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In Memory of
RU&SEL LORD
Yale 1910 S.
from the fund established in 1628
by his mother
MRS. JOHN BRACKETT LORD

A HISTORY OF
THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND

A HISTORY OF
THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND

BY

ALEX. R. MACEWEN, D.D.
PROFESSOR OP CHURCH HISTORY IN NEW COLI.EQK
EDINBURGH

VOL. II
1546-1560

HODDER AND STOUGHTON
LONDON NEW YORK TORONTO

Printed in igi8

PREFATORY NOTE
The first volume of Dr. MacEwen's History of the Church
in Scotland, pubUshed in 191 3, covered the period up to the
eve of the Reformation. His work was arrested by illness,
and at the time of his death he had only completed the
following five chapters, which carry the narrative to 1560.
They were left by him ready for the press. Thanks are
due to the Rev, D, M. W, Laird, M.A,, for verifying the
references.

CONTENTS
CHAPTER XXIII
SCOTLAND IN RENAISSANCE
PAGE
Scotland emerges from medievalism — National characteristics —
The landed gentry — Municipal developments and foreign
trade — 'The Commonalty'- — Political and religious changes
contemporaneous — George Buchanan . . . . i
CHAPTER XXIV
THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW
1546-1559
Religion on the Continent — Protestantism in England — The
churchmen triumph at St. Andrews — English and French
invaders — The French marriage and the Catholic menace —
Churchmen persecute heresy — Reforming enactments of
Privy Council — Adam Wallace — Hamilton's Catechism — In
efficiency of the Bishops — Anarchy in Church Life — The
Compendius Tractive — Martyrdom of Myln — The church
men arraigned — Last attempts at reform and the ' Twopenny
Faith'  13
CHAPTER XXV
PROGRESS or REFORMATION
1546-I559
Knox at St. Andrews— His early eminence and his preaching —
His life in exile — Spread of Protestantism— The work of the
preachers— Religion of the gentry— Knox in England— His
contentions and their influence — Switzerland and Frankfort —
Visit to Scotland— Guidance of the Reformers—' The face of

via HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
PASS
a Kirk' — Origin of the eldership — Manifestations of reform
ing spirit and the First Covenant — The Congregation and
the Lords — The F-trst Blast And Xh.& A'ppellation — The Regent
and the preachers — 'The battle approacheth' — Return of
Knox ........ 49
Note P.— 'Till Our Gude Man'; 'Hay Trix, Tryme go Trix,'
By William Dunbar, . , . . . .94

CHAPTER XXVI
' THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION '
May 1 5 59- August 1560
Importance of the crisis — Knox's personality and leadership —
Outbreak at Perth — The Regent's duplicity — Triumph of the
Reformers — Cleansing of churches— Its motive and extent —
Question of national liberty — Attitude of foreign powers —
Elizabeth, Knox and Cecil — Appeal for English aid — The
Regent in power— Policy of Elizabeth— Growth of the Con
gregation—Vicissitudes of fortune— The power of Knox —
Intrigues and success of the Regent — Help from England —
Berwick— Death of the Regent — Edinburgh — Claims of the
Congregation— The Confession of Faith — Parliamentary
enactments— Peaceful character of the Scottish Reformation 98
CHAPTER XXVII
CREED AND POLITY : CONFESSION OF FAITH
AND BOOK OF DISCIPLINE
1560
Knox's History— Th& Confession of Eaitk— Its doctrinal teaching
—Conception of the Church— The sacraments— The civil
magistrate— Authority of the Bible— Preparation and purpose
of the Book of Discipline— VroYKxon of religious agencies 
The office of Superintendent— A democratic Church— Educa
tion— Discipline and its enforcement— Church finance-
History and features of the Book . . . ,148

INDEX

179

CHAPTER XXIII
SCOTLAND IN RENAISSANCE
Scotland emerges from medievalism — National characteristics — The
landed gentry — Municipal developments and foreign trade — 'The
Commonalty ' — Political and religious changes contemporaneous-
George Buchanan.
In the preceding volume we have seen the growing
inefficiency of the Roman Church in Scotland and the
gladness with which the teaching of the Reformers was
welcomed. But these causes do not suffice to explain the
completeness of the revolution which took place. In the
. half century that followed Flodden, the Scottish nation
developed rapidly and came to exhibit features of which
previously there had been scarcely a trace. It would be
misleading to speak of a Renaissance in the strict sense, for,
with one brilliant exception, Scotland raade no contribution
to that revival of classical literature and art which in the
fifteenth century took shape in Italy and spread thence into
different parts of western Europe,^ But the term Renais
sance may be used, in a wider sense, to designate generally
the emergence from medievalism which preceded or accom
panied the Reforraation— the process by which intellectual
and spiritual energies which had been latent in the Middle
Ages were brought into play, A wonderful movement it
was, displaying, when we look at it as a whole, the versatility
of the faculties of man, the resources of mind as mind and
the continuity of the world plan, and giving promise, in
rainbow colouring across a storm-swept sky, of the advent
of the modern world and the fertility of the modern spirit,
1 See vol, i. pp. 386, 391, 413,
VOL. II. A

2 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
When we scrutinize the movement in Scotland, we find nd
swift or startling change, but a gradual process of enlighten
ment, the permeation of society in all its grades and classes
by new ideas and ideals and the rise of new relationships,
social, economic and political, resulting in emancipation from
a bondage which had been due partly to ignorance, partly
to isolation, partly to feudal obligations and the barbarisms
of clan life. Political historians have frequently ascribed
the revolution which took place in 1560 to those diplomatic
negotiations which were recorded in State Papers, and
specially to the change in the relations of Scotland to
France and England ; while many Church historians have
written as if feudalism and the papacy had been omnipotent
in their respective departments, until they gave way before
the aggressions of Geneva Protestantism, But in fact these
were only consequences, or, at the most, stages, of a trans
formation which was assured, if not accoraplished, at a tirae
when England was still regarded as the ' Auld Eneray,' and
before Calvin had set foot in Switzerland.
It was not at the universities that the old regirae was first
disturbed. Aberdeen University was at this stage a closely
guarded serainary of the Church, Glasgow was impoverished
and barren, and the light which shone at St. Andrews
between 1520 and 1530 was extinguished by the Beatons.^
It was the sarae in monasteries and friaries. The stray
endeavours which were made to foster learning were crushed
by the Church — not through dislike for learning, but because
she could not tolerate the claim for Church reform and
religious freedom which, arose from the spread of secular
knowledge. Outside universities and monasteries, literature
had passed out of the hands of Henryson and Dunbar into
the charge of David Lyndsay, and in his keeping poetry
almost ceased to be poetry.^ Like most successful satirists,
Lyndsay was at heart a teacher of ethics, a social reformer,
an advocate and occasionally a platforra orator. His
^ In 1557 St, Andrews had only thirty-one students ; in 1558 the number was
reduced to three, — Cambridge History of English Literature, ii. 371,
^ See vol, i. 448,

SCOTLAND IN RENAISSANCE 3
didactic intention was so ardent and insistent that literature
was diverted into channels of pragmatism, where raen could
not see the wider horizons nor breathe the air of world-wide
culture. So far as he assailed the Church and 'branded
the vices of his age,' he was a modern ; but he was not a true
child of the Renaissance nor even a humanist, and his verse
gave place without a break to the virile, stinging prose of
Knox. For centuries the Scottish temperament had been
indefinite, crude, ambiguous,^ so that on the Continent the
wandering Scots were habitually confused with Irishmen ;
but in the half century we have in view Scotland became a
factor in European politics and the national genius was
defined with such distinctness that rarely thereafter did
any one mistake the Scots for Irish. Erasmus in The
Praise of Folly (15 11) alleges that the Scots of his time
were proud of their noble birth and their dialectical acumen.^
Four years later, Margaret Tudor's chaplain wrote : 'In
this country every man speaks what he will without blame ;
the man hath more words than the master, and will not be
content until he knows the master's counsel ; there is no
order among us.'* John Major, writing in 1521, recognizes
that the Scots of his time are charged with contentiousness,
and seeks to parry the charge by suggesting that the
foreigners who made it may have heard Scotsmen disputing
about benefices before the Roman Court, He also admits
that Scottish aloofness and independence were registered in
a current maxim : ' 11 est fier comme un Ecossais,' Scotsmen
all boast that they are of royal birth, ' I am not able,' he
says, ' to acquit my countrymen of this fault : both at home
and abroad those of them who are of lowly parentage
delight in speaking of themselves as though they came of
1 ' In a, few individual instances the subtile, fervid, and indefatigable mind
which, according to Galileo, marked the Scots at the era of the Revival of Letters,
was to be seen amongst the Scottish scholars and philosophers of this remote
age,' i.e. the age of Duns Scotus. — Tytler, History qf Scotland (ed. 1841),
ii, 289.
2 ' Scoti noiilitate et regiae affinitatis titulo neque non dialecticis argutiis sibi
blandiuntur.' — Stultitiae Latis (B&scl ed.), p. 102.
* Quoted by Lang, yo^K Knox and the Reformation, p. 4,

4 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
a noble stock, , . , I proceed to ask, whether Adam was of
noble birth or no, , . , You must grant that all men are
noble or that all are ignoble. Concerning the first nobleman
I ask, how came he by his nobility ? There is no true
nobility but virtue and the evidence of virtue. That which
is commonly so called is but a windy thing of human
devising.' ^ These maxims are set forth by this ' maker of
puddings,' as Rabelais styles Major, very clumsily and with
slipshod logic, but they show that Major had reached a
truth which the humanists who scoffed at him would not
accept, a truth which John Knox forced rudely upon Queen
Mary and which has regulated the ideals and attainments
of modern Scotland, The diffusion of such sentiments was
so closely connected with the spread of a democratic
doctrine of the Church that it is difficult to discriminate
the two as effect and cause. Yet Major was a convinced
upholder of the papal system ; he wrote several years before
Lutheranism had reached Scotland, and he regarded the
burning of Patrick Hamilton as a service rendered to Christ,
Manifestly, therefore, the features of national character
which he depicts and vindicates must not be ascribed
exclusively to reUgion, ^ They were not only in embryo,
but visible and operative. It is essential to an impartial
estimate of Church developments that we should take note,
however briefly, of certain political, municipal and social
movements which synchronized with the Reformation.
I. The younger and less wealthy of the nobility and
gentry claimed and secured a right to take part in national
affairs. Until the fifteenth century was near its close,
Scotland had nothing that can be called a representative
assembly.* Yet under James iii and James iv, there
' Major, History of Greater Britain, p. 43 ff. Major recognizes that the Scottish
gentry ' educate their children neither in letters nor in morals ' but repudiates
more discreditable charges ; he quotes a French saying : ' The Scot brings in a
small horse first, and afterwards a big one.'
2 J. A. Froude, in his sketch of the influence of the Reformation on the
Scottish character, ignores the developments recorded in the following pages,
particularly the emancipation of burghal and rural life, — Short Studies on Great
Subjects (ed, 1895), i. 157 ff-
^ See Rait, The Scottish Parliament before the Union of the Crowns; Terry,
The Scottish Parliament, 1603-1707.

SCOTLAND IN RENAISSANCE 5
were, as we have seen, tokens of a rising independence in
parliament. The movement was checked at Flodden, when
the ranks of the nobility were thinned and power passed for
a time into the hands of wealthy churchmen. But gradually
parliament felt the pressure of men who were outside the
few favoured families which previously had managed State
affairs.^ It was largely from their members that the
so-called English party was recruited, for they were jealous
of the wealth and power of churchmen and therefore hostile
to all papal interests. The nearest resemblance on the
Continent was to be seen in the German knights who re
sponded to Ulrich von Hutten's war-cry, facta est alea : Ich
hab' es gewagt ; ^ but there was this weighty difference, that
in Scotland there was no such cleavage of rank as that
between the knights and the higher nobility of central
Europe, The landed gentry were entitled without a
revolution to take a place in parliament, and their attendance
at those sessions by which the revolution was accomplished
was larger than at any previous stage of Scottish history.
The mediating function discharged by many of them is well
illustrated by the career of Erskine of Dun, who occupied a
prominent place in politics and even in high diplomacy,
while holding the office of provost of Montrose, The
extent of their interest in reUgion varied indefinably. Some,
like Erskine, were devout men eager for religious reform ;
others were political adventurers who changed sides without
scruple ; none were steady champions of the old Church,
2, Burgh Ufe developed rapidly both in vitality and
organization. The burghs were as yet small compared with
the great Free Cities of the Continent, Although Edinburgh
in the middle of the sixteenth century had 30,000 inhabi
tants, and Dundee, which came next in size, 15,000, it is
improbable that the population of any other town was
' W, L. Mathieson, in his Politics and Religion in Scotland, designates these
men 'the inferior gentry.' The Queen Regent, writing in 1557, says that while
' les grands' acquiesce in her schemes, 'la noblesse' side with 'le peuple' and
with them constitute 'la commune' in suspecting and opposing her, — Papal
Negotiations with Mary Queen of Scots (S,H,S.), p. 425,
^ See vol. i, 400,

6 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
above 4000. Yet even the smaller burghs disclosed an
independent spirit, regulating their trade imposts, their
markets and their social and domestic customs by
municipal enactments. Like the junior barons, they were
growingly hostile to the Church. Apart from their envy of
rich bishops and abbots,^ they despised the ordinary clergy
as incapable and inefficient. For nearly a century the
charge of education had been passing into their hands.^
While monastic schools rapidly decayed, burgh schools were
multiplied. At Perth grararaar school there were at the
beginning of the sixteenth century three hundred pupils ;
it was a lay provost who introduced the teaching of Greek
at Montrose ; and the principal schools founded in the
fifteenth century were burghal institutions. Similarly, town
councils on their own initiative voted stipends and assigned
lands to friars who discharged pastoral offices neglected by
parish priests ; and frequently, without consulting bishop
or any central authority civil or religious, they determined
who should be the preachers in town churches. Accordingly,
when the choice between the old Church and the new was
made, it was made first by burghs, one by one, before
parliament had even approached the religious question.
That devolution of large responsibilities upon local
authorities which gave presbyterianism its strength was
founded not upon the ecclesiastical theories of Calvin, but
upon an indigenous development contemporary with the
Reformation. It is specially important to note that these
municipal developments became effective in Scotland far
later than in other lands.
3, In the burghs the artisans had entered upon a struggle
with the privileged burgesses for a share in municipal affairs.
This contention, too, had taken place much earlier on the
Continent, In Germany, as early as the thirteenth century,
the crafts secured a place in town councils, and in the
fourteenth century they triumphed almost everywhere.
^ For national assessments the landed property of burghs was rated at only
one fifth, whereas churchmen owned a full half of the land.
" See vol, i, 413, 455,

SCOTLAND IN RENAISSANCE 7
But in Scotland, although an Act of 1425 or 1426 sanctioned
some trade organization, the sanction proved ineffective, and
for nearly a hundred years civic life was dominated by
' merchants,' the deacons of trades being regarded with
suspicion and restrained by specific enactments. As the
sixteenth century dawned, however, a new movement took
shape and issued in a keen and protracted combat between
the merchants, who were upheld in their monopoly by the
Crown, and the artisan class, which grew yearly in resource
fulness. Before the accession of Mary Stewart twelve trades,
including the industries of weavers, candle-makers and
masons, had secured royal charters which practically sealed
the doom of medieval privilege. This controversy was not
in itself a religious one. It was an economic battle which
had been fought out in other countries when the religious
question was still in the far distance. In Scotland the sarae
half century witnessed uprisings against civic and against
spiritual monopoly.^
4. These movements were accelerated by the increase
and systematizing of foreign trade with the interchange of
ideas involved. Although there was some importation of
wines and dried fruit frora Bordeaux, the Baltic continued
to be the main highway of trading.^ The connexions of
Leith, Dundee, Arbroath, Montrose and Aberdeen with the
ports of the Low Countries, and with Dantzig, became
channels through which social, economic and religious ideas
were transmitted ; and, at a time when there was an almost
impenetrable bar to friendly intercourse with England, the
nation participated involuntarily in the perturbation of the
European cataclysm. It was in east coast towns that burgh
life first developed, elementary education was diffused, and
a tax upon Church properties begun ; by Leith and Aberdeen
shippers that Bibles and Lutheran literature were imported ;
' Hume Brown, Scotland in the Time of Queen Mary, p, 144 ff,
^ See vol. i. 413, On trading relations with Malmb and Hamburg in 1545
and 1549, see Fischer, Scots in Germany, p. 21, About 1550 both the
librarians in the Fuggershaus were Scots.— Jbid. , p. 227. In 1556 Sigismund
of Poland issued an edict against 'wandering Scots.' — Scots in Eastern and
Western Prussia, p. 157,

8 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
by Dundee priests, who had sojourned in Germany, that the
hymns of the German Reformers, adapted to the tunes of
Scottish ballads, were used for the dissemination of the new
beliefs.^ 5, The awakening of the peasant class was even more
important, since it affected the whole country, except the
remote highland districts ; and it was more distinctive.
The available data, although not numerous, indicate a
unique movement, prophetic of the place occupied in
modern life by the Scottish peasantry. Even in the fifteenth
century foreign visitors were surprised by the independence
shown by the country folk and by the vigour with which
they resented liberties to whicli French and Spanish peasants
submitted meekly ; and, with the improvement of their con
dition, their tone developed, shaping itself into a principle.
To the fanatical and lawless spirit which prompted and per
vaded the Peasants' outbreak in central Europe, there was
no parallel. In Lyndsay's Satire of the Three Estates,
Pauper, who is a peasant, appears as ally of Souter Tailor,
pleading the same cause and urging the same claim both
upon Rex Humanitas and upon John Commonwealth. His
sharpest complaint is neither against landlords nor against
laws, but against Church courts, teinds and parish priests.
Not in satire only but, as a later chapter will show, in
historic documents, 'very simple folk,' 'poor manurers of
the soil,' defined their claim in sober, almost pedantic terms.
They laid hold of the thought, expressed in the Complaynt
of Scotlande, that each of them was ' ane notable member
of ane realm, without whora nobility and clergy could not
sustain their state nor their life ' ; and it was araong them
that The Gude and Godlie Ballatis were sung on harvest
field and in alehouse, as the revolution made its way.
This was the new constituency to which the Reformers
appealed — not the ' rascal multitude,' nor the Edinburgh
' mob,' but the law-abiding and religious labourers, who
^ There is little exaggeration in Andrew Lang's assertion that, when Beaton,
the last great defender of the old system, fell, most of the gentry in Fife approved
of the assassination,— ;/(7A» Knox and the Reformation, p. 22,

SCOTLAND IN RENAISSANCE 9
claimed their share in the Scottish polity and whom they
addressed as their 'beloved brethren, the commonalty of
Scotland,' These five forces made an important contribution, as the
following chapters will show, to the overthrow of medieval
ism, which was completed and sealed between 1546 and
1567. Most of them were operative in other parts of
western Christendom ; but it was distinctive of Scotland
that they all culminated within a single generation, and
that they converged in a crisis which was promoted and
directed by religion. The religious revolution was thus in
the lines of a national development, which gave it momentum
and persuasiveness. It seemed to proraote the interests
of every class except those whose fortunes were identified
with the dilapidated fabric of the Church, With religious
watchwords and under a religious leader, Scotland made
her entry into the modern world. The nation had a
veritable renaissance, but it is impossible, either historically
or philosophically, to distinguish between renaissance and
reformation. The clearest and most cogent illustration of the connexion
is to be found in the career of George Buchanan, who was
not only a patriot and a champion of popular rights, but
indisputably a son of the Renaissance. Henry and Robert
Stephens on one of their title-pages designated Buchanan
as poetarum nostri saeculi facile princeps ; Dr. Johnson
spoke of him as ' a great poetical genius ' ; Dryden pro
nounced that he was ' excelled by none of the moderns and
few of the ancients ' ; Sir R, Jebb ranks him ' above every
Englishman of his time as a Latinist.' Buchanan was a
thorough humanist. Even after the attack upon the
Franciscans, which led to his exile,^ he was no favourer of
the reformed doctrine. At Bordeaux and Coimbra he
taught under the shelter of the Roman Church ; and, when
brought before the Inquisition at Lisbon in 1550, he dis
avowed Protestant beliefs, although acknowledging that he
' See vol, i. 446.

ID HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
had had serious doubts about important Church doctrines.^
He saved his life by abjuring ' Lutheran heresies,' and,
although in the convent-prison to which he was condemned
he was mainly occupied in writing his famous translation of
the Psalms, his leading interests were not as yet religious.
When liberated in 1552 he undertook to 'converse only
with good and virtuous persons, to confess frequently ' and
to live as an orthodox Catholic. For seven years thereafter,
while Scotland passed through its religious crisis, he re
mained in France, detached from Church affairs, whUe his
fame in the world of letters grew. He studied the Bible,
however, in search of a solution of the problems by which
men's minds were agitated. In his own language, he ' fell
into the flame of the Lutheran sect ' ; and on his return to
Scotland in 1561 he 'gave in his name to the Church of the
Scots,' ^ by that time finally severed frora Rome, and took
some part in the adrainistration of its affairs. In no sense
a religious partisan, he acted for some years as tutor to
Queen Mary in classical literature. Yet he was a keen
patriot, and shared the aspirations of the ' new nation ' for
freedom. Gradually the Renaissance spirit within him was
transmuted into the temper of an active reformer, and, after
the raurder of Darnley, he appeared as an unsparing assail
ant of the papal party and rendered services to the Reforraed
Church which secured for hira the unqualified praise of its
great leader,* The minutes of the General Assembly of
1567 record that 'the Assembly, convened in the Nether
Tolbooth, named Mr, George Buchanan, principal of
^ The official records of Buchanan's trial have been published in part by
Henriques, Lisbon, 1906, Cf The Scottish Review, xxi, 296-315. They give
the impression of an evasive defence, but it is unreasonable to attach great
weight to statements extorted from prisoners by the Inquisition.
^ Quod tempus maxima ex parte dedit sacrarum literarum studio, ut de
coniroversiis quae turn maiorem hoviinum partem exercebant exactius diiudicare
posset ; quae tum domi conquiescere coeperant, Scotis a tyrannide Guisiana
liberatis. Eo reversus nomen ecclesiae Scotorum dedit. ' — Vita Sua in Irving's
Buchanan (2nd ed,), p, -326,
' ' That notable man by the merciful providence of God , , , remains alive
to this day to the glory of God, the great honour of his nation, and the comfort
of those that delight in letters and virtue. That singular work of David's
Psalms in Latin metre and poesy besides many others can witness the rare graces
of God given to that man,' — Knox, Works, i, 71.

SCOTLAND IN RENAISSANCE ii
St. Leonard's College, to be Moderator during their con
vention.' Under his guidance the Assembly appointed
deputies to request 'the Lords of Secret Counsel to agree
upon such articles as shall be thought good for the establish
ing of God's Word, the true religion, and the support of the
ministry,' and to urge that ' a perpetual order shall be taken
for the liberty cf the Kirk of God, and the sustentation of
ministers, with a sure union and conjunction among the
whole members for the liberty of God's Kirk, whereby we
may be able to withstand the rage and violence of our im
placable enemies,' ^ Some two years later ^ Buchanan pro
ceeded to prepare a trenchant plea for the revolution in a
treatise De Jure Regni apud Scotos, which for centuries was
regarded as highly dangerous by upholders of the divine
right of kings and valued as a manual by champions of
popular rights whenever religious freedom was at stake,*
He spent the last years of his life in rescuing St, Andrews
University from medievalism, in accordance with principles
laid down by Knox, and his pen fell from his hand in 1582
when he had barely completed his Rerum Scoticarum
Historia — the most favourable presentation possible of the
policy of the Reformers,
The name of Buchanan will not recur in the following
pages except as an authority for facts, for he was not a
pioneer in Church life nor in any important sense a church
man. Yet it will assist the reader to recognize the insepar
able connexion between Church history and national de
velopment if now and then he recalls the judgment passed
and the attitude taken by the man whom foreigners esteemed
as the greatest Scotsman of his age, Buchanan knew the
intellectual, political and social needs of the new nation

^ Booke of the Universall Kirk, i. 93-5,
"^ The De Jure, although published in 1579, was written much earlier,
' possibly before 1570.' — Hume Brown, George Buchanan, p. 284.
' The Dejurevi&% censured by parliament in 1584, and by the Privy Council
in 1664 ; it was publicly burned by the University of Oxford in 1683 ; Dryden
charges Milton with having plagiarized from it in his Defence of the People of
England; it was retranslated in 1789 and again in 1843, the year of the Dis
ruption, when it was bound up with Samuel Rutherfurd's Lex Rex. — Ibid.,
pp, 269, 270, 284, 292,

12 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
better probably than any of his contemporaries ; at least,
his knowledge was less swayed by bias ; and his verdict,
that a complete revolution was requisite for national de
velopment, was pronounced without reserve after he had
witnessed the anarchy and suffering by which the revolution
was attended. On his deathbed he was urged by his friends
to alter a passage in his History which might offend the
King and so prevent the publication of the book. ' " Tell
me, man," sayes he, " giff I have tauld the treuthe ! " ' ^
' Autobiography of James Melvill (^oAxoiK Society), -p. 121.

CHAPTER XXIV
THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW
1546-1559
Religion on the Continent — Protestantism in England — The churchmen
triumph at St, Andrews — English and French invaders — The
French marriage and the Catholic menace — Churchmen persecute
heresy — Reforming enactments of Privy Council — Adam Wallace —
Hamilton's Catechism — Inefficiency of the Bishops — Anarchy in
Church life — The Compendius Tractive — Martyrdom of Myln —
The churchmen arraigned — Last attempts at reform and the
'Twopenny Faith,'
The thirteen years which passed between the fall of Beaton
and the overthrow of the Roman Church in Scotland were
momentous for the religion of every European nation,
but the course of religious events as it affected the
Scottish Church was definite and can be indicated briefly.
The breach between Protestants and the adherents of Rome
was completed, so far as doctrine was concerned. The
Council of Trent suspended its sittings on June 2, 1547,
having repudiated and anathematized the dogmas which
Protestants regarded as vital ; and, although the sittings
were resumed for fourteen months on May i, 1551, there
was no abatement of doctrinal rigour nor any indication
that an abatement was probable.^ The Council had indeed
passed some wholesome enactments for practical reform,
but in the main these were executed in the spirit of Ignatius
Loyola, who, when he died in 1556, left the Jesuit Order
fully organized and exultant in the missionary triumphs of
Francis Xavier (d, 1552), Paul IV (Caraffa), who became
^ It was not clear until 1552 that Protestants could not take part.

14 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
Pope in 1555, set himself with virulent if honest zeal to
extirpate the Protestant heresy.
Yet in central Europe this development was checked,
and attempts at conciliation were maintained partly through
the pacificatory disposition of Melanchthon, partly through
the desire of the Emperors to secure the unity of their wide
realm. The Interims, or temporary aldjustments, of Augsburg
and Leipzig in 1548 and the Religious Peace of Augsburg
in 1555 marked, or registered, the detachment of Lutherans
from the militant forces of Protestantism, which for a time
changed the centre of the Reformation movement. The
alteration was accentuated by the policy of the Emperor
Ferdinand I, who in 1556, although 'the most orthodox
sovereign in Europe, was forced into war with his spiritual
father,' ^ and, still more, by religious debates and develop
ments which appeared among Lutherans. Severe contests
were waged among them as to non-essentials {Adiaphora) in
1549-55, ^nd as to the co-operation of the will with grace
{Synergism) in 1556-60, while Luther's teaching about the
real presence was hardened into a shape which had all
the precision of transubstantiation without the glamour of
tradition. In 1552 the Lutherans under Westphal declared
that the divine body enters the stomach of communicants,
and in 1560 a Synod held at Stuttgart explicitly affirmed
the ubiquity of the Lord's body and its manducation in the
act of communion. In these controversies the Scottish
Reformers took not the slightest share and showed not the
slightest interest ; ^ but they fall to be recorded here, in
explanation of the complete severance of Scotland from the
Lutheran Churches, The severance was increased by a
radical divergence of view as to the relation between Church
and State, with the result that for nearly three centuries
there was no communication, not even the contact of
' Froude, History of England, vi. 26. After 1555 the Augsburg Confession
was safe as the legalized religion of portions of the Empire.
* Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich, 'the most corrupt man of his age,' is
said to have favoured ' Martin's opinion of the Sacrament ' and to have refused
to communicate with the Scottish Reformers ; but Kncx denies this. Balfour
returned to the Roman Church, — Knox, Works, i, 202,

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 15
collision. The indebtedness of Scotland to the Lutheran
movement for the first planting of the reformed faith had
been immeasurable ; its evangelistic literature in prose and
verse had taken firra root in Scottish soil, and as late as
1559 the Scottish Reformers were styled 'Lutherans' by
their opponents ; but before that date the Lutheran Churches
had entered an orbit from which the Scots were excluded
by their poUtical as well as their religious proclivities.
In this period the cause of the Reformation was led by
Swiss Protestants, among whom John Calvin had come to
hold an unrivalled position. The Institutes of Calvin,
published in 1536 and amplified in 1539, had furnished
Protestants with an adequate statement and defence of their
doctrine; before 1555 Calvin, after a hard struggle with
secular and anarchical forces, had becorae master of Geneva
and established there, under his Ecclesiastical Ordinances^ a
Church system which, although coming far short of his own
ideals, presented a method of administration sufficiently
strong to resist Roman aggression and antinomian aberrations,
Geneva rapidly became the headquarters of Protestantism
and a refuge for exiled Reformers of all nationalities. In
the Agreement of Ziirich {Consensus Tigurinus), reached in
1549 under his guidance, the Reformed communities gained
a credal basis for their Church life ; and it was to him, and
to those who endorsed his positions, that leading Reformers
looked for guidance in their respective perplexities. Yet so
far as Church organism was concerned, the French rather
than the Swiss Protestants gave expression to Calvin's ideas.
In spite of the efforts of Henry II (1547-59) to combat the
Reformation, the Reformers in France, who, amidst the
horrors of the Chambre Ardente, had considerable sympathy
and some support from the nobility, organized a Church
which met for the first time in Synod in 1559, with the
Confessio Gallica as its creed. The movement was in fact
so powerful at that stage, that Francis 11 on his accession
saw reason to fear a revolution,
1 Calvin's Ordinances were adopted in 1541,— Lindsay, History of the Re
formation, ii. 128.

i6 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
The rapid alternations which took place in England
between 1547 and 1559 are familiar in their general outline
to every reader, and it will be enough for our purpose to
recall the bare facts, Edward VI, who succeeded his father
on January 28, 1547, was for the first two years of his reign
under the tutelage of Lord Protector Somerset, who brought
Peter Martyr to Oxford and Bucer to Cambridge, in hope
of working out a complete reformation. In accordance with
the advice of Calvin ^.that compulsion should be used, an
Act of Uniformity was passed in 1549, and in the same
year it was enacted that images and paintings should be
removed from parish churches. In 1550 the altar was
removed from St, Paul's, London, and a table placed in its
room, while in 1552 a Book of Common Prayer, which had
been issued two years earUer, was revised, in accordance
with the views of drastic Reformers, a rubric, known as the
Black Rubric, being inserted, which defined the Lord's
Supper as a memorial celebration and denied ' any real or
essential presence of Christ's natural flesh and blood.' ^
These were governmental measures, and in many districts
of England they were intensely unpopular ; so that when
Mary Tudor (1553-8) became queen, her accession, although
she was known to be a Romanist, was not unwelcome. It
was only when she turned to those ruthless persecutions,
which won for her the irrevocable epithet of ' bloody,' * that
popular feeling swayed round and prepared the nation for
the accession of her sister Elizabeth (December 17, 1558),
who, if not a decided Protestant, was openly hostile to the
papacy and to the celebration of mass. The complication
of international affairs * gave an almost unparalleled import
ance to the religious attitude of Elizabeth, Protestantism
was making way in France and the Netherlands ; negotia-
1 In a funeral sermon preached after Mary Tudor's death, Bishop White
described the Reformers as 'wolves coming out of Geneva,' — Pollard, Political
History of England, 1547-1603, p. 193,
^ Forty-two Articles, published in 1553. — Ibid., p. 72.
3 In Mary's reign, 277 persons were burned as heretics, — Gairdner, Lollardy
and the Reformation, i, 276, 325, 327,
¦" For a clear summary of political events, see F, W, Maitland in Cambridge
Modern History, ii, 560 ff.

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 17
tions for an alliance between France and Spain for the
suppression of heresy had been begun in May and, after an
interval, resumed in October ; and the far-reaching question
arose, on which side the new English sovereign would
stand ; so diverse had been the religious policies of her
three predecessors. For two months she seemed to hesitate,
but in February 1559 it was clear that she would rule as a
Protestant sovereign. At Easter she received coraraunion
in both kinds, and this step was sealed, at the end of April,
by a renewal of the Act for Uniformity of Religion,^
Three weeks before the passing of that Act, the Treaty of
Cateau-Cambresis had united' the continental powers in a
policy which implied a simultaneous campaign against the
Reformation, and initiated those religious wars by which
Europe was distraught for half a century. At this crisis
an alliance with Scotland gained immeasurable importance
for Elizabeth. Her situation would have been almost
desperate if the Scots had sided with the Roman Catholic
powers, or even allowed the French to make Scotland the
basis of an attack upon England. So it is that the political
and reUgious development of Scotland (and even details
which in themselves may seem to be trivial) had international
importance and exercised a determining influence upon
European history.^
While those events were in progress, a complete political
change was accomplished in Scotland. In 1546 the
traditional hostility to England and a desire for alliance
with France were dominant ; in 1559 these had given way to
hatred of France, and the Church party, which relied upon
French support, could no longer claim to be champions of
national independence. No doubt it is difficult to dis
entangle the politics of the period from its religion, for the
leaders in politics, even if not personally religious men, used
religious language and furthered the supposed interests of
' The Act authorized the Second Book of Edward vi with some alterations,
including' the omission of the Black Rubric. — Frere, History of the English
Church, 1558-1625, p. 28.
^ ' The Guises, who now came into power, regarded Scotland as the corner
stone of their ambition.'— Pollard, Political History, p, 223,
VOL, II. B

i8 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
the old faith or of the new. Yet the political development
can be outlined clearly enough to set Church affairs in their
historical place.
The raurderers of David Beaton took refuge in the castle
of St. Andrews, where they were joined by the leaders of
the English party and by other opponents of Beaton's cause.
Within a fortnight of the murder, on June ii, 1546, the
Privy Council proclaimed the murderers outlaws and
definitely renounced the English alliance ; ^ on August 3
they declared formally that it was treason to slay a
chancellor of the realm ; ^ and on August 2 1 all lieges were
summoned to the siege of St. Andrews, But the proceedings
were half-hearted. Although the clergy were keen and
promised to contribute ;£^2000 monthly to the cost of the
siege, the Regent Arran was backward and actually offered
to condone the murder if the castle were surrendered and
a papal absolution obtained. Only when the offer was
refused, was Norman Leslie, the principal actor in Beaton's
slaughter, outlawed by name * and the siege taken in hand.
In September, the Regent transmitted to the Pope a gloomy
account of the condition of Scotland, pleading that the
ancient privileges of the Scottish Church should not be
abated and explaining the difficulty of avenging Beaton ;
he appealed for financial assistance, urging that Scotland
had always been orthodox and had never before asked for
money from Rome,* At the same time appeals for military
assistance were transmitted to France, while the besieged
turned for help to Henry Vlll, who, if not a party to the
assassination, had stimulated the assassins, Henry both
promised assistance and urged the Regent to withdraw from
the siege,^ and on December 2 1 an ' appointment ' was
reached that the siege should be raised until an absolution
of the assassins should arrive from Rome.'' The weakness
of the papacy at this stage is clearly exhibited by the
^ Register of Privy Council, i. 26, 29, ' Ibid., i, 34.
^ Herkless and Hannay, Archbishops of St. Andrews, iv. 210.
* Theiner, pp, 617, 618 ; State Papers, Scotland {lSog-160^), i. 59.
* Ibid. , i. 60.
" Lang, History of Scotland, ii, 4, 20.

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 19
facility with which pardon was granted to men who had
expressed no penitence for their savage deed. The absolu
tion arrived at St. Andrews before April 2, and it was tossed
aside contemptuously by the besieged. Their plea for
rejecting it was that it contained the ambiguous phrase,
Remittimus irremissibile, but ' in quiet they said they had
liefer have a boll of wheat nor all the Pope's remissions.' ^
The end of the siege, however, was at hand. On July 21
a fleet of French galleys appeared in the bay, and ten days
later the castle was in the hands of the French, who razed it
to the ground. The captured garrison were carried off to
France, under promise that, if they were ' not content to
remain in service and freedom there,' they should be con
veyed at the expense of the King of France to any country
they pleased except Scotland.^ In spite of this promise,
some were held captive in French castles and the rest
sentenced to labour in galleys at Rouen, Cherbourg and
Brest. The fall of St, Andrews, however, brought only a temporary
triumph to the Church party, Henry Vlll was dead, but
Somerset, who, as Earl of Hertford, had again and again
laid Scotland waste,* pursued the policy of conquest vigor
ously, and on September 10, 1547, routed the Scots at
Pinkie Cleugh, In his campaigns there was a good deal
of religious propagandism, attended for a time by some
success. ' It will advance the King's interest,' wrote Grey,
' to have two or three preachers in Angus.' Dudley
reported that there was ' much desire in Angus and Fife to
have a good preacher. Bibles and Testaments and other
good English books of Tyndale and Frith's translation.'
Efforts were made to circulate a ' Godlie and Golden Booke
1 state Papers, Scotland (1547-1563), No. 10, p. 4. Knox ( Works, i. 203),
whom Hume Brown {History of Scotland, ii. 27) follows, gives June 21 as the
date of the arrival, but the State Paper quoted above is explicit in stating that
it had arrived before April 2.
'^ So Knox, Works, i. 205. Lang, with Tytler, considers Knox's statement
doubtful, mainly because George Buchanan writes ' incolumitatem modo pacti se
dediderunt.'— History, bk, xv. ch, 45. But Buchanan's narrative is cursory,
and Lesley, to whom Tytler refers, rather confirms Knox's account, — Lesley,
A Historie'of Scotland {S.T.S.), ii, 295,
3 See vol, i, 468.

20 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
for the Concorde of England and Scotland, containing godlie
things ' ; before Pinkie, Glencairn sent to England a list of
those ' pledged to assist in putting forth of the Word of God,'
and Somerset was informed that, ' if it were not for fear of
the great men and the priests, the people would gladly
subrait to the [English] King,' ^ Yet this was too sanguine.
The dictates of patriotism prevailed over such persuasions.^
At Pinkie ' professors of the evangel ' fought side by side
with churchmen,* and, after the defeat, united with them in
an earnest appeal to the French for assistance. The appeal
succeeded, and by the treaty of Haddington (July 7, 1548)
France agreed to defend Scotland against their ' auld
inymeis of Ingland,' on condition that the young Queen
should be betrothed to the Dauphin ' for the more perfect
union and indissoluble amity of France and Scotland.' *
Mary was immediately convoyed to France, which was to
be her home for thirteen years ; over six thousand French
auxiliaries were landed at Leith ; ^ and the Scots and French
were engaged in repelling the English invaders and recover
ing castles from their grasp until 1550, when by the treaty
of Boulogne the EngUsh forces were withdrawn.®
It was a time of anarchy and distress aggravated by dearth.
Robbery and murder were frequent, and the records of the
Privy Council show that the authorities were almost in
despair.' The most permanent damage, however, was that
done to religious buildings by the English invaders. In
1547 Wyndham reported gleefully the burning of Balmerino
' State Papers, Scotland (iiog-i6o^), i. 6, 66, 69, 91,
^ Somerset significantly explained the failure by writing that ' the Scots were
afraid of an investigation of their corrupt religion,' — Teulet, Papiers d'Etat,
i. 145. ' Knox, Works, i, 211,
* Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, p, 13.
' The force consisted of 4000 Frenchmen, 2000 Landsknechts and 500
Italians. — Teulet, i, 186. In 1550 a large proportion was withdrawn, but
garrisons were retained. —Hume Brown, History, ii. 36 ; Lesley (Bann. Club
ed,), p. 233.
« Hume Brown, History, li, 35; Lang, History, ii. 14, Peace between the Scots
and the Emperor was concluded on December 15.— Teulet, i. 229, 237, 239-248.
' Register of Privy Council, i. 59, 60, 94. The Privy Council attempted
minute sumptuary legislation, prescribing the number of dishes permissible at
meals : archbishops, bishops and earls were allowed eight dishes ; lords, abbots,
priors and deans six, barons and freeholders four ; burgesses and other substantial
men three — 'but with one kind of meat in every dish,'

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 21
abbey,^ and in the same year Holyrood was stripped of its
splendour and the fine church of Annan with the nunnery
of Elcho was reduced to ruins, while 1548 saw the spoliation
of Newbottle abbey, Haddington church and the churches
and friaries of Dundee,^ No doubt these outrages may be
palliated by the fact that in some cases abbeys and churches
were used as fortresses and were destroyed by the invaders,
not through vandalism but for military reasons, but this plea
does not lessen the actual calamity. At the time of
the English withdrawal, few of those beautiful fabrics,
which had been the glory of medieval Scotland, had
escaped scathe.
The prevailing confusion was increased by the lawlessness
of the French auxiliaries. As early as 1550 complaints
reached the Privy Council that ' divers Frenchmen comraitted
sundry attemptattis (assaults) upon the Queen's lieges,' * and
popular restiveness under such outrages steadily increased.*
Meanwhile the barons were irritated by the transfer of
political offices to Frenchmen, one of whom, Roubay, became
holder of the Great Seal, and another, D'Oyssel, chief minister
of state,^ The adherents of the old regime, on the other
hand, were so divided that for a time they ceased to be a
' Church party.' The Hamilton clan, led by the Regent
Arran and his brother, the primate of the realm, opposed the
Queen-mother, Mary of Lorraine, a princess of remarkable
ability, who in 1554 supplanted Arran in the regency and
thereafter was supported by several noblemen who favoured
the principles of the Reformation, The intrigues and
collisions which resulted from this rivalry belong to political
history, and the outcome of them alone affected the Church.
1 State Papers, Scotland (i^og-l6os), i, 73.
' The facts are collated in Hay Fleming, The Reformation in Scotland,
pp. 338 ff. In 1549 the Provincial Council issued a special order for the
rebuilding and repair of '¦ecclesiae dirutae et dilapsae.' — Statuta, ii. 158.
Cardinal Sermoneta, writing in 1556, ascribes the ruinous plight of churches and
monasteries to ' hostile inroads and the avarice and neglect of those placed in
charge of them,' — Papal Negotiations with Mary Queen of Scots (S.H.S.), p. 527,
' Register of Privy Council, i, 105,
* Teulet, i, 190 ff. ; Lesley (Bann, Club ed.), pp, 217, 218, 234. Lesley
frankly avows that the Regent's policy was to make Scotland ' more subject and
bound, yea, a province joined unto France.'
^ Pollard, Political History, 1547-1603, p. 224.

22 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
Although Knox compares Mary to an unruly cow saddled
by mistake, and says that she ' only waited opportunity to
cut the throats of all in whom she suspected any knowledge
of God to be,' ^ she had solid reasons for showing tolerance
towards the religious reforraers. There is no ground for
ascribing it to treachery that in 1556 the assassins of
Beaton were pardoned and restored to their estates,^ and
that important diploraatic duties were entrusted to men who
had openly broken with the Church, Until the close of
1557 the Reformers certainly reckoned upon the Regent's
support, and an impartial judgment will ascribe this to her
political necessities rather than to insidious duplicity. Yet
the dislike of the Scots who supported her to the ' regimen
of Scotland by France' became more marked.* In 1556
three hundred barons rejected a French scheme of national
defence,* and in 1557 a council held at Newbottle flatly
refused to take part in a campaign against England,^
Throughout the country dislike for the French soldiery grew
into hatred until 'great strife began in Edinburgh between
French and Scots.' ®
In 1558 the rift between French and Scottish interests
widened into a chasm. When, on April 24, Mary Stewart
was married to the Dauphin, public pledges were given that
the liberty of Scotland and the succession of the nearest
heir to the throne would be maintained ; but three weeks
before the wedding the youthful bride — Mary was not yet
sixteen— by a secret treaty made over to the King of France
the kingdom of Scotland and her contingent right to the
throne of England, in the event of her death without issue, de
claring the assignation valid, whatever other document she had
signed or might sign thereafter,' The Scottish coraraissioners,
sent to Paris for the marriage, refused to agree to the regalia
being conveyed to France for the coronation, and four or five

' Knox, Works, i. 243, 244. ^ Xeulet, i, 216, 217.
^ Lesley says that until 1557 the nobility 'kept their jealousy secretly within
their breasts,' — Bann. Club ed,, p. 251,
* Lang, History, ii. 24, ^ Hume Brovra, History, ii, 42,
" Lesley (S.T,S,), ii, 315 ; Hume Brown, Life of Knox, i. 277, 320,
' Labanoff, Recueil, i. 50-56. Mumby, Elizabeth and Mary Stewart, p. 33,

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 23
of them died on their way horae, probably from poison,^ At
the end of November the Regent, by skilful conciliation,
secured frora the Scottish Estates the crown raatrimonial for
the Dauphin, and about the sarae time Mary Stewart, at the
instigation of the King of France, quartered the arms of
England and Ireland ' upon her vessels and common instru
ments, as well as upon her tapestry and beds,' ^ All these
measures were viewed with keen suspicion in Scotland ; and
when, at the beginning of 1559, it seemed clear that a league
of the Catholic Powers against England was impending,* the
Regent made it manifest that she would abandon the
policy of conciliating her Protestant subjects. But at this
very time her predecessor in the regency, Arran, now the
Duke of Chatelherault, was holding counsel with Sir Henry
Percy as to an alliance between England and Scotland for
mutual defence against France.* Maitland of Lethington
too, dexterous and unscrupulous in his diplomacy, held
interviews with Elizabeth and her strong counsellor Cecil,
although at this stage Maitland was the Regent's trusted
secretary, Maitland was acting a part and evaded matters
really crucial, but Percy at his raeeting with Chatelherault
set the religious question in the front. He proposed an
alliance ' for the maintenance of God's Word, seeing God
hath sent a true Christian religion among you, as now the
same I doubt not shall take effect with us,' and Chatelhe
rault responded that the Scots were equally ' desirous of
Christian amity betwixt the two realms.' It is almost
startling to read this statement by a well-informed English
statesman, that Scotland was already more clearly on the
side of the true religion than England,* but the accuracy
1 Mathieson, Politics and Religion in Scotland, 1550-1695, i. 48 n.
2 Lesley (S.T.S,), ii. 396,
' In February a marriage was arranged between Philip of Spain and Elizabeth
of France. — Cambridge Modern History, ii. 566.
* Keith, Affairs, i. 364 ff. ; State Papers, Foreign {l^'^^-c/), Nos. 262, 316, 350 ;
Russell, Maitland of Lethington, p. 32; Pollard, pp. 196,225; Teulet, i. 285-7.
The union was designed to secure independence of England from Spain, and of
Scotland from France. — Cambridge Modern History, ii. 559.
^ It was not to political causes that the change in Scottish sentiment was due.
The treaty between England and Scotland, signed on May 3, was arranged by a
papal legate. The vital matter for Scotland was detachment from France,—
Papal Negotiations, xxvii.

24 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
of the statement will appear when we turn from politics to
consider the course of religious affairs since Beaton's death.
During those thirteen years the Roman Church had been
in possession and nominally in power. The Privy Council,
which guided affairs during Arran's regency, was largely
composed of prelates. Their somewhat feeble endeavours
to avenge Beaton were combined with a crusade against
heresy. On March 19, 1547, a Convention of 'prelates and
other kirkmen ' petitioned the Regent and the Privy Council
to enforce the laws against the Lutherans, with whose
' pestilential heresies the land was now infected, and who
were now preaching openly, especially against the blessed
sacrament of the altar, not only in the far parts of the
realm but in the court and presence of their Lordships ' ; ^
and in response the Privy Council promised that, if the
names of offenders were transmitted to them, the laws against
heresy would be put into force. The same Convention
which secured this promise resolved that, in accordance with
a decree passed at Trent in the preceding June, every
cathedral should have at least one qualified preacher,^ and
at Aberdeen, which as usual was prompt in administration,
the preacher was instructed to lecture on theology twice a
week, besides preaching monthly in the cathedral and
yearly in every parish church belonging to the Chapter.* A
fortnight later the kirkmen promised the Regent a subsidy
of 10,000 pounds Scots, on condition that he would ' make
certain articles and acts against the New Testament ' ; * and
some effect was given to the bargain, for it is recorded that
in 1548 an Orcadian was 'obliged to flee into England for
fear of burning for the Word of God,' and that in 1549 a
certain William Scott was ' driven out of Scotland for the
sake of the gospel.' ^
At this stage the official guidance of the Church passed
into the hands of John Hamilton, who, although ' provided '
to the primacy in 1547, did not occupy that office until
^ Statuta, I. cxlvi. ^ Bellesheim, ii. 200; Can, Trid., sess. v. c. i.
^ Reg. Episc. Aber., ii, 317.
* State Papers, Scotland {i^og-ito^), i, 62,
" Ibid., i, 83 ; Fischer, Scots in Prussia, p. 34,

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 25
1549.1 Hamilton (b, 15 12), a natural son of the first Earl
of Arran, had been appointed to the abbacy of Paisley at
the age of fourteen, and, after studying for three years at
Paris, had become Keeper of the Seal and Lord of the
Treasury under his brother the Regent, Like his brother
he had wavered in loyalty to Rome, and, although the time
of his wavering soon passed, he continued throughout his
discreditable career to subordinate the welfare of the Church
to the interests of the Hamilton clan. His licentiousness
reached a lower level than Beaton's, his offspring, many of
them begotten in adultery, being innumerable.^ This man
not only reconstituted and endowed the college of St, Mary
at St, Andrews ' for defending and confirming the Catholic
faith,' but initiated his primacy by convening the Provincial
Council ' to restore tranquillity and preserve complete unity
in the ecclesiastical estate' and to extirpate the 'heresies
by which the Lord's flocks were cruelly assailed.' The
Council, which met at Linlithgow in August 1549 and con
tinued its sittings at Edinburgh in November,* began its
proceedings by the solemn affirmation that the strife and
heresy which prevailed had two principal causes and roots :
' the corruption of morals and profane obscenity of life in
ecclesiastical persons of almost all ranks, and their crass
ignorance of good literature and of all arts.' * Thereafter it
passed sixty-seven enactments regarding the character and
duties of the clergy, thirteen of them being verbal repetitions
' Hamilton's authority was still checked by the old jealousy of Glasgow. In
October 1552 James Beaton, nephew of the Cardinal, who had been con
secrated to the see of Glasgow two months before, was ' exempted per
petually ' by Papal Bull from the authority of the primate. — Statuta, i. cxxiii. ;
Dowden, Bishops of Scotland, p. 350, Until his death in 1603 this Beaton was,
as will be seen, very influential,
^ The evidence will be found in Hay Fleming, The Reformation in Scotland,
pp, 51, 557. It is impossible to plead that his offences were those of youth.
In 1561 one of his paramours was banished from Edinburgh as an adulteress. —
Extracts from Burgh Records, 1557-71, p. 129. The medical evidence of his
shocking incontinence is printed in Statuta, ii. 301, 302.
^ The relation between the two meetings is not quite clear. At Edinburgh
the resolutions come to at LinUthgow were endorsed. — Wilkins, Concilia, iv,
209 ; Grub, ii, 33.
^ At this Council ' the new light was mingled with the old ' ; two future
leaders of the Reformed Church were present, John Wynram and James Stewart,
afterwards Regent Moray ; John Major was represented by a proctor, — Patrick,
Statutes, p. 85.

26 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
of reforming statutes passed by the Council of Trent, The
clergy were enjoined to put away their concubines under
penalty of deposition, to dismiss their children from their
houses, not to promote their children to benefices,^ nor to
enrich the daughters with dowries, the sons with baronies,
from the patrimony of the Church, Prelates were forbidden
to keep in their households notorious drunkards, gamblers,
public fornicators, night-walkers, blasphemers of God's name
or men addicted to detestable swearing. All the clergy
were called to amend their lives and manners, to dress
modestly, to keep their faces shaven and their heads
tonsured, to live with sobriety and restraint, so as to be able
to help the poor, to abstain from secular pursuits, specially
from trade and agriculture, which withdrew them from the
cure of souls. Rules were prescribed for preaching to the
people and for teaching divinity, the writings of Peter
Lombard, Thomas Aquinas and Bonaventura being com
mended ; for the visitation of monasteries, nunneries and
hospitals with a view to restoring the rights of the poor ; for
recalling fugitive and apostate monks and sending monks to a
university ; for preventing the ordination of incompetent men,
enforcing residence and limiting pluralities ; for silencing the
hawkers of indulgences and relics ; for corapelling beneficed
men either to discharge their duties in person, or, if this was
beyond their power, to provide substitutes whose ministra
tions they must attend ; for registering wills and controlling
Church notaries, with special provision for prevailing abuses
in Church consistories. Bishops were instructed to make
diligent and strict search for heretics, holding inquisitions at
least four times a year, and for their guidance a schedule of
prevailing heresies was issued. Among the heresies scheduled
were — railing against the sacraments, especially the sacrifice
of the mass ; denying the iraraortaUty of the soul, the efficacy
of the prayers of the saints and the rewards bestowed on
works done in faith and charity ; impugning the doctrine of
purgatory and the authority of General Councils ; disparag-
' Hamilton himself appointed his nephew, aged ten, to the abbacy of
Paisley.

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 27
ing the fasts and feasts appointed by the Church ; special
search was to be made for books of rhymes and popular
songs containing slanders upon churchmen and Church
institutions, or any kind of heresy. These excellent admoni
tions were accompanied by the following appeal :
'The present Convention beseeches, in the bowels of Jesus Christ,
and for the kindling of piety exhorts all and each of the bishops . . .
to reform their life and morals to better purpose ... in order that
occasions of heresy may be more easily obviated and the said bishops
be able with greater freedom and expedition to take measures for their
repression, lest the very persons who are themselves implicated in
notorious charges {crimind) rashly proceed to the rigorous correction
of the morals of others, since from this cause arises the greatest scandal
to the laity and the largest proportion of the heresy.' ^
The Council, before closing, agreed to meet in the follow
ing August ; and, although no meeting was held at that
time, the desire to deal with heresy was genuine, for in the
autumn of 1550 Hamilton sumraoned a public convention of
all orders of prelates to deal with a certain Adara Wallace,
a native of Tarbolton in Ayrshire, whose offences had
escaped the vigilance of his diocesan.^ The convention,
which has been described by an eye-witness, was held in
the church of the Black Friars, Edinburgh, the Regent and
other prominent noblemen being present. The leading charge
against Wallace was that he had denied the doctrine of
transubstantiation, but he was also accused of having
taught in public, and other ' aborainable heresies ' were
alleged, among which Knox names the fact that he had
baptized his own child,* Although ' a simple man without
much learning or Latin,' he was well educated and discreet,
' The edicts of the Council are printed in Statuta, ii. 81-127, and translated in
Patrick, Statutes, pp. 88-134, Some of them were taken from the Acts of other
Councils besides Trent, with additions. Thus, to the statute for the reformation
of monasteries a provision for the reformation of nunneries was added — an
addition much required in Scotland, See vol. i, 444 and page 36 of this
volume. ^ When applying to Rome for extension of his primatial authority, Hamilton
boasted of this, — Liber. Offic. S. Andree,-^. 167,
' Works, i. 239. Knox specifies as further charges alleged against Wallace
his denial of purgatory and of prayers to the saints and for the dead, and
alleges that when under trial he used violent language against the bishops. As
in the case of Patrick Hamilton's martyrdom (see vol. i. 424), he transfers
his own spirit to the martyr.

28 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
having indeed been tutor to the family of Ormiston in
succession to Knox, At his belt, according to a custom of
the Reformers, he carried a Bible in French, Dutch and
English. Under cross-examination he said that he had
taught but seldom, at the table and in other private places,
when he had been appealed to for religious guidance ; but
as to transubstantiation he was explicit in declaring the
mass to be idolatry and abominable in God's sight, adducing
texts to prove that ' the natural body of Christ ' is in heaven
at God's right hand, and that, since His ascension, the Holy
Spirit has been the guide and stay of His people. ' It is a
horrible heresy,' exclaimed the best of his judges. Bishop
Reid of Orkney. When pressed further with denying the
miracle of the sacrament, Wallace declared that he held by the
Word, and that he must abide thereby even unto death. For
this alone he was condemned,^ the other charges against him
being passed over as secondary. In the interval before his
execution attempts were raade to persuade him to recant.
But, although he gained some comfort from one of those
who were sent to argue with him in his cell — ' the Dean of
Restalrig, a worldly-wise man who had some understanding
of the truth — he would consent to nothing that had not
evidence in. the holy Scripture,' The warder, provoked by
his obduracy, spoiled him of his beloved Bible; but he
passed the night in singing and lauding God, having learned
the psalter of David without book to his consolation. As he
was led next morning to the Castle Hill, the common people
said, ' God have mercy upon him ! ' ' And on you too,' said
he. Being beside the fire, he lifted up his eyes to heaven
twice or thrice, and said to the people, ' Let it not offend you
that 1 suffer this day for the truth's sake ; for the disciple is
not greater than his Master.' Then was the provost angry
that he spake, for he had been forbidden to speak to any
man or any to him. Then looked he again to heaven
and said, 'They will not let me speak,' The cord being
about his neck, the fire was lighted, and so departed he
'¦ According to Knox, the Earl of Glencairn protested against the sentence,—
Works, i, 240, 241.

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 29
to God, constantly and with good countenance, in our
sight.i Such repressive measures had the support of parliament,
which in 1552 prohibited, under penalty of confiscation and
banishment, the printing of books concerning the faith,
ballads, songs, blasphemies, rhymes against churchmen
and tragedies,^ When the Provincial Council next met in
1552, it could boast that, by the providence of God, the
vigilance of princes and the zeal of prelates, the frightful
heresies which had run riot for some years had been checked
and seemed almost to be quenched,* Yet nothing had been
accomplished in the way of Church reform. The Council
frankly avowed that, owing to ' the difficulty of the time
and manifold hindrances,' effect had not been given to the
statutes of 1549. Accordingly all statutes passed during
Hamilton's primacy were ratified, and sixteen new enact
ments were passed,* making provision for preaching to the
people, the instruction of priests and monks and the
regulation of hospitals, and specially prohibiting irregular
divorce and the alienation of manses and glebe lands. One
statute alleges that great neglect of the divine mysteries has
prevailed during the last few years, and that in the most
populous parishes few deign to attend mass on Sundays and
festivals, or to listen when sermons are preached, and
instructs that lists of absentees from worship shall be sent to
the rural deans. The same statute refers severely to the
custom of joking and behaving scandalously in church
during service, and ' the playing of games and engaging in
' The above is an epitome of Foxe's narrative {Acts and Monuments, v.
636-641), which is based upon Testimonia et literae e Scotia petita, an. ISSO-
' Although Foxe's martyrology has been subjected to minute and searching
criticism, the number of his serious errors is comparatively small ; it is not so
much his facts as his deductions from them and his animus which need to be
discounted,'— Pollard, p. 153.
' Acts of Pari., ii. 488-9. ' Tragedeis no doubt refers to Lyndsay's Tragedie
of the Cardinall. ./ Statuta, ii. 136.
* The statutes are printed in Statuta, li, 128-139, and translated in Patrick,
Statutes, 1 35-148. By statute 251 provision was made for a parochial registration
of banns of marriage and of baptisms, such as had been instituted in England in
1538. The regulations are unimportant, as they were superseded immediately
after the Reformation by provisions specified by Robertson in a learned note.—
Statuta, I. clii, cUii.

30 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
profane bargainings in church porches and churchyards '
during sermon, and prohibits with heavy fines all trading in
the sacred precincts during the sacrifice of mass. The
council concluded by recognizing that neither the prelates
nor the inferior clergy had as a rule ' attained such pro
ficiency in the knowledge of Scripture as to be able by
their own efforts rightly to instruct the people in the Catholic
faith and other things necessary to salvation,' ^ and by
ordaining that, for their own instruction and the edification
of their flocks, there shall be entrusted to rectors, vicars and
curates ' a certain book written in the vernacular and after
most elaborate revision approved by the most prudent
prelates in the realm, and the most learned theologians and
other churchmen taking part in the proceedings of the
Council, This book shall be called a " Catechism " and shall
be printed in name of the Primate and the Provincial
Council.' The manual so sanctioned is a highly interesting docu
ment^ Although styled Hamilton's Catechism, as published
in his primacy and with his authority, it was a composite
production in which his occupations, his character and
his abilities disqualified him from taking part, A large
share in the authorship is ascribed by tradition to John
Wynram, a man who deserves attention as a type of a
considerable body of churchmen of the time. Wynram
(b. 1492) had been attracted by Lutheran teaching in the
days of Patrick Hamilton, but had adhered to the Church
and had been set in the front by the authorities. He
' Foxe illustrates the ignorance of priests and friars by narrating a debate which
arose at St. Andrews as to the orthodoxy of addressing the Paternoster to the
saints ; ' a dangerous schism,' he says, ' followed, which divided the whole people
ofScotland.' — Acts and Monuments, v. 641-2. Spottiswoode {History, i, 180 ff,)
amplifies the narrative and states that the question was decided by the Provincial
Council of 1552, Although a similar controversy certainly took place in
England, Svritzerland and perhaps in Germany, Foxe's narrative has an
improbability which has led high authorities to discredit it. — Statuta, ii. 295 ;
Grub, ii, 37 ; Mitchell, Hamilton's Catechism, xxiii, xxiv ; Lee, History, i. 76.
" The Catechism was published at St. Andrews in August 1552. Its character
and significance have been misunderstood by several historians, but two excellent
editions are now available, the one by Professor A, F, Mitchell ( Wm. Paterson,
1882), the other by Dr. T. Graves Law, with an introductory note by W, E.
Gladstone (Clarendon Press, 1884). Dr. Law's Preface is a valuable contribu
tion to the history of the period.

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 31
became canon at St, Andrews in 1532, and in 1536 was
made sub-prior, besides receiving various other appointments.
At the trial of Wishart he preached the official sermon, and
occupied a prominent place at Wallace's trial. He acted as
vicar-general in the interval between Beaton's and Hamilton's
primacies ; debated questions of theology were repeatedly
referred to him as arbiter. Yet he was moving steadily
away from the traditional doctrine, and ultimately appeared
among those who assisted in drafting the first Confession
and the first polity of the Reformed Church, That he had
a large share in the preparation of Hamilton's Catechism is
more than a conjecture,'- for the Catechism bears the impress
of a mind, or minds, in a process of transition. It is a flow
ing, devout and occasionally beautiful exposition of the Ten
Commandraents, the Apostles' Creed, the Lord's Prayer and
the Ave Maria, designed to reforra and stimulate the moral
and religious life of congregations. While minutely practical,
it maintains a serious tone of personal piety. The orthodox
doctrine of transubstantiation is set forth unequivocally, but
the idea of a repetition of the divine sacrifice is discarded, and
the necessity for a believing approach to the Lord's board is
emphasized with precision. Although the place of images
in worship, the complete removal of original sin by baptism,
the validity of prayers for the dead, the reality of purgatory
and all the seven sacraments of the Church are fully ex
pounded, the exposition has few of the edges which the
Council of Trent had given to dogma. The authority of
the Church is urged as a source of rest and peace to the
ignorant and perplexed, but not a word is said about the
prerogatives of Rome, about the Vicar of Christ or the
' 'Joannes Wouram vel Wyrem,' according to John Bale, a St. Andrews
canon, ' wrote a catechism of the faith in his native tongue.' In an old catalogue
of St. Leonard's library the ' Catechism of Wynram ' is entered immediately
before that of Hamilton. Professor Mitchell conjectures that the former may
have been the first draft of the latter. In any case it proves that Wynram was
occupied in such authorship. In his posthumous work on The Scottish Reforma
tion (p, 287), Dr, Mitchell speaks of John Douglas as taking part with Wynram
in the composition of the Catechism ; but in the absence of evidence, this too
must be regarded as a conjecture. Interesting data are given by M'Crie, Life
of Knox, p. 416 ff. See also Keith, Affairs, i, 5, 6, 149 ; Hailes, Annals, iii.
237-240,

32 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
primacy of Peter, Heresy consists in departure from
the traditional judgments of the Church as defined by
General Councils, with which it lies to define ' all matters
concerning the Catholic faith and the good manners of the
Christian people,' The powers and jurisdiction of bishops,
which belong to them ' specially and principally as successors
of the Apostles,' are carefully expounded ; but ' other orders
and dignities of the Kirk ' are passed by, as making not much
to edification. Whenever in the course of the treatise
Church order and authority are dealt with, they are based
on the conciliar doctrine advocated by those who in the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries endeavoured to check the
increasing claims of the papacy,^ Equally noteworthy is
the Catechism's exposition of Justification by Faith. The
teaching of Trent, that justifying faith does not consist in
a trust {fiducia) by which a man surely believes himself
to be justified, is ignored, and saving faith is declared to
consist in that assent, with fear, hope, repentance and
self-surrender {assensus et Jiducia) which had become the
watchword of Lutherans. Faith so defined ' obtains for us
the abundant grace of the Holy Spirit which pours into
our hearts the true love of God and of our neighbour,'
Some of the phrases used on this topic are taken from
A Necessary Doctrine^ and others from Luther's Larger
Catechism, but there are clearer traces of the influence of
the Enchiridion of Archbishop Hermann von Wied of
Cologne, and other attempts which were being made in
Germany to save the unity of the Church by a doctrinal
adjustment or compromise.
The Catechism, however, was neither an apologia nor a
manifesto, and was singularly free from polemics. It was
circulated only among the ignorant clergy, who were in
structed to read it in sections, in lieu of sermons, to their
congregations 'for the space of half an hour before high
1 In a note upon Bellesheim (ii. 218), Father Sir D. Hunter Blair argues that
the silence of the Catechism as to papal authority has no significance, with the
plea that at that time ' no catholic dreamed of disputing the authority of the
popes. ' Why ! it was the question of the hour, frankly and passionately debated
at Trent. 2 Published as a manual by Henry viii, 1543,

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 33
mass, in a loud and audible voice, with attention to the
stops, after due preparation, lest by stammering and
stumbling they should rouse the ridicule of their hearers,' ^
Copies might be lent to ' some few laymen,' who desired to
see it for the sake of instruction rather than from curiosity ;
there must on no account be any argument about its con
tents. It was a temporary substitute for preaching, to be
used ' till God of His goodness provide a sufficient number
of catholic and able preachers, which shall be within few
years as we trust in God,' ^ There is no reason to think
that it was generally used ; no controversialist of the time,
on either side, makes the slightest reference to it. Yet for
the student of history it has high value, as an indication of
the process by which the more earnest of the Scottish clergy,
while outwardly adhering to the Roman Church, had
forsaken its standing ground and were accepting almost
unconsciously the ideas of the Reformers,
During the next six years the Church showed no activity.
It was the time of the Marian persecutions in England, but
in Scotland persecution was suspended, partly from political
causes. Mary of Lorraine had, as we have seen, strong
reasons for conciliating all her subjects. She was greatly
perplexed by the task she had in hand. Some of her
leading political supporters, who were Protestants at heart,
became more and more open in their hostility to the
Church. She desired, in her own language, ' to lead a new
nation to perfection,' and, finding the ' new nation ' very
suspicious, she passed over discords gently and kept up many
pretences.* The Primate, whose ill-health compelled hira
to procure a coadjutor,* was suspected both in France and
by his suffragans of being half-hearted in his churchman-
ship, and for several years took no action ^ either towards
1 Statuta, ii. 137. ^ T- Graves Law, I.e., p, 7.
' See her letter (Jan. 13, 1557) to the Cardinal of Lorraine. — Papal Negotia
tions with Queen Mary, pp. 425, 43°- The dislocation of interests was ex
hibited in 1556 when, at the request of the King of France, the assassins of
Beaton were restored to their offices and properties.— Lesley (S.T.S. ), ii. 361.
< Gavin Hamilton was appointed coadjutor in 1551.
5 The Provincial statutes of 1552 seem to have been ratified by a Council held
in i^SS.— Statuta, ii, 153,
VOL. II. C

34 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
Church reform or in suppressing heresy. The agencies of
the Church being thus left without external stimulus and
without leadership, their feebleness and inefficiency became
manifest in all directions, nowhere more clearly than in the
episcopate, Hamilton's vices were openly alleged as a
defensive plea by bishops who were living licentiously,^
and these, as the list of legitimations shows, were numerous.
Patrick Hepburn, bishop of Moray, was probably the most
flagrant profligate, but he had several rivals in vice. The
dean and the chapter of Aberdeen, when attempting to
enforce the statute which enjoined churchmen ' to remove
their open concubines,' urged their bishop to dismiss a
certain ' gentlewoman ' from his company, otherwise ' divers
that were pertinacious would not accept correction from one
who would not correct himself ^ There were indeed two
bishops of unquestionable character and ability. David
Panter, who was appointed to the bishopric of Ross in 1549,
was reputed for his learning, and, as the Regent's Secretary
of State, showed himself to be an able and influential diplo
matist ; but he spent the first seven years of his episcopacy
on the Continent, and, although when he died, in 1558, the
State lost a valuable servant, there is no indication that he
paid any attention to the affairs of his diocese. It was
different with Robert Reid, whose endeavours to reform
the abbey of Kinloss have already been recorded.* Reid,
who was an accomplished scholar,* was promoted to the
bishopric of Orkney in 1541, and at once proceeded to
Kirkwall, where he organized the constitution and
decorated the fabric of the cathedral of St. Magnus, and
throughout an eminent political career — he became pre
sident of the College of Justice — maintained an active
interest in his see. He was one of the ambassadors who
lost their lives through their opposition to French ag
gressions, having shown himself a steady advocate pf
1 Pitscottie (S.T.S,), ii. 141.
^ Spalding Club Miscellany, iv, 57, 59.
' See vol. i. 410, 442.
" A list of the subjects of lectures given to monks in a MS, of Professor
Grub proves thit Reid was a Renaissance, not a medieval scholar.

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 35
peace with England.' With his death and Panter's the
thin line of high-minded bishops disappeared. In fact
the number of bishops of any sort gradually dwindled.
In 1559 Ross, Caithness, Sodor, Argyll and Brechin
were all vacant, while one versatile man, Alexander
Gordon, holding loosely in succession the bishoprics of
Glasgow, the Isles and Galloway, with the abbacy of
lona, flitted about the land on political and military
business under the designation of archbishop of Athens,^
As an administrative agency episcopacy was all but extinct.
These circumstances go far to explain the Scottish view of
episcopal ordination. Hamilton's Catechism might declare
that bishops were the successors of the Apostles, and
traditionalists might appeal to early centuries, but in this
period it was through the teaching of hard facts that the
Scots abandoned the idea that grace comes to the ministers
of God through episcopal succession.
Official restraint being thus removed, parochial and
monastic Church life was reduced to anarchy.* The course
of moral and religious deterioration has been traced with
sufficient fullness in the preceding volume, and it is enough
at this stage to cite a single attestation of the pass which
had been reached. For many years ' the superintendence of
morals, of doctrine and of the election of prelates in
Scotland had been almost wholly neglected ' * by Rome ; but
Pope Paul IV, on his accession in 15 55, was roused by a
petition from the Regent, in the name of the girl Queen,
that he would allow a taxation of the clergy, ' who hold the
* The innuendo of Knox ( Works, i, 262, 264), that Reid was avaricious, must
not be taken seriously ; Knox was so steadily set upon disparaging all church
men, Reid left a bequest 'for founding a college in the burgh of Edinburgh.'
His name was commemorated in 14 'old Reid chambers,' which formed part
of the original College buildings, — Grant, Story of the University of Edinburgh,
i. 166-7. , ^, .
2 When Gordon was appointed to Glasgow in 1550, 400 ducats were reserved
from the episcopal income for each of two French clerics. In 155 1 he received
the title of Archbishop of Athens in partibus, with the income of the abbey of
Inchaffray.— Dowden, Bishops of Scotland, p. 349; Bellesheim, ii. 195. In 1553
he became bishop of the Isles.— Grub, ii. 31, 40.
' For an account of the extent of the ' appropriation ' of parishes by monasteries
and cathedral and collegiate churches, see Forbes, A Treatise of Church Lands
and Tithes, Part I,, ch. i., 13-14- . .
* Father Pollen, S.J,, in Papal Negotiations, xxv.

36 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
largest and richest part of the kingdom,' and would at the
same time consider certain reports transmitted in cipher
concerning them. The Pope was slow to concede the
imposition of a tax, and ultimately consented to a levy of
one-twentieth, instead of one-fifth which had been named in
the petition ; but the results of a scrutiny of the reports
conducted by three cardinals led the Pope to appoint a
Visitor on October 27, 1557, in the following terms:
' It has been made known to us that for certain years back ecclesias
tical discipline has been very much relaxed in Scotland, and that the
ecclesiastical prelates, both secular and regular and others, rectors of
churches, holders of benefices or canonries, and prebends alienate
Church property ... to the Church's loss and in favour of men of
power, without observing the solemnities by law required ; also, that
they neglect the fabric of the said churches, allowing them to fall into
ruin and decay from age and ceasing from the restoration and repair of
them ; moreover, that nuns and other women dedicated to God go
beyond the bounds of their monasteries and wander through the houses
of the laity and admit suspected persons within their monasteries and
presume from day to day to abandon themselves to pleasure and human
luxury : ' that diverse abuses are introduced into those parts and very
many crimes, iniquities and scandalous enormities (some of them
savouring of heresy) are committed by various persons of either sex, by
ecclesiastics also of various orders, both secular and regular, which give
offence to the Divine Majesty, bring shame on the Christian religion,
and cause loss of souls and scandal to Christ's faithful.' ^
The bishops themselves recognized the rise of a spirit
of protest among the comraon people {populare murm.ur).
At Easter-tide especially ' the rude rabble at least,
and indeed every one who had been at church, were
scandalized when they saw the eagerness of priests in
exacting teinds and other offerings, so that they seemed to
be selling the most sacred sacrament,' *
' The report of the cardinals had been more explicit : ' Sceleratos intra
coenobia ailmittant, sese cum illis incestuose immisceant, sacraria puerperis
contaminent, prolem apud se alant, in publicum filiorum grege stipatae prodeant
et foerninas amplissimis ecclesiae proventibus [dotatas] nuptui tradant.' — Papal
Negotiations, p. 526.
* Ibid., p. 7. For unknown reasons the Visitor did not reach Scotland.
' .Statuta, ii, 174 ; Statutes, p. 185, Bellesheim (ii. 240) speaks of the ' con
vincing and melancholy testimony to the decay of moral and religious discipline
in the Scottish Church and to her urgent need of reform, ' The Catholic author
of the Complaynt of Scotland alleges that ' no statutes, banishing, or burning will
bring the schism to an end till the clergy remove their own abuses.' — Lang,
History, ii. 32.

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 37
The alienation of Church properties here censured by the
Pope was a cause of confusion and distress to later genera
tions, and it should be carefully noted that the blame lies
upon churchmen as much as upon unscrupulous politicians.
It is true that many abbeys and priories were appropriated
recklessly for the younger sons of the nobility or handed
over by the Regent to her French kinsmen,^ but the monks
themselves were responsible for innumerable alienations.
Recognizing that the days of monasticism were numbered,
they were hindered by no religious scruples from making
the best possible provision for their personal interests. The
gravest offenders seem to have been the Grey Friars, who
in the fifteenth century had been conspicuous for their zeal.
The Dundee friars, for example, gave over their lands to the
Earl of Crawford in exchange for certain feu-duties, while
at St. Andrews, where the landlords began to withhold
their annual payments to the friary, a similar transfer was
made to the town magistrates. Between 1550 and 1560
five communities of Grey Friars divested themselves of
their lands in favour of friendly barons or burghs, on
condition that they should be restored when troublous
times were over. This ' condition ' implied no intention
of steadfastness, and indeed was frequently accompanied
by that 'apostasy' against which Provincial Councils
protested. Thus in 1548 three of the Dumfries friars,
when making a bargain about their estates, 'renounced
the Bishop of Rome,' and seven years later the remaining
friars followed their example.*
The paralysis by which the Church was smitten is
exhibited in a defensive statement published in 1558 by
Quintin Kennedy, commendator of Crossraguell Abbey,
under the title Ane Compendius Tractive.^ Kennedy, who
was son of the second Earl of Cassillis, was alarmed by the
1 Mathieson, Politics and Religion in Scotland, i. 28 ; Keith, Affairs, i. 313-14;
Lesley (S.T.S.), ii. 386.
^ Moir Bryce, The Scottish Grey Friars, i. 84, 150, 193, 226, ^92-5, etc,
° The Compendius Tractive, with a Preface by David Laing, is printed in
Wodrow Miscellany, i. pp. 89-174, The account given of it in Keith's Affairs
(iii, 405-412) is inadequate.

38 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
progress made by 'pestilent preachers who were going
about like masterless dogs . . , seeing no authority in the
Church,' and thought it intolerable that ' every slave should
deterraine on the greatest secret in all the Scriptures ' and
should ' swear that the Spirit of God reposed in his breast
and swam in his lips.' He recognizes, indeed, the evil
plight of the Church and its glaring corruption.
' See we not daily by experience, if a benefice is vacant, the great men
of the realm will have it for temporal reward ... or else they will stir
up sedition . . . and when they have got the benefice, if they have a
brother or a son — yes, suppose he can neither sing nor say — nourished
in vice all his days, he shall at once be mounted on a mule, with a side-
gown and a round bonnet, and then it is question whether he or his mule
knows best to do his office. Perchance Balaam's ass knew more than
both of them ! What wonder is it, when such disguised personages are
chosen to have Christ's flock in guiding, that the simple people be wicked,
as they are indeed, esteeming vice to be virtue and virtue to be vice, , . ,
Thou mayst see daily a bairn and a babe, to whom scarcely would thou
give a fair apple to keep, get perchance five thousand souls to guide ; and
all for avarice that their parents may get the profit of the benefice, , . .
The convent and place where God should be daily honoured and served
goes clean to ruin, and they who are the procurers of such monstrous
farces in the Kirk of God are the principal criers-out on the vices of
Kirkmen. . . . The terrible day shall come when the unhappy avaricious
man shall bewail the time that ever he had the brother or son whom he
made a guide and ruler of Christ's flock, . . . The poor simple people,
so dearly bought by the blood and death of Jesus Christ, miserably
perish ; the Kirk is slandered ; God is dishonoured ; all heresies,
wickedness and vice reign.'
Yet according to Kennedy it is not the part of those who
see these offences to be ' correctors of the same ' ; they
should complain to the higher powers and, in their default,
beseech God to ' stir up the hearts of those to whom it
appertains by their vocation to be correctors ; . . . they
should thole (tolerate) the abuse until God provide a remedy
by an order. For example, if there be one part of a dyke
which is consumed and serves for naught, yet every man
who passes by should not cast down the place which he
thinks faulty at his pleasure, but should, if his zeal be godly
show to the gardener to whom it appertains to correct the
fault' The ' gardeners ' are the rainisters and rulers of the

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 39
Kirk, to whom, ' even if they be vicious,' supreme authority
belongs. The Tractive, like Hamilton's Catechism, makes
no reference of any sort to Rome, pope, archbishops, or
even bishops. The Church of God is the Christian
Congregation : here, as at many other points, Kennedy
accepts the definitions of the continental Reformers,
although he rails at them roundly, specially at Calvin,
' than who there has been but few worse in all kinds of
wicked opinion in the whole world,' It is only because
' the whole and universal Christian Congregation ' can
never meet, that God has entrusted authority to ' the
Apostles and Seniors and their successors, duly convened
in General Councils,' To such Councils, composed of ' the
chief pastors of the Congregation,' it belongs to decide
all doubtful matters, and to their verdict, whatever their
personal character, the individual Christian should submit
meekly without curious reasoning. The title of laymen to
read Scripture has not been defined by the Kirk, but
Kennedy thinks that a man may ' read Scripture temperately
so far as to enable him to bear his own burden, accepting
the judgment of his pastor in matters above his knowledge,'
The one intolerable claim, pregnant with disorder, anarchy
and heresy, is a claim of private persons to pass judgment
upon the rulers of the Church,
The significance of such arguments is unmistakable.
They include no defence of the papal system, nor any
palliation of the abuses of that system prevailing in
Scotland ; they accept without reserve the truth that the
Holy Spirit's guidance is promised to the Christian
Congregation ; and they concentrate attention upon the
delegation of that authority to ' rulers ' who have a
claim to obedience wholly independent of their personal
character, while denying flatly the right of the private
Christian to do more than seek for his own salvation, within
terras prescribed by his rulers, and to pray that God, in an
orderly way, would supply better rulers. There could
scarcely be a clearer presentation of the sixteenth century
Church-problem, stripped of all accidentals, than in this the

40 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
last pre-Reformation apologia for the Roman Church. The
rights of private Christians to resist depraved Church rulers
were unreservedly denied.
It was within a few months of the publication of the
Compendius Tractive that the Regent resolved to abandon
her conciliatory policy.^ The change was foreshadowed
and accompanied by various endeavours to assert Church
authority, Hamilton appealed to the Earl of Argyll
respectfully but urgently to dismiss John Douglas, a heretical
preacher whom he had harboured in his household for some
time ; and, receiving a vigorous and vituperative refusal,*
turned upon a less powerful offender. On April lO, Walter
Myln, or Mill, an apostate priest, eighty-two years of age,
was arrested at Dysart, when he was ' warming himself in
a poor woman's house and teaching her and her children the
Ten Commandments,' and was arraigned at St, Andrews be
fore a convention of the clergy, including five bishops, four
abbots and the reputed author of Hamilton's pacificatory
catechism. Twenty years earlier Myln had been driven
abroad, by the fury of David Beaton, from a parochial charge
at Lunan in Angus and had returned when persecution
abated. Either before or after his flight, he had married,
and the leading charge against him — Hamilton and Hepburn
being among his judges — was that he had broken his vow
of celibacy.* He was also charged with having dissuaded
people from attending church and with having put forth
heretical opinions as to the nuraber of the sacraments, the
mass and pilgrimages. He was a frail old man, enfeebled
^ See page 23.
" Argyll's reply, probably drafted by Douglas, is printed in Knox, Works, i.
281-291. ' Knox's critics make much of the fact that in one passage he ascribes the
arrest to Hamilton and in another says that it was by ' the counsel of Hepburn
alone that Myln was put to death. ' — Works, i. 307, 360. The discrepancy is
removed by Pitscottie's statement that in the course of the trial Hamilton
hesitated. — Pitscottie, ii. 134. Several difiiculties in the chronology of the years
1557-9 arise from the fact that Knox narrates the events of those years twice.
Book ii, of his Historie, which was written first, begins with 1558 ; in book i,
he ' summarily touches ' some events ' more amply rehearsed ' in book ii. The
summary and the rehearsal frequently diverge ; the MSS, show that he some
times hesitated as to the points at which particulars and documents should be
inserted ; see Works, i, 4, 291, 294, 307, with Laing's relative notes.

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 41
by travel and ill-treatment, and when taken to the metro
politan church could not climb the pulpit stairs without
assistance ; but his replies to his accusers were made in a
ringing voice which ' rejoiced the Christians who were present
and confounded his judges.' He stated that he had ' married
a poor woman, to be marrow to him and help him.' Al
though this was more scriptural than to ' traffic with other
men's wives and daughters,' yet knowing, he said, that for a
priest it was contrary to Church law, he had ' kept himself
quiet ' ; it was only because he had been constrained by
conscience to reprove blasphemers that he had been arrested.
In private houses, in the fields, and also when sailing in a
ship, he had given religious counsel, but he had never gone
beyond the Lord's Prayer, the Ten Commandments, the
Apostles' Creed and the need for personal salvation. There
were only two sacraments for which he cared — the bishops
might divide the other five among them, paying special
heed to the sacrament of marriage, for bishops who failed to
live as St, Paul enjoined Timothy to live were not real
bishops. Faith was needed for participation in the sacrifice
which had been offered by Christ once for all and needs not
repetition. When urged to recant, he said, ' I am corn ; I
am no chaff; I will not be blown away with the wind nor
burst with the flail, but I will abide both.' The court con
demned him ; but the St. Andrews provost, when called to
execute the sentence, decUned 'to meddle with a servant
of God who preached the Word,' The ugly' task was
entrusted to the Archbishop's secretary, but other difficulties
arose. The merchants of the town hid their stores of
gunpowder and rope 'for love they bore to the servant of
God,' When at last tied to the stake, the martyr said, ' As
for me, it makis not mekill, for I am four score years past
and by nature have not long to Uve ; but, if I be burned,
there shall a hundred rise from my ashes better than I and
shall scatter the proud pack of you hypocrites who perturb
the servants of God, and which of you who think yourselves
highest shall not deserve a death such as I now die? I
trust to God tb His pleasure, and that I shall be the hindmost

42 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
that shall suffer for this cause.' Then they pulled the tow
and let him fall in the fire, and so he burned. During the
following night the townspeople erected a heap of stones in
his memory, and, although the priests removed the stones in
the morning with threats of episcopal cursing, they were
replaced,^ for by this time 'began the people plainly to
damn such unjust cruelty,' *
It was not only at St. Andrews that these proceedings
roused indignation, A remonstrance was lodged with the
Regent,* who disavowed responsibility and professed to be
displeased with the cruelty of the bishops. As the sumraer
advanced another attempt was made to suppress heresy,
several ' heretics ' being called before the Regent and the
bishops to answer for their ' slanders anent the sacraments,
the authority of the Kirk and other articles of the catholic
religion ' ; * but the tide of public opinion had now changed,
and on September i the accused were rescued and their
accusers scattered by an angry crowd of Edinburgh citizens.^
Another futile attempt to deal with the ' heretics ' was made
in November,^ but at the close of the year a verdict was
pronounced upon the churchmen by two unexpected judges.
Certain ' temporal lords and barons,' who had no share in
the prevailing ' heresies ' and were attached to the institutions
of the Church, especially the mass, presented to the Regent
a memorial, representing that the enactments of James V
^ Knox, Works, i, 308 n,
^ The above narrative is taken from full accounts of the trial given by Foxe and
Pitscottie, supplemented by Knox and George Buchanan. There is no room for
questioning its accuracy. We have omitted particulars which Bellesheim and
Keith think doubtful. — Acts and Monuments, v. 644-7 ; Pitscottie, ii. 130-6;
Kekh, Affairs, i. 156-8; Knox, Works, i. 308; Bnchsunan, History, hook xvi.
c. 19 ; Bellesheim, ii. 235-6 ; Grub, ii. 52 ; Lang, History, ii. 42, The date of
the martyrdom was April 28, 1558.
' This was immediately after the martyrdom and is not to be confused with a
more sweeping remonstrance, lodged in November, which will be described in
next chapter.
* Lesley (S.T.S.), ii. 382; Pitscottie, ii. 137.
'' The proceedings will be narrated in the following chapter.
^ According to ^ Historie of the Estate of Scotland {Wodrow Miscellany, p. 55),
Hamilton (in the end of December) ordered the preachers to appear before him
at St. Andrews on February 2, but the Queen, fearing uproar, bade him delay
the matter ; Pitscottie, ii, 138, gives November 8 as the date. 'La.ng(Knox, pp,
87, 91) ignores Pitscottie, and says that the narrative of Knox is 'dislocated,'
M'Crie follows A Historie, in the Life of Knox, p, 152,

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 43
against 'the ungodly and dissolute lives of bishops and
clergy ' and the statutes of recent Provincial Councils had
borne little or no fruit, indeed that ' the Spiritual Estate
had rather deteriorated,' defying ' such persuasions as had
hitherto been used.' They urged that, in order to check
' open and manifest sins and notorious offences,' the secular
authority should enact as follows :
'That there be sermon in every parish church on all Sundays and holy
days, or at least on Christmas day, Easter day, Whitsunday and every
third or fourth Sunday : That no one be allowed to preach without due
examination of his doctrine, life and learning : That no curate or vicar
should in future be appointed unless he were qualified to read the
Catechism ^ plainly and distinctly : that the meaning of the sacraments
be explained before celebration : That Common Prayers with Litany in
the vernacular be said after mass and Evening Prayers in the afternoon :
That death-dues, church-dues and Easter offerings be made voluntary,
so that none be debarred from the sacraments by poverty : That the
procedure in bishops' courts be shortened and their costs reduced :
That in accordance with the Act of 1493^ appeals to Rome regarding
benefices be prohibited,'
The lords and barons showed that they were no revolu
tionists by urging at the close of their memorial :
' That no one be allowed to dishonour the divine service of the mass,
or to speak irreverently thereof : That no one should allow the sacra
ments to be administered except by persons duly ordained : That no
one should dare to burn, spoil or destroy churches, chapels, religious
houses or their ornaments, or to make innovations in the beloved
ceremonies and rites of Holy Kirk, and that no change be made in them
except by the magistrate and authorized churchmen.' ^
The Regent complied partially with the petition by an
edict published early in the following year,* and the
memorial was transmitted by her to the two archbishops,
with instructions to convene the Provincial Council ; but,
before the Council met, a more startling manifesto appeared.
In the sixteenth century the practice of intimating a revolt
1 Hamilton's Catechism, Manifestly the injunction that priests should prac
tise themselves in reading the Catechism had been ineffective.
2 See vol. i. 351-4,
=> The memorial is printed in J'^a/j'/fl.ii, 146-151, and FatxicU., Statutes, pp, 150-
160 ; Lesley gives a loose abstract (Bann. Club, ed,, p, 270),
* On February 9, liig.— Statuta, I. clvii, n, 3,

44 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
by affixing placards or bills to public buildings by night was
not unusual on the Continent,^ and now it reached Scotland.
On the morning of January i, 1559, the following placard,
known as ' the Beggars' Summons ' or Warning, appeared
on the gates of all friaries :
' The blind, crooked, bed-ridden, widows, orphans and all
OTHER poor, so USED BY THE HAND OF GOD THAT THEY CANNOT
WORK, TO THE FLOCKS OF ALL FrIARS WITHIN THIS REALM, WE
MAKE CLAIM FOR RESTITUTION OF WRONGS BY-PAST AND REFORMA
TION IN TIME COMING.
' Ye yourselves are not ignorant and, though ye would be, it is now,
thanks to God, known to the whole world by His infallible Word, that
the benignity or alms of all Christian people pertains to us alone ; which
ye, being sound of body, strong, sturdy and able to work, have falsely
stolen from us to our great torment alas ! . , , partly under pretence of
poverty, although ye possess all abundance, partly through cloaked and
hooded simplicity, although your proudness is known, and partly by
feigned holiness which now is declared to be superstition and idolatry.
Also, by your false doctrine and wresting of God's Word learned of your
father Satan, ye have induced the whole people, high and low, to believe
that to clothe, feed and nourish you is the only acceptable alms allowed
before God, and that one penny or one piece of bread once in the week
is enough for us. Even so ye have persuaded them to build for you
great hospitals and to maintain you therein by their purse, which pertains
by all law to us alone as having been built and gifted for the poor, among
whom ye cannot be reckoned by any law proceeding from nature, reason
or civil policy.
' Wherefore, seeing our number is so great, so indigent, and so heavily
oppressed by your false means, that none take care of our misery and
that it is better . to face you in plain controversy than to see you
hereafter, as ye have done before, steal from us our lodgings, while we
perish and die for want of the same : We have thought good, before we
enter into conflict with you, to warn you by this public writing, fastened
on your gates where ye now dwell, that ye remove furth of our said
hospitals betwixt this and the Feast of Whitsunday next ; so that we,
the only lawful proprietors thereof, may enter thereto and afterwards
enjoy these commodities of the Kirk which ye have hereunto wrongfully
holden from us ; certifying you that, if ye fail, we will at the said term
in whole number (with the help of God and the assistance of His saints
on earth, of whose ready support we doubt not) enter and take possession
^ Thus at Geneva, on June 9, 1532, after the publication of an indulgence by
Pope Clement vii, the doors of all churches were placarded with an offer of free
pardon conditioned only by repentance and faith; and on October 18, 1534,
the citizens of Paris found the walls of the main streets placarded with bills
denouncing the mass, — Lindsay, History of the Reformation, ii, 64, 145, .

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 45
of our said patrimony and eject you utterly furth of the same. Let him
" therefore that before has stolen steal no more, but rather let him work
with his hands, that he may be helpful to the poor."
^ From the whole cities, towns and villages of Scotland.^ '
Five months later it became clear that the challenge was
no empty threat, but this was understood at once by the
friars, for the Conventual Franciscans, eighty in number,
abandoned their friaries and migrated to the Netherlands.^
It was an ominous winter for churchmen, Lesley tells
how monstrous fish, such as the Scots of ancient days had
never seen, rose from the Forth and crept upon the coast ;
hailstones greater than ' dow (pigeons') eggs ' fell upon
many provinces from the high heaven and destroyed all
plants. In Lothian and Merse and other places a dragon
of marvellous greatness flew over the earth, spouting fire far
and wide, so that the people were compelled to watch their
barns that they might quench the fire which the dragon
spouted forth,* When the Council met on March i,,its pro
ceedings lacked interest, the Regent having by this time
taken the guidance of Church affairs into her own hands.
There was a meagre attendance, which the archbishops
attempted to increase by fulminating edicts against ab
sentees ; and the panic of the churchmen present was
manifest. ' Exceeding great and nefarious seditions,' wrote
Hamilton, ' prevailed among the people, who were going
utterly astray from the true faith. . . . Lutheranism, Calvin
ism, and many other wicked heresies were being propagated
everywhere and subverting the liberties, rights and privileges
of the Holy Kirk of Scotland.' The proceedings began with
the appointment of a special commission to enforce the law
against concubinage upon the two archbishops, who, the
decree states, were perhaps too freely indulgent to them
selves in virtue of their privileges and exemptions, while
laying grievous burdens on their reverend suffiagans and
the lower clergy. It is needless to recount the statutes
' Knox, Works, i. 320-1. In the above version ^ few sentences have been
simplified and a few clauses omitted.
2 The Scottish Grey Friars, i. 159, ii- I94- ' Lesley (S.T.S,), ii, 388,

46 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
which were passed ^ — thirty-three in number — because most
of them were repetitions of the statutes of 1549, and none of
them were operative ; ^ but the treatment given to the
barons' memorial is noteworthy, as an indication of the
extent to which the idea of reform was favoured. The
Council avowed that they had no power to concede the use
of the vernacular in public prayer, although they generously
left it to ' every man's discretion to use his private prayers
in what tongue pleased him best' As to appointments to
benefices, they said that, although they would be glad if
elections were made according to Canon law, they must
remit the matter to the Regent and her Council, since 'to
the princes principally pertained the nomination of prelates ' ;
nor could they improve upon the existing rules as to the
qualifications of priests for preaching. In response to the
petition that the meaning of the sacraments should be ex
plained before celebration, they agreed to issue ' Ane Godlie
Exhortation,' * in which a bald and harsh assertion of tran
substantiation was combined with a statement of the ethical
and spiritual requisites for true participation in Christ's
mystical body which the most suspicious Calvinist might
gladly have accepted. Thereafter they enacted that
preachers must conform to Church doctrine with regard to
fasting, veneration of the saints, purgatory and the
efficacy of masses for the dead. Before separating,* they
1 The statutes are printed in Statuta, ii. 153-176, and translated in Patrick,
Statutes, 163-190.
* Lesley says that the statutes were so vigorously enforced that many beneficed
men joined the Reformers, 'fearing themselves to be put at,' — Bann. Club ed,,
p. 271 ; S.T.S,, ii. 399- This, however, is an apologia for the old Church and
is at variance with facts.
8 Printed, with Preface by A. F. Mitchell, at the close oi Hamilton's Catechism ;
also in Statuta, ii. 177, and Knox, Works, vi. 676, Spottiswoode and others
have confused it with Hamilton's Catechism.
* M'Crie, Grub and Bellesheim erroneously suppose that the Provincial
Council also debated and answered the claim which the Reformers had presented
to the Regent. The error arises from the fact that Lesley gives two accounts of
the proceedings. In his earlier account, written 1561, followed in the above
narrative, there is no reference to a memorial from the Reformers, The later
narrative, published at Rome in 1578 in Latin, and translated by Father
Dalrymple in 1596, represents the memorial as coming from Protestants ; it is a
laboured apologia for the old Church, and introduces references to the Pope and
the Council of Trent which do not occur in his earher narrative, while it omits
mention of concessions made by the Council and of the fact that loyal churchmen

THE OLD FAITH AND THE NEW 47
made a payment to the Regent, ' on condition that she
would maintain them in their dignity,' ^
Bishop Lesley, who himself gravely required ' reformation
in morals,' alleges that many of the clergy were so alarmed
by the severity of the statutes that they ' assisted in the
overthrow of the catholic religion ' ; ^ but there is no trace
of any endeavour to make the statutes operative.* The
general estimate of the Council is shown in the title by
which its ' Godlie Exhortatioun ' became known, — ' The Two
penny Faith.'* The statutes were issued on April 10, but
the sittings were continued for three weeks. On May i,
according to a contemporary writer, ' the Council being well
set down in the Blackfriars of Edinburgh, one ran in and
assured them that John Knox, who was new come out of
France, had been all that night in the town : at the which
news they being all astonished rose suddenly from the board
where they sat and passed forth to the yard, being altogether
abashed and fearing the thing which came suddenly to pass ;
so cast down were they that they never met again to this
day.' 5
It was three hundred and twenty-seven years before
another Council claiming to represent the Roman Church
met in Scotland.® It is true that for a decade the Church
party resisted with occasional success the endeavours of the
made a demand for reform. In neither narrative is it suggested that there were
two memorials. Cf. Bann, Club ed,, p. 270, with S.T.S. ed,, ii. 397, A
Historie of the Estate of Scotland (p. 53) states that the Regent handed to
Hamilton a memorial presented by the Protestants in July, and George Buchanan
(History, bk, xvi. ch. 23) represents Erskine of Dun as appearing before the
Council, but at this point Buchanan's narrative is very loose. There is no other
ground for supposing that the Council dealt with Protestant claims, —
Statuta, ii, 300; Grub, ii. 56; Bellesheiin, ii, 240, 242; M'Crie, Knox, 153,
Hume Brown recognizes the significant difference between Lesley's two narra
tives,— iz/e of Knox, i. 343 ; Cambridge History of Literature, iii. 155.
' Knox ( Works, i. 307) says that ' some say the payment was 40,000 poundes ' •-
in A Historie (p. 56) it is said to have been ' within 15,000 poundes.'
2 Lesley (Bann. Clubed.), p, 271.
' ' It is open to doubt,' writes the Roman Catholic historian, 'whether those
measures could ever have been put into execution. . . . However wise and
salutary they were, it seemed as if they came too late to stem the rising flood.' —
Bellesheim, ii. 251, 252.
* So called because pedlars sold it for twopence. Buchanan {History, bk.
xvi. ch. 23) says that it was sometimes called ' The Three-farthing Faith '
(iriobolaris), and copies were affixed to all the church doors.
s A Historie of the Estate ofScotland, p. 56. "^ Bellesheim, ii. 251.

48 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
Reformers to reorganize and revive Ecclesia Scoticana, and
that they had considerable assistance from the Pope ; but
their motive and their methods were entirely political and
they made no claim to be a religious corporation. The
Church life of Romanism was extinct, not through external
assaults, but by spiritual atrophy and moral decay. When
we turn to trace the growth of Protestantism we shall be
considering a movement to which there was no serious
resistance on religious grounds. The next devoted
Romanists who appeared in Scotland were missionaries
labouring in partibus infidelium, not successors of pre-
Reformation Romanists.^
' When in 1563 the sessions of the Council of Trent were resumed, Queen
Mary explained that she could send no delegates ; some of the Scottish bishops
who were in France might attend , but the others were occupied in advising her
and protecting her life. The apology was presented by a French cardinal, —
Patrick, Statutes, 221-2,

CHAPTER XXV
PROGRESS OF REFORMATION
1546-1559
Knox at St, Andrews — His early eminence and his preaching— His
life in exile — Spread of Protestantism — The work of the preachers —
Religion of the gentry — Knox in England — His contentions and
their influence — Switzerland and Frankfort — Visit to Scotland —
Guidance of the Reformers — ' The face of a Kirk ' — Origin of the
eldership — Manifestations of reforming spirit and the First
Covenant — The Congregation and the Lords — The First Blast
and the Appellation — The Regent and the preachers — ' The battle
approacheth '—Return of Knox,
The company which gathered at St, Andrews was a mixed
one, representing the various forces which were opposed to
the regime of the Church. Besides the men who had taken
part in the slaughter of Beaton, there were some reckless
adventurers ' of corrupt life,' and matured patriots, like Sir
David Lyndsay, who had gradually come over to the party
of reformation ; but the convinced adherents of the new
faith were dominant, and public worship, with daily exposi
tion of Scripture, was from the first a prominent feature of
garrison life. It was conducted by John Rough, a friar who
had acted as chaplain to the Regent Arran at the stage
when the latter favoured the Reformers, and who, although
sincere ^ and popular, proved unfit for the position which he
now occupied. There was free communication between
castle and city, and in the parish church the old system was
defended by the theologians of the university and friary,
' Rough gave proof of his steadfastness ten years later in the Smithfield flames.
— Knox, Works, i. 187 n.
VOL. II. D

50 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
with whose arguments Rough deemed himself unable to
cope. But on April lO, eight days after the garrison had
spurned the Pope's ambiguous absolution,^ the balance of
parties was completely changed by the arrival of the man
who was destined to give shape and permanence to the
Scottish Reformation, and who even at this stage gave im
mediate proof of his extraordinary powers, John Knox
belonged to the social class which- in that generation rose
into freedom and influence. Born about 1 5 1 5 ^ n^^r
Haddington, he was in his own words ' a man of base estate
and condition ' and by ' nature churlish ' ; he had received a
university education and had been ordained to the priest
hood at the canonical age of twenty-five,* Although his
interests were exclusively religious, he never, as far as is
known, held a cure of souls,* but found occupation as an
apostolical notary and as tutor to families which inclined
towards the reforming party. An admiring adherent of
George Wishart, whose dangers he had attempted to
share,^ he had after Wishart's martyrdom been forced
to escape from Longniddry :
' Wearied of removing from place to place by reason of the persecution
that came upon him by the Bishop of St, Andrews, he was determined
to leave Scotland and to visit the schools of Germany. (Of England
then he had no pleasure, because, although the Pope's name was sup
pressed, his laws and corruptions remained in full vigour,) But because
he had the care of some gentlemen's children, whom for certain years he
had nourished in godhness, their fathers solicited him to go to St.
Andrews, that himself might have the benefit of the castle and their
' See page 19.
^ In histories written before the Quatercentenary celebrations of 1 905,
Knox's birth is almost always dated as 1505, but the careful investigations
of Dr. Hay Fleming have proved that he was born not earlier than 1513,
probably in 1515. — Lindsay, History of the Reformation, ii. 285.
* Fanciful accounts of Knox's youth and early manhood, based upon Beza's
hones, appear in his early biographies ; they include the statement accepted by
M'Crie and favoured by Hill Burton that he was deposed from the priesthood.
But documents published in 1862 discredit such statements. His life prior to
1540 is a blank. In that year he was a notary, and as late as 1543 he was both
' Saytctiandreae dioceseos notarius' and ' sacri altaris viinister.' — Hume Brown,
John Knox, i. 58. Even the university at which he studied is uncertain.
•* Hume Brown thinks that Knox was 'probably' tutor at Samuelston, near
Haddington, from 1540 to 1543, and 'supposes ' that, since there was a small
chapel there, he officiated as chaplain, — Ibid., i. 58> 59,
* See vol. i, 477,

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 51
children the benefit of his doctrine ,; and so came he, at the time afore
said to the said place and . . . began to exercise the children after his
accustomed manner. Besides their grammar and other humane authors
he read unto them a catechism, account whereof he caused them to give
publicly in the parish church of St. Andrews, He read, moreover,
unto them the Evangel of John, proceeding where he had left off at
Longniddry, and that lecture he gave in the chapel within the castle at
a certain hour. They of the place, but especially Master Henry Bal-
navis and John Rough, preacher, perceiving the manner of his doctrine,
began earnestly to travail with him, that he would take the preaching
place upon him. But he utterly refused, alleging that he would not run
where God had not called him, meaning that he would do nothing with
out a lawful vocation.' ^
The proceedings that followed are carefully detailed by
Knox, who regarded it as important ^ to show that he was
reluctant to undertake the office of preacher, to hira the
weightiest of all offices. After taking counsel with Sir
David Lyndsay, Rough, when Knox was present, preached
a sermon upon the election of ministers, giving proof that
congregations were entitled to appoint ministers in whom
they saw ' the gifts of God,' and, turning upon Knox, warned
him of the danger of refusing a vocation to promote ' the
glory of God, the increase of Christ's kingdom, and the
edification of his brethren.' In closing, Rough appealed
to the congregation :
' Was not this your charge to me ? And do ye not approve of this
vocation? They answered, It was, and we approve. Whereat the said
John, abashed, burst forth in most abundant tears and withdrew himself
to his chamber. His countenance and behaviour, from that day till the
day that he was compelled to present himself in the public place of
preaching, did sufficiently declare the grief and trouble of his heart ; for
no man saw any sign of mirth in him, neither had he pleasure to
accompany any man, many days together,' '
Although now convinced of his duty, he still shrank
from preaching, and thought it enough to furnish argu
ments in writing for a keen controversy in which Rough
was involved in the parish church with the Principal of
1 Knox, Works, i. 185-6.
'^ In writing his History, Knox shows a master's craft in avoiding details which
do not illuminate his narrative. It is from his private correspondence, as a rule,
that biographical particulars must be gathered,
' Knox, Works, i, 187-8,

52 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
St. Leonards ; but when the controversy culminated in
an offer from Rough, speaking in Knox's name,^ to prove
the degeneracy of the Roman Church, the congregation
demanded that the proof should be given orally, and on
the following Sunday Knox delivered his first sermon.
The impression made upon the hearers varied. Some
thought that the preacher had incurred the doom of
Wishart ; some recognized that the time for defending
the Church by fire had passed. Some said, ' Others sned
[pruned] the branches of the papistry, but he strikes at
the root to destroy the whole,' At the instigation of
Hamilton, who had been appointed, but not yet consecrated,
to the see of St. Andrews, the Vicar-General, Wynram,
summoned Knox and Rough to a convention, where they
were called to account for nine dogmas which they had
set forth : —
I. No mortal man can be head of the Church,
2. The Pope is an antichrist, and so is not a member of Christ's
mystical body.
3. Man may neither make nor devise a religion acceptable to God,
but is bound to observe and keep the religion received from God, without
chopping or changing thereof.
4. The sacraments of the New Testament ought to be ministered as
they were instituted by Christ and practised by His Apostles ; nothing
ought to be added unto them : nothing ought to be diminished from
them, 5, The mass is abominable idolatry, blasphemous to the death of
Christ, and a profanation of the Lord's Supper.
6. There is no purgatory, in which the souls of men can either be
pained or purged after this life ; but heaven remains for the faithful and
hell for the reprobate and unthankful.
7. Praying for the dead is vain, and praying to the dead is idolatry.
8. There are no bishops unless they preach even by themselves
without any substitute.
9. The teinds by God's law do not appertain of necessity to the
kirkmen. Each of these dogmas should be carefully noted as
representing opinions which, with very slight variations,
Knox raaintained till his death, and which indeed he
I This seems to be the most reasonable explanation of Knox's narrative. It
is just possible that he took part in the debate viva voce, although he writes as
if his sermon on the following Sunday had been his first public utterance.

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 53
impressed upon Ecclesia Scoticana, The Vicar-General,
who himself was passing over from the position stated in
Hamilton's Catechism to the new theology, proved unable
to face Knox, and a Franciscan to whom he handed on
the argument failed even more completely, allowing himself
to be driven into the statement that the Apostles were
inspired ' not when they wrote their Epistles but when they
ordained ceremonies.' Thwarted in argument, the Church
party raade arrangeraents which excluded Knox from
preaching in the parish church on Sundays, but by week
day sermons, probably preached in the chapel of the castle,
he so well maintained his ground that many of the towns
people joined the garrison in celebrating Communion in
the Reformed fashion.
This, however, was but a temporary triumph. When the
castle fell, Knox was one of those who were carried captive
to France to spend nineteen months in the galleys,^ the
prisoners of higher rank being imprisoned in castles. To
the sufferings of those months he referred only once after
wards, speaking of the ' torments he sustained and the sobs
of his heart.' ^ Indeed his mastery when in this pitiful
plight was wonderful. Attempts were made to force the
prisoners to take part in what they regarded as idolatry.
Once, at Nantes, when they refused to adore the Virgin, an
image of her was thrust into the face of ' one of the Scottish
men then chained,' who, ' seeing the extremity,' cast it into
the river, saying, ' " Let our Lady now save herself; she is
light enough ; let her learn to swim." After that, was no
Scottish man urged with that idolatry.' * Besides upholding
his neighbours in the galleys in such stout resistance, Knox
gave sound counsel to prisoners of higher rank. When
Kirkaldy of Grange, imprisoned at Cherbourg, consulted
him, he advised that escape from prison was legitimate
provided that there was no bloodshed ; but his guidance of
another prisoner deserves closer attention. Henry Balnavis,
a Scot of social distinction, educated in Flanders and
Germany, had reached the dignity of a Lord of Session
^ See page 19. ^ Knox, Works, i, 349. ' Ibid., i. 227,

54 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
in 1538 and acted as Secretary of State under Arran, An
adherent of the ' English party,' he had received money
from Henry VIII, had been one of those who planned the
attack upon Beaton, and at St, Andrews had joined Rough
and Lyndsay in urging Knox to preach. While a politician
whose contrivances may well be censured, he was a deeply
religious man ; and in his imprisonment he composed and
subraitted to Knox an extreraely able treatise on ' Justifica
tion by Faith,' including in it a competent discussion of such
topics as the apostolical rights claimed by bishops and the
title of princes to control the religion of their subjects,^
His definitions and conclusions are all worthy of the
attention of close students of the times, but his treatment
of Justification 2 appeared to Knox the most important
part of the treatise for the Reformers in Scotland, and he
despatched it to them with a brief abstract, as ' a most
profitable treatise,' showing ' how the troubled raan should
seek refuge at his God, thereto led by faith.' That a man
like Balnavis should have occupied himself when so situated
in writing such a work is sufficient to prove the superficiality
of the contention that Reformers of his class had no personal
interest in religious questions, while the fact that this was
the comfort and guidance which Knox attempted to give
his countrymen in his absence discloses his conviction that
the foundation and bulwark of the Reformation must stand
in the acceptance and maintenance of the Reformed doctrine.*
He had no other coraraunication with them for six years.
The thought of Scotland was always with him. On one
^ Balnavis ascribes to princes the duty of 'restoring the true, pure and sincere
Christian religion and abolishing, destroying and putting down all false worship
and superstition.' — Knox, Works, iii. 528.
'¦^ ' The substance of Justification is to cleave and stick fast by our God, knowing
Him our Maker and Creator, and to believe firmly and undoubtedly that we are
not righteous nor just of ourselves nor yet by our works, which are less than we,
but by the help of the only-begotten Son of God, who has delivered and
redeemed us from death, the devil and sin, and has given us eternal life . . At
every time aud hour the said Article is to be driven and inculcate in the ears of
the faithful as it were a trumpet.'
' The treatise is printed in Knox, Works, iii. 431-542. How far it was
circulated in Scotland is uncertain; Knox says that it was 'suppressed.' —
Works, i. 227, It was republished in 1584 from a copy found by a child in the
garden of Ormiston, the home of one of Knox's 'bairns,' The treatise had
reached his early patrons at least.

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 55
voyage which the galley took, it reached the coast between
Dundee and St. Andrews, He was in extrerae weakness
at the time, likely it seemed to die, and a Scot, perhaps
meaning to cheer him, asked if he knew the coast ' Yes,'
he replied, ' 1 know it well ; for I see the steeple of that
place where God first in public opened my mouth to His
glory, and I am fully persuaded, weak as I now appear, that
I shall not depart this life till that my tongue shall glorify
His godly name in the same place,' Yet when he was
liberated in 1549, it was in England that he found a home,
with occupations so strenuous that he seemed to forget his
native land.
Meanwhile, however, the Reformed doctrine made way
rapidly in Scotland. Between 1547 and 1549 there was
some deliberate propagandism by the English invaders,^
' cartloads ' of Bibles being imported into Fife and Angus ;
and, although such influences were checked by hostility to
the invaders, yet, when in 1550 the English troops were
withdrawn, the progress of Protestantism becarae rapid, ^ It
was raanifestly appealing by its own strength to classes
which in England clung to the old Church and resented the
reforms dictated by Government, This contrast is clearly
set forth in a letter written to Randolph by a Protestant
visitor in May 1 5 5 1 :
' There appears to be great firmness and no little religion among the
people ; but in the chiefs one can see little else than cruelty and ignor
ance, for they resist and oppose the truth in every possible way. . . .
Greater numbers of the commonalty are rightly persuaded as to true
religion than among us in England. This seems to be a strange state
of things, that among the English the ruling powers are virtuous and
godly {i.e., Protestant), but the people have for a long time been most
contumacious {i.e., opposed to Protestantism) ; while in Scotland, on the
contrary, the rulers are most ferocious, but the nation at large is virtuous
and exceedingly well disposed towards our most holy reUgion.' ^
One of the most effective agencies was the ballad literature
' See page 19.
'^ Attempts at ' forcible conversion ' continued till 1 5 5 1 . ' Dorset is gone into
Scotland with 300 cavalry and some good preachers, principally to instruct and
enlighten in religion that part of the country which has been subdued during the
last few years.'— John ab Ulmis to Bullinger, Original Letters (Parker Society),
ii. 428, ' nid., ii, 434-5,

56 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
in which the new truths found voice. The Gude and Godlie
Ballatis of the Wedderburns, published about 1542,^ became
the nucleus of a growth of song in the vernacular, which
Provincial Councils and parliament in vain attempted to
check,^ Some of the ballads were translations of Lutheran
hymns, some were original ; some were quaint renderings
of old Scottish love-ditties into the language of religion,*
They had a two-fold aim and character. While many of
them were denunciatory and consisted in fierce and some
times coarse attacks upon the immorality and greed of
bishops and priests, others were pathetic, devotional and
mystical, appealing to conscience with directness and fervour.*
But they all were distinctively popular, so much so that they
can scarcely be ranked as literature and may indeed easily
be ridiculed. Yet their value in simplifying doctrine and
bringing it home to the rustic and artisan classes was
immeasurable.* In the five years that followed the fall of St. Andrews
Castle there seem to have been no preachers of note in
Scotland, but on the accession of Mary Tudor to the English
throne an important addition was made to the forces of
evangelism. Although Edwardine Protestantism had no
direct influence upon Scotland, some of its most active
agents had been fugitive Scotsmen ; and several of them,
when the Marian persecutions broke out, returned to their
native land, practised in the art of preaching. Four of these
gained positions of special prominence. John Willock, a
friar who had been driven from Scotland by Beaton in
1534,^ was a raan of some patristic attainment,' skiUed in
' See vol. i. 461.
^ For the enactment of the Provincial Council of 1549 and the ' Act anent
Printers' of 1552, see pages 27 and 29.
* Henderson, Scottish Vernacular Literature, pp. 271 ff. ; Lang, History, ii.
32 ff.
* A specimen of each type of ballad will be found in Note P, p. 94,
' Even Lesley recognizes the ballads as among the causes of the increasing
tumult ; he classes them with the ' English books and treatises which were given
forth by the preachers to stir sedition, ' — Historie (Bann, Club, ed, ), p, 269.
^ See vol, i, 454,
' The Marquis of Dorset and Willock were the recipients of the two copies
of BuUinger's Fifth Decade, brought to Scotland by John ab Ulmis. — Lorimer,
John Knox and the Church of England, p. 44.

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 57
medicine and versed in affairs. When he fled from England
in 1553 he found employment for a time with the Duchess
of Friesland, but being sent by her twice to the Scottish
Court on some trade business, he preached occasionally to
the adherents of reform and was closely associated with
Knox. Ultimately ' that notable man,' as Knox calls him,
settled in Scotland (1558), to become, both then and at a
later stage, one of the bravest and mOst skilful of leaders.^
Another friar who became prominent at this stage was
John Douglas, a Carmelite, who preached under the alias of
' Grant ' ; he was, like WUlock, a raan of scholarly gifts, and
was as acceptable when teaching the children of barons as
when preaching to Leith sailors,^ WiUiam Harlaw, on the
other hand, was 'a plain and unlearned man,' whom churchmen
derided because originally he had been a tailor in Edinburgh ;
but, when a fugitive in England, he was ordained as deacon
in the Edwardine Church, and, on his return to Scotland in
1554 or 1555, became noted for his preaching in Edinburgh
and the neighbourhood,* To the same class belonged the
chief Dundee Reformer of the period, Paul Methven, a baker,
who when in exile came under the influence of Miles Cover-
dale, and on his return was held in high honour as ' a mild
man who preached the Evangel of grace and remission of
sins with great persuasiveness,' * It was through the zeal
of such men, who came to be known definitely as 'the
preachers,' that the movement spread. Taking no share in
politics, they ministered to ' companies ' which gradually
increased in number and in size. Lesley describes them
contemptuously as ' stirring up the rude people, the unlearned
and the blind with their gukit (stupid), unwise and glaiket
(foolish) preachings in chimney-nooks, secret holes and sic
^ Wodrow Miscellany, i. 261-4; 'R\ime'Qto-wn, John Knox, i. 290; Knox,
Works, i. 245 ; Lang, History, ii, 46,
^ David Laing shows that Keith and others have been wrong in identifying
this man with John Douglas, provost of St, Mary's College from 1551 till 1572.
The able letter to Archbishop Hamilton printed in Knox, Works, i. 281-290,
was no doubt from his pen,
» M'Crie, Knox, p, 104 ; Knox, Works, i. 245, 256 ; Keith, Affairs, i. 150.
•» Panmure Register, i. p, xxxii ; Knox, Works, vi, 532. The catastrophe in
which Methven's career closed will be narrated in a later chapter.

58 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
private places.' ^ But the need for secrecy varied with the
mood and temper of churchmen in different localities, and
in the principal burghs they had as a rule liberty of speech.
In Dundee, for example, the Church authorities attempted
in 1554 to withdraw children from a school in which they
were imbibing ' heretical ' ideas ; but the Town CouncU in
tervened in the interests of the heretic and in defiance of a
sentence of cursing pronounced by the Archbishop's Court.^
The Scottish gentry who favoured Reformation varied so
greatly in their religious character that it is impossible to
describe them accurately in terms either of censure or of
praise.* Several of thera were as genuine in their Protes
tantism as Balnavis, who has been mentioned already. Their
leader at this stage, Alexander, fifth earl of Glencairn, had
written against the Franciscans as early as 1540, and in
1 543 had been denounced by churchmen as ' an avowed
favourer of Christ's word and doctrine.' * He was one of
those who plotted the destruction of Beaton, and, according
to Knox, he protested publicly against the execution of
Adam Wallace. Equally consistent in favouring the Re
formers were the fourth Earl of Argyll, who, till his death
in 1558, harboured the preacher Douglas in his castle, and
his son the fifth earl,^ With these must be ranked the
young Prior of St, Andrews, James Stewart, natural son of
James V, who had already given promise, by his bravery in
battle and his steady forcefulness in politics, of the career
which earned for him the title ' Good Regent Moray,' Only
gross blindness or bias can place these men among ' political
' Lesley (S.T.S,), ii. 397. There is not a shadow of foundation for
Lesley's statement that the preachers were imported from Germany by the
Lords; not one of them came from Germany. — Cf Historie (Bann, Club ed.),
pp. 261-266.
^ Edgar, History of Early Scottish Education, pp. 1 16-17.
' Froude has erred gravely by generalizing about the Scottish barons.
Having described them as men who ' passed into the new era unshackled with
the memories of superstition and for the most part with a noble desire for
some faith in which they could live as honest men,' he proceeds to designate
the same men as ' gaunt and hungry nobles, careless most of them of God or
devil, who eyed the sleek and well-fed clergy like a pack of famished wolves.'
— History of England, vi, 219, 226.
* State Papers, Sadleyr, i. 83.
^ Hume Brown, Life of Knox, i, 329 ; Lang, History, i. 407 ff.

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 59
adventurers who used religious watchwords to conceal their
ambitions and their avarice.' On the other hand, they had
as allies men to whom such language may be applied with
propriety. The evasions and equivocations of Lord Erskine,
afterwards Regent Mar, are farailiar to all readers of political
history. Sir Williara Kirkaldy of Grange showed himself
a hero in the battle-field and was for a time extremely de
ferential to Knox, but the very highest praise that can be
assigned to his public actions is that he was tolerably
consistent in opposing the influence of France.^ The
subordination of religion to secular interests became still
more notorious in the devices and gyrations of Sir William
Maitland (b. 1528), generally styled ' Lethington ' from his
hereditary estate in the neighbourhood of Haddington. The
son of a courtier who had held the Privy Seal, Lethington
was educated on the Continent and developed his high
natural abilities by versatile study of raodern, ancient and
Biblical lore to a pitch which justified Queen Elizabeth in
calling him 'the flower of the wits ofScotland.' He entered
the service of Mary of Lorraine in 1554, and became a
meraber of the Privy Council. Repeatedly he represented
Scotland in public and private negotiations with conspicuous
skill, and over the Regent he acquired such influence that
when in 1 5 5 8 he becarae her Secretary of State he was said
to ' rule her body and soul.' ^ His political aim was to
uphold her in power while checking her endeavour to
increase the authority of France in Scotland, and he claimed
afterwards to have sought from the first for union with
England.* That he was interested in the religious conten
tions of his time and, generally, favourable to the Reforraation
is indisputable, but it is also certain that when political
issues were at stake, he was ready to regard religion as ' a
bogle of the nursery.' *
' Henry II of France spoke of Kirkaldy as ' one of the most valiant men of
our age.' His career is succinctly narrated by L. Barbe in the 'Famous Scots'
Series. ^ Hume, Spanish Calendar, i. 38.
3 State Papers, Scotland {iSo<)-i6os), i. 610.
* The picturesque biography of Lethington by Skelton requires to be checked
by the results of recent investigations, which are collected in E. Russell's
Maitland of Lethington.

6o HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
The forces we have indicated were all adverse to the
influence of churchraen and told steadily both upon the
governing classes and upon the governed ; but they lacked
solidity until, in 1 5 5 5, Knox suddenly reappeared in Scotland,
with unaltered convictions but widened experience and an
established reputation. His experiences in England, Switzer
land and Germany, although highly important biographically,
have a place in this volume only so far as they affected his
policy,! aj,(j ^ay therefore be sumraarized briefly.
On the accession of Edward Vl, the intercession of the
English government secured the liberation of all the
Scottish prisoners. Knox, who was set free before the
others, became at once a strenuous agent in the endeavours
of Edward VI and his ministers to establish Protestantism
in England, In a Record Office list of April 7, 1549, he
appears among preachers licensed by the government, which
was sadly in need of help, owing to the antagonism of most
of the English prelates, the incapacity of the parish priests
and the attachment of the populace to Roman usages,^ He
discharged this office, first at Berwick and thereafter at
Newcastle, with such effectiveness that in December 1 5 5 1
he was appointed one of six royal preachers or chaplains,
who being ' accounted,' says Burnet, ' the most zealous and
ready preachers of that time, were sent about as itinerants
to supply the defects of the greatest part of the clergy, who
were generally very faulty.' In a private letter written in
1553 he avowed penitently that he ' failed to speak the truth
of God with sufficient boldness,' * and in after years he
lamented that in England he had not been plain of speech ; *
but his standard in such matters was unlike that of other
' In this respect Knox is an admirable model ; so scrupulously does he avoid
in his History all details about himself which have not a clear bearing upoH his
narrative. On his work in England, see 'Lorimer, John Knox and the Church
of England. His movements on the Continent are fully narrated by Hume
Brown (John Knox, i. 151-258),
' In 1551 Hooper reported that out of 311 clergy in his diocese, 171 could
not repeat the Ten Commandments and 27 did not know who was author of the
Lord's Prayer. — English Historical Review, ¦a.-x.. 98 ff. In 1549 he described
' the people ' as ' a many-headed monster . , . fascinated by the inveiglement
of the bishops and the malice and impiety of the mass-priests. ' — Lorimer, p, 13,
^ Lorimer, p, 42, * Pollard, Political History of England, p. 77.

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 6i
men. As early as 1550 he was called upon to justify his
violent denunciations of the mass ; again and again he was
brought into trouble by the unaccommodating character of
his doctrine, and even when preaching before the court, his
criticisms of the equivocations and compromises of the
government had distinctive stringency. In 1552 the vacant
bishopric of Rochester was pressed upon him, and in 1553
he was presented to the vicarage of AUhallows, Bread Street,
which had for some time been recognized as the principal
platform for Protestant preaching.^ Although he refused
both appointments, there was no abatement in his zeal.
His preaching office terminated with the death of Edward vi,
but he was reluctant to leave England, which seemed to him
to be suffering shipwreck, and he continued to preach in
Buckinghamshire and elsewhere, when most of the Reforming
preachers had fled. It was only in March 1554 that he
sailed for the Continent, carrying with him an abiding
concern in the religion of the EngUsh people, and leaving
with his opponents bitter recollections of his influence.
The reasons which led Knox to refuse the high offices
which were tendered to him are sufficiently plain. When
called before the Privy Council to justify his refusal of the
benefice of AUhallows, he stated explicitly that he thought
that his services would be more valuable elsewhere than
in London, that Northumberland 'had given a contrary
command,' and that, besides, a parish clergyman in England
had not authority to exercise discipline over his flock, which
was ' a chief point of a clergyman's office ' ; yet he could not
refuse 'to promote God's glory in utterance of Christ's
gospel' ^ His refusal of the bishopric of Rochester was due
to similar reasons. The proposal to promote him was a
diplomatic move on the part of Northumberland, who
desired to have Knox in the south in order ' to quicken and
sharp the Bishop of Canterbury' and confound the Ana
baptists, and also to withdraw him from the north, where
' AUhallows had been the scene of the preaching of Launcelot Saunders. —
Gairdner, Lollardy and the Reformation, iv. 345, 346.
2 Calderwood, Historie, i, 280.

62 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
his preaching was becoming a nucleus of those who would
not comply with the government's enactments, and who
were being augmented by Scotsmen attracted to Newcastle
by his forceful eloquence. He interviewed Knox on the
subject unsuccessfully, reporting to Cecil that he ' loved not
to have to do with men which be neither grateful nor pleas-
able,' 1 Knox suspected and disliked the policy of Somerset
and Northumberland and declined to become involved in it
by taking an official part in the guidance and administration
of the Church, ' What moved me to refuse and that with
displeasure of all men was . . . assuredly the foresight of
trouble to come. How oft have I said unto you that the
time would not be long that England would give rae bread.' ^
At this stage he raised no objection on principle to the
office or title of bishop, recognizing the place of the
episcopate in the New Testaraent Church ; but he regarded
it as the primary function of a bishop to feed the Church of
God (Acts XX. 28), and the food which the flock required
was the preaching of the Word.* As for himself, he was by
this tirae conscious that his work lay in preaching, and he
declined to be involved in those diplomatic and administra
tive occupations which were the portion of the bishops of
the time,* just as, eight years later in the Scottish Church,
he refused the office of superintendent which he himself had
^ Tytler, England under Edward VI and Mary, ii. 142-8.
' Kiiox, Works, iii. 122. Lang (John Knox, p. 36), who misquotes the
passage, ascribes Knox's refusal to reluctance ' to face the fire of persecution' —
a preposterous explanation ; a bishop's dangers were not to be compared with
a preacher's, ^ The same view of episcopacy was expressed in Balnavis' treatise which
Knox sent to Scotland in 1548 with cordial commendation, A special chapter
of the treatise deals with the office of ' bishop or minister,' censuring bishops
who ' mix themselves with worldly matters ' and fail to preach the Word,
Balnavis discusses apostolical succession, not as it is discussed in the twentieth
century ; the question is as to the power of the Pope to confer the succession
upon bishops : he argues that the true succession is secured by the discharge of
function, not by 'a politic or ceremonial succession.' To 'episcopacy' he,
like Knox, raises no objection, — Knox, Works, iii. 460, 531 ff,
* In A Brief Exhortation, pubUshed as late as 1559, Knox objects to the
'yearly coming of bishops to parliament,' and derides 'the glorious titles of
lords and the devilish pomp of proud prelates ' ; but he makes no proposal for
the abolition of the office. Among the items essential to ' a severe reformation '
he includes a subdivision of every bishopric into ten, so that ' every city and
great town' may have a godly learned man with so many joined with him, for
preaching and instruction as may be thought sufficient,' — Works, v. 518, 519,

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 63
instituted. His motives, indeed, closely resembled those
which led St, Augustine to evade episcopal office until it
was dexterously imposed upon him by the aged Bishop of
Hippo, The principal contendings of Knox in England were with
regard to the established order of worship, especially the
observance of holy communion ; and his attitude on this
matter must be defined, as it affected the Scottish Church
permanently. In the First Prayer Book of Edward VI.^
which received royal sanction a few weeks before his settle
ment in England, the identity of the Lord's Supper with the
mass was assumed,^ and kneeling, although not prescribed,
was the posture implied. To this whole conception Knox
was resolutely opposed.* At Berwick, and probably at
Newcastle, he administered the Supper as he had ad
ministered it at St, Andrews, the communicants sitting as
at ' a table,' not kneeling before an altar, and emphasis
being in ether ways laid upon the difference between the
Supper and the mass.* In April 1550 he gave public
account, before the Bishop of Durham, of his teaching, that
the mass is ' vain, false and deceivable , . . expressly con
trary to the Lord's Supper.' ^ The use of the First Prayer
Book was nowhere rigidly enforced, and in the north of
England, largely through Knox's influence, was infrequent.
The Second Prayer Book of Edward VI ^ was prepared
under the influence of Hooper and k Lasco, and avoided
many expressions which recall the mass, but at one point
Knox condemned it strenuously — the injunction that com
municants should partake kneeling. His objection was not
to the posture, which he admitted to be optional, but to the
implication that the body and blood of the Lord are to be
adored by communicants as actually present. In the
^ ' The Booke of the Common Prayer and Administracion oj the Sacramentes '
(1549)- ^ The title of the sacrament was explicit, viz, , ' The Supper of the Lorde,
and the holy Communion commonly called the Masse,' ' See page 65.
* See letter to the congregation of Berwick, quoted in Lorimer, pp, 251-265.
^ Knox, Works, iii. 61, 64.
^ ' The Boke of Common Prater and administracion oj the Sacramentes '
(1552)-

64 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
autumn of 1552, when the book was in the press, it feU to
him to preach before the King at Windsor ; and in his sermon
he set forth his objection with such persuasive force that,
although the injunction to kneel was retained, the Privy
Council added an explanation, styled afterwards by those
who adhered to medieval doctrine ' the Black Rubric,' which
expressed the mind of Knox and left the impress of his
trenchant style ^ upon the standards of the English Church, ^
Since the teaching of the rubric prevailed for at least a
century in Scotland, its words must be recorded :
' Although no order can be so perfectly devised but it may be of some,
either for their ignorance and infirmity, or else of malice and obstinacy,
misconstrued, depraved and interpreted in a wrong part, and yet
because brotherly charity willeth that, so much as conveniently may be,
offences should be taken away, therefore we willingly do the same :
Whereas it is ordained in the book of common prayer in the administra
tion of the Lord's Supper that the communicants kneeling should receive
the holy Communion, which thing being well meant for a signification
of the humble and grateftil acknowledging of the benefits of Christ given
unto the worthy receiver, and to avoid the profanation and disorder
which about the holy Communion might else ensue ; yet, lest the same
kneeling might be thought or taken otherwise, we do declare that it is
not meant thereby that any adoration is done or ought to be done either
unto the sacramental bread or wine there bodily received, or unto any
real and essential presence' there being of Christ's natural flesh and
blood. For as concerning the sacramental bread and wine they remain
still in their very natural substances and therefore may not be adored
for that were idolatry to be abhorred of all faithful Christians. And as
concerning the natural body and blood of our Saviour Christ, they are
in heaven and not here ; for it is against the truth of Christ's true
natural body to be in more places than in one at the same time.'
This repudiation not only of transubstantiation but of the
Lutheran doctrine was unquestionably due to Knox's influ
ence. ' The runagate Scot,' said Weston in his exaraination
of Latimer at Oxford, 'did take away the adoration or
' Lorimer, however (p. 120), detects in the rubric the spirit and the style of
Cranmer. * The rubric was entered in the Acts of Privy Council, although it had not
the authority of parliament or Convocation. — Gairdner, History of English
Church, iv. 308; Gee, Elizabethan Prayer Book, p. 131. In the Prayer Book
of 1559 it was omitted because it 'had played havoc with the eucharistic
doctrine.' — Frere, History of English Church, v. 28. In 1662 it was restored
with slight alterations, and it still retains its place. — W. H. Hutton, /iJ/rf., vi. 190,
• In 1662 'real and essential presence' was changed into 'corporal presence,'

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 65
worshipping of Christ in the sacrament ; so much prevailed
that one man's authority at that time.' ^ Knox himself was
satisfied with what he had secured. At the end of 1552 he
wrote to the congregation of Berwick that in the interests
of peace they might acquiesce in faulty forms of worship
provided that the civil powers gave public assurance that
sound doctrine was not thereby prejudiced. Although he
much preferred sitting at the Lord's table, he was ' not
minded to break or trouble common order for the mainten
ance of that one thing,' and he advised the congregation to
defer to the ' godly raagistrates ' who were ' seeking to
promote God's glory.' ^ Although he asserts that he ' will
not give place to man or angel in the chief points of
religion,' he accepts generally the view which prevailed
among Englishmen that it lay with the civil powers to
determine religious issues and to regulate worship, and sets
forth the evils of schism and the need for guarding national
unity in language suggestive of the temper which led
England to acquiesce almost blindly in religious changes
dictated by sovereigns.*
It is not strange that Knox's view of the authority of
magistrates changed when they ceased to be ' godly ' and
were represented by Mary Tudor ; yet the change was slow
and deliberate. When, in March 1 5 54, he fled from England,
his mind was filled with the subject, and he made his way to
Switzerland, to consult the leaders of the Reforraation —
first, Calvin at Geneva, and then Bullinger at Ziirich, The
' Acts and Monuments, vi, 510, Townsend, the editor of Foxe, with Words
worth and others, held that the * runagate Scot ' was Alexander Alesius (see
vol, i. 463), but Alesius was not in England after 1540. Lorimer (p. 134) has
placed it beyond dispute that Knox was the ' runagate. ' Cf Gairdner, History of
English Church, iv. 308. Knox has also been credited with the omission from
the Forty-two Articles of Religion of a declaration that all the ceremonies pre
scribed in the Prayer Book were consistent with the ' liberty of the Gospel.' A
remonstrance against any such declaration was certainly lodged, but Knox's share
in the remonstrance is indistinct.— Lorimer, p. no ff. ; Hume Brown, Knox, i.
130-2. ^ Lorimer, pp, 251-265, ,„,.,,,., , . ,
3 A Spanish ambassador reported that the English discharge their duty to
their prince by Uving as he Uves, believing what he believes, and doing whatever
he commands, , , They would do the like by the Mahommedan or Jewish
creed..'— Venetian Calendar, \i.,-loi?,, 1074-S; Pollard, p, 131-2. The English
people 'acquiesced tamely in Mary's Romamsm,'— Gairdner, Lollardy, iv. 371,
399- VOL, II, ^

66 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
questions which he asked, although propounded in the
abstract, referred plainly to the situation which had arisen
in England and in Scotland, and showed that he had the
latter country mainly in mind. He desired an opinion as
to the rights of royal minors and the title of queens to
transfer their sovereignty to their husbands ; but, besides, he
asked a question which was pregnant with meaning as regards
Scottish affairs : whether noblemen {proceres) were entitled
to use their military resources in repelling from themselves
and their friends the ungodly violence of a ' magistrate ' who
enforced idolatry and condemned the true religion, and
whether godly persons should attach themselves to a
religious nobleman who resisted an ungodly sovereign.^
Calvin's reply is not extant ; and Bullinger cautiously
recommended prayer and discretion in matters that affected
civil order, saying that every case should be decided as it
arose in view of circurastances, Knox, however, was
gradually reaching a more definite conclusion, and at this
stage published two letters ^ to his friends in England,
denouncing Mary Tudor and her advisers with a vehemence
which is said to have fanned the fury of persecution and to
have been regretted by the English Protestants. His next
experiences still further sharpened his judgments. At
Geneva, to which he returned at the beginning of August,
he found Calvin at the last stage of his struggle with the
Town Council for the independence of the Church, and so
learned how little ' rulers ' could be trusted even when they
were Protestant magistrates. After a few weeks spent in the
company of ' that singular instrument of God ' — so he termed
Calvin before making his acquaintance — he reluctantly under
took a mission which proved eventful, not for hira only,
^ Knox, Works, iii, 221-6,
2 Both letters were written from Dieppe in 1554 : A Godly Letter to the
Faithful in London, etc, in March, and A Faithful Admonition to the professors
of Gocts truth in England, in July. — Works, iii. 165-215 ; 253-330. In the first
of these Knox plainly said that ' the prophets of God sometimes may teach
treason against kings and yet neither he nor such as obeys the word spoken in
the Lord's name by him, offends God.' — Works, iii. 184. Knox moved from
place to place this summer — from Geneva to Ziirich, thence to Dieppe and back
to Geneva.

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 67
but for religious parties in England, At Frankfort on the
Main a congregation of Protestant exiles differed as to their
form of worship, one party contending for the Second Prayer
Book of Edward vi, another for the less ornate ritual of the
French reformers. Knox, who in response to an invitation
became their minister in 1554, sided with the latter party.
The contention became keen, and, although he showed both
self-restraint and generosity, he was banished from Frankfort,
after a ministry of four raonths, on the groundless charge of
political treason,^ Historians of the English Church have
regarded the troubles at Frankfort as an iraportant stage in
that cleavage of English Protestantism which resulted in
the hostility between churchmen and puritans, but for
the Scottish Church its importance was less extensive
but more definite. Knox abandoned finally the attitude
of tolerance for the revised Prayer Book. With the
support of Calvin, who found in it ' tolerabiles ineptiae^
he thenceforward spoke of it with deep dislike as super
stitious, Romish and dangerous for the faithful.^ At the
time of the Frankfort troubles, the Second Prayer Book
was making way among the Scottish Reforraers as a
symbol of Protestantism ; but when six years later the
Scottish Church came under Knox's guidance, his verdict
on the ' Book of England ' becarae the verdict of the
nation. To the twentieth-century reader Knox seeras to have been
preparing for the work that lay before him in his native
land, but the preparation was unconscious. Since his escape
from the galleys he had taken no part and shown no interest
in Scottish affairs. When banished from Frankfort (March
26, 1555) he returned to Geneva, and was appointed by
' The chief authority for what was in itseU dissidium valde absurdum (Calvin)
is A Brief Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort, published in 1575.—
Knox, Works, iv. 3-68 ; see Hume Brown, Knox, i. 162-186.
^ Knox acknowledges that he had changed his mind. ' Once,' he writes, ' I
had a good opinion of the book.' But at Frankfort his attitude was firm,
'Neither yet would Master Knox minister the Communion by the Book of
England, for that there were things in it placed (as he said) only by warrant of
man's authority, and no ground in God's Word for the same, and had also a
long time very superstitiously in the mass been wickedly abused. '—Knox,
Works, V, 21,

68 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
Calvin, on June lo, to minister to a congregation of English
exiles established there ; and he gave himself to quiet study
and the duties of his pastorate, thankful to rest after eight
years of incessant strain and strife. It was not by a sense
of public duty nor by the stirrings of Christian patriotism
that within a few weeks his quietness was broken and he
was drawn to the scene of the great achievements of his
life, but by the urgency of a petulant and unreasonable
woraan whora, in his own language, ' God made the
instrument to draw him from the den of his own ease ' ; she
' alone did draw hira frora the rest of quiet study,' ^
The influence of domesticities upon history can never
safely be ignored, for the leaders of nations and of churches
have neither operated like machines nor been guided in
their careers by abstract principles. And the career of
Knox is unintelligible if he is regarded only as a grim
and persistent dialectician, who loathed the mass and
yearned to exterminate the papacy. His defiant and re
solute exterior concealed an unusually sensitive spirit, which
became tremulous on the eve of momentous encounters,
and habitually found repose in the interchange of religious
experiences with his famiUar and trusted friends. In the
course of his ministry at Berwick he had formed an intimate
friendship with a lady of some social position, Mrs, Elizabeth
Bowes, aged at that time about fifty, some fifteen years older
than he. Their correspondence, which explains many phases
of Knox's life otherwise inexplicable, discloses her as a
deeply devout, Bible-loving woman, who had cordially ac
cepted the Reformed faith, but was often distressed about
the safety of her soul and exacting in her demands upon
her friends. At Berwick, Knox became engaged to one of
her fifteen children, Marjorie, but raarriage was hindered by
the opposition of Mrs, Bowes' family, specially her husband,
who adhered firmly to the old Church and also thought that
a match with a man of low degree like Knox was unsuitable.
The strained family relations which resulted came to a
crisis about 1554, and Mrs. Bowes seems to have resolved
' Knox, Works, iv. 217.

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 69
that the marriage should take place in defiance of
her kindred. The letter in which she summoned Knox
has not been preserved, but it was urgent, and there is
neither reason nor room for questioning his own statement
that he complied with reluctance. His reluctance may
possibly be explained by the fact that Mrs. Bowes herself
was to be an adjunct of the marriage, and that Knox, highly
as he prized correspondence and conversation with her, had
dubieties about her as the inmate of a household, and it
must be reraembered that the strict views of the early
Reformers as to sex relationships tended to abate the
sentimental and romantic aspect of wedlock. In the
autumn, however, he reached Berwick, where he was
gladdened by finding that the Protestant cause had con
siderable vitality, and, either before or after his marriage,^
resolved to visit those of his old comrades who were in
Edinburgh, intending to stay only a few days.
The visit, however, lasted for nine months, and proved to
be of very great consequence. In Edinburgh he was wel
comed with a warmth and eagerness which amazed him.
The ' fervent thirst for the bread of life exceeded anything
he had seen elsewhere.' The private houses in which he
preached ' secretly ' were crowded ; the pastoral instinct, of
which he had an unusual share,^ was kindled into flame.
On November 4 he wrote to Mrs, Bowes that she must
excuse him for remaining some days : ' Depart he could not
until such tirae as God should quench their thirst a little,'
' Sweet,' he wrote a little later, ' were the death that would
follow forty days of Edinburgh such as I have had three ;
rejoice, mother, the tirae of our deliverance approacheth,'*
Yet he was not absorbed in such evangelisra. His keen
' No record has been discovered of the date of Knox's marriage, but it
certainly took place between October 1555 and July 1556, David Laing
(Knox, Works, vi. 61) says in ' the spring of 1556,' without explaining how he
reaches that date. The first child of the marriage was born at Geneva in
May 1557,
^ He records in his History that ' the spouse of a burgess delighted much in
his company, for that he opened more fully to her troubled conscience the
fountain of God's mercies.' — Ibid., i. 246.
3 Ibid., iv. 217-218,

70 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
eye diagnosed the situation : the Protestant barons were
hesitating and disposed to temporize ; they were not
supporting the ' preachers ' in taking advantage of the
opportunity furnished by the political necessities of the
Regent ; the cause of Reformation lacked solidity and
unity. Accordingly, while making Edinburgh his centre,^
he moved from the house of one ' lord ' to another, giving
religious instruction to households, dispensing coramunion
to those whose earnestness was manifest,^ and urging them
to dissociate themselves from Church usages which they at
heart condemned and to support the preachers openly.
Repeatedly he visited the districts of Ayrshire and Angus
which specially favoured the new teaching, but he also raade
his way to the seat of the Earl of Argyll at Castle Campbell,
and to Finlayston in Renfrewshire, where he was the guest
of the Earl of Glencairn, The most cordial of his hosts,
however, was Erskine of Dun, at whose Edinburgh residence
a conference was held which included both leading preachers
such as Willock and men like Maitland of Lethington,
whose ' zeal to godliness ' was not such as to prevent them
from attending mass. The discussion was keen ; the
advocates of compromise laying great stress upon the
compliance of St Paul, on the advice of St James and the
elders, with Jewish usages. To this plea Knox repUed with
the sarae freedora which Luther had shown in sirailar
debates. The paying of vows, he said, was sometimes
God's commandment and was most unlike the odious
idolatry of the raass, but, apart frora this, it was doubtful
whether either the coraraand of James or the obedience of
Paul proceeded from the Holy Ghost, seeing that Paul was
led thereby into the most desperate danger, and confirmed
the Jews in their superstition, bringing hiraself and his
doctrine into contempt. By such arguments the barons
were convinced that ' nowise was it lawful for a Christian
to present himself to that idol,' and Lethington wound up
^ When preaching in Edinburgh Knox sometimes resided with a burgess,
James Syme, sometimes with Sir James Sandilands, near Mid-Calder.
^ The stress which Knox always laid upon ' the sacrament ' is shown by the
care with which he records the occasions on which it was observed, /

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 71
the debate by saying, ' 1 see perfectly that our shifts will
serve nothing before God, seeing that they stand us in so
small stead before man,' ^ Two months later, at Erskine's
country residence, ' the raost part of the gentleraen of the
Mearns,' after a coraraunion service, agreed that they would
have ' no fellowship with idolatry,' and would ' maintain the
true preaching of the evangel as God should offer them
preachers and opportunity,' ^ This agreeraent may not
have been a covenant in the technical sense,* but it was a
token of that definite co-operation between barons and
preachers by which the reformation of the Church was
ultimately secured.
At this stage the bishops, at the instigation, Knox says,
of the friars, summoned him to appear before them at
Edinburgh on May 1 5 ; and he complied with the sumraons,
being escorted to Edinburgh by Erskine and ' divers other
gentleraen.' But before the day appointed the bishops
cancelled the summons, and Knox preached for ten days,
morning and evening, to ' a greater audience than ever before
in the great lodging of the Bishop of Dunkeld,' * Among
hearers who came under cover of night was WiUiam Keith,
fourth Earl Marischal, who was so impressed by what he
heard that he joined Glencairn in persuading Knox to
address a letter to the Regent, The letter written was a
wise and moderate one, pleading for religious liberty and
for a reforra of the Church, Knox urged the Regent to
check persecution, and to refrain frora upholding a corrupt
system which was proved to be hurtful to the raorals of her
subjects. He recognized the difficulties of her situation and
the political coraplications in which she was entangled, but
he rerainded her that the Church which she supported was

1 Knox, Works, i. 248. ^ ^bid., i. 251.
•^ M'Crie {Life of Knox, p. no) designates this ' the first religious covenant ' ;
but David Laing doubts if it 'assumed the form of a covenant.' — Knox, Works,
i. 251 n. Cf D. Hay Fleming, Story of the Scottish Covenants, p. 6.
•• There is no reason for thinking that the Bishop, Robert Crichton, favoured
the Reformers ; indeed he proved one of the few stalwarts. — Dowden, Bishops
of Scotland, pp. 91-4. Yet it is illustrative of the complicated situation that
Earl Marischal shrank from open attendance at meetings held in a bishop's
house.

72 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
not infallible, and that rulers are responsible for the religion
of their realras, and are bound to curb the raisdemeanours of
churchmen.^ The letter was couched in respectful, almost
deferential terms, but the Regent passed it on to the
Archbishop of Glasgow, saying, ' Please you, my lord, to
read a pasqwill.' ^
While Knox's vigour was thus bringing matters to a crisis,
he received an urgent sumraons from his congregation at
Geneva ; and, despite the entreaties of his friends, he sailed
from Scotland at the beginning of July, after a round of
farewell visits to those to whom he had ministered. When
sailing he promised that, ' if God blessed these sraall begin
nings and they continued in godliness,' he would obey any
call to return to their service. In a letter of wholesome
counsel * he defined his idea of ' continuing in godliness ' in
terms full of significance. He gives his ' testimony in love '
that the only organ and instrument by which God strengthens
the weak and maintains the Ufe of the soul is His Word,
which must be studied carefully and in its completeness, no
day being allowed to slip, even when they are held in such
bondage that they cannot have the bread of life broken unto
them. Yet their Scripture reading must not be in secret for
their own guidance alone :
' No, brethren, ye are ordained of God to rule your own houses in His
true fear and according to His Word. Within your own houses , , .
ye are bishops and kings ; your wife, children, servants and family are
your bishopric and charge. Of you it shall be required how carefully
and diligently ye have always instructed them in God's true knowledge,
how that ye have studied in them to plant virtue and repress vice. And
therefore, I say, ye must make them partakers in reading, exhorting, and
in making common prayers, which I would were used in every house
once a day at least. But above all things, dear brethren, study to
practise in life that which the Word of God commandeth, and be ye
assured that ye shall never hear nor read the same without fruit.'
' Knox, Works, iv. 75-84.
2 ' Pasquil,' which means a libeUous skit, is derived from a statue at Rome of
Pasquino or Pasquillus, to which witty sarcasms upon dignitaries were affixed,
Knox did not hear till afterwards that his letter had been received with
' mockage,' When informed in 1558, he republished it with enlargements and
in a completely changed tone. — Ibid^, ii, 425-460. 1
' Lbid., iv. 129-140.

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 73
He proceeds to urge that the members of the ' Congrega
tion which St Paul calls the Body of Christ ' are bound to
uphold one another by meeting once a week at least in
assemblies to ' confer upon the Scriptures,' At their con
ferences, after confession of sin and invocation of the Spirit,
a passage is to be read, and, ' if any brother have exhortation,
question or doubt, let him not fear to speak so that he do it
with moderation.' In this way the whole of the Bible wUl
become familiar, men's judgments and modesty will be
made known and their gifts and utterance will appear ; but
wordiness, prolixity and wilful reasoning, which are to be
avoided in all places, are intolerable in the congregation,
where only the glory of God and the comfort or edification
of the brethren should be regarded. If the meaning of any
text baffles them, the difficulty should be reduced to writing
before the congregation disperse, with a view to consulting
the absent brethren who will be ready, according to their
ability, to give assistance. Knox himself will more gladly
spend fifteen hours in explaining to them any place of
Scripture as God opens it to him, than half an hour in any
matter beside. The Bible should be read continuously, so
that they may hear the harmony and well-timed song of the
Holy Spirit which spoke to the fathers from the beginning,
and their meetings should always close with coraraon prayers
for princes, rulers and raagistrates, for the liberty and free
passage of Christ's evangel, for the comfort and deliverance
of the afflicted brethren now persecuted raost cruelly in
France and England, and for such other things as the
Spirit shall teach thera to be profitable either to themselves
or to their brethren, wheresoever they be. So they shall be
as stars in the night season, as wheat among the cockle,
through fellowship with the Lord Jesus in His body and
blood ; yea, they shall be of the nuraber of the prudent
virgins, daily renewing their lamps with oil. It was by
such teaching — by making the reading of the Bible the
foundation of religion, by teaching men that their farailies
were their bishoprics which they were bound to feed, and by
making weekly worship a scene of prayerful inquiry into the

74 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
meaning of the divine word — rather than by his astute
guidance of the half-hearted gentry, that Knox brought
revival to Ecclesia Scoticana,
At Geneva, where Calvin had now finally mastered his
opponents,! Knox found a thoroughly congenial home, ' It
is,' he wrote on December 9, 'the most perfect school of
Christ that ever was on earth since the days of the Apostles.
In other places I confess Christ to be truly preached, but
manners and religion so sincerely reformed I have not yet
seen anywhere.' ^ Besides ministering ^o the raen who were
engaged in producing the Geneva Bible,* he was occupied
in preparing an English version of Calvin's Church Order *
and in refuting an Anabaptist who had attacked Calvin's
doctrine of Predestination. Meanwhile the Scottish bishops
had arraigned hira in his absence and burned his effigy at
the Edinburgh Cross. But the seed which he had sown
grew rapidly. ' The Gospel began wondrously to flourish.' ^
Harlaw preached publicly in Edinburgh and Methven at
Dundee, while Douglas, protected by the Earl of Argyll,
raade frequent visits to Leith, and WUlock, although hindered
by ill-health, had the ear of educated hearers. Conventions,
such as Knox had counselled, were held, and the ' hearts of
men were so strengthened that they sought to have the face
of a kirk among them.' ^ According to an almost con
temporary document,' even before there was any ' face '
of the true religion, and when men were holding ' exercises '
soraetimes in the field and sometimes in houses by night,
overseers, elders, and deacons were appointed, and as the
months passed there was plainly seen ' the face of a public
church reformed.' Whether Edinburgh or Dundee, which
in Wishart's time had shown signs of Church development,^
' Hume Brown's Knox, i. 187. ^ Knox, Works, iv, 240,
' The translation of the New Testament appeared in 1557, the complete
Bible in 1560,
* The Order, which had been drafted by Knox and three others during the
troubles of Frankfort, was published at Geneva in 1556 under the title, ' The form
of prayers and ministration of the Sacraments, etc., used in the English Congre
gation at Geneva, and approved by the famous and godly learned man John
Calvin,' — Knox, Works, iv, 149 ff.
° Ibid., i. 256. ^ Ibid., i. 300.
' Dunlop, Collection of Confessions, ii. 636, 637. ' See vol. i. 476.

PIROGRESS OF REFORMATION 75
led in this important raoveraent is disputable,^ but it is
certain that in both places it became clear in 1557 that the
affairs of the Church as reformed would largely be controlled
by • seniors,' ' presbyters ' or elders.
The appearance in Scotland of the ' eldership,' an institu
tion which has developed in the Scottish Church as nowhere
else, and has been carried by Scotsmen into every part of
the world, was momentous for national religion. Yet it was
far from implying the acceptance of a theory of Church
government, Calvin, in his Institutes, had laid it down as a
primary maxim that ministers (' bishops ') should be associ
ated in the exercise of discipline with ' seniors selected from
the people,' on the ground that in apostolic times ' each
church had its senate (Latin, senatus — French, conseil ou
consistoire) composed of pious, grave and venerable men in
whom was lodged the power of correcting faults.' ^ Seeing
that elders are not mentioned in Scotland prior to the visit
of Knox, we may be disposed to assurae that he brought
the conception with hira from Geneva. But this is a doubt
ful hypothesis. The elders of Geneva who after 1541 met
in a consistory were generically unlike the elders appointed
at Dundee and Edinburgh in 1556 and 1557, both in the
method of their appointment and in their authority. It has
been suggested that the office came to Scotland from the
French Reformed Church,* but that Church had not a
single organized congregation until 1555, and there was no
connexion in those years between Scottish and French
Protestants.* Indeed attempts to revive the New Testament
^ Knox ( Works, i. 300) gives the priority to Dundee, the document quoted by
Dunlop gives it to Edinburgh, Calderwood says that ' the professors of
Edinburgh,' who 'held private conventions in fields and houses,' at first met
in two groups, that the groups were united by Erskine of Dun, and increased
daily, and that they 'had their own elders and ieacor\s.'-^- History, i. 303-304,
Calderwood dates this 1555, i.e., before Knox's visit ; but M'Crie (Life of Knox,
p, 140) is probably right in saying that it was in 1556 or 1557. Calderwood,
who is not a first-hand authority for this period, sometimes gives impossible
2 Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, iv. 3, 8,
2 Lindsay, History of the Reformation, ii, 169.
^ At Dieppe, which Knox frequently visited. Protestantism first appeared in
1557, and took shape under Knox's influence. — Histoire de la Reformation h
Dieppe, pp. 10 ff, (quoted in Hume Brown's Knox, i, 218, note 2),

']6 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
eldership had been frequent among Reformers both in
Germany and in Switzerland years before the publication
of Calvin's Institutes^ and it is probable that they were
reflected in the ' churches ' which arose in the Dundee
neighbourhood during the ministry of George Wishart^
The ' eldership ' rested upon two beliefs which were shared
by Reforraers in all lands, (i) The first was that Church
offices should have an explicit Scriptural warrant and should
indeed be reproductions of the office by which the faithful
were governed in Bible tiraes. It was beyond dispute that
elders had a recognized place in the administration of the
Church of God both under the Old Testament and under
the New, and the office was not one which had been perverted
and corrupted in the pre-Reformation Church. It could
therefore be accepted' and defended as wholly Scriptural
without the need for cleansing it from unscriptural accretions.
(2) Further, it gave room for expression of the universcd
desire to take the adrainistration of Church affairs, specially
of Church discipline, out of the hands of ordained priests.
So strong was this desire, so fully was it justified by the
avarice and incompetence of the priesthood, that many of
the most learned and philosophical historians of the sixteenth
century have held that the Reformation was primarily
a revolt of the laity against the clergy. In countries and
communities which accepted Protestantism publicly, ecclesi
astical powers were simply transferred to the civil rulers,
Henry VIII, for exaraple, becoming the ' Pope of England,'
and the Elector of Saxony, at Luther's request, acting as
'emergency-bishop ' {Nothbischof). But where the Reformers
were persecuted by the civil powers, they required to erect
on their own initiative a non-clerical office which would
prevent the aggrandizement of their ' preachers,' many of
whom had originally been priests and monks, and secure
the exercise of Church discipline. In no country was this
necessity more raanifest than in Scotland ; in none had
* Herzog regards OJcolampadius, who organized the Reformers at Basel in
1526, as the ' restorer of the New Testament eldership.'
^ See vol. i. 476.

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION jy
Church discipline been more shamefully neglected by the
clergy ; in none, therefore, did the eldership more rapidly
take root. To these explanations must be added the
consideration that the new nation was thoroughly democratic
in its disposition, and that the Reformed beliefs were laying
hold of the classes which were straining after liberty and
independence. An elective office, held by men who belonged
to no caste and were until their election ordinary merabers
of the Church, was in line with their ideals as expressing a
sense of equality. Accordingly the eldership at its first
appearance in Scotland was— what Calvin never secured
and scarcely desired — an office to which men were appointed
by the free votes of the people,^ and it was in those east
coast burghs in which the spirit of freedom was most
developed that ' sessions ' or boards of elders were first
organized,^ For nearly ten years after the attack upon Beaton the
progress of the cause of reform was orderly. The only
traces of iconoclasm are the already quoted * enactments of
the Estates in 1546 and of the Provincial Council in 1549
against destroyers of images and injurers of. Church fabrics.
These were prompted by fear lest Scotland should be
infected by the exaraple of outrages set in England, In
the later years of Henry Vlll images and shrines which had
been objects of devotion were removed by public authority ; *
on the accession of Edward vi there was much iconoclasm
deliberately promoted by Governraent,^ and the year 1550
saw the beginning of Ridley's crusade against altars and of
the exportation of shiploads of images to be sold in France.*
In Scotland attacks on church decorations began in 1556,
' According to Knox, ' the whole brethren promised obedience ' to the first
elders who were ' appointed by common election ' for the express purpose of
'punishing open crimes without respect of persons.' — Works, i. 300. The
so-called presbyterianism of Cartwright (1570), which came to light in 1590,
was exclusively for admonition and excommunication. — W. A. Shaw, English
Historical Review, iii. 655.
^ In July 1559, the St. Andrews minister and elders appear as a compact
\,oiy.—St. Andrews Kirk Session Register (S.H.S.), i. i.
» Seepages 21 n., 43.
4 Gairdner, Lollardy, i. 320, ii. 360, 362.
» Froude, iv. 278-279; Pollard, Political History, p. 21,
« Ibid, pp. 52. 53-

78 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
when the Regent and the Primate complained to the Edin
burgh Town Council that images of the Trinity, Our Lady
and St Francis had been ' taken down ' from churches, and
an elaborate inquiry was instituted,^ On St Giles' Day
(September i) of the following year,^ when, according to an
ancient custom, the image of the saint was carried through
the city, it was attacked by a crowd who had corae from
hearing Willock preach, thrown into the North Loch and
thereafter burned. Archbishop Hamilton ordered the Town
Council to replace the image, but they refused, and, on being
excommunicated by the Archbishop, appealed to the Pope,
Both the excommunication and the appeal appear to have
lapsed, and about the same time ' images were stolen away
in all parts of the country,' *
These outbreaks indicate that the tide of popular feeUng
was rising, and there was a contemporaneous raoveraent
among the barons and gentry. On March lo, 1557, Glen
cairn, Lome, Erskine (Mar) and James Stewart wrote to
Geneva urging Knox to return. They informed him that,
although the public authorities were still hostile, ' the friars
were daily in less and less esteem with the Regent and the
rest of the nobility, that the flock was likely to be increased,
and that they theraselves were ready to jeopard life and
goods in the forward setting of the glory of God,' * Knox
was reluctant to leave his congregation, but Calvin and
others whom he consulted assured him that if he refused the
call, he would be ' rebellious unto his God and unmerciful to
his country,' and in September he reached Dieppe on his
way to Scotland, At Dieppe he was startled and distressed
by the receipt of letters advising him to come no farther and
' Edinburgh Burgh Records, 1528-57, pp. 251, 252.
^ There is uncertainty about the date of this first attack upon the image, A
Historie of the Estate of Scotland Aates it July 1558 ' or a little before' — a date
which agrees better with Knox's narrative than the date given above. On the
other hand David Laing shows that the question of replacing the image was in
debate before the end of 1557 ; this is conclusive. — Wodrow Miscellany, i. 54;
Knox, Works, i. 258, 560 ; Lang, History, ii. 36,
' Knox, Works, i, 256. In 1558 the church of Echt was burned and images
were destroyed in other churches of the diocese of Aberdeen. — Hay Fleming,
The Reformation in Scotland, p. 357.
* Knox, Works, i. 267, iv. 257,

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 79
showing him that the barons had lost heart. He replied
with severe reproaches, telling the barons that it ' appertains
to more than to the clergy or chief rulers who are called
kings ' to reform religion, and that they, ' the princes of the
people,' who are honoured, not for their birth, but for their
office and their duty, are bound to deliver their fellow-
countrymen and their Christian brethren from ' all violence
and oppression, hazarding their lives, be it against kings or
emperors.' ^
After despatching this letter on October 27, Knox
employed his irrepressible energies for some months in
preaching at Dieppe, and returned to Geneva,^ doubting if
he ought not to have disregarded warnings and pressed on
to Scotland. But his letter had done its work. The ' Lords '
wrote at once both to him and to Calvin urging that he
should come,* and on December 3 five of them, Argyll,
Glencairn, Morton, Lome and Erskine of Dun signed a
document, which came to be known as the First Covenant
and proved to be so important that its exact terms must be
recorded :
'We, perceiving how Satan in his members, the antichrists of our
time, cruelly doth rage seeking to downthrow and to destroy the evangel
of Christ and His Congregation, ought according to our bounden duty
to strive in our Master's cause even unto the death, being certain of the
victory in Him. The which our duty being well considered we do
promise, before the Majesty of God and His Congregation, that we (by
His grace) shall with all diligence continually apply our whole power,
substance, and our very lives to maintain, set forward and establish the
most blessed Word of God and His Congregation, and that we shall
labour at our possibility to have faithful ministers purely and truly to
minister Christ's evangel and sacraments to His people. We shall
maintain them, nourish them and defend them, the whole Congregation
of Christ and every member thereof at our whole power and waring
[risking] of our lives against Satan and all wicked power that does
intend tyranny or trouble against the foresaid Congregation. Unto the
which holy Word and Congregation we do join us, and also do forsake
and renounce the Congregation of Satan with all the superstitions,
abomination and idolatry thereof, and, moreover, shall declare ourselves
' Knox Works, i. 269-273. '^ He reached Geneva before March 1558.
5 These letters were written before December 3, 1557, but not delivered till
November issS.— Lbid., i, 274,

8o HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
manifisstly enemies thereto by this our faithful promise before God
testified to His Congregation by our subscriptions at these presents, . . .
God called to witness,'
The most vital and forceful item in this covenant is the
frequently repeated phrase, 'the Congregation,' 'the Con
gregation of the Lord.' Its meaning was the reverse of the
raodern application of it to every body of people who
regularly worship in the sarae place, but is consistent with
the sixteenth-century usage, both Protestant and Catholic,
In the Augsburg Confession the Church is defined as ' Con-
gregatio sanctorum,' ^ and, generally arpong Protestants,
those who, in each land or coraraunity, worshipped sepa
rately applied the term ' Congregation ' to their collective
action ; while the defenders of the Church, at least those of
the liberal school like Quintin Kennedy, also defined the
Church as the ' Congregation,' ^ differing only in holding
that the members of the Congregation could not all
exercise their office but must delegate it to officers. The
use of it by the barons thus implied a definite claim to
represent the cause and kingdom of Christ, just as their
avowal of settled antagonism, not to any usage or doctrine
but to the Congregation of Satan, involved unqualified
hostility to the officials of the Church, It is true that the
covenant had but slight constructive value and must not be
regarded as an ecclesiastical movement. Its relation to the
' Churches ' which were rising throughout the country was
ancillary and protective, and it initiated a political rather
than a religious development, contributing to the clearance
of the ground rather than to the erection of a new building.*
The covenanters, who were thenceforward known as the
Lords of the Congregation, pledged themselves to be not
the rulers but the defenders of the preachers, with whose
interests they were now avowedly identified ; and yet their
adoption of this attitude promoted, and for a tirae secured,
' The Confessio Variata of 1540 reads, ' Congregatio membrorum Christi' ;
the German is ' Versammlung alter Gldubigen.'-Sch&ff, Creeds of Evangelical
Protestant Churches, p. 11,
^ So in the Compendius Tractive. — Wodrow Miscellany, i, 10 1 ff,
' Hill Burton, iii, 298, 346.

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 8i
that union of the different forces opposed to the Church
which Knox had seen to be essential.
Although only five names were at first appended to the
covenant, many others were soon added,^ and several
meetings for deliberation were held, issuing in two resolu
tions which showed that the Lords, while conscious of their
strength, proposed to act with moderation. They agreed
(i) that in parish churches on Sundays and holy days
curates should be required to read the lessons and prayers
prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer,^ and that, if
curates were not qualified to read, or refused, the reading
should be entrusted to the best qualified parishioner ;
(2) that exposition of Scripture should be given in private,*
' without great conventions of the people ' until God should
' move the Prince [i.e., the Regent] to grant public preaching
by faithful and true ministers.'* Shortly after passing these
resolutions ^ they presented a petition, or supplication, to the
Regent requesting forraal sanction for the use of the ver
nacular in reading Scripture, in public prayer and in the
rainistration of baptism and the Lord's Supper — the latter
to be dispensed in both kinds. They further asked that it
1 One copy recently discovered has only five signatures. Probably a number
of copies, each signed by the leaders, were sent out for signatures, — Hay
Fleming, The Scottish Covenants, p. 8.
^ The prayer book used was no doubt the Second Book of Edward vi (see
page 63), which, although by this time discarded by Knox, was regarded by
Englisii Protestants as a precious symbol. Rather poor attempts have been
made by partisan writers to evade the fact that an English prayer book was used
for a time by the Scottish Reformers. Kirkaldy and Cecil distinctly state that
it was used as late as 1559. — State Papers, Foreign (1558-9), p, 367 ; Mitchell,
The Scottish Reformation, p, 128; Knox, Works, vi, 34, 278; Spalding
Club Miscellany, iv, 120,
' There is no justification for BeUesheim's statement (ii, 233) that ' without
delay the Lords ejected the Catholic clergy and installed the Protestant
preachers in their place,' On the contrary, they adhered to their plan.
Douglas, e.g., preached in Argyll's house, not in a parish church, and on
March 5, 1558, Argyll wrote to Archbishop Hamilton, 'divers houses besides us
profess the same God secretly .' —]^nox. Works, i. 276-290,
< Lbid., i. 276.
^ Hume Brown (History, ii. 48-9), following Knox, says that this was 'at the
beginning of 1558.' In A Historie of the Estate of Scotland the date given is
July 1558, but the dates in A Historie are sometimes erratic. Keith follows
Buchanan in placing the supplication in November. — Affairs, i, 181 ; so
Bellesheim, ii. 236. The supplication was presented by Sandilands of Calder,
who had been Knox's host (see page 70 n. i). iVIost of the leaders at this crisis
were men who had come directly under Knox's influence.
VOL. IL F

82 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
should be raade lawful for any qualified person to interpret
difficult passages of Scripture at their conventions, and
closed by ' hurably requiring ' a reformation of ' the wicked,
slanderous and detestable life of prelates and of the State
Ecclesiastical,' Two quaint concessions in the supplication
show that the petitioners were feeling their way forward
very cautiously. With regard to the proposed liberty of
expounding Scripture, they suggested that, to prevent con
fusion, debate and heresy, all interpretations should be
subject to the judgment 'of the raost godly and learned
within the realm ' ; and, as to their claim for a reforraation of
the life of the clergy, they said that, lest they should be
suspected of envying the honour or coveting the wealth of
the prelates, they were willing that appeal should be allowed
' not only to the New Testaraent but to the writings of the
ancient Fathers and the godly approved laws of Justinian
the Emperor.' ^ How little was intended by this reference
to the Fathers and Justinian became imraediately apparent.
The charapions of the Church, to satisfy the Regent, pro
posed a public disputation, and the Reformers willingly
agreed, on condition that all questions should be decided
by Scripture and that their exiled brethren — undoubtedly
they meant Knox — should be allowed to return and take
part in the discussion. Thereupon the churchmen withdrew
their proposal, and put forth a suggestion that Protestants
might be allowed to pray and to baptize in the vernacular,
' secretly and not in open assembly,' provided that they
agreed to tolerate the mass, the doctrine of purgatory,
prayer to the saints and prayer for the dead, and to allow
churchmen to retain their dignity and their properties.
When the Lords rejected this concession — if liberty to
choose one's own language in private prayer can be called
a concession — the Regent trimmed. She said that the
petitioners raight ' use themselves godly according to their
desires ' if they held no public meetings in Edinburgh or
Leith, and she promised to 'assist the preachers until
some uniform order might be established by a parlia-
' Knox, Works, i. 305.

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 83
ment.'i When the martyrdom of Myln on April 28 ^ led
the Lords to protest against the perversion of justice, she
disclaimed responsibility, 'lamented the cruelty of the
Bishop ' and promised to prevent the repetition of ' such
enormities.' *
While matters were thus in the balance, the plans of the
Congregation were steadied by the arrival of two letters
from Knox — letters which by their masterly clearness and
moderation of tone recall the epistles by which Cyprian in
his exile guided the perplexed Church of Carthage, In the
one he asserted the claims of civil authority, warning the
Lords against supporting the ambitious intrigues of Chatel
herault, enjoining them not to disobey or displace the
established authority, and urging thera to strive only for the
defence of their brethren frora persecution and tyranny, and
for the right ministration of Word and Sacrament, The
other letter has a deeper interest, owing to the precision
with which it sets forth doctrinal and ethical positions. In
England and at Geneva, Knox had seen the mischief
wrought by Anabaptists and other sects, in which a pre
tentious perfectionism had been combined with a spirit of
anarchy and with heretical opinions. He writes to the
Scots that he is more afraid of these men than of the
papists, whose errors any child can discern, and urges thera
to adhere to the ' true Church,' which is to be found ' where-
ever God's Word has suprerae authority, Christ is preached
and received as the only Saviour of the world, the sacra
ments are truly rainistered, and His Word ruleth, not the
vain fantasy of man.' He repudiates not only the errors of
Arius and Pelagius, but the idea that ' the life and conversa
tion of man is an assured note, sign or token of God's
visible Church.' The chief offence of the papacy, he says, is
the teaching of false doctrine and the misuse of the sacra-
m"ents ; these underlie and are the cause of the moral laxity
of priests and monks. The Congregation raust not be
surprised by the occasional lapses of their adherents, but be
satisfied with 'the common righteousness promised to the
1 Knox, Works, i. 307. ° See page 42. * Knox, Works, i, 308-9.

84 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
members of Christ's body by faith in Him,' and make it
their great concern that ' no man, without trial and exaraina
tion of his life, converse, doctrine and condition, take upon
hira the office of a preacher, or travail among the simple
sheep of Christ Jesus, , . , Deceitful and false doctrine is
the poison and venom which can with most difficulty be
purged,' If they are careful for doctrine and guard the
Church of God frora error, they have no cause for fear.
' Seldom it is that open tyranny doth utterly suppress in
any realm or province the true religion earnestly received
by a multitude.' ^
At the very time of writing those significant and weighty
letters, Knox displayed the ruthless vehemence of his
character by issuing a pamphlet entitled ' The First Blast
of the Trumpet against the monstruous regiment of women.'
The thesis of the pamphlet is stated at the outset : ' To
promote a woman to bear rule, superiority, dominion or
erapire over any realm, nation or city, is repugnant to
nature, contumely to God, most contrary to His revealed
will and approved ordinance, and the subversion of good
order, equity and justice,' ^ No doubt the character and
policy of the woraen who at that tirae swayed affairs in
England, Scotland and France, and specially their subjection
to papal and priestly influences, explain the extravagance of
the pamphlet,* but they do not suffice to give it a position in
literature, and it owes its title to a place in history solely to
the fact that it created serious difficulties for Knox by
rousing the indignation of Queen Elizabeth, The same
intolerance and the same view of the inability of women
to govern, appear in an expanded edition of his Letter to
the Regeht which he published in the course of the summer.*
By this tirae he had abandoned the idea that she was the
' ruler ' or ' magistrate ' with whom the government of
Scotland lay, and in a concurrent appeal, or Appellation,^
' Those two letters, written at Dieppe in December 1557, are printed in
Knox, Works, iv. 261-286. ' Ibid., iv. 373 ff.
' Hume Brown points out that Jean Bodin, the greatest political thinker of
the sixteenth century, shared Knox's opinions as to the regimen of women. —
Knox, i, 238. * Works, iv, 433-460. " Ibid., iv, 465-520,

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 85
against the sentence passed upon him by the bishops in
1556, he urged upon the 'nobility and estates' their obliga
tion to reforra religion. Writers who have been anxious to
exhibit Knox's severities, have expatiated upon the fact that
in the Appellation he asserts that religious offences are
punishable by death ; but that was an opinion which
prevailed everywhere, and it is more distinctive that he lays
it down as a function of the civil magistrate ' to order and
reform religion and to instruct subjects,' founding his
argument mainly upon the Old Testament, According
to Scripture, he argues, Aaron was entirely dependent upon
Moses, who indeed supplied the priests with garraents,
anointed and washed thera, and filled their hands with
sacrifice, 'Who dare then be so bold as to affirra that
the civil magistrate has nothing to do in matters of
religion ? '
By this time, however, Knox had begun to distrust the
barons. In the Appellation he warns them that ' the same
plagues will fall upon them as had fallen upon the English
nobility, if they refuse to defend God's servants who called
upon them for support ' ; and another letter addressed to
the commonalty of Scotland shows that his eyes were
already turned towards that new constituency which
subsequently enabled him to defy the civil magistrate. He
addresses the commonalty as his ' beloved brethren,' wishing
them grace, mercy and peace, with the spirit of righteous
judgment, and invites them to take part with the Estates
and nobility in compelling the clergy to cease from tyranny
and give account of their vain religion. To them, no less
than to those in authority, does the care of religion belong,
for, although there are providential differences in worldly
station, ' yet in the hope of the life to come God hath raade
all equal.' Just men live by their own faith, not by the
faith of their rulers ; it appertains to every raan who has
a soul to provide for the true preaching of Christ Jesus, for
God has raade all equal, and in raatters of religion ' requires
no less of the subject, be he ever so poor, than of the prince
and the rich man,' The letter proceeds to an appeal which

86 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
must be regarded as giving the keynote to a century and
a half of Scottish Church history :
' This is that equality which is betwixt Kings and subjects, betwixt the
most rich or noble and the poorest or men of lowest estate ; to wit, that
as the one is obliged to believe in heart, and with mouth to confess, the
Lord Jesus to be the only Saviour of the world, so also is the other. . , .
The poorest and most simple that in the days of this cruel persecution
boldly doth confess Christ, is no less acceptable before God, neither is
judged in His presence to have done any less in promoting Christ's
cause, than the King who, by the sword and power which he hath
received of God, rooteth out idolatry and so advanceth Christ's glory.
It is no less required of the subject than of the Prince to believe in
Christ and to profess His true religion. And therefore I affirm that in
God's presence it shall not excuse you to allege that ye were no chief
rulers, and therefore that the care and reformation of religion did not
appertain unto you. . . . Not only I, but diverse godly and learned men
do offer unto you our labours, faithfully to instruct you in the ways of the
Eternal, our God, and in the sincerity of Christ's Evangel, which this
day, by the pestilent generation of Antichrist (I mean the Pope and his
most ungodly clergy), are almost hid from the eyes of men. . . . We
require nothing of you but that patiently ye will hear the revealed doctrine
of salvation, and that ye will examine our reasons by the which we offer
to prove the papistical religion to be abominable before God. And, last,
we require that by your power the tyranny of those cruel beasts may be
bridled, till we have uttered our minds in all matters this day debatable
in religion. . . 'ile doubt what ye ought and may do in this so weighty
a matter. In few words I will declare my conscience in [the one and in
the other. Ye ought to prefer the glory of God, the promoting of Christ's
Evangel, and the saving of your souls to all things that be on earth ; and
ye, although ye be but subjects, may lawfully require of your superiors,
be it King, Lords, rulers and powers, that they provide for you true
preachers, and that they expel such as under the name of pastors devour
and destroy the flock, not feeding the same as Christ Jesus hath
commanded. And if in this point your superiors be negligent or pretend
to maintain tyrants in their tyranny, most justly ye may provide true
teachers for yourselves, in your cities, towns or villages, and defend them
against all persecutors. ... Ye may moreover withhold the fruits and
profits, which your false bishops and clergy most unjustly receive of you,
until such time as they be compelled to do their charge and duties, which
is to preach unto you Christ Jesus truly, rightly to minister His sacraments
according to His own institution, and to watch for the salvation of your
souls. If God shall move your hearts in His true fear to begin to practise
these things, and to demand and crave the same of your superiors, which
most lawfully ye may do, then I doubt not that, of His great mercy and
free grace, he shall illuminate the eyes of your minds and His undoubted
verity shall be a lantern to your feet to guide and lead you in all the ways

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 87
which His godly wisdom doth approve. ... It will not excuse you, dear
brethren, in the presence of God to say, W? were but simple subjects, we
could not redress the faults and crimes of our rulers, bishops and clergy :
we called for Reformation and wished for the same, but the lords'
brothers were bishops, their sons were abbots, and the friends of great
men had the possession of the Church, and so were we compelled to
give obedience to all that they commanded. ... As your princes and
rulers are criminal with your bishops of all idolatry committed and of all
the innocent blood that is shed for the testimony of Christ's truth,
because they maintain them in their tyranny, so are you (I mean so
many of you as give no plain confession to the contrary) criminal and
guilty with your Princes and Rulers of the same crimes, because ye
assist and maintain your Princes in their blind rage and give no declara
tion that their tyranny displeaseth you. . . . The iniquity of your bishops
is more than manifest ; their filthy lives infect the air ; the innocent
blood which they shed crieth vengeance in the ears of our God ; the
idolatry and abomination which openly they commit and without punish
ment maintain, doth corrupt and defile the whole land ; and none
amongst you doth unfeignedly study for any redress of such enormities.
Will God, in this behalf, hold you as innocents ? Be not deceived, dear
brethren. God hath punished not only the proud tyrants, filthy persons
and cruel murderers, but also such as with them did draw the yoke of
iniquity, was it by flattering their offences, obeying their unjust
commandments or in winking at their manifest iniquity. . . . God give
you the spirit of wisdom and open unto you the knowledge of Himself,
by the means of His dear Son, by the which ye may attain to the
esperance and hope that, after the troubles of this transitorious life, ye
may be partakers of that glorious inheritance, which is prepared for
such as refuse themselves and fight under the banner of Christ Jesus in
the day of this His battle ; that in deep consideration of the same ye
may leam to prefer the invisible and eternal joys to the vain pleasures
that are present,' ^
This letter was written on July 14, and before it can have
reached Scotland there were signs that the 'coraraonalty'
had taken courage. Douglas, Harlaw, Methven and
Willock now preached publicly and with acceptance,
administering baptism and celebrating marriages.^ It is at
this stage that Quintin Kennedy describes them as ' master-
less dogs ' who claimed an Apostolic title to teach and to
preach.* They were summoned to appear before the Regent
• Knox, Works, iv. 523-538, The importance of this appeal to the people
should be noted and contrasted with the policy of the leaders of Reformation in
England, who concealed religious issues from the people at large,— Gairdner,
Lollardy, iv. 371,399. _,..„..
. ' Statuta, ii, 174, ' See page 38 ; Compendius Tractive, p, 125,

88 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
at Holyrood on July 19,^ and their adherents, who prepared
to accompany them, were banished frora Edinburgh, Some
west-countrymen, however, headed by James Chalmers of
Gaitgyrth, with whom Knox had lodged for a time in 1556,
went with the preachers to Holyrood, where they had
audience of Regent and bishops. Knox's account of the
interview is of the kind which admits of no abstract or
paraphrase :
' The gentlemen began to complain upon their strange entertainment,
considering that Her Grace had found them so faithful and obedient in
all things lawful. While the Regent began to craft, Chalmers said,
Madam, we know that this is the malice and device of those 'jefwellis '
(gaol-birds), and of that bastard (meaning the Bishop of St, Andrews)
that stands by you : we avow to God we shall make ane day of it. They
oppress us and our tenants for feeding of their idle bellies ; they trouble
our preachers and would murder them and us. Shall we suffer this
any longer ? Na, Madam ; it shall not be. And therewith every man
put on his steel bonnet. Then was heard nothing on the Queen's part
but, My joys, my hearts, what ails you? Me means no evil to you nor to
your preachers. The bishops shall do you no wrong. Ye are all my
loving subjects. Me know nothing of this proclamation. The day of
your preachers shall be dischairged,^ and me will hear the controversy
that is betwixt the bishops and you ; they shall do you no wrong. My
Lords, said she to the bishops, I forbid you to trouble either them or
their preachers. And unto the gentlemen who were wondrously
commoved she turned again and said, O my hearts, should ye not love
the Lord your God with all your heart, with all your mind ? And should
ye not love your neighbours as yourselves ? With these and the like fair
words she kept the bishops from buffets at that time,' ^
If Buchanan and Lesley are accurate, the outcome of the
^ In A Historie the order of events is somewhat different from that given by
Knox. The preachers are said to have attended at Holyrood in July, to have been
set free under promise to return on eight days' notice, and thereafter to have
preached privately in Edinburgh, but publicly ' where they might without
occasion of sedition or great trouble. . , . The faithful in Dundee exceeded all
the rest in zeal and boldness.' — Wodrow Miscellany, i. 54. On the date of the
supplication given in A Historie, see page 81, n, 5,
^ I.e., the summons shall be cancelled or postponed.
' Knox, Works, i. 257-8 ; Calderwood, History, i. 344-5. Lang (History, ii.
43) transfers this episode to September i, naming Lesley and Buchanan as his
authorities, but neither of these writers narrates the episode at all. Lesley gives
two inconsistent accounts of the Holyrood meeting ; in the one he calls it a
' convention or provincial council of the whole prelates and clergy held about
the end of July,' in the other 'a parliament' ; there was no meeting either of
Provincial Council or of parUament in July. — Buchanan, History, bk. xvi, , c. 20 ;
Lesley (S.T,S.), ii. 383 ; Bann. Club ed,, p, 266,

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 89
discussion was less favourable to the Reformers than the
above narrative suggests, and the preachers were ordered
to raake a public recantation on St Giles' Day (Septeraber l) ;
but when the day carae round, the populace broke out in a
riot which Knox describes in his most graphic style.^ The
priests had borrowed an image of the saint to replace the
one destroyed a year before, but their procession was
broken up by a High Street mob, the image was shattered,
the priests after a faint resistance fled in terror, and the
proceedings against the preachers were abandoned. The
Regent raade some attempts to discover the leaders in the
outrage, but at this stage, as we have seen,^ she was almost
forced into toleration by her eagerness to secure the Crown
Matrimonial for the Dauphin. The Lords of the Congrega
tion became aggressive, and resolved to claim religious
liberty from parliament, which had been convened for
November 2^. The claira was embodied in a very moderate
memorial, which went not beyond urging respectfully that
power to deal with heretics should be taken out of the hands
of churchmen, and that none should be condemned who
were not proved, after a fair trial, to have erred from the
' manifest word of God,' until the controversy between
Protestants and Romanists should be decided by a General
Council.* When parliament met, the Regent suppressed
the memorial ; and the Lords, while protesting against the
concession of the crown matrimonial, lodged a protest with
parliament, alleging that they held themselves answerable
to God alone in matters of conscience, and that their sole
concern was for the removal of abuses in religion, with the
significant statement that, if abuses were not removed by
law, the diversity of religion might give rise to tumult and
uproar and lead to a violent reformation, for which the
blame would not be due to the petitioners.* Although
parliament refused to register the ' protestations,' the Regent
^ Knox, Works, i. 258-261. ^ See page 23.
' Ibid., i. 310-312.
* Ibid., i. 312-314. Lang {History, ii. 44) confuses the 'petition' with the
protest ; the petitioji did not reach parliament ; it was the ' protestations ' that
parliament refused to register.

90 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
soothed the Lords with fair promises,^ and so misled them
as to her intentions that they wrote to Calvin asking him,
as the recognized chief of the Reformers, to exhort her
' to follow constantly that which godly she had begun,' ^
The publication of the Beggars' Sumraons on January i
led to no retaliatory measures. In a letter written six days
later, Peter Martyr, the Ziirich Reformer, reports that the
Scots ' have written to the King of France that they wish to
enjoy pure religion, and will be quiet if they obtain it ; they
have obtained the Gospel ; they have public preaching and
due administration of the sacraments. These they have not
obtained by the public law or by the Queen's commandment,
but the people have taken them,' * The extent to which
liberty had been secured appeared a few weeks later, when
a proposal was made for a formal debate upon the raass, to
be held at Ayr between Quintin Kennedy and Willock the
preacher. The proposal came to nothing, being wrecked
upon the standing question of authority ; Kennedy claiming
that twelve of the early Fathers might be quoted as
authorities, while Willock insisted that appeal must be
made to the Bible alone. The negotiations disclose the
significant fact that Kennedy claimed that the debate should
be conducted in private before selected hearers ; whereas
Willock urged that it should be in the parish church, and
was accused of attempting to overawe his opponent by taking
with him a force of four or five hundred men.* For a month
or two it seemed as if the Reforraers would secure full
religious liberty without a political revolution.
When in February the Regent instructed the Priraate to
convene the Provincial Council,^ she also convened the
Estates ' to advise for sorae reformation in religion,' ® and
^ ' She promised to the Earls of Argyll, Marischal, Morton and Glencairn,
with the Prior of St. Andrews, being accompanied with many nobles and
gentlemen, that she would be content that all such as favoured God's Word
should have liberty to live after their own consciences,' — Kirkaldy to Percy,
State Papers, Foreign (1558-9), p. 278,
2 Ibid., is 315. 3 iiii^^ p^ 7g_
* Keith, Affairs, iu, 393-404- " See page 43 n,
' According to A Historie, both . the Estates and the Provincial Council
were convened some time before February 2, the Regent" being alarmed by the
prospect of uproar.

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 91
the terms of both notices indicate that she still intended to
conciliate the Lords of the Congregation, The change in
her policy was made suddenly,^ while both the Estates and
the Provincial Council were in session, and it was, as we have
seen,^ the result of the agreement reached on the Continent
by Roman Catholic powers that Protestantism raust be
suppressed,* On the 23rd of March she commanded her
whole household to participate in mass, issued a sumraons
to the preachers, and published an edict throughout the
country that no one under penalty of death should preach
or minister the sacraments without episcopal licence. The
Reformers (the ' faithful ') who were meeting daily in
Edinburgh remonstrated, but she proudly said, ' In despite
of you and of your rainisters both, they shall be banished
out of Scotland, albeit they preached as truly as ever did
St. Paul,' In amazement they sent Glencairn and the
Sheriff of Ayr ' to reason with her ; to whom she said that
it became not subjects to burden their princes with promises
further than it pleaseth thera to keep the same.'* They
answered this so stoutly that she adjourned the sumraons
to the preachers, who thereupon dispersed and continued
their preaching with increased zeal. Her anger broke out
when she heard that the royal burgh of Perth had embraced
the truth. Sending for the provost. Lord Ruthven, she
' On February 9, the Regent issued a proclamation which forbade eating
flesh in Lent, with death penalty. Yet both Knox and Kirkaldy allege
that her outbreak was totally unexpected. ' She began to spue forth and
disclose the latent venom of her double heart and to look frowardly to all such as
she knew did favour the Evangel.' — Kncx, Works, i. 315. 'She uttered her
deceitful mind, having now declared that she would be enemy to all them that
should not live after her religion.' — State Papers, foreign (1558-9), p. 278.
- See page 23.
^ Bellesheim (ii. 262) connects the change with the arrival of a French
ambassador ; Father Pollen confirms this, although he quaintly suggests that the
threats of the French were only ' brave words intended to salve their wounded
honour.' — Papal Negotiations, p. xxxv. Lang (Knox, pp. 94 ff. ) enlarges upon
the fact that the Regent's severity began some weeks before the arrival of the
ambassador, and blames 'older historians' for having ascribed undue weight
to the embassy. Yet the change in her poUcy was certainly due to the compact
which was arranged months before April 2, when the treaty of Cateau
Cambresis wai signed. Froude writes of the arrangement as becoming ' final '
on March 12. — History, vi. 176.
* Knox, Works, i, 316. The terms of the Regent's edict are uncertain : see
Statuta, I. clvii; A Historie (Wodrow Miscellany'), i. p. 56; M'Crie, Knox,
p. 15s ; Lang, Knox, p, 92.

92 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
ordered him ' to suppress all such religion.' But he replied
that, although he could make the citizens bend before Her
Grace by threats of death, he could not promise to cause
them do against their conscience. At Dundee the provost
refused to arrest the preacher Methven, and coraraissioners,
whom she despatched to enforce the observance of mass at
Perth, Dundee and Montrose, were completely baffled.
Highly incensed, she sumraoned all the preachers to appear
before her at Stirling on the lOth of May, and the Congre
gation, on their part, recognized that a crisis had arrived
and agreed that ' the gentlemen of every country should
accompany their preachers to the day and place appointed.' ^
That the crisis was a great one for Scotland was fully
recognized by Knox, the man who more than any other had
imparted vigour and unity to the Reformers. When the
death of Mary Tudor made it possible for exiles to return
to England, the English congregation at Geneva was dis
solved, Knox left for Scotland at the beginning of 1559,^
but his journey was interrupted at Dieppe by the refusal of
Queen Elizabeth's rainisters to allow him to pass through
England. Although he had no thought of reraaining in
England, he wished to visit his congregations at Berwick
and Newcastle, and he had private comraunications to make
to Sir William Cecil.* Elizabeth, however, who seems from
the first to have thoroughly disliked the fervid Protestantism
of Knox, was specially indignant with his Blast against the
rule of women, and he was delayed for more than two
months at Dieppe, where he gave himself to preaching —
preaching so effective that his hearers formed themselves
into a Protestant congregation which became an important
centre of the French Reformed Church.* His letters written
at Dieppe show that on subjects on which he had hesitated
' Knox, Works, i. 317.
'^ He had left Geneva before February 7. — Ibid., vi. 11.
3 Although Knox does not specify these 'communications,' their tenor cannot
be doubted. Already negotiations were in process for a religious compact
between the anti-Church party in Scotland and the English government : see
page 23.
* On March i 'abjuration of the errors of the Roman Church and profession
of the truth of the Gospel was made by the hands of Sieur Jean Knox ' and
others. — Daval, Histoire de la Reformation (J Dieppe, pp. 10, 11.

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 93
his purpose was now matured. In one letter, for example,
he strongly advises a lady who had consulted him to avoid
those compromises to which the English Reformers were
turning, and intimates emphatically that he 'will never
counsel any one to use ' the English Prayer Book, which is
stained, he says, with ' the dregs of papistry.' ^ ' The time
has come,' he says, ' when Christ Jesus and Satan His
adversary are at plain defiance. . . . The quality of this
time will not affray him, although corporal death should
be his reward.' In a very masterful letter to CecU,^ he
warns that erainent statesman against ' following the world,'
and avers that the safety of England depends wholly upon
the ' simplicity, sincerity and fervency ' of her religion. He
clairas perraission, 'such as even the Turks do commonly
grant,' to pass through England * in order that he may
' repair to his own country which now beginneth to thirst
for Christ's truth.' This claim being repeatedly rejected, he
recognized that ' England had refused him,' and sailed from
Dieppe on the 22nd of April, landing at Leith on the 2nd
of May. A letter written on the day after his arrival shows
how thoroughly he was aware of the greatness of the crisis :
'These few lines are to signify unto you, dear Sister, that it hath
pleased the merciful providence of my Heavenly Father to conduct me
to Edinburgh, uncertain as yet what God shall further work in this
country, except that I see the battle shall be great, for Satan rageth
even to the uttermost. And I am come (I praise my God) even in the
brunt of the battle ; for my fellow-preachers * have a day appointed to
answer before the Queen Regent, the tenth of this instant, where I
intend, if God impede not, also to be present, by life, by death, or else
by both, to glorify His godly name who thus mercifully hath heard my
long cries. Assist me, Sister, with your prayers, that now I shrink not
when the battle approacheth.' »
From Edinburgh Knox proceeded at once ^ to Dundee,
1 Works, vi. \2. ' Ibid., vi. is-20.
3 Morel, French Reformer, implored Calvin to keep this firebrand out of
England lest aU should be spoiled.— Cambridge Modern History, ii. 573.
* According to Lesley (Bann. Club, ed., p. 271) Knox himself was one
of the preachers summoned ' immediately after April 10.' But Knox was then
at Dieppe.
^ Knox, Works, vi. 21.
^ According to A Historie, p. 57, Knox was declared an outlaw by the
Regent on the third day after his landing.

94 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
where the adherents of the preachers were rallying, and by his
preaching ' put more life into his hearers than five hundred
trumpets continually blustering,' ^

NOTE P, Page 56.
TILL OUR GUDE MAN,
Till our gud man, Hit our gud man,
Keip faith and lufe, till our gud man.
For our gude man in heuin dois regne
In gloir and blis without ending,
Quhar Angellis singis euer Osan ^
In laude and pryse ' of our gude man.
Our gude man desyris thr^ thingis,
Ane hart, quhair fra contritioun springis,
Syne lufe * him best, our Saulis that wan,
Quhen we war loste fra our gude man.
And our gude man, that euer was kynde,
Requyris of vs ane faithfull mynde,
Syne cheritabill be with euerie clan,
For lufe onlie of oux' gude man.
Zit '' our gude man requyris moir,
To geue na' Creature his gloir,
And gif we do, (do quhat we can),
We salbe loste fra our gude man.
And our gude man he promeist sure,
To euerie faithful Creature,
His greit mercy, that, now or than,
Will call for grace at our gude man.
Adame that our Foirfather was,
He loste vs all for his Trespas,
Quhais brukkill banis ' we may sair ban,
That gart ' vs lose our awin gude man.
Zit our gude man, gracious and gude,
For our Saluatioun sched his blude.
Upon the Croce, quhair thair began.
The mercyfulness of our gude man.
' Quoted by Pollard, Political History, p. 225.
^ Hosanna. ^ praise. * love.
° yet. ° whose brittle bones, ' caused.

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 95
This is the blude did vs refresche,
This is the blude that mon vs wesche,"
The blude that from his hart furth ran,
Maid vs frd airis ^ till ^ our gude man.
Now lat vs pray, baith day and hour,
Till Christ our onlie Mediatour,
Till saif * vs on the day that quhan ^
We sal be Jugeit be our gude man.

HAY TRIX, TRYME GO TRIX,
The Paip, that Pagane full of pryde,
He hes vs blindit lang,
For quhair the blind the blind dois gyde,
Na wounder baith ga wrang ;
Lyke Prince and King, he led the Regne,
Of all Iniquitie :
Hay trix, tryme go trix, vnder the grene [wod tre],
Bot his abominatioun,
The Lord hes brocht to lycht ;
His Popische pryde, and thrinfald' Crowne,
Almaist hes loste thair mycht.
His plak Pardonis,' ar bot lardonis,^
Of new fund vanitie.
Hay trix, tryme go trix, &c.
His Cardinallis hes cause to murne,^
His Bischoppis borne aback.
His Abbotis gat ane vncouth ^^ turne,
Quhen schauelingis ^' went to sack.
With Surges wyffis thay led thair lyues.
And fure ^^ better nor we,
Hay trix, tryme go trix, &c.
His Carmelitis, and Jacobinis,
His Dominikis had greit do.
His Cordeleris,!' and Augustinis,
Sanct Frances of ordour to ; "
Thay sillie Freiris, mony zeiris,'"
With babling blerit '« our E,
Hay trix, tryme go trix, &c,
1 wash. ^ free heirs. ^ to.
* to save. * when. ^ threefold.
' pardons sold for a plack. * deceits. ^ mourn,
1" strange, ^^ shaveUngs, monks, ^^ fare,
13 Franciscans. " order too. " years.
>' blinded.

96 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
The Sisteris gray, befoir this day.
Did crune ' within thair cloister,
Thay feit ^ ane Freir, thair keyis to beir,
The Feind ressaue ^ the foster.
Syne, in the mirk, he weill culd wirk,
Hay trix, tryme go trix, &c.
The blind Bischop, he culd nocht preiche,
For playing with the lassis,
The sillie Freir behulffit to fleiche,*
For almous that he assis,'
The Curat, his Creid he culd nocht reid,
Schame fall the cumpanie.
Hay trix, tryme go trix, &c.
The Bischop wald nocht ^ wed ane wyfe,
The Abbot not persew ane,
Thinkand it was ane lustie lyfe,
Ilk day to half ane new ane,
In euerie place, ane uncouth face,
His lust to satisfie.
Hay trix, tryme go trix, &c
The Persoun ' wald nocht half ane hure,*
Bot twa, and they war bony,
The Vicar, (thocht he was pure),
Behuifit to half as mony.
The pareis Preist," that brutall beist,
Hay trix, tryme go trix, &c.
Of Scotland well the Freiris of Faill,
The lymmerie ^° lang hes lestit,
The Monkis of Melros maid gude kaill,
On Frydayis quhen thay fastit,
The sillie Nunnis , . , .
Hay trix, tryme go trix, &c.
Of lait I saw thir lymmaris " stand,
Lyke mad men at mischeif,
Thinking to get the vpper hand,
Thay luke efter releif,
Bot all in vaine, go tell thaijie plaine,
That day will neuer be.
Hay trix, tryme go trix, &c,
' croon. ' feed, hired, ' receive,
' behoved to flatter ^ alms that he begs, » would not,
' parson. ' whore, ^ parish priest.
1° villany, ^^ worthless fellows.

PROGRESS OF REFORMATION 97
O Jesu ! gif thay thocht greit glie,^
To s^ Goddis word downe smorit,^
The Congregatioun maid to flie,*
Hypocrisie restorit,
With Messis sung and bellis rung,
To thair Idolatrie ;
Marie, God thank zow, we sail gar brank zow,'
Befoir that tyme trewlie.
' if ^ great glee. smothered.
' made to flee. " have you curbed.

VOL. II. G

CHAPTER XXVI
' THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION ' ^
May 1559 — August 1560
Importance of the crisis — Knox's personality and leadership — Outbreak
at Perth — The Regent's duplicity — Triumph of the Reformers —
Cleansing of churches — Its motive and extent — Question of national
liberty — Attitude of foreign powers — Elizabeth, Knox and Cecil —
Appeal for English aid — The Regent in power — Policy of Eliza
beth—Growth of the Congregation — Vicissitudes of fortune — The
power of Knox — Intrigues and success of the Regent — Help from
England — Berwick — Death of the Regent — Edinburgh — Claims of
the Congregation — The Confession of Faith— Parliamentary enact
ments — Peaceful character of the Scottish Reformation.
The year which followed the arrival of Knox is the most
important in the history of the Scottish Church and the
Scottish nation. Although the agencies of the. Roman
Church were all but extinct and its fabric lay in hopeless
disorder, the new religious life, which for thirty years had
been permeating the land, was not yet organic, and it was
not yet clear what shape its organism would take — what
relation it would bear to existing Church institutions and to
the nation as a nation. There was a still graver political
uncertainty. Two powerful nations had in turn strained
their energies in seeking to master Scotland, and at the
beginning of 1559 it seemed uncertain whether Scotland
was destined to be a province of France, an appanage of
England, or an independent kingdom. Before the end of
August 1560, both the religious and the political questions
were practically settled by developments in which political
' Pitscottie, History, 3rd ed,, Edinburgh, 1778,

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 99
and religious influences were inseparably combined. The
combination is one which must be frankly recognized. The
history of the Church and that cf the nation were for a
time identical, and writers who ascribe the issue exclusively
to religion are as far from the truth as those who take
cognizance only of the secular forces which were at work.
No year of Scottish history has been so important for
other nations. It is indeed the one year when Scotland
has had a direct and determining influence upon the
development of Western Europe. A small country with a
population of not more than half a million, in parts still un
civilized and in parts fast-bound by feudalism, it became
the centre of a crisis in which the destinies of England,
France and Spain were involved. Was England to be
vanquished and overborne by the Catholic Powers or to
assert an independence by which the balance of nations and
the permanence of the Reforraation as a political force would
be preserved ? So it was that religious raoveraents, which
in theraselves may seera trivial and which were in truth pro
vincial, were recognized as momentous. ' Suddenly all eyes
were turned to a backward country,' where ' the fate of the
Protestant Reformation was being decided, and the creed
of unborn nations in undiscovered lands was being
determined.' ^
Many strong personalities appeared in the struggle and
contributed to its result. Queen Elizabeth and her
Secretary, Sir William Cecil, were great personages ; the
Guises, and specially Mary of Lorraine, were possessed of
high abilities ; in Scotland, Maitland cf Lethington and
James Stewart (' Lord James ') were men whose dissimilar
qualities would have secured distinction for them in any
land. But the individuality which left the strongest im
press upon events and determined, or at least regulated,
their course was that of Knox. The native powers of
Knox — his sonorous, trenchant and pictorial eloquence,
his swift and sure insight into character, and his instinct for
the requirements and possibilities of a situation had been
1 F. W. Maitland, Cambridge Modern History, ii, 550,

TOO HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
matured in an unusually varied experience ; he had reached
the conviction that a thorough reformation was irapossible
without a sweeping and complete change, and that ' the dregs
of papistry,' as he styled some doctrines of the Lutherans
and some usages to which the English Reformers clung,
were poisonous. But that conviction was shared by raany
other Reformers, and already it had been set forth vigorously
in Scotland, He owed his unique forcefulness to his con
centration upon the interests of religion. His religious ideas
were in raany respects those of the Old rather than of the
New Testament ; but for him they were supreme, and he
pursued them with unflagging zeal. Keenly as every step
of his career has been criticized, no competent critic has
charged him with political or personal ambitions. Amidst
diplomatic churchmen and statesmen, he stood out as the
one raan of first-rate ability to whom religion was all in all.
With this conviction there was combined an unswerving
belief that the cause he had at heart would triumph.
Frequently he was depressed about his own future ; but
the depression rarely if ever passed into dubiety about
the future of his cause. This assurance sometimes led him
to claim prophetic power, but the claim never went beyond
forecasts of the discomfiture of his opponents, and in his
normal life it imparted to him an air of mastery with
monarchs, and secured for him a place of leadership.
Not one of the able and ambitious men with whom he
worked, except perhaps Maitland, seems to have regarded
his leadership with jealousy.
Before Knox landed at Leith, the Regent, as we have
seen, had summoned the preachers to appear before her on
the loth of May. He passed at once^ to Dundee, which
since Wishart's time had been a chief centre of the new
faith, and there joined a company of Reformers who re
solved to escort the preachers to Stirling en masse in order
to show the Regent with how large a body of her subjects
' It is possible that a special sentence of outlawry was passed against Knox
on his arrival, although for this there is only one authority,— Wodrow Miscellany,
i. 57, The sentence passed against him in 1555 (see page 74) had not been
revoked.

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' loi
she had to deal. They proclaimed a rally to be held at
Perth, and about 5000 responded. Although they were
unarmed, they recognized that the approach of so large a
force might have the semblance of rebellion and despatched
Erskine of Dun to Stirling to explain that their only pur
pose was to support the preachers in their claim for liberty.
The gathering included the Lords of the Congregation, to
whom Knox acted as Secretary for the next five months,
besides preaching almost daily from the day of their arrival
at Perth, His was the pen, as well as the voice, by which
all proceedings were inspired and shaped. What passed
between the Regent and Erskine is not quite clear. Ac
cording to one authority, she gave promises so fair that
some of the Congregation left Perth thinking that the
purpose cf the rally had been secured ; according to
another, she proved obdurate, and declared Erskine him
self an outlaw,^ But she certainly outlawed the preachers
for their non-appearance, and when Erskine reported upon
his mission at Perth, the ' multitude was inflamed.' On the
following day (May 11), Knox preached vehemently in the
parish church (the Kirk of the Holy Cross of St John the
Baptist) against ' idolatry,' and at the close of the sermon
a rash priest proceeded tc celebrate mass, A young
boy, possessed by a spirit which the Perth children had
previously displayed,^ shouted out in protest ; the priest
struck him ; the boy flung a stone which missed the priest
but broke an image ; and immediately the congregation
began to ' cast stones and put hands to the tabernacle, and
to all other monuments of idolatry, which they despatched,'
1 There are four or five contemporary narratives, two of them by Knox-
Croft, who was at Berwick at the time, wrote that Erskine proposed a public
disputation between the preachers and the clergy, but his despatch is too loosely
written to merit confidence ; Lesley says that Erskine was sent to beg the Regent
not to impose a penalty on the preachers in their absence. In A Historie of the
Estate of Scotland, he is said to have remonstrated with the Regent for outlawing
the preachers. Knox's two accounts, although varying in detail, both charge
the Regent with duplicity. Knox is followed in this by Buchanan, Spottis
woode, Hill Burton and Hume Brown. Lang (Knox, pp. 275-9) seeks to
clear her from the charge. That she broke faith with the Congregation a fort.
night later is certain. — State Papers, Elizabeth, Foreign, p. 263 ; Lesley
(S,T,S,), ii, 400; Wodrow Miscellany, i, 57; Knox, Works, i. 317; vi.
25 ; Hume Brown, Knox, ii. 6. ^ See vol, i. 460,

102 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
When the news cf the outbreak spread, ' the whole multitude
convened, not cf the gentlemen, neither cf thera that were
earnest professors, but of the rascal raultitude, who, finding
ncthing tc do in that church, did run without deliberation
to the Gray and Black Friars ; and, notwithstanding that
they had within them very strong guards, yet were their
gates incontinent burst up. The first invasion was upon the
idolatry, and thereafter the common people began tc seek
some spoil . . , the spoil was permitted tc the poor ; fcr
the preachers had before threatened all men that for
covetousness' sake none should put their hand tc such a
reforraation, so that no honest raan was enriched thereby
the value cf a groat, . . . The Prior of Charter-house was
permitted to take away with him as much gold and silver as
he was well able tc carry. So were men's consciences before
beaten with the Word, that they had no respect tc their own
particular profit, but only to abolish idolatry, the places and
monuments thereof; in which they were so busy and so
laborious that within two days these three great places,
monuments of idolatry, tc wit the Gray and Black thieves
(friaries) and the Charter-house, a building of a wondrous
cost and greatness, were sc destroyed that the walls only
did remain of these great edifications,' ^ When the Regent
heard cf the outbreak she vowed that she would destroy
Perth and its inhabitants, but the Congregation, despising
her threat, dispersed, leaving Kncx ' to instruct the citizens,
because they were young and rude in Christ ' ; but, when
they learned that she had summoned her French guard and
was marching upon Perth, they returned, fortified the city
and issued three manifestoes addressed to the Regent, to the
" pestilent prelates and their shavelings,' and to the nobility.
The first two define the claims and the intentions of the
Reformers, Although loyal subjects cf the Crown, they
claimed ' tc live in that peace and liberty which Christ Jesus
has purchased by His blood, to have His Word truly
preached and the Holy Sacraments rightly rainistered ' ;
they were reluctant tc proceed tc extremities, but they were
' Knox, Works, i. 320 ; see below.

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 103
ready 'to take the sword of just defence against all that
should pursue them for the matter cf religion,' The address
tc the nobility, which was specially intended for noblemen
like Argyll and Lord James, who although at heart Protes
tants still adhered tc the Regent, disavowed any seditious or
rebellious purpose, and declared that the question at issue
was between true and false religion — a question which the
Reformers were ready to submit to any impartial tribunal.
The nobles must not take refuge in the plea that they were
obeying and maintaining the civil authority, for ' there is a
great difference between the authority which is God's
ordinance and the persons of those who are placed in
authority.' Should they be faint-hearted and refuse tc
stand fcr the truth, they would be excommunicated from
the society and the sacraments cf ' the Church now by God's
raighty power erected in Scotland,' ^
Meanwhile the Regent's forces, nurabering 8000, advanced
tc Auchterarder ; atterapts at mediation by Argyll ^ and Lord
James led only to recriminations, and battle was imminent
when the Regent was checked by the arrival of a force
of 2500 Reformers under the Earl cf Glencairn, summoned
from the south-west cf Scotland, where the reforming spirit
had been strong since the days of Lollardy, On May 28,
an agreement, or ' Appointment,' was made, that the
Congregation should disperse, and the Regent entered the
city on condition that no citizen should be punished for any
share taken in the recent outbreak, that the Reforming
movement should be allowed to ' go forward,' and that the
Regent should leave no French soldiers as a garrison.*
The Congregation suspected that the Regent would net keep
her part cf the Appointment, but Argyll and Lord James
1 The three manifestoes are printed in Knox, Works, i. 326-36.
^ Hume Brown, History, ii. 59.
' There are slightly different versions of the Appointment. The above is
given by Knox in his History { Works, i. 341-356). In a letter to Mrs. Locke he
said that no person was to be 'troubled for anything done either in religion or
in down-casting of places till the sentence of the Estates had decided the
controversy, that no French soldiers should be left in Perth, nor any idolatry
erected, or alteration made within the town.' — Ibid., vi. 24. Pitscottie (ii.
149-152) says that no Frenchmen were to come within three miles of the town.
Hill Burton gives a blended version from Keith, etc. — History, iii. 356,

I04 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
assured them that if she ' did break any jot thereof they with
their whole powers would assist and concur with their
brethren in all times to come.' This assurance was sealed
by a Covenant, signed on May 31, by these two noblemen
along with Glencairn, Boyd, Ochiltree and the Sheriff" of
Ayr, in which they bound themselves ' in a constant amity,
unity and fellowship tc destroy and put away all things
that dishonour God's Name, so that He raay be truly
and purely worshipped, and to spare neither labour, goods,
substance, body nor life in maintaining the liberty cf the
whole Congregation.' ^ Satisfied with this pledge, the
Congregation broke up, proving their sense cf liberty by
cleansing parish churches on their horaeward way : but the
Regent within two days cf her entrance into Perth had
tossed her pledges to the winds. Mass was reinstated in the
churches, Reformers were deposed from the magistracy, and
the promise that the city should not be garrisoned by
Frenchmen was evaded by the instalment cf French
mercenaries cf Scottish birth. When Lord James and
Argyll remonstrated, she replied that she was ' not bound
to keep preraises to heretics,' but the answer cost her dear,
fcr the two lords, with the Earl of Menteith, Murray of
TuUibardine and Lord Ruthven, loyal tc their Covenant,
abandoned her cause finally. The accession to the
Congregation was invaluable, and there was equal import
ance in the confirmation of the idea that the word of the
Regent could not be trusted.^
Under the leadership of Argyll and Lord James the
Congregation turned tc St, Andrews, the ancient ecclesias-
1 The Covenanters are said to have taken the oath with ropes round their
necks, to betoken their readiness to be hanged, if they did not hang their
enemies, — Pitscottie, ii. 149,
* The French Chamberlain, on June 13, 1559, when giving Sir James Melville
a commission, said, ' I have intelligence that the Queen Regent hath not kept all
things promised to the Scots.' — Melville's Memoirs, p. 51 (3i'd ed,). On April 6,
1560, Randolph wrote of 'her long experience of craft and s\ihtilty.'— State
Papers (Scotland and Mary), p, 348. Her grandson, James vi, wrote : ' I durst
not play fast and loose with my word. . . , Laud knows not the stomach of
the Scots ; but I ken the story of my grandmother that after she was inveigled
to break her promise made to some mutineers at a Perth meeting, she never saw
good day, but from thence, being much beloved before, was despised by her
people,' — Hill Burton, History, vi, 339 (ed, 1870),

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 105
tical capital of the kingdom, ' for reformation to be made
there.' 1 On June 11, Kncx preached in the parish church
in thankful fulfilment of the hope he had expressed when
toiUng in the gaUeys,^ The Archbishop, indignant at this
outrage upon the citadel of his cause, inhibited him with
threats which gained reaUty frora the fact that the pursuing
forces of the Regent had occupied Falkland, about twenty
miles distant Knox's comrades hesitated, but he himself
insisted upon using ' the occasion which God in His raercy
had offered,' Fcr three days he preached in the presence
cf the 'doctors' and the magistrates, setting forth the
' corruption cf the papistrie ' and the duty cf ejecting buyers
and sellers from the temple ; and on June 14 the magistrates,
with the consent cf the Prior and Sub-prior, formally resolved
tc ' remove all monuments cf idolatry, which also they did
with expedition.' Crucifixes, pictures and vestments were
collected, and, with a sense of retributive justice, burnt en the
spot of the raartyrdcm of Walter Myln.* When the Arch
bishop, who had fled, reported the proceedings at Falkland, the
Regent was disposed to follow advice given her by the
Cardinal of Lorraine tc 'cut off the heads cf all the
Protestant rebels,' but a battle would have been precarious,
and an eight days' armistice was arranged on Cupar Moor
in the hope of making a permanent truce. But the Regent
insisted that there must be no public preaching, and the
Congregation were resolved tc persevere. Before the eight
days were past * she had crossed the Forth and they had
advanced tc Perth, which they proceeded to set free (on
June 25) from its garrison cf Franco-Scots. From Perth
they marched tc Stirling and Linlithgow, and on June 28

1 On the way to St. Andrews Knox preached at Crail and Anstruther. — Knox,
Works, i. 347. ^ See page 55.
' Knox, Works, i. 350. Hay Fleming has shown that the accounts given in
Lyon's History of St. Andrews of the destruction of Church fabrics at St. Andrews
are grossly exaggerated, and, in regard to the cathedral, quite untrue. The
cathedral was in use after the Reformation. — The Reformation in Scotland,
pp. 364-372, . . ^ ,
^ There was a second ' cleansing ' of Lindores Abbey at this time, and the
Regent failed to send, as she promised, commissioners to St. Andrews. Thus
the armistice was broken on both sides, — Lang, Knox, pp, 126-7,

io6 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
or 29 1 entered Edinburgh, from which the Regent had
turned aside to Dunbar, awaiting reinforcements from
France, The fickle Edinburgh mob had anticipated the
arrival cf the Reforraers by making havoc cf the friaries,^
and no resistance was offered when, on June 30, Knox
occupied the pulpit of St Giles'. On the following day he
preached at Holyrood Abbey, and on July 7 the congrega
tion of Edinburgh, meeting in the Tolbooth, elected him
minister cf Edinburgh,* The Reformers took possession cf
the Mint seals,* resolved after deliberation that monuments
of idolatry should be suppressed in Edinburgh and ' the
places next adjacent,' sealed their proceedings by a new
Covenant and sent a formal justification of their actions to
the Regent,
The so-called ' cleansing ' of churches, which was carried
cut at Perth, St. Andrews and Edinburgh, was a leading
feature of Knox's plan, and deserves therefore more than a
cursory notice. In earlier chapters we have seen that the
beautiful abbeys and priories, specially those of the Border
land, had suffered terribly in war, that parish churches had
been shamefully neglected by rectors and vicars, and that
from 1545 onwards destructive attacks had been made here
and there upon obnoxious centres cf monastic life. But a
new force was now brought into play, Tc Knox it was a
matter of principle that every trace cf a worship which to
him seemed utterly corrupt should be obliterated. In
England, and at Geneva and at Frankfort he had seen
misunderstanding, confusion and strife through atterapts
' The day is uncertain, owing to irregularity in the dating of Knox's letters.
One letter is dated from Perth, June 28, another from Edinburgh, June 25. —
Works, vi. 30, 32. The Reformers were certainly in Edinburgh before June 29. —
Hume Brown, History, ii. 61.
^ Knox, Works, i. 363.
^ Several recent writers have followed Hume Brown (Knox, ii. 27) in
saying that Knox was 'minister of the Tolbooth.' There was no Tolbooth
congregation ; the Tolbooth was the Council House. In Edinburgh, as in other
centres of the Reformation, there was only one ' Congregation,' even when
several places of worship were in use. The Edinburgh Congregation must of
course be distinguished from the Congregation of Christ Jesus in Scotland. —
Knox, Works, i. 388 : Wodrow Miscellany, i. 62, 63,
* The Regent was frequently charged by patriots with deteriorating the
coinage.

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 107
tc retain Roman symbols in ' Reformed ' worship, and he
had reached the sober conclusion that the ' dregs of papistrie '
must be cast out of the Church as poisonous. Permeated
by the spirit cf Hebrew law and prophecy, he had
continually in mind the ruthless war waged by the chosen
nation against idolatry, and the frequency with which they
had incurred judgment by their neglect of the second
commandment of the decalogue. The traffic of the
Roman priesthood in the sacraments, and specially in the
mass, was in his eyes like the sin cf those who bought and
sold in the Temple, whom Jesus had driven before Him
with indignation, saying, ' Take these things hence ' ; and
he knew hew in the early centuries martyrs had turned frora
graven iraages with loathing, and the first missionaries had
led their converts in unsparing campaigns against idols.
Moreover, he deliberately judged that the presence cf
symbolic figures in places of worship presented a terapta
tion tc those who were ' rude in Christ,' and that they were
net safe frora the risk cf lapsing until the temptation was
removed.^ Accordingly he regarded it as a primary duty
of these who abandoned Roraanism tc purge their churches
net only for their own sakes but in the interest cf their weaker
brethren and cf the community as a whole, and he regarded
this purging as a triumph of pure Christianity.^ He desired
indeed, like Calvin,* that the proceeding should be authorita
tive and systematic, distinguishing carefully between out
breaks of the ' rascal multitude ' and the considered action
' Pitscottie, who, although an inaccurate writer, reflects prevailing sentiment,
alleges that Knox was caused ' to conceive a prayer to God Almiglity to direct
them to do that which might serve most to the glory of God and good of
His kirk. Then they concluded to pass and demolish the Charter-house.' —
Pitscottie, ii. 145-6,
2 Spottiswoode repeats with hesitation a ' report ' that Knox said in one of his
sermons, 'The sure way to banish the rooks is to pull down their nests,' and
Bishop Quadra says that the Scottish preacher said that ' if they want to do
away with the rabbits they must destroy the warrens ' ; but these sayings do not at
all represent the sentiment of Knox, — Spottiswoode, History, i. 373; Spanish
Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 210.
' In 1 56 1 Calvin suspended a preacher for a private crusade against crosses,
altars and images, but he held that idols should be overthrown by every
Christian ' in his own house, and in public by those whom God hath armed with
authority.' — Corpus Reformatorum, xlvi, 609; xlvii. 409-421; or Lettres
Fran^aises, t. ii, p. 416.

loB HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
of the Congregation.^ Although he showed a grim satis
faction when the latter was anticipated by the former, he dis
avowed responsibility for their action, and in particular took
great pains to prove that the leaders cf the Congregation
attempted to prevent the destruction of the Abbey cf Scone,^
so dear tc every patriot. He was also anxious to show that
there was no desire fcr plunder. His statement with regard
tc the Perth outbreak, that the preachers warned their hearers
beforehand against covetousness, that only the poor sought
for spoil, and that no honest raan was enriched by the value
of a groat, is borne out by a letter of Kirkaldy of Grange,
written on July i :
' The manner of their proceedings in reformation is this : they pull
down all manner of friaries and some abbeys which receive not the
reformation willingly. As to parish churches, they cleanse them of
images and command that no masses be said in them ; in place thereof
the Book set forth by godly King Edward is read in the same churches.
They have never as yet meddled with a pennyworth of that which per
tains to the Church.' ^
The parish churches, it should be noted, were net
destroyed ; nor were the abbeys and cathedrals, except at
Scone and one or two other places, where the 'rascal
multitude' got out of hand. In the case of Dunkeld
Cathedral, for instance, minute instructions were given that
no desk, window or door should be injured, that altars
should be cast down and that ' images ' should be carried tc
the burying-ground and burned there openly ; * and at
Aberdeen, when a band cf Mearns and Angus men ' under
colour and pretence of godly reformation,' attempted to
destroy the church fabrics, the provost called upon the
citizens to resist the sacrilege, although the town had before
' It is often difficult to reach the facts. The destruction of the Edinburgh
friaries with which Knox and Spottiswoode credit the ' multitude ' is ascribed to
the Congregation by Lesley and the Diurnal of Occurrents. — Spottiswoode,
History, i. 280 : Lesley (Bann, Club ed. ), p. 275. There is a similar difference
as to the Stirling friaries. — Buchanan, History, xvi. 37 ; Moir Bryce, Grey
Friars, i. 147. ' Knox, Works, i. 361-2,
3 Ibid., vi. 34, So Throckmorton reported to Cecil on July 9: 'They
deliver the parish churches of altars and receive the services of the Church of
England according to King Edward's Book,' — State Papers, Elizabeth (1558-9),
p. 367,
^ Cardonnell, Picturesque Antiquities of Scotland (1788), i. 30,

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 109
then declared for the Reformation,^ Undoubtedly the
destruction of sacred emblems and other movable Church
properties was great. It continued with intervals through
out the year with which this chapter deals.^ Perth, Elcho,
Cupar-Fife, Crail, Anstruther and St. Andrews were dealt
with in May ; Scone, Stirling, Linlithgow and Edinburgh in
June ; in July the Congregation set themselves to complete
the desolation wrought by English invaders upon Kelso
and the other Border abbeys ; Glasgow was probably
visited twice, in July and in February ; Paisley, Kilwinning
and Dunfermline Abbeys were cleansed and suppressed in
September ; * the attack upon Aberdeen was made in
December ; and, although the Congregation were absorbed
in self-defence in the first months of 1560, they resumed
their campaign as soon as their hands were free,* Yet the
damage, which was overstated at the tirae by writers at a
distance,^ has been grossly exaggerated by modern assailants
of the Reformers, who have not only ascribed tc Knox
demolitions and devastations cf earlier and later generations,
but have ignored the principle by which he was uniformly
regulated. When called upon tc define in writing the
essentials of a reformation, he and his chief supporters
claimed :
' That idolatry be removed from the presence of all persons of what
estate and condition that ever they be within this realm . . . where
idolatry is maintained or permitted, there shall God's wrath reign, not
only upon the blind and obstinate idolater but also upon the negligent
' Extracts from Council Register of Aberdeen, 1398-1570, pp, 325-6,
^ ' In this time all kirkmen's goods and gear were spoiled and reft from them
in every place where the same could be apprehended,' — Diurnal of Occurrents,
p. 269.
' The 'suppression' of an abbey meant no more than its secularization.
Dunfermline, Pitscottie says, was 'cast down' in March 1560; but according
to Lord Bute, ' cast down ' means that its internal decorations and furniture
were iestroyeA.— Essays on Home Subjects, 1904, p. 260. Paisley Abbey, Knox
says, was burned in 1561 ; but M'Gregor Chalmers holds that the abbey church
was not destroyed by the Reformers, — Trans, of Scot. Eccles. Society, ii, 403,
* The order for 'cleansing' Dunkeld was issued on August 12, 1560, For
details of the above, see Hay Fleming, The Reformation in Scotland, ch, xi.
' Thus Bishop Jewel wrote on August l that 'all the monasteries everywhere
were levelled to the ground.' — ^Jewel's Works (Parker Society), iv. 1215.
Lesley, in the version of his History prepared for Mary Stewart, describes Chatel
herault and Argyll as 'trampling down places not before outraged.' — History
(S.T.S,), ii, 428.

no HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
sufferers of the same, especially if God have armed their hands with
power to suppress such abomination . . . and that churches be prepared
for the quiet and commodious receiving of the people ... as apper-
taineth to the majesty of the Word of God.' '
When at the beginning of July Kncx was installed as
minister of Edinburgh, the religious revolution, swift as it
had been, appeared to be complete. Between twenty and
thirty powerful nobles had signed the Covenant ; the
Covenanters had a force cf 6000 in the city with other 6000
at command ; ^ and observers believed that the movement
was a national one. Thus Croft reported to Cecil that the
nobles were wholly joined together ; * D'Oyssel, who was
in Scotland, wrote tc France : ' In the evangelical faith all
concur, high and low, i.e., the better part {la meilleure part),
so that it is necessary to play another game to divert them
from their purpose.' * The Regent herself wrote : ' If the
establishment of their religion is their only purpose, the
greater part of the kingdom will concur with them ' ; ^ Mary
Stewart, then in Paris, lamented that her subjects were now
alienated from the Catholic faith ; ^ and Henry II informed
the Pope that ' prelates, churchmen and almost all {quasi
tutti) the greater lords and gentry were following the new
sects and accepting their false and reprobate doctrine . . .
the apostate preachers cf the learning or doctrine of Geneva
have induced the people to follow their damnable errors and
heresies, whence the greater part of the people were corrupted
and as it were lost.' ' The spiritual lords had dispersed,
' through treachery or fear,' * and among the commons there
was no resisting force. If a religious issue alone had been
raised, it would have been settled in what may be called a
provincial way, without influencing European affairs ; but, in
1 Knox, Works, ii. l88. . 2 Ibid., vi. 35,
' State Papers, Scotland (1^39-1603), i. 109.
* Teulet, i. 318. » Ibid., i. 325. « Labanoff, i. 67.
' Papal Negotiations, p. 14 ; the Spanish ambassador reported in
similar words. — Mumby, Elizabeth and Mary Stuart, p. 38. The Regent
wrote on July 13 that, although the Congregation was small in itself, it
was 'supported by the nobles, the towns, and the greater part of the population.'
¦ — Papal Negotiations, xxix.
' So Father Pollen, S.J., translates the words of the French ambassador, ^ar
intelligence ou par crainte. — Ibid., xxix.

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' in
the language of the French ambassador, ' another game had
to be played,' another question to be answered — whether or
not Scotland was to regulate her own Church affairs. It
was in the decision cf that question that the Scottish
Reformation gained international importance,
Rome made no contribution to the decision, although the
reUgious future of her special daughter ^ was at stake and
two popes had an opportunity cf acting. The situation was
laid before Paul IV fully and imploringly by the French
King both by letter and by an embassy. But the Pope
refused either to levy a subsidy upon the Scottish Church or
tc send a legate,^ and wculd say no more than that he knew
better about things than Henry, and that all heretics should
be burned without delay,* When he died lamenting his
own blunders,* a three months' papal interregnum followed.
His successor, Pius IV, shewed some vigour, agreeing tc tax
the clergy fcr the expense cf fighting ' Lutherans ' {sic) in
Scotland, and granted full powers to a legate. Yet the
assessment was delayed, and as late as May 15, 1560, he
forbade any policy which would lead to expenditure, on the
ground that Scotland was ' not yet declared schismatic' A
fortnight later he began to suspect that Scotland was going
to perdition, but on the eve cf the final abolition cf his
jurisdiction by the Scottish parliament he thought it enough
tc present Mary Stewart with a golden rose,^ and en
October 17, 1560, solemnly informed his cardinals that,
although the Scots had extorted liberty of conscience, they
were awaiting the decision of the Council cf Trent. It is a
meracrable fact that in this crisis, which ended in the over
throw of papal authority, the Pope was an absolute cipher,^
' See vol. i. p. 228, 233, etc.
^ The Bishop, who, as we shall see, visited Scotland in the autumn of 1559,
was sent by France, not by the Pope. * Papal Negotiations, pp. 23, 24.
'' His last words were, ' How greatly flesh and blood have deceived me !
From the time of Divine Peter there has not been a pontificate more luckless
than mine ; I am thoroughly ashamed of what has been done ; pray for me.' —
Manare, Comment, de Rebus Soc. Jesu, p. 125.
° In Statuta (i, clxv.) the date of the presentation is wrongly given as
March 23, 1561 ; see Papal Negotiations, p. 49.
* ' At various times,' writes Father Pollen, ' Rome was ill-informed on
Scottish matters, but never so wide of the mark.' — Ibid., xxxvi, xxxvu, xlvi,
20-5, 29-31, 47, 48 ; Hume Brown, Knox, ii. 300-2.

112 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
None the less, there was an agreement among the
Catholic Powers fcr the repression of Protestantism. It is
open to debate whether an explicit treaty had been con
cluded after Cateau-Cambresis, but undoubtedly there was
a community of sentiment and practical unity cf feeling,
which played the part cf a league and gave rise to rumours
that a treaty had been arranged.^ The agreement rested
upon the idea, persistently disseminated by Rome, that
Protestants were revolutionists who aimed at the overthrow
of the constitutional authority of ruling dynasties. The
Catholic Powers were sc numerous and strong that they
would have been irresistible if they had been united, but
their religious agreement was checked by political jealousies,
and with regard tc Scotland these were specially keen.
The desire cf France tc master Scotland, with a view to the
invasion of England, was well known, and yet Spain, the
most genuinely religious cf the Powers, as the rival, if not
the open enemy, of France, was strongly opposed to that
step, preferring that Scotland should be independent ^ under
a Catholic sovereign. The Emperor, although ' Catholic,'
had his own difficulties with the Protestant princes of
Gerraany and his own plans fcr alliance with England. So
it was that France was the one Power which was set upon
the raaintenance of the Roraan Church in Scotland, and
the purposes of France were only secondarily religious.
Although, after the outbreak at Perth, Francis had advised
summary treatment of the Protestants, yet, when informed
of their strength, he was willing to concede their demands.
His ambassador, Bethencourt, was instructed tc advise the
Regent ' to dissemble with the Scots and tc conform to
their proceedings in religion,'* and another emissary. Sir
James Melville, was told by the French Chamberlain that
1 Papal Negotiations, xxxviii-xlii. Both Dean Kitchin in Ency. Brit.
(9th ed. vol, ix. 559) and Wiriath (in nth ed. vol. x. 828) say that there was a
secret agreement between Spain and France against Protestant heresy, and
Pollard (p. 222) says it was suspected that the French had relinquished designs
in Italy, to concentrate their energies upon the British Isles.
¦^ Teulet, i. 554; Papal Negotiations, 450-460.
' State Papers, Elizabeth, Foreign, No. 1094 ; Forbes, Transactions in Reign
of Elizabeth, i. 183.

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 113
Francis was ' willing tc commit Scotsmen's souls unto God
if they obeyed Mary Stewart with their bodies ' ; the king
had enough to do in suppressing his own Protestants.^ His
watchword became a constitutional one, that the Reformers
were rebels, and he could sound it out effectively in
Scotland, in England and on the Continent, for the Lords
of the Congregation had revolted against the Regent, who
was the duly appointed representative of their Queen, Mary
Stewart. Successful resistance to France, even when thus single-
handed, was beyond the powers and the hopes cf the
Scottish insurgents. They had nothing that could be called
an army ; the best fighting men were serving abroad as
adventurers or mercenaries ; the Highlanders, who were as
yet untouched by the religious movement, followed their
chiefs blindly, and Argyll was the only chief who had declared
openly for the Reformation. The barons, burgesses and
tradesmen who listened tc the Reformed preachers, and the
' rascal multitude,' which wrecked abbeys and friaries, would
be powerless against the well-drilled and well-equipped
French regiments. The one hope lay in securing foreign
assistance, and the only foreign Power to which they could
turn was England. Ever since the accession cf Elizabeth,
leading statesmen both in England and in Scotland had
recognized the need fcr an alliance, and had also seen that
it must have a religious basis ; ^ as the year 1559 advanced
and Elizabeth definitely declared against Rome, the
necessity became urgent, and when in May the Regent
appealed to France fcr military assistance, a counter-appeal
to England followed.* The one obstacle lay in the hesita
tions of Queen Elizabeth, who fully recognized the import
ance cf the step she was urged to take, yet was extremely
1 Melville, Memoirs, p. 52 ed. 1752.
^ In January 1559 Percy responded to a, proposal from Chatelherault for
' Christian amity between the realms ' thus : ' Seeing God hath sent a true
Christian religion among you, as now the same I doubt not shall take effect with
us, how could it be better for the maintenance of God's Word than to join with
us of England, and we with you, for mutual defence against France,' —
State Papers, Elizabeth, Foreign, i. 99,
' See letter of May 24 to Percy from Kirkaldy of Grange, who now appears
as counsellor of Knox.— /Wc?., No. 763,
VOL, II, H

114 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
reluctant to take it. The religious sentiments of Elizabeth,
if they existed, are impenetrable. In the words of a
brilliant raodern historian,^ her religion was 'that of all
sensible people ; she was at one or nearly at one with the
Huguenots, with the Popes and with the Lutherans ' ; but
she thoroughly disliked Calvinisra, not as a theology but
because of its democratic tendencies. If, like her father, she
was strongly anti-papal, she also resembled him in his
absolutism ; and, although she had refused to be termed
Supreme Head cf the Church, the title which she accepted
in lieu cf it, ' Supreme Governor as well in all spiritual and
ecclesiastical things or causes as temporal,' sufficed tc
convey powers over the Church which she intended to
exercise ; popular control of religious affairs was not at all
to her mind.^ Besides, she had a nervous desire tc assert
the sanctity cf royal authority, and the thirty-four ' sects ' of
Reformers, which had by this time appeared in England,*
as a sort of fringe cf the Calvinistic system, included types
of religion which, net without justice, she regarded as sedi
tious and anarchical. It was in this mood that she wrote
effusive letters to Mary Stewart even at a time when Mary's
claim to the crown cf England was all but made,* and
told the Spanish ambassador that she wished to have the
Augsburg Confession or something like it in England, and
that she differed little from Rome, believing that God was
in the sacrament and dissenting only from three or four
things in the mass.* Fcr Kncx personally she had con
ceived an intense dislike, partly because of the freedom cl
his speech, partly on account cf his treatise on the Regiment
of Women. Her unwillingness to support the Scottish
Reformers, which had these strong grounds, found a
legitimate plea in the fact that England, France and
Scotland were united by the treaty cf Upsetlingtcn,^ the
^ F. W. Maitland in Cambridge Modern History, ii, 562.
''¦ The sentiment was common in England. Archbishop Parker wrote on
Nov. 6 : ' God save us from such a visitation as Knox has attempted in
Scotland, the people to be orderers of things.' — Ibid., ii. 576.
' Pollard, History, p. 205.
* Labanoff, i. 65. ° Mumby, p. 9,
^ The treaty was finally adopted on May 31.

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 115
' Scotland ' of the treaty being the nation cf which Mary
Stewart was queen and Mary cf Lorraine regent.
None cf the Reformers saw more clearly than Kncx that
the help of England was required. Before his return to
England, he had attempted to secure a private interview
with Cecil ; ^ and the success which had attended the first
encounters with the Regent did not blind him tc the situa
tion. On May 28 he wrote to Cecil that ' perpetual concord
between England and Scotland was the happiest prospect
for both countries,' ^ and three days later he pled with Percy
for English support in the event cf the French array being
augmented, pressing the fact that a French victory wculd be
disastrous for England.* In his first sermon in St. Giles'
he insisted that the Reformers were not rebels and that
their aims were exclusively religious,* while in a manifesto
which he penned for the Congregation he claimed no more
than liberty for the preachers and the expulsion cf the
French.* Consistently, and indeed persistently, he placed
the interests of religion first — at this tirae Kncx was
engaged in writing Book II. of his History expressly tc prove
that religion was the priraary aim of the Reformers — so
that the French ambassador, who had been assured that the
Lords were political revolutionists, was seriously perplexed.®
' Concord between the two kingdoms ' was, for Knox, only
the means to an end, and the end would not be secured
unless it were presented frankly from the cutset ; it was to
be effected, he wrote to Cecil, ' by the preaching of Jesus
Christ crucified,' fcr ' the time was corae that Christ must
reign and the hearts cf the inhabitants be joined together.' '
Kirkaldy was no less explicit in this matter ; en July i he
wrote tc Percy : ' The Congregation have come forward
seeking only fcr a reformation cf religion, with goodwill to
England as long as it maintains the Gospel ' ; ^ but the dis-
^ Knox himself attached importance to the letter written from Dieppe on
April 22, already quoted. See page 93 ; Works, ii. 16 ff,
^ Ibid., vi. 31. ' State Papers, Scotland {1^09-1603), i. in, 117.
* Teulet, i. 325.
5 Knox, Works, i. 366, 367, 370. = Teulet, i. 310.
' State Papers, Scotland (i $09- 1603), i. 112; Knox, Works, vi. 32.
8 State Papers, Scotland (1509-1603), i. ill.

Ii6 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
tinction of Knox at this stage was that he overlooked
features of the English Reformation cf which he disapproved
and concentrated attention upon the fact that England was
now on the Protestant side. The Church settlement
reached in the spring of 1559 was in many respects dis
tasteful to extremists, who, like John a Lasco, regarded it
as furnishing only a ' parliamentary ' religion,^ stained with
the ' dregs of papistrie.' Knox himself, as we have seen, had
come tc disapprove cf the Bock cf Coraraon Prayer, from
which the Black Rubric had now temporarily been removed,
and the powers granted tc bishops were in his judgraent
inconsistent with the ' purity ' of religion ; but being a
Christian statesman whose eyes were fixed upon larger
issues, he recognized that such differences must not obliterate
the identity between the English and the Scottish Reformers,
who were, in a phrase then current, ' cf the same religion.'
This view was fully shared by Cecil, who wrote to Scotland
on July 4 that England wculd not allow ' those who main
tained the truth cf the Christian religion tc be oppressed by
any foreign Power ' ; ^ but the Queen cf England had as yet
reached no such conviction, and until she was convinced,
Scotland wculd be at the mercy cf the French. The
necessity was urgent. The Regent issued skilful proclama
tions from Dunbar, in the name of Francis and Mary,
commanding the Congregation to leave Edinburgh, offering
liberty cf conscience tc all loyal subjects, and clairaing only
that some restraint should be set upon the preachers and
the mass celebrated at her court. Although the Congrega
tion responded that, if the French troops were dismissed,
the religious question might be decided by ' a general
council lawfully convened or by the Estates,' and the Lords
determined tc ' remain in Edinburgh fcr estabUshing cf the
Church there,' the proclamations took effect. The forces of
the Congregation began to dwindle. Some ' raurraured,'
saying that there was needless defiance cf ' the authority,'
1 state Papers, Foreign (1558-9), No. 1304, The words are, 'styled in
derision " Parliamentary Theology." '
2 State Papers, Scotland (iyi9-i6o3), i. 112; Knox, Works, vi. 38-40.

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 117
seme withdrew to their respective hemes fcr harvest duty ;
and the death cf Henry II en July 10, which left Francis
and Mary Stewart King and Queen of France and made the
Guises omnipotent, rendered the despatch of an irresistible
French force practically certain.^ On July 19 the Lords
wrote urgently to Elizabeth, pressing fcr assistance against
the devil, against idolatry, and against the ' maintainers cf
strangers who were making them enemies tc their friends
and subverting the common weal,' and reminding her that
she ' had enterprised a like reformation in religion ' ; ^ they
also wrote to Cecil that they ' sought only to advance the
glory cf Christ, to preach the evangel, and tc remove super
stition,' and that if they received assistance they would
never ' revolt tc France.' * Kncx, however, thinking such
appeals inadequate, attempted a personal expedition tc the
north of England to stimulate ' the faithful ' there,* fcr he
steadfastly believed that success depended upon the support
of religious conviction. Baulked in this scheme, he wrote
privately to Cecil, and thereafter (July 20) penned a letter
to Elizabeth,^ such as she can scarcely have received from any
other correspondent of any rank. It was intended as a con
ciliatory apology for his Blast against women, and he begins
by saying that the time and circumstances of that publica
tion make it clear that it was written without any reference
tc her, and that he heartily rejoices that, woman as she is,
God has exalted her fcr the manifestation of His glory and
the extirpation of idolatry. He holds her in love and rever
ence, and his past services tc her in her adversity prove that
she may rely upon him more than upon the men who are
new crouching before her. He reminds her that her present
high estate raay raake her forgetful that it is solely through
^ The above is an abstract of the graphic narrative of Knox ( Works, i. 363-
371), who draws no veil over the half-heartedness of many adherents of the
Congregation. At certain points his dates, etc., must be revised from documents
given by Teulet and Labanoff, but the course of events is indisputable,
2 The letter is in Knox's handwriting. — Works, vi. 43-4.
3 State Papers, Scotland (1509-1603), i. 113; cf Froude, vi. 242; Knox,
Works, vi, 40-3,
* State Papers, Scotland (1509-1603), i, 112, The date of this proposal is
not quite clear, — Knox, Works, ii. 26; vi. 46.
^ Ibid., vi. 47-51.

1x8 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
God's goodness that she enjoys ' what nature and law deny
to all woraen,' and that in past years she declined from
Christ in the day of His battle and bowed to idolatry. She
is called to fciind her authority not upon laws, which from
year to year do change, but upon the eternal Providence,
which has exalted her beyond her deserts, and through her,
a weak instrument, has granted rest to His afflicted flock in
England. Should she begin to brag of her birth and to
build her authority upon her own law, her felicity will be
short. He concludes with the prayer that she may be so
guided in her enterprises that God may be glorified, His
Church edified, and she herself, as a lively member of the
same, may be an example and mirror of virtue and cf godly
life to others.
While this ' apology ' was on its way to its royal recipient,
the Regent's forces marched from Dunbar to Leith, a town
which was traditionally jealous of Edinburgh and which
became the Regent's headquarters. The Lords were so
weakened by withdrawals that on July 23-4 they were
forced to accept an 'Appointment,' which included a
provision that they should leave Edinburgh within twenty-
four hours. The other provisions cannot be quoted with
exactness, as no fewer than six contemporary versions have
been preserved,^ and all cf these differ considerably ; but
they agree in recording that till January 10 Edinburgh was
tc be left free to choose its own religion, that neither Regent
nor clergy should raciest the preachers, who on their part
should not attack the clergy or their properties, and that
certain limits should be placed upon the occupation of Edin
burgh by French soldiers.^ In accordance with these terms, the
' Knox, Works, i. 376, 379; State Papers, Elizabeth, Foreign, i. 406, 407 ;
Bain, Calendar, i. 231-4 ; Teulet, i. 328 ; Lesley (S.T.S.), ii. 410 ; A Historie,
in Wodrow Miscellany, i. 65.
^ The provision as to French soldiers, which is mentioned by Knox, Lesley
and Teulet, is accepted by Hume Brown (History, ii. 62). Knox alleges that the
terms which the Regent afterwards published were not those accepted by the
Lords, of which he gives a version, and charges her secretaries with falsification
of the document. Lang, who scrutinizes the Appointment closely (History, ii.
58-60 ; Knox, pp. 140-8), concludes that Knox ' knew that he was writing what
was not true,' and ' deliberately said good-bye to truth and honour'; but the
charge rests wholly upon a confiised letter from Kirkaldy to Croft. Knox wrote

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION" 119
Congregation, accompanied reluctantly by Kncx, withdrew
tc Stirling to take counsel ; fcr, although liberty cf conscience
had been promised, they believed that the promise would be
broken on the arrival cf the French reinforcement, which was
already on its way tc Scotland, No sooner had they left
than Edinburgh became a scene cf confusion. The Regent's
soldiers ' broke down the Reformers' preaching-stccls at
Leith and erected their idolatry ' ; ^ at Holyrood, which she
herself now occupied, the mass was celebrated daily ;
Edinburgh Castle was kept neutral by its cautious com
mandant. Lord Erskine, and on the slope between the
Castle gate and Holyrood tumult prevailed. The Regent
insisted that the citizens must decide by a vote tc 'which
religion ' they adhered, while the preachers, headed by
Willock, pled that that question had already been decided
and that they were entitled by the ' Appointment ' to
continue their ministrations in St, Giles'. After altercation
a meeting was summoned by the tcwn-crier, but no citizens
attended, and the preachers retained possession of the
church.^ The Regent then claimed that raass should be
celebrated at the close of their sermons ; * and, when the
curious claim was rejected, her soldiers ' deambulated '
during worship, the preachers denouncing them for their
interruption of the service.* Fcr a few weeks the preachers
held their ground and 'the faithful increased daily,' but
their sermons seem to have lacked the arresting pungency
of Knox's preaching, for their hearers ' began to weary and
took no great care cf God's Word.'® The ebbing tide cf
popular favour was accelerated by persuasive proclamations ®
in which the Regent recalled all loyal Scots to obedience
this part of his History within two months of the events. It is certain that the
two parties pulDlished different versions of the Appointment.
^ Knox, Works, i. 392. ^ Wodrow Miscellany, i. 66.
' State Papers, Scotland (11,09-1603), i. 115. * Knox, Works, i. 392.
' An anonymous document, to which modern writers from M'Crie to Lang
ascribe great weight, as having probably been written by an eye-witness,
describes a sermon preached in Holyrood chapel by Archbishop Hamilton at
this stage, thus : ' After he had vomited a little of his superstition, he desired the
auditors to hold him excused, declaring that he had not been well exercised in
that profession' and that a learned friar would take his place. — Wodrow
Miscellany, i. 67.
8 Knox, Works,'i. 397-9-

I20 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
tc the higher powers, and still raore by the arrival of the
French. First (Aug, 7) came Bethencourt, armed with
diplomatic instructions ; ^ ten days later a thousand soldiers
arrived ; and on September 24 two other ambassadors,
Bishop Pelleve cf Araiens and a diplomat, La Brcsse,
accompanied by raore soldiers and a band cf theologians,
who had been enjoined ' to curse, to dispute with the
Protestants, and to reconcile them if need be.'^ Even
before their arrival, Cardinal Trivulzio wrote to his eminent
colleague Caraffa that, through the help cf Chatelherault
and the slaughter of seme Lutherans, Scotland had been
saved for the Church and the fear cf impending disaster
almost banished.* The mingled strains cf the theologians'
oratory ' enchanted ' the Edinburgh citizens, and, Knox
writes, they ' could no longer credit the truth plainly
spoken.'* At the beginning cf October the Regent, set
ting aside the ' Appointment,' tc which neither she nor the
Congregation had ever paid much heed, began to fortify
Leith with a French garrison.
The confusion in the streets of Edinburgh and in St GUes'
was surpassed by the perplexity in which the Lords cf the
Congregation were involved, and Kncx raay be imagined as
grimly smiling at the confirmation cf his estimate cf the
regiment cf women. When the Lords withdrew from
Edinburgh, they took a covenant that none cf them wculd
have private dealings with the Regent, resumed negotiations
with England, and separated, agreeing to meet again on
September 10. Knox, upon whom the chief burden of the
negotiations fell, was urgent and almost threatening in his
appeals ; he assured Cecil and Croft by letter, and at an
interview with Croft at Berwick, that if the Lords received
no assistance seme wculd abandon Scotland and others
would espouse the cause of France.® These sagacious
1 Teulet, i. 333, 559 ff, 2 Sadleyr Papers, i. 470, 474,
* Papal Negotiations, pp. 25-6.
¦• Knox, Works, i. 397. The accounts of Pelleve's policy vary ; Buchanan
(History, xvi. t. 6) says that he advised the slaughter ofall hostile to Rome, but
Lesley (S.T.S., ii, 420) represents him as mildly persuasive,
^ Knox, Works, vi, 62, 68 ; State Papers, Scotland (1509-1603), i. 115, 117.

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 121
statesmen required no persuasion, being convinced Protes
tants, and knowing the danger involved fcr England in the
mastery of Scotland by France. They were anxious indeed
that legality should be given to the proceedings of the
Congregation by a decision of the Scottish parliament,
but they went even further than Kncx in recognizing the
need for a change of ' the authority.' At Berwick, Croft
agreed with him that the government cf Scotland raust be
' altered.' ^ Cecil advised him to follow the example cf
Henry Vlll in laying held of the property of churchmen,^
and, on August 5, despatched the veteran Sir Ralph Sadleyr
to represent England at Berwick, with instructions which
shew his desire to assist the Reformers without reserve.
Sadleyr's aims are to be a conjunction of the nobility and
comraons with Chatelherault fcr the reformation cf ruinous
abuses, an agreeraent cf the Estates that ' the land may be
free from all idolatry Uke as England is,' and, generally,
' perfect peace with Scotland.' Cecil closes by indicating
that it may be necessary for the Scots to depose Mary
Stewart if she creates difficulties.* Yet on x'\ugust 24 he
instructed Sadleyr to ' devise such ways whereby they (the
Scottish Protestants) may be helped by us and yet we to
remain at peace as we do,'* and en September 8 he told
Balnavis that, although their purposes are noble, they have
the semblance of rebels, and therefore it is difficult for
Elizabeth to help them.® Elizabeth was strongly opposed
to identifying England with the cause cf the Reformers, and,
although she agreed that ;£^3000 might be spent in ' making
a perpetual concord ' between the two nations, she imposed
a condition that the money must be spent secretly ; and
when, on September 7, ;^2000 cf it was handed ever tc
Balnavis, he agreed to let it be thought that the money had
been subscribed by the ' faithful.' ® On the very day on
' Knox, Works, vi. 6l ; State Papers, Scotland (1509-1603), i. 116.
2 Ibid., i. 115 ; Knox, Works, vi. 53. Cecil says that 'good things should be
put to good uses,' such as the enriching of the crown, the help of young noble
men, the support of the ministry, education and poor relief
s Sadleyr Papers, i. 375-7, 37^ ff-
* Ibid., i. 403. ' Ibid., i. 430 ff,
^ Ibid., i. 392, 430-6,

122 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
which Elizabeth made this concession, she wrote to the
Regent that she was indignant with the rebels, who were
mightily deceived if they hoped for any favour from her in
their foolish enterprises, ^ It is true that the French dis
trusted such avowals, and were convinced that she wculd
play them false,^ but the Scottish lords also distrusted her,
and were disheartened by what Kncx called the ' trifling '
of the English,*
Other forces, however, besides diplomatic manoeuvres
were swaying the course of events, Scotland was in a
ferment, and the prevailing tone and temper were not those
of the Edinburgh citizens. On the very day of the retreat
of the Congregation, Kirkaldy could write, 'By the forth-
setting of religion and hatred of the Frenchmen we are
getting the hearts of the whole ccmracnalties ' ; * and the
scattering cf the preachers led tc the diffusion of their
principles, for, with an indomitable leader, they had entry
into most parish churches in the lowlands, Kncx had
summoned from Geneva his former colleague there,
Christopher Goodman, a preacher after his own heart,
who scorned everything that savoured cf Rome,® and he
was well supported by others ; but he himself was the
inspiring force. In the critical months, when Edinburgh
was overawed by the French soldiers and ' enchanted '
by French oratory, he was ' travelling constantly through
the most part of Scotland,' sc absorbed in evangelism that
he seemed to grudge the tirae spent in his dealings with
EngUsh statesmen,® 'We do but go about Jericho,' he
1 Teulet, i. 334, 338. 2 Ibid., i. 340, 353.
' Knox, Works, vi. 63 ; State Papers, Scotland (1509-1603), i. 115.
* Lang, Knox, p, 147.
^ Knox wrote for Goodman on June 25 ; when he arrived in September, he
found ' more thirst for God's Word than in England, Crosses, candles, papists'
apparel, lordly bishops instead of necessary ministers, saints' days, wafer eating,
etc. .displease God and will bring a plague.' — State Papers, Scotland (1509-1603),
i. no; Pitscottie, ii. 161. Alexander Whitelaw, Knox's confidential messenger,
should not be overlooked : he had received a pension under Edward VI, and
was a very ' honest, sober and godly man, the most truly affectionate to England
of any Scotsman.' — (Throckmorton) Sadleyr Papers, i, 468 n,, 537 n,
^ On August 3, he broke away from a critical interview with Croft at Berwick,
saying that 'his flock required him.'— Works, vi, 62; State Papers, Scotland
(1509-1603), i, 116; Works, vi. 61,

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 123
writes on September 2, ' blowing with trumpets, as God
giveth strength, hoping victory by His power alone ; Christ
Jesus is preached even in Edinburgh, and His blessed
sacraments are rightly ministered in all congregations where
the ministry is established ; and they be these, Edinburgh,
St, Andrews, Dundee, Perth, Brechin, Montrose, Stirling,
Ayr. And now Christ Jesus is begun tc be preached upon
the south borders, in Jedburgh and Kelso : sc that the
trumpet soundeth over all, blessed be cur God ! ' ^ The
exulting spirit of the commonalty and their strenuous purpose
to curb the licence and avarice cf churchmen are reflected in
a ballad cf the period, appended to the preceding chapter.
The proceedings were methodical : signatures were taken
to the various covenants ; boards cf ' elders ' were appointed,
in some cases by town councils, tc exercise discipline
over these who signed ; ^ arrangements were considered
fcr baptizing the children cf ' papists ' and fcr the raainten
ance cf the destitute priests.* ' In spite of all opposition,'
wrote Bishop Jewel, 'religion is being restored by the
nobility with united hearts. , . . Kncx, surrounded by a
thousand followers, is holding assemblies throughout the
whole kingdom.'*
Among the noblemen who at this time deserted the
Regent, the Earls cf Lennox and Huntly represented
powerful highland interests, and Maitland of Lethington
was far the raost accoraplished politician in the country ;
but there was still raore importance in the accession cf the
Duke cf Chatelherault, for his all but royal rank seemed to
give the Congregation a plea fcr alleging that they were
not rebelling against the ruling dynasty, and the project cf
a marriage between his thoroughly Protestant son, Arran,
and the Queen cf England was much in favour with
Scottish Protestants and not unwelcome to some English
1 Knox, Works, vi. 78.
^ At St. Andrews, e.g., the covenant of July was signed by 331 persons and a
session was organized before October 27. — Register of St. Andrews Kirk Session,
(S.H.S.), I. viii.
' Upon these points Knox consulted Calvin. — Works, vi, 94-8,
* Ziirich Letters, i. p, 39.

124 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
statesmen,^ Even before Chatelherault definitely came
over, they publicly proclaimed that ' if the authority estab
Ushed by God is abused by wicked persons, it is legitimate
tc bridle their inordinate appetites, and that this apper-
taineth to the nobility, the barons and the people, whose
votes and consents are to be required in all weighty matters
cf the commonweal,'^ When, on September lo, they made
their appointed rally at Stirling, the rumour cf Chatelherault's
accession was confirraed, and they raoved at once to the
ducal palace at Hamilton fcr consultation. Tidings reached
them there that the Regent had begun to fortify Leith, and
they resolved to strike. After addressing a vigorous re
monstrance to the Regent, which so alarmed her that she
proposed terms of accommodation and at the same time
summoned fresh help from France, they again marshalled
their forces at Stirling, and, marching thence to Edinburgh,
entered the city unopposed on October i6,* the Regent and
her adherents finding shelter in Leith, On October 19
Chatelherault, who had refused to meet with his brother, the
Primate, and ' forbidden all men tc pay hira his rents,'
publicly disclairaed designs upon the crown,* and on the
2 1st a formal raeeting was held in the Tolbooth, After
Willock and Knox, who were first asked to give their
opinion, had asserted that the power of magistrates is
bounded and limited by God's Word, and that the Regent,
having altered the old law and consuetude of the realm,
must be converted to the common weal and submit tc the
nobility, she was suspended from the regency in the name
of Francis and Mary, The governraent was entrusted to a
Council coraposed of Argyll, Lord James, Glencairn, Ruth-
' On September 8 Balnavis told Sadleyr that the secret intention of the Lords
was to transfer ' the authority ' to the Duke, or, if he should refuse, to ' his son,
who is as meet, or rather more meet, for the purpose.' — Sadleyr Papers, i. 433.
A few weeks later the Regent herself said : ' The Congregation did at first rise
for the matter of religion ; but now they shoot at another mark, and the Duke
and his son mean to usurp the crown of Scotland.' — Ibid., i. 502,
2 Knox, Works, i. 41 1.
' Knox (Ibid., i. 417) gives October 16 as the date of entry; but accord
ing to State Papers, Scotland (1509-1603), i, 119, he and Goodman were
preaching in Edinburgh on October 14,
* Sadleyr Papers, i. 497 ; Knox, Works, i. 439,

¦THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 125
ven, Boyd, Maxwell, Erskine of Dun, Wishart of Pitarrow,
Balnavis, Kirkaldy, the Provost cf Dundee, with Chatel
herault and Arran as ' principals,' and, ' for raatter cf
religion,' Kncx, Goodraan, Willock and the Bishop of
GaUoway {i.e., Gordon, Archbishop of Athens),^ On the
24th the Regent was informed cf her suspension, and
ordered to leave Edinburgh with the French arabassadcrs
and soldiers,^ She withdrew to Leith, taking with her very
few Scots ' cf any name,' * and the Congregation, with shrewd
Lethington installed as their Secretary and 16,000 nominal
adherents, appeared tc have triumphed, Sadleyr and Croft
reported joyously tc Cecil that ' blood had been shed which
could not scon be stanched, and that Elizabeth had raore
for her ;£'2000 than her father had obtained with his
£6000.' *
Yet the actual prospects were dark. A French fleet
occupied the Forth ; rumours were credited that the English
promises cf help wculd not be kept ; a price was set en
Knox's head, and, in his own words, the battle was bitter
and his days were dclcrcus.® The need for money was
urgent, supplies sent from Berwick having been intercepted,
and poltroonery appeared, with that bigoted contentious
ness which has so cften imperilled Scottish Protestantism,
Scaling-ladders for the siege cf Leith were put together
in St. Giles', and the denunciations of this sacrilege by seme
preachers divided the Protestant mob. ' Their courage was
dejected . , . many fled away secretly,' and raost cf those
who stayed were destitute of counsel and manhood. This
disintegration continued, ' never two or three abiding firra
in one opinion the space of twenty-four hours,' ^ Within a
fortnight cf the Regent's suspension, stones were cast at the
Lords in the streets,'' and in an engagement at Restalrig
' most of their forces, being of the commons, fled.' When
she, seizing her opportunity, marched upon Edinburgh, the
1 Sadleyr Papers, i. 510. 2 Ji,id., i. 444-451. , s j/jid, i. 543
* ' The hope of all concord is taken away, by reason that blood is drawn
largely on every side,' — Ibid., i. 512, 514,
= Ibid., i. 680-2,
« Knox, Works, i, 460, ' Lang, Knox, p, 150,

126 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
' substantial ' citizens with their families left the city, and
on November 6 the Lords fled ' pell-mell ' {pesle-mesle, the
French wrote), first tc LinUthgow and then to Stirling,^
Thus Edinburgh was restored tc the Church, and after the
Primate had purged St, Giles' from Protestant defilement,
' blotting cut the ten Commandments,' says Pitscottie, ' and
casting dirt on the walls,' the French theologians resumed
their ' enchantments,' ^ Although the English Privy
Council, when they heard of the catastrophe, sent funds
' secretly into Scotland to comfort the Lords,' with promises
of further help, Elizabeth assured the French that her desire
was tc suppress ' the rebels ' and renewed her vows of peace
and araity with France.*
There was one force in the field which the combatants
had not rightly measured. It was not only Elizabeth who
condemned Knox, Cecil ' liked not his audacity,' and as
far as possible suppressed his writings, seeing that his narae
and Gocdraan's were ' raost odiose ' in England,* and Ran
dolph warned him to be more considerate of ' the condition
of England ' in what he said,® It was no doubt partly
through the influence of these statesmen that at this stage
Lethington superseded him as Secretary cf the Congregation,
but his last action in the office, the most discreditable in his
whole career, proved his unfitness for diplomacy. The
need for help from England led him tc propose that, if the
English were afraid tc offend France, soldiers might be
sent en the pretext that they were mercenaries or rebels
who carae against the will cf the English governraent. The
proposal was rejected by Croft as inconsistent with the
honour of England, and Knox, while justifying it by
the plea that the Regent had already broken the treaty,
acknowledged that he had been partly induced by others
to write the letter. And he informed Croft, with a raanifest
sense of relief, that his secretariate was ended : ' I hope that
God hath delivered me from the most part of these civil
^ Teulet, i. 378 ; State Papers, Scotland (1509-1603), i. 122.
2 Pitscottie, ii. 163 ; Lesley (S.T.S.), ii. 421-3 ; Wodrow Miscellany, i. 73,
-* State Papers, Scotland (1509-1603), i. 121 ; Teulet, i. 369-371.
^ Sadleyr Papers, i. 532, 535. ' Ibid., i. 515.

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 127
affairs, for now are men cf better judgment and greater
experience occupied in these matters.' ^ It was when he
was absolutely alone or untramraelled by colleagues in his
leadership that his unique strength was shown. At
Stirling he addressed the discorafited Lords in a sermon
which completely altered the situation, vitalizing the Con
gregation with religious thought. Basing his sermon upon
Psalm Ixxx,, he shewed that temporary defeats had been
a leading feature in God's discipline cf His people, re
minded his hearers of the progress their cause had made
when they had little support, and cf their blundering pride
in the accession of half-hearted noblemen, urged the need
fcr personal penitence, and concluded with a stirring assur
ance that, although God might 'take some of His dearest
away in the coming troubles and their own mortal carcases
might be sacrificed, the eternal truth of the Eternal God
wculd prevail.' ^
' This sermon ended, in the which he did vehemently
exhort all men tc amendment cf life, to prayers and to the
works of charity, the rainds of raen began wondrously to
be erected.' They despatched Lethington to England,
issued an appeal to all Christian princes fcr protection
against the French, and agreed tc divide their forces between
Glasgow and St. Andrews, At the latter centre Knox was
the guiding spirit, and his influence appeared in a revival
of the Reforraers throughout Fife* and in his occasional
interventions in the negotiations with England, but his raain
' Knox, Works, vi. 94, The facts of the episode are given in Sadleyr Papers,
i. 533-4, 568 ; Knox, Works, vi. 90-2 ; for estimates of Knox's conduct, see
M'Crie, Life of Knox, 179; Hume Brown, Knox, vi. 57-9; Lang, Knox,
p. 159. F. W. Maitland charges him with 'worldly wisdom,' — Cambridge
Modern History, ii. 575.
2 Knox, Works, i. 465-473. The abstract of the sermon recalls the argument
of St. Chrysostom's famous Sermon on the Statues. Even Buchanan, who is
very sparing in his commendation of Knox, recognizes the historical importance
of the sermon : History, xvi. c. 49 ; cf Wodrow Miscellany, i. 72. How faith
fully it reflected Knox's convictions appears in a private letter to Mrs. Locke :
' Since Arran, etc. , came over we trusted too much in our own strength ;
among us also were such as sought more the purse than God's glory. . , , The
hollow hearts of many are revealed. . , , What is a multitude without the
present help of God?' He entreats Mrs. Locke to send him Calvin's Com
mentary on Isaiah and the revised edition of the Institutes.- — Works, vi. 100.
' Sadleyr Papers, i. 603.

128 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
service was that he had persuaded the Congregation ' rather
tc die than tc leave their enterprise,' ^
The negotiations were protracted tc a hazardous length.
English statesmen saw clearly now that Scotland was in
iraraediate danger of becoraing subject to France. Even
before the flight of the Lords from Edinburgh, Cecil proraised
that England would bear the costs cf their army and check
any French fleet tec strong for thera to resist,^ and on
November 12 he implored thera 'to stand fast fcr God's
sake,' * transmitting privately the draft of an appeal which
would coraraend their cause to England. They ought, he
wrote, tc insist upon the Regent's cruelty and her breaches
of faith, upon the tyranny cf the French and their avowed
designs upon the English crown ; they must also declare
their loyalty to Mary Stewart and place theraselves under
the gracious protection of Elizabeth ; raeantime three or
four captains would be sent to lead their forces, but under
the guise of private adventurers ; the profession cf loyalty
tc Mary Stewart, he adds, ' is thought essential here both
fcr contentacion cf the world and fcr the honour cf
Elizabeth ' ; the Lords must comply with this, ' whatever
they may be compelled tc do hereafter on that behalf *
Elizabeth indeed was hard to manage, owing tc her
imraeasurable duplicity; she agreed (on Noveraber 14) to
send both men and money, but the concession was qualified
by instructions that the forces should not go beyond Berwick,
and she renewed her assurance tc the Regent that she would
not help the ' rebels.' ® It was only when Lethington
appeared,^ bearing with him an almost verbatim reproduction
of Cecil's draft, that en December 1 5 she agreed to send
4000 foot under the Duke of Norfolk and fourteen warships
under Wynter ; the fleet sailed almost at once, but the
voyage to the Forth occupied a month. Week after week
Norfolk's departure was delayed, and on January 1 1
^ Sadleyr Papers, i. 563-5. ^ Ibid., i. 534-5. ' Ibid., i. 574.
* Ibid, i, 567-573- ' liid, i. 578, 581, 598.
" He was accompanied by Willock or by Balnavis, or by both. — Ibid., i, 602,
629 ; Teulet, i. 383. According to Teulet, the delegates offered ' se donner' to
Elizabeth and proposed a union ' under the ancient name of Great Britain.'

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 129
Lethington had not yet received a ' final answer,' although
he assured Cecil that the Congregation was being driven to
despair.^ Lethington did not exaggerate, for the Regent, although
burdened by a fatal illness, maintained her versatile activity
with raarked success. She proclaimed an amnesty to all
Edinburgh citizens, and offered free pardon for past dis
loyalty to all burgesses throughout Scotland who would
acknowledge her authority. Tc the offending Lords she
made similar offers, confiscating the properties of these who
refused them. She exercised every wile tc persuade Lord
Erskine tc admit her tc Edinburgh Castle, and rumours
spread that she was en the verge cf success,^ She also
disseminated reports, calculated to rouse patriotism, that
Lethington was making a coraplete surrender tc England,*
Before the end of the year, when a French fleet was almost
within sight, her forces marched from Leith to subdue the
obdurate East Coast burghs. After ejecting the adherents
of the Congregation from Stirling, they turned eastwards,
ravaging the estates of all Protestants. The force was not
large — probably net over 3000* — but they were trained
soldiers, and their opponents were not only untrained but
destitute cf equipraent and victuals. The pinch cf poverty
upon the Lords was at this stage severe ; it is a curious
coraraent upon these modern narratives which represent
them as bloated with plunder, tc read that fcr four months
the households cf the Earl cf Glencairn and cf Ormiston,
Erskine cf Dun and Kirkaldy had been in straits.® These
of the ' commons ' who supported them slipped away in
groups in search of fodder, and, although the gallant
Kirkaldy did wonders, no solid resistance tc the French
was possible. When the Regent heard that her troops had
routed the insurgents near Kinghorn, she exclaimed, ' Where
1 State Papers, Scotland {1509-1603), i. 125.
2 Sadleyr Papers, i. 585, 654 ; Knox, Works, ii, 3, 4,
3 Teulet, i. 397.
* This was the estimate of Sadleyr and Croft. — Sadleyr Papers, i. 651 ; Knox
gives the number as 4000, Lesley as 2000.
* Ibid., i. 469, 530. ' Some that daily fed forty and more in household is not
now able to feed two,' — Ibid., i, 680,
VOL. II. I

I30 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
is now John Knox his God ? My God is new stronger than
his, yea, even in Fife,' ^ The situation, indeed, alarmed
and depressed Kncx. He had, he wrote to Mrs. Locke on
December 31, 'supposed hiraself to be practised in cares
and temptations,' but he was now ' more pierced in heart
than by all the tcrraent of his sixteen months in the galleys ;
that torment did touch the body, but this pierces the soul
and inward affections,' ^ Yet when he heard of the
Kinghorn affair he joined the Lords at Cupar, and ' preached
unto them a raost corafortable sermon ' upon the stcrra-
tossed disciples of Jesus, exhorting them ' still to row against
these contraricus blasts till that Jesus Christ should come,
being assuredly persuaded that God wculd deliver them
from the extreme trouble.' The French, however, were
exultant Ferreri reported tc the Bishop cf Ross 'that
ejected monks had been restored, sacrifices were being
offered upon re-erected altars and were better attended than
ever, while many from the faction cf the fanatics had
returned to the Regent as suppliants.' * The Regent crowned
her success by forging a letter which professed to be a
humble submission of Chatelherault tc her authority.*
When his signature was being forged, sails, which for an
hour were thought to be French, were descried on the Firth
of Forth, and her soldiers fired a volley in triumph.
It was the last triumphant sound raised by supporters of
the Church party. The ships proved tc be the English fleet,
and, while the Congregation withdrew to St. Andrews for a
thanksgiving service, the French troops recognized that their
expedition was at an end. An English force was landed on
Inchkeith, and commissioners from the Lords met with
English ambassadors at Berwick to draft a treaty between
the two nations ; for, by a transaction which was none the
less important because it was informal, England now
acknowledged that the Protestants, not the Regent, repre-
1 Knox, Works, ii, 8. 2 /iiid.,vi. 104, = Papal Negotiations, p. 417, 418,
¦¦ State Papers, Elizabeth, Foreign, ii. 480 ; State Papers, Scotland and
Mary, i. 334; Teulet, i. 407, 566 ; Mumby, pp, 87-S. The proof of the forgery
is irrefragable and is admitted by the most skilful apologist for the Regent. — Lang,
Knox, pp. 2S0-1,

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 131
sented ' Scotland,' Knox was not one cf the commissioners.
About this time he 'extracted himself from all public
assemblies, tc his private study,' being, in his own language,
' judged among ourselves tec extrerae,' ^ a significant token
cf the approaching cleavage between religious and political
interests. The agreement made at Berwick, which became
a treaty en February 27, contained no reference tc religicn,^
and consisted simply in an undertaking of the English to
defend Scotland against France, the Scots on their part
promising tc assist England against French invaders, and
declaring that they did not withdraw their allegiance from
Francis and Mary Stewart.* Yet religion was the turning
point in the contention ; and in the six following months
the inevitable consequences were worked cut, France,
England and Scotland were aware that, if French forces
were reraoved, Scotland would be Protestant*
France made every effort tc prevent the ratification of
the treaty. Hitherto she had declared the case tc be one
cf political rebellion, but new she changed her role and
avowed herself the champion of the Catholic faith. Within
her own borders the Huguenots were rising ; ® and she
appealed earnestly to Spain, representing the perils of the
Roman Church in Great Britain.® Spain rendered valuable
help in France,' but her unwillingness that the French
should master Scotland prevented her from going beyond
polite remonstrances with England,® Elizabeth on her part
denied that she had ever spoken with the Scots about
' Knox, Works, vi. 105. Yet he occasionally gave counsel, — Ibid., ii, 41 ;
State Papers, Scotland {1509-1603), i. 130.
2 In the first draft, written by Cecil, a religious reason was given for helping
Scotland, but this was deleted, probably by Elizabeth. — Russell, Maitland of
Lethington, p. 46 ; Froude, vi. 327 n. ' Knox, Works, ii. 46-52.
^ Knox recognizes the crucial and final character of the treaty, and introduces
a long digression, 'that posterity may know how it had come to pass.' — Ibid.,
ii. 15-65.
* The tumult of Amboise took place March 1560 : the proof of any agreement
between French and Scottish Protestants is quite inadequate. — State Papers,
Scotland (1509-1603), i. 126; Teulet, i. 484-7; Baird, Huguenots, i. 375;
Mumby, p. 102.
^ Francis wrote that nothing would induce him ' to grant his subjects religious
liberty, to please a woman.' — Teulet, i, 471, 597, 603; Papal Negotiations,
p. 45,
' Labanoff, i, 77 ; Papal Negotiations, p. 435. * Teulet, i. 499, 511,

132 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
religion, assured the Regent of her peaceable intention,
promised not to help the Congregation, and instructed her
army not tc attack the French nor tc join the Congregation
' openly,' ^ It was only on March 24 that she issued a
proclamation to Europe, intimating that she felt bound tc
check the designs of the Guises upon England by ccmpelling
the French tc leave Scotland ; ^ and, although Norfolk
entered Edinburgh with his array en April i,* he was
instructed to agree with the Regent that the French need
not be withdrawn as long as the ' rebellion ' lasted, and to
arrest the Scots who resisted her authority,*
The Congregation, although distressed by the delay and
prevarication, had been strengthened by many accessions.
After the thanksgiving service at St. Andrews, they had
arrested the nobles who had supported the French and
liberated thera only under pledge that they would desist
from opposition.® Many time-servers and trimmers — ' by-
liers,' they were called — came ever, some making public
recantation. To those who hung back a public summons
was addressed,^ and the allies sc secured included churchmen
cf influence and ability, such as John Greyson, provincial
cf the Black Friars cf St. Andrews, and John Wynram,
the reputed author of Hamilton's Catechism. Thus of six
churchmen appointed by the Provincial Council to supervise
the morals of the Archbishops,' three now joined the Con
gregation — a token cf the fact that the life blood cf Ecclesia
Scoticana was passing into the new and only half-cut channel.®
As the English array approached Edinburgh, the French with
drew, the Regent found refuge in the Castle, and the Congre
gation, now raasters of the city, ' purged ' St. Giles' anew ® —
the third but not the last of its transitions from creed to creed,
' Froude, vi. 261; State Papers, Scotland (1509-1603),!. 134, 135; Lesley,
(S.T.S.), ii. 431. 2 Spanish Calendar, vii. (quoted, Mumby, p, 98).
' Wodrow Miscellany, i. 82, According to A Historie, they were 8000 strong ;
Knox says 10,000 and gives the date as April 2. — Works, ii. 57, 58.
* Sadleyr Papers, i. 719-720. Different instructions had been given him three
days earlier. — State Papers, Scotland and Mary , i. 342.
^ Sadleyr Papers, i. 701.
^ Ibid., i. 713-14. '' V?LtricV, Statutes,-^. 163. « Grub, ii, 76.
' The 'others kirks' were 'purged ' at the same tXme.- Wodrow Miscellany,
i, 83 ; Pitscottie, ii. 169,

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 133
While operations of the English troops against Leith
began at once, a conference was held (April 5-28) in
Edinburgh, with the ' approval ' cf Elizabeth, between the
Lords and the Regent's party which was represented by
three French commissioners ; ^ sc clear was it now that her
interests were not these of the Scottish nation. In the
conference the French strove to detach the Lords from the
English alliance by promising to concede liberty of
conscience and to remove the French forces from Scotland,
and Cecil secretly pressed the Lords tc insist not only upon
these points but upon the ' restoration cf religion,' and
advised them tc sound Lord James as to his desire for
the Scottish crown.^ The French bishops reported tc
France that they found their opponents not unreasonable, but
they proceeded tc present an ultimatum which involved a
complete surrender of the English alliance and unqualified
submission to the Regent, The Lords at once rejected the
proposal and the conference closed,* On the previous day
(April 27), a new Covenant, more explicit and searching
than any taken during the preceding two years, was signed
by one hundred and fifty of the Reformers. It bound thera
' tc set forward the reforraation of religion according to
God's Word, tc procure by all means possible that the
truth of God's Word might have free passage within the
realm, with due administration cf the sacraments, and all
things depending upon the same Word ... to concur with
the Queen cf England's array fcr expulsion cf the French
men and recovery of ancient freedoms and liberties, tc the
end that in time coming they might, under the obedience of
the King and Queen, be only ruled by the laws and customs
of the country and born men cf the land , , , and to reduce
^ The Bishops of Valence and Amiens with La Brosse ; Amiens had also a
papal commission. — State Papers, Scotland {1509-1603), i. 138, 147; Labanoff, i.
73 ; Papal Negotiations, pp. 35-9,
2 In this matter Cecil seems to have misunderstood the situation. As late as
June 19, he wrote to Elizabeth that Lord James was ' likely to be king soon ' and
expressed the hope that God would guide her to the choice of a husband. Of the
numerous men and boys tendered to the Virgin Queen none would have been a
more uncongenial mate. — State Papers, Scotland (1509-1603), i. 154.
' For details of the conference, see State Papers, Scotland and Mary, i. 3S1,
57ij S97 ; Sadleyr Papers, i. 730-2 ; Mumby, pp, 55-61 ; Froude, vi, 361.

134 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
to their duty whatsoever person should plainly resist this
their godly enterprise.' ^ Two days later they took a step
which had, as next chapter will show, still more permanent
results, by instructing certain of their number tc ' commit tc
writing and deliver in a book their judgments touching the
reformation cf religion, which heretofore in this realm, as in
others, had been utterly corrupted.' ^
The fighting round Leith continued, and on May 7 the
French had a temporary victory ; but 2000 English troops
arrived, and France was tec much occupied in dealing with
her own Protestants to send reinforcements. The French
cause in Scotland was unmistakably lest, and Francis and
Mary despatched Mcntluc, bishop cf Valence, and Roche
foucauld de Raudan, with full powers to make a treaty and
a promise tc ratify all their proceedings, ' even though some
thing should fall out which might appear tc require a more
special instruction,' * Prelirainaries had to be arranged,
and before the commissioners reached Edinburgh on
June 16, accompanied by Cecil and Dean Wctton as
representatives of the English interest, the Queen Regent
had died * of a dropsy by which her reraarkable energies
had been hampered since the beginning of the year. Her
couch had been drawn tc a window overlooking the Water
cf Leith, and she had watched the changing tides cf battle
with fierce exultation over every French success, but her
dying hour was spent in a different spirit which invests the
close of her exciting career with religious pathos. She
summoned the Lords of the Congregation tc her bedside,
and bade them a friendly farewell, asking them to pardon
her so far as she had given thera offence. When they
suggested her need for spiritual consolation, she agreed
tc see the preacher Willock, and tc him ' did openly confess
that there was nc salvation but in and by the death of
' Knox, Works, ii, 61-4, 2 /^,-(f.^ ;; 183.4.
' Rymer, Foedera, xv, 581 ; Keith, Affairs, i. 293, 308 ; State Papers,
Scotland {1509-1603), i. 152; Labanoff, i. 74.
* June 9, 10 and II are all given by contemporary writers as the date of her
death. Hay Fleming (Maty Queen of Scots, p. 216) quotes the sources, and
concludes that she died 'on the nth before i o'clock at midnight,' as recorded
in State Papers, Elizabeth, Foreign, iii, 125.

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 135
Christ' Thereafter 'she embraced and with a smiling
countenance kissed her nobles, one by one, and to those cf
inferior rank who stood by, she gave her hand to kiss as a
token of her kindness and dying charity,' She is even said
to have been silent when Willock spoke against the
superstition of the mass,'- Her career, sc momentous
fcr the Church in Scotland from the time when she ousted
Arran frora the regency, had indeed been stained by a
duplicity which now and then sank below the low level cf
the statecraft of the times ; but she had been disinterested
and consistent in maintaining the interests of her fatherland,
her kinsmen and her daughter. She had persecuted the
Protestants only when constrained tc do so by her political
schemes ; and the impartial student, turning aside frora the
daranatory verdict of Kncx upon her character, will
recognize that her policy was rarely regulated by religious
considerations, and will see seme justice in the saying
cf the usually unjust Bishop cf Ross, that she was
misled by her French advisers and was ruined by her
endeavours tc oppress a people which was ' mickle given
tc liberty and to be free.' ^
The temper which prevailed in Edinburgh when the
ambassadors arrived goes far tc explain the settlement
cf religious affairs which ensued, and is illustrated by
documentary evidence. On the day cf the Regent's death
the Provost and Town Council cf Edinburgh summoned all
idolaters and harlots to appear before the ministers and
elders and give ' testimony of their conversion from theif
respective abuses,' with threats of drastic punishment should
the summons be neglected — exposure at the Market Cross
for a first offence, branding on the cheek and expulsion from
the town fcr a second, and death fcr a third.* The same
mood and method are disclosed in a letter from Randolph,
the resident English ambassador, who writes :
' It is almost miraculous how the Word of God takes place in this
country ; they are better willing to receive discipline than any country
1 Knox, Works, ii. 70-1; Keith, Affairs, i. 279; Tytler, vi. 159-165;
Grub, u. 76. " Lesley (S.T.S.), ii, 442,
' Extracts from Burgh Records qf Edinburgh (1557-71), p, 65.

136 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
I ever was in. On Sunday last, both forenoon and afternoon, there
were at the sermons that confessed their offences and repented their
lives before the congregation ; Mr. Secretary (Cecil) and Dr, Wotton
were present Wednesday afternoon ; three others did the like. We think
to see next Sunday the Lady Stonehouse, by whom the Bishop of St.
Andrews has had without shame five or six children, repent herself,
God send us great mercy hereof to His honour ! The affairs here are
very troublesome, the nature of men diverse, the liberty great, justice
slenderly executed in all places. God save us from more discords among
ourselves after the French are gone ! ' '
More definite in its bearing was a document which the
Lords presented to the ambassadors, under the title cf a
Declaration cf Requests, as a statement of the terms which
they held to be essential fcr a peaceable and orderly settle
raent Besides claiming the expulsion cf French trccps, the
demolition of fortresses, the exclusion cf foreigners from
public office and an Act cf oblivion — •' such as was some
times established among the Athenians ' — they requested
royal sanction fcr the meeting cf parliament on the loth
of July, and stipulated that parliament should be authorized,
' according to the consuetude of the realm, used in all ages, to
repeat, confirm, alter, elk (enlarge), or of new establish such
laws and ordinances as they shall find necessary for quiet
ness cf the realm, as well anent the civil policy as uniformity
cf religion, wherein there is such controversy already arisen
that, unless order be speedily taken by advice cf the Estates,
and an uniform rule be devised, the unity of the lieges
cannot long continue.' ^ Manifestly the idea cf liberty of
conscience, if not withdrawn, had shaped itself into a claim
that the faith of the Reformers, which in their view was the
only valid • basis cf religious freedom, should be declared by
parliament to be the faith cf the nation. The discussions
between the ambassadors, which lasted almost three weeks,
resulted, on July 6, in agreements known as the Treaty cf
Edinburgh, which secured for the Lords most cf their
requests.'* Between England and France it was agreed,
' State Papers, Scotland and Mary, i. 429, 430, 2 jud., i. 432-3.
' As the treaty was never ratified, it seems needless to specify more than its
leading provisions ; it is analyzed, with criticism, by Hill Burton, History, iii.
373 ff,, and Lang, History, ii, 67 ff.

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 137
that both English and French troops should be withdrawn
from Scotland, except a small French force to garrison
Dunbar and Inchkeith, that all warlike preparations should
cease, and that Mary and Francis should desist from using
the title and arms cf England. With their subjects the
Queen and King cf Scotland could not, of course, make
a treaty ; but it was arranged that they should not make war
without the consent cf the Estates, that in their absence
from Scotland public affairs should be entrusted to a Council
of twelve — five to be selected by Mary out of twenty-four
nominated to her by parliament, that no churchmen or
strangers should held high office, though all clerics and
their property should be protected, and that parliament
should, with consent of Francis and Mary, be convened fcr
July 10, and its business commenced on August i. As to
matters cf religion, it was agreed that owing to their import
ance they should be referred to their Majesties by deputies
who should take the treaty tc France fcr signature after
the raeeting of the Estates.^ The statesmanship shown by
England in making such terms is manifest, fcr it was within
her power to have asserted seme suzerainty over Scotland ;
the collapse cf the P'rench cause was ccmplete,^ and the
Reformers, although the religious settlement was net what
they had requested, had little doubt hew it wculd be
interpreted * by parliament, and no doubt at all about the
final result The embarkation of the French forces began
on the 14th of July,* and en the 19th Knox, who had
preached almost daily during the negotiations, conducted
' Lesley says that the treaty did not deal with religion because the com
missioners of England desired the Congregation of Scotland to receive the
discipline and ceremonies conform to the Order established in their parliament
of England, while the Scots, claiming the Order and discipline of Geneva to be
more pure, would not receive any other, and the commissioners for France would
have neither. — Knox, Works, ii. 82 n. 3. Grub says that as it was too important
a matter to be settled by the commissioners, deputies were to be chosen at the
ensuing parliament who should repair to France in order to effect an arrangement
with the sovereigns. — History, ii. 79.
2 On July 9 the French ambassadors apologized profoundly to Catharine de'
Medici, saying that they had had no room for choice ; Francis himself was lavish
in his lamentations. — Teulet, i. 605, 606.
' Hume Brown, History, ii. 70.
* Pitscottie, u. 171 ; State Papers, Scotland (1509-1603), i. 108.

138 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
a thanksgiving service in St, Giles', closing with a noble
prayer cf confession and gratitude, a sentence of which
will show his almost prophetic anticipation cf the new era
dawning upon the relations between England and Scotland :
' Seeing that nothing is more odious in Thy presence, O Lord, than is
ingratitude and violation of an oath and covenant made in Thy name,
and seeing that Thou hast made our confederates of England the
instruments by whom we are now set at this liberty, to whom
we in Thy name have promised mutual faith again, let us never
fall to that unkindness, O Lord, that either we declare ourselves
unthankful unto them, or profaners of Thy holy name. Confound Thou
the counsels of them that go about to break that most godly league con
tracted in Thy name, and retain Thou us so firmly together by the power
of Thy Holy Spirit that Satan have never power to set us again at variance
nor discord. Give us Thy grace to live in that Christian charity
which Thy Son, our Lord Jesus, has so earnestly commanded to all the
members of His Body ; that other nations, provoked by our example,
may set aside all ungodly war, contention, and strife, and study to live
in tranquillity^ and peace, as it becomes the sheep of Thy pastures and
the people that daily look for our final deliverance by the coming again
of our Lord Jesus.' '
As had been arranged, the Estates opened their raeeting
formally on July lo, but adjourned the proceedings tUl
August I, and the Reformers occupied the interval in ' con
sidering the matters that concerned the stability cf religion.'
A committee cf ' commissioners cf burghs with some cf the
nobility and barons,' which had been instructed at the
thanksgiving service to see tc the equal distribution of
rainisters ' as the maist pairt should think expedient,'
nominated Knox to Edinburgh, Goodman to St. Andrews,
and six other preachers tc be ministers of Aberdeen, Perth,
Jedburgh, Dundee, Dunfermline and Leith ; they also nomi
nated Willock to be superintendent ^ for Glasgow, and
Spottiswoode, Wynram, Erskine cf Dun and Carswell
(formerly parson cf Kilmartin) to hold the same office
^ Knox, Works, ii. 86. It is noteworthy that the liturgy sanctioned by the
General Assembly in 1561 included a similar prayer for unbroken amity with
England. — Liturgy of John Knox, p. 125. F. W. Maitland rates the international
service rendered by Knox fully as highly as it is rated above. Knox was
' Elizabeth's best friend ' ; he not only secured Scotland for the Reformation,
but saved England from France. — Cambridge Modern History, ii. 577, 580,
2 The office of Superintendent will be explained below.

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 139
in Lcthian, Fife, Angus and Mearns, and Argyll and the
Isles, respectively; but the nominations were subject tc
the approval cf the ' countries ' in which the nominees were
tc labour.^ Ecclesiastically these proceedings were quite
vague ; for, although separate congregations in most
' reformed ' burghs had, as we have seen, elders, there was
no general organization, and the ' Congregation ' had, since
Lethington became its secretary and Kncx ' extracted him
self from its councils, grown gradually secular, and styled
itself at this stage ' the great council cf Scotland.' ^ But
there was no vagueness in the next proceeding, the drafting
cf a supplication tc parliament by 'the barons, gentlemen,
burgesses and ethers, true subjects of this realm, professing
the Lord Jesus Christ within the same,' The suppliants
knew exactly what they wanted from parliament in order
tc secure ' freedora and liberty cf conscience, with a godly
reforraation cf abuses which had crept into the religion cf
God, and were raaintained by such as took upon themselves
the name of clergy,' This supplication was threefold :
(i) that the pestiferous doctrinal errors of the Roraan
Church, such as transubstantiation, indulgences, purgatory,
pilgrimages, prayer to the saints and justification by raerit
of works should be abolished by Act cf Parliament, with
punishraent appointed for transgressions ; (2) that remedy
should be taken tc rescue the holy sacraraents from the
degradation into which they had been dragged by the
abominable licentiousness of the clergy, and tc revive the
discipline cf the ancient Church new utterly extinguished ;
(3) that since the Man of Sin, who claims tc be vicar cf
Christ and unerring head of the Kirk, has taken upon him
the distribution and possession cf the whole patrimony of
the Kirk, so that true ministers are neglected, godly
learning and the schools are unprovided, and the poor
are defrauded cf their portion, parliament should grant
remedy. Finally, the suppliants offer to prove that in
all the rabble cf the clergy there is not one lawful minister,
and that as a body they are unworthy to be suffered in any
1 Knox, Works, ii, 87. 2 /^^^.^ ;;_ jgg.

140 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
reformed commonwealth, and urge that, if the churchmen
fail to clear themselves of the charges brought against them,
they should be pronounced by parliament 'unworthy of
honour, authority, charge, or cure within the Kirk cf God,
and so from henceforth never to joy vote in parliament' ^
The odium in which churchmen were now involved is in
disputable. Cecil reported tc Elizabeth that they 'dared
not come cut of the Castle for hatred of the common
people ' ; ^ and, indeed, the abbots and priors are described
as waiting in Edinburgh tiU 'order be taken cf them in
parliament'* The bishops were dealt with personally by
the Protestant Lords, and were required to listen tc Knox's
daUy sermons in St Giles'. Randolph reports that Dunkeld
refused tc listen to ' a condemned eld heretic,' but that
Dunblane had come 'not to reason en religion but tc do
what Argyll would command him,' and that the Primate
told Chatelherault that, although 'for conscience he was
determined to end his life in that mind he was of at present,
he was prepared, for his body's goods and living, to yield all
into his (Chatelherault's) hands and to obey all he would
command besides raatters cf conscience.' * Sc clear had it
become that the power and even the disposition of the
churchmen to resist the claims cf the Reformers were gone.
The recognized importance of the meeting cf the Estates
was indicated by an unusually large attendance,® Twenty-
five or twenty-six churchmen were present, twenty or
twenty-two coraraissioners frora burghs and thirteen earls ;
but, besides, there were mere than a hundred of the minor
barons who, as has been shown, largely favoured the Re
formers. Although entitled tc attend by an Act of 1429,
some cf them had allowed their title to lapse, and it was
thought desirable tc declare their right by a special enact-
* Knox, Works, ii. 89-92 : Knox adds a warning that, if this last counsel is
neglected, churchmen will prove to be ' thorns in the eyes and pricks in the
sides' of the Estates ; this probably is an insertion made after the event,
2 Mumby, p, 128, ' State Papers, Scotland and Mary, i. 429.
^ Ibid., i. 461,
* Lethington ' did not remember to have seen in his time a more frequent
parliament,' — Ibid., i. 459, According to three existing accounts, the number
present was above 185. — Ibid., i. 463 ; Teulet, i. 613 ; Keith, Affairs, i. 311 ff.

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 141
ment — a clear proof that a dormant public interest had been
aroused.^ The procedure necessarily departed from Scottish
usage, which entitled kings to scrutinize all proposed legisla
tion with powers of veto ; and, although the Edinburgh
agreement had provided that parliament should meet in
the absence cf Mary and Francis, the Chancellor, whose
function it was to act as Chairman or President,^ absented
himself, his place being taken by Lethington, But a graver
irregularity was intended. It had been agreed, however
vaguely, that the religious question should be laid before
the absent sovereigns, and yet it was the question which
the Estates had resolved to settle. In the opening sermon
preached in St Giles', on August 8, Kncx made this obliga
tion sc distinct that Lethington is said tc have raurraured to
a neighbour, ' We maun now forget ourselves, and bear the
barrow to buUd the houses of God,'* When the Estates
met next day for business, they confirraed the Edinburgh
agreeraent and appointed, according to Scottish custom, a
business ccraraittee, known as the Lords of the Articles,
placing upon it none cf the recalcitrant churchmen,* Im
mediately thereafter, they were faced by the supplication
of the reforming barons and gentlemen. After it had been
read, and ' diverse judgments cf diverse men ' had been
expressed, the barons and rainisters ® were suramcned and
ordered ' tc draw (up), in plain and several heads, the sum
cf that doctrine, which they wculd maintain and would
desire that present parliament tc establish as wholesome,
true, and only necessary tc be believed and tc be received
within that realm, ' * The task was entrusted to six
rainisters, Knox, Wynrara, Willock, Spottiswoode, Douglas
1 State Papers, Elizabeth, Foreign, of Aug. 19 ; State Papers, Scotland (1509-
1603), i, 160. Rait seems to overestimate the volume of this new element ;
see Lethington, quoted above ; Rait, The Scottish Parliament, p. 24.
2 The term ' Speaker' w.ns not in use in Scotland,
" Knox, Works, ii. 89 ; Froude, vi. 407-8.
* Archbishop Hamilton writes that five churchmen were included, but Ran
dolph says that there were none of the 'old bishops.' — Keith, Affairs, iii. 5;
State Papers, Scotland and Mary, i. 458.
' In Knox's narrative the ' barons, gentlemen, burgesses and others ' now
appear as ' the barons and ministers,' the ministers, of course, being the guiding
force. Cf Works, ii. 87, with ii. 92.
^ Knox, Works, ii. 92.

142 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
and Row, who within four days subraitted a stateraent of
' the Faith professed and believed by the Protestants within
the realra.' ^ This document, which becarae known as the
First Scottish Confession, included, with a brief definition
of evangelical doctrine, an unqualified repudiation cf the
leading dogmas of the Roman Church, It was approved
by the Lords of the Articles, ^ and on August 17 presented
to the Estates. Chapter after chapter was read aloud twice,
the preachers standing by ready tc defend its stateraents if
challenged,* but no definite objections were raised. Arch
bishop Hamilton, according tc his own account, offered
resistance, and was supported by the Bishops cf Dunkeld
and Dunblane, the Abbot cf Kilwinning, and tc some extent
by two lay peers,* but at least one of these whom he names
was not present, and his affirmation that he and ethers ' re
sisted ' is not inconsistent with the statement sent by
Randolph to Cecil :
' The Archbishop of St. Andrews in many words said this in effect :
that it was a matter he had not been accustomed with ; he had had no
sufficient time to examine it and to confer with his friends ; although as
yet he will not utterly condemn it, he was loath to give his consent.
To that effect also spoke the Bishops of Dunkeld and Dunblane, Of
the temporal lords the Earls of Cassillis and Caithness said No ; the
rest with common consent and as glad a will as ever I heard men speak
allowed the same , . . many offered to shed their blood in its defence.
The old Lord of Lyndsay, as grave and goodly a man as ever I saw,
said, " I have lived many years and am the oldest in this company of my
sort ; now that it hath pleased God to let me see this day ... I will
1 The doctrine of the Confession wiU be presented in next chapter.
2 Lethington, writing on August 15, speaks ofthe Confession as 'already passed,'
z.«., by the Lords of the Articles. — Knox, Works, vi. 115. Randolph, writing on
September 7, says that 'before it was published or many words spoken of it,'
it was submitted to ' certain of the Lords,' and that they remitted it to Lething
ton and Wynram, who ' mitigated the austerity of many words and sentences'
and recommended the omission of the chapter on the Civil Magistrate. 
Ibid., vi. 1 20- 1. It is difficult to see at what stage this revision took place;
no other writer mentions it, and Randolph himself does not speak of it in
earlier letters which describe the proceedings up to August 24. Further,
Wynram was one of those who had prepared the Confession, and the advice
that the Civil Magistrate chapter should be omitted was not taken. There are
reasons for thinking that the publication may mean the authoritative publication
after the close of parliament. On September 13 Lethington offered Cecil to
change or at least to qualify anything in the Confession which Cecil 'misliked' or
which might give offence. — Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, no, 903; Lang,
History, ii. 76-7.
* Knox, Works, ii. 121, * Keith, Affairs, in. 4-7.

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 143
say with Simeon, Nunc dimittis" , . the Lord Marshall said that al
though he was otherwise assured that it was true, yet might he be the
bolder to pronounce it, for that he saw there present the pillars of the
Pope's Church and not one of them that would speak against it.' '
There is no doubt that the other three bishops present
and all the abbots and priors, except Kilwinning, acquiesced
in the decision, and that a great impression was raade by
their acquiescence. After the Confession was passed,
St Andrews, Dunkeld and Dunblane withdrew and failed
tc appear when called upon tc support a petition they had
tendered for the protection cf their properties. Parliaraent
proceeded to appoint a com mission for furtherance of the
marriage between Queen Elizabeth and Arran,^ and tc
despatch a deputy to France tc secure the ratification of
the Treaty cf Edinburgh ; * and, although they refrained
from considering the Beck which had been prepared by the
reforming ministers in compliance with instructions given on
April 29,* they completed the religious revolution on
August 24 by passing three enactments. By the first,
the authority and jurisdiction cf the Pope within the realm
cf Scotland were abolished, and all bishops and other
prelates were forbidden tc do anything in his name ; by the
second, all Acts of Parliament contrary to God's Word and
the Confession of Faith now ratified were declared tc have
no effect in time tc come ; and by the third, it was ordained
that — in view of ( i ) the corruption of the sacraments by the
Church cf Rcrae, (2) the fact that sorae persevered, not
withstanding the reforraation already made, in saying mass
and baptizing in secret places according to the Roman ritual
— no one should hereafter administer the sacraments except
those who were authorized tc do sc, and that all persons
' Knox, Works, vi. H7-18. Lethington, writing to Cecil, coincides with
Randolph : ' The Confession of Faith passed by common consent, no man
gainsaying, St, Andrews, Dunkeld and Dunblane asked leave to withhold
their judgment, for they were not sufficiently advised with "the Book" which
they asked leave to consider' ; they would agree to anything consistent with
God's Word, — State Papers, Scotland and Mary, i. 465.
2 State Papers, Scotland {1509-1603), i. 161 ; Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of
Scots, p. 214. ^ Teulet, i. 613.
* See page 134. There is no record of a division on this subject, which will
be considered in next chapter ; Randolph indeed writes that it was not
presented to the Lords ofthe Articles. — Knox, Works, vi. 119.

144 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
were forbidden to say or hear raass under penalty cf
forfeiture of their goods and corporal punishment at the
discretion of the magistrate fcr a first offence, banishment
from the realm for a second, and death for a third. ^
These penalties, cruel and even barbarous as they seem to
the modern reader, were in the manner of the tiraes. In
Scotland similar penalties were prescribed in pre-Reforma
tion years for offences which new would be punished by
brief incarceration,^ and in February 1559 the Regent had
proclaimed the penalty of death against those who
'disturbed Church services, bested (bullied) priests, or
ate flesh in Lent ' ; * while in England those who even
spoke against what were called the Queen's doctrines for
feited their lives for a third offence,* This new enactment
applied only tc these who after being banished returned
defiantly to celebrate the prohibited usage, and, as we shall
see, it was never brought into operation. The selection of
the mass for specially stringent proscription was also in
accordance with prevailing ideas. Luther and Calvin had
fully recognized that the mass was the pillar or rather the
fulcrum cf the papal system ; that conception of it had
gained ground in England both among Romanists and among
Protestants,® and with Knox was a settled belief The
testimony of twentieth-century Eucharistic Congresses need
scarcely be invoked tc prove that the Reformers were, not
mistaken in holding that all distinctively papal doctrines
and usages are essentially related to the claim cf the priest
hood to be agents in the miraculous transformation of
consecrated bread and wine. The unique feature of the
1 Acts of Pari., ii. 526 ff.
2 Thus the penalties prescribed in 1538 for ' doing injury to green trees' were
— first offence, ;£'lo, second, pf 20, third, death; in 1551 parliament prescribed
the penalty of death fqr shooting at a wild fowl. — Hume Brown, Scotland in
Time of Queen Mary, pp. 10, 67 ; Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, p. 219.
^ Statuta, I. clvii n. ^ Froude, vi. 209.
^ Note especially Ridley's crusade against the mass in 1550 ; Rowland Taylor
at Hadley called a man who celebrated mass 'a devil, defiling the church with
abominable idolatries' ; in 1548 Bishop Gardiner said to Cecil, ' The mass, as I
understand it, is the foundation of religion.' — Gairdner, Lollardy, iv. 327, 335,
357i 368 ; Pollard, Political History, p. 53 ; Froude, iv. 385. ' In 1559 the
core of Popery which Englishmen hated was no longer the papacy but the
idolatrous mass.' — F. W. Maitland in Cambridge Modern History, ii. 563,

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 145
Scottish revolution is that it was accomplished swiftly,
peaceably, and with little bloodshed, A revolution un
doubtedly it was, politically as well as religiously ; the
debates in which controversial writers have indulged as to
the ' validity ' of these Acts cf Parliaraent are mere playing
with terms ; there was, in the phrase cf the day, an alteration
of gcvernraent,^ and when such an alteration takes place
adherents cf the government which is altered are well
entitled to allege that the action taken has been unconsti
tutional, or, if they prefer the term, invalid ; and in this case
those who held that the change made furthered the best
interests of Scottish religion and life will recognize without
any reserve that a step cf the utmost consequence was
taken in the assertion of the rights cf the commons and in
challenging successfully the authority cf monarchs. Re
formation could not have been accomplished without a
revolution, and the movement was singularly free from
internecine warfare, for the battles of 15 59- 15 60 — insig
nificant battles they were — were fought net between Sect
and Scot, but between Scots and French invaders. The
extent of religious warfare and even of persecution was less
than accompanied the Reformation movement in France,
Spain, Italy, Germany or the Netherlands, and in England
there were more martyrs, Protestant and Romanist, in a
single month of Henry Vlll or Mary Tudor than in the
thirty years over which the Scottish Reformation extended.
In the year cf ' uproar ' altars and crucifixes were destroyed,
but not human lives, and it closed in almost complete
tranquillity. The explanation is tc be found in the facts
recorded in the preceding pages. Those cf the bishops and
clergy who adhered tc Rome were with few exceptions
heartless, cowardly or blind. On the day after the ac
ceptance of the Protestant Confession by parliaraent the
Archbishop of St. Andrews wrote to the Archbishop cf
^ For a year the phrase was incessantly used by the leading pens. As early as
September 8, iSS9, Balnavis had told Sadleyr that 'an alteration of the State
and authority ' was contemplated. — Sadleyr Papers, i. 430-6, On the eve of the
meeting of parliament (August 3) Knox wrote, ' An alteration of the Government
is to take place,' — State Papers, Scotland (1509-1603), i, 115.
VOL. II. K

146 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
Glasgow, who had left his see to act as a political negotiator
in Paris, with no words cf regret and no appreciation cf the
magnitude of the event, manifestly absorbed in the destinies
of the episcopal rents and expressing the opinion that the
Reformers ought tc concede ' liberty of conscience,' ^ There
was no parallel in Scotland tc the bravery shewn by the
Marian bishops in England after their deposition by
Elizabeth. But the main cause cf the quietness lay deeper.
The vital and progressive forces cf the country had already
identified themselves with Protestantism, Not that aU or
nearly all Scotsmen had accepted the Reformed faith ;
large districts of the country were still untouched, both the
western highlands and islands and the northern highlands,
which adhered feudally to noblemen who favoured the
French faction ; but in central, southern and eastern
Scotland, Protestant ideas had been welcomed by free
holders, burgesses and the ' commons,' and the welcome
had been embodied in local legislation wherever there was
a body to legislate,^ The function of the Estates had never
since their origin in the thirteenth century been to originate
raeasures ; they had raerely ratified fcr the ruling power,
royal, baronial or ecclesiastical fcr the tirae being, decisions
which that power had already reached, and registered the
decisions for governmental purposes,* The parliament cf
1560 came together with nc intention of discussing a
situation or considering a problem, but in order tc record
the fact that Scotland had become Protestant and to
embody that fact in an enactment. The minds and the
motives of those who voted fcr the Confession varied
greatly; patriotic, political, economic and self-seeking
' The suggestive letter is printed in Keith, Affairs, iii. 7-10.
2 In the letter above quoted, Archbishop Hamilton tells his colleague that
' the elders of towns have taken upon themselves ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and
that only preachers enforced or adopted by towns at their own hand are allowed
to preach or to minister the sacraments.' This was, it should be noted, before
Protestantism was 'established.' — Ibid., iii. 10. Even local guilds had taken
action. Thus, on July 28, hammermen of St, Andrews re-cast their rules, deleting
all references to their saint, his altars, chaplains, etc, — Register of St. Andrews
Kirk Session, I. vii, viii.
^ Rait, The Scottish Parliament, pp, 9, 191;; passim ; Terry, The Scottish
Parliament.

'THE UPROAR FOR RELIGION' 147
influences were at work, and there were many 'by-liers'
who simply yielded tc the swelling tide, but they were
united in a determination to abolish the papacy and tc find
a basis for national independence. It was because the
revolution thus effected rested upon religious beliefs which
were already established in the chief centres of national life
that it was not only orderly but permanent.

CHAPTER XXVII
CREED AND POLITY:
CONFESSION OF FAITH AND BOOK OF DISCIPLINE
1560
Knox's History — The Confession of Faith — Its doctrinal teaching-
Conception of the Church — The sacraments — The civil magistrate
— Authority of the Bible — Preparation and purpose of the Book of
Discipline — Provision of religious agencies — The office of Super
intendent — A democratic Church — Education — Discipline and its
enforcement — Church finance — History and features of the book.
The proceedings cf parliament created a remarkable
situation. The papal jurisdiction had been abolished, the
most distinctive of Roman usages had been declared illegal,
and parUament had accepted, fcr the nation, a new state
ment of Christian beliefs. But the officers and properties
of the Church had not been touched : prelates still
sat in parliament, and no recognition had been given
either tc the members of the Reformed religion or
to the organizations of their adherents which had sprung
up throughout the country. Although the nation had
been declared Protestant, there was nc ' established
Church,' no council, court or constitution recognized as
responsible to the nation and fcr the nation in religious
affairs. It might seera as if this iraplied sorae uncertainty
as to the lines of Church development but for three
documents which fall now tc be considered — the ' History
cf the progress of religion within Scotland,' the Confession
of Faith and the Book cf Discipline,
The first cf these is mentioned with the other two
by the English ambassador when reporting, on September
7, to Cecil upon the leading items of reformation. He
speaks of it as 'The Stcrie,' and says that Cecil will
1«8

CREED AND POLITY 149
have ' the first sight thereof,' as scon as it is ' absolvit '
(issued), A fortnight later he reports that he has ' talked
at large about it with Mr, Knox,' who will continue it if it
raeets with Cecil's approval, but will require fuller materials
than are available in Scotland.^ Although ' The Stcrie ' has
its place in literature as Bock II, of Knox's History of the
Reformation^ it was no private venture, but an enterprise
undertaken by Kncx in 1559* by the instructions of the
Lords of the Congregation in justification of their policy.
The avowed purpose of the writer is to show that their
primary aim had been the reformation of religion and
morals, that they had nc seditious or rebellious intention,
and that they had been reluctantly forced tc oppose and
disown the established civil authority. He did net profess
tc write impartially, but his intense zeal fcr a sweeping
reformation and his unqualified impeachment cf the char
acter and methods of the opponents cf the Congregation
do net abate the value of his record, which was written from
week tc week amidst the events which it chronicles and is
substantiated in essentials by recently published State
documents,* He is as severe upon the lax and half-hearted
adherents ofthe Reformers as upon their enemies; and, while
neither Roman Catholic nor latitudinarian will ever accept
his verdicts, the letters and manifestoes which he reproduces
place beyond dispute that the Reformation would have col-
' Knox, Works, vi. 121.
' The History of the Reformation was not published during Knox's lifetime.
It was first given to a printer in 1586, when 1200 copies were printed. They
were suppressed, lest they should excite odium against Mary Stewart, A
mutilated edition was brought out by D. Buchanan in 1644 ; the earliest correct
text was issued in 1 732. David Laing's standard edition was published in
1846. ' Writing on October 23, 1559, Knox says that the events happening 'are
now to beset forth in manner of history.' — Works, vi. 87. Hume Brown (Knox,
ii. 94) takes this to mean that Knox had not begun to write at that date.
The Book (11.), however, was completed in November. — Works, i. 473 ; Lang,
Knox, p. 276. It is incredible that such a treatise was written in a few
weeks ; and it is probable that the writing was begun in July, when the need for
a manifesto was obvious. Even if five months be allowed, the production is a
proof of the author's extraordinary vigour : he was in those months incessantly
engaged in preaching and diplomatic correspondence.
* There are errors in Knox's dates and some of his charges of duplicity and
profligacy are doubtless exaggerated, but the documents which he includes are
confirmed verbatim wherever they are preserved in State Papers.

I50 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
lapsed but for religious fervour. Beyond this, the narrative
shows the process by which the convictions and intentions
of the Reformers took shape. The Confession of Faith and
the Book of Discipline are in themselves interesting pro
ductions ; but it is only through the narrative of Knox that
their significance and their value can be measured.
The Confession cf Faith,^ although written hastily, was
prepared by the six leading preachers,^ several of whom were
men cf scholarship, and imraediately after its adoption by
parliament it was translated into Latin for circulation araong
the Reforraers abroad,* In a preface tc the first published
edition an offer is made to correct any statement which
cannot be proved to be in accordance with Scripture, It
was not included in the Bock of Common Order published
in 1564-5, the place cf honour being assigned tc the
Confession of the English congregation at Geneva, and before
the end cf the sixteenth century several credal statements,
such as the Second Helvetic Confession and the Heidelberg
Catechism, were approved by the General Asserably ; and
it is doubtful if it ever was used as a doctrinal test* Yet
it was again sanctioned by parliaraent in 1567, and, when
the Westminster Confession was adopted by the General
Assembly in 1647, the step was justified by the statement
that it was in harmony with the earlier Confession,® No
doubt it owed its long life partly tc the fact that the ablest
Scottish churchmen were occupied with ecclesiastical affairs
other than theology, partly to the fact that it secured
^ The text is given in Dunlop, Collection of Confessions of Faith, ii. 13-98 ;
Schaff, History of Evangelical Protestant Creeds, pp. 437-79 ; Knox, Works, ii.
93-120. The Latin version printed by Schaff was made in 1572, probably by
Adamson, and is therefore unimportant.
¦^ See page 141, 3 Knox, Works, vi. 119.
* Although superintendents were required to 'maintain unity of doctrine,'
(St. Andrews Register, i. 73), yet in the Order for Election of Superintendents,
dated March 9, 1561, the Confession of Faith was certainly not used. The only
doctrinal questions asked were as to (i) the Scripture being the only true and
most absolute foundation ofthe universal Kirk, (2) Christ being the only Head and
Mediator, (3) Christ being only true God in Whom all the saved were elected,
(4) God's eternal counsel, electing, justifying and forgiving — Works, u. 144 ff.
So, in the Book of Discipline, superintendents are to give satisfaction to con
gregations by sermons on special points, not to accept a creed. — Works, ii.
144-150. ' Acts of Gefieral Assembly of Church of Scotland, 1638-1842, pp. 158-9.

CREED AND POLITY 151
parliamentary sanction for Protestant doctrine. It has not
the completeness of the Geneva Confession, the lucidity cf
the Galilean (1559), nor the succinctness of the Thirty-nine
Articles ; yet it reflects the views that prevailed in Scotland
on several crucial questions.
Of its twenty-five chapters, the first fifteen are occupied
with a statement cf the New Testament doctrine cf God,
Christ, the Holy Spirit, Redemption and the Christian Life.
Special stress is laid upon the twofold nature of Christ ; and,
although the Apostles', Nicene, and Athanasian Creeds are
not named,^ the teaching of those symbols upon this topic
is implicitly accepted. There is a good deal of needless
reduplication, due tc the use cf phrases culled from
different sources,^ but no divergence from any dogma
entitled tc the epithet cf ' catholic' The evangelical
doctrine of atonement is stated with devoutness and fresh
ness. Although justification by faith is net defined in a
separate chapter, it is assumed throughout, and nowhere
treated as a debatable dogma. More surprising is the
treatment cf predestination. Although believers are
repeatedly styled ' the elect,' this is in the line of Jchannine
and Petrine rather than of Pauline usage ; and the chapter
' On Election,' after affirming in a subordinate clause that
God has elected His people ' cf mere mercy,' passes into a
disconnected statement about the election of Christ for the
office of Redeemer and His incarnation, while the idea cf
reprobation is wholly absent. Of Knox's strenuous pre-
destinarianisra there is not a trace : indeed the whole
sotericlcgy of the Confession exhibits rather the moderation
shewn in Hamilton's Catechism.* The necessity for good
^ Yet this must not be pressed : the Book of Discipline prescribes the
repetition of the Belief as requisite for admission to communion. — Knox,
Works, ii, 240. The Apostles' Creed was rehearsed at the induction of super
intendents. The heresies condemned at Nicaea, Ephesus and Chalcedon are
repudiated in Knox's Liturgy, — Ibid., vi. 361, ii. 154, iv. 155. The teaching
of the three creeds is avowedly followed in fhe Confessio Gallica, the Confessio
Belgica, and other Reformed symbols.
2 The principal sources are indicated in Mitchell, The Scottish Reformation,
ch. vi., and Lee, History ofthe Church of Scotland, i. 133.
' Wynram, the reputed author of ' Hamilton's Catechism,' was one of the
writers ofthe Confession, See pages 141-2.

152 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
works is emphasized with almost fiery urgency and
occasional beauty.
' These works be of two sorts : the one are done to the honour of God,
the other to the profit of our neighbour ; and both have the revealed will
of God for their assurance. To have one God, to worship and honour
Him, to call upon Him in all our troubles, to reverence His holy name,
to hear His Word and believe the same, to communicate with His holy
sacraments — are the works of the First Table. To honour father, •
mother, princes, rulers and superior powers, to love them, to support
them, yea, to obey their charges (not repugning to the commandment of
God), to save the lives of innocents, to repress tyranny, to defend the
oppressed, to keep our bodies clean and holy, to live in sobriety and
temperance, to deal justly with all men both in word and deed, and
finally to " repress " all appetite of our neighbours' hurt — are the works of
the Second Table. Good works we affirm to be these only that are done
in faith.' Such admonitions are accompanied by firm assertions cf
the worthlessness cf external religiosity and clear the
Confession cf any taint of antincraianisra, although their
value is abated by raere violent denunciations of all things
papal than are tc be found in any contemporary creed.
The tone of the Confession changes when it proceeds to
deal with the questions which were crucial in Scotland.
Here all is succinct and precise ; and, although many of
the definitions are taken from Calvin, they have a sequence
of their own which has left an impress upon Scottish
Christianity, ' The Church is a company and multitude ol men who rightly worship
and embrace God by true faith in Christ Jesus who is the only Head of
the Church. It is Catholic because it includes the elect of all ages,
realms, nations, and tongues — the communion of saints, who have one
Lord, one faith, one baptism. Outside the Church there is neither life nor
eternal felicity : it is blasphemy to say that men who live according to
equity and justice will be saved, whatever religion they profess. Although
" this Church " is invisible, known only to God, it can everywhere be
distinguished from the pestilent synagogue, the kirk of malignants,'
which Satan has decked with the name of Kirk, by assured marks or
notes. These are — not antiquity, nor title usurped, nor lineal descent,
nor place appointed, nor multitude of men approving an error 2 — but
(i) the true preaching ofthe Word of God, (2) the right administration
^ Ecclesia malignantium. — Vulg. Ps. xxvi. 5.
2 Cf St. Vincent's marks of catholicity — ' quod semper, quod ubique, quod
ab omnibus.'

CREED AND POLITY 153
of the sacraments, (3) ecclesiastical discipline rightly administered as
God's word prescribes for the repression of vice and the nourishment of
virtue,^ Where these marks are seen and continue for any time (be the
number ever so few above two or three), there without doubt is the true
Church — not the universal Church, but a particular Church. Such
churches there were in Corinth, Galatia, Ephesus and elsewhere, called
by Paul " churches of God " ; and such churches we the inhabitants of
the realm of Scotland, professors of Christ Jesus, confess us to have in
our cities, towns, and places reformed.'
The historical interest cf this definition lies in its exact
correspondence to the actual situation. As yet nc organism
had arisen tc unite local ' churches,' The Reformers, as we
shall see, had their own ideas as tc the organization of
national religion ; but these had not yet been published
and were therefore net taken into account. Yet there was
permanent value in the strictly scriptural uses of the term
' church ' and in the avoidance of the confusion which arises
when New Testament epithets are applied tc ecclesiastical
organizations cf a kind which did not exist in New
Testament times. The Scottish Reformers made no
exclusive claim for their Church, The Confession recognizes
indeed that ' godly men lawfully gathered in General
Councils may confute heresies and give public testimony
of their faith to posterity, but it vigorously denies the
title cf Councils to 'forge new Articles cf belief and
affirms that ' some General Councils have manifestly erred
in ijiatters cf great weight and importance,'^
As to the sacraments,* while the Reformed as distinct
frora the Lutheran doctrine is adopted, there is an earnest
ness in affirraing their supernatural character and spiritual
value, and in repudiating Zwinglian beliefs, which is lacking
^ These three ' marks ' had been specified not only by Calvin, but in the First
Helvetic Confession and in Scotland in Wishart's day ; they were adopted in the
Belgic, not in the Galilean Confession. Luther specified only Word and
Sacraments ; so Art. xix. of the English Articles.
2 The statement of the Thirty-nine Articles, although much more concise, is
in essence the same. ' General Councils . . , may err and sometimes have
erred even in things pertaining unto God,' — Art. xxi.
' As printed in the Acts of Parliament, the Confession aflirms that baptism
and the Lord's Supper are the ' two chief sacraments,' — an expression probably
due to a hasty adaptation of John a Lasco's language about circumcision and the
passover. See Mitchell, The. Scottish Reformation, p. 1 1 7 n. Knox and his
comrades showed no tolerance for any of the other five Roman sacraments.

154 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
in some of the Reformed Confessions, Those who affirm
them to be ' nothing else but naked and bare signs ' are
violently condemned, and the rumour that that is the
Scottish belief is repudiated as a slander. The purpose of
sacraments is to raake a visible difference between God's
people and the world, tc exercise the faith cf His children, .
and tc seal in their hearts the assurance of His preraises
and their union with Christ Jesus. Baptisra ' engrafts us in
Christ Jesus tc be raade partakers cf His righteousness
['justice'] by which cur sins are covered and remitted'; it
should be administered to the infants of the faithful as well
as to those that are of age and discretion. But that sacra
raent had not been in debate in Scotland,^ and attention is
concentrated upon the holy Supper. While the dogma
cf transubstantiation is condemned as ' pernicious,' it is
affirmed 'that believers do at the Lord's table sc eat His
body and drink His blood that He remaineth in them and
they in Hira : they are so raade flesh of His flesh and bone
of His bones that, as the Eternal Godhead hath given to the
flesh of Christ Jesus . . . life and iraraortaUty, sc doth His
flesh and blood eaten and drunken by us give us the same
prerogatives.' No doubt His body ' stands in the far distance
of place,' being glorified in heaven, yet true faith, by a
' mystical action ' carries us above all things earthly and
enables us to feed upon His body and blood.' This is
Calvin's definition almost verbatim ; yet the Confession
proceeds to say that the elements, although not to be
worshipped, are not to be despised, but tc be used with all
reverence after careful examination, and assurance is given
that the fruit cf the mystical action is never lest, even
though at the time of communion communicants are
' unconscious of as much profit as they would.' This eager
ness that there should be no depreciation of the religious
value and supernatural operation of the sacrament has
proved to be a permanent feature of Scottish Protestantism.
Fcr the right ministration of the sacraments there are two
' The brief condemnation of Anabaptists, who had not appeared in Scotland,
may be ascribed to a desire to come into line with the Continental Reformers,

CREED AND POLITY 155
requisites — the use of the elements appointed by Christ,^ and
' lawful ministers ' who have been appointed tc the preaching
of the Word, or into whose mouths God has put some
exhortation, 'they being men lawfully chosen thereto by
some kirk.' ^ If these rules are neglected, the sacraments
become invalid ; * and, since the ministers of the papistical
kirk are nc rainisters of Christ, and have corrupted the
sacraments shamefully, they have ' adulterated the whole
action of the Lord.' Unless the minister understands and
explains the meaning cf the sacraments, their right use
ceaseth.* We have already ® seen the gravity cf this
doctrinal error, which would make sacraments dependent
upon the orthodoxy cf the ministrant : yet presbyterian
Churches, while discarding the error, have adhered tc the
rule that sacraments should never be administered without
an explanation cf their meaning.^ Even more significant is
another provision raade for the right use cf the chief
sacraments. It ' appertains only to those who, being of
the household of faith, exaraine theraselves both as
tc their faith and as tc their duty towards their
neighbours. To partake without faith or being at dissension
with brethren is to eat unworthily, . . . Therefore it is
that in cur churches cur rainisters take public and particular
exaraination of the knowledge and conversation of such as
are to be admitted to the table.' The logic manifestly
lacks a link. Communicants must examine theraselves :
therefore ministers must examine them publicly and
particularly. Yet the missing Unk is unmistakable. Com
municants cannot be trusted to examine their own faith and
conduct ; they require tc be assisted and guided by ' cur
1 This provision is applied both to the denial of the cup to the laity and to the
use of oil, salt, etc., by priests,
2 The Confession refers with special 'horror' to the ministration of baptism
by women,
^ The raodern term ' invalid ' misrepresents this position ; they thought
rather of effect, and ' ineffectual ' gives the meaning more accurately.
^ The Confession comes very near the Roman doctrine that the 'intention' of
sacrificing priests is essential to validity.
° See vol, i. 329 f,
° In most presbyterian Churches the rule takes the shape of an order that
sacraments are to be administered only 'after sermon.'

iS6 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
ministers,' So emerged a rule which would have given
ministers a power over their parishioners greater than that
possessed by priests either in the Roman or in the Anglican
Church, if ministers had been left tc exercise the power
without a board of control composed cf seniors (elders).
The function cf the eldership, however, is net indicated in
the Confession, which defined the reUgion cf the nation, not
the constitution cf the Church,
This limit tc the intention cf the framers cf the Confession
is most apparent in the Article (ch. xxiv,) which deals with
the function of the Civil Magistrate. The topic was one
which had been closely examined not only at Geneva but
in every other centre of Protestantism, and in almost every
' Reformed ' Confession scrupulous care had been taken to
assert the interests cf law and order without ascribing to
civil rulers authority over the Church.^ But in this Con
fession there is no trace of such anxiety. The powers cf
' emperors in their empires, kings in their realms, dukes and
princes in their dominions, and other magistrates in free
cities ' are declared tc be ' God's holy ordinance, ordained
fcr manifestation of His own glory and fcr the singular profit
and commodity of mankind.' They are to be ' loved,
honoured, feared and held in most reverent estimation . . .
tc them chiefly and most principally the reformation and
purgation of religion appertains ; so that net only they are
appointed for civil policy but also for maintenance cf the
true religion and fcr suppressing cf idolatry and superstition
whatsoever, as in David, Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah, Josiah
' Calvin's contention for the rights ofthe Church has already been explained ;
see page 15. The Confessio Gallica entrusts the magistrate with the 'suppres
sion of crimes against the First as well as the Second Table of the Law ' ; he
is to be revered only 'if he leaves the sovereign empire of God intact.' The
Belgic Confession, which comes nearest to the Scottish, affirms that he should
' remove and prevent all idolatry and false worship, protecting the sacred
ministry and countenancing the preaching ofthe Word.' The Thirty-nine Articles
state that, while he should ' restrain the stubborn and evil-doers, to him belongs
not the ministering either of God's Word or of the sacraments.' — Art. xxxvii.
Mitchell (The Scottish Refoitnation, pp. 100-2) suggests, and Curtis (History
of Creeds and Confessions, p. 256) aflirms that Lethington and Wynram
secured the omission from the Scottish Confession of a statement of the
limits of the obedience due to magistrates. See page 142 ; we agree with
Lang (History, ii, 76), that this is very unlikely ; so David Laing. — Knox,
Works, vi. 121 n.

CREED AND POLITY 157
and others, highly commended for their zeal In that cause,
may be espied. And therefore' those who 'resist the
Supreme Power doing that thing which appertains to his
charge, do resist God's ordinance . . . whosoever deny unto
them aid, counsel and comfort in the execution of their
office deny their help, support and counsel to God.' To
regard this appeal as the formal statement cf an ecclesiastical
theory or to deduce from it arguraents about the relations
between Church and State is almost comically unfair. It
was a clear call to parliaraent to carry out the work cf
reformation with a promise of loyal support — a call which
parliaraent obeyed a week later, and a promise which for
many years the Reformers studiously kept,^ As yet there
was nc Reformed Church in existence in Scotland, and the
Reformers urged parliament tc abolish the Roman Church
as a preliminary to the erection of a new fabric, the relations
of which to the State were conceived, as will be seen
presently, in a wholly different spirit.
Although those items cf the Confession have their own
importance, they are, even when taken together, less
distinctive than the exclusive and absolute authority
ascribed to the Bible. Inspiration is not defined nor
even specifically asserted, but it is everywhere assuraed,
'The Becks of the Old and New Testaraents which of
the ancients have been reputed canonical . , . sufficiently
express all things necessary tc be believed for the salvation
of mankind.' Tc allege that the Scriptures derive their
authority from the Church is ' blasphemous,' It is not even
admitted, as in the Thirty-nine Articles, that the Church is
' a witness and keeper cf Holy Writ' The true Church
^ This Article (xxiv,) illustrates the measure of truth contained in Edward
Irving's often quoted laudation of the Confession in his edition of the Confessions
of the Church of Scotland (1^31), p, xciii, as ' the banner of the Church in all her
wrestlings and conflicts.' In no other wrestling or conflict, from St, Columba
to the Disruption, did the Church display such a banner, but in this conflict
it was certainly displayed to serve an emergency. Those who are best aware of
the defects of the Westminster Confession recognize the ineptness of the
comparison which Irving draws between the two documents. The one was
hurriedly drafted, to secure the complete overthrow of Romanism ; the other
embodied the results of protracted theological debate. ' The fellow-workers of
Knox, although accomplished divines . , , produced little in theology,' —
Walker, Scottish Theologians, p. 2,

IS8 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
' always heareth and obeyeth the voice of her own Spouse
and Pastor, but taketh not upon her to be mistress over the
same.' The interpretation cf Scripture ' appertains neither
to private nor tc public persons, but to the Spirit cf God,'
When controversies arise, ' we ought not so much to look
what men before us have said or done as unto that which
the Holy Ghost uniformly speaks within the body
of the Scriptures and unto that which Christ Jesus
Himself coraraand^ to be done ' : for the Bible is
consistent with itself, the Spirit cf God being a Spirit of
unity, and some plain text will always remove the difficulty
of obscure passages.^ Apart from these statements, the
belief that Scripture and Scripture alone supplies an
unchanging standard appears in almost every chapter.
There is not a word at variance with the offer made in the
preface to amend statements which could not be vindicated
by Biblical proofs This feature alone would entitle the
Confession to be regarded as distinctively Scottish, for it has
net the same prominence in any contemporary symbol. The
Reformation view of the Bible, that as a guide in faith and
life it is ' supreme, complete and intelligible,' * will always
be associated with the name cf Luther, and no other name
has even a vague claim to be ranked with his in this
respect ; but it is different when nation is compared with
nation.* Although Scotland was late in recovering the
Bible — later than Gerraany, England, the Netherlands,
Scandinavia, Boheraia — the recovery was raore signal than
in any cf those lands, and it left a unique irapress upon the
national reUgion. There had been no doctrinal discus
sions such as had elsewhere created a seeraing necessity
' Lang in his scrutiny of the Confession ignores the context of the words —
' the principal points of our faith.'— History, ii, 77.
2 See page 150, A similar offer was made by the first Protestants of 1529.
See vol. i. 426 n. The Preface was not included when the Confession was
adopted by Parliament in 1567 ; but this in no way indicates the mind of those
who drafted the Confession.
' Cairns, Fourth Centenary of Luther (i%%3).
* The Church which bears lyUther's name has conspicuously abandoned his
view. ' What would be said among us (Lutherans), if a man of honour were to
demand a revision of the Augsburg Confession ? ' — Harnack, History of Dogma,
vii, 33-

CREED AND POLITY i59
for binding theological formulae, nor any evidence that
the Bible, which sufficed to nullify papal pretensions,
required a supplement for any purpose. Accordingly the
Scottish Reforraers were not ' credal ' in their conceptions,
and all their manifestoes were framed in the belief that
' human ' standards were subordinate. The designation of
all creeds and confessions as ' subordinate standards ' does
not occur in the Confession, but the idea underlying that
phrase is repeated again and again. Nc doubt the
definitions are inadequate. While denying the right of
' private ' interpretation, they assert for individuals a claim
to ignore all huraan authority in language which calmer
reflection would have prevented. Yet the fact remains that
the protagonists of the Reforraation, when called tc set
down prcraptly their ruling beliefs, set down nc doc
trine which can with any accuracy be styled Calvinist or
Lutheran, except regarding the sacraments, and claimed that
Romanism should be abolished because it was unscriptural
and that the Bible should be acknowledged as the only
infallible standard cf national life. They thus set a stamp
upon Scottish Christianity which for three hundred and
fifty years has marked it off from other developments of
Protestantism. The doctrine cf the Confession did not differ in essentials
from the accepted and sanctioned beliefs cf the Church of
England. The Thirty-nine Articles were at some points,
specially as regards justification by faith and free-will,
mere lucid and explicit in their Calvinism,^ while with
regard tc ordination by bishops, afterwards so grave a
ground of difference, they affirraed only that those who
rainister in word and sacrament must be ' lawfully called
by men who have public authority given them in the Con
gregation.' Among diploraatists the prevailing idea was
that the alliance of the two nations raust be maintained
upon the basis cf identity in religious opinion. When the
^ As late as 1570 Elizabeth was excommunicated by Rome as 'a partaker in
the atrocious mysteries of Calvinism.' — Pollard (History, p. 213) finds an
approximation to presbyterian ideas of discipline in Cranmer's scheme for
giving power to annual diocesan councils including laymen.

i6o HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
Confession was under consideration, Throckmorton wrote to
Cecil that England and Scotland were ' cf one religion ' ; ^
and on the day after it was passed, Randolph reported that
he had talked with ' all ' the Reformers, and that even such
men as Goodman were wUling that there should be uni
formity in religion, recognizing the advantages that would
ensue.2 Yet in the same letter Randolph acknowledges
that his hopes cf such uniformity are almost quenched by
the ' severity ' cf the Scots, and mentions a document which
was of infinitely greater consequence than the Confession,*
as it set a distinctive raark upon the religion of Scotland —
the Bock of DiscipUne or Polity, known subsequently as the
First Bock cf Discipline.*
We have seen ® that on April 29 the ' Lords of the great
Council ' had given instructions fcr the preparation of a
Book 'touching the reforraation of religion' in the realm.
The task was entrusted tc Knox and the five ministers who
co-operated with him in preparing the Confession of Faith,
The charge seeras tc have been fulfilled at once, for a copy
which Kncx reproduces in his history is dated May 20.^
In August it was being translated into Latin for trans
mission to the chief Reforraers of Geneva and Ziirich,' and,
although it was not then presented formally tc parliament,
' State Papers, Scotland and Mary, i. 458,
2 Knox, Works, vi, 119.
* ' The most important document in Scottish history.' — Hume Brown,
Knox, ii. 148.
¦• The text of the Book is printed in Knox, Works, ii. 183-257 ; Dunlop,
Confessions, ii, 515-608. The version given by Spottiswoode (i. 331-371) here
and there alters and omits passages to suit Spottiswoode's view of the Reformers.
The alternative title ' Booke of Policie ' may be taken from Calvin's dictum that
' the Church of God stands in need of a Polity (TroAtreia) of its own ' ; but the
Book itself gives an unusual definition : ' Policy we call an exercise of the
Church in such things as may bring the rude and ignorant to knowledge or else
inflame the learned to greater fervency or to retain the Church in good order.' —
Knox, Works, ii, 237. 5 See page 134.
^ Knox, Works, ii. 257. This date, however, is quite inconsistent with the
account which Knox gives in Works, ii. 128, where he represents the under
taking as having been begun after parUament dissolved. Grub (ii, 91) recon
ciles the statements by supposing that ' a draft prepared before parUament met
was now revised and completed,' and Hume Brown (Knox, ii, 125) thinks
that ' it may have undergone considerable modification. ' But there is neither
proof nor likelihood that it was modified after it was translated, Knox's two
statements cannot be reconciled, and the earlier date alone has documentary
verification, t Knox, Works, vi. 119.

CREED AND POLITY i6i
it was in private circulation, and soon after parliament dis
solved was considered at length by 'the nobility.'^
It was an original production, with nc parallel in the
religious literature of any ether land. A free use was made
of the writings and the ecclesiastical enactments of the
continental Reformers, particularly cf John k Lasco, Calvin
and Hermann of Cologne,^ but this was in matters cf detail
rather than in principle. No doubt the general aim of
Calvin was the same, but his Institutes dealt with principles
and the Ordonnances were the outcome of compromise,
while regulations of the religion cf a comparatively small
town were manifestly inappropriate in a national scheme.
The Book of Discipline was specifically a proposal for the
reformation cf the religion cf the Scottish nation, and in no
other country were Reformers in the sixteenth century
called upon tc draft such a scheme, or indeed in a position
in which they could do sc with any propriety. In France
their limited numbers wculd have made it preposterous, and
it was in direct antagonism to the national ideals both of
England and cf Germany, While the Book thus derives
interest from the unique circumstances in which it was
composed, it is illuminated by the transcendent ability of
Knox, who, although he had able colleagues, is revealed as the
author cf the most important sections both by the method
of thought and by the style.
The Bock, which is shaped as an address or report to the
Great Council of the nation, begins with a plea that in
every church and assembly in the realm the Gospel may be
truly and openly preached and everything at variance with
the Gospel suppressed. The plea is sweeping and unsparing,
no doctrine, usage or institution being excepted. Scripture
' Knox, Works, ii. 128. The 'nobiUty' probably means the Lords of the
Articles. When the Book was lirought before parliament in January, some, says
Knox, pretended that they had not seen it before. — Ibid., ii. 138.
2 Occasionally sentences of Calvin's Institutes and Ordonnances are repro
duced verbatim. A still larger use is made of the Forma ac ratio tola ecclesiastici
ministerii of John a Lasco, a Pole, who was leader under Edward vi of the
Protestant foreigners resident in London. At points there are traces of
Hermann's Book of the Reformation (l543) and other Kirchenbiicher. See
Richter, Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen ; Mitchell, The Scottish
Reformation, p. 145 ff. ; Hume Brown, Knox, ii. 127 f , 136.
VOL. II. L

i62 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
being the sole and sufficient standard and guide in religion,
everything not expressly warranted in Scripture should be
prohibited by the civil magistrate, with penalties. This
prohibition should go far beyond the ' idolatrous ' mass and
should cover all details — saints' days, fcr instance (including
Christmas), abbeys, friaries, nunneries and cathedral kirks
except such as are used fcr devotional and educational
purposes, and all church furnishings and ornaments not
required for right rainistration of Word and sacraraents.
For these there must be no toleration, partly because they
are unscriptural, partly because they terapt raen to supersti
tion and withdraw attention from evangelical truth.
The doctrine to be established is not set forth in detail,
but the incidental references tc doctrine are consistent with
the terras of the Confession cf Faith, With regard tc the
sacraments, the standard naraed is the Order cf Geneva,
' now used in scrae cf our kirks,' which contains a catechism,
'the most perfect that ever yet was used in the Church,'
with the supplementary counsel that baptisra should be
adrainistered publicly and the Lord's Supper celebrated
four times a year,^ none being ' admitted to that mystery
who cannot repeat the Lord's Prayer, the Apostles' Creed
and the sum of the Law.' But fresh ground is broken with
regard tc the agencies by which reUgion is to be maintained,
specially with regard to ministers and their ministry. The
right cf particular kirks (congregations) and of Church
members to elect their own ministers is laid down as a
matter cf principle. Although they forfeit that right if
they fail to make an election within forty days, their liberty
even in that case is carefully guarded ; ministers nominated
by ether authorities must be publicly presented, and before
they are actually appointed ' every several church shall have
their votes and suffrages, so that no man shall be violently
intruded,' Yet this by no means implies that congregations
are free to elect whom they please. The minister-elect
^ Calvin favoured a weekly but prescribed a monthly celebration,  Institutes
Book IV. 17, 44. The Book of Discipline states that the appointment of an
Easter celebration leads people to think that one celebration a year is sufficient.

CREED AND POLITY 163
must be examined publicly by raen of soundest judgment
jn seme principal town adjacent, and give proof of his gifts
and knowledge by interpreting a prescribed passage ; there
after he raust give a public account of the chief controversies
with enemies of the Christian religion, and finally he must
proceed to the congregation which has elected him and
preach in their hearing divers public sermons with special
declaration of his belief in the office cf Christ Jesus,
justification, and the sacraments,^ Besides, his personal
character must be closely scrutinized, public notice being
given in the homes cf his childhccd and youth that those
who know anything to his discredit must give information
thereof Should no objections be raised, he may be
admitted to his charge with solemn admonition addressed
to him and to his fleck, but the scleranity ought not tc
include the imposition cf hands, for, ' although the apostles
used imposition, yet seeing the miracle is ceased the using
of the ceremony is judged not necessary,' ^ Fcr ministers
sc settled good provision is made, A minimum stipend is
indicated, but it is tc be augmented when ministers have
families or special expenses in the discharge cf their
ministry. Yet they are not tc be left to their own will.
They must do their work steadily and without reproach,
preaching on Sunday and on one week-day at least, catechiz
ing children, superintending and examining schools, shewing
special care fcr the poor, and studiously avoiding respect of
persons. Should a minister fail to edify the Church by
neglecting wholesome doctrine, by moral carelessness or
even by sloth, he must be admonished by his elders, and
should he prove stubborn they may appeal tc the ministers
of two adjacent churches, who shall be entitled tc suspend
him from office until he repent. If a notable crime has
been committed, or a pernicious doctrine which undermines
the faith been obstinately maintained, the penalty is final
deposition. 1 Knox, Works, ii. 190.
2 Cf Calvin, Institutes, Book IV, 3, 16, Note that Calvin ascribed this
function to ministers alone, not to the college of elders, in which he is followed
by the Book of Discipline,

i64 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
The Book recognizes the impossibility of securing an
adequate supply cf candidates for sc arduous an office, and
in order to meet the difficulty proposes to institute an order
cf Readers, who shall read the Common Prayers and the
Scriptures to congregations which cannot meanwhile be
furnished with ministers, and a higher order of Exhorters,
who may exercise and develop their preaching gifts, and if
they give proof cf fitness rise tc the status of ministers.
The ministerial status must be maintained at any cost,
and churches left vacant rather than supplied with an
unworthy or inefficient ministry, for a vacant congregation
is conscious of its needs while a poor minister deadens the
conscience of his people, 'Those that have but a vain
shadow do commonly without further care content them
selves with the same.' In the existing ' rarity of the
ministers ' the Estates are called not only to pray that God
may 'thrust cut faithful workmen into this His harvest,'
but tc compel raen who have ' gifts and graces able tc edify
the Church of God ' to bestow thera where their Honours and
the Kirk shall think expedient.^
The position and functions assigned to ministers must be
estimated in light cf those of seniors or elders, who in every
congregation were to be elected by a free vote of the people
as ' assistants tc the minister in all public affairs.' The
appearance cf this office in Scotland has already been
noted. Before the Book cf Discipline was drafted, elders
had been appointed in several burghs, and now the method
to be followed in making appointments was defined, and
their duties were reduced to rule. They were to be elected
annually lest their power should become excessive, and as
great care must be taken as in the case cf ministers that the
people should have votes.^ Except in the ministration of
Word and sacraments, they were associated with the minister
' Knox, Works, ii. 195.
¦-" Complete freedom was given to particular kirks as to the method of election.
Knox records that in Edinburgh the outgoing elders nominated double the
number required, of whom twelve were elected by the communicants ; but care
was taken that no communicant, present or absent, should be ' spoiled of his
liberty in election,' — Ibid., ii, 152.

CREED AND POLITY 165
in every office, and, in the case cf 'inferior' congregations,
must present an annual report upon the minister's life,
raanners, study and diligence,^ while they were tc be united
with him on a footing of equality in supervising members of
their congregation. This, it need scarcely be said, was a com
pletely new feature of Church life, or at least a feature which
had disappeared since New Testament tiraes,^ and in two
important respects it supplied indisputable gaps in the
Roman system, by giving congregations a direct share
through elected representatives in the management of
Church affairs, and by providing for a far closer supervision
of ministers than the visitation of bishops and archdeacons
had furnished.
The contrast to the Roman system was even more marked
in the duties assigned tc the diaconate,* Deacons, like
elders, were tc be elected by congregations, and were to
assist elders in maintaining discipline, being even allowed
to read ' in the assembly ' if they were competent. But
their raain function was tc deal with finance, which was
taken entirely cut cf the rainister's hands. Rules almost
ludicrously rigid were prescribed for controlling their in
tromissions with funds — checks and counter-checks
without number disclosing the firm intention of the
Reformers that there should be no repetition cf the
malversation tc which Church properties had for centuries
been subject, and also the belief that those properties be
longed to the people and should be administered by their
chosen representatives.
In the chief towns, where particular kirks had already
been erected, ministers, elders and deacons were recognized
as supplying an adequate agency ; but the task which the
' Hill Burton strangely, for so fair a writer, misrepresents the Scottish
eldership, as though elders had been originally what they no doubt were in the
eighteenth century, and perhaps here and there in Hill Burton's own time,
' creatures ofthe clergy.' — History, iv. 323.
2 See page 76.
' In the Reformed Churches there was a good deal of hesitation about the
diaconate. Calvin proposed that there should be two orders of deacons, the
one ' who administered alms, and the other, those who cared for the poor and
sick.' — Institutes, iv. 3, 9, In Scotland they were entrusted with both functions,
indeed with all matters of finance.

i66 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
Reformers had to face was to a very large extent the
diffusion of their faith in districts where it was meanwhile
unrepresented, and they clearly recognized and explicitly
avowed that rainisters who were occupied with their own
local charges could not cope with the religious needs of
Scotland. They proposed accordingly that districts should
be assigned to Superintendents, whose special function it
should be tc plant and organize congregations and to
appoint rainisters where there were none, sc that 'their
Honours' love and coraraon care over all the inhabitants
of the realra should evidently appear, and those who had
never heard Christ Jesus truly preached raight be led tc
search and seek further knowledge of God.' It was proposed
that ten or twelve ' provinces ' should be instituted, six of
these coinciding with the dioceses of the Roraan Church, and
that the first superintendents should be appointed by
parliaraent, subsequent appointments being entrusted tc the
ministers, elders and deacons of the chief towns cf the
provinces, acting with town councils. Such an office, which
was in line with the ideas of Luther and Melanchthon, and
had been erected in some districts of Germany,^ was at
variance with the judgment and practice cf the continental
Calvinists, many cf whom had already adopted the theory
that all ministers should be on a footing of exact equality ; ^
and therefore the institution of it is vindicated in the Book
of Discipline by the plea that it is ' expedient for this time,'
and very careful regulations are laid down tc prevent
superintendents from gaining or even claiming powers
possessed by Roman bishops. In life and doctrine they
were subjected tc the censure and correction cf ministers
and elders. They were required tc preach at least ' thrice
every week,' * and tc be constantly occupied. No super
intendent was allowed tc reside at his headquarters for
longer than three or four months, or, when making his
' In Lutheran Churches Superattendenten were appointed by the civil
magistrates. — Richter, Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen, vol, ii.
' In the Confessio Gallica and the Confessio Belgica this was speciaUy
explicit. See Schaff, Creeds of Prot. Evang. Churches, pp. 377, 422.
^ Knox, Works, ii. 204.

CREED AND POLITY 167
provincial rounds, to remain in the same place more than
twenty or thirty days. They were to have no share in the
episcopal revenues, and, if the stipends assigned tc them
were larger than those of ordinary ministers, that was only
because their duties involved more travelling. In truth the
office was so restricted and curbed that it was far from being
an attractive one. Kncx himself declined the office, thinking,
as he says, that his ' estate [as minister cf Edinburgh] was
honourable enough,' ^ and it should be noted that the rainisters
cf the ' principal kirks,' such as Edinburgh, were not subject
to superintendents. Yet, in provinces which were raainly
rural, their functions reserabled in several respects these of
bishops. Their provinces were entitled dioceses ; in pro
ceedings against defaulting rainisters sorae episcopal re
sponsibilities were laid upon thera ; the elders cf their
'principal kirks' were entrusted with powers which had
sorae likeness at least tc those possessed by cathedral
Chapters, Such resemblances or parallels led episcopalian
controversialists cf later tiraes tc contend that Knox and
his corarades were episcopalians at heart,^ and made their
presbyterian opponents eager tc refute the charge ; but
these contentions will seem pointless tc impartial readers
of history. It has already * been shown that Kncx, while
condemning the episcopate cf those times, raised nc objection
to the office of bishop as such, and the institution cf an
office which bore some resemblance tc the episcopate and
was studiously guarded against its abuses merely proves
that, like Calvin, he had not yet raised polity tc the rank cf
dogma,* and adhered to the judgment laid down in the
Confession of Faith that nc one polity or order 'can be
appointed for all ages, times and places,' ®
The Book cf Discipline, indeed, must not be regarded as
a treatise en Church order, still less as a presentation cf the
^ Knox, Works, vi. 122,
2 Unbiased episcopalians judge very differently. Superintendents, writes
Grub (ii, 99), ' bore only a faint, external resemblance to the hierarchy, '
' See page 62.
* F. W. Maitland, Cambridge Modern History, ii. 593,
^ Knox, Works, ii. 113.

i68 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
presbyterian system. The gradation of Church courts —
kirk-sessions, presbyteries, synods and general assembly,
which have come tc be considered as essentials of that
system — is not even suggested,^ There are two or three
references to the 'Council' cf the Church, 'the great
Council,' 2 but these are only incidental, and no hint is
given of the constitution of the CouncU. The scheme was
not ecclesiastical but national, intended to establish and
secure the Christianity cf the nation, without recognition of
the Church as a separate fabric which might compete or
collide with the State. Of the six Church offices which it
specified, three disappeared within twenty years, and a
fourth proved to be of little consequence. Its real sig
nificance and its permanent iraportance lay in its con
centration and definition of the ideas by which the
Reformers were guided, and in the tone which it imparted
to the religion and character of the nation. Its general
conceptions of Church life are its distinctive features and
they are threefold,
I, Without any distinction of rank, hierarchical, political
or social, the Church is identified with the people. The
regulation that every several person should have a voice in
the appointment cf ministers, elders, and deacons is only an
illustration of a pervading principle. The Christian equality
of individuals is tc be recognized in all respects, not only
by checking tyranny and ' lordship,' but by giving the
lowliest Scot a legalized voice in regulating the national
religion. The cause of the poor is presented to the Estates
with pathetic yet dignified eloquence. Respect is due to
our poor brethren the labourers and manurers of the ground,
whose life has been made dolorous and bitter by those cruel
beasts the papists, and who are new being ground down in
a tyranny as cruel by the lords and lairds who are absorbing
^ Yet provisions for Church meetings are made in the Geneva Book
of Comraon Order which was specifically approved. Note Knox's argument
as to that point when disputes arose as to the holding of Assemblies, — Works,
ii. 295-6.
2 Ibid., ii, 191, 226. The sentence in vol. ii. 251, referring to the
Assembly of the universal Kirk, printed by Laing in capitals, is an insertion of
later date.

CREED AND POLITY 169
Church properties. Of 'stubborn and idle beggars' the
Reformers are not patrons, but the widow and orphan, the
aged and impotent, who cannot labour for their own
maintenance, have just claims which the Church must not
only herself recognize but urge boldly upon parliament ;
'fearful and horrible it is that they are , . . universally
contemned and despised,' And in the Church their equality
in God's sight is a religious truth which ministers and elders
raust studiously regard, fcr a Church is no Church which
shows respect for persons. This definite acknowledg
ment not merely in sentiment or by way of compassion,
but by conferring equal rights upon men of every rank,
must be regarded in view cf the fact that in Scotland the
commons had at that time nc political representation.
Except some twenty representatives of burghs, parliaraent
was composed entirely of spiritual and teraporal peers and
of freeholders who sat not by election but in virtue of their
holdings. Thus the Church, as the Reformers presented it,
was the one department of social life which met with and
embodied the desire for equal treatment which for a
generation had been pervading the nation. It was in
the Reformed Church that the classes which had been in
feudal bondage first found a clear recognition cf their
emancipation, and the resultant benefits were inestimable,
for, if the religion of the nation acquired a democratic cast,
its democratic tendencies came under those religious influ
ences which alone can save popular or progressive forces
frora the perils of anarchy.
2. Equally influential were the minute and exhaustive
provisions made fcr religious instruction and general educa
tion. The Reformers were convinced that ignorance was
the chief hindrance to their enterprise, and that systematic
instruction in the truths of the Bible must be the foundation
cf all their work. Accordingly a large and leading section
of the Bock cf Discipline is devoted to setting forth a
carefully thought-out scheme cf general education which
they proposed to make compulsory. It is a more complete
scherae than that of Melanchthon, to whom the universities

I70 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
of central Europe owed an imraeasurable debt, for it
surveyed the needs of the whole land and prescribed a
gradation and correlation of schools — primary and secondary
or higher grade schools leading tc universities, at which also
a gradation cf studies with a view to the several professions
was fully specified. In words which have often been quoted
with adrairation by modern educationists, the right of
parents to ' use their children at their own phantasy ' is
repudiated, and the claim cf the children cf the poor to be
trained for the service of the commonweal and of the
Church is asserted, while the rich are denied any title tc let
their sons ' spend their youth in vain idleness as heretofore
they have done,' The Estates are called to their obligation
in this matter in well-measured language :
' If God shall give your Wisdoms grace to set forward letters in the
sort prescribed, ye shall leave wisdom and learning to your posterity,
a treasure more to be esteemed than any earthly treasures ye are able
to provide for them ; which, without wisdom, are more able to be their
ruin and confusion than help or comfort,'
The education so provided was not in any sense to be
secular, but, on the contrary, impregnated with religion-
Every church in the land must have a day-school, taught by
minister or reader in districts where a separate teacher could
not be maintained, and all schools must be examined
quarterly by the ministers and elders, ' with the best learned
in every town,' Like many other plans set forth in the
Bock, this scheme was not realized fcr several generations,^
Even if there had not been special obstacles, it was far tec
extensive to be implemented immediately, and indeed
avowedly it was designed with a view tc raaintaining
religion 'in purity in the posterity following,' Yet it
explains the tone and character which were actually imparted
to the ministry. The idea that preaching should appeal
' It is a not infrequent mistake to credit Knox with the parish school system
by which Scotland has so greatly profited.' At the most he adumbrated a
scheme for establishing a school at every religious centre, and impressed upon
the conscience ofthe nation that education should be universal and compulsory.
The units he had in view were ecclesiastical, not civil.

CREED AND POLITY 171
tc sentiment and reuse emotion was subordinated tc the
rule that every sermon should convey instruction and seek
to convince the intelligence. In choosing their subjects
preachers must not ' divagate ' from one part cf the Bible
tc another, but expound it continuously so that their hearers
raight become acquainted with the whole cf its contents ;
and in their pastoral visitation they must examine from
house tc house, testing the ' fruit and profit ' of their teaching.
In order to fester knowledge cf Scripture, weekly meetings,
under the title of Exercises, were appointed in every town
which was an educational centre, fcr the discussion of
Scripture doctrine. Such meetings, which were regulated
by the rules laid down in the First Epistle tc the Corinthians,
had been initiated by Reforraers elsewhere, and the ' prophe-
syings ' by which they had been accompanied had given
trouble to the civil rulers as centres cf revolution, but the
Book of Discipline gave them a distinctive character in
Scotland. Curious, ' peregrine ' and unprofitable questions
were to be avoided ; there was to be nc invective except
in confuting heresies ; interpretation cf the Bible was the
specific purpose cf the exercises, and every deviation frora
that purpose raust be checked by a presiding ' moderator,'
Further, the exercises were not, as in most other lands,
voluntary gatherings cf the specially earnest and studious.
All ministers whose parishes were within six miles of an
' exercise ' must attend, and laymen who were credited with
gifts which might edify the Church must be invited, and, if
through idleness or false modesty they declined, compelled
to come, with the help of the civil magistrate ; for nc man
could be allowed tc live ' as best pleaseth him within the
Church of God.' The Christian ' fellowship,' which in the
eighteenth century was a potent factor in deepening the
Wesleyan revival, was here presented as an interchange not of
religious experience but of religious knowledge. While the
dialectical temperament of the Scots was thus deliberately
enlisted in the service of the Church and emcticnalisra was
discouraged, the interests of education and religion were
declared to be identical, with a bold declaration that

172 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
' knowledge,' as the Reformers understood the term, wculd
inevitably promote a reformation cf the Church,
3. The conception of discipline, which gives the Book its
usual title, was derived directly from Calvin, whose admini
stration at Geneva had won Knox's whole-hearted admira
tion. ' Discipline,' the Bock says, ' stands in reproving and
correcting of these faults which the civil sword doth either
neglect or may net punish.' One of the marks cf a true
Church is the exercise cf discipline,^ and in this exercise the
Church furthers the welfare of the coraraonwealth and is
entitled tc the support of the civil magistrate. Neither by
Calvin nor in the Bock of Discipline was a clear distinction
drawn between crime and imraorality. The ' more horrible '
crimes, which the magistrate should punish with death,
include blasphemy and adultery, while less flagrant offences,
with which the Church must deal, include deceiving of the
poor by use of false measures, oppression of the poor by
exactions, drunkenness and ' all excess.' In the mixed
populace of Geneva, with its refugee libertines, the need
for discipline was glaring, but not more so than in Scotland,
where, as former chapters have shown, social disorder and
the ' wretchlessness cf unclean living' had been largely
condoned by the Church, The religion of all Calvinists
was strenuously ethical and included a fixed purpose that
only those whose conduct conformed to moral law should
enjoy Church privileges. But the Book of Discipline
went far beyond this irreproachable maxira of Puritanism,
Scotland must be raade a Reformed Christian country.
All its inhabitants, high and low, raust be persuaded or
constrained to lead a Christian life ; and, when the Church
dealt with offences which the raagistrate could not or would
not punish, she must put forth her full strength. Offenders
must be quietly but firmly rebuked by minister and elders ;
and, if they persisted, admonished in the Church, with ex
communication in the background as an ultimate penalty.
With an exccmraunicated person none but his wife and
family might have ' any kind of conversation, be it in
' See pages 152-3.

CREED AND POLITY 173
eating or drinking, buying or selling, saluting or talking
with him , , . that he . , . seeing himself abhorred by
the faithful and godly may have occasion to repent and be
so saved.' His children had no real claim to baptism ; and,
although they might by act of grace be presented by the
mother or some special friend, the person presenting must
' abhor and damn the iniquity and obstinate contempt of the
impenitent' ^ At least a year before the abolition cf
papacy by parliament, such customs had been practised ; and
the apologist for them raay urge that a voluntary religious
society raay raake its own conditions with its merabers ;
but the plea becomes meaningless when a nation has
identified itself with one Confession cf Faith and prohibited
worship inconsistent with its terms.
In the sarae spirit, if not with the same harshness,
compulsion is to be applied in enforcement. Heads of
households raust instruct their children and their servants
in ' the principles of the Christian religion,' the result cf
their instruction to be tested annually by rainister and elders.
If they allow children and servants ' tc continue in wilful
ignorance, the discipline of the Church must proceed against
them unto excomraunicaticn, and then must the matter be
referred unto the Civil Magistrate.' Faraily prayers raust
be read morning and evening and the psalms for public
worship practised at home, net because the head cf the
household was specially devout, but because he was a Scot,
and Scotland raust be reforraed. The idea of liberty of
conscience as set forth by Luther had disappeared or been
veiled beyond recognition. When a man became a
communicant and' lived consistently he had many rights
and privileges : but he was not at liberty to refuse to
be a Christian, still less to assert that the ' Pope's religion '
was Christianity,
4, When we turn tc the financial proposals cf the Book,
the confusion into which Church estates had fallen becomes
at once apparent. Political historians agree that about half
of the taxable land was nominally Church property. Yet
• Knox, Works, ii. 230.

174 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
only a limited proportion of it was in the hands of churchmen.
Many endowments, as previous chapters have shown, had
come into the hands of laymen either by appropriation or
by negotiations conducted in defiance of Church law, and
for about ten years — since churchmen had discerned that
their tenure cf property was uncertain — such transferences
had been scandalously frequent Although sometimes there
had been a bona fide sale at market value, there had often
been collusion in the fixing of prices, and in the case of
friary lands ^ the transference had been raade under a
pledge that they would be restored to the friars when the
perilous days were past. It will be seen that some of the
actual possessors were mere plunderers devoid of any just
title, while others were the legitimate heirs cf ancestors who
had paid a fair price and could be blamed only for the fact
that in the purchase Church law had been ignored. Perhaps
the best instances of this last situation are that Lord James
Stewart was in 1560 drawing the revenues of the priory of
St. Andrews, and that Lord Glencairn and the Earl Marischal
were proprietors of ' great quantities ' of parish glebes.
These three were noblemen whose personal integrity and
zeal fcr reform were above suspicion. Further, the lands
and rents still in the possession of churchmen were in
very few cases utilized fcr what is considered in modern
times the principal function of a national Church, the
maintenance of religious ordinances throughout the land.
It is impossible to be more specific, but it may safely be
said that there are not twenty parishes in Scotland of
which it can be asserted what stipend was justly due,
and was paid, to parish priests in the year of the abolition
of the papacy.
The recollection of these facts will explain the practical
problems which perplexed and distressed the Church for
several generations, but for the present it is enough tc note
how the framers cf the Book of Discipline regarded the
question cf ownership and what adjustment they presented
as a reasonable one. They began by claiming that all
' See page 37.

CREED AND POLITY i75
Church imposts and second tithes ^ by which the poor were
burdened should be abolished, and proceeded to acknowledge
that all just owners cf teinds should be dealt with fairly.
Fairness, however, must be determined by the deacons of
the Church, tc whom the holders of teinds raust present
accounts. Manses and glebes should be handed over at
once to the Reforraed rainister or, failing minister, to the
reader in charge, Teinds and tacks (leases) were in no
case the properties cf churchmen,^ the Church being the
indisputable proprietor ; and in disposing of them the
Church was entitled tc ' her liberty.' This did not, however,
mean that Church revenues were tc be used exclusively
for Church purposes ; there were two other purposes which
had as legitiihate a claim, the maintenance of schools and
the relief cf poverty. It was net proposed that there should
be a division into equal thirds, but no priority of one claim
above the other two was alleged. Two special proposals
deserve to be recorded as indications cf the outlook of the
Reformers : the temporalities of bishops, deans and arch
deacons, and all cathedral lands, should be assigned to the
raaintenance of the universities, and the rents of hospitals,
chantries, chaplainries, friaries, nunneries and priests should
be retained for the uses of the localities tc which they had
been 'doted.' It was also conceded that in cases where
layraen had paid a fair price for Church lands they should
receive corapensation, but they raust subrait written proof
of such payraent tc the deacons of the churches concerned,
and there was no appeal frora the deacons' decision except
to the minister and session, although an annual statement
must be transmitted tc the Great CouncU of the Church,* in
order that ' both the abundance and the indigence of every
church might be evidently known and a reasonable equality
raaintained throughout the whole land,' It was also urged
that ' raerchants and rich craftsmen in free burghs who had
ncthing to do with the manuring of the land ' {i.e., paid no
1 See vol. i. 218.
2 This was a reproduction of Knox's judgment expressed at his first public
appearance in 1547. The teinds pertain not to churchmen : see page 52,
^ See page 168.

176 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
teinds) should contribute tc the support cf their own churches,
and that barons and gentlefolk should pay for the education of
their sens. Far raore noteworthy than any of the particular
proposals is the belief that, while the religious endowments
might with advantage and justice be utilized in part for educa
tion and poor relief, the allocation of them should be devolved
by parliament upon the Reformed Church, Although that
Church had not been established or recognized in any forraal
way, it stood there declaring itself tc be Ecclesia Scoticana,
The Bock closes with a frank recognition that some of
its proposals will appear strange to the nobility, and that
they may be tempted to prefer the interests of their carnal
friends to the welfare of the poor flock cf Christ Jesus, and
with a warning that if they follow their own corrupt judg
ments they will bring upon themselves sharp and sudden
punishment and the glory and honour of the enterprise will
be reserved unto others. The financial proposals involved
very great sacrifice on their part, for most, if not all of them,
were possessors of Church properties. They were not
prepared for the sacrifice. Some were wUling, Knox says,
that it should be sanctioned by parliament ; others, per
ceiving that their carnal liberty and worldly commodity
were somewhat to be impaired thereby, grudged, in so much
that the narae of Book of Discipline became odious unto
them, and in their mockage they termed everything that
repugned to their corrupt affections ' devout imagination.' ^
The Bock was submitted to the Lords of the Articles in
September,^ and laid before parliament in the following
January, Twenty-six noblemen, including Chatelherault
and his son, Argyll and Lord James, signed a document
approving it and promising to support it, with the significant
proviso that bishops and other churchmen who had joined
the Reformers should be allowed tc retain their benefices
during their lifetime, if they furnished a maintenance to the
Reformed ministers,* But their signatures had no value.
Time after time it was brought before parliament, but in
1 Knox, Works, ii, 128, 2 See page 161 and n,
' Knox, Works, u, 257, 258,

CREED AND POLITY I77
vain, Kncx continued tc ascribe this tc the self-interest of
the Lords ; according tc his bitter saying, ' The belly hath no
ears,' He was keenly disappointed, and frequently deplored
the worldliness en which it was shipwrecked.
No doubt he was correct in his explanation. Yet even if
the bellies had had ears and parUament had been composed
of raen devoid cf corrupt affections, the scheme cf the Bock
would have proved impracticable, not through the worldli
ness but through the humanity cf the nation. If it shows
Kncx at his best, it also shews him at his worst, reflecting
his domineering severity as well as his statesmanlike and
intensely religious patriotism. Even Calvin recognized this
and wrote to him when the fortunes cf the Bock were un
certain, expressing the hope that strictness wculd be
tempered by discretion.^ Indeed one is tempted tc ask, as
in the case of Plate's Republic and Mere's Utopia, if the
authors cf the scheme really expected that it wculd be
carried into effect. But the question would be unreasonable.
They were thoroughly sincere in seeking to secure that in
Scotland there should be no ' ungodly impunity of sin,' no
toleration fcr anything that ' worketh abcminaticn or
maketh a lie.' Although rejected by parliament, it was
accepted as a manual of the Church, and, with amendments
which did not alter its substance, was held in high honour,
fcr more than a century.^ The honour paid tc it was not
merely formal, such as we may pay while smiling over
sorae of its extravagances.* Generation after generation of
Scottish Protestants regarded it as an adequate expression
of their ideal, soraetimes paying most heed to these of its
injunctions which least adrait of defence. Only after bitter
1 On April 23, 1 56 1. — Knox, Works, vi. 124.
2 Calderwood, History (1680 ed.), pp. 25, 29, Even after the Revolution
Settlement some men clung to it, but they were dissentients.
' A young man desiring to marry a girl to whom his parents object because
of her poverty or lowly birth is enjoined not to commit himself till he has
appealed to magistrate or minister, who shall admonish the parents ' not to resist
the work of God,' and thereafter, if they are obdurate, sanction the engagement.
Funeral sermons were prohibited, lest ministers should either (i) be 'for the
most part occupied in preaching them' or (2) should 'preach only upon the
decease of the rich and honourable, and keep silence when the poor and
despised departed. '
VOL, II, M

178 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
experiences of strife and sorrow was it acknowledged that
the Christian liberties, religious intelligence and self-deny
ing moral purity which the Book cf Discipline admirably
portrays are not tc be maintained by the methods which it
prescribes. Yet that these qualities should be made
primary was in itself a Christian triumph.

INDEX

Abercorn, seat of first bishop of
Plots, i, 104.
Aberdeen, bishopric founded a.d.
1132, i. 165; cathedral enlarged,
i. 268 ; St. Machar's Cathedral,
1366, i. 208 n. 2 ; statutes, i. 241 ;
Bishop Elphinstone, i. 335-6 ;
cathedral library, i. 367 n. 4 ; Uni
versity founded, i. 378-9; bur
gesses build friary for Observants,
wives supplying vestments, i.
389 ; fishermen would not fish on
Sunday without Pope's permis
sion, i. 3S9 ; Lutheranism found
early in diocese, i. 416 ; preacher
appointed to lecture in theology,
ii. 24,
Aberdour, Columban settlement at,
i, 60, 62.
Abemethy, settlement of Dialrads
at, i. 23 ; Columban settlement
at, i. 62 ; stone church built, i. 99
n. 5; round tower, i. 144;
Culdees, i. 187.
Adamnan, missionary work of, i.
97-8 ; adopts Roman usages, i.
98, 109 ; Life of Columba, i. 48,
67-8, 86, 139 ; Treatise on Holy
Places, i. 139 ; Hberates women
from war, i. 146.
Aeneas Sylvius, Pope Pius 11, comes
to Scotland, i. 341 ; at Basel,
i. 341 ; speaks of distribution of
coal to poor at church door, i,
388,
Agilbert, bishop of the West Saxons,
i. 93-6,
Agricola, campaigns in Britain, 1.
4-5-
Aidan, king of Dalriada, 1. 61.
Aidan, St., mission in Northum-
bria, i. 77-80, 107 ; personal char
acteristics, i. 78-9, 92; death, i.
83, 9°-
Ailred, account of St.Ninian,i. 11-12.
Alban (Pictland), fusion of races in,
i. 111-12.

Alban, St., i. 7-8.
Albany, Duke of, Regent after
Flodden, i. 402.
Alchfrith, king of Deira, i. 91-3.
Alcluid (Dumbarton), capitsd of
Strathclyde, i. 19 ; Britons de
feated by Picts and Northum
brians, i. 107, 113.
Alcuin, mentions erudite verses of
Celtic Church, i. 140.
Aldfrith, king of Northumbria, i. 98.
Alesius or Alane, Canon Regular of
St. Andrews, i. 422 n. and Note
N, i. 463 ; influenced by Hamil
ton's martyrdom, i. 451 ; friend
of Melanchthon, i. 452 ; envoy
to England, i. 452 ; rector of
Leipzig, i. 452 ; his writings, i.
464.
Alexander l, king of Scotland, i.
162 ; erects abbey of Scone, i,
162 ; nominates Turgot to St,
Andrews, i. 162 ; declares Church
independent of Canterbury, i. 181.
 II, king of Scotland, refused
coronation by papal legate, i. 233.
 Ill, king of Scotland, crowned
at Scone by Scottish bishops
speaking Latin, French and
Gaelic, i. 234 ; defies Pope
Clement iv, i. 235 ; GaeUc bard
recites royal pedigree, i. 236.
 VI, Borgia, Pope, i. 378;
hypocrisy, i. 390.
Alleluia Victory, i. 9.
Amchara (soul-friend), in Celtic
Church, i. 57.
Andrew, St., origin of the cult iu
Scotland, i. 10-11, gg n. 4, 113.
Anglesey, centre of British Druid-
ism, i. 4.
Angus MacFergus, king of the Picts,
i. 107,
Antipopes of Avignon, i. 301 ;
Scotland generally acknowledged,
i. 304 n. ; sanction many irregu
larities, i. 307-8. 178

i8o HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND

Antonine, Wall of, i. 5, 6, 11.
Apostles of Erin, Twelve, i. 46, 49.
ApostoUc succession, ii. 35, 62
n. 3.
Appeals to Rome, numerous and
important, i. 243 ; ways they
were dealt vnth, i. 244 ; irregu
larities often sanctioned, i. 245 ;
financial burdens, i. 245 ; even
duringinterdicts, i. 266 ; personal
appeals by bishops and abbots, i.
372 ; proposals to renounce the
Roman authority, i. 408 ; re
monstrance by James v, i. 441.
Applecross, Columban settlement
at, i. 97, no.
Ardoch, Roman camp at, i. 5.
Argyll, Earls of, favour Reforma
tion, ii. 58 ; Knox visits, ii. 70.
ArleSjCouncil of, British bishops at,
i. 8, 88 n. 3.
Armagh, Book of, i. 33-4,
Arran, Earl of, becomes Duke of
Chatelherault, ii, 23 ; negotiates
with Percy, ii, 123 ; joins the Con
gregation, ii, 123 ; acts against
the Primate and disclaims de
signs upon the Crown, ii. 124 ;
Knox's adverse opinion, ii, 127
and n.
Arthur, King, wars with Saxons, i.
17, 18 n. 3.
Arthuret, battle of, i, 21.
Artisans rise into importance, ii, 6,
Asaph, St., i. 20, 21 n. i.
Attacotti, tribe of Borderland, i, 6.
Auchendavy, inscriptions at, i. 5.
Augsburg Confession, ii. 80 and n.
Augustine, St., of Canterbury, mis
sion to England, i. 74-5, 90.
Augustinians, i. 196 ; deterioration
in time of James i, i. 362.
Badenoch, the Wolf of, destroyed
Elgin Cathedra], i. 304.
Bagimont's Roll, basis of valuation
for church dues, i. 237; Benemund
tries to raise the tithe, i. 237.
Balmerino Abbey, scandals in con
nection with, i. 442.
Balnavis, Henry, of HalhiU, states
man, early life, ii. 53 ; treatise on
fustification by Faith, ii. 54 and
n. ; opinion as to the duty of
princes to reform the Church, ii,
54 M,
Bamburgh, i, 17, 77.
Bangor, monastery of, i, 42, 43 n. 3,
97-

Baptism, St. Patrick's view of, i,
32, 34 ; in Celtic Church, i. 54-5,
Bar Hill, Roman remains, i, 5,
Barbour, John, archdeacon of
Aberdeen, i. 296 ; his epic,
The Bruce, i. 297 ; his character,
i. 297 ; Collection of Sacred
Legends formerly thought to be
by Barbour, i. 297 ; its character
Eastern, i. 298.
Basel, Council of, last attempt to
reform papal system, i. 339.
Beaton, David, Cardinal (nephew of
JamesBeaton) , abbotof Arbroath,
i. 406 ; in France as diplomatist,
i. 432 ; made Cardinal and Arch
bishop of St. Andrews, i. 433 ;
Guardian along with three nobles,
i. 435 and n. ; Chancellor, i. 436 ;
arrested and imprisoned, i. 436 ;
liberated and holds convention,
i. 437 ; supreme in Church and
state, i. 439 ; immoraUty, i. 440
and n. ; letter to, from Hay on
wickedness of priests, i. 447 ;
carries on hot persecution, i. 456 ;
list of heretics executed by, i, 464,
Note O ; unites nobles against
England, i, 466 ; cruelty at
Perth, i. 467 and n. ; plots to
kidnap or murder, i. 472 ; assas
sination by Leslie and others, i,
480 ; character, i. 482 ; per
secuting zeal, i. 482 ; murderers
take refuge in St. Andrews Castle
ii. 18.
Beaton, James, bishop of Glasgow,
i. 405 ; archbishop of St. Andrews,
i. 405 ; scuffle with Douglas
clan, i. 405 ; heads opposition
to England, i. 406 ; adventures,
i. 406 ; congratulated by Louvain
and Major for suppression of
heresy, i. 423.
Bede, quotations from, i. 11, 14,
37 n. I, 51, 73, 77, 93, 107, 109 ;
account of Celtic Church, i. 37
n. I, 71, 84, 86,
Beggars' Summons, ii, 4-5.
Bells, mystic value of, i. 143.
Benedict, St., i. 65 n. 2.
 XI, Pope, i. 256.
 • XII, Pope, sends nuncios
to make peace, i. 279 ; character,
i. 278 ; protests against a French
invasion of England, i. 279.
 XIII, antipope, adhered to
by Aragon and Scotland, i. 301 ;
corruption of the Curia in his

INDEX

i8i

time, i. 302 ; argument of
Harding that Scotland should
adhere to him, i. 314 ; issues
letter for foundation of St.
Andrews University, i. 322.
Benedictines, i. 197 ; deterioration
in time of James i, i. 362.
Bernham, David de, Bishop of St.
Andrews, i. 211, 216, 222 ;
constitutions of, i. 241, 248 ;
consecrated a hundred and forty
parish churches, i. 216 ; allows ap
propriations for building abbeys,
i. 222.
Bemicia, kingdom of, i. 17 ; con-
• version of, i. 84.
Bestiaries, divine, i. 144-5.
Bible as standard of Scottish Church,
ii. 159.
Bible-reading by Picts and Scots in
A.D. 731, i. 140; in James iv's
reign, i. 385 ; Lollards lay stress
on, i. 386; act of parUament 1543
to permit, i. 436; importance of, in
Reformation, i. 461 ; wide circu
lation of New Testament, i. 471.
Bible translations by Tyndale,
Coverdale, etc., i. 429.
Birinus, mission to West Saxons,
i-83.
Birrens, Roman camp at, i. 5.
Birsa (Birsay), church built by a
Jarl of Caithness a.d. 1064, i. 117.
Bishops, office of, in Celtic Church,
i- 54, 71-2, 78, 86.
 in Columban Church, whether
ordained or not ? i. 129, 134, 135.
 Diocesan, set up by David i,
i. 164 ; none in Scotland for 14
years, i. 180 ; diocesan and cathe
dral ideas, i. 210-11; discipUne
over the clergy, i. 2x2 ; prestige
through courts administering jus
tice, i. 213 ; election, i. 213-14 ;
often of illegitimate birth, i. 215 ;
generally appointed by kings, i.
215 ; financial difficulties, i. 216 ;
two Scottish, at 3rd Lateran
Council, i. 229 and n. ; often
poUtical and military leaders, i.
253 ; patriotic supporters of
Wallace and Bruce, i. 253 ; claim
right to administer intestate
estates, i. 317 ; low character in
fifteenth century, i. 367 ; taken
up vsdth state affairs, i. 367 ;
requests for removal of bishops
and clergy, ii. 139-40 ; their
unpopularity, ii. 140.

Blacader, Robert, bishop of Glas
gow, contest with St. Andrews,
i. 351 ; in 1492 made archbishop,
i- 352.
Black Death, i. 277, 292.
Boece, Hector, Principal of King's
College, Aberdeen, account of
Columba and Kentigern, i. 26,
323 M-. 379 «-, 412.
Bohemia, legend of the evangeliza
tion of Scotland from, i. 112 ; the
anti-papal movement in, i. 380 ;
sends manifesto about doctrines
founded on Scripture, i. 381 ;
account of its heresy by Bower,
i. 382 and n.
Boniface, mission to Germany, i.
107.
 IV, Pope, Columbanus' censure
of, i. 45.
 v, Pope, relation to Edwin of
Northumbria, i. 76.
 VIII, Pope, i. 256; sides with
Scotland against Edward i, i.
237 ; in 1302 took side of Edward,
i- 257.
Border-Une between England and
Scotland — the Tweed, i. 154.
Borthwick, Sir John, root and
branch reformer, i. 458 ; rejects
Anglican books, i. 459 ; estates
restored after Reformation, i.
459 and n.
Bower or Bowmaker, John, abbot
of Inchcolm, describes LoUardy
and the burning of J. Resby, i.
326-9,
Brechin, Columba visits, i. 60; round
tower at, i. 144 ; bishopric
founded in 1153, i. 166 ; Culdees
at, i. 187 ; bishops, i. 207.
Brendan, St., i. 23, 43.
Bride, St., her cult in Scotland, i.
22-3 ; connection with Brigit,
i. 22-3, 27-8; authenticity of her
mission to Scotland, i. 27-8 ;
legend of, i. 46 «. i, 147-8; her
revelation from the Virgin as to
the Popes, i. 327-8.
Bridget, see Bride.
Brigantes, early British tribe, i, 4,
5«- 2.
British Church, continental re
lations of, i. 7-10 ; relation to
Arian controversies, i. 8 ; Pelagian
heresy in, i. 8-9 ; pilgrimages, 8 ;
during Teutonic invasions, i. 16-
25; in East Britain, i. 17; in West
Britain,i, 17-18, 74, 76; in Strath-

i82 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND

Clyde, i. 18-25 ; lack of vitality
in, i. 25, 40, 74 ; characteristics,
i. 26 ; independence of Rome,
i. 39, 90-1 ; organization of, i. 40
n. I, 74; relation to Columba's
mission, i. 6211.2; clings to Celtic
usages, i. 103-4, 109.
Britons, a Celtic tribe, see Cymri.
Brittany, relation to British Church,
i. 9.
Broichan, chief druid, i. 59.
Brude, king of Picts, i. 25, 51, 59-60,
62.
Brunanburgh, battle of, a.d. 937, i.
116.
Brunhilda, i. 44.
Buchanan, George, i. 412 ; his
Franciscanus, i. 445 and n. 3 ;
flees from Scotland, i. 446 ;
escapes to Bordeaux, i. 456 ; his
genius, ii. 9 ; before the Inquisi
tion, ii. 9 ; translation of Psalms,
ii. 10 ; returns a Protestant to
Scotland, ii. 10 ; praised by Knox,
ii. II «. 3; Moderator of Assembly,
ii. II ; his De fure Regni, ii. 11 ;
Historia Rerum Scoticarum, ii. 11 ;
J. MelviU's tribute, ii. 12.
Buildings, church, in Scotic Church,
i. 41 ; in early Britain, i. 11, 13;
on lona, i. 52-3.
Burning Bush, the emblem of the
Scottish Church, i. 37.
Cainnech, Columba's feUow-
missionary, i. 61 n. i.
Caithness, a bishopric a.d. 1147, i.
166 ; bishops murdered, i. 205 ;
Bishop Gilbert of Moray, i. 206 ;
bishop heads murderous attack
about 1500, i. 407 and n.
Calvin, John, Institutes, i. 427 ;
Ecclesiastical Ordinances at
Geneva, ii. 15 ; Knox's opinion
of his work, ii. 74 ; on elders, ii.
75 ; advises Knox to go to
Scotland, ii. 78.
Candida Casa, see GaUoway.
Candlemas, festival of, connected
with St. Bride, i. 27-8.
Canterbury, Augustine's mission at,
i, 74.
Carausius, king of Britain, i. 6.
Cardinals' report on morals in
Scottish monasteries, ii. 36 n.
Catalogue of the Saints of Hibernia,
i- 37-9. 72,
Ceadd, or Chad, St,, missionary of
Columban Church, i, 82 ; re-

ordained according to Roman
usage, i, 105.
Cealchyth (Chelsea), Council of,
condemns Celtic orders, i. 104.
Cecil, WilUam, Lord Burghley,
promises help against the French,
ii. 128; forms treaty of Berwick
between England and Scottish
Lords, ii. 137 and n.
Cedd, missionary to East Saxons,
i. 82, 83, 93 ; accepts Roman
usages, i. 105.
CeUbacy, in Scotic Church, i, 31,
CeUach, bishop of St. Andrews, i.
120.
CeUs, use of, in Scotic Church, i. 52
n. 5.
Celtic Church, in Scotland — dedica
tions, i. 13 n. 3, 87 ; founded by
Columba, i. 25, 51-62, 67 ; fast
ing, i. 53 ; Sabbath observance,
i. 53 ; hymns, use of, i. 53-4 ;
organization of, i. 54, 70-2, 82,
86-7; office of abbot, i. 54, 71,
86; office of bishop, i. 54, 71,
77, 78, 82 n. 4, 83, 86; Lord's
Supper, observance of, i. 54-5 ;
ordination, i. 54, 70, 78 ; office of
presbyters, i. 54 ; observance of
baptism, i. 54-5, 87 ; sign of the
cross, use of, i. 55 ; Scriptures,
transcribing of, i. 55 ; Easter
date, observance of, i, 55-6, 67,
79, 87-8, 93-6 ; tonsure, method
oi, i- 55-6, 89 ; penance, use of,
i. 57 ; provost, office of, i. 58,
72 ; nunneries, i, 62 «, 3 ; special
characteristics, i, 64-5, 70, 73, 82,
85, 90, 100; independence of, i.
70, 86 ; celibacy in, i, 71 n. i ;
succession to Church office, i,
70-1 ; missions of, i. 71-3, 90 ;
hermits, i. 72 ; evangelization of
Northumbria by, i. 77-80 ; evan
gelization of Lothians by, i. 80-2 ;
evangelization of S. Britain by, i.
82-4 ; ' double monasteries,' i. 80 ;
character of missionaries, i, 85 ;
monasticism, i. 86-7 ; consecra
tion, i. 87 ; church buildings, i. 87 ;
ritual of worship, i. 87 ; relation
to Rome, i. 86-91 ; orthodoxy, i.
89-90 ; submits to Roman Obedi
ence, i. 98-100 ; orders repudiated
by Council of Cealchyth, i. 104,
112 n. 5; monumental art of, i,
144-5-
Celts, migration to Scotland, i. 2-3 ;
affected by Teutonic invasions, i.

INDEX

183

17-18; disunionof, i. 2-3; religion
of, i. 3-4.
Ceolfrid, abbot of Jarrow, i. 99.
Chalmers, James, of Gaitgyrth, ii.
88.
Chalon-sur-Saone, Council of, i. 70
n. I, 112.
Chrodegang, bishop of Metz, canons
of, i. 132.
Church Councils, held in Scotland,
1177-1221, i. 236 ; Provincial set
up, i. 238 ; a Conservator of the
rights of the Scottish Church
elected annually, i. 239-40 ; Stat
utes, i. 241 ; business, i. 241 ;
very little effect, i. 242 ; few
meetings during War of Inde
pendence, i. 270 ; unimportant
meetings about 1350, i. 289-90 ;
attempt to revive by W. Trail, i.
310; General Council in 1418, as
to clciims of Pope and antipope,
i. 314 ; Perth meeting of 1420
without much effect, i. 316-17;
King's right about reserved ap
pointments upheld, i. 343 ; after
1470 no meetings for 60 years, i.
344 ; meeting in 1536 to raise
tax for College of Justice, i. 441 ;
summoned by Beaton, i. 470 ; at
LinUthgow and Edinburgh, pass
enactments for Church reform in
1549, ii. 25 ; at meeting in 1552
heresy said to be checked, ii. 29 ;
Hamilton's statutes ratified and
new enactments passed for re
form, ii. 29-30 ; order a Catechism
to be prepared, ii. 30 ; in March
1559) attempts at Reformation, ii.
45 ; summoned by Queen Regent,
ii. 90.
Clement v, Pope, i. 256.
— — VII, Pope, ' most unfortunate
of Popes,' i. 401 ; tries to stir up
James v against Lutheranism, i.
416 ; refuses to annul marriage
of Henry viii, i. 428.
Clergy, manners and morals about
1300, i. 246 ; relation to women,
i. 247-8 ; lax discipline, i. 268 ;
wealth of Church in fourteenth
century, i. 290 ; lowering of
standard, i. 292 ; examinations,
i. 293 ; secularization of religion
about 1400,1. 309 ; non-residence,
i, 368 ; immorality and greed, i.
369 ; despised by the people, i.
370 ; owned nearly half the
kingdom, i, 413,

Clonard, monastery at, i, 42, 45-6,
49-
Clonfert, monastery at, i, 23, 42.
Clonmacnoise, monastery at, i, ,^2.
Clontarf, battle of, Norwegian
power reduced, i, 117,
Coelestius, Irish heretic, i, 29,
Coldingham, monastery of, i. 80,
104, 108 ; endowment of church,
i. 169-70.
Collection of Church dues, papal
assessments £3000 for needs of the
Lord Pope, i. 236 ; emissaries
hindered in collecting, i. 286 ;
nuncio as chief collector, i. 287 ;
unwiUingness about 1500 to con
tribute to papal treasury, i. 374.
Colman, abbot of Lindisfame, i. 82,
92-7, 101-2.
Columba — relation to Kentigern, i.
22, 26 ; distinctive features of
his work, i, 45, 46, 51-2, 55-6;
personal characteristics, i. 47, 54,
62-5, 85 ; training, i, 48-9 ; love
of the Scriptures, i, 49-50, 56, 63,
65-6; ordination of , i . 49 ; missions
in Ireland, i. 49-50; excommuni
cation and exile, i. 49-50 ; concep
tion of Christianity, i. 51-2, 90 ;
settlement on lona, i. 52-7 ; atti
tude to Rome, i. 55-6 ; missions in
Western Scotland, i. 56-9; mission
ary methods, i. 56-7, 59-60 ; use
of penance, i. 57 ; missions in
Pictland, i. 59-62 ; overthrow of
Druidism, i. 59-60 ; his authority
in Ireland, i. 61 ; organizes
Dalriada, i. 61 ; the founder of a
Church and nation, i. 25, 62, 67 ;
last days and death, i. 65-7 ;
Life of, by Adamnan, i. 48, 50, 59,
67-8, 86 ; influence after his
death, i. 69-70, 72, 77 ; relics
carried to Ireland, i. 100, no ;
relics carried to Dunkeld, i. 113 ;
meaning of the name, i. 48 «. 2 ;
brought Irish ritual, i. 137; cali-
graphy, i. 139, 142, 143 ; chivalry,
i. 146 ; miracles, i. 147.
Columbanus, missions to Europe, i.
43-5, 55-6, 84.
Comgall, Irish missionary, i. 45.
Comgan, St., i. 97.
Common Prayer, Book of, ii. 63-4 ;
use of, in Scotland, ii. 81 n. 2.
Communion, see Lord's Supper.
Confession of Faith, Scottish, drawn
up by Knox and others and pre
sented to Parliament, ii. 142 ;

i84 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND

doubtful if ever used as a doc
trinal test, ii. 150; succeeded by
Westminster Confession, ii. 150 ;
contents, ii. 151-60; its sources, ii.
151 n. ; on good works, ii. 152 ;
on the Church, ii. 152 ; gives
Calvin's doctrine on the Sacra
ments, ii. 154; the ministry, ii.
155 ; mention of eldership, ii. 156 ;
civil magistrate, ii. 156-7; on the
Scriptures, ii. 157-9.
Confessions of early Reformation, i.
425-
Congregation, see Lords of the Con
gregation.
Constance, Council, i. 303 ; con
demns Hus, i. 303 ; sets aside
three Popes and elects Martin v,
i. 303 ; no Scots representatives,
i- 313-
Constantin i, king of the Picts, i. 113.
 Ill, king of Scots, takes oath
to maintain Church, i, 120,
Constantius Chlorus, campaigns in
Britain, i, 6.
Convention of prelates, to proceed
against heresy, ii, 24.
Cooldrevny, battle of, i. 50.
Cormac, Saint, i. 59 ; ' a bishop with
out a see,' i. 168.
Coronation, first Scottish, at lona,
i. 61 ; later, i. 233 n. 5.
Coroticus, king of the Picts, i. 19.
Craw, or Crawar, Paul, i. 381 ; a
delegate sent from Bohemia, i.
381 ; burned at St. Andrews, i.
381 and 382 n.
Crosiers, manufacture of, i. 143 and
n.
Cross, Celtic, in carvings, i. 145.
Crystall, Thomas, abbot of Kinloss,
services to education, i. 410.
Cuchulainn Cycle of legends, i. 149.
Culdees, Jocelyn's account of, i.
26; i. 125-33; Dunkeld and St.
Andrews their rehgious capitals,
i. 126; of Lochleven, i. 126; out
side Scotland, i. 127; celibacy of,
i. 128 and Note G, 133 ; metrical
rule of the Keledei, i. 130, 150 ;
Church rapidly disappeared, i.
185-90; a corporation at St.
Andrews till the Reformation, i.
191.
Culross, St. Serf's mission at, i. 23.
Cumbria, use of the name, i. 18 n. 1.
Cummian, abbot of lona, i. 57 n. i,
67.
Cupar in Fife, i. 291, 448 «. ;

armistice between Regent and
Lords at Cupar Muir, ii. 105, 109.
Cuthbert, St., missions, i. 81-2 ; life
and ministry after Council of
Whitby, i. 105-6, 117, 169, 247 n.
Cymri, Celtic tribe, i. 2.
Cynewulf, poem of, on Rood of
Ruthwell, i. 108-9,
Cyrus, St,, see Grig.
Dalriada, in Ireland, i, 22.
 in Scotland, organized and
made independent by Columba,
i, 61; subjected to Northumbrians,
i, 73 ; subject to Picts, 113.
Dalriads, migrations to Scotland, i.
22-5, 51-
Damasus, Bishop, i. 14-15.
David, St., patron of Kentigern,
i. 20.
 I, king of Scotland, i. 12, 163;
Battle of the Standard, i. 163,
184 ; Anglicizes laws, etc., i. 163 ;
sets up diocesan episcopacy, i,
164 ; ' soir sanct for the crown,' i.
171 «. I ; resists the Archbishop of
York, i. 184; favours the anti-
pope, i. 184 ; regains Papal
favour, i. 185.
 II (Bruce), Idng of Scotland,
i, 264 ; his captivity, i. 277 ;
battles of Halidon Hill and
NeviUe's Cross, i. 277 ; coronation
oath to root out heretics, i. 279 ;
Pope annuls his divorce from
Margaret Logic, i. 280 ; con
tributes wilUngly to the Pope, i.
286 ; encroachments on Church
property, i. 288 ; gives up right
to bishops' estates, i. 289.
Dawstane Rigg, battie of, i. 73.
Death-penalty for saying mass, ii.
144 ; almost no bloodshed at
Reformation, ii. 145.
Deer, Columban settlement at, i.
62; Book of Deer, i. 60, 142.
Deira, kingdom of, i. 17.
Derry, foundation of monastery, i.
49-
Diarmait, king of Meath, i. 50,
59-
Discipline, First Book of, first
mention of, on April 29, ii. 134 ;
prepared by Knox and five
Ministers, ii. 160 ; presented to
Lords of Articles, ii. 161 and n. ;
materials used, ii. i6i<andM. ;
its originality, ii. 161 ; everything
at variance with the Gospel to be

INDEX

185

suppressed, ii. 162 ; popular
election of ministers, ii. 163 ;
tlie admission and character of
ministers, ii. 163 ; readers and
exhorters, ii. 164 ; eldership, ii.
164; superintendents, ii. 138,
166 ; not diocesan bishops, ii.
167 and n. ; absence of presby
terian theory, ii. 168 ; democratic
character, ii. 169 ; provisions for
education, ii. 170 ; ' exercises,' ii.
171 ; discipUne, ii. 172 ; ex
communication, ii. 172-3 ; family
reUgion, ii. 173 ; finance, ii. 174 ;
Church funds to be used for clergy,
education and the poor, ii. 175;
deacons to allocate endowments,
ii. 175 ; called by nobles ' a
devout imagination,' ii, 176 ;
accepted by the Church, ii, 176 ;
its extravagances, ii. 177 «,
Donnan, St., i. 58-9.
Douglas, Gavin, bishop of Dunkeld,
i. 403-4 ; conflict with Forman, i.
405-
 John, Reformer, defended by
Earl of ArgyU, ii. 40 ; preaches in
Scotland, ii. 57.
D'Oyssel, a Frenchman, made
Minister of State, ii. 21.
Drostan, St., i. 142.
Druidism, origin of, i. 3 ; deriva
tion of ' druid,' i. 3 n. 2 ; effect of
Roman invasion on, i. 4 ; functions
of druids, i. 3 ; reUgious beliefs of,
i. 3-4 ; distinctive characteristics
of Scottish, i. 4 ; in Ireland, i. 29,
33 ; in lona, i. 51 «. 3 ; in Pictland,
overthrown by Columba, i. 59-60.
Drumceatt, conclave of, i. 61.
Dry burgh Abbey, burnt by English
in 1385, i. 304 ; destroyed by
EngUsh, i. 468.
DuU, Celtic settlement at, i. 81, 98.
Dumbarton, see Alcluyd.
Dunbar, Gavin, archbishop of Glas
gow, i. 468 ; conflict with Beaton,
i. 469 ; no punishment, i. 470.
 Wilfrid imprisoned at, i. 104
n. 2 ; monastery destroyed, i. 113.
 WiUiam, his poetry, i. 391 ;
religious feeling, i. 392 ; poem on
The Passioun of Christ, i. 392,
395 and Note M.
Dunblane, bishopric, i. 134, 166 ;
CJement (bishop), 198 n. I ;
gives account of its ruined state,
i. 207 ; foundation of cathedral,
i, 207.

Duncan, first Rex Scotiae, i. 119 ;
murdered by Macbeth, i, 119.
Dundee, headquarters of Fran
ciscan Friars, i. 295 ; friars
threatened with starvation about
1500, i. 364 ; relation to Lindores
Abbey, i, 443-4 ; friaries de
stroyed, i, 446 ; population about
1550, ii. 5 ; Town Council defend
their school against Archbishop's
Court, ii. 58; possibly first place
where elders were appointed, ii.
74, 75 «-
Dunfermline Abbey, founded by
Queen Margaret, i, 175 ; its en
dowments, i, 175-7.
Dunkeld, becomes religious capital
of Alban, i .113-14; abandoned as
capital because ruined by Danes,
i, 121; bishopric of, a.d. 1127,1,
165 ; excellent bishops, i. 208 ;
Bishop Hugh grants church of
Madderty to Inchaffray abbey,
i, 222 ; disorders in Perthshire in
fifteenth century, i, 361 ; Gavin
Douglas made bishop, i, 404 ;
George Browne a. good bishop,
i. 409,
Duns Scotus, a pilgrim student, i,
270.
Dunstan, St., i. 130, 133.
Durham, mother-church of, i. 82 n.
3-
Durrow, foundation of monastery,
i. 49.
Durrow, Book of, i. 49 n. 2.
Eadbald, Idng of Kent, i, 75.
Eadbert, king of Northumbria, i. ,
107.
Eadmer, appointed to St. Andrews
but resigns, i. 181.
Eanfled, queen of Bernicia, i. 91-2.
Easter, date of celebration, i, 38-9,
44, 55-6, 67, 87-8, 93-6,
Eata, abbot of Melrose, i. 81, 82, 96,
105.
Ebba, abbess of Coldingham, i.
80.
Ecgbert, brings lona under Roman
Obedience, i. 99-100.
Ecgfrith, king of Northumbria, i,
106.
Edgar, king of Scots, cruelty to
uncle, i. 161 ; grants charter to
Coldingham, i. 169.
Edinburgh, derivation of the name,
i. 75 «. 2 ; dedication to Cuthbert,
106; (Dunedin), abandoned to

i86 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND

the Scots, i, ii8; Lothian
annexed to Scotiand, i. ii8 ;
capital of Edgar, i. i6i ; burnt
by EngUsh in 1385, i. 304; in
1385 had four hundred hovel-like
houses, i, 305 ; St. Giles' Church
rebuilt 1419 and made collegiate
church, i. 317-18, and Note K,
i. 331 ; freed from St. Andrews,
i. 31:8 ; Trinity Hospital founded,
i. 388 ; defends friars and
devoted to Beaton, i. 446 ;
captured by English, i. 468 ;
population about I550, ii. 5 ;
friaries destroyed and Knox
preaches in St. Giles', ii. io6 ;
Knox chosen minister of, ii. 106
and n. ; retaken by Regent, ii.
124 ; St. Giles' ' cleansed,' ii.
126 ; anew purged by the Con
gregation, ii. 132 ; action by
Town Council against idolaters
and harlots, ii. 135.
Education in Scotic Church, i. 42 ;
schools under Celtic Church, i.
141 ; few monasteries had schools,
i. 201 ; about a.d. 1300, i. 202 ;
arrested by war of independence,
i, 269 ; Scottish students in Paris
and Oxford, i. 295-6 ; cathedrals
or abbeys did Uttle for learning,
i. 321; in A.D. 1500 the study of
literature forgotten in Aberdeen,
i, 364 ; care for, by Observant
Franciscans, i. 366 ; new schools
founded about a.d. 1500, i. 375 ;
Act for education of barons' sons,
i. 376; more widely spread than in
Europe, i. 414 n. ; passing into
the hands of the burghs, ii. 5 ;
arrangements for, in Book of
DiscipUne, ii. 170; Knox's ser
vice to, ii, 170 n. ; universities
to have the funds of bishops,
deans, etc, ii. 175.
Edward 1, king of England, makes
the Pope abandon the Scottish
cause, i. 257 ; Pope acknowledges,
as king of Scotland, i. 258 n. ;
probably destroyed Dunfermline
monastery, i. 267.
 II, king of England, i. 258 ;
has to make peace, i. 261 ; army
destroys Holyrood, Melrose and
Dryburgh, i. 267.
 Ill, king of England, wastes
churches, i. 29b.
 VI, king of England, ii. 16 ;
his reforms, ii. 16.

Edwin, first Christian king of
Northumbria, i. 75-6.
Egbert, bishop of York, receives
pallium from Pope, i. 107.
Eigg, Columban settlement, i. 58 ;
monks murdered by pirates, i. 73.
Elders in Scottish Church, ii. 75-6 ;
their functions, ii. 77, 164.
Elizabeth, queen of England, ascends
throne, ii. 16 ; reUgious attitude,
ii. 17, 114 ; poUcy to Scotland, ii.
113 ; dislike of Knox, ii. 114 ;
duplicity towards the Congrega
tion, ii. 128; sends a small army
and navy to Scotland, ii. 128 ;
double attitude towards France,
ii. 132.
Elphinstone, William, bishop of
Aberdeen, his character, i. 335-6,
367 ; his deeds and learning, also
his nepotism, i. 367, 368, 369 ;
founds University in 1494-5, i.
378 ; added College of St. Mary, i.
379 ; appointed Archbishop of
St. Andrews, but died before
installation, i. 404.
England (Church of), Romanization
of, i. 103-6 ; severed from the
Scottish Church, i. 106-7; evan
gelized by Celtic Church, i. 77-80,
82-4 ; progress of Reformation
in, ii. 16 ; agreement of the 39
Articles with Scots Confession, ii.
159-
English, influx into Lothians, i. 173 ;
archbishops claim rights over
Scottish Church, i, 179 ; in
vasion of 1385, destruction of
abbeys and towns, i. 304 ; give
help to Scots Reformation, ii,
116, 121, 128, 130.
Epistolae Obscurorum Virorum, i
400.
Erasmus, Desidenus, opinion of
Alexander Stewart, Primate, i,
355 ; saying about priests and
monks, i, 370 ; episties of, i. 383
n. ; degeneration of Christianity,
i. 391 ; Praise of Folly, i. 400, 412,
446 ; ii. 3-
Erskine, John, of Dun, ii, 5, 6 ;
Knox preaches in his Edinburgh
house, ii. 70 ; informal Covenant
at Dun, ii. 71 ; goes to Stirling
to interview the Regent, i, loi.
Essex, conversion of, i. 83.
Ethelberga, queen of Northumbria,
i. 75-6.
Ethelbert, king of Kent, i, 74-5.

INDEX

187

Ethelfreda, queen of East Anglia, i.
104.
Ethelfrid, king of Northumbria, i.
73, 75-
Eugenius 1, Pope, honours Wilfrid,
i, 92,
 IV, Pope, sends commissioners
to order Scots' Church affairs, i,
338 ; King and clergy to meet
them in ParUament, i, 339.
Excommunication, or ' general curs
ing,' i. 370 ; read in diocese of
Aberdeen four times a year, i.
370 ; offences cursed, i. 370 ;
curses pronounced, i. 371 ; little
effect, i. 371 ; in Reformed
Church, ii. 172-3.
' Exercises," to be held in towns for
Scripture study, ii. 171 ; attend
ance compulsory, ii. 171 ; not
so much for reUgious fellowship
as for knowledge, ii. 171.
Farne Island, Cuthbert's life on, i.
105-6.
Ferdinand 1, emperor of Germany,
makes war on the Pope, ii. 14.
Ferleiginn, i. 129, 140.
FiUan, St., i. 97.
Finan, abbot of Lindisfarne, i. 78 n.
2, 82, 92.
Findchan, St., i. 59.
Finnian, St., i. 45-6, 49.
Fordun, Jphn (chantry priest of
Aberdeen), the chronicler, i. 10,
24 ; Chronicles, i. 298 ; ' his ex
travagances, i. 298-9.
Foreign trade and commerce in
reign of James v, i. 413 ; Scots
abroad, i. 413 ; ii. 7 ; trading
classes study the Bible, i. 460.
Forman, Andrew, appointed arch
bishop of St. Andrews, i. 404 ;
his conflict with Hepburn and
Douglas, i. 405 ; declares that
Popes had authority in civil and
criminal cases, only in Papal
States, i. 409 ; his Synodal
Constitutions and Ordinances,
i, 410.
Forrest, Henry, burned for possess
ing New Testament, i. 453,
Forret, Thomas, vicar of Dollar,
accused of reading Old and New
Testament, i, 457 ; hanged and
burned, i. 458.
Forteviot, capital of Fortrenn, i. 114.
Fortrenn, name for Pictland, i. 114,
120, 134.

Fothadh, Celtic bishop of St,
Andrews, i, 154.
France, agrees to defend Scots from
England, ii, 18 ; lands troops, ii,
19 ; quarrels between French and
Scots, ii. 21 ; desire to master
Scotland, ii. 112 ; difSculty for
Scotland to resist, ii. 113 ; after
treaty of Berwick saw that
Scotland would be Protestant, ii.
131 ; troops of, finally leave, ii.
137-
Fraser, William, bishop of St.
Andrews, i. 253 ; favours English
cause, i. 253.
French King's influence on Church,
i. 281 ; ecclesiastics appointed, i.
281 ; colleges petition for Scots'
benefices, i. 284 ; accounts of
Scottish poverty in 1385, i. 305 ;
Scots give assistance against
England, i. 305 ; Reformed Synod
and Confessio Gallica, ii. 15.
Fursey, St., i. 70 n. 1.
Gaels, see Goydels.
GalUcan Liturgy, probably used in
Celtic Church, i. 138.
GaUoway, early inhabitants of, i.
5 », 2 ; distinctive character of,
i. 12, 109 ; Church accepts
Roman usages, i. 109.
 bishopric re-erected before
731, i. 109; last Anglo-Saxon
bishop died a.d. 803, i. 109.
 or Candida Casa, bishop
ric, revived a.d. 1125 under
primacy of York, i. 205 ; subject
to St. Andrews, i. 358 ; bishop a
suffragan of Glasgow, i. 359.
Geneva, headquarters of Protestant
ism, ii, 15 ; Knox minister at, ii,
68,
Germanus, bishop of Auxerre, i. 9.
Germany, Northumbrian missions
to, i. 107,
Gilbert, St., bishop of Caithness, i,
206.
Gildas, the chronicler, i. 40 n. i.
Giles' (or Aegidius), St., Church
in Edinburgh, i. 317, 318, 331 ;
riot about the image of, ii. 89.
Glasgow, bishopric, story of founda
tion by Kentigern, i. 21-2; inde
pendence of York, i. 25-6 ; founda
tion of cathedral, i. 26, 135 ; holy
stone of St, Mungo, i. 147 ;
cathedral destroyed, i. 165, 166,
167 ; struggle about investitures.

i88 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND

i. 182-3; declared by Pope sub
ject to York, i, 183 ; new
cathedral begun, i. 209 ; collec
tions to help in building cathe
dral, i. 209 ; bad adjustment of
revenues, i. 210 ; Bishop Jocelyn,
i. 228 ; bishopric reserved to
Pope, i. 265, 280 n. ; Bishop
Blacader opposes archbishop of
St. Andrews, i. 350-1 ; made an
archbishopric, i. 352 ; University
founded, i. 378 ; inefficiency of
University, i. 412 ; archbishop's
conflict with Beaton, i. 469.
Glasgow, city, founded by Kenti
gern, i. 20 ; rise of burgh, i. 26.
Glasnevin, school of, i. 49.
Glencairn, Earl of, leader of Con
gregation, ii. 58 ; Knox visits, ii.
70 ; drew rents from glebes, ii.
174.
Goodman, Christopher, colleague to
Knox in Geneva, comes to Scot
land, ii. 122 ; preaches in Edin
burgh, ii. 122; 'odiose' in Eng
land, ii. 126.
Gordon, Alexander, archbishop of
Athens, u. 35, 125.
Goydels, in Scotiand and in Ireland,
i, 2-3, 22.
Graham, Patrick, archbishop of
St. Andrews, i. 344, 346 ; in
discreet use of authority, i. 347 ;
condemned as heretic, i. 348 ;
died in prison at Lochleven, i.
348 ; was he a real Reformer ? i.
349-
Gratian, Decretum concerning cleri
cal immorality, i. 248.
Greenlaw, WilUam, papal collector,
i. 287 ; trustworthy adminis
trator, i. 287.
Gregory the Great, Pope, i. 44, 74,
90, 105.
Gregory 11, Pope, i. 109.
Greyfriars make over lands to lay
men for a consideration, ii. 37 ;
monastery destroyed in Perth, ii.
102.
Grig (or Cyrus), king of Scotland,
gives Uberty to the Scottish
Church, a.d. 877, i. 120.
Hadrian's Wall, i. 4-6, lo.
Hamilton, James, Earl of Arran,
afterwards Duke of Chatelherault,
made Regent, i. 436 ; weakness
and indecision, i. 438 ; ii. 18, 21,
123, 125, 127 n.

Hamilton, John, archbishop of St.
Andrews, i, 438 ; publishes
Catechism, i, 483 ; executed, i,
483 ; his character, ii, 25, 30 ;
proceedings against heresy, ii,
25 ; his Catechism, ii. 30 ; its
character and contents, ii. 31 ;
rules for reading it, etc., ii. 33 ;
his immoralities, ii. 25, 35 n. ;
opposes Confession of Faith very
weakly, ii. 142 ; writes to arch
bishop of Glasgow, ii. 146,
 Patrick, Reformer of Scotiand,
thesis at Marburg, i. 402, 417 ;
abbot of Feme, 417 ; at Paris
and St. Andrews Universities, i.
417 ; ordained or not ? i. 418 m. ;
summoned by James Beaton, i.
418; goes to Marburg, 'Patrick's
Places,' i. 418 ; return to Scotland,
i. 419 ; conference with Beaton,
i. 419; charges against, i. 420;
martyrdom, i. 421-2 ; influence
of his death, i. 423.
Harlaw, battle of, 1412, its import
ance, i. 305.
 William, Reform preacher, ii.
57, 74-
Heathfield, battie of, i. 76.
Heavenfield, battie of, i. 77, 83.
Henry viii, king of England, tries
to put down heresy, i. 427-8 ;
seeks divorce from Queen Kathar
ine, i. 428 ; frees EngUsh Church
from Rome, i. 428 ; marries Anne
Boleyn, i. 428; executes Fisher
and More, i. 429 ; dissolves
monasteries, i. 429 ; Articles
devised and King's Book, i. 429 ;
sanctions use of Bible in English,
i. 429 ; restrictions as to Bible
reading, i. 430 ; sends Barlow to
James v, i. 431 ; sends Sadleyr
to Scotland, i. 433 ; conflict with
Beaton, i. 436 ; army invades
Scotland, i. 468 ; promfses assist
ance to Beaton's murderers, ii. 18.
Henryson, Robert, Scottish poet,
i. 386, 387.
Hepburn, Patrick, bishop of Moray,
his immorality, ii. 34,
Hertford, Earl of, Duke of Somerset,
gains battie of Pinkie, ii. 19 ;
sends preachers to Scotland and
circulates Bibles, ii. 19, 20 ; burns
ecclesiastical buildings, ii. 21.
Hewalds, missions to Europe, i. 107.
Hexham, Cuthbert appointed bishop
of, i. 105-6.

INDEX

189

Hilda, abbess of Whitby, i. 93,
Hoddom, Hill of, Kentigern's
ministry at, i. 21.
Holy wells, heaUng at, i. 147.
Holyrood Abbey, founded 1128, i.
171 and n.
Honorius, Emperor, i. 7.
 I, Pope, i. 91.
 II, Pope, despatches a cardinal
to Scotland to administer Church
affairs, i. 178 n.
 Ill, Pope, grants a Provincial
Council to Scots Church, i. 238 ;
Hospitals, i. 174 n., 388.
Hus,- John, opinions for which he
was condemned, i. 328.
Hutten, Ulrich von, i. 400 ; ii. 5.
Hymns, use of, in Celtic Church, i.
53-4-
IcoNOCLASM, first traces in Scotland,
ii. 43, 77 ; EngUsh crusade against
images, ii. 77 ; attack on image
of St. Giles, ii. 78, 89.
Inchcolm, priory founded on, i. 162.
InnisbofGin, lona monks retire to,
i. 97.
Innocent 111, Pope, issues a bull
against duelUng in England and
Scotiand, i. 247.
 VIII, Pope, sends Legatus a
latere to Scotland, i. 350 ; gives
the King bull of privilege, 1487,
i- 351-
Interdict, laid on Scotland by Pope,
i. 230 ; another threatened, i. 232 ;
effect of, i. 269 ; laid on Scotland
for Beaton's arrest, i. 437.
Interims of 1548, ii. 14.
Investitures controversy in Scot
land, i. 181.
lona — druidism on, i. 51 n. 3 ;
natural features, i. 52 ; Columba's
settiement, i. 52-7 ; missions sent
to Scotland, i. 57-62 ; organization
of the community, i. 54 ; the
matrix ecclesia, i. 58, 71-2, 78, 82,
86 M. 2 ; first coronation at, i. 61 ;
the name, i. 68 ; Columba's pro
phecy, i. 69,98; Council of Seniors
at, i. 71, 82, 86; comes under
Roman Obedience, i, 99-100 ; de
vastated by Danes and Norsemen,
i. 100, 109-10, 113; legend of
Nechtan's burial at, i. 112 ; ceases
to be religious capital of Scotland,
i. 113; lost distinction in eighth
century, i. 134, 138, 139; monas
tery erected by Queen Margaret,

i, 160, 186 n. ; later history, i,
249 ; Benedictines erect a mon
astery, i, 250 ; destruction of
buildings by Ulstermen, i, 250 ;
abbey rebuilt in the thirteenth
century, i. 250 ; seat of bishop of
Sudreys (or the Isles) for a time,
i. 360 ; abbots under Dunkeld
and Glasgow, i. 360.
lona Mission — spirit and method of,
i, 71-4, 90 ; progress in Nor
thumbria, i. 76-80 ; progress in
Lothians, i, 80-2; progress in S,
Britain, i. 82-4 ; saintly character
of missionaries, i. 85, 98 ; want of
permanence, i. 101-2.
Ireland — druidism in, i. 29 ; Celtic
inhabitants, i. 2, 4 ; raids upon,
from Britain, i. 19 ; early migra
tions to Scotland, i. 22-5 ; extent
of their religious influence, i. 22,
24-5 ; mission of Palladius, i, 23-4 ;
home of Scottish Christianity, i,
29, 37 ; conversion of, i. 29-30.
 Scotic Church in — founded
by St. Patrick, i. 29-37 '• epis
copacy in, i. 29, 36-9, 41 ; relation
to Rome, i. 37, 46, 86, 90-1, 98 ;
becomes monastic, i. 37-41 ; lan
guage of, i. 37 m. 2 ; position of
women, 38 ; date of Easter, i. 38-9,
44 ; spiritual independence, i. 39,
41 ; organization, i. 41, 72 n. i ;
Church buildings, i. 41 ; culture in,
41-2 ; foreign missions of, i. 42-7,
70 n. I, 84; cells in, i. 52 m. 5 ;
clan feuds, i. 58-9 ; irregular
usages, i. 70 n. 1; ordination, i.
70; relation to Celtic Church in
Scotland, i. 70 ; Catalogue of
Saints of Hibernia, i. 37-9, 72 ;
Twelve Apostles of Erin, i. 46, 49,
Irish Annals, i, no,
Irving, Edward, on Scottish Con
fession, ii, 157 n.
IsabeUa, queen of Robert Bruce,
applies for papal absolution of
clerics, i. 269.
Islay, Columban settlement, i. 58.
James, deacon, helps Paulinus in
Northumbria, i. 76, 83 n., 91.
James i, king of Scotiand, cap
tured by English, i. 304 ; returns
after payment of expenses, i. 305 ;
character of his reign, i. 333 ;
works for ' freedom of haly lark,'
i- 337 ; attempts at reform, i.
337 ; regulates appeals to Pope,

I90 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND

i, 338 ; letter to Council of Basel,
i. 340 ; favours St. Andrews
University, i. 376-7.
James 11, king of Scotland, i. 334 ;
commission to settle claims to
property of deceased bishops, i.
343 ; renounces his claim, i. 343 ;
yet disposed of benefices and
administered estates, i. 343.
 Ill, king of Scotiand, i, 334 ;
annexes Orkney, i, 334 ; appeals
to Rome, i. 334, 350; Pope
grants absolution to his mur
derers, i, 335 ; presented with
Golden Rose, i, 350.
 IV, king of Scotiand, aUy of
France, i. 335 ; marries daughter
of Henry vii, i. 335 ; gifts from
Pope Julius II, i. 335 ; Flodden,
i- 335 ; appoints his brother
Primate at St. Andrews, i. 354 ;
his reUgion and immoraUty, i.
390 ; pUgrimages, i. 390.
 V, Mng of Scotiand, i. 402, 408;
opposition to ' lutherism ' i. 416 ;
suppresses disorders, i. 430 ;
founds College of Justice, i. 430 ;
levies unpopular tax, i. 431 ;
receives decorations from Em
peror, i. 431 ; refuses to meet
Henry viii, i. 432-4 ; marriages,
i. 432 ; Solway Moss, i. 434 ;
threats to kirkmen, i. 459 ; re
ceives Ust of 350 heretical gentry,
i. 462.
Jedburgh, subject to Lindisfarne, i.
108.
Jerome, St., i. 6, 8.
Jewel, Bishop, statements about
Scottish Reformation, ii. 109 n.
Joan, queen of Da-vid 11, i. 288.
Jocelyn, bishop of Glasgow, i. 25-7.
 of Furness, i. 26, 62 «, i.
John the Scot, i. 43 «. 3.
John XXII, Pope, summons Scottish
bishops to Avignon, i, 261 ;
Scottish Estates' appeal on behalf
of Bruce, i, 261 ; acknowledges
Bruce, i. 263 ; deals with con
secration of bishops, i. 264 ;
remonstrates with Bruce for pre
senting to benefices, i, 267 ;
horror at Scots' king's attitude,
i. 274.
 XXIII, Pope, a man whose
election ' shocks beUef,' i. 303 ;
sends legate to Scotiand to
absolve, i. 307 ; deposed in 141 5
by Council of Constance, i. 328 n.

JuUus II, Pope, i. 335 ; Council of
the Lateran, i. 356.
Justification by Faith, Lutheran
doctrine of, in Hamilton's Cate
chism, ii. 32.
Jutes, see Teutonic invasions.
Kells, monastery of, i. 49 ; erected
into a primacy, i. 113.
Kells, Book of, i. 49 n. 2,
Kelso Abbey, might take sacra
ments from any bishop, i, 178 ;
receives Lesmahagow church, i,
178 ; plundered by EngUsh and
Scots, i. 407 ; desires a warrior
abbot, i. 407; abbey destroyed
by EngUsh, i, 468.
Kennedy, James, bishop of St.
Andrews, i. 334 ; formerly of
Dunkeld, i. 334 ; the foremost
Scottish statesman of his time, i.
334, 367 ; founds St. Salvator's
College, i. 377.
Kennedy, Quintin, coinmendator
of CrossragueU Abbey, his Com
pendius Tractive, ii. 37 ; speaks
of ignorance of clergy, ii. 38 ; the
ruining of the Church, ii. 38 ;
only Church rulers should correct
abuses, ii. 38, 39 ; says the Church
is the Christian congregation, ii.
39 ; on Scripture reading, ii. 39 ;
conference with WiUock proposed,
ii. 90.
Kenneth MacAlpin, first Scottish
king of Alban, i. 113-14.
Kentigern, St. (Mungo), origin, i.
19-20 ; mission in Strathclyde,
i. 20, 21 ; exile in Wales, i. 17 w. 3,
20-1, 25 ; mission in Dumfries
shire, i. 21 ; disappearance of his
mission, i. 21-2 ; consecration,
i. 20-2, 25 ; visited by Columba,
22, 26, 62 M. I ; legends of, 25-7 ;
Ltfe by Jocelyn, i. 127 ; reputed
bishop of Glasgow, i. 135, 143 n.
Kentigerna, sister of St. Comgan,
missionary from Ireland, i. 97.
Kildare, monastery, i. 27.
Kilrymont, first mention of abbacy,
i. 113. See also St. Andrews.
Kingussie, dedication to Columba
at, i. 60.
Kirkaldy, Sir WilUam, of Grange,
a prisoner in the galleys, ii. 53 ;
character, ii. 59 ; writes about
' cleansing ' of churches, ii. 108 ;
fights valiantly againstthe French,
ii. 129,

INDEX

191

Kirkcudbright, St, Cuthbert's mis
sion, i. 8i, io6.
Kirkmadrine, inscription at, i. 13-14.
Knox, John, Historie mentions the
burning of an early heretic, i.
380 n. ; account of tiie charges
against LoUards of Kyle, i. 383 ;
remarks on Patrick Hamilton's
martyrdom, i, 424 ; Lang's criti
cism as to ignorance of the
mystic charm of Rome, i. 485 ;
arrival in Edinburgh, 1559, ii.
47 ; birth aud early Ufe, ii, 50 ;
call to preach, ii, 51 ; taken
prisoner by the French, ii, 53 ; Ufe
in the galleys, 53 ; released and
goes to England, ii. 55 ; Ucensed
as a preacher in England, ii. 60 ;
at Berwick and Newcastie, ii. 60 ;
refuses AllhaUows Church, ii. 61 ;
refuses bishopric of Rochester, ii.
61 ; his reasons, ii. 62 and n. ;
influence on AngUcan Church, ii.
64 ; views ou the Lord's Supper, ii.
63 ; proposal to divide bishoprics,
ii. 62 M. ; ' Black Rubric,' ii. 64 ;
letter to Berwick, ii. 65 ; goes to
Switzerland, ii. 65 ; dissensions
at Frankfort, ii. 67 ; rejects
English Prayer Book, ii. 67 ;
minister at Geneva, ii. 68 ;
friendship with Mrs. Bowes, ii.
68 ; marriage, ii. 69 and n. i ;
preaches in Edinburgh, etc., ii.
69 ; argument with Maitiand
about St. Paid, ii. 70 ; writes to
Regent, ii. 71 ; goes back to
Geneva, ii. 74 ; letters of counsel
sent, ii. 72-3 ; work at Geneva, ii,
74 ; recalled by barons, ii. 79 ;
sends letters from Dieppe, ii, 83 ;
writes the Monstruous Regiment
of Women, ii, 84 ; Appellation to
the nobiUty, ii, 85 ; letter to
Commonalty, ii. 86-7 ; at Dieppe,
ii. 92; letters to Cecil and to
Scotland, ii. 93 ; his qualities, ii.
99 ; preaches in Perth, outbreak
against monasteries, ii. loi ;
principle about ' cleansing ' the
churches, ii. 106 ; exaggeiated
accounts of the destruction of
churches, ii. 109 and n. ; requests
help from England, ii. 115 ;
disapproved of EngUsh Reforma
tion and Prayer Book, ii. 116;
apologizes to EUzabeth,ii, 117-18;
doubtful conduct as to English
help, ii, 126 ; superseded by

Lethington, ii, 126 ; preaches at
Cupar with great effect, ii, 130 ;
thanksgiving for amity with
England, ii, 138 ; sermon at
opening of ParUament, ii. 141 ;
along with Wynram and four
others draws up Confession of
Faith, ii. 141 ; prepares History
as a defence of the Lords, ii.
149 and n. ; its character, ii.
149 ; Lords' rejection of Book of
Discipline, ii, 176; his severity,
ii. 107.
Lambert, Francis, of Avignon, at
Marburg, i. 418.
Lamberton, WiUiam, bishop of St.
Andrews, i, 253 ; crowns Bruce,
i. 254 ; character, i. 255 ; con
firmed by Pope as bishop, i, 257 ;
death, i, 268,
Largs, battle of, i. 194.
Lateran Council, Fourth, i. 236, 237,
240,
Laurentius, mission to Britain, i. 90.
Leith, battles round, between the
French and Scots, ii. 125, 129 ;
English send succour, ii. 130.
Leo X, Pope, behaviour to Luther, i.
401 ; acknowledged in Scotland
after some delay, i, 408.
Lesley, John, bishop of Ross,
History of Scotland quoted, i.
363 n. ; ii. 46 w. 4 ; tells of por
tents in 1559, ii, 45 ; alleges that
churchmen were alarmed at the
Council's reforms and so became
Protestant, ii, 46 n. 2, 47 ;
speaks contemptuously of Re
formed preachers, ii. 57.
Leslie, Norman, i, 472 ; murders
Beaton, along with others, i. 480 ;
declared an outiaw, ii. 18,
Lindisfarne, St. Aidan's mission, i,
78-84; comes under Roman Obedi
ence, i. 96-7 ; Eata appointed
abbot, i. 105 ; Cuthbert appointed
prior, i. 105 ; Cuthbert appointed
bishop, i, 105-6; despoiled by
Scots, i. 118; Gospel of Lindis
farne, i, 139,
Lindores Abbey, endowments, i.
199, 200 ; the Dundee church
assigned to, i. 221 ; controversy
about stipend, i, 221 ; Abbot
Laurence, Inquisitor of heresy, i.
326 ; arguments against Resby,
i. 327 ; poverty of monks, i. 364 ;
Laurence's zeal as Inquisitor, i.

192 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND

380 ; tries to confute P. Crawar,
i, 382 ; history of abbey, i. 443 ;
sacked and monks driven out, i,
444 ; a second ' cleansing," u. 105.
Lochleven, i. 348. See also St.
Serf's,
Logic, Gavin, principal of St.
Leonards, i, 412, 453 and «,, 464,
LoUards in Scotland, i, 323-4, 325 ;
heresy condemned by ParUa
ment, i. 325 ; J. Resby, i. 326 ;
in England, fate of Sir J. Old-
castle, i. 379 ; of Kyle, thirty
impeached before James iv, i.
383 ; importance of the trial, i.
385 ; not forerunners of the
Lutheran Reformers, i. 386.
LolUus Urbicus, erects Wall of
Antonine, i. 5.
Lords of the Congregation — first
protest to the Regent, ii. 43 ;
men of varied character, ii. 58 ;
first national Covenant, ii. 78-9 ;
name explained, ii, 80 ; first
proposals for Reformation, ii,
81 ; churchmen's rejoinder, ii.
82 ; Regent's toleration, ii, 82-3 ;
memorial to ParUament, u. 89 ;
publish three manifestoes at
Perth, ii. 102 ; Lord James
Stewart and Argyll join them in
a covenant, ii. 103-4 '• suspend
Regent and form a Government,
ii. 124; covenant to expel
French, ii, 133 ; requests for
settiement of treaty with England,
ii. 136 ; that ParUament meet on
July 10, 1559, u. 137 ; treaty of
Edinburgh concluded, ii. 136 ;
important provisions, ii. 137 ;
call themselves Great Council of
Scotiand, ii. 139 ; suppUcation
to ParUament for a Reformation,
ii. 139.
Lord's Supper, observance in Celtic
Church, i. 54-5 ; observance in
Scotic Church, i. 55 ; in Reformed
Church, ii. 154.
Lothians,underruleof Northumbria,
i. 1 7 ; Romanization of Church in,
i. 104-6; evangeUzed from North
umbria, i. 108-9.
Loyola, Ignatius, founds Society of
Jesus, i. 426, 470 ; death, ii. 13.
Lucius, legend of, i. 7.
Luther, Martin, breach with Rome,
i. 401 ; his doctrine at Oxford in
1521, i. 415 ; books circulating,
i. 415 ; processes against his

foUowers in England, i. 415 ;
act of Scots parUament against
'lutherism,' i. 416; books, etc.,
shipped to Leith or Aberdeen, i.
452, 453 ; 70 Lutherans appre
hended near St. Andrews, i, 453 ;
early Scots Reformers Lutheran,
later foUowed the Swiss, i. 484 ;
his death, i. 484 n. ; literature
introduced, ii. 7 ; teaching on
Lord's Supper, ii, 14 ; debt of
Scotiand to, ii. 15.
Luxeuil, monastery of, i. 44.
Lyndsay, Sir David, of the Mount,
poet, writes of low state of
nunneries, i. 444; the Sciennes
nunnery an exception, i. 444 ;
his Dreme, i. 445 ; Satire of the
Three Estates, i. 448 ; advocates
reforms, i. 449 ; Sir W. Scott on,
i. 449 ; Tragedie of the Cardinall,
i. 481, ii. 2 ; Satire, ii. 8.
Macbeth, king of Scots, distributes
lAoney at Rome, i. 123 ; gives
benefactions to the Church, i,
122, 126 n. I,
Machabaeus, or M'Alpine, John,
goes to Wittenberg, then takes
a high place in Denmark, i. 452,
Maelrubha, mission in Scotland, i.
97-
Maitiand, WilUam, yr., of Lething
ton, ii. 23 ; pohtical incon
sistencies, ii. 59 ; secretary of
state to Mary the Regent, ii. 59 ;
generaUy favourable to Refor
mation, ii. 59 ; argument with
Knox about the mass, ii. 70 ;
secretary to the Lords of the
Congregation, ii. 125.
Major, John, of St. Andrews, i. 412 ;
congratulates Beaton on his zeal,
i. 423 ; gives an account of re
ligious houses founded by King
David I, i. 443 ; apology for
Scotsmen, ii. 3, 4.
Malcolm Canmore, Mng of Scot
land, slays Macbeth, i. 119 ;
marries Queen Margaret, i. 155 ;
invades England five times, i. 154 ;
resists Anglicizing, i. 154.
Margaret, St., queen of Scotland,
i- 153, 155 ; marriage to Malcolm,
i. 155 ; her piety, i. 156 ; in
fluence over her husband, i. 157 ;
care for her children, i. 157 ;
death, i. 157 ; dealing with Celtic
monks, i. 158 ; her view of the

INDEX

193

Lord's Supper, i. 159 ; new
foundations by, i, 160, 249 ;
founds DunfermUne Abljey, i.
175-
Mamage laws, Pope's intervention
practicaUy suspended about 1300,
i, 266 ; dispensations from, asked
of the Popes, i, 284-5.
Martin, St., bishop of Tours, i. n-13.
 v, Pope, brings Scotiand
back to papacy, i. 314-16 ; wise
behaviour as to antipope, i. 316 ;
still continues old policy, i. 316.
Mary of Lorraine, made Regent, ii.
21 ; Knox compares to an unruly
cow, ii. 22 ; supported by Scottish
reform party, ii. 22 ; kept up
many pretences, ii. 33 ; her
change of policy, ii. 42-3 ; pro
fessed displeasure at Mill's execu
tion, ii. 42, 83 ; conversation
with Chalmers, ii, 88 ; fails to
keep her promises, ii, 91 ; finds
opposition in Perth and Dundee,
ii, 101-2 ; breaks her word to the
Lords, ii, 104 and n. ; expects
French force to help her, ii. 115 ;
fortifies Leith, ii. 118 ; suspended
from Regency, ii. 124 ; retakes
Edinburgh, ii. 126 ; final activity,
ii. 129; exults over ' John Knox's
God,' ii. 130 ; death and char
acter, ii. 135.
Mary Stewart, queen of Scots, con
voyed to France, ii. 20 ; married
to French Dauphin, ii. 22 ; be
comes Queen of France, ii. 117 ;
with Francis, gives leave for a
Parliament, ii. 137.
 Tudor, queen of England,
reaction under, ii. 16 ; perse
cution by, ii. 16 and n. 3.
Maserfield, battle of, i. 83.
Mass, celebration of, in Scotic
Church, i. 38-9.
Maxton, dedication to Cuthbert, i.
106.
May, Isle of, legend of Bohemian
settiement, i. 112.
Mayo, monastery of, i. 97.
Mearns, legend of St. Pallad, i. 23-4.
Melrose, Celtic monastery and
mission, i, 80-2 ; relation to
Lindisfame, i. 105 n. 2, 108 ;
Latin monastery destroyed, i.
113; abbey of, founded about
1130, i. 171 ; St. Waltheve,
abbot, i. 202-3 ; Melrose Chronicle,
quoted, i. 244 n. ; Bruce sets apart
VOL. II,

money for its repair, i. 272 ;
burnt by English, 1385, i, 304 ;
destroyed by English, i, 468.
Melville, James, Observant Friar,
his bold challenge, i, 414, 445 n. i.
Mendicant Friars, i. 197-8 ; very
patriotic under Bruce, i. 294 ;
efficiency in fourteenth century, i.
295 ; deterioration about 1500,
i. 364 ; Observant Franciscans
useful and popular, i, 365.
Mercia, conversion of, i, 83.
Methven, Paul, Reform preacher,
of Dundee, ii, 57, 74.
Michael Scotus, i. 202 and n.
Military Orders (Templars and
Hospitallers), i. 917.
Mill or Myln, Walter, last martyr,
ii. 40 ; burnt at St. Andrews,
dying prediction, ii. 41.
Ministers, election and admission of,
ii. 163-4,
Moluag, St,, i. 45, 58.
Monastic buildings, of Celtic Church
and later, i. 136; churches of
wood, ' mos Scoticus," i. 136 ;
erection of abbeys, monasteries,
etc., i. 200.
 Orders, introduced, i. 171-2 ;
rivet the authority of Rome, i.
193 ; rapid progress, i. 196 ;
system interfered with Church
regulations, i. 225 ; life of, in
fifteenth century, i. 362 ; dis-
/ orders among abbots and priors,
i- 363 ; James iv said Franciscans
were a decaying flock, i. 365 ;
poverty of monks, i. 363 ; Ob
servant Franciscans arrive in
Scotland, 1447, i. 365 ; their
zeal, i. 365 ; James iv's lauda
tion, i. 366, 445.
Monasticism, in Latin and Greek
Christendom, i. 39-40 ; univers-
aUty of, i. 40 ; distinctive features
in Scotic Church, i. 40-1.
Monenna, St., i. 22-3.
Mons Graupius, battie of, i. 4.
Monumental art of the Celtic
- Church, i. 144-5.
Monymusk, Culdee settlement, i.
188.
Moray, bishopric, i. 165 ; disorders
about 1400, i. 304.
— — Thomas Randolph, Earl of,
sent to Pope at Avignon, i. 262 ;
gets Bruce acknowledged, i. 263.
 Earl of, the Good Regent, see
Stewart, James. N

194 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND
by Dervorgilla, i. 270 ; Scots
numerous there in 1450, i. 320 ;
disturbances among students, i.

More, Sir Thomas, appointed to
reply to Lutheranism, i, 415 ;
death, i. 429.
Moville, monastery of, i. 42, 48,
49-50-
Mungo, St., see Kentigern,
Myln, Alexander, abbot of Cam-
buskenneth, i, 364, 409.
Mystics, Eckhart, Suso and Tauler,
i. 278.
Nechtan, king of the Picts, i. 99 ;
legend of his return to Columban
usages, i. 112.
Nechtansmere, battie of, i. 106-7.
New Testament, if Regent oppose
the reading of it the kirkmen
promise her 10,000 pounds Scots,
ii. 24.
Newbottle Abbey, burnt by EngUsh,
1385, i- 304-
NiaU, High-king of Ireland, i. 48.
Nicholas iv. Pope, protests against
the Crown appropriating revenues
of vacant bishoprics, i. 267.
Ninian, St., mission at Whithorn, i.
11-14 ; its duration, i. 15, 18-19,
25 ; dedications to, i. 13, 15 ;
connection with Rome, i. 13-15 ;
extent of his fame, i. 13, 18.
Norsemen, invasions of Britain, i.
107-8, no-ii ; invade North
umbria, i. 117.
Northumbria, Mngdom of, i. 17, 18 ;
conversion of, i. 75-80 ; Roman
ization of Church, i. 104-6 ; in
Dark Age, i. 106-8.
Nunneries, in Celtic Church, i. 62 n.
3-
Occam, WilUam of, on freedom
of the state, i. 278.
Ogham script, i. 141, 145.
Orange, Council of, i. 46.
Ordination, in Celtic Church, i. 54.
Origen, mention of Britons, i. 7.
Orlniey, bishopric, a.d. 1055, i. 167 ;
subject to Norway, i. 204 ; sub
ject to St. Andrews, 1472, i. 346 ;
358 ; for some years stiU Scandi
navian, i. 358.
Oswald, king of Northumbria —
flight to lona, i. 73-5 ; evangeUza-
tion of Northumbria, i. 77-9.
Oswin, king of Deira, i. 79-80, 83.
Oswy, king of Bemicia, i. 83, 91-7,
103.
Ovania, battle of, i. 107.
Oxford, BalUol College at, founded

321
Palladius, St., i. 9, 23-4, 19 n. 4,
30.
Panter, David, bishop of Ross, his
character, ii„ 34,
Paris, University, tears up a bull
of Benedict xiii, i, 302 ; John
Major at, i, 412 ; orders Lutiier's
writings to be burnt, i. 417.
Parish churches, erection of, un
systematic, i. 216 ; to be built
of stone and each to have a
manse, i. 217; probably ugly and
iU-cared for, i. 217 ; endow
ments, i. 217 ; tithes, i. 218 ;
voluntary offerings, i. 219 ; prac
tice of assigning, i. 219-20;
property often secularized, i. 223 ;
evil of pluraUties, i. 224 ; plura-
Uties sanctioned, i. 266 ; de
struction of churches by nobles,
i. 290-1 ; new, founded in four
teenth century, i. 291-2 ; colle
giate (St. Giles", etc.), i. 318, 319 ;
controUed by municipalities, i.
320; not destroyed by Reformers,
ii. 108.
ParUament of Scotiand, meeting of
Estates at Scone, i. 260 ; begin
nings, i.27oandM.; madegrantsfor
poor scholars, i. 295 ; determines
Church matters, i. 311 ; appoints
prayers for King to be part of
mass, i. 337 ; declares finaUy for
the true Pope, i, 342 ; opposes
Pope's claims over bishops, i.
345 ; threat to withhold pay
ments from Pope, i. 353 ; asks
Pope to settie dispute between
St. Andrews and Glasgow, i. 353 ;
act of 1496 for education of
barons' sons, i. 376 ; act against
Lutheranism, i. 415, 416 ; act to
reform kirks and kirkmen, i. 450 ;
threatens death to heretics, i.
459 ; new independence, ii. 5 ;
landed gentry sit in, ii. 5 ; in
1560 opened July 9, adjourned to
August I, ii. 137 ; numbers at
tending, ii. 140 and n. ; Lething
ton chairman, ii. 141 ; requests
barons and ministers to draw up
Confession of Faith, ii. 141 ; acte
against Roman Church, ii, 143 ;
action equivalent to a revolution,

INDEX

195

ii, 145 ; function to register facts,
ii. 146,
Patrick, St,, his early Ufe, i. 30-2 ;
relations to Rome, i. 30, 36-7, 86 ;
ordination of, i. 31 n. i, 32, 36 ;
evangeUsm in Ireland, i. 32-4 ;
historicity, i, 30, 34, 35-6 ; con
tests with druids, i. 34-5 ; mission
ary policy, i. 34 ; view of baptism,
i- 32, 34 ; success of mission, i.
35, 37 ; Church legends of, i. 36-7 ;
relation to St. Bride, i. 27.
 Dr. David, on ' Culdee Library,'
i. 151-
Paul III, Pope, lays interdict on
Scotiand for arrest of Beaton, ii.
437-
 IV, Pope, appoints a Visitor
to inquire into abuses, ii, 36 ;
laments his blunders as Pope, ii.
ni.
PauUnus, mission at York, i. 75-6,
Peada, king of Middle Angles, i.
83-
Peasantry, independence of, ii. 8 ;
importance in Reformation, ii. 8.
Peblys, John, papal collector, i.
287 ; his blundering led Scotiand
to declare for the antipope, i.
288.
Pelagius, i. 8-9.
Penda, king of Mercia, i. 76, 83.
Perth, settiement of Dominicans at,
i. 197, 198 n. ; school at, i. 201
and n. ; Council meets at, and
supports Crusade, 236 and n. ;
General Council in, 141 8, to con
sider claims of Martin v, 314 ;
Council in 1420, i. 316; monas
tery of Carthusians founded by
James i, i. 364 ; Observants'
Friary, in 1460, i. 365 ; Grammar
School weU attended, i. 375 ;
attack on Dominicans, i, 446 ;
Beaton holds cruel assize at, i,
467 ; Grammar School, ii, 6 ;
monasteries and Charterhouse
destroyed, ii. 102 ; Regent enters
after the ' Appointment,' ii. 104 ;
Lords enter, ii. 105.
Peter's Pence, origin of, in Church
of England, i. 104.
Picts, first use of name, i. 6 ;
af&nity to Scythians, i. n ; of
GaUoway, i. 12-13 ; descents on
W. Britain, i, 17-18; opposition
to Irish migrations, i, 24-5, 51 ;
Columba's missions to, i. 59-62 ;
bishop of, appointed, i. 104,

Pilgrimages, in early British Church,
i, 8.
Pinkie Cleugh, battle of, ii. 19.
Pius IV, Pope, did little to stem
Reformation, ii. in.
Pope, early use of the title, i. 9 n.
2.
Popes first send legate to Scotland,
i. 183 ; give lucrative benefices
to foreign favourites, i. 224 ;
declare Scottish Church inde
pendent, i. 229 ; legates driven
away, i. 234-5 ; legates assaulted
i. 259-60 ; at Avignon, i. 278 ;
reserve provision of bishoprics, i.
280 ; grants to irregular bene
ficiaries, i. 283 ; three at one
time, i. 303 ; antipope sends
nuncio to Scotiand, i. 305-6 ;
true Popes during the Great
Schism, i. 300-1 ; Urban vi
tries to win Scotland, i, 306 ;
Boniface ix tries to control ap
pointment of bishops, i. 306 ;
legate refused entry to Scotland,
i. 403.
Printing, first Scottish, in 1507, i.
387-
Protestants, i. 426 and n. ; original
meaning, i. 427.
Provost, office of, in Celtic Church,
i. 58.
Rederic, king of Strathclyde, i. 21.
Regulus (Rule), St., legend of, i.
lo-n, 113, 124, 140.
Reid, Robert, bishop of Orkney,
i. 410 ; his character, ii. 34 ;
poisoned in France, ii. 22, 34 ;
decorates St. Magnus' Cathedral,
ii. 34 ; advocate of peace with
England, ii. 35 ; bequest for
CoUege in Edinburgh, ii. 35 n.
ReUgious Ufe before 1300, i. 246 ;
cared for by Observant Fran
ciscans, i. 366 ; non-residence of
clergy, i. 368 ; same about 1500,
i. 387-8. ¦
Renaissance in Scotland, i. 386 ; ii.
I.
Resby, James, LoUard, condemned
for forty heresies, i. 326 ; burnt
by Laurence of Lindores, i. 326.
Rimini, Council of, i. 8.
Ripon, Celtic monastery at, i. 82 ;
becomes Benedictine, i. 92.
Robert i, king of Scotland (Bruce),
bishops who favoured him, i. 253 ;
crowned king, i. 254 ; absolved

196 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND

on eve of Bannockburn, i. 255 ;
twice excommunicated, i. 258 ;
Papal buU against, i. 260 and n. ;
his treatment of legate, i, 260 ;
sends Randolph to intercede with
Pope, i. 262 ; restored to papal
favour, i. 263 ; purity and piety,
i, 272 ; gifts to the Church, i.
272 ; behaviour at Bannockburn,
i, 273 ; death, i. 264.
Robert 11 (Stewart), king of Scot
land, i. 277, 297.
Roman Christianity, influence in
early Britain, i, 13-15,
 Church in sixth century, i,
46-7 ; Columba's relation to, i.
55 ; Patrick's relation to, i. 30,
36-7, 86.
 Occupation of Britain, the
extent of, i. 4-7, n ; wall system,
i. 4-7 ; influence on religion of
North Britain, i. 5, lo-ii ; infiu
ence on religion of South Britain,
i. 7-10 ; archaeological remains,
i. 5, 10.
Rome, corruptions in the Church at,
which infected Scotland, i. 373.
Rona, Columban settiement, i. 58.
Ronan, missionary in Northumbria,
i. 91.
Rosemarkie, i, 45, 99 n. 5, 283.
Rosnat, name given to Whithorn in
Ireland, i. 18.
Ross, bishopric of, a.d. 1128, i.
166, 206.
Rossy, Father, of Dundee Grey
friars, a leading statesman, i. 295 ;
a ' King's Limner ' appointed in
his time, i. 295.
Rough, John, Reformation preacher,
in St. Andrews Castle, ii. 49 ; a
martyr at Smithfield, ii. 49 n. ;
controversy with friars, ii. 50 ;
defends, with Knox, articles of
doctrine, ii. 50.
Round towers, i. 144,
Ruthwell, Holy Rood of, i. 108-9.
Sabbath observance, in Celtic
Church, i, 53; insisted on by
Queen Margaret, i. 158 ; recom
mended by James lii, i. 389.
Sadleyr, Sir Ralph, sent to Scotiand,
i. 433 ; conflict with Beaton, i.
439 ; opinion of the Scots, i. 439 ;
ii. 121.
St. Andrews {see also Kilrymont),
Columba'ssettlement,i.62; legend
of foundation by St. Regulus, i.

113; made reUgious capital, i.
120 ; King Constantine buried in,
i. 121 ; called after St. Andrew,
patron saint of Scotland, i. 123-4 ;
made leading see of Scotland, i.
164 ; early synods at, i. 168 n. ;
Investiture struggle, i. 181 ; Culdee
settlement at, i, 188-9; cathedral
begun 1162, i. 209 ; Roger made
bishop, i. 232 ; conflict about
bishopric, i. 232 ; cathedral com
pleted 1318, i. 268 ; Bishop
Trail's Synodal Statutes, i. 312 ;
University founded in 1413, i.
322 ; M.A, oath against LoUards,
i. 330 ; an archbishopric in 1472,
i, 346 ; disorders in Church
finance, i, 350 ; proposal to
transfer University to Perth, i.
376 ; foundation of St, Salvator
and St. Leonard, i, 377 ; papal
bull for college, Note L, i, 393-5 ;
Bishop Forman's care of Uni
versity, i, 411-12 ; P. Hamilton a
student at, i. 417; Hamilton
burnt at, i. 421 ; St. Mary's
College founded, i., 440 ; attempt
to visit for reformation, i. 442 ;
favours Lutheranism, i. 453 ;
St. Leonard's WeU, i. 453 ;
Alesius at, i. 463 ; Gavin Logic
flees from, i. 464 ; Cardinal
Beaton summons Council at, i.
470 ; Wishart brought to, 477 ;
Wishart's martyrdom, i, 479 ;
students at, in 1558, ii, 2 ;
Beaton's murderers in the Castle,
ii, 18 ; siege by Regent, u, 18 ;
castie captured and razed to the
ground, ii. 19 ; Knox preaches
and ecclesiastical buildings de
stroyed, ii. 105 n. ; Knox re
vives Reformers" spirit, ii. 127 ;
thanksgiving service for arrival
of EngUsh troops, u. 132 ; Wyn
ram and other waverers join
Congregation, ii, 132,
St, Fillans, Irish settlement at, i. 23.
St, Kilda, Columban settlement,i, 58.
Schevez, WiUiam, archbishop of St.
Andrews, i, 349 ; made Primate,
i- 351-
Scologs (scholars), i. 129, 141.
Scone, coronation stone placed at,
i, 114; stone carried ofi by
Edward i, i. 268 ; abbey destroyed
in spite of Knox, ii. 108,
Scotia, use of the name, i. in n. 1.
Scotic Church, see Ireland.

INDEX

197

Scots, origin in Ireland, i. i ; first
use of the name, i. 6, 22 ; in
North Britain, i. 10, 19; of Ire
land attack W. Britain, i. 17-18.
Scottish Church — continuity of, i.
I ; identified with national life,
i. I, 2, 111-12, 114-15 ; first use of
term 'ecclesia,' i. i, 112; distinc
tive character, i. 1-2 ; ' Scoticus
mos ' condemned, i. 1-2, 104, 112 ;
founded by Columba, i. 23, 51-62,
67 ; emblem of, i. 37 ; becomes
independent of English Church,
i. 106-7 ; accepts Roman usages, i.
106-7, 112 ; erected independently
of Rome and England, i. 112-13 I
Dunkeld becomes reUgious capital ,
i. 113-14 ; bishop replaces abbot,
i. 114; differences from Church
of England in Culdee times,
i. 121 ; not subject to Rome in
early days, i. 123 ; irregularities
in early times, i. 225-6 ; independ
ence declared, i. 228 ; papal BuU
emancipates from England, i. 233;
treaty of Brigham declares Church
independent, i. 253 ; no EngUsh-
man to hold a benefice, i, 254 ;
Rome's special daughter, i. 228
and n., 233, 257, 273, 288; declara
tion of Uberties.i. 260; educational
efforts hindered by War of In
dependence, i. 269 ; declares for
the antipope, i. 288 ; disorders
through poverty of priests, i.
290-1 ; wealth of superior church
men, i. 290 ; disorders in the
Highlands, i. 304; Church life
about 1400, shown in Synodal
Statutes of St. Andrews, i. 312-13 ;
disorders under James i to James
IV, i. 356 ; