so much kindness and friend
ship from my people — you, with whom I have shared
my troubles — you, whom I have loaded with benefits ! "
He implored him to spare his life, promising double the
ransom already paid, if only time were given him to collect
it, and offering any guarantee that might be required for
the safety of the Spanish army, down to the meanest
soldier. Pizarro listened to this touching appeal with
tears. "I myself," says an eyewitness, " saw the general
weep." But though he wept, he did not — perhaps he
could not — relent ; and when Atahuallpa found that
death was inevitable, he prepared to meet it with a
dignity worthy of his rank and race.
By sound of trumpet the Inca's doom was proclaimed
in the great square of Caxamalca ; and two hours after
sunset, on the 29th of August, it was carried into execu
tion. Atahuallpa was brought to the place in chains,
with Father Valverde, who had affixed his signature to the
sentence, by his side, actively labouring to convert him
to Christianity, even at the last hour. When the royal
victim was bound to the stake, with the faggots heaped
around him, the Father held up a cross, imploring him
to embrace it and be baptized, and promising that if he
did so the painful death to which he had been sentenced
should be commuted for the milder form of the garrote.
This argument proved effectual ; he consented to abjure
his own religion, and receive baptism. The ceremony

Execution of Atahuallpa,

DEATH OF ATAHUALLPA. 1 15
was performed by Valverde, and the new convert re
ceived the name of Juan de Atahuallpa. He then
expressed his desire that his remains might be interred
with those of his maternal ancestors at Quito, and com
mended his young children to the care and protection of
Pizarro. With stern composure he submitted himself
to the hands of the executioner, and was suddenly
strangled, while the Spanish soldiers around him mut
tered their Credos for the welfare of his soul.--1 His
body that night was exposed in the great square, and on
the following morning interred with solemn funeral pomp
in the Church of San Franciso. Pizarro and the prin
cipal cavaliers attended in mourning garb, and the troops
listened attentively to the service read and chanted by
Father Valverde. In the middle of it a loud lamenta
tion was heard outside the church, the doors were sud
denly burst open, and many Indian women, the wives
and sisters of the murdered Inca, swept up the central
aisle, and with tears and sobs prostrated themselves
around the corpse. They piteously protested that the
* Atahuallpa was of a handsome countenance and fine presence,
with blood-shot eyes and a fierce expression, tall, robust, and well
proportioned. His air was commanding, but not without a touch of
refinement. "He is accused of having bean cruel in his wars, and
bloody in his revenge. It may be true, but the pencil of an enemy
would be likely to overcharge the shadows of the portrait. He is
allowed to have been bold, high-minded, and liberal. All agree
that he showed singular penetration and quickness of perception.
His exploits as a. warrior had placed his valour beyond dispute.
The best homage to it is the reluctance shown by the Spaniards to
restore him to freedom. They dreaded him as an enemy, and they
had done him too many wrongs to think that he would be their
friend."— Prescott, i., 444-45.

Il6 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
funeral rites of their lord should have been celebrated
in the Peruvian fashion, and expressed their desire to
sacrifice themselves on his grave, and accompany his
spirit to the golden land of the Sun. The Spaniards
informed them that Atahuallpa had died in the Christian
religion, and that the God of the Christians required no
human sacrifices. They were then excluded from the
church, but several, on retiring to their residences,
carried out their vows, and by committing suicide con
firmed their devotion to the murdered prince.
A day or two later, Hernando de Soto returned ; and
great was his indignation when he was informed of the
cruel deed done in his absence. Repairing at once to
the presence of Pizarro, he found him with a large felt
sombrero, by way of mourning, drawn down over his
eyes, his attitude and bearing suggestive of sorrow, and
perhaps remorse. With a soldier's abruptness, he said
to him : " You have acted rashly, for Atahuallpa was
falsely accused. There was no army at Guamachucho,
nor did I anywhere see the signs of insurrection. If it
were necessary to bring the Inca to trial, he should have
been sent to Castile, to be judged by the Emperor. I
would have pledged myself to have seen him safely on
board ship." Pizarro acknowledged his precipitancy,
and threw all the blame on Riquelme, Valverde, and
the more pertinacious members of the iruajority, who, in
their turn, recriminated against Pizarro. The quarrel
was loud, violent, and prolonged; but as they could not
bring the dead back to life, the contending parties at
length subsided into silence.

THE RIVAL INCAS. 117
Pizarro's next step was to name a successor to the
late Inca, and after some consideration he selected a
younger brother of Atahuallpa, who was accordingly
crowned with the royal borla, and received the homage
of such Indians as remained in or about Caxamalca.
Pizarro probably hoped that a young man without ex
perience, owing the crown to his favour and support,
would prove a plastic and willing instrument in his
hand ; while the task of government would be rendered
much easier if apparently sanctioned by that supreme
authority so long an object of reverence to the Peruvians.
On the other hand, the people of Cuzco and the sur
rounding country acknowledged Manco dpac, a brother
of Huascar. To neither belonged that absolute power
which the sovereigns of Peru had previously enjoyed ;
for the captivity and death of Atahuallpa had broken up
the old order before a new one was ready to take its
place, and the bonds of allegiance in the various pro
vinces had been loosened, if not dissolved. So many
of the royal house had been put to death by Atahuallpa,
that not only had their influence in the state diminished
with their number, but the veneration attaching to a
supposed sacred race had considerably decreased.
Hence it arose that in different parts of the empire
men of ambition seized upon as much authority as their
resources permitted, and exercised a jurisdiction to which
they had no claim. In Quito, Ruminavi, the late
Inca's chief commander, arrested the brother and
children of his unfortunate sovereign, slew them without
pity, and refusing allegiance to Toparca and Manco

Il8 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
Capac alike, endeavoured to form an independent king
dom. One sad consequence of this sudden revolution was
the moral disorder which speedily convulsed the state.
Relieved from the heavy pressure of the Inca's power,
the Indians gave way to the most violent excesses.
Villages were burnt, palaces and temples were pillaged
and destroyed ; their treasures wasted, scattered, or con
cealed. The Peruvian attributed a new importance to
the precious metals when he saw the value put upon
them by his conquerors ; and thus a simple-minded
pastoral community was suddenly infected with the
greed of gain. Formerly reserved for religious decora
tion or state purposes, gold and silver were now regarded
as private property, and hoarded up and buried in caves
and forests. The amount secreted by the natives is sup
posed to have largely exceeded that which fell into the
hands of the Spaniards. " What the Inca gave the
Spaniards." said some of the Indian nobles to Benal-
cazar, the conqueror of Quito, "was but as a grain of
corn compared with the heap before him."
Recognizing that he had no longer to deal with an
organized and united state, but with a community broken
violently asunder by the disappearance of the authority
which had held it together and formed its strength,
Pizarro prepared to continue and complete the work of
conquest. He had at his disposal a force of nearly
500 veteran soldiers, of whom 160 were horsemen.
They were well-equipped, inured to adventure, and full
of spirit. At their head, early in September, he set out

MARCH OF THE SPANIARDS. 119
from Caxamalca, which he left in charge of a sufficient
garrison. His route lay along the magnificent causeway
which crossed the slopes of the Cordilleras to the ancient
city of Cuzco. In the van of his little army he rode
triumphantly, mounted on a noble white charger; and
at a short distance behind came two superb litters, bear
ing Toparea and Chilicuchima, each surrounded by his
usual attendants. Next followed the Spanish horsemen
on their prancing steeds — stalwart men were they,
with all the true Spaniard's pride of port — and the sun
glancing brightly from their shining shields and polished
helms, they made a gallant show. But scarcely less
brave the appearance of the infantry in their steel
cuirasses, as, with bow or arquebuse in hand, or massive
pike, they marched along with solid, steady tramp. The
rear was brought up by a crowd of Peruvians, men
and women, who acted as guides, servants, or baggage-
porters. The great road of the Incas carried them easily across
smooth and level valleys, dotted with prosperous villages
and brightened by crystal streams, — over elevated plains
that breathed a fresh pure air, and commanded glorious
views of the sea on one hand, and the white masses of
the mountains on the other,— around precipitous cliffs
which seemed ready to crush the daring traveller with their
nodding crags, — -through wooded gorges, where at mid-
noon a twilight obscurity prevailed, — and down descents
which, but for this wonderful paved causeway, must have
been impassable to cavalry. It was when the road
climbed the mountain-side in steep zig-zags, almost

120 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
resembling a tier of steps, that the horsemen found their
progress difficult, and were compelled to dismount and
lead their chargers by the bridle. Every evening, when
the army halted, they found ample supplies prepared for
them, and convenient shelter. Hence there was little
suffering, except when they crossed the rough pinnacles
of the Cordilleras, and breathed the different air of the
iced mountain-tops. Then they underwent some incon
venience from the cold ; for, in order that they might
march more quickly, they had left all superfluous baggage,
and even their huts, at Caxamalca. The bleak blasts
penetrated the stout harness of the soldiers ; but the
poor Indians of the plains, accustomed to a warm soft
climate, and scantily clothed, suffered most severely.
The rude experiences through which the Spanish veterans
had passed seemed to have hardened them, body and mind.
The Spaniards met with no molestation from the
enemy. As they marched along, the peasantry came
forth to see them, but their impulse was curiosity rather
than hatred. Occasionally, however, , they came upon
ruined bridges and the blackened remains of burned
villages ; and the Indian scouts brought Pizarro word of
small bodies of the natives, armed, hovering on his track,
or lying concealed in the ravines and the covert of the
woods. It was not until he reached Xauxa that he
met with any show of opposition. A Peruvian force,
posted on the opposite bank of the river, prepared to
dispute his passage ; but the Spaniards plunged into the
water, made their way across, and, with great slaughter,
drove their opponents into flight.

DE SOTO CAUGHT IN AN AMBUSH. 121
Of Xauxa, in connection with Hernando Pizarro's visit,
we have already spoken. " It was seated," says Prescott,
" in the midst of a verdant valley, fertilized by a thousand
little rills, which the thrifty Indian husbandman drew
from the parent river that rolled sluggishly through the
meadows. There were several capacious buildings of
rough stone in the town, and a temple of some note in
the times of the Incas. But the strong arm of Father
Valverde and his countrymen soon tumbled the heathen
deities from their pride of place, and established in their
stead the sacred effigies of the Virgin and Child."
Pizarro halted here to found a Spanish colony, for
which the site was favourable. Meanwhile he despatched
De Soto, with sixty horsemen, to explore the road to
Cuzco, and restore such bridges as he found demolished.
As he advanced he found the people more prompt to
manifest their hatred of the strangers ; and at Bilcas,
in a mountain defile, was engaged in a sharp struggle,
which cost him the lives of two or three of his troopers.
A fierce contest awaited him in the pass of Vilcaconga,
across the river Apurimac. Caught in an ambush, he
and his men were called upon to fight for dear life ; from
cavern and thicket the enemy issued, with loud shouts
of war, and poured in upon them a storm of missiles.
Men and horses were toppled over in the fury of the
onset ; and the foremost files, retiring on those not yet
up the ascent, spread disorder and destruction in their
ranks. In vain De Soto endeavoured to rally them ;
their horses were confused and maddened by the inces
sant missiles, and in vain endeavoured to free them-

122 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
selves from the enemy, who clung desperately to their
limbs. In the distance rose a broad and open bit of
tableland. De Soto saw that his only hope of safety
lay in reaching it. Clasping his helmet and lowering his
spear, he struck his spurs deep into his horse's flanks,
shouted the old battle-cry of Spain, and followed and
supported by his men, cut his way right through the
swarm of dusky warriors and gained the level beyond.
Then both parties paused, as if by signal, to take a
moment's breathing-time ; and the Spaniards hastened
to water their horses in a stream that flowed close
by. Again De Soto galloped to the charge; again
the Indians received it with admirable steadiness,
showing no dismay even at the appearance of the
snorting, trampling, furious horses ; and it was night
alone that put an end to the fighting. Both sides
withdrawing from the ground, they took up their stations
within an easy distance of each other, so that in the hush
of the night they could clearly hear each others' voices.
The two armies looked forward with very different feel
ings to a renewal of the fight on the morrow. The
Spaniards were discouraged and alarmed by a strength
and steadiness of resistance which they had never ex
pected. They had lost some of their bravest cavaliers;
one by a blow from a Peruvian battle-axe, which had
cloven his skull from the crown to the chin, thus attesting
the excellence of the weapon and the strength of the arm
that wielded it. Several horses had been killed ; few,
either of the men or horses, had escaped without a wound;
and the Indian allies had suffered still more severely.

MARCH OF ALMAGRO. 1 23
From the orderliness and steadiness of the assault De
Soto concluded it had been directed by some expe
rienced chief, — perhaps by the Indian commander Quiz-
quiz, who was reputed to be in that neighbourhood with
a considerable army. The Spaniard, however, did his
best to raise the spirits of his men ; reminding them
that though weary with a long march, and their horses
exhausted, they had kept the enemy at bay, and that,
refreshed by a night's rest, they might confidently hope
to turn the tide of battle on the morrow ; reminding
them also " to trust in the Almighty, who would never
desert His faithful followers in their extremity."
And so it proved, for Pizarro, having information of
the dangerous state of the country, and the rapid gather
ing of bodies of armed Indians, had grown alarmed for
the safety of his lieutenant. Accordingly he sent forward
Almagro, with the bulk of the remaining cavalry, to
support and succour him ; and he, advancing by forced
marches, reached the foot of the Vilcaconga river on
the very night of the engagement. From his spies he
heard of the day's fighting, and though his horses were
blown and weary he pushed forward to find De Soto.
The night was densely dark ; and to apprise his comrade
of his approach, he sounded his trumpets on the march.
Cheerily their martial notes rang through the defiles,
and, repeated by the mountain echoes, infused fresh
courage into the heart of every battle-worn cavalier, while
De Soto's silver bugles pealed a shrill reply. Before the
day dawned the two companies of Spaniards were united.
By the morning light the Peruvians saw their extended

124 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
array, and dismayed by its strength, took advantage of
the heavy mist which hung about the mountains to
accomplish their retreat. Almagro and De Soto then
continued their march until they cleared the defiles of
the mountains, when, entrenching themselves in a strong
position, they awaited the arrival of Pizarro.
Pizarro, on receiving information of their safety, rejoiced
exceedingly ; and, in the true Crusader spirit,* caused
mass to be said and thanksgiving made, because heaven
had showered its favours upon the Christians throughout
the mighty enterprise. It seemed certain that the attack
on De Soto's party had been organized and directed by
some man of authority; and suspicion fell upon the
veteran Chilicuchima, who was believed to maintain a
secret correspondence with Quizquiz. Pizarro hastened
to accuse him of the conspiracy, reproaching him with
ingratitude towards the Spaniards, who had treated him
with so much liberality, and assuring him, with a stern
frown, that if he did not cause the Peruvians to lay down
their arms at once, he should be burnt alive so soon as
they reached Almagro's encampment.
The aged chief coldly replied that he knew of no con
spiracy, and that so long as he remained a prisoner he
could have no influence over his countrymen. Pizarro
then ordered him to be put in irons, and placed a strong
guard over him.
* Pizarro and his men were scarcely less Crusaders than gold-
hunters. They were impelled by a strange medley of motives ;
some, mean and worldly ; others, noble and spiritual ; a greed of
gain, a love of adventure, a lust of power, and a desire to convert
the heathen to Christianity.

A BEAUTIFUL VALLEY.

125

Before setting out from Xauxa Pizarro sustained a
new misfortune in the death of Toparca, the young Inca.
It was the result, apparently, of the prince's continued
brooding over the sorrows of his race and dynasty,
but the Spaniards attributed it to the machinations of
Chilicuchima.* Leaving a garrison of forty men to guard his treasure
in Xauxa, and defend the town against any Peruvian
attack, Pizarro marched to effect a junction with Almagro
and De Soto, and with his united forces entered the vale
of Xaquixaguama, about five leagues from Cuzco. "This,"
we are told, " was one of those bright spots so often
found embosomed amidst the Andes, — the more beau
tiful from contrast with the savage character of the
scenery around it. A river flowed through the valley,
affording the means of irrigating the soil, and clothing it
in perpetual verdure ; and the rich and flowering vege
tation spread out like a cultivated garden. The beauty
of the place and its delicious coolness commended it as
a residence for the Peruvian nobles, and the sides of the
hills were dotted with their villas, which afforded them a
grateful retreat in the heats of summer. Yet the centre
of the valley was disfigured by a quagmire of some
extent, occasioned by the frequent overflowing of the
waters ; but the industry of the Indian architects had
constructed a solid causeway, faced with heavy stone, and
connected with the great road, which traversed the
whole breadth of the morass."
* The allegation that he died of chagrin at the subordinate position
in which Pizarro placed him is made by Velasco (of Quito), and by
no other writer. I

126 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
Here Pizarro halted and refreshed his troops. Here,
too, he brought Chilicuchima to trial — if trial that
mockery could be called, in which the judge and accuser
were one, and the sentence was decided upon before the
evidence was heard or the prisoner's guilt established.
He was condemned to be burnt alive.* " Some thought
it a hard measure," remarks Herrera ; "but those who
are governed by reasons of state policy are apt to shut
their eyes against everything else." The sole reason of
state policy that could have impelled Pizarro to commit
this indefensible act must have been his determination
not to leave the Peruvians with any man of authority or
eminence to act as their leader and rally them against
their oppressors. With his usual anxiety to save the
souls of those who fell victims to Spanish greed or fear,
Father Valverde accompanied Chilicuchima to the stake,
and pressed upon him the arguments always at his
command in favour of conversion : through the waters of
baptism he would pass into the bliss of Paradise. Chili
cuchima simply replied, " I do not understand the
religion of the white man ; " nor, as it was practised by
the conquerors and their priest, t could he be expected
to do so. He suffered death with unaffected heroism ;
* Mr. Prescott does not see why the Spanish conquerors so often
resorted to this cruel mode of execution. Because, I suppose, they
looked upon the Peruvians as heretics, and death by fire was, in
Spain, the traditional punishment of heresy.
f The inferiority of Valverde, in character and conduct, to the
wise and humane chaplain of Cortes needs no comment. A similar
inferiority is stamped upon all the personages connected with the
conquest of Teru.

APPEARANCE OF MANCO CAPAC. 1 27
neither sigh nor groan escaped him, and with his last
breath he uttered the sacred name of Pachacamac. His
followers endeavoured to shorten his tortures by piling
fresh fuel on the faggots which blazed around him.
A few days later, and the Spanish camp was surprised
by the appearance of a young Peruvian noble, richly
attired, surrounded by great pomp, and attended by a
gorgeous retinue. This was Manco Capac, brother of
the unfortunate Huascar, and the sole legitimate claimant
of the borla of the Incas. Finding it impossible to stay
the progress of the invaders, he politicly claimed their
protection ; and after asserting his title to the throne, he
solicited the aid of Pizarro in securing it. The Spanish
commander was well pleased to act with the sanction of
a native prince ; the death of Toparca he had felt as- a
serious misfortune, and he, therefore, received Manco
with an unaffected and eager cordiality, assuring him
that the King of Spain had sent him to Peru for the
special purpose of vindicating Huascar's claim to the
throne, and chastising his rival.
With the young Inca and his attendants in his train,
Pizarro advanced upon Cuzco. In passing through the
mountain-defile that forms the approach, he encountered
a body of the Peruvians, whom, after a sharp contest, he
beat off, and towards sunset his army debouched on the
green slope in front of the ancient city. Beautiful it
looked as it lay in the purple and golden splendours of
the setting sun, — the great luminary to whose worship it
was consecrated, — with the shadowy forms of the moun
tains holding it in their soft embrace. Pizarro deferred

128 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
his entry until the following day, the anniversary of his
entry into Caxamalca, November 15th, 1533. Vigilant
watch was kept during the night, lest a surprise should be
attempted; and early in the morning Pizarro drew up
his little army in three divisions, placing himself at the
head of the centre, with De Soto and his brilliant horse
men in the van. Then with banners waving and trumpets
blaring victoriously, with the sheen of arms and the
flutter of plumes and the tramp of steeds, he passed
through the gates of the City of the Sun, and filed into
its principal street. All along the route were assembled
crowds of Peruvians, dressed in their many-coloured
costume, and wearing their distinctive head-gear, which,
by its fashion, indicated the province from which they
citne. They gazed with silent wonder at the Spaniards
as at a mysterious race of beings, whose origin it was
impossible to determine ; the arms, the shining armour,
the white complexions, the firm and martial tread, the
military music, the neigh and clatter of the horses, all
moved their curiosity, perhaps their dread ; but they
broke into loud acclamations when their young prince
appeared in his sumptuous litter, borne by the side of
tlie Spanish general. To Spaniards and Peruvians alike
the spectacle must have presented the strangest features.
In the contact of the Old World with the New, of the
higher and more developed with the lower and more
imperfect civilization, there was always much to interest ;
but its deeper meanings would not be apprehended by
any of those who took part in the scene as actors or
spectators. They would remark only its external and

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Missing Page

THE SPANIARDS ENTER CUZCO. 131
more obvious characters, which, indeed, were striking
enough and numerous enough to attract and reward
attention. Pizarro made directly for the great square, in order to
secure a strong defensive position for his troops. It was
surrounded by several low ranges of buildings, including
the palaces of the Incas, and in one of these, which was
surmounted by a tower, he took up his quarters, and
provided lodgings for his officers. The soldiers were
encamped, at least for the first few weeks, in their tents in
the broad open plaza, which was neatly paved with pebbles;
and their horses were picketed by their side. Without
delay the great banner of Spain was hoisted on the ram
parts of the fortress, — which was built of hewn sl< ne on
a rocky height dominating the city, — on the palaces,
and on the Temple of the Sun ; a sign to all who looked
upon it of the lost independence of the kingdom of the
Incas. For the administration of the city, Pizarro made
the necessary arrangements ;* but at this time the con
tentment and tranquillity of the inhabitants were such
as to relieve him from all anxiety. He wisely prohibited
the soldiery from entering the houses of the people, but
they were allowed to plunder the temples and palaces
of their decorations. They even despoiled of their gems
and ornaments the royal mummies in the temple of
Coricancha; for vast as was the treasure of Cuzco, it
* He assumed for himself the office of " Governor," and created a
kind of supreme magistracy or civil jurisdiction (the eight Regidores),
of which two of his brothers were members (Gonzalo and Juan),
March 24th, 1534.

132 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
did not come up to the extravagant anticipations of the
Spaniards. In some instances they tortured the inhabit
ants to wring from them a confession of the places in
which they had concealed their wealth. They disturbed
. the repose of the dead, and spoiled the graves of the
precious articles which household affection had deposited
there. No expedient was omitted, no place left unex
plored, that promised to swell the total of their booty.
When all was collected, the greediest among them had
no cause to be dissatisfied. There were vases of pure
gold, beautifully wrought ; plates and bars of gold, four
golden llamas, and ten or twelve female figures made of
fine gold, as large as life, and as beautiful and well-
proportioned as if they had been alive. There were also
bars of solid silver, richly tinted robes of cotton and
feather-work, slippers and sandals of gold, and women's
dresses composed entirely of golden beads. When the
go'd was all melted down, and the division made — after
the King's fifth and the shares of Pizarro and Almagro
had been reserved — each horse-soldier received six thou
sand pesos of gold, and each infantry-soldier half that
sum7:: This splendid booty, added to the spoil divided at
Caxamalca, elevated the commonest soldier to the posi
tion of a millionaire ; but it was of little benefit except
to the sober-minded and prudent individuals, who, con
tented with so splendid a reward of their labours, withdrew
* Sancho, who succeeded Xeres as Pizarro's secretary, estimates
the whole amount at 580,200 pesos of gold, and 215,000 marks of
silver, which would give a smaller share to each soldier.

MANCO CAPAC CROWNED. 133
from the enterprise, and returned to Spain to enjoy it in
tranquillity.* This delicate matter of the distribution of the booty
being satisfactorily settled, — and its fairness seems to
have been universally acknowledged, — Pizarro's next care
was to obtain a national recognition of Manco Capac as
the lawful sovereign of Peru. He accordingly caused
him to be publicly invested with the borla, observing all
the traditional ceremonies, and celebrating the event with
all the ancient pageantry. He and the young prince
pledged each other in goblets of chica ; the mummies
of the dead Incas were paraded through the public
square, each with its gorgeous retinue, and seated in its
place at the banquet-table ; with dances and songs and
feasts the populace were entertained most lavishly. But
* Prescott says : " The sudden influx of so much wealth, and
that, too, in so transferable a form, among a party of reckless
adventurers little accustomed to the possession of money, had its
natural effect. It supplied them with the means of gaming, so
strong and common a passion with the Spaniards that it may be
considered a national vice. Fortunes were lost and won in a single
day, sufficient to render the proprietors independent for life ; and
many a desperate gamester, by an unlucky throw of the dice or
turn of the cards, saw himself stripped in a few hours of the fruits
of years of toil, and obliged to begin over again the business of
rapine. Among these, one in the cavalry service is mentioned,
named Legnizano, who had received as his share of the booty the
image of the Sun, which, raised on a plate of burnished gold, spread
over the walls in a recess of ihe great temple, and which, for some
reason or other, — perhaps because of its superior fineness, — was not
recast like the other ornaments. This rich prize the spendthrift lost
in a single night ; whence it came to be a proverb in Spain, Juega
el Sol antes que amanezca, ' Play away the Sun before sunrise.'" —
History of the Conquest of Peru, i., 479.

134 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
at least one novel feature was introduced, which to a
proud people would have communicated a deep pang.
The royal notary read a formal assertion of the supremacy
of the house of Castile, and required its acknowledgment
by all present. The act of homage was then performed
by each person waving the royal banner of Castile twice
or thrice with his hands. We may conjecture that while
thus publicly proclaiming his dependence, the young
Inca was secretly resolving to throw off the yoke at the
earliest possible opportunity.
The Spanish Governor, when the festivities were con
cluded, was at leisure to complete the organisation of
his cohquest ; and, unlettered as he was, his strong
natural intellect enabled him to do his work well and
thoroughly. To secure the settlement of a sufficient
number of Spaniards, he liberally distributed the houses
and lands he had confiscated from the Incas. He pro
vided for the police and good order of the city. The
interests of religion occupied him largely. In the great
plaza he laid the foundation of a stately cathedral. On
the site of the once splendid Temple of the Sun rose a
spacious monastery ; and the House of the Virgins of
the Sun was replaced by a Roman Catholic nunnery.
He encouraged the Fathers of St. Dominic and other
missionaries in their zealous, if not always well-conceived,
exertions for the conversion of the people; so that schools,
and churches, and monasteries sprang up with wonderful
rapidity. From these peaceful labours, in which the conqueror
is seen at his best, — prudent, moderate, and far-seeing, — he

DEFEAT OF QUIZQUIZ. 135
was called away by the efforts of some of the bolder
Peruvian captains to arrest and even turn back the tide
of Spanish conquest. A considerable force, under Quiz-
quiz, had concentrated in the neighbourhood of Cuzco.
Pizarro sent against them some squadrons under Almagro,
and a large body of Peruvians under the young Inca,
who, as the soldiers of Quizquiz belonged to the Atahuallpa
faction, readily took part in the expedition. Almagro
acted with his usual promptitude and decision. By swift
marches he surprised the hostile camp; by repeated
blows he drove the enemy back upon Xauxa ; where he
fought a great battle, which, like all previous encounters
between the natives and their invaders, ended in the
total defeat of the former. Quizquiz fled to the tablelands
of Quito, and his own soldiers, weary of a campaign in
which they suffered heavily, and gained not even honour,
put him to death.
A greater danger than any hostile demonstration of
the Peruvians next threatened the conquerors ; for it
seemed to involve the possibility of a hazardous conten
tion with their own countrymen. The reader acquainted
with the enterprise of Cortes and the conquest of Mexico
will remember that one of his boldest lieutenants was
Don Pedro de Alvarado, and that he was rewarded for
his services with the appointment of Governor of Guate
mala. To this restless and aspiring warrior rumour bore
the tidings of Pizarro's success in Peru, and of the appa
rently unlimited wealth which his fortunate sword had
won. Both his ambition and his avarice were stimulated
by the news ; and understanding that the expedition of

136 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
Pizarro had been confined to Peru, he resolved on the
conquest of Quito, which, as Atahuallpa's early residence
and inheritance, might be supposed to abound in treasure.
He justified his design by the pretence that Quito lay
within the borders of his province of Guatemala. Levy
ing volunteers and preparing a large fleet, he sailed for
the Bay of Caraques, where, in March 1534, he landed
with the finest army that had yet been seen in the New
World — an army consisting of 270 foot, and no fewer
than 230 horse, all splendidly equipped.
At the outset, however, he blundered. It was a neces
sity that he should take a route different to that of Pizarro,
and he determined on crossing the mountain by the
direct path ; a passage which, even in the best season —
and Alvarado had not chosen the best season — is one
of formidable difficulty. Deserted by his native guide,
he plunged into the recesses of the Cordilleras, and
ascended those frozen heights in a painful and laborious
march. Caught in violent storms of snow and hail, his
soldiers, accustomed to the warm climate of Guatemala,
suffered terribly ; and their Indian attendants, still less
fitted to endure excessive cold, perished by hundreds.
The horsemen were frozen in their saddles, rigid as
statues. The infantry could scarcely drag their benumbed
limbs over the rugged ground and through the accumu
lating drifts. Their provisions failed them, and they
disputed eagerly with the condors for the carcases of
their exhausted and half-famished horses. When Alva
rado descended the other side of the fatal heights,
into a milder atmosphere, his once splendid army was

ALMAGRO'S EXPEDITION. 1 37
reduced by three-fourths, and he had only a few horses
left. As soon as Pizarro was apprised of Alvarado's expe
dition, he despatched Almagro to encounter it. He
could spare him only a small company, but he was
directed to proceed by San Miguel, and to reinforce
himself with a portion of its garrison. On reaching San
Miguel, he was dismayed to learn that the commander,
Benalcazar, had started on an expedition of his own.
Pie, too, had been fired by the stories which reached
him of the riches of Quito, and with a hundred and forty
soldiers, and some Indian auxiliaries, had undertaken its
conquest. Crossing the tableland of Quito, he encoun
tered the Peruvian General, Ruminavi, in the neighbour
hood of Riobamba, and after much desperate fighting
won a complete victory. Entering the city in triumph,
he hoisted the flag of Castile on its walls, and re-named
it, in honour of his general, San Francisco del Quito ;
but, to his intense mortification, he found that its trea
sures had been removed, or had existed only in fiction.
Meantime Almagro had rapidly followed in his track, his
fiery spirit unquenched by the snows of nearly seventy
winters. He was several times opposed by the Indians,
but his impetuous courage scattered them in every direc
tion, and at Riobamba he united his little company with
Benalcazar's force. Then he awaited the approach of
Alvarado. The latter, as we have seen, had undergone
grievous misfortunes; and when he found himself opposed
by a veteran soldier like Almagro, showed a manifest
disposition to treat rathei" than to fight. His men also,

138 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
mixing with their compatriots, and hearing glowing reports
of the beauty and wealth of Cuzco, were inclined to
abandon his standard, and rally to Pizarro's. In these
circumstances the task of Almagro was easy, and he
offered Alvarado a sum of 100,000 pesos, on condition
that he made over his ships, troops, and supplies. The
offer was not exceptionally liberal, but Alvarado accepted
it ; and the negotiation depended only on the approval
of Pizarro.
The Governor, leaving his brother Juan, with ninety
men, in charge of Cuzco, moved forward to meet Almagro
and Alvarado, who had descended to the sea-coast, and
in the valley of Pachacamac the three Spanish com
manders came together. Pizarro instantly confirmed the
agreement made by his colleague, and the stipulated
sum was duly paid. After a merry round of chivalrous
pastimes and sumptuous banquets, Alvarado re-embarked
for his government of Guatemala, and Almagro departed
to take the government of Cuzco. Pizarro was thus at
liberty to determine on the site of the future capital of
the great empire which he had conquered for the crown
of Spain. His sagacity perceived that Cuzco, hidden
among the mountains, was too remote from the coast to
become the centre of a commerce which must be exclu
sively conducted by sea. On the other hand, San Miguel
was too far north. What was wanted was a site well
sheltered, well provided with water, in a fertile country,
and of easy access to merchant-vessels; and such a site
he found in the valley of Rimac, or, as the Spaniards
called it, Lima, where a broad river, at a distance of two

THE CITY OF THE KINGS. 1 39
leagues only from the sea, expanded into a noble tidal
estuary, forming a natural harbour of the most com
modious character. Its central position afforded it an
easy communication with all parts of the country. Its
climate was soft, equable, and temperate; for, though
only twelve degrees from the Equator, it was refreshed
and invigorated by the south-west breezes from the Pacific,
or the colder currents that swept down the snowy sides
of the Cordilleras. And, finally, the slopes on either
side were crowned with fertility, and the surrounding
scenery mingled the elements of the sublime, the beau
tiful, and the picturesque.
On the Epiphany festival, January 6th, 1535, Pizarro
laid the foundation of his new capital, which he christened
Ciudai de Ios Reyes, or the City of the Kings. His con
temporaries, however, preferred the modified Indian
name, which posterity also has accepted, and it is as
Lima that this beautiful city still figures in the map of
the world. He laid it out on a plan of almost mathe
matical symmetry. The general outline was that of a
triangle, the base of which was the river, whose healthful
waters were, by means of stone conduits, to be distributed
through all the principal streets. These streets were of
ample width, and intersected each other at right angles ;
they were so contrived as to afford space for a large
garden to every house, and for public squares. Almost
in the centre was defined the plaza, which was to be
surrounded by the cathedral, the palace of the governor,
the palace of the municipality, and other public build
ings, the foundations in every case being constructed

14O THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
with a solidity that has defied " the assaults of time,"
and even the more formidable shock of earthquakes.
The whole was surrounded by a massive wall of sun
burnt clay, twelve feet high and ten feet thick ; and a
bridge of five arches was thrown across the river Rimac.
Pizarro pressed forward the work with all his energy.
He delighted in it. Advancing years had tempered his
martial ardour ; success had satisfied his adventurous
spirit ; and he was fain to crown his career with the
" victories of peace." Pie felt that in this fair new city
he was erecting a permanent monument of his fame ;
and he urged his labourers to redouble their toil by his
rewards and encouragements. From a distance of more
than a hundred miles he collected his Indian workers ;
and the Spaniards also laid by the sword, and took up
the spade, the pickaxe, or the mason's trowel. In the
superintendence of this peaceful enterprise he was inter
rupted, however, by ill news from Cuzco. We have
recorded the departure of Hernando Pizarro to Spain,
with the King's fifth of the booty of Peru. On his
arrival at the Spanish Court, the conqueror was received
with a cordial welcome. The tale he had to tell, and
the gold he brought, secured him a favourable hearing
from Charles V., who willingly granted to Pizarro all the
concessions he had asked. The governorship of Peru
was bestowed upon Francisco Pizarro, with leave and
licence to make conquests two hundred miles further
southward. Father Valverde was created Bishop of Cuzco.
Hernando himself was made a knight of Santiago, and
an officer of the royal Court. Nor was Almagro forgotten.

THE IMPERIAL DECISION. 141
At Hernando's instigation, he was empowered to discover
and occupy the American mainland for a distance of
two hundred leagues from the southern limit of Pizarro's
territory. Finally, Pizarro was made a Marquis ; and
the Emperor with his own hand addressed a letter to the
two great captains, praising their prowess, and acknow
ledging their services.
With a large and well-equipped armament, Hernando,
towards the end of 1534, sailed from the coast of Spain.
He reached Nombre de Dios in safety, but no preparation
had been made for his coming, and much time was
wasted in collecting the necessary supplies before he
could cross the mountains, and hasten to rejoin his
brother. Meanwhile his forces suffered much from want
and disease ; many perished ; others, weary of the delay,
made their way across the isthmus and into the Peruvian
territory. Among these was an agent of Almagro, who
overtook him as he was entering Cuzco, and acquainted
him w.th the grant made to him by his sovereign.
Pizarro's brothers, in deference to his command, imme
diately resigned the government of Cuzco to the Mariscal
(as he was thenceforth styled) ; but, inflated by his new
authority, the latter at once declared that, by virtue of
the royal grant, Cuzco fell within his jurisdiction, and
asserted his sole right to it. This was not the case, as
the Emperor had considerably extended the boundaries
of Pizarro's government ; but the full despatches had not
as yet arrived, and Almagro acted on his agent's assump
tion. When the Governor was informed of his comrade's
usurpation, he sent instructions to his brothers to resume
K

142

THE LAND OF THE INCAS.

the government of the city ; and a bitter feud broke out,
dividing the soldiers, the civilians, and even the Indian
population into two factions, which evinced a disposition
to settle their respective pretensions by the arbitrament
of the sword.

CHAPTER V.

irMikey;

SIEGE AND RELIEF OF CUZCO.

IZARRO marched at once to Cuzco, where the
Spaniards and natives alike received him with
:-«5Sft/* a cordial welcome. In his conduct towards
" aSjj/* tne frank and impetuous Almagro he showed
a consummate prudence, and avoided any
occasion of quarrel. He treated the possession of Cuzco
as a question that could not be discussed until both
parties had before them the Emperor's despatches ; and
urged Almagro, while it was in abeyance, to carry his
conquering sword southward into the territory of Chili.
The influence of some common friends seconded his
efforts to prevent a rupture ; and at length the agreement
between him and Almagro was renewed, and confirmed
" with an oath and great affirmations," though there were
not wanting stipulations that betrayed their secret dis
trusts. Thus it was provided that neither of the con
tracting parties, in their communications to the Emperor,
should slander or disparage the other ; and that neither

144 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
should correspond with the Spanish Government without
the other's knowledge. In conclusion, they supplicated
the anger of heaven against the one which should first
violate the solemn bond, invoking upon his head the
most terrible punishment, the destruction of his family
and property in this life, and in the next the ruin of his
soul.* The whole was formally recorded by the notary,
and attested by two witnesses, on the 12th of June, 1535.
The sanction of religion was also obtained, Almagro and
Pizarro partaking of the Host as administered to them
by Father Bartolome' de Segovia. The permanence of a
compact may well be doubted when the parties to it
are evidently so conscious that their interest lies in its
disruption. Shortly afterwards Almagro set out on his enterprise
against Chili, f and Pizarro returned to his peaceful and
prosperous labours at Lima. He planted several other
settlements along the Pacific coast, always at points
which indicated his keen intelligence in the selection
of them ; one, in honour of his birthplace, he named
Truxillo. He continued also the process of dividing
lands and Indians among his followers, invariably insist
ing on their humane and generous treatment of the
* " Con todo rigor de justicia permita la perdicion de su anima.''
f Before he went he strongly recommended Pizarro to send his
brothers back to Castile, insisting on their imperious manners and
hasty tempers, and expressing his willingness that out of the joint
treasure Pizarro should compensate them as liberally as he pleased.
The Governor, however, knew that they were faithful, and he
answered that they respected and loved him like a father, and
would give no occasion of offence.

PERUVIAN REVOLT. 145
Indians, and making their religious instruction a special
duty. While he was thus engaged, a wholly unexpected
event aroused the fears of the Spaniards. To all out
ward seeming the conquest of Peru was complete, and
its inhabitants apparently acquiesced in the revolution
that had taken place, a revolution which had destroyed
their independence, broken up their social system, de
graded their religion, and wrecked their liberties. The
Inca himself was virtually a prisoner in Spanish hands,
mocked with the shadow of power, compelled to move
like a puppet at the bidding of his master. The Spaniards,
therefore, were under little alarm as to any national insur
rection, especially after the defeat of the Indian generals
Quizquiz and Ruminavi. The keener was their surprise,
and the more profound their indignation, when a for
midable revolt broke out towards the end of April 1536.
It was soon after the depaiture of Almagro for the
south that Hernando Pizarro, having overcome his diffi
culties at Nombre de Dios, arrived at Lima with the
despatches from the King of Spain (July 1535). These
conclusively proved that Cuzco was within the Peruvian
territory, or Nuevo Castilla, as the Spaniards called it,
and under the authority of Pizarro. In return for the
Imperial favours, Hernando had promised to raise in
Nuevo Castilla a voluntary contribution, or benevolence,
towards the expenses of the Emperor's wars ; but he soon
discovered that the Spanish settlers and soldiers were
wholly averse to any such costly manifestation of loyalty.
They had regularly paid their fifths, and was not that
enough ? Hernando shrewdly replied that they had paid

146 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
them out of the ransom of Atahuallpa, and that, as he
was a royal person, his ransom of right belonged to the
Emperor. Eventually, by a dexterous- employment of
persuasion, entreaty, and menace, the Marquis raised
nearly the amount required ; and to complete it he sent
Hernando to replace his brother Juan in the government
of Cuzco, and levy a contribution.
On his arrival at Cuzco, Hernando found both his
brothers, Juan and Gonzalo, absent on an expedition to
subdue some refractory chiefs. When they returned, he
brought the subject of the benevolence before the muni
cipality, and by the application of considerable pressure
succeeded in extracting a certain amount of gold. He
was engaged in melting it down, when news arrived of
an outbreak in the district of Collao, and of the return of
Villacma, the high priest who had accompanied Almagro's
expedition. Hernando immediately inquired of the Inca
if the news were true ; and was answered in the affirma
tive. The Inca added that Villacma had returned because
he had been sorely ill-treated by Almagro's followers,
and he asked Pizarro's permission to go forth from the
city to meet him. This was granted ; the two great
Peruvians met, and returned together to Cuzco, to dis
course upon their common causes of discomfort, and to
meditate upon the chances of a successful outbreak.
Ignorant of the conspiracy that was being nursed, Her
nando readily gave his consent when the Inca and some
of his chiefs solicited permission to repair to the valley
of Yucay to celebrate certain ceremonies in memory of
his illustrious father, Huayna Capac, who was there

THE INCA S APPEAL. 147
interred. On the 18th of April, 1536, the Inca, accom
panied by Villacma, quitted Cuzco, ostensibly on this
pious errand. Two days elapsed, and a Spaniard from
the country brought the surprising intelligence that the
Inca, instead of going to Yucay, had gone to Ares, about
forty miles distant, among the mountains, and that he
suspected him of a design to revolt. Hernando paid no
attention to this warning, but sent a messenger after the
Inca to request him to hasten his return, that he might
accompany him on an expedition to chastise the rebellious
caciques of Collao. The Inca, however, in his mountain
fastnesses, could treat the Spaniard's message with con
tempt, and reveal the noble design he entertained of
delivering his country from the burden of foreign oppres
sion. He assembled the chiefs and principal persons of
the surrounding district; made a vigorous appeal to their
patriotism, their loyalty, their religious sentiment; spoke
to them, we can hardly doubt, of their violated altars,
of their plundered hearths, of the wrongs done to their
wives, their daughters, their sisters; of the insults levelled
at their priests, and the pollution inflicted on the sacred
virgins of the Sun ; and then, two large golden vessels
brimful of wine being placed before them, he exclaimed :
" I am resolved not to leave a Christian alive in all this
jand, and therefore in the first place I shall lay siege to
Cuzco. Whoever amongst you will serve me in this
must stake his life upon it. Drink!"*
* " Yo estoi determinado de no dexar Cristiano & vida en toda a
tierra, y para este quiero primero poner cereo en el Cuzco. Quien
de vo^otros pensare servirme en este, ha de poner sobre val caso la
vida. Beva." — Vicente de Valverde.

148 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
A few words may here be said in description of the
city which witnessed the last scene in the tragic drama
of the Peruvian conquest. It was constructed on a
plan of extraordinary regularity, which probably suggested
to Pizarro the plan of Lima. The streets intersected one
another at right angles, so that the blocks of buildings
formed perfect parallelograms. Each street was refreshed
by a large stone conduit of water passing through its
centre. There was a great square, of which the principal
feature was the palace of the late Inca, Huayna Capac,
with its gateway of many-coloured marbles ; a palace so
extensive that it afterwards provided quarters for the
chief among the Spanish "conquistadors." Adjacent to
it were three other palaces, with painted fronts and a
profusion of sculptured decoration. Three sides of the
square were lined by covered buildings, like arcades, in
which the great state festivals and religious ceremonies
were celebrated during bad weather. The city was
divided into four quarters, corresponding to the four
provinces of the empire ; * and when the men of any
particular province came up to Cuzco, they were re
quired to assemble in the outskirts of their proper quarter.
Most of the houses were built of stone ; some of bricks
burnt in the sun. The roofs were covered with wooden
tiles thatched with rush-work. In the poorer streets were
houses built of clay and reeds. Numerous squares and
spacious openings served as the lungs of the city, and,
by admitting an ample volume of fresh air, favoured the
public health. * Antisuyo, Chinchasuyo, Collasuyo, Condesuyo.

THE FORTRESS AT CUZCO. 149
Two streams, entering the city under bridges provided
with flood-gates, traversed its entire extent in artificial
channels, lined and paved with masonry.
Towards the north, on a high sierra,* a spur of the
mighty Cordillera, rose a strong fortress, the remains of
which, to this day, awaken the traveller's wonder. On
the side facing the city, where the steepness of the
precipice was almost sufficient protection, it was defended
by a massive wall, about twelve hundred feet in length.
On the other side, where the slope rendered access com
paratively easy, it was surrounded by three semicircular
walls at a considerable distance from each other, built
with salient and retiring angles, twenty-one in number.
" On the top of the walls were terraces forming ramparts.
Theseterraces had breastworks, so that the Peruvians could
fight almost under cover." The narrowest rampart was of
such a width that three carriages could pass abreast.
The fortress itself consisted of three detached towers,
arranged in a triangle, the apex of which was occupied
by the principal tower, a circular keep of four stories,
with ample windows that overlooked the court. This
was the Inca's residence, and fitted up with royal splen
dour. The other two towers were devoted to the
accommodation of the garrison, which consisted always
of members of the noble families of Peru, commanded by
an officer of the blood royal ; these towers were rectan
gular in shape. The three were connected by subter
ranean galleries, and similar galleries communicated with
the city and the palaces of the Inca. The hill, indeed,
* Its name was Sacsahuaman.

150 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
was completely honeycombed with galleries and cham
bers. Galleries, walls, towers, — all were built of stone, and
on a scale of Titanic vastness. The Spaniards said that
not even the Bridge of Segovia, or the other buildings
which Hercules and the Romans had made, were worthy
to be compared to the citadel of Cuzco. The blocks of
masonry formed a kind of rustic-work, being rough-hewn
except towards the edges, which were finely wrought ;
they were not arranged in regular courses, but smaller
blocks filled up the interstices between the greater.
Many of the stones measured as much as thirty-eight feet
in length by eighteen feet in breadth, and were six
feet thick.*
As soon as he was convinced of the Inca's defection,
* " We are filled with astonishment when we consider that those
enormous masses were hewn from their native bed, and fashioned
into shape, by a people ignorant of the use of iron ; that they were
brought from quarries, from four to fifteen leagues distant, without
the aid of beasts of burden ; were transported across rivers and
ravines, raised to their elevated position on the sierra, and finally
adjusted there with the nicest accuracy, without the knowledge of
tools and machinery familiar to the European. Twenty thousand
men are said to have been employed on this great structure, and
fifty years consumed in the building. However this may be, we see
in it the workings of a despotism which had the lives and fortunes
of its vassals at its absolute disposal, and which, however mild in its
general character, esteemed those vassals, when employed in its
service, as lightly as the brute animals for which they served as a
substitute."— Prescott, " History of the Conquest of Peru," i. 16, 17.
'• An eyewitness says : ' I measured a stone at Tiaguanaco, twenty-
eight feet long, eighteen feet broad, and about six feet thick ; but in
the wall of the fortress of Cuzco, which is constructed of masonry,
there are many stones of much greater size.' It appears from

THE INCAS ARMY. 151
Hernando despatched his brother Juan, with fifty horse
men, on an attempt to recover possession of his person ;
but secure among his mountains, Manco was able to baffle
the pursuit of the Spaniard, who was speedily recalled
to Cuzco to succour his brother. For, from every pro
vince the Indians had gathered at their monarch's
summons, until around the capital was arrayed a force
of not less than two hundred thousand men, — a splendid
military spectacle, on which the Spaniards could not but
look with admiration, in spite of their consciousness of
peril. The plains, the slopes and summits of the moun
tains, every valley and defile were bright with the pomp
of banners and the sheen of spears. Juan and his little
company of cavaliers passed through their ranks un
molested, — perhaps because the Peruvians were not
unwilling that as many victims as possible should enter
modern research that some of these stones were fifty feet long, twenty-
two feet broad, and six feet thick. How they were conveyed thither
is a problem which has exercised ingenious men since the conquest.
But the works of despotic monarchs of the olden time, who could
employ an army to fetch a single stone, have always astonished
more civilized nations, accustomed to a reasonable economy in the
use of human labour." — Sir Arthur Helps, " Spanish Conquest in
America," iv., 29. What seems at least as great a problem is the
object intended to be served by the construction of such large
ramparts, since it does not appear that the kingdom of the Incas
was at any time exposed to foreign invasion or civil commotion.
Against what enemy was such Cyclopean masonry raised ? In the
work itself, however remarkable, there was nothing marvellous.
Given an unlimited command of human strength, and an indefinite
duration of time, and Stonehenge might be raised to the summit of
the Peak ! The Peruvians did not build for a single reign ; the
task was taken up by a long succession of generations, and monoto
nously carried on until completed.

152 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
the net prepared for them, — and were eagerly welcomed
by Hernando Pizarro, who even with this reinforcement
could muster only two hundred horse and foot, besides
a thousand Indian auxiliaries ; and the struggle began.
By day it was formidable to look out upon the forest
of spears which surrounded the city; but by night the
scene was rendered even more imposing by the immense
number of watch-fires that blazed on the hill-top and in
the valley, as numerous as " the stars of heaven in a
cloudless summer night." Just before dawn, the echoes
resounded with the clang of the musical instruments of
the Peruvians ; after which they began the day's action
with volleys of missiles of every description. Among
them were burning arrows and red-hot stones wrapped in
cotton that had been steeped in some bituminous sub
stance, and these, flashing through the sky like shooting
stars, fell upon the thatched roofs and set them on fire.
From all parts of the city leaped vivid tongues of flame ;
the conflagration spread to the interior of the houses ;
and soon over the scene hung a canopy of lurid smoke,
which the wind rolled onwards slowly in dusky billows,
reddened by the reflection of the sea of fire beneath.
The heat became so intense, that the air seemed to
choke and scorch like the breath of a volcano.
Pizazzo had posted his men in the great square ; partly
under tents, and partly in the palace-hall of the Inca
Viracocha, on the present site of the cathedral. Thrice
during that first day of combat— Saturday, May 6th— the
roof caught fire; but though the Spaniards made no
effort to extinguish it, the flames died out and did but

THE SIEGE OF CUZCO. 1 53
little harm. Therefore there were many devout-minded
soldiers willing to ascribe " the miracle " to the inter
vention of the Blessed Virgin, who had been seen, on
white wings upborne, hovering over the spot on which
was to be raised a temple to her honour. Happily, the
Spanish force sustained no injury from the spreading
flames, which could not invade the open area of their
encampment ; but their spirits were depressed by the
dreary spectacle of the burning city, and the shouts and
yells of the Indians gathered on the hillsides all around.
For several days and nights the flames continued their
work of devastation, until one-half the city was a mass
of blackened ruins. Palace and hovel, tower and temple,
all were destroyed. But among the few large buildings
that escaped were the " House of the Sun " and the
" House of the Virgins;" while still the gray fortress on
its rocky height rose superior to the menace of peril.
While the conflagration raged the Indians were per
sistent in their attacks. To prevent the cavalry from
charging them they dug holes and raised barricades ;
and sometimes with dexterous aim they flung the lasso
at horse or rider, entangled him in its coil, and brought
him to the ground. Under cover of the fire and smoke
they made sudden dashes forward, displaying an un
expected courage and impetuosity ; and when they were
driven back, fresh battalions poured down into the fight,
until it seemed as if the Spaniards must be overwhelmed
by sheer weight of numbers. Never in all the annals of
chivalry did the Spaniards bear themselves more bravely.
Tearing down the barricades, they made a clear path for

154 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
their horsemen, who rode in among the masses of the
enemy and slaughtered them piteously with sword or
spear. But they could scarcely hold their ground, and
each attack they delivered or repulsed cost them some
life they ill could spare. Hernando was the soul of their
defence. Wherever the enemy's pressure was greatest,
he might be seen, contending in the front of the affray.
He hastened from point to point, like one incapable of
fatigue ; with a word of encouragement for a comrade,
with a deadly stroke for a foe. Bitterly did he regret his
want of forethought in not occupying the fortress on
the rock, from which the continual showers of missiles
added much to the embarrassment of his soldiers; but
he allowed no sign of doubt or regret to appear, and
fought on as if victory were the inevitable result of the
struggle. It was needful that so firm a soul should maintain the
unequal contest, for the rumours that penetrated into
their camp of the national character of the insurrection,
and its wide extent, unnerved the hearts of many. It
was said that the Spanish colonists scattered among the
plains and valleys had all been murdered ; that no relief
could be brought up from the coast, because the Peru
vians had possession of all the passes ; that siege had been
laid to Lima and Trujillo and San Miguel, and that these
and other places could not long hold out ; and, to pre
pare the Spaniards to give credence to these reports, eight
or ten human heads were rolled into the plaza, by whose
pallid features, though set fast in death, they recognized
the countenances of some of their former brothers in

THE SIEGE OF CUZCO. 155
arms.* Overcome by so painful a testimony to the suc
cess of the revolt, there were not a few who came to
regard resistance as hopeless. Such, too, it seemed to
the dauntless spirit of Hernando Pizarro, unless he could
abate the fury of the attack. For this purpose, he selected
some twenty of his bravest fighting men, and made a sortie
along the Condesayo road. Wheeling round upon the
Indians from that province, he charged them with so
much vehemence that they fled in disorder to the rugged
fastnesses of the sierra; but there they rallied again, re
formed their ranks, and renewed the battle. Thence
Hernando was recalled to the plaza by the increasing
energy of the fight, which began to tell on the wearied
Spaniards. The enemy allowed them no time to rest ;
their assaults still continued ; and Vellacma, who com
manded the fortress, never intermitted his showers of
darts and stones and arrows. In the city, the Indians
posted themselves upon the blackened walls of the desolate
houses, and thence kept up the attack. So that neither
by night nor day did the Spaniards dare to cease for a
moment from their vigilance, so ceaseless was the battle,
and so various the ways in which it was pressed. At one
time they were compelled to destroy the barricades and
fill up the pits with which the Indians sought to impede
the progress of their cavalry ; at another, to demolish the
channels through which they were directing upon them
the horrors of an inundation.
Thus for six days the struggle continued. The Indians
* A similar expedient was adopted by the Mexicans during the
siege of Mexico.

156 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
were masters of nearly the whole of the city, and not a
few of the Spaniards now advised that it should be
abandoned, and that they should endeavour to cut their
way through the invading ranks of the enemy, hazarding
all upon one final effort. Then said Hernando, in cheer
ful tones, " I know not, Senors, why you wish to do this;
for to my mind there is not, nor has there been, any cause
of fear ; " and in the evening he summoned his captains
and principal officers to receive a stern, cold reprimand.
" I have called you together, gentlemen," he said, " be
cause it appears to me that the Indians daily load us with
greater disgrace, and I believe that this is due to the
weakness of certain among us who openly preach that
the city ought to be given up. But if you, Juan Pizarro,
are of such an opinion, whence came your courage to
defend it against Almagro, when he sought to rebel ? and
as for you, Riquelme " — the treasurer — " it would seem to
be a heinous thing for you to talk in this fashion, when
you are charged with the custody of the King's fifths, and
are compelled to give an account of them, with the same
obligation as he has who is in charge of a fortress. And
for you other Senors, who are Alcaldes and Regidors, to
whom the execution of the law is committed in this city,
it is not for you to commit so great a folly as to deliver
it into the hands of these 'tyrants.'" He added, "It
would be a pitiful thing to tell of me, Hernando Pizarro,
that from any motive of fear he abandoned the territory
which his brother, Don Francisco Pizarro, had conquered
and colonized. Wherefore, gentlemen, in the service of
God and the King, sustaining our houses and lands, let

THE TWO BROTHERS. 1 57
us die rather than desert them. If I am left alone, I will
repay with my life the obligation which lies upon me,
rather than have it said that another gained the city and
that I lost it. Remember, that with vigour we may gain
what appears impossible ; and that without vigour even
that which is easy becomes difficult."
To this vigorous appeal the Spaniards responded with
renewed courage, and it was unanimously agreed that the
defence should be continued so long as there was one
stalwart arm to wield a sword. Then Hernando spoke out :
" The men are weary and the horses exhausted ; in our
straitened condition it is impossible for us to hold the
city two days longer, and it is imperative upon us to
gain the fortress or to perish. Once the fortress is ours,
the city is secure. To-morrow morning, therefore, I will
take all the horsemen that remain, and capture that
fortress." They answered, that the horsemen were ready
to a man to die with him, or conquer. But Juan Pizarro,
though suffering from a severe wound, interposed: "It
was my fault that the fortress was not occupied, and I
vowed that I would take it whenever it became necessary
to do so. Ill would it seem, therefore, if, while I am
alive, any other should undertake the duty for me."
The discussion ended in Hernando Pizarro giving way
to his brother. Fifty men were selected to compose the
forlorn hope, and Gonzalo, Pizarro, and a cavalier named
Ponce de Leon, went as subordinate officers.
At dawn of day the gallant fifty were mounted and
ready to start. Hernando, before they set out, instructed
his brother on leaving the city to ride along the Inca's road,
L

158 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
from Cuzco to Los Reyes, for about a league, in order
to wheel round and gain the open ground immediately
beneath the fortress, where the action of the cavalry
would not be impeded by barricades or pit-falls. In the
meantime, he proceeded with the remainder of his little
force to attack a formidable work which the Indians had
erected with the view of preventing the Spaniards from
escaping to the plain. This work was held by twenty
thousand Indians from the province of Chinchasuqo, who,
when they saw the advance of the Spaniards, cried to one
another, " Those Christians with the good horses are
flying ; the others which remain are the sick.* Let us
allow these to draw off, and then we can kill them all."
In the skirmish that ensued, the Indians did not evince,
perhaps for this reason, their usual desperate courage,
and Juan Pizarro and his fifty cleared the defence, and
hastened to fulfil their mission. Hernando retreated with
eager alacrity to the great square, to encounter another
immense body of Indians, who had penetrated thither
in his absence, and whom he charged with such determi
nation that they took to flight.
Let us now follow Juan Pizarro. For three miles, as
directed, he rode along the Los Reyes road ; then,
wheeling to the right, he crossed the ridges until he
reached the open ground in front of the fortress, scatter
ing the enemy before him as he advanced, and opening
up a communication between himself and his brother in
* "Aguelles Cristianes que ticum les cavalles buenos se van
huyendo, y estes que quedan son les dolientes. " — Vicente de
Valverd .

JUAN PIZARRO S ATTACK. 1 59
the city. Hernando thereupon despatched to his assist
ance the Spanish infantry and the Indian auxiliaries, with
a message warning him not to attack until nightfall, when
he might hope to surprise the enemy ; and begging him
not to hazard his own person in the struggle. For his
wound prevented him from wearing his helmet, and to
enter the combat without that protection would be mad
ness. Juan, however, disregarded his brother's advice in
both particulars. He threw the enemy off their guard by
making a pretence of bivouacking for the night ; and
then sent his brother Gonzalo to carry some outworks in
front of the fortress. These, however, proved to be so
strongly defended that he was compelled to hasten in
person to support the attack. Both brothers led the
charge with so undaunted a valour that it served as an
inspiration to their men, who seemed converted for the
nonce into paladins of romance, invulnerable and irresist
ible; and forward they went with a rush that carried them
right up to the wall of the principal building. Encouraged
by this brilliant success, Juan Pizarro pushed his enter
prise farther. The entrance was an outwork projecting
from the body of the fortress ; on each side it was enclosed
by a low wall, but it was open at the top so that it might
be commanded from the battlements ; it had an outer
gate corresponding with the principal gate of the fortress.
Beneath this outwork the defenders had dug a deep pit
fall, in which they hoped to entrap the Spanish horse ;
but they were driven back in such number?, and in such
confusion, by the impetuosity of the Spaniards, as to fill
up with their own bodies that which their own hands had

160 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
made. Across the bridge- thus strangely provided poured
the Christian warriors, with Juan Pizarro, like a true knight
errant, leading them through the storm of arrows and
javelins and stones ; but at this moment a stone crashed
upon his unprotected head, and struck him to the ground.
Still with cheerful voice he continued to direct and animate
his men ; but the Indians came tip in such masses to
renew the defence that retreat was unavoidable, and the
Spaniards, as they slowly fell back, carried their wounded
leader with them. He survived but a fortnight, and died
in great pain, though with all the courage of a Pizarro.*
On the following morning, Hernando reconnoitred the'
fortress, and came to the conclusion that, owing to the
height of the wall, it could not be carried without scaling-
ladders. As many hands as could be spared from the
task of resisting the enemy were occupied all day in mak
ing them; while Gonzalo and Ponce de Leon struggled
resolutely to maintain the forward position won by such
strenuous energy. The Inca having reinforced the army
with five thousand of his best troops, the attack was
almost overwhelming; and we cannot but feel a combined
surprise and admiration that a mere handful of Spaniards
succeeded in repulsing it. By evening the scaling-ladders
were finished, and while the horsemen protected their
* He was the most amiable and humane of the Pizarros, and the
soldiers loved him dearly. Zarate says of him : " Fue gran perdida
en la tierra, porque era Juan Pizarro mui valiente, i experimentado
en las guerras de Ios Indios i bien quisto, i amado de todos." This
is no light praise. We may note here the strong brotherly affection
which existed among the Pizarros, redeeming some of the darker
features of their characters.

DEFEAT OF THE PERUVIANS. l6l
flanks, the foot soldiers hastened to the assault as fresh
and vigorous and eager as if the conflict had only just
begun, instead of having already lasted thirty hours. The
Indians were disheartened by this marvellous energy on
the part of their assailants, whom it seemed impossible to
weary or overcome. Moreover, their supplies of stones
and darts began to fail them, and Hernando saw with
pleasure that the defence was rapidly slackening. Villac
ma, the high priest, saw it also. He shrank before the
ardour of these unconquerable white men, and resolved
upon flight. With some of his more immediate followers
he stole out of the fortress, on the side which faced the
river, and by secret winding paths among the rocks and
precipices effected his escape, unknown to and unmo
lested by the Spaniards. He then withdrew his division,
the Chinchasayans, and hastened to report to the Inca
the capture of the fortress.
The capture, indeed, though not complete, could not
be long delayed. The walls were still guarded by a
brave Inca noble, and by a few heroic warriors, who, with
him, had pledged themselves to their royal master in the
golden cup, and were resolute to fulfil the pledge. He
was a man of stalwart thews and muscles, and strode to and
fro along the battlements, armed with a Spanish buckler
and cuirass, stripped from some dead enemy, and wielding
a heavy mace, studded with bosses or knobs of copper.
With this formidable weapon he struck down all who
ventured to oppose him. " There is not written," says
the chronicler, " there is not written of any Roman such
deeds as he did." It is said that with his own hand he

162 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
slew some of his countrymen who proposed a surrender.
Had the Inca's army been wholly composed of men
like him, the conquest of Peru would never have been
accomplished by Pizarro. As each Spaniard who mounted
the scaling-ladder gained the topmost round, he rushed
upon him and hurled him to the ground beneath, for his
strength was not inferior to his courage. Nor was his
energy inferior to his strength ; he was at every point
most threatened with peril. Hernando, respecting his
valour, gave orders that, if possible, he should be taken
alive, and generously treated. But the chief, at last
perceiving the defence was over, that his men were slain
or exhausted, and that the Spaniards were swarming up
their scaling-ladders all around the rampart, prepared to
die. He hurled his mace down among his foes : in
token of despair, he took some earth in his hands, bit it,
and covered his head with it, in such anguish and heart-
sickness as no words can describe. Then, wrapping his
mantle around him, he threw himself headlong from the
summit of the tower he had so valiantly defended,
unwilling to endure the spectacle of the triumph of the
enemy.* The fortress was won ; but the position of Hernando
Pizarro's little force was still sufficiently perilous, and
their leader knew that it would not be safe to relax ever
* The narratives of Pedro Pizarro and Vicente de Valverde differ
considerably in their details of the siege. The former is closely
followed by Prescott ; the latter by Sir Arthur Helps. We have
attempted to combine them in a consistent record, so that nothing
of importance should be omitted.

Heroic Defence of Cuzco.

HERNANDO'S SUCCESSES. 163
so little in his activity until he had more effectually
secured it. While his followers were still elated with
their triumph, he led them against the Chinchasayan
Indians, and the onset was made with so much vehemence
that they were thrown into the most extreme confusion,
and fled, leaving the ground covered with dead bodies.
On the following day he was not less successful in an
attack upon the Collasayans ; and on the third day he
assailed and defeated the Condesayans ; so that he had
cleared the plain of his enemies, and opened up a com
munication with the surrounding country. Even then
he did not rest. He was not blind to the possibility
that he and his little force might be the only Spaniards
left in all Peru, or, at least, that Lima might have been
besieged at the same time as Cuzco ; that, consequently,
the Marquis could not forward any reinforcements, and
that therefore their trust must be put in their own good
swords. It was true that Almagro and a well-equipped
army were in Chili, but Hernando knew that his feelings
towards the brothers of Pizarro were the reverse of
friendly. No ; he must be his own resource ; or, as he
told his men, they must make their hearts broad enough
to bear whatever burden might be put upon them.
"Since God had been pleased," he said, "to give them
the glorious victory by which they had gained the fortress,
and saved the city from a state of siege, he was of opinion
that, in order to secure the enjoyment henceforward of
some rest and peace, and to strengthen their hold on
the city, they ought to collect supplies of provisions from
the valley of Sacsahuana. For if they did not seize upon

1 64 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
the maize growing there, the Indians might anticipate
them, and they would then have to obtain their supplies
from a distance." His soldiers listened with grim faces
to this appeal, for they were battle-worn and in need of
rest ; but they obeyed, like true men, and with a sufficient
following Gonzalo set out for the fertile valley. In five
days he returned, followed by a long train of Indian men
and women, laden with the precious maize.
The siege, which the Peruvians had interrupted in
order to celebrate their usual New Moon ceremonies,
now recommenced, and the prudence of Hernando
Pizarro's policy became apparent,' inasmuch as it enabled
the Spaniards to maintain the defence with vigour. For
twenty days the Indians persisted in their attacks, and
then again desisted to offer their usual monthly sacrifices.
Hernando Pizarro took advantage of this new respite to
assume the offensive, and he attacked the Indians in
their encampments with great success and cruel slaughter.
But for a third time the hosts of the enemy closed round
Cuzco, and the Spanish commander determined on a
singular but terrible scheme. Humane as he had always
shown himself in his treatment of the natives, and humane
as certainly was his natural disposition, necessity forced
upon him a resolve worthy of an Attila. He ordered
his men, in their p>. isuit of the enemy, to kill all the
Indian women they fell in with, so as to deter the sur
vivors from coming to serve their sons and husbands.*
* "Hernando Pizarro . . , mando a todos Ios Espauoles que en
Ios alcances dexasen mugor 6. vida porque colerando miedo las que
quedason libres, no vendrian a servir a suo marides y hijos." —
\ICENTE DE VALVEKD

A WAR OF EXTERMINATION. 165
This sanguinary but sagacious device had all the success
which its author anticipated; and the Indians eventually
abandoned the siege, husbands fearing to lose their wives
and sons their mothers, while the women dreaded the
merciless swords of the Spaniards.
Hernando, with characteristic vigour, immediately under
took the offensive. ' He gave his men no rest, but day
after day, in one direction or another, led them against
the Indians, as if bent on a war of extermination. On
one occasion, having defeated a body of Indians, he
found among the spoil a couple of packages ; and on
opening them, discovered in one the grisly burden of six
heads of Spaniards, and in the other numerous tattered
letters. From these he ascertained that the Marquis had
sent reinforcements from Lima to Cuzco, and as none
had arrived, he could not do otherwise than conclude
that they had been cut off. To confirm his suspicions, he
put some of his prisoners to the torture, and wrung from
them the information that the various parties of Spaniards
despatched from Lima had all been severally surrounded
and slain, so that the Inca could boast as trophies two
hundred heads of Christian warriors, and one hundred
and fifty skins of horses. The poor wretches in theii
agony also declared that the Spaniards had embarked
from Los Reyes, and quitted the country. This was not
true, though the Marquis had been in such peril that the
Indians may possibly have believed that he could have
had no other resource.
That such tidings should involve the small Spanish
garrison of Cuzco in profound depression might well be

1 66 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
expected. Hernando Pizarro, however, did not lose
heart, and he hastened to revive the spirits of his fol
lowers. " Noble and very valorous gentlemen," he said,
" I am greatly surprised, and not without reason, that
you who so greatly esteem honour should show any sign
of weakness at a time when you have need for the utmost
fortitude. Now is the time, when Indian affairs are
doubtful, to show your desire to gain distinction in the
service of your Prince. If the bad news we have heard
be true in every particular, which may not be the case,
remember that your dead comrades have fallen in God's
service, and in the defence of these kingdoms. That
the Governor has departed is a thing for which we should
be glad, inasmuch as it leaves more glory for us. Deeply
as I am indebted to my illustrious brother, I am not
sorry that he will have no share in the victory which I
intend to win ; that is, in the retention of these pro
vinces. We have ample provisions to maintain us for a
year and a half: we will sow more grain in the proper
season, and then we shall be able to hold this city for
six years. Right well pleased shall I be if, in all that
time, no succour comes from beyond the seas, so that
we may suffice in ourselves alone."
In pursuance of his brave resolve, Hernando renewed
his expeditions against the Indians, displaying, in their
conduct, the highest skill and most splendid courage.
In one of them, having captured a large number of
Indians and carried them into Cuzco, he adopted the
cruel expedient of cutting off the right hands of four
hundred, and sending the mutilated wretches to the

A YEAR OF WARFARE. 1 67
Inca. The Indians were so dismayed by this evidence
of his relentless courage, that they withdrew all their
forces from those districts, and the Spaniards, accord
ingly, were less severely harassed. Yet each month,
after their usual religious festivals, the Indians renewed
their attacks ; and as it was Hernando Pizarro's policy
always to despatch an expedition when the Indians
retired on these occasions, it fell out that, during that
year of the war, not for a single day did the whole
Spanish garrison rest. As fast as one company returned
from its raid, another company issued forth to carry
fire and sword into some other quarter.
Prescott remarks that these contests were not confined
to large bodies of troops (on the Spanish side "large
bodies" could not possibly be collected !), but skirmishes
took place between smaller parties, which sometimes
assumed the form of personal combat. Nor were the
combatants always unequally matched ; the Peruvian
warrior, with sling, bow, and lasso, often proved no
contemptible antagonist for the mailed horseman, whom
he sometimes even ventured to encounter, hand to hand,
with his formidable battle-axe. " The ground around
Cuzco became a battle-field, like the vega of Granada, in
which Christian and pagan displayed the characteristics
of their peculiar warfare ; and many a deed of heroism
was performed, which wanted only the song of the
minstrel to shed around it a glory like that which rested
on the last days of the Moslem in Spain."
In one of his expeditions Hernando met with a reverse.
With eighty picked horsemen, and a small body of veteran

1 68 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
infantry, he had set out for a place called Tambo, in the
hope of surprising and capturing the Inca, Manco. He
reached Tambo unperceived and unopposed, but found the
Peruvian position much stronger than he had expected.
The lofty hill on which the palace-fortress stood was cut
into steep terraces, each defended by a solid rampart of
stone and sunburnt brick. Only on one side it sloped
gradually towards the river Yucay; and there Hernando
resolved to deliver his attack. Crossing the river, he took
the fortress in the rear, and, under cover of the night,
wound his way up the acclivity. But his approach had
been observed ; and, on his coming within bowshot, the
wall was suddenly alive with dusky figures, among whom
could be seen the Inca, directing the defence. The
morning air rang with the Indian war-whoop, and a tremen
dous storm of all kinds of missiles clashed and clattered
about the heads of the Spaniards. Incited by their leader,
who had much of his brother's tenacity of purpose, they
twice attempted to renew the assault ; but the Indian's
force was too overwhelming, and they were compelled to
retreat sullenly, with clouds of Indians hanging upon their
rear until they came within sight of the walls of Cuzco.
We must now glance for a moment at the position of
affairs in Los Reyes, or Lima. As soon as the Marquis
was apprised of the revolt of the Inca and the siege of
Cuzco, he despatched to his brother's assistance a body
of men under Gonzalo de Tapia ; but they were inter
cepted by the insurgents and slain to a man. The same
fate befell three other detachments and their leaders, so
that the Spanish force in Peru was considerably weakened.

SIEGE OF LOS REYES. 1 69
Some weeks elapsed before Pizarro became aware of
these losses, and as no news arrived from Cuzco, he
feared the worst. To maintain his hold upon Peru
would be, he foresaw, a task of no little difficulty ; and
he sent an urgent summons to one of his most trusted
lieutenants, Alonzo de Alvarado, whom he had ordered
to conquer the province of Chacapeyas, to return to his
assistance. He also implored the Governors of Panama,
Nicaragua, Guatemala, and New Spain to forward rein
forcements, that his fair conquest of Peru might not be
lost to the crown of Castile. By this time a host of
Indian fighting-men had swarmed around Los Reyes ;
it was estimated that they numbered fully fifty thousand,
under the command of a great Inca noble, Teyyupangui.
At first the Marquis decided to go out and attack them ;
but on further reflection he deemed the risk too great,
and resolved to await the onset behind the recent ram
parts of Los Reyes.
Teyyupangui had pledged himself to the Inca to
capture the city or perish in the effort. He addressed
his men in martial language, appealing to their patriotic
pride and religious feelings. He designed, he said, to
force his way that day into the Spanish city, and to kill
all the Spanish inhabitants. Then they would take their
wives, marry them, and have children by them fitted for
war. But none, he added, were to accompany him who
would not swear that if he died they should all die, and if
he fled they all should flee. There were none among his
captains who refused this pledge ; and with a great
pageantry of banners, the army moved forward to the

17 to THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
attack. Their immense numbers poured over the walls
and into the streets, Teyyupangui marching in front,
with his spear in his hand. But as soon as they were
on level ground, the Spanish horsemen effected a brilliant
charge, which carried them through the Indian ranks
like a hurricane through a grove of palms. Their track
was shown by a long line of the dead and dying, who
included Teyyupangui and his captains. The Indians fell
back, disheartened; the Spaniards repeated their charge,
and soon the plain was dark with the flying companies
of the broken army. Next day they retired into the
mountains, and Los Reyes was out of danger.
Shortly after this great victory, Alonzo de Alvarado
arrived, and the Marquis was able to despatch him, with
one hundred horsemen and one hundred and fifty foot-
soldiers, to chastise the Indian insurgents in the province
of Xauxa, but not to advance unto the relief or recapture
of Cuzco until he had been reinforced. This was in the
month of October. Scattering the Indians before him
Alvarado arrived at Xauxa, where he waited for four
months, according to the Marquis's instructions.
Again the scene changes, and we must follow in the
track of Almagro the Mariscal, whom we last saw at the
head of an expedition destined for the conquest of Chili.
Along the great road of the Incas he marched until he
reached the Chilian frontier; after which he plunged
into the pathless defiles of the Cordilleras, and with pain
and labour continued his progress southward. To the
eye of the artist the scenerv of the Andes is a succession

ALMAGRO S CHILI EXPEDITION. 171
of grand and imposing effects ; great torrents roll down
the rugged declivities, and in vast shining cataracts
tumble into seemingly fathomless abysses ; dense forests
of pine climb up the sides of the ravines, and fill the
echoes with a mighty rushing sound ; broad spaces
of tableland, without tree or shrub, seem the chosen
battlefields of contending winds ; and far up into the
deep blue sky, higher than even the condor's wing can
soar, rise the white forms of the mountain-peaks. But
to the leader of armed men all this is a weariness and
a snare ; he knows that each feature of sublimity will
involve him in some loss of life. Almagro's followers
had worse enemies to struggle with than the Indians ;
their continual foes were the intense cold, which chilled
their blood and benumbed their limbs, and famine, which
paralyzed their energies and depressed their spirits. The
Spaniards were forced to feed on the frozen carcasses of
their horses ; their Indian attendants and followers, less
fortunate, on the dead bodies of their countrymen.
Happy, therefore, was their commander when he emerged
upon the warm and fertile valley-plain of Coquimbo,
where he and his soldiers could enjoy unbounded plenty
and secure repose.
When he had recruited the energies of his men, he
sent an officer forward, with a small force, to reconnoitre
the country towards the south. Meantime, the remainder
of his little army arrived, under the bold fierce soldier
Rodrigo de Orgofiez, who brought with him the royal
warrant conferring on Almagro the governorship of all
lands conquered south of Peru. It was immediately

172 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
argued by Almagro's intimates that Cuzco must lie
within the limits of his territory, and they strenuously
urged him to retrace his steps and reclaim from Pizarro
that golden city. In this they were supported by
Almagro's soldiers, who were already weary of a region
which seemed bare of gold and silver, and held out no
promise of either profit or pleasure. When the recon
noitring party returned with the information that, after a
march of one hundred and fifty leagues, they had lighted
upon no rich settlements, no populous and wealthy
towns, no temples and palaces blazing with gold or
gems, the clamour in the camp redoubled, and Almagro,
who had never a firm command over his men, was
fain to yield to it. Abandoning his designs upon
Chili, he wheeled round his army, and prepared to
march- back upon Cuzco, — to which, it is clear, he had
neither a legal nor a moral claim. Shrinking from a
fresh experience of the mountain route, he took his way
along the coast, which compelled him to traverse the
great desert of Atacama. In avoiding Scylla, he had
fallen into Charybdis. The desert proved as inhospitable
as the mountains ; it demanded, like the mountains, its
toll of dead from the rash adventurers who had pro
faned its solitudes ! But the wonderful hardihood and
astonishing energy of the Spaniards carried them through
every trial, and they reached at length the picturesque
town of Arequipa. Here, at a distance of sixty leagues
from Cuzco, he learned that the Peruvians had risen
against the invaders, and that the young Inca, with a
still formidable army, lay between him and the capital.

DEFEAT OF THE PERUVIANS. 173
At the same time the news of his approach was carried
to Hernando Pizarro, who could not doubt, from the very
fact of the Mariscal's return, that he came as an enemy.
Almagro, however, did not at once march upon Cuzco.
He arranged, through his emissaries, a meeting with
the Inca in the valley of Yucay, and with half his force,
or about two hundred and forty men, proceeded to the
rendezvous, while he ordered the other half to take up
their quarters at Urcos, about twenty miles from Cuzco.
Hernando at the same time issued from the capital, and
encamped with his small force in the vicinity. The
Peruvians, observing the proximity of the two camps,
not unnaturally concluded that they understood each
other, and that Almagro's negotiation with the Inca was
a subtly-devised plot to get possession of his person.
They made a sudden assault, therefore, with fifteen
thousand men, on the Spaniards in the valley of Yucay ;
but these veterans had kept a vigilant outlook, and were
prepared for the shock. The Inca's army was driven
back with great slaughter, and Almagro then hastened to
concentrate his forces at Urcos. Thereupon he sent an
embassy to its municipality, presenting a copy of his
credentials from the Crown, and requiring them to recog
nise him as their governor. The authorities professed
themselves unable to decide between the rival claimants,*
and asked for time to investigate the question. A truce
was accordingly arranged between the contending parties
* Cuzco, however, was unquestionably within the limits of
Pizarro's jurisdiction, which, indeed, extended half a degree further
south.

174 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
of which Pizarro availed himself to open up negotiations
with Almagro. He insisted on the importance of peace
being preserved between them, as, otherwise, all would
be lost, and the Inca would recover his supremacy over
the country. He offered to receive him in the city with
all honour, and intimated that his quarters had been
sui'ably prepared for his accommodation. And more
particularly did he urge that a messenger should be
despatched to the Marquis in order that he might come
and settle matters without bloodshed.
Almagro returned an evasive answer, and on Monday,
the 1 8th of April, 1537, moved forward to a position
within three leagues of the city. Hernando Pizarro once
more invited him to enter it as a friend. " Tell him,"
was the reply, " that I will not enter the city except as
my own, nor lodge in any lodgings but those where he
is, — that is, in the Governor's apartments." Yet again
did Hernando Pizarro attempt to bring about an arrange
ment, enlarging on the perils that might arise from
further action on the part of the Indians, and soliciting
Almagro to preserve the peace until the Marquis should
arrive. Almagro, who seems to have been greatly influ
enced by his lieutenant, Orgonez, replied that he held
his government from the Emperor, and was determined
to enter his own capital. And, raising his tents, he
moved forward within a bowshot of the city. Hernando
still desired to avoid hostilities ; and calling a meeting
of the Council, he obtained their consent to his proposal
that an Alcalde, accompanied by two Regidors, should
repair to Almagro, and, in the Emperor's name, require

ALMAGRO S CLAIM TO CUZCO. 1 75
of him that he should not disturb the city, but that if
he possessed powers from his Majesty, should present
them before the Council, in order that they might judge
of their extent. To so moderate a request Almagro
could not return a refusal, and accordingly a truce was
proclaimed for twenty-four hours. On the following morn
ing he laid his powers before the Council (Hernando, at his
request, having been excluded), who, after due considera
tion, decided that they were ready to obey the Emperor's
orders ; and that, as his Majesty had allotted to Almagro
for territory two hundred leagues reckoning from the
boundary-line of Don Francisco Pizarro's, and as the
said tenitory had not been set out or defined, and as
Don Francisco Pizarro had occupied Cuzco as within
his government, the division-line of the two governments
should be carefully ascertained by " pilots " or experts ;
and that, until this had been done, Almagro should
refrain from forcing an entrance into the city, and bring
ing ruin upon both parties. When the division was
settled, if Cuzco proved to be within Almagro's juris
diction, they would loyally accept him as Governor.
In a storm of rage Almagro ordered his soldiers to
prepare to attack the city, and Hernando immediately
summoned his men to the defence. But another effort
was made by the loyal Treasurer and a licentiate named
Prado, to avoid armed collision; and their entreaties
induced Almagro to extend the truce until the hour of
Vespers next day (Wednesday).
The weather was severe, and the snow lay on the
ground. The soldiers longed for the shelter and con-

176 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
venient accommodation of the city ; and there were
rumours abroad that Alvarado, with a large body of men,
was marching to the assistance of Hernando Pizarro.
Of these circumstances Orgonez and others availed them
selves to persuade Almagro into an immediate attack.
They commented on the unfavourable character of their
position, and pointed out that while every day might
increase Pizarro's strength, every day would diminish
Almagro's. To his eternal dishonour, Almagro, in whose
character there was a fatal element of weakness, yielded
to this counsel, and at midnight suddenly pushed
forward his soldiers into the great square. Orgonez,
with a large body of infantry, hastened to surround the
dwelling of Hernando, who, with his brother Gonzalo,
was lodged in onfe of the large public halls built by the
Emperor. Hernando Pizarro was in bed when the alarm
was given ; but he sprang up hastily, donned his armour,
and prepared to make a stout defence. About twenty
soldiers stood by him, and for some time the assailants
made but little progress. Blood was shed on both sides,
when Orgonez, enraged at the gallant resistance, seized
a torch, and set fire to the thatched roof of the hall.
The flames spread rapidly, and as the burning timbers
fell in upon the brave little garrison, the two Pizarros
were compelled to surrender. They were thrown into
captivity in the House of the Sun, and put in chains.
Almagro began to govern Cuzco with a high hand,
and to bear with a sharp pressure on the members of the
Pizarro faction. Presuming on his new position, he sent
envoys to Alonzo de Alvarado's camp, requiring him to

"DEAD MEN NEVER BITE." 1 77
recognize him as legitimate master of the city. In reply,
Alvarado, who had received reinforcements from the
Marquis, and was at the head of two hundred cavalry
and five hundred foot, put the envoys in irons, and sent
to Los Reyes for instructions.* Almagro, in the inter
val, had made another effort to negotiate with Manco,
but failing, he invested Manco's brother, Paullo, with
the borla, and thus obtained the services of some ten
thousand Indian auxiliaries. With those, and his Spanish
soldiers, he moved against Alvarado. His lieutenant,
Orgonez, recommended him before his departure to
behead the Pizarros, declaring that while they lived his
life would never be safe; and adding, in the words of an
old proverb, " Dead men never bite."t The Mariscal
was ill affected towards Hernando, but he hesitated at
such a deed of murderous violence. Moreover, apart
from all political considerations, he was unwilling to put
a sea of blood between himself and his old associate the
Marquis, the influence of their long friendship not having
wholly decayed. He contented himself, therefore, with
placing a strong guard over his prisoners before he quitted
the city. He was encouraged in his design by the
treachery of Pedro de Lerma, one of Alvarado's principal
officers, who had secretly entered into communication
* The Marquis, on receiving the information brought by Alvarado's
horsemen, sent him strict orders not to move on Cuzco ; but, unfor
tunately, his messengers did not leave Los Reyes in time to prevent
the march.
t "El muerto no mordia." — Herrera, "Hist. General,"
dec. -vi., lib. ii., c. S.

i;8

THE LAND OF THE INCAS.

with him, and promised to join him in person, and
to bring several partisans. This man informed him
of all the particulars of Alvarado's movement, and
of the position he had taken up at the Bridge of
Abangay.* * See the account in Garcilasso de la Vega's " Commentarios
Reales " (2nd pt.), lib. ii., c. 34.

CHAPTER VI.
THE FEUD BETWEEN ALMAGRO AND PIZARRO. —
... EXECUTION OF ALMAGRO.

W

LVARADO had posted his men on the further
bank of the Rio de Abancay, opposite the
bridge, while a ford lower down was guarded
by a detachment. At nightfall Almagro ordered
his artillery to open fire, and his Indians to
keep up a continual shouting and discharge of missiles,
so as to delude the enemy into a belief that he intended
to force the passage of the bridge; while through the
darkness he led three hundred horsemen to the ford,
and there, with the guidance, of Pedro de Lerma's men
crossed unopposed, but not without losing some of his
troopers in the rapid current. Immediately he attacked
the detachment on the river-bank, who had been misled
by the traitors, put them to the rout, and advanced
towards the bridge. By this time the alarm had been
given, and Alvarado, with about fifty men, was hastening
to support the guard at the ford, when he encountered
Almagro's soldiers — who, on account of the roughness
of the ground, had dismounted — in the narrow belt of

180 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
ground lying between the sierra and the river. Here a
gallant fight took place, in which the Almagrists got the
worst. Perceiving this, they cried to one another, " To
the hills! Let us gain the hills!" But Alvarado saw
that if they occupied the hills they could cut him off
from his camp and intercept his communications with
Pizarro ; wherefore, followed by a few of his veterans, he
climbed the heights with all speed. Almagro's men,
however, not less swift-footed than himself, reached the
summit as quickly; so that Alvarado found himself
hopelessly outnumbered, and unable to prolong the
contest. A prisoner, he was carried down to the bridge,
which Almagro's infantry had successfully forced, and
there was no alternative but for all his little army to
surrender (July 12th).
Orgonez, always athirst for blood, advised the execu
tion of Alvarado, but Almagro would not consent ; and
on the 14th of July he marched back to Cuzco in triumph,
with a long array of prisoners. Here his successes did
not end; for his lieutenant, Orgonez, soon afterwards
defeated the Inca's army, and very nearly captured the
Inca himself; and his brain dizzying with his triumphs,
he began to think of claiming even Los Reyes as within
the boundaries of his government.* Such an exaltation of
spirit is often observed in men who have risen to power
and prosperity just before their fall. But Almagro must
have been strangely ignorant of the tenacity and reso-
* His troops partook of their leader's arrogance, and were heard
to say that they would not' leave one Pizarra (i.e., a "a slate") to
stumble over.

PIZARRO S ADVANCE. 1 8 1
lution of his great rival, who now, after a long interval
of comparative inaction, reappears on the scene.
Francisco Pizarro had waited with calm patience for
the reinforcements which alone could enable him to
strike a decisive blow. Slowly they arrived ; and among
them, at last, came his old associate, the Licentiate
Caspar de Espifiosa, with two hundred and fifty horse
and foot. He also received from Cortes, the great
Mexican conqueror, a vessel laden with supplies and
provisions, and, as a special token of friendship, a costly
wardrobe for himself.
With a force amounting to four hundred and fifty men,
about equally divided into horse and foot, the Marquis
quitted Lima and began his march upon Cuzco. He
had advanced but a few leagues, when he received the
astounding intelligence of Almagro's abandonment of his
expedition to Chili, the seizure of Cuzco, the imprison
ment of his brothers, and the defeat at Abancay. These
reverses did not shake his indomitable courage ; but
apprehending that Almagro's success might embolden
him to attack Lima, he returned in all haste to the
capital to strengthen and complete its defences. He
felt very keenly the injustice with which he had been
treated by his comrade of many years ; personal feelings,
however, never affected Pizarro's line of policy, and
he determined, before drawing the sword, to extend
"the olive branch" of peace to his powerful rival. For
this purpose he sent to him an embassy, consisting cf
Gaspar de Espinosa, the Licentiate de la Gama, the
Factor Suarez de Carvajal, and Diego de Fuenmaya,

1 82 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
men of position and moderation, in whose discretion
both parties might fairly trust. They repaired to Cuzco ;
but Almagro, either under the influence of Orgonez, or
inflated by his unaccustomed authority, would listen to
no terms. of accommodation. He insisted not only upon
the possession of Cuzco, but upon that of Los Reyes.
In vain Gaspar de Espifiosa pointed out the futility of
his pretensions ; Almagro declared he would maintain
them with his sword. In vain the Licentiate enlarged
on the injury to the interests of the Crown, which must
result from a collision between the Marquis and himself.
In vain he argued that the American continent afforded
ample scope for the exercise of his ambition, without his
entering upon a course of action, for the sake of a few
leagues more or less, which would offend high Heaven,
irritate the King, and fill the world with scandal and
disaster. Almagro would make no concession, would
hear of no compromise. The Licentiate turned angrily
on his heel . " Soon will you learn," he exclaimed, " the
force of the old proverb. ' The conquered conquered, and
the conqueror undone.'"*
Soon afterwards the negotiations came to an abrupt
close, through the sudden death of Espmosa, which was
attributed, however, entirely to natural causes. The
influence of his cool judgment and sagacity removed,
there was no longer any barrier to the violence of both
factions. Carrying Hernando Pizarro with him, — for he
feared his daring character and fertility of resource, — and
* "El vencido vencido. y el vencidor perdido.''

ALMAGRO AND ORGONEZ. 1 83
leaving in prison at Cuzco his brother Gonzalo, and
Alonzo de Alvarado, Almagro at once began his move
ment upon Los Reyes. He had got no further than the
valley of Lanasca, when messengers rode after him with
the intelligence that Gonzalo Pizarro and Alvarado had
bribed their guards, and effected their escape. Orgonez
immediately advised him to put Hernando to death : "A
Pizarro," he said, " was never known to forget an injury ;
and that which they have already received from you is
too deep to be forgiven." But Almagro seems still to
have cherished some vague hope of an accommodation
with the Marquis, and hesitated to commit a crime which
must have rendered it impossible. He was confirmed
in this disposition by the influence of Diego de Alvarado,
of whom, in his calmer moods, he frequently took counsel.
Diego was a gallant, an accomplished, and a generous
cavalier. He had had friendly relations with Hernando,
and strongly protested against his execution. " It would
not only," he said, " influence to the utmost the passions
of the Pizarrists, but would provoke the indignation of
the Court of Castile." Almagro listened to his milder
words, and spared Hernando. No doubt, as a matter of
policy, Orgonez was right. Almagro had gone too far
to recede, and his safety lay in going farther. When a
man once enters on a course of violence, it becomes
equally impossible for him to go back or to stand still ;
the accumulating impetus of his violent actions hurries
him onward fatally, and whether he attempts to arrest
his progress, or whether he yields to the power behind
him, ensures, sooner or later, his destruction. It was

1 84 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
probable that a reconciliation might be effected with the
Marquis ; old associations and motives of policy might
incline him to a peaceful settlement; but Almagro should
have known that Hernando Pizarro would never forget
the indignity that had been put upon him.
Towards the end of August, Almagro reached the vale
of Chincha, where, in imitation of Pizarro, he laid the
foundation of a town to which he gave his own name.
By this time the resources of his rival had wonderfully
increased ; reinforcements had arrived from all quarters,
and he had had the pleasure of welcoming the fugitives
from Cuzco ; so that he found himself at the head of one
thousand men-at-arms, of whom not the least formidable
was a contingent of one hundred and fifty well-equipped
arquebusiers. He felt strong enough to make a final
effort at negotiation ; and after a prolonged correspond
ence between Almagro and himself, it was agreed that
their dispute should be referred to an arbiter, and that
this arbiter, with the assistance of "pilots," should fix
the boundaries of their respective territories. The arbiter
chosen was the Provincial Fray Francisco de Bobadilla,
of the Order of Mercy. Needless to say that the fiery
Orgonez objected strongly to both the arbitration and the
arbiter! His objections, however, were set aside; and
Bobadilla and his "pilots" repaired to an Indian town
called Mala; which was situated about midway between
Los Reyes and Chincha, and there summoned each
Governor to appear before him, attended by twelve horse
men only.
Pizarro and Almagro hastened to obey; but so much

MEETING OF THE CAPTAINS. 1 85
had occurred to shake the confidence of the Pizarrists,
that they induced Gonzalo Pizarro, unknown to the
Marquis, to move the army forward in the direction of
Mala. The two great captains met in the presence of
Bobadilla on the T3th of November. There is a difference
in the accounts of the method of their meeting : one
authority representing it as very friendly, so that they
shed tears and exchanged affectionate greetings ; another
declaring that Pizarro assumed his haughtiest demeanour
when Almagro, doffing his bonnet, advanced " in his
usual open manner," to salute his ancient comrade.
We have little doubt that the former statement is true ;
and it seems that the two Governors were on the point of
coming to an amicable understanding, when an unfortunate
incident — one of those mysterious "chances" which so
often in life break up the subtlest schemes and baffle
the most assured hopes — changed the entire current of
their destiny. It is said that Francisco de Godey, one
of Gonzalo's captains, apprised the Almagrists of the
danger impending over them by singing a couplet of an
old ballad — ¦ " Tiempo es el caballero,
Tiempo es de andar de aqui ; "
and that therefore an Almagrist, named Juan de Gayneau,
hastily entered the apartment where the Governors were
in conference, and whispered.in Almagro's ear that he was
the dupe of some intended treachery. Without a word
of farewell or explanation, the Mariscal turned his back
on his rival, strode down the stairs, mounted a horse

1 86 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
which Juan de Gayneau had brought for him, and rode
rapidly away.
This unexpected occurrence proved to be the turning-
point of the fortunes of both Almagro and Pizarro. In
vain the Marquis sent word next day that the advance
of his army had been without his knowledge or permission,
and begged Almagro to return and complete their inchoate
arrangement. He rejected every advance, and wrapped
himself in a cloak of secrecy and suspicion. Without
further reference to either party, the arbiter then pro
nounced his award, which was entirely in Pizarro's favour,
and, indeed, it is impossible for the impartial historian
to see how it could have been otherwise. He declared that
Cuzco lay within the two hundred and seventy-five leagues
which the Emperor had defined as the limit of Pizarro's
territory, and must therefore be surrendered to him; and,
at the same time, he decided that Hernando Pizarro
should be released on condition that, within six weeks,
he left the country for Spain. Both parties were to retire
within their respective territories, and lay down the sword.
The Almagrists broke out into a frenzy of rage when
this award became known to them. They denounced it as
unjust, and calumniated thearbiter as a hireling of Pizarro's,
while Orgonez renewed his demand for Hernando Pizarro's
head. Almagro himself protested that he should dis
regard the arbiter's decision. But wiser counsels pre
vailed. The good influence of Diego de Alvarado was
brought to bear on the impetuous temper of his aged
leader, while the Marquis, anxious for the life of his
brother, and the preservation of Spanish interests in

A TREATY OF PEACE. 187
Peru, was fully prepared to make any reasonable con
cessions. The arrangement finally effected was as fol
lows : That Chincha should be evacuated ; that Cuzco
should, so to speak, be neutralised until the King's
decision as to its ownership could be obtained; that
Almagro should prosecute his conquests southward, and
Pizarro northward ; that Hernando Pizarro should be
liberated on condition that he left the country in six
weeks; and that Pizarro should place one of his ships at
Almagro's disposal. When these terms were made known
to Orgonez, that truculent cavalier gave way to a storm
of passion. " Never," he said, "were the perfidious in
want of excuses for not fulfilling their promises ! " And,
lifting up his beard with his left hand, he drew his right
across his throat with a significant gesture, exclaiming :
" Orgonez, Orgonez, this is what thy fidelity to thy master
will cost thee !"
Almagro, however, adhered to the conditions of his
pact. He repaired in person to Hernando Pizarro's place
of confinement, and made known to him that he was at
liberty, embracing him with much fervour, and expressing
a hope that " all past feuds would be forgotten, and that
thenceforward peace and good-fellowship might prevail."
Hernando replied that it would not be his fault if it were
not so, for he desired nothing better ; and he swore by
his honour as a knight that he would faithfully fulfil the
stipulations of the treaty. The Mariscal then conducted
him to his quarters, and entertained him right hospitably,
together with his principal officers, some of whom after
wards escorted him half way to his brother's camp

1 88 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
Almagro's son, Don Diego, and the Alvarados rode with
him all the way, and were courteously received by the
Marquis, who bestowed upon them many gifts, and in
particular lavished his attentions on the young Diego.
Thus it seemed to the ordinary observer as if the storm
had completely passed over ; the air was clear, the angry
voices of the battling winds were hushed. But those
whose eyes were keener did not fail to see that threaten
ing clouds still hung upon the distant horizon.
On the day of Hernando's release arrived an envoy
from the Court of Spain, one Pedro de Ancurez, bearing
important despatches. Important indeed, for they re
opened the quarrel which seemed to have been satisfac
torily composed, by providing that each governor should
hold the territory he had conquered and settled ("conquis-
tado y pobludo ") until the Emperor made some other
arrangement. The Marquis immediately accepted this
decision as fatal to Almagro's pretensions; nor could there
be any doubt that Cuzco was within his conquests, and
that Los Reyes had been founded by himself. To Almagro,
therefore, who had retired to the valley of Zangala, and
was bent on colonizing it, he intimated that their treaty
was at an end, and that he must abandon all further claim
to Cuzco, which the imperial decision had now definitely
made over to the Marquis's government. At the same
time he forbade the departure of Hernando to Spain, and
released him from his engagements to Almagro, as engage
ments that could not apply when the conditions were
whollyaltered. Hernando, however, submitted reluctantly,
feeling that he had pledged his knightly honour, and

HERNANDO ADDRESSES HIS SOLDIERS. 1 89
fearing the imputations that the Almagrists would throw
upon his good faith. But he did not refuse to take
the command of his brother's army, which advanced as
far as Chincha.
Some time was wasted in the mutual recriminations of
the two parties, but on the close approach of the Pizarros,
Almagro withdrew to Guaytara, a mountain pass which
offered an almost impregnable strategical position.
Pizarro's soldiers followed, a'ter lisening to an animated
address from Hernando. " To all of you," he said, " the
bounty shown by the Emperor to the Governor, my
brother, is fully known ; and though, before this imperial
mandate arrived, the justice on our side was manifest, his
Majesty's new confirmation of it gives us still greater
certainty. On our side, then, I repeat, we have justice;
on Almagro's there is greed. You are now about to show
your fidelity to my brother, but also your loyalty to the
Crown; and if you replace this province under the imperial
authority, doubt not that a liberal reward will await
your services. I know well," he continued, " that I do
greatly err, when there are so many cavaliers and soldiers
zealous in the cause of their prince, to insist on their
obligation to serve him, inasmuch as I cannot magnify it
so much as to make it equal to your desire to show it by
your deeds. Therefore, in that conviction, I will leave to
the future the demonstration and proof of your loyalty,
and your sense of the justice of our cause. But if any
among you be in need of arms or horses, I pray you tell
me, and I will cause him to be provided according to
his wants; for as many of you, noble gentlemen and
N

190 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
cavaliers, have come from afar, you may be deficient in
some things."
Encouraged and satisfied by this generous speech, the
Pizarrists moved cheerfully forward, though Almagro
refused to believe that they would attack an almost im
pregnable position, which was defended by a large body
of Indian auxiliaries as well as by a division of his own
troops. The rest of his army was entrenched in the
rear at Guaytara. Hernando, however, observed that the
heights above the pass were not very strongly guarded,
their inaccessibility being considered a sufficient defence.
To the brave and persevering nothing is impossible. In
the evening twilight Hernando took with him three
hundred men, and by a circuitous route rode to the foot
of the sierra. Having dismounted, they began to climb
the mountain — three miles of laborious ascent. A
traitor in Pizarro's camp had revealed the design to
Almagro's men, and they stood prepared to meet the
rash intruder, though never believing that he would ac
complish his enterprise. Through the darkness, however,
he made his way, followed by his soldiers with patient
alacrity. Early in the morning about five or six Pizarrists
gained the summit, and raised a shout of " Viva el Rey!"
with such vehement exultation that the Almagrists sup
posed the whole army to be upon them, and fled in
confusion. It was midday, however, before the three
hundred reached the summit. Almagro, thus taken in
flank, had no alternative but to retreat. He was followed
with more ardour than prudence by the Pizarrists, and
the tide of war was nearly turned against them, Almagro

ALMAGRO AT CUZCO. 191
having drawn up his forces in admirable order to stay
their progress and crush their confused and breathless
battalions. Hernando, with his soldier's eye, detecting
the danger, advised an immediate retreat, and withdrew
the army in safety to the valley of lea, where the brothers
remained for several weeks, refreshing and reorganizing
their forces. Then the Marquis, who began to feel the
weight of years, returned to Los Reyes, leaving Hernando
to prosecute the campaign.
Almagro next turned his thoughts towards Cuzco, with
the view of occupying it before the Pizarros could reach it.
Pie was so enfeebled at this time by disease and old age
that he was obliged to be carried in a litter ; and on
reaching Bilcas his illness became so severe that he was
detained for three weeks before he could resume his march.
It was, therefore, the middle of April 1538, before he
arrived in the viciniiy of the capital of the Incas. With
a sudden outburst of his old energy, he made vigorous
preparations for holding it against the Pizarros. " In
Cuzco," we are told, "nothing was heard but the sound
of trumpets summoning to reviews, and the hammering of
silver on the anvil, for of that me'al it was that they made
their corslets, cuirasses, and arm-pieces, which, using
double the quantity of silver that they would have used of
iron, they rendered as strong 'as if they had come from
Milan.'" Nor were picks and spades idle, for earthworks
were thrown up at every weak point of the defences. Pro
visions were also collected from all the country round ;
scouts were posted on the high grounds to give notice of
the approach of the enemy ; and the clang and murmur of

I92 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
martial industry seemed to fill every echo, and were borne
on every wind.
Breaking up his camp at lea, Hernando Pizarro ordered
a general advance. On reaching the valley of Lanasca,
he reviewed his men ; and a goodly show they made in
their new equipments. They mustered in all six hundred
and fifty ; of whom two hundred and eighty were horse
men, the remainder cross-bowmen, arquebusiers, and pike-
men. Well pleased with their appearance, and satisfied
of their fidelity, he advanced slowly and cautiously towards
Cuzco, in order to guard against a surprise. All marched
in full armour, so that they could give battle at any
moment. The journey was tedious, for the rivers were
swollen with the early thaws of spring, and to find a ford
it was often necessary to ascend high up their course.
Hernando insisted on the strictest discipline, and not a
few of his men deserted because he punished them for
robbing the natives. We have seen that Almagro had
resolved on defending the city ; but on Hernando's ap
proach, his commander, Ordonez, changed his mind, and
confiding in his superior numbers, resolved to issue forth
from the city, and act on the offensive. So it came to
pass that when the Pizarrists reached an elevated plain,
south of Cuzco, called Las Salinas (or " the Salt Pits "),
they found Almagro's forces drawn out to oppose their
progress, with their front covered by a marsh and a small
stream, their flanks protected by horsemen and six small
cannon, or falconets. On the hill-side, near the Inca's
road, were posted the Indians, fifteen thousand strong,
under the Inca Paullo. Orgonez himself was in com-

THE EVE OF THE BATTLE. 193
mand of the cavalry, who all wore white vests over their
armour. Slowly traversing the plain, the Pizarrists halted on the
southern side of the little stream which trickled across the
glittering plain. Here, as the sun was sinking, they took
up their quarters for the night, purposing to come to blows
with their enemies on the morrow. " The rumours of
the approaching battle," says the historian.*'" had spread
far and wide over the country ; and the mountains and
rocky heights around were thronged with multitudes of
natives, eager to feast their eyes on a spectacle where,
whichever side were victorious, the defeat would fall on
their enemies. The Castilian women and children, too,»
with still deeper anxiety, had thronged out from Cuzco to
witness the deadly strife in which brethren and kindred
were to contend for mastery. The whole number of the
* Prescott, ii., 103, 104. So, too, Sir Arthur Helps: — "We
should judge but poorly of these combats in South America, if we
estimated them according to the smallness of the number of men
engaged on each side, and not according to the depth and amount
of human emotion which they elicited. There was more passion in
the two little armies now set over against each other, than is to be
found in vast hosts of invading soldiers combating for objects which
they scarcely understand. I have no doubt the hatred in these bands
of Almagrists and Pizarrists greatly exceeded anything that was to
be found in the ranks of the French and Spaniards that fought at
Pavia. Even in religious wars, there has hardly existed greater
fierceness than amongst these Spanish conquerors, where each man
in the army was an aristocrat, fighting for lands, houses, slaves; and
whose angry soul was often largely occupied by the remembrance of
slights and injuries received from men in the opposite ranks, well
known to him. It appears at first a slur upon the good sense of Her
nando Pizarro, and a sad inconsistency, that he, being a commander,

194' THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
combatants was insignificant ; though not as compared
with those usually engaged in these American wars. It is
not, however, the number of the players, but the magni
tude of the stake, that gives importance and interest to
the game ; and on this bloody game they were to play for
the possession of an empire. The night passed away in
silence, unbroken by the vast assembly which covered the
surrounding hill-tops. Nor did the soldiers of the hostile
camps, although keeping watch within hearing of one
another, and with the same blood flowing in their veins,
attempt any communication. So deadly was the hate in
their bosoms ! "
It was Saturday, the 26th day of April, 1538.
At early dawn, Hernando Pizarro assumed his surcoat
of orange-damask, and donned his plumed helm ; not
only that he might be known by his own men, but that
he might easily be recognized by the enemy. As bold
a warrior as he was a skilful leader, he intended to be
should give way to such feelings in his own case, while he strove to
restrain the fury of others ; and his orange-damask surcoat and floating
white feather seem but childish emblems in ageneral.* But the spirit
of the times must rot be forgotten. It was only in the preceding year
that the outwardly sedate and almost always cautious Chailes the
Fifth, in the presence of the Pope and the College of Cardinals, had,
after a passionate speech, prettily challenged the King of France to
personal combat, staking Burgundy or Milan on the issue of the
encounter. It is hardly to be wondered at, therefore, that Hernando
Piznrro should give his personal enemies the means of knowing
where he was to be found in the battle.'' — " History of the Spanish
Conquest," iv. , 101, 102.
* Hardly ; when Henry of Navarre (" Henri Quatre of France") wore a snow-
white plume at the battle of Iny that his soldiers might recognize him.

THE PIZARRISTS AND THE ALMAGRISTS. 195
foremost in the fray, and to avenge upon some of the
Almagrists the contumely they had poured upon him
during his imprisonment. His trumpets having sum
moned his men to arms, he proceeded to array them ;
the infantry, which formed his chief strength, so large a
number being armed with arquebuses, in three com
panies in the centre, under Gonzalo Pizarro ; the horse
men, in two divisions, one on each flank, under Alonzo
de Alvarado and Pedro Ancurez. A small reserve was
placed under the command of a captain named Merca-
dillo. This order of battle having been formed, two
priests, splendidly robed, advanced to the front, and set
up two small altars, at which they chanted the mass and
gave the benediction. Pizarro then despatched a notary
to Almagro, formally requiring him to deliver up the city
of Cuzco ; and having discharged this useless ceremony,
he addressed some words of advice to his valiant soldiers.
He alluded briefly to the personal outrage his brother and
himself had undergone at Almagro's hands ; reminded
them that Cuzco had been unjustly wrested from the
Marquis's possession ; and pointed to it, as its towers and
\< alls shone in the morning sun, as the prize of their heroic
efforts. But it was not necessary, he said, to cheer or
encourage them ; rather did they need in their great
ardour to be restrained. He beggea them to moderate,
with the patience that on such occasions was needful,
their desire for victory. They answered with a tre
mendous shout and Hernando led them at once into
action. They waded the stream and struggled through a
marsh on the opposite side, their arqnebusiers r^pb in^

196 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
with terrible effect to Almagro's artillery, and dealing
death and wounds among his spearmen. Under cover
of their steady fire, Hernando and his horsemen gallantly
rode forward. Orgoflez, to oppose them, massed his
squadrons together, and exclaiming: "O Divine Word,
let those follow me who please, but I go to die," spurred
against his antagonists. The shock was furious, but the
Pizarrists bore it undauntedly, and the combatants were
soon fighting hand to hand, cheering one another with
their battle-cries of " El Rey y Almagro " and " El Rey y
Pizarro," with which mingled the yells of Almagro's Indian
auxiliaries from the height whence they looked forth upon
the encounter.
However injudicious as a councillor, Orgonez was a
brave and chivalrous soldier, and in this, his last battle
field, his courage shone conspicuously. Mistaking a
cavalier, from the colour of his surcoat, for Hernando
Pizarro, he rode his horse at him full tilt, and bore him
down with his lance. A second he slew in the same
manner, and a third, who was shouting " Victory ! " he
clave with his sword. In the heat of the mSlee he was
smitten in the forehead by a chain-shot from an arquebus,
which penetrated the bars of his visor, and momentarily
stunned him. Before he had fully recovered himself, his
horse was killed under him, and though he contrived to
spring to the ground, he was quickly surrounded and
ovei powered. Looking round with a haughty glance, he
said : " Is there no knight to whom I can surrender ? "
One Fuentes, a menial of Pizarro, presented himself
as if in answer to the question. Orgonez delivered him

DEFEAT OF THE ALMAGRISTS. 197
his sword, whereupon the wretch drew his dagger and
stabbed his defenceless prisoner to the heart. The head
was struck off, stuck on a pike, and afterwards exhibited
in the great square of Cuzco as the head of a traitor.
Not less eminent in the bloody strife was Hernando
Pizarro ; his terrible lance seemed to carry everything
before it, and his white plume shone above the clashing
shields and swords and the waving helms like a meteor.
Pedro de Lerma, the traitor, endeavouring to rally the
Almagrist cavalry, made his way towards his enemy, and
charged him with fell rancour ; but his lance, missing
the rider, struck Hernando's horse, and bore it to its
knees, whereas Hernando's spear transfixed the thigh of
his opponent. In the fierce affray that followed Pedro
de Lerma was unhorsed, and left on the field with many
wounds. Hernando, on foot, defended himself with ready
courage, until his soldiers swept around him, and rescued
him from the increasing number of his enemies.
By his headlong charge, Orgofiez had uncovered the
flank of his infantry, and Gonzalo Pizarro charged with
complete success. The Almagrists gave way in great
confusion, and took to flight with rapid feet, pursued by
Gonzalo, who hunted them into the sierra. A few of
Almagro's horsemen sought to prolong the contest, but
one by one they were killed, wounded, or unhorsed, and
those who survived were compelled to yield. Brought
before Hernando Pizarro, he gave orders that their lives
should be spared, thinking that the second victory which
remained for him to win was a victory over himself, in
repressing the dictates of private vengeance. Almagro,

198 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
reclining in a litter, had watched the eddying fortunes
of the two hours' fight, and on seeing it go against him,
had succeeded in mounting a mule, and riding off to
take shelter in the citadel of Cuzco. Thither he was
followed by Alonzo de Alvarado, who carried him in
triumph into the city, where he was thrown into irons,
and (such are the strange contrasts of human life !)
imprisoned in the same chamber of the palace in which
he had imprisoned the two Pizarros. It is recorded that
one of the Pizarrist captains, seeing the Mariscal for the
first time, and scornfully observing his mean bearing and
ill-favoured countenance, lifted his arquebus to kill him,
exclaiming, " Is this the man for whom so many cavaliers
have perished ? " But Alvarado struck up his arquebus,
and forbade him to fire.
The battle of Las Salinas cost Almagro's party the
lives of one hundred gallant soldiers. No account is
given of the wounded, but their number could not have
been less. Almost all the wounds were in the jaw; for
the strong and complete armour of the Spaniards
effectually protected every part of the body. The
fortune of the day was decided in favour of the Pizarros,
partly by Hernando's brilliant bravery and skilful conduct,
but more by the heavy and deadly fire of his veteran
arquebusiers, who had been trained in the Netherlands
wars. It must be acknowledged that Pizarro used his
victory leniently. We do not read of any executions or
murders ; he treated his prisoners with courtesy, and he
ordered that everything plundered on the day of battle
should be restored to its owner. To gratify his lieu-

ALMAGRO IN PRISON. 199
tenants, and diminish the large number of soldiers of
both parties assembled in Cuzco, he encouraged them to
undertake the discovery and reduction of such provinces
as had not hitherto submitted to the Spaniards. Alonzo
de Alvarado set forth to conquer the Chacapoyas ; Pedro
de Vergara to conquer the Beacamores ; and Mercadillo
the district of Xauxa. Pedro de Candia was ordered on
an expedition to the Andes, in which he was joined by
many of the Almagrists ; who, however, when at a distance
of about twenty leagues from the city, on the pretence
of " re-organizing their ranks," entered into a nego
tiation with the captain of the arquebusiers, who had
the custody of Almagro, to favour his escape, offering
him 15,000 castellanos as a reward, and 1,000 castel-
lanos for each of his men. The captain, however,
reported the treacherous offer to Pizarro, who imme
diately arrested the traitors, and sent peremptory orders
to Pedro de Candia to proceed on his expedition.
At the urgent solicitations of Almagro, Hernando
Pizarro visited him in prison. He did his best to
console the unfortunate captive, who gave way to inces
sant moans and tears ; reminding him that such reverses
of fortune frequently occurred to valiant persons, and
urging him to display the fortitude which alone was
worthy of his greatness. He added an assurance that
he should be kindly treated, and that if Pizarro did not
speedily come to the capital, he would take it upon
himself to release him and furnish him with the means
of reaching his brother's quarters.
Hernando kept his word until he found that Almagro

200 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
was intriguing with Pizarro's officers, after which he was
more closely confined and vigilantly guarded, while the
King's officials instituted a formal process against him,
and began to collect evidence.* This transaction occu
pied nearly four months, and Hernando Pizirro's object
in it seems to have been to obtain justification for send
ing Almagro back to Spain. As a prisoner, the Mariscal
must always be dangerous ; if set at liberty, he would
become the centre of new conspiracies ; what, then, was
to be done with him? The Almagrists, as it was, did
not cease in their efforts to secure his release ; and at
last their plots compelled Hernando to take some decisive
action. Summoning a meeting of the municipal council, to
which he invited bis most experienced and sagacious
officers, he laid before them the proofs he had obtained
of a dangerous movement against the public peace.
Already they knew, he said, the particulars of the
troubles created by Don Diego de Almagro's men, and
also by many of his own men, who, because he had
compelled them to restore the booty they had taken in
battle, and because of offers made on the Mariscal's
part, had united with them. And now he had received
the letter which he had placed in their hands, to the
effect that Don Pedro de Candia had approached within
nine leagues of the city, at the head of three hundred
and fifty men, whose words showed that they came in
a rebellious mood. They, the magistrates, were, like
* The evidence collected spread, we are told, over two thousand
folio pages.

DECISION OF THE COUNCIL. 201
himself, responsible for the welfare of his Majesty's
service and the peace of the city ; and as it was possible
that violent anger or prejudice might dispose him to do
something of which they would disapprove, he asked
them to look at the position of affairs, at the danger
which might occur, and the punishment there might be
for it ; and, as men of honour and good judgment,
advise him what course to adopt, so that his Majesty
might be served and the peace of the city maintained.
And as it might be that some of them would not deliver
their opinions with perfect freedom in his presence, he
would retire from the council. He entreated them
carefully to consider what advice they gave, for only
upon that advice would he act ; rather would he err in
following the common opinion, than succeed by follow
ing his own. Very fair and impartial this, no doubt;
but it must be remembered that Hernando was address
ing the nominees of his brother, and the captains in his
brother's army, all of whom had nothing to gain from
Almagro and much to lose from Pizarro.
After a decorous interval, Hernando was invited to
hear the decision of the council. We shrewdly suspect
that he was fully prepar.ed to find that it went against
Almagro. Pronounced guilty of levying war against the
Crown, of entering into conspiracy with the Inca, and of
dispossessing the King's governor of his city of Cuzco,
he was condemned to suffer death. Hernando called
them to witness that, before God, he had discharged his
conscience by submitting the matter to their final judg
ment. Though he had given it as his conviction, that

202 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
if this thing were not done the land would be lost, and
the lives of all imperilled, he had expressed at the same
time his belief that they, the members of the council,
would pronounce an honest and unbiassed opinion. They
probably understood the real significance of Hernando's
disclaimer of responsibility, and replied, that meriting
death as Almagro did, it was well to pass sentence upon
him, and to carry out the sentence, as otherwise they
would be involved in a serious calamity.
All that night, says the historian, Hernando Pizarro
kept two hundred men in his quarters, to meet any attack
which Pedro de Candia might be emboldened to deliver,
and at early morn he repaired to Almagro, advising him
that it was necessary for completing the process that he
should make his confession. This he did, and admitted.
the justice of the accusations brought against him, while
offering various excuses for, and explanations of, different
parts of his conduct.
The confession completed, formal sentence was recorded
against him, and a friar was employed to prepare him for
death. He was greatly overcome by the announcement ;
old and enfeebled, he still clung to life, and vehemently
protested against the injustice done him. He appealed,
he said, to the Emperor; but Hernando would not permit
the appeal to be received. Then he solicited an interview
with his stern adversary, and with the most piteous sup
plications besought him to spare his life. He reminded
him of his old and long association with his brother, and
the services he had rendered him and his family in their
earlier career. He alluded to his labours in the cause

ALMAGRO PLEADS FOR HIS LIFE. 203
of his king and country,*and implored him to spare his
grey hairs, and not to deprive him of the short remnant
of an existence from which his enemies had now nothing
more to fear. Hernando replied that he was surprised
to see Almagro comport himself in a manner so unworthy
of a brave cavalier. His fate was no worse than had
befallen many a soldier before him ; and, since God had
given him the grace to be a Christian, he should make
use of the brief time remaining to him to close his
account with heaven.* Almagro continued his entreaties,
reminding Hernando of his clemency towards himself.
"'Twas a hard requital," he said, "for having spared
his life so recently under similar circumstances, and that,
too, when he had been repeatedly urged by those around
him to take it away." He concluded by asking him to
consider his age and infirmities, and begging him to allow
his appeal to the Emperor, so that he might spend in
prison the few sad days which might still be his to repent
of, and mourn over, his sins. In vain; the stern captain
quitted the apartment, and gave orders that the priest
should attend to receive Almagro's confession. But no
confession would Almagro make unless Hernando granted
him another interview. Hernando reluctantly conceded
it, for he was not without compassion, though stern of
purpose; and he declared that, though Almagro's crimes,
had been very great, he would not have sentenced him
but have sent him to the Emperor, had it not been for
the constant intrigues of his partisans. He added, some-
* This speech is recorded by Herrera, but its authenticity may
well be doubted. Hernando was cruel, but not brutal.

2C4 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
what scornfully, an expression of his wonder that a man
of his proved courage should show so much fear of death.
Almagro gently replied — and it is the best and most
touching speech of his upon record — that since our Lord
Jesus Christ feared death, it was not to be marvelled at
if he, a man and a sinner, feared it. He spoke, however,
to deaf ears ; his doom was fixed. And when he saw
that it was so, like the Duke of Monmouth, after grovel
ling at the feet of James II., he recovered all his fortitude
and manly spirit, and calmly prepared to meet his end.
He made his confession ; bequeathed his estates and
treasure to the Emperor ; and, as the royal grant
empowered him to name his successor in the governor
ship, he devolved the office on his son, appointing Diego
de Alvarado as administrator of the province during his
son's minority. Through the intercession of some of the
Spanish cavaliers, and perhaps from fear of an outbreak
on the part of the Almagrists, he was spared the disgrace
of a public execution, and put to death in his prison by
the garotte. His body was afterwards exhibited in the
great square, when, in fulfilment of the original sentence,
his head was cut off. A herald proclaimed the crimes
for which he had suffered ; and his remains were after
wards conveyed to the house of his friend Hernan Ponce
de Leon (July 8tb, 1538). On the following day they
were interred in the church of Our Lady of Mercy, and,
as if to show that he had been actuated by no motive of
private vengeance, Hernando Pizarro, with his brother
Gonzalo, attended the funeral among the principal
mourners.

EXECUTION OF ALMAGRO. 205
The execution of Almagro remains as an indelible blot
on the fame of Hernando Pizarro. Not that Almagro
was innocent of the crimes imputed to him. It is certain
that he violated the conditions imposed by the Emperor
in taking forcible possession of the city of Cuzco. To
further his own ends, he was ready to enter into an
alliance with the Inca which might have fatally imperilled
the interests of Spain. He invaded the jurisdiction of
the King's governor, and took up arms against him. It
is difficult to say what more he couid have done than
he did to justify the charge of treason which Hernando
raised. But his trial was an exercise of arbitrary autho
rity which cannot be defended. Hernando was not even
in his brother's position ; he held no warrant or official
jurisdiction from the Crown ; and it was obviously his
duty to have transferred his prisoner to Los Reyes, whence
he might have been sent to Spain to be tried by a proper
tribunal. Moreover, when he himself was in Almagro's
hands, his life had been spared under circumstances of
considerable provocation, and the remembrance of this
fact should have made him unwilling to incur the reproach
of ingratitude. Yet, when all this has been admitted,
the impartial historian will find some excuse, if no jus
tification, for Hernando's action. Almagro had given
grave cause of offence. It was not only that Pizarro had
conquered Peru by his own indomitable tenacity and
inexhaustible courage ; it was not only that he held his
governorship direct from the Crown; it was not only
that Almagro had not been unfairly treated in the division
of honours and territories ; but that in the position of
O

206 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
the Spaniards in Peru such disloyalty as his might have
involved the whole colony in irreparable ruin. To
Hernando Pizarro, at least, this was only too evident,
and we believe that in ordering the execution of Almagro
he consulted no private feeling, but was honestly actuated
by a regard for the public interest.
We confess ourselves unable to understand Mr. Pres-
cott's partiality for this very small and vulgar hero, whose
chief recommendation seems to have been a certain free-
handedness which ensured his popularity with the common
soldiers. History records no examples of the excellent
qualities with which Mr. Prescott credits him. To call
him "the hero of a hundred battles" is a more than
poetical exaggeration ; for, in truth, he had but small
experience of warfare. He showed no skill as a leader
of men, no capacity as a military commander, no ability
as an administrator, and it is certain that by him the
conquest of Peru could never have been accomplished.
He did not even accomplish the conquest of Chili, and
in all his expeditions committed the most serious and
signal errors. The truth would seem to be that to invest
the portrait of Pizarro with the desired shadows, it was
necessary to illuminate that of Almagro with imaginary
lights ; and yet his eulogist after all is constrained to
admit that it is doubtful whether he possessed " those
uncommon qualities, either as a warrior or a man, that,
in ordinary circumstances, would have raised him to
distinction." It may safely be asserted that, had it not
been linked with Pizarro's, his name would never have
passed the lips of men.

CHAPTER VII.
EXPEDITION OF GONZALO PIZARRO, AND DISCOVERY OF
<|> THE RIVER AMAZON.
N receiving intelligence of the victory of Las
Salinas, the Marquis Pizarro set out from Los
Reyes for Cuzco. At Xauxa he was met by
Almagro's son Diego, whom Hernando had
sent to the coast, and found him under
grievous alarm and anxiety as to his father's probable
fate. He received him kindly, and reassured him by
his earnest declarations that no harm should befall his
father, between whom and himself, he said, he hoped the
old friendship might be re-established. The young man
then went on his way to Los Reyes, where, by Pizarro',
orders, he was lodged in his house, and treated as his son.
It was not until he reached the Bridge of Abangay
that the Marquis heard of the execution of Almagro.
He was profoundly affected by the news, for which he
was wholly unprepared ; and he stood for a long time,
with his eyes fixed on the ground, weeping. Mr. Prescotts
absolutely without foundation, holds him equally account
able with Hernando for the death of his associate. He

208 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
chooses to suppose that he was perfectly aware of all
that took place at Cuzco, and in communication with his
brother respecting Almagro's fate. But this was impos
sible. Almagro's capture, sentence, and execution fol
lowed in such quick succession that there could have
been no time for messengers to pass between the two
cities. For our own part, we doubt whether, even if it
had been possible, Hernando would have consulted his
brother, of whose friendship for Almagro he was well
aware. It is worthy of notice that whenever Hernando
was on the stage, the Marquis played a more or less
subordinate part. Hernando had not the wonderful
tenacity, the extraordinary perseverance and patience of
Francisco ; but, in some respects, his was the stronger
character. His will was certainly more powerful, and he
always prevailed in whatever course he advocated. As
to the relations between Almagro and the Marquis, some
writers charge the latter with gross ingratitude ; but it
does not appear that the charge has any real justifica
tion. It was Pizarro who bore the burden and heat of,
the day, and he was certainly entitled to the larger
reward. When all America was supposed to be teeming
with gold and silver, he no doubt thought that Almagro's
southern territory would yield him a treasure equal to
that which Peru had yielded ; and the Court of Spain
appears to have considered the division equitable. The
tendency of most historians is either to whitewash an
historical personage until no speck or stain can be
detected on his armour, or to blacken him until he
stands repulsive in a mask of inordinate hideousness.

THE MARQUIS ENTERS CUZCO. 209
Pizarro has been chosen to undergo the latter process,
but really without affording sufficient grounds. He was
not an angel of light, but he was not a monster of dark
ness. He was a man of many merits and some failings ;
like most of his race and time, he placed no great value
upon human life, nor was he over scrupulous in the fulfil
ment of promises. But, on the whole, he did not treat
Almagro unfairly ; he showed himself, on more than one
occasion, mindful of their long association and old com
radeship ; and we believe that Almagro's life would have
been spared if he had reached Cuzco earlier. As a m°re
matter of policy, he would have seen that the death of
Almagro did not mean the annihilation of Almagro's
faction, and that it could not fail to be resented by the
Court of Spain as an illegal exercise of authority.
The Marquis considered it advisable, in support of his
office, to make a public entry into Cuzco, at the head of
his train of cavaliers, with the pomp of banners and
amid the martial music of trumpets and clarions. He
found both his brothers absent on an expedition against
the Indians in the vicinity of Lake Titicaca. On their
return, he despatched Gonzalo to undertake the subjuga
tion of the tribes of Charcas; and when he had accom
plished the difficult task, rewarded him and Hernando
with a grant of land in the neighbourhood of Porco,
known to be rich in minerals. Hernando worked the
mines with much skill and on an extensive scale, but
did not discover the vast treasures of silver Potosi which,
all unknown to him, lay, with their "potentiality of
wealth," within his limits. As soon as he had amassed

2IO THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
a sufficient fortune, he prepared to return to Spain and
defend himself against the charges which, at Court,
Diego de Alvarado and other partisans of the unfortunate
Almagro were pressing against him. Before his depar
ture he strongly advised his brother to beware of the
" men of Chili," as the Almagrists were called ; desperate
men, he said, who would allow nothing to interfere
between them and their revenge. He urged him not to
allow them to assemble in any number within fifty miles
of his person, and to maintain always and everywhere a
strong bodyguard. " I shall not be here," he added,
with a touch of pathos, "to watch over you." But
Pizarro, who was far from being suspicious, made light
of his brother's alarms. There was no cause, he said,
for fear ; moreover, every hair on the head of Almagro's
followers was a guarantee for his safety.
Hernando Pizarro embarked at Los Reyes in the
summer of 1539. He reached the Spanish coast in
safety, and proceeded to Valladolid, where he met with
but a cold reception. Diego de Alvarado had been
before him, and he who first tells his tale has always an
advantage over the later comer. Hernando, however,
was nothing disheartened, and by dint of repetition of
his justification, and by, we may assume, a judicious
distribution of presents, he suspended for awhile the
opinion of his judges. The delay so irritated Diego
de Alvarado that he endeavoured to settle the points
at issue by challenging Hernando to mortal combat.
The challenge fell to the t round through the sudden
death of the challenger which happened within rive days

THE INCA MANCO CAPAC. 211
Pizarro, however, did not wholly escape. On the ground
that by releasing the Inca Manco he had facilitated the
Indian rebellion, and because he had violated the law by
his execution of Almagro, he was deprived of his order
of Santiago, and thrown into prison at Medina del Campo,
where he was detained for twenty years. In 1560 he
obtained his release, and was allowed to spend the
remainder of his long life in the tranquil enjoyment of
a considerable fortune. He lived to the ripe old age of
one hundred years.
The Marquis was now the sole ruler of Peru ; but he
had much difficult and laborious work to accomplish
before his authority could be considered as firmly esta
blished. Encouraged by the feuds which had broken
out among his conquerors, the Inca Manco quitted his
mountain fastnesses, and with a considerable force posted
himself in the sierra between Cuzco and the coast;
maintaining a warfare resembling that of the Scotch
borderers in the troublous old times of the long struggle
between England and Scotland ; making sudden forays
on the plantations of the Spanish settlers, burning their
houses and granaries, carrying off their cattle, and
murdering men, women, and children who fell into his
hands. Several detachments were sent against him, but
these he defeated, or ensnaring them in an ambush,
cut them to pieces. Pizarro, therefore, placed a con
siderable force under his brother Gonzalo, and ordered
him to march against this persevering foe. Whenever
the Spaniards brought him to bay, they defeated him,
but his knowledge of the country always enabled him to

212 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
effect his escape ; and the Marquis found himself com
pelled to adopt a different policy. For this purpose he
established settlements in the heart of the disaffected
country — settlements which assumed the character of
military colonies. " The houses were usually built of
stone, to which were added the various public offices,
and sometimes a fortress. A municipal corporation was
organized. Settlers were invited by the distribution of
large tracts of land in the neighbourhood, with a stipu
lated number of Indian vassals to each. The soldiers
then gathered there, sometimes accompanied by their
wives and families ; for the women of Castile seem to
have disdained the impediments of sex, in the ardour
of conjugal attachment, or, it may be, of romantic
adventure. A populous settlement rapidly grew up in
the wilderness, affording protection to the surrounding
territory, and furnishing a commercial depot for the
country, and an armed force ready at all times to
maintain public order."
Among the settlements thus formed were the Villa de
la Plata, or " City of Silver," in the mining district of
Charcas ; Guamanga, midway between Lima and Cuzco ;
and Arequipa, on the shore of the Southern Sea.
The force of character and rough mental activity of
Pizarro were strikingly illustrated by his labours at this
period — labours which would have been remarkable in
any man, but were specially remarkable in a man who
had received no liberal culture, and from his youth up
had been engaged in arduous and difficult enterprises.
Returning from Cuzco to Los Reyes, he addressed

THE PERUVIAN MINES. 213
himself to the task of encouraging the deve'opment of
the resources of the country. To agricultural industry
he paid special attention, and had the sagacity to
import the seeds of the different European grains, which,
before long, yielded luxuriant crops. He took measures
to facilitate commercial intercourse with the Spanish
colonies lying north of Peru. He sedulously promoted
the working of the mines, which already began to make
such returns that the commonest articles of life fetched
extravagant prices, and the only things of small value
seemed to be the precious metals themselves. But as
these changed hands they found their way to Spain, and
lose to their true standard as they passed into the general
European currency. So the Spaniards discovered that
after years of adventure and suffering they had found
at last that Land of Gold and Silver, that long-dreamed-
of " El Dorado," which had inspired men to such deeds
of noble note. In rapidly increasing numbers emigrants
entered the country, and extending in every direction,
gradually assured the supremacy of the Spanish govern
ment. This influx of adventurers enabled Pizarro to carry out
his projects for the fuller colonization of the country.
He despatched Pedro de Valdivia on an expedition to
conquer Chili, which proved entirely successful ; and his
brother Gonzalo to the southern district of Callao, after
which he sent him to discover the region of cinnamon
that was supposed to lie beyond the Andes.
Gonzalo Pizarro has been described as, in ability and
breadth of view, inferior to his two elder brothers.

214 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
Neither did he show himself equally " cool and crafty " in
his policy ; but he was equally resolute, intrepid, and
energetic. He had a handsome person, open and
engaging features, a free soldier- like address, and a
generous temper ; so that he was the idol of his fol
lowers. His spirit was high and adventurous, and he
had the facu'ty, so important in a leader of men, of
being able to infuse that spirit into others, and thus
almost to ensure the success of any enterprise he under
took. He was an excellent captain, prompt in decision,
fertile in resources, and calm and self-reliant in the hour
of danger. His expedition across the Andes calls for a
brief notice in these pages.
In order to increase his brother's authority, Pizarro
appointed him Governor of Quito, and in January 1540
he set out from the capital of his government with three
hundred and fifty Spaniards and four thousand Indian
auxiliaries. Of the Spanish division one hundred and
fifty were mounted. All were well equipped ; the sup
plies were abundant ; and to guard against famine, an
immense herd of swine followed in the rear of the army.
At first the route presented no obstacles ; but on entering
the province of Quixos, Gonzalo plunged into the ravines
of the Andes, and difficulties beset him at every step.
As he ascended into the loftier regions, his army suffered
much from the icy winds that swept down the rugged
declivities of the mountain-range ; and great alarm was
caused by a sudden and tremendous earthquake, which
seemed to threaten the disruption of the entire mountain-
system. In one place the earth was rent asunder by

GONZALO PIZARRO'S EXPEDITION. 21 5
Nature's violent agony, while streams of sulphurous
water poured forth, and a large village was toppled
headlong into the abyss.
They experienced a change of climate as they descended
the eastern slopes of the Cordilleras, and, in the lowlands,
were almost suffocated by the intense heat ; while day
after day, and night after night, storms of thunder a;id
lightning, issuing from the gorges of the sierra, beat about
their laborious path. For upwards of six weeks they made
their way through a deluge of rain, until, wet to the skin
and weary with incessant toil, they could scarcely drag
along their feeble limbs. After wading through many
a swamp and mountain-torrent, they reached a country
which they called Canelas, "Land of Cinnamon." It was
covered with immense forests of trees bearing the fragrant
and precious bark, but their remoteness from the ordinary
channels of commerce rendered them valueless to the
discoverers. From the natives, however, they learned
that at a distance of ten days' journey lay a fair and
fertile region, abounding in gold, and inhabited by popu
lous natives. Thither, though he had already reached the
limits fixed by the Marquis for his expedition, Gonzalo
Pizarro resolved to lead his soldiers, who, on their part,
wherever he led were well content to follow.
Pursuing their adventurous march, they entered upon
broad tracts of gum savannahs, terminated by forests,
which, as they drew near, seemed to assume the likeness
of an impenetrable barrier of vegetation. Trees of stu
pendous height and girth, some of them measuring thirty
feet, and more, in diameter, were hung with festoons of

2l6 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
tiarras and creepers, which spread from bough to bough,
and interwound with one another, and rose high above
even the highest trunk, to blend in one vast green canopy,
while beneath flourished a mighty jungle of ferns and
bushes and undergrowth of every kind, through which
the traveller was forced to hew his way with axe or
sword. The passage of this luxuriant tropical wilderness
was a grievous trial to Pizarro's little army. Their pro
visions, spoiled by the weather, had long since failed, and
the live-stock they had taken with them had perished or
been consumed, or had made their escape in the woods
and mountain-passes. They had with them at their de
parture from Quito nearly a thousand dogs, including
some of that fine breed of bloodhounds which in the West
Indian Islands had been used for hunting down the natives.
On these they lived for awhile, though their lean carcasses
furnished but a sorry food ; afterwards they subsisted as
best they could on the herbs, berries, and roots which
they gathered in the forests.
At last Pizarro reached a town and country called Coca,
which was inhabited by a more civilized and kindly race,
so that he was able to recruit his men with liberal supplies
of provisions. After resting for nearly two months he
resumed his march, and reached the banks of the broad-
Napo, one of the main branches of the great Amazonian
system of rivers. Along its verdurous banks he took his
way, in the hope that they would afford a practicable route,
but found the density of the thickets, which descended
to the very edge of the water, a serious impediment. After
proceeding for about fifty leagues, the Spaniards suddenly

FALLS OF THE NAPO. 217
heard an awful rushing noise, such as they had never
heard before. For six leagues further they advanced,
while the din constantly increased, and the furious river
surged past them in flashing rapids, growing ever more
and more violent, until they came to a point where it
suddenly hurled its flood of waters over a precipice
twelve hundred feet in height,* and filled the air with
masses of glittering foam. " The appalling sounds," says
Prescott,f "which they had heard for the distance of six
leagues, were rendered yet more oppressive to the spirits
by the gloomy stillness of the surrounding forests. The
rude warriors were filled with sentiments of awe. . . . No
livin,' thing was to be seen but the wild tenants of the
wilderness — the unwieldy boa and the loathsome alligator
basking on the borders of the stream. The trees tower
ing in wide-spread magnificence towards the heavens, the
river rolling on in its rocky bed as it had rolled for ages,
the solitude and silence of the scene, broken only by the
hoarse fall of waters or the faint rust, ing of the woods, — -
all seemed to spread out around them in the same wild
and primitive state as when they came from the hands of
the Creator."
At a distance of forty leagues from this wonderful " fall
of waters," the Spaniards saw with surprise that the great
river so contracted its volume as to pass through a narrow
cutting in the rock, not more than twenty feet broad. At
this point they resolved to effect their passage to the other
* This estimate is the exaggeration suggested by the excited im
agination of the travellers.
¦j- Prescott's "Conquest of Peru," ii., 144, 145.

2l8 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
side, and constructed a sufficient bridge by throwing the
huge trunks of trees across the chasm, which, narrow
as it was, descended to the dizzy depth of two hundred
fathoms. The men and horses crossed in safety ; only
one life was lost, that of a soldier, who, venturing to look
down into the awful gloom, turned giddy, lost his footing,
and was seen no more.
After putting to flight a band of hostile Indians, the
Spaniards entered a region called Guema, wretched in its
poverty, utterly without resources, and scantily peopled,
where they were again compelled to sustain nature on the
meagre fare of herbs, roots, and the young buds of trees.
Death and disease were busy among them, but Pizarro
held on his dauntless way, deceived by the ignis fatttus
of a rich and fertile country, which constantly moved
before his imagination. He came at last into a country
which was less savagely inhospitable than the barren
Guema; a country where the Indians lived in huts, clothed
themselves in cotton garments, and cultivated crops of
maize. To his wayworn and half-famished soldiers, who
had lost everything but their courage, it seemed a veritable
Eden, — that earthly Paradise of which most of us, in our
lifetime, enjoy at least a brief experience ; and they were
well please 1 to linger among its groves and fields as long
as seemed good to their restless commander. To him,
after surveying the country round about, and finding it to
be a region of swamp and lake, of stream and forest, came
the thought of constructing a brigantine, on board of
which he might embark his invalids and baggage. It
was a bold thought, and to carry it into execution was a bold

FRANCISCO DE ORELLANA. 219
task. To obtain the needful ironwork it was necessary to
erect a forge ; and as it was the rainy season, all the work
had to be done under cover. For fuel he cut down the
trees of the forest ; nails he obtained from the shoes of
the horses which had died on the march, or been killed
for food. Instead of pitch he used gum distilled from the
trees ; for oakum he made use of the rags and tatters of
the uniforms of his soldiers. Robinson Crusoe himself
displayed not more ingenuity in his imaginary island than
Gonzalo Pizarro on the banks of the Napo. He not only
projected, but he executed ; he laboured with his hands
as zealously as any one of his men ; now at the forge,
now in the wood, now making charcoal, now collecting
resin. His example inspired his men to surpass them
selves in willing industry and cheerful endurance ; and in
less than two months the brigantine was completed, and
launched upon the broad waters of the Napo.
The command was given to a cavalier of Trujillo, one
Francisco de Orellana, of whose courage and capacity
Gonzalo had a high opinion, and on whose loyalty to
himself he placed full reliance. The sick were embarked,
and the baggage, and the expedition was then resumed ;
Gonzalo Pizarro bravely marching at the head of his
soldiers along the river bank ; while the brigantine, and
four canoes which had also been constructed, slowly sailed
down the stream. Frequently the army crossed from
one side to the other, by means of this flotilla, when the
passage through the forest became very difficult, and the
transit generally occupied a couple of days. In this way
they progressed slowly and wearily for week after week,

220 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
always looking forward to that land of golden abundance
which they never reached. The further they advanced,-
the further they seemed to recede. Hunger again cast
its gaunt shadow over their path. All their provisions
had long ago been consumed ; they had devoured the
last of their horses; they were reduced to gnaw at the
leather of their belts and saddles — to feed upon toads,
serpents, lizards — to stifle the pangs of appetite with
roots and herbs and berries.*
For two months Gonzalo and his followers persevered
in their painful enterprise. Then they learned of a rich
and populous country, at ten days' journey, where the
river they had followed so long (the Napo) poured its
waters into a greater river, which flowed towards the east.
This intelligence they gathered partly by signs and partly
by some words and phrases which Pizarro's Indians were
able to interpret. After some consideration, Gonzalo re
solved to halt his weary men, who were spent with fatigue
and hunger, and send Orellana, with the brigantine, down
to the meeting of the waters, to obtain supplies, and, after
landing the sick and the baggage, to return with them
to Gonzalo and the army. Orellana, with fifty soldiers,
pushed off into mid-stream, where the current was swiftest,
and sailed away with such rapidity that in three days he
accomplished eighty leagues. He reached the point of
confluence, but instead of a fertile and hospitable countiy,
" Yeruas y rayzes, y fruta siluestre, sapos, y culebras, y otras
malas sauandijas, si las auia por aquellas montaiias que todo les hazia
buen estomago a Ios Espaiioles ; que peor les yua con la falta de cosas
tan viles." — Garcilasso la Vega, " Com. Real," pt. 2, lib. iii., c. 4.

ORELLANA'S TREACHERY. 221
found one that was barren and desolate. There were no
provisions accessible, he could scarcely find sustenance for
himself. What then was to be done ? To force his way up
the river, against a current of such extraordinary violence,
would occupy a twelvemonth ; should he abandon his
barque and return by land to his leader's camp? The
latter was the only alternative possible to an honourable
cavalier with a sense of duty ; but unfortunately, in all the
Spanish expeditions, a demoralising influence got abroad,
weakening the ties between men and officers, between
officers and commander. Every adventurer was always
seeking to gain the mastery for himself. So it came to
pass that Orellana conceived the idea of throwing off
Pizarro's authority; and he proposed to his followers that
they should abandon their countrymen in the forest, sail
down the mighty river formed by the junction of the Napo
aid the Coca, — a river running through lands of immense
wealth, — and, gaining the great ocean, return to Spain,
laden with glory and treasure. At first, this gross and
cowardly desertion of their chief and their comrades-
in-arms was scouted by Orellana's company, but by
degrees the prospect of new adventures and great gain,
and the certainty of deliverance from their present wretch
edness, converted to his views all but a single cavalier,
Hernan Sanchez de Vargas. " Among the faithless, faith
ful only he ! " Procuring his election as captain, Orellana
began his daring voyage, leaving Vargas alone in the
great wilderness— to die, it might be, a martyr to duty.
The brigantine sailed rapidly, and, favoured by fortune,
escaped all the perils which beset the navigation of the
P

222 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
Amazon. Many times she was in danger of being wrecked
on its rocks or in its rapids, but she threaded her way
securely. The bold mariners were frequently harassed
by the warlike tribes on the borders of the river, who
attacked them whenever they attempted to land, and
followed in their wake in their canoes. Some of them
were accompanied in fight by their women, who bent their
bows with vigour ; hence, with a remembrance of the old
Greek legend, the Spaniards called that country the land
of the Amazons.
Orellana and his men were the first of the human race
to cross the vast Southern Continent from east to west,
and descend the mighty river Amazon, a voyage of two
thousand five hundred miles. Reaching the ocean,
Orellana sailed to the Island of Cubaqua or Trinidad,
where, with the riches put on board the brigantine, he
purchased a vessel, and sailed to Spain. At court he
was well received ; his gifts procured him a friendly hear
ing, and his narrative of the wonderful discoveries he
had made a royal licence to fit out a new expedition.
The great river which he had successfully navigated
received his name, and was long known as the Orellana,
though now men call it, less appropriately, the Amazon.
The spirit of adventure still glowed in the breasts of the
Spaniards, and he quickly found himself at the head of
five hundred men, eager to carve out their fortunes in
the heart of South America. But his treachery met at last
with its Nemesis ; he died on the outward passage, and
the lands which he had discovered eventually fell into the
hands of Portugal. If we cannot admit, with Robertson

GONZALO PIZARRO. 2^3
that the base crime he committed " is, in some measure,
balanced by the glory of having ventured upon a navi
gation of near two thousand leagues, through unknown
nations, in a vessel hastily constructed with green
timber, and by very unskilful hands, without provisions,
without a compass or a pilot," — if we cannot admit that
success can ever wash out the stain of an evil deed, we
may nevertheless do justice to the stern and self-reliant
courage which dictated such an enterprise, and the patient
intrepidity which conducted it to a fortunate termination.*
Let us return to Gonzalo Pizarro. Weeks elapsed,
and there was no sign of Orellana or the brigantine.
Reconnoitring parties were despatched in search of them,
but returned without any intelligence. It does not seem
to have occurred to Pizarro that his lieutenant had
* " His courage and alacrity supplied every defect. Committing
himself fearlessly to the guidance of the stream, the Napo bore
him along to the south, until he reached the great channel of the
Maragnon. Turning with it towards the coast, he held on his course
in that direction. He made frequent descents on both sides of the
river, sometimes seizing by force of arms the provisions of the fierce
savages seated on its banks, and sometimes procuring a supp'y of
food by a friendly intercourse with more gentle tribes. After a long
series of dangers, which he encountered with amazing fortitude, and
of distresses which he supported with no less magnanimity, he reached
the ocean, where new perils awaited him. These he likewise sur
mounted, and got safe to the Spanish settlement in the island of
Cubagua ; from thence he sailed to Spain. The vanity natural to
travellers who visit regions unknown to the rest of mankind, and
the art of an adventurer solicitous to magnify his own merit, con
curred in prompting him to mingle an extraordinary proportion of
the marvellous in the narrative of his voyage. He pretended to have
discovered nations so rich that the roofs of their temples were covered

224 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
deserted him; but, after a long delay, he came to the
conclusion that Orellana had been unable to ascend the
river, in consequence of the strength and velocity of its
current, and he resolved therefore to make his way to
the junction of the rivers, in the hope he should find
him established there with an abundance of provisions.
By his example and his cheerful speeches he encouraged
his men to construct some canoes and rafts ; and then,
partly by land and partly by water, he conveyed them
over the distance of two hundred leagues to the spot
where the Napo pours its tributary waters into the
mightiest of American rivers. The journey occupied
two months, and involved a pitiful sacrif.ce of life ; and
what was the dismay, the anger of the survivurs, when
they fell in with their half-starved comrade, Sanchez de
Vargas, and learned from him the story of Orellana's
with plates of gold, and described a republic of women so warlike
and powerful, as to have extended their dominion over a considerable
tract of the fertile plains which he had visited. Extravagant as those
gains were, they gave rise to an opinion that a region abounding
with gold, distinguished by the name of El Dorado, and a community
of Amazons, were to be found in this part of the New World ; and
such is the propensity of mankind to believe what is wonderful, that
it has been slowly and with difficulty that reason and observation
have exploded those fables. The voyage, however, even when
stripped of every romantic embellishment, deserves to be recorded
not only as one of the most memorable occurrences in that adven
turous age, but as the first event which led to any certain knowledge
of the extensive countries that stretch eastward from the Ancles to
the ocean." — Robertson, "Conquest of America, " iii.. 349 350. The
"Expedition of Gonzalo Pizarro" and the ''Voyage de Francesco
de Orellana" have been edited for the Hakluyt Society (1S59) by
Mr. Clement R. Markham, with valuable notes.

Missing Page

Missing Page

A NOBLE SPEECH. 227
treachery! The stoutest veteran felt his heart sink
within him : only Gonzalo Pizarro maintained his usual
courage and resolution, and with heroic spirit faced the
terrible difficulties that surrounded them. He sought to
reassure his followers by praising them for the constancy
and patience they had exhibited ; he sought to inspire
them by dwelling on the old traditions of Castile. They
were twelve hundred leagues from Quito, it was true ;
well, what was their obvious course? To return to
Quito : what they had already done they could do again.
To remain in the heart of the wilderness, or to advance
further eastward, was equally impossible ; this, then, was
their sole resource, and he bade them adopt it without
hesitation. He spoke of the immortal renown with which
such an achievement would invest their names. He would
lead them back, he said, by another route, and it might
well be assumed that sooner or later they would come
upon that land of teeming plenty of which they had so
often heard ; and they would have, at least, this reflection
to console them, that every league they accomplished
would be a league nearer home. Let them act but as
men and soldiers ; let them put aside unmanly fears
and despondency ; the brave heart would support and
strengthen the failing body ; difficulties met in the right
spirit were already half conquered !
To this ardent speech, the speech of a man of the true
heroic temper,* Pizarro's soldiers listened with eagerness.
It is natural for all of us to breathe more freely when we
* It is noticeable that all the Pizarros were men of mark ; Gonzalo
and Hernando must have risen anywhere into fame and influence.

228 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
find our leader confident and self-reliant. A battle is
seldom lost if the commander is seen to feel assured of
victory. Moreover the force of Pizarro's conclusion could
not be doubted. It was evident that the course he advised
was the only cour=e that promised even a chance of safety;
and the soldiers, as they prepared to adopt it, felt kindling
within them a glowofCastilian pride. They, the sons of the
warriors who had humbled the Crescent on many a battle
field, would show themselves worthy of their ancestors in
fortitude and courage. The enthusiasm of their leader
communicated itself — for enthusiasm is contagious — to
their own bosoms, especially as they put their entire trust
in him, and knew and owned that he deserved their devo
tion ; for from the very beginning of the expedition he
had been foremost in its perils and its labours. He had
shared with them in their privations, and instead of
claiming the privileges of his rank, had thrown in his lot
with the meanest soldier. He had borne his part in the
toil and burden of the march ; he had given of his own
miserable allowance to his famished followers ; he had
gently and patiently ministered to the wants of the sick ;
and with all this, he had shown not only the qualities of
a generous comrade, but those of an able captain ; he
had repressed disorder, encouraged the despondent, and
rewarded the brave; he had been cool and calm in
danger, undaunted by difficulty, fertile in resource.
Striking somewhat to the north, Gonzalo Pizarro led
his little band of followers through a country less beset
with difficulties than that which they had previously tra
versed. But it must be remembered that such distresess

ARRIVAL AT QUITO. 229
as they encountered, their increasing feebleness rendered
them less and less able to endure. Their only sustenance
was the scanty food they collected in the forest, or were
able to obtain in the scattered Indian settlements. Pitiful
was the fate of those whose strength gave way, for nothing
could be done to help them, and with a sad heart Pizarro
was forced to leave them to perish in the wilderness.
The survivors persevered, though their failing limbs could
scarcely drag along their attenuated bodies, and they
seemed rather a company of spectres, let loose from some
region of awe and terror, than the remains of a gallant
body of Spanish cavaliers and fighting men. They per
severed ; and in June 1542, after an absence of more
than two years, once again assembled on the lofty plains
in the neighbourhood of Quito. But how different, as
it has been said, — how different their aspect from that
which they had worn when issuing from the gates of the
same capital to commence their expedition, with high
romantic hope and in all the bravery of military array !
Their horses gone ; their weapons broken, rusted, or
thrown aside because they were too weak to carry them ;
their shrunken limbs imperfectly clothed with the skins
of wild beasts ; their long, matted, and uncleansed locks
hanging wildly down upon their shoulders ; many of
them grey and grizzled with anxiety and suffering and
want ; their faces burned and darkened by exposure to
the tropical sun ; their bodies wasted and weakened by
famine, and sorely disfigured with scars — one might have
supposed that the charnel-house had disgorged its inmates,
as they plodded forward drearily, with the wandering,

230 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
uncertain step of men drunken or dizzy ! Of the four
thousand Indians who had accompanied Pizarro from
Quito more than half had perished; of the Spaniards
only eighty returned.
The Christian settlers in Quito, hearing of their arrival,
came out to meet them, and with a curious exhibition
of sympathy, on perceiving their destitute appearance,
partially stripped themselves of their own clothes, that
their countrymen might not be too painfully reminded of
the depth of wretchedness to which they had sunk. They
listened, with tears, to the pathetic tale they had to tell,
and re-entered the town in company with them; all
hasting, as if moved by one common impulse, to the
church, where they offered their devout thanksgivings to
the Almighty Providence that had miraculously preserved
them through so long a succession of perils.
Thus ended the expedition to the Amazon, in which,
it must be owned, Gonzalo Pizarro proved himself worthy
of the eulogium passed upon him by an historian by
no means partial to his family : " Finalmente, Goncalo
Picarro entro en el Quito, triunfando del valor, i sufri-
miento, i de la constancia, recto, € immutable vigor del
animo, pues hombres humanos no se hallan haver tanto
safrido, ni padecido tantas desventuras."*
* Herrera, " Historia General." dec. vii., lib. iii., c. 14. Herrera
is by no means a safe authority as regards the career and conduct of
the Pizarros. He seems to have derived his facts from informants
strongly prejudiced against them. Many of his statements are appa
rently the offspring of a vivid imagination, and the speeches which
he puts into the mouths of his personages are often inconsistent with
their true character.

STARTLING EVENTS. 23 1
If the tale the followers of Pizarro had to tell to the
people of Quito was a strange and stirring one, they,
in return, had a story to relate which could not fail
to astonish its hearers. When Gonzalo left Quito in
1540, his brother the Marquis was sole ruler of Peru,
wielding an apparently unquestioned authority, which,
with characteristic vigour and energy, he was extending
into newly conquered territories. He returned, in 1542,
to find the government in the hands of a stranger, Blasco
Nunez Vela, who as viceroy held his commission from
the King ; and to learn that his brother, the conqueror
of Peru, had perished by the assassin's dagger in a quarrel
with the Almagrist faction.
The chain of events that led to this tragical occurrence
we shall now proceed to trace.

CHAPTER VIII.
.1, ASSASSINATION OF FRANCISCO PIZARRO.
Ti^tkry; USIED in the development of the resources of
the country, and in fostering and protecting the
interests of the Spanish colonists, the Marquis
gave but little heed to the proceedings of the
Almagrist faction. Whether it was that he
despised them, or considered it hopeless to attempt their
conciliation, or was over-confident in his ability to foil
their machinations, certain it is that he treated them with
profound indifference. Or it may be that, conscious of
his innocence of the death of Almagro, he did not sup
pose that their vengeance would be directed against one
who had given them no special cause of complaint. At
all events, he made no attempt either to attach them to
his side, or to crush them utterly. He allowed them to
go where they would and do as they would, so that before
long upwards of two hundred of these "men of Chili"
(as they were called) gathered in Los Reyes, where they
found a suitable leader in Almagro's former major domo,
Juan de Rada ; and a centre of hope, pride, and ambi
tion in the young Almagro, who was now grown up to
the age of manhood, and was gifted with all the qualities

PLOTS OF THE ALMAGRISTS. 233
that secure the affections of soldiers. He was bold,
liberal, frank of speech and manner, of a graceful person,
and skilled in all martial exercises. That the Marquis
should have permitted so dangerous a rival to remain in
Los Reyes, and to have drawn around him a group of
needy and desperate cavaliers, is a proof that he was
by no means so astute and suspicious as some English
historians have represented. He has been censured for
not purchasing their support for himself by presents and
favours, but it seems to be forgotten that he could have
done so only at the expense of his own loyal adherents.
There is no evidence that they were in any way debarred
from earning a decorous livelihood like any other
Spaniards, and the truth seems to be that they had so
long lived upon Almagro's lavish and thoughtless bounty,
that any kind of industry had become irksome to them.
Their extreme poverty is frequently illustrated by a
repetition of Herrera's absurd anecdote, that twelve
cavaliers, formerly officers of distinction under Almagro,
lodged in the same house, and having but one cloak
amongst them, wore it alternately ; he whose turn it was
to appear in public donning it for the occasion, while the
rest, for want of a decent dress, remained at home. The
anecdote is obviously a fiction. We can find no evidence
that the Marquis confiscated the property of any of the
men of Chili ; and it is certain that even the young
Almagro was suffered to retain a considerable portion of
his father's estates.
The greater the indulgence with which Pizarro treated
them, the bolder waxed the men of Chili. They felt no

234 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
gratitude to the Governor for sparing their lives — for not
restraining their freedom, but were continually plotting
the means of overthrowing him, and elevating the young
Almagro in his place. The friends of Pizarro warmly
remonstrated with him for his excess of leniency, and
warned him to be on his guard against the enemies who
were secretly aiming at his destruction. " Poor devils ! "
he replied, " fortune has behaved to them but scurvily,
we will not trouble them further." And he went about
freely, despising even the commonest precautions ; with
out an attendant he would ride to all parts of the town,
and even into the neighbouring country.
While the Almagrists were thus engaged in weaving
the meshes of secret conspiracy, tidings reached Los
Reyes that the Court of Spain had appointed Vaca de
Castro as a special judge or commissioner to inquire into
the affairs of Peru. The Marquis was disturbed by the
unexpected intelligence ; but he gave orders that the
representative of the Crown should receive a splendid
welcome when he landed, and that fitting accommodation
should be prepared for him on his route. Great was the
exultation of the Almagrists, for they confidently antici
pated that the new functionary would revenge them upon
Pizarro, and they despatched one of their number, Don
1 Alonzo de Montemayor, to meet him, and lay before him
a statement of their grievances (April 1541), that he might
be prepared to redress them without delay.
Months passed, however, and nothing was heard of his
arrival. At last a vessel coming into port brought the
intelligence that most of the ships of the royal squadron

JUAN PICADO'S BRAVADO. 235
had foundered in the heavy storms on the coast, and it
was at once assumed that Vaca de Castro had perished
with them. This was a new disappointment to the men
of Chili, whose exasperation against Pizarro seems to
have been whetted by a calamity in which he had
obviously no share. Their rage attained to such propor
tions that they no longer made an effort to conceal it.
If they met the Governor in the street they would turn
sullenly away, and neglect the ordinary courtesy of
doffing their bonnets. On one occasion, the inhabitants
of Los Reyes found that the public pillory in the great
square had been decorated with three ropes, to which
were attached labels bearing the names of Pizarro, Velas
quez, the Alcalde Mayor, and Juan Picado, the Marquis's
secretary, while the ends were so arranged as to point to
their respective houses. We are told that Picado was
specially obnoxious to the discontented cavaliers, because
all communications to the Governor passed through his
hands, and as the latter could not read or write, it was
suspected that the secretary coloured them according to
his private likings or animosities. However this may be,
he seems to have been of a bold and aggressive disposi
tion ; and to show his contempt for the insult levelled
at him and his master, he rode, splendidly dressed,
through the street in which the young Almagro lived,
wearing a cap that bore in the front of it a medal of
gold embossed with a fig in silver, and the significant
label, " For the men of Chili." * It is strange that so
* That is, a fig for the men of Chili ! See Garcilasso de la Vega,
part 2, lib. iii., c. 6.

236 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
poor a jest should have deeply incensed the Almagrist
cavaliers. The hostile feelings evinced by the faction, and their
increasing desperation, attracted the attention of the
Indians, and many of them conveyed secret warnings to
the Marquis and his friends. It was on account of these,
perhaps, the rumour arose that Pizarro had begun to
purchase lances with which to re-equip his soldiers. At
the same time it was observed that Juan de Rada, poor
as he professed to be, had bought a new coat of mail ;
which, among the Spaniards, appears to have been always
the precursor of some deed of violence.
With that candour which was characteristic of Pizarro,
though he has been so often stigmatized as " cunning "
and "crafty," he sent for Juan de Rada. We are told
that when the Almagrist chief obeyed the summons he
found the Marquis in his garden, inspecting some orange
trees which he had caused to be planted. They re
minded him probably of the fair orange-groves of his
native land. "What is this, Juan de Rada," exclaimed
the Marquis, " which I hear of your buying arms to
kill me ? "
"Not so," answered the cavalier ; "but I have purchased
two cuirasses and a coat of mail for self-defence."
" But why should you need such armour now more
than at any other time ? "
" Because," replied Juan de Rada, " they tell us, and
it is indeed well known, that your lordship is purchasing
lances with which to slay us all. Let your lordship make
an end of us ; and, indeed, as you have commenced by

THE MARQUIS AND THE ALMAGRIST. 237
destroying the head, I know not why you should have
any respect for the feet."
" It was neither thought nor deed of mine by which
Almagro fell."
" It is also said," continued Juan de Rada, " that your
lordship intends to kill the judge who is coming from
Spain ; but if such be your design, and you are resolved
to slay all the party of Almagro, at least spare Don Diego,
for I assure you he is innocent. Banish him, and I will
accompany him wherever fortune may carry us."
At these atrocious charges the Marquis was hotly
indignant. "Who has made you," he exclaimed, "believe of me
such vile treachery and shameful wickedness ? Of no
such thing have I ever had any thought, and I am more
desirous than you are that this judge should come. Nay,
he might have been here already, if he had embarked in
the galleon I sent for him. As to the tale about the
spears, this is the truth. The other day, when I was out
hunting, among the whole company was not to be found
one with a spear. Therefore I ordered my servants to
buy one, and they have bought four. Would to God,
Juan de Rada, that the judge was here, so that these
falsehoods might have an end, and that God might make
the truth manifest."
For the time, at least, the Governor's frank address,
and open, unhesitating speech, had their influence upon
Juan de Rada. He answered, " By heaven, my lord.
but these stories have plunged me into debt for upwards
of five hundred pesos, which I have spent in buying
Q

238 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
armour. Well, I have now, at all events, a coat of mail
to defend me against any who may wish to do me harm."
" Please God, Juan de Rada," answered Pizarro, mildly,
" nothing of the kind will be done by me."
Here the conversation ended, and Juan de Rada was
about to take his leave, when Pizarro's jester, who had
been present, remarked, " Why do you not give him some
of these oranges ? " For as they were the first that had
been ripened by the sun of Peru, they were highly valued.
" You say well," answered the Marquis, good humour-
edly ; and he gathered half-a-dozen of the golden fruit and
gave them to Juan de Rada, with the remark, that when he
wanted anything he should come and tell him. Then
Juan de Rada kissed the Marquis's hands, and the two
parted apparently on the friendliest terms.
So Pizarro thought ; but the impression made on Juan
de Rada by his frankness and good temper soon passed
away, and he once more plunged into the projected con
spiracy. Again Pizarro was apprised of the murderous
rlesigns of his enemies; he trusted, however, in the good
understanding established with Juan de Rada, and the
influence and authority of his position. Among others,
he was cautioned by a priest, but he told him the report
was without foundation ; that it was no better than an
Indian saying ('¦' decho de Indios "), and that his in
formant had invented it to get a horse or some other
present. The same, or another priest, betook himself to
Picado, and informed him that he had his information
from one of the conspirators, who, in his confession, had
revealed the sin that troubled him. Picado communi-

FOREWARNED, BUT NOT FOREARMED. 239
cated it to Pizarro, but the latter, as if misguided by Fate
to his own destruction, treated it as of no account. " It
is the priest's device," he said ; " he wants to be made a
bishop."* After reflecting upon it, however, he deemed
it advisable to mention it to Velasquez, the Alcalde
Mayor ; who, instead of ordering the arrest of the con
spirators, and adopting measures to ascertain the accuracy
of the report, dismissed it lightly, with the infatuated
vaunt, " Be under no apprehension, my Lord Marquis,
of any injury befalling you so long as I hold the rod of
justice." That same evening, as Pizarro was retiring to bed, he
was informed by his page that the general voice of the
city said he would be attacked on the following day by
the men of Chili. "Boy," he said, "these things are
not for you to talk about."
Next morning the warning was conveyed by several
pages ; and Pizarro roused himself from his security so
far as to give directions to the Alcalde Mayor to arrest
the principal Almagrists. But he showed no urgency
or insistency in the notice; and as the Alcalde was
wrapped up in the false infatuation of measureless
egotism, he made no haste to act upon his instructions.
The next day was Sunday, and Pizarro's friends pre-
* "Pues un dia antes un sacerdote clerigo Ilamado Benao fue de
noche y avisso a Picado el secreptaro, y dixole, ' Mariana Domingo,
quando el Marquez saliere a misa, tienen concertado Ios de Chile de
matar al Marquez y a vos y a sus amigos. Esto me a dicho vno en
confision, para que os venga a avi-iar.' Pues savido esto Picado se
fue luego y lo conto al Marquez, y el le rrespondio, 'Ese clerigo
obispado quiere.'"- — Pedro Pizarro.

240 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
vailed upon him not to go to mass, lest some sudden
attack should be hazarded. After mass, the leading
inhabitants of Los Reyes waited upon him to pay their
respects. The levee occupied some time; and at its
conclusion the Marquis retired to his chamber, in com
pany with his brother Martin, his Alcalde Mayor, and his
old friend, Francisco de Chaves.
Juan de Rada and his associates, early on Sunday
morning, assembled in Almagro's house, and anxiously
awaited the hour when the Governor should issue from
the church. Their alarm and their disappointment were
equally great when they heard that he had not gone to
mass, as was his custom, but had remained at home,
through illness, as some reported. They immediately
concluded — for guilt is quick of suspicion — that their
design had been detected, and that their ruin was in
evitable. Contradictory opinions prevailed ; some urged
that they should immediately disband, in the hope that
Pizarro would overlook, or might still be ignorant of,
their intrigue ; others proposed that they should strike
the fatal blow at once. The more desperate, as is usual
in such cases, carried along with them their weaker com
rades. Springing from his bed, Juan de Rada hastily put
on his armour, and in a few animated words called upon
them to avenge the death of Almagro, and "seize the
supreme power in Peru, or at least to act in self-defence.
With loud acclamations they responded to his appeal.*
* A somewhat different version is given by Herrera, who says
that one of the band of conspirators threw open the doors, rushed
out, and called on his comrades "to follow him, or he would openly

THE ALMAGRIST CONSPIRACY. 241
A white flag was hung from the window, as a signal to
their confederates to arm and hasten to their support.*
"Mr. Prescott remarks that these arrangements could
hardly have been concealed from Almagro, since his own
quarters were the appointed place of rendezvous. Yet, he
adds, with strange inconsistency, there is no good evidence
of his having taken part in the conspiracy. And with
greater inconsistency he refers to Almagro's letter to the
Audiencia of Panama, in which he states that, provoked by
intolerable injuries, he and his followers had resolved to
take the remedy into their own hands, by entering the
Governor's house and seizing his person. It is certain,
from the intimate relations existing between Juan de Rada
and himself, that he must have been aware of the conspi
racy, and, indeed, he was the person who chiefly expected
to profit by it And we think it important to point out
that never was conspiracy less justified by actual circum
stances. No pretence is made by any of those involved
in it that the Marquis was responsible for the death of
the elder Almagro ; and all that they could allege against
him was that he had confiscated a portion of his estates,
and that he refused to bestow largesses on them, the
" men of Chili," who had been foremost in violating his
declare for what purpose they had met ; " and by this promptitude
of action overcame their indecision. — "Hist. Gen.," dec. vi., lib. a.,
c. vi.
* According to one authority, the day on which the attack should
be made was still not settled, when a cavalier, named Pedro de San
Millan, broke in upon Juan de Rada, exclaiming, "What aileth
you ? In two hours they will be upon us to cut us to pieces, for so
the Treasurer Riquelme has just declared !"

242 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
jurisdiction, and had invaded the territory allotted to
him by the Crown. Wrongs of this kind, however hard
to bear, are not to be righted by the assassin's dagger ;
while a temperate representation of them to the Castilian
Government would assuredly have obtained redress. But
putting aside the personal aspect of the question, we
have to consider the political bearings of the crime
accomplished by the Almagrist faction. Under the pious
and sagacious rule of Pizarro, the conquered provinces
were rapidly sett' ing down in tranquillity and order.
Their resources were undergoing a swift process of deve
lopment. New towns were springing up ; new channels
of industry were being opened. Commerce was rapidly
extending, and already the ships of busy traders were
beginning to resort to the Peruvian harbours. The con
spirators, in their blind desperation, were prepared to
upset this prosperity, this peace, this growing wealth ;
were prepared to overthrow the fabric so carefully con
structed, though they had absolutely nothing to put in its
place. They had no leader to succeed to the seat of
Pizarro ; Almagro was young and inexperienced, and not
one among the rude, rough cavaliers who formed his
party commanded the confidence or respect of the Spanish
community. The worst consequences of their act were
neutralised by the opportune arrival of Vaca de Castro,
which effected the immediate establishment of an orderly
government; but even as it was, Peru was deluged
for some years with Spanish and Indian blood. Its
progress was arrested, its prosperity seriously impaired
There can be little doubt that the future of Peru would

JUAN DE RADA AND HIS ACCOMPLICES. 243
have been immeasurably brighter and more auspicious if
Pizarro had lived to complete the work in which he was
so actively engaged. The crime of which Juan de Rada
and his associates were guilty was not only a crime against
the individual, but a crime against the State. It was a
deed of murder without justification and without excuse,
and as such Heaven visited it with a severe retribution,
for in less than eighteen months the Almagrist faction
had ceased to exist ; on the bloody field of Chupas
(September 16th, 1542) its hopes and ambition were
crushed for ever.
Issuing in a disorderly company from Don Diego de
Almagro's house, the conspirators, with Juan de Rada at
their head, brandished their swords, and raised the cry
of " Viva el Rey ! Down with the traitor ! Down with
the tyrant who has caused the death of the King's
judge!"* It was the hour of dinner, which in those
primitive days took place at noon. Hence there were
but few persons in the streets, and these, with true Spanish
phlegm, observed quietly to one another, "They are going
to kill the Marquis," or, "They are going to kill Picado."
That no one interfered was due, perhaps, to the little
respect which the early Spanish settlers felt for authority,
or to the fact that the Almagrists were well armed, and
known to be desperate men. As they crossed the plaza,
or great square, one of them named Gomez Perez went
round about a little to avoid a pool of water that lay in
his path, whereupon Juan de Rada dashed hastily through
it, and turning fiercely on his comrade, exclaimed,
* Herrera, dec. vi., lib. a., c. 6 ; Zarate, lib. iv., c. 8.

244 THE LAND OF THE LNCAS.
"What! we are going to bathe ourselves in human
blood, and are you afraid to wet your feet in water ? Go
back, sirrah ! you are not the man for the task we have
before us."* And he insisted upon his returning.
Pizarro's palace occupied the opposite side of the plaza.
It was approached through two courtyards ; the entrance
to the outer was protected by a massive gate, which
might readily have been defended against a hundred men
or more. Unfortunately it was open, and the conspirators
poured into the inner yard, still raising their cry of blood.
There they were met by some of the Governor's Indian
attendants, one of whom was struck down, while the
others hastened to the house, exclaiming, " Help, help !
the men of Chili are coming to kill the Marquis!"
Pizarro had just finished dinner, and was conversing
quietly with some of his friends who, after mass, had
looked in to pay their respects, and make inquiries
after his health. Among these were his half-brother,
Don Martin de Alcantara, Velasquez the Alcalde, Don
Gomez de Luna, Francisco de Chaves, the Bishop-elect
of Quito, and about fifteen of the principal cavaliers of
the place, Some of them, alarmed by the din of voices
in the courtyard, left the saloon, and hurried down to
the first landing on the stairway, to inquire into the
cause. No sooner was it revealed to them by the cries
* " Gomez Perez, por haver alii agua derramada de una acequia
rodeo algun tanto por no mojarse ; reparo en ello Juan de Rada, y
entrandose atrevidopor ol agua le, dijo, -Bamos a baiiarnos ensangre
humona, y rehusais mojaros Ios pies en agua? Ea olveos.' Hizolo
volver, y no asistio al hecho."

ATTACK UPON PIZARRO. 245
of the Indians, than they retreated into the house; and
thence, as they were unarmed, by a window that over
looked the gardens they easily effected their escape.
Among these prudent gentlemen was the Alcalde
Velasquez, who, in order to use his hands in his descent,
held his wand of office in his mouth ; thereby, says the
chronicler, sharply, being careful to fulfil his assurance
to Pizarro that no harm should befall him while he held
the rod of justice in his hands ! *
The Marquis, on hearing the nature of the outbreak,
preserved his usual composure, and called to Francisco
de Chaves, who was in the outer apartment opening on
the staircase, to secure the door, while his brother
Martin and himself put on their armour. We agree
with the historian that if De Chaves had been as calm
as his master, and had coolly obeyed the order coolly
given, all would yet have gone well, for the door could
have been easily held against a stronger force than the
conspirators brought with them, until Pizarro's soldiers
could have come to his support. But De Chaves, in
his impatience or his surprise, half opened the door, and
began to parley with the Almagrists, who, throwing
themselves upon him, slew him, and flung his dead body
down the stairs. For a moment their further progress
was stayed by his attendants; but these, too, were
quickly slaughtered, and Rada and his comrades, shout-
* " En lo qual no paresce haver quebrantado su palabra, porque
despues huiendo (como adelante se dira) al tiempo, que quisieron
matar al Marques, se hecho de vna ventama abajo a la huerta,
llevando la vara en la boca." — Zarate, " Conq. del Peru," lib. iv., c. 7.

246 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
ing, "Where is the Marquis? Death to the tyrant!"
strode through the hall into the adjoining chamber,
where Don Martin was assisting his brother to put on
his harness.
Don Martin, perceiving that the assassins had gained
the entrance to the apartment, sprang to the doorway,
and assisted by two of Pizarro's pages, and a faithful
cavalier, Don Gomez, sought to beat them back. The
struggle was desperate ; though with nineteen against
four, the result could not be doubtful. Two of the con
spirators, however, paid with their lives the just penalty
of their bloodthirstiness. But Alcantara and his com
panions were mortally wounded.
At length, Pizarro, unable, in the pressure of the
moment, to adjust the fastenings of his cuirass, flung it
aside, wrapped one arm in his purple robe, and snatching
up a spear, rushed to his brother's support. Too late :
covered in blood, Alcantara sank swooning to the floor.
The Marquis was now about seventy years of age, but
time had not dulled his courage, though it had impaired
his physical strength. He faced his enemies with a
stern brow and flashing eyes, dealing desperate blows,
while he cried, " What ho ! ye traitors and cowards,
have you come to murder me in my own house ? " Two
of the assailants fell before him ; but the others renewed
the assault, responding to his upbraidings with the
shout of " Down with the tyrant ! " The doorway being
secured, Pizarro was able to hold it for some minutes,
until his companions were overpowered, and Juan de
Rada, with a burst of impatience, calling out, " Kill

Assassination of Pizarro.

DEATH OF THE MARQUIS. 249
him ! kill him ! why this waste of time ? " thrust one
of his associates, Narvaez, upon Pizarro's spear, and
forced his way into the room. The Marquis defended
himself most gallantly, until receiving a wound in the
throat, he reeled, and fell to the ground. Juan de
Rada and some others then thrust their swords into
the great captain's body. " Jesu ! " he exclaimed, as the
last word he uttered in this life ; and dipping his finger
in his blood, he traced a cross upon the floor and kissed
it. At that moment a base wretch, named Borregan,
dashed a water-jug, which he had snatched from the
table, upon his prostrate head ; and as if this final insult
were too much for his proud spirit, the Conqueror of
Peru fell upon his face and died.*
Waving their blood-stained swords, in that frenzy of
excitement which frequently follows upon the commis
sion of a desperate deed, the murderers rushed into the
street, and raised a loud shout of " Long live the King !
* Dr. Robertson's account differs from the text in some unim-
portant particulars : — " The Governor, whose steady mind no form
of danger could appeal, starting up, called for arms, and com
manded Francisco de Chaves to make fast the door. But that
officer, who did not retain so much presence of mind as to obey
this prudent order, running to the top of the staircase, wildly asked
the conspirators what they meant, and whither they were going ?
Instead of answering, they stabbed him to the heart, and burst into
the hall. Some of the persons who were there threw themselves
from the windows ; others attempted to fly ; and a few. drawing
their swords, followed their leader into an inner apartment. The
conspirators, animated with having the object of their vengeance
now in view, rushed forward after them. Pizarro, with no other
arms than his sword and buckler, defended the entry ; and sup-

250 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
the tyrant is dead ! Long live the Governor Almagro !
and now shall justice be done ! " From all quarters
flocked the men of Chili to gather round the banner
thus uplifted, until they numbered upwards of two
hundred, armed, and ready for the most violent actions.
A guard was posted at the houses of the leading
Pizarrists, and their persons were taken into custody.
As for the palace of Pizarro, and the residence of his
secretary Picado, they were immediately pillaged, and
a large booty of gold and silver was found in the former.
Picado sought an asylum in the house of Riquelme, the
royal treasurer, who, however, hastened to betray him,
and he was dragged forth, amid shouts and execrations,
and flung into prison. The people of the city were
sternly bidden to keep within doors. The public treasury
was seized, and the wands of office were wrested from
the hands of the Alcaldes, who had been appointed by
the murdered Governor.
A general feeling of terror pervaded the whole city,
ported by his half-brother Alcantara, and his little knot of friends.
he maintained the unequal contest with intrepidity worthy of his
past exploits, and with the vigour of a youthful combatant. ' Courage,'
cried he, ' companions ! we are yet enow to make these traitors
repent of their audacity.' But the armour of the conspirators pro
tected them, while every thrust they made took effect. Alcantara
fell dead at his brother's feet ; his other defenders were mortally
wounded. The governor, so weary that he could hardly wield his
sword, and no longer able to parry the many weapons furiously
aimed at him, received a deadly thrust full in his throat, sank to the
ground, and expired." — "Conquest of America," ii., 354-5. Our
own account has been carefully put together from a comparison of
the various original authorities.

A SECRET BURIAL. 25 1
and everybody contemplated with alarm the prospect of
a reign of spoliation and cruelty under the dominance of
the Almagrists. But, for the time, there was no one to
lead an organized opposition. To appease the excite
ment, and recall the successful conspirators to a sense of
decency, the Brethren of the Order of Mary assembled
in solemn procession, and bore aloft through the streets
the sacred host.
Rada and his followers, however, were content with
the victory they had gained, and sheathed their bloody
swords. The municipality at their summons recognized
young Almagro as Governor, and being set on horseback,
he was escorted through the city by his cavaliers, with
much enthusiastic shouting and the martial sounds of
trumpet and clarion.
For some hours the corpses of Pizarro and his fol
lowers lay unhonoured and unnoticed. Some mean
spirits there were who would fain have dragged the great
conqueror's body to the market-place, and fixed his
head upon the public gallows. But Almagro was more
generous, and privately granted permission to Pizarro's
friends to give it a decent burial. Apprehensive of
violence, Pizarro's wife, a faithful attendant, and a few
Indians, wrapped the body in a cotton cloth and re
moved it to the cathedral, where, in an obscure corner, a
grave was hastily dug, and by the light of a few tapers
the last offices of the Church were hurriedly discharged.*
* A few years later, when order and a settled government were
once more established in Peru, the remains of its conqueror and dis
coverer were deposited in a richly-wrought cofiin, and interred in the
chancel of the cathedral under a, stately monument. Again, in

252 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
The obvious reflection to which such an incident gives
rise is summed up in the old and bitter words, Vanitas
vanitatam I History abounds in similar illustrations of
the nothingness of human ambition, of the fickleness of
what men call Fortune, of the sudden calamity that so
frequently overtakes prosperous power. At noon that
day Pizarro seemed secure in the enjoyment of almost
boundless authority ; millions trembled at his frown ;
with liberal hand he could reward the faithful or chastise
the presumptuous. Wealth was his, though he did not
care to accumulate it ; and fame, though it is probable
that this he valued even less. He was master
of the vast and affluent territories which he had con
quered by the patient and strenuous exercise of fortitude,
courage, and capacity. Such was Pizarro at noon ; and
yet as the sun sank below the golden rim of the Pacific,
a fearful little group of humble followers were huddling
his corpse, gashed with many a wound, and streaked
with blood, into a secret tomb !
" Such," says the historian, " was the miserable end
of the Conqueror of Peru, — of the man who, but a few
hours before, had lorded it over the land with as abso
lute a sway as was possessed by its hereditary Incas.
Cut off in the broad light of day, in the heart of his
own capital, in the very midst of those who had been his
companions in arms, and shared with him his triumphs
1607, when a new and more sumptuous cathedral was erected, a
second translation took place, and Pizarro's bones were laid by the
side of those of the best viceroy whom Spain ever bestowed on
Pizarro's conquest, the able and amiable Mendoza.

PIZARRO S DESCENDANTS. 253
and his spoils, he perished like a wretched outcast.
' There was none, even,' in the expressive language of
the old chronicler, ' to say, God forgive him / ' " *
We may conjecture that Pizarro was nearly seventy
years old at the time of his death ; and though he had
lived a life of extraordinary adventure and constant
exertion, his eye was not dimmed nor his strength
abated ; he retained all the energy and vigour of his
youth, all the tenacity and resolution of his manhood.
He was never married ; but by an Inca princess of the
royal blood, a daughter of Atahuallpa and granddaughter
of Huayna Capac, he had two children, a son and a
daughter. Both survived him ; though the son did not
live to attain manhood. The daughter, Francisca, accom
panying her mother to Spain, became the wife of her
uncle, Hernando Pizarro, then in captivity at Medina
del Campia. This strange, and unnatural marriage
necessarily received the sanction of the Roman Church.
The title and estates of the great Marquis were not
inherited by his illegitimate children ; but in the reign of
Philip IV, and in the third generation, the Marquisate
was revived in favour of Don Juan Hernando Pizarro,
who, in acknowledgment of the illustrious services of
his ancestor, was created Marquis of the Conquest,
Marques de la Conquista, and received a liberal pension
to enable him to maintain his dignity. It is said that
* " Murio pidiendo confesion, i haciendo la cruz, sin que nadie
dijese, ' Dios te perdone.' " — Gomara, "Hist, de las Ind.," c. 144.
Prescott, ii., 170; Helps, iv., 141, 142; Dr. Robertson, iii., 355;
Zarate, lib. iv., v. 8. R

254 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
his descendants, still bearing this honourable title —
which recalls the occurrence and interest of a remarkable
enterprise — are to this day to be found at Trujillo, in
the ancient province of Estremadura, the cradle of the
noble family of the Pizarros.
A portrait of the conqueror is preserved in the old
viceregal palace at Lima, He was tall in stature, well-
proportioned, with a striking and attractive countenance,
a natural air of command, and much suavity of address.
Though he raised himself to his high position and pride
of place entirely by the exercise of the consummate
qualities of perseverance, patience, and daring, he filled
it like one to the manner born. The influence which
he exercised over his rude soldiery and independent
cavaliers is extraordinary ; almost alone of Spanish con
querors, he was untroubled by insubordination, and even
Almagro, when in his company, contentedly submitted
to his will. He had none of the Spaniard's usual weak
ness for splendid dress ; unlike Cortes, his fellow-con
queror, he had no taste for pomp or pageant ; his usual
costume on public occasions was a black cloak, a
citizen's ordinary dress, a white hat, and white shoes ;
the last, it is said, in imitation of Gonzalo de Cordova,
the " Great Captain," of whose character he was a pro
found admirer.
He was a man of great moderation in all things ; he
drank but little, and ate sparingly; and he usually rose an
hour before dawn. Capable of great endurance, he shrank
from no amount of labour, and the minutest details of
every transaction received his personal attention. He

CHARACTER OF PIZARRO. 255
has occasionally been spoken of as avaricious, but all
the evidence extant seems to point in an opposite direc
tion. Assuredly, he left behind him no accumulated
fortune. Whatever he acquired, — and his share of the
plunder of Peru was necessarily considerable, — he ex
pended upon public improvements and great architectural
works. He was very liberal towards all who served him ;
and none ever did him a kindness without finding that
it was not forgotten. His activity was almost boundless;
to the last day of his life he was engaged in public
affairs, and during the brief period of his authority in
Peru he initiated a thousand useful and practical
schemes. Not less conspicuous was his largeness of
view ; though without culture or even the rudiments of
education, he showed himself capable of appreciating
the wants of a country and the best methods of develop
ing its resources. But the most distinctive feature of
his character, that which marks him out among the great
adventurers and explorers of his time, was his constancy
of purpose — that tenacity to which I have already
alluded — that firm, inexpugnable grasp of the object to
be attained, the work to be accomplished. It has been
well said that in his first expedition he gave a striking
evidence of it among the dreary marshes and mangroves
of Choco. Though his followers were pining around
him, blighted by the dread malaria, wasting before an
invisible enemy, unable to do battle in their own defence,
he never faltered, never hesitated ; grimly self-reliant,
he persevered to the end. And so it was throughout
that stormy career, the record of which forms so

256 THE LAND OF THE INCAS.
picturesque a chapter in the history of the New
World. The perusal of that chapter has wrested from a by no
means too favourable writer the following testimony : —
" When we contemplate the perils he braved, the suf
ferings he patiently endured, the incredible obstacles he
overcame, the magnificent results he affected with his
single arm, as it were, unaided by the government, —
though neither a good, nor a great man in the highest
sense of that term, it is impossible not to regard him as
a very extraordinary one." This we take to be the de
cision at which all impartial judges must arrive.
We append the poet Southey's inscription for a monu
ment at Trujillo : — ' ' A greater name
The list of glory boasts not. Toil and pain,
Famine, and hostile elements, and hosts
Embattled, failed to check him in his course ;
Not to be wearied, not to be deterred,
Not to be overcome. A mighty realm
He overran, and with relentless arm
Slew or enslaved its unoffending sons,
And wealth and power and fame were his rewards "

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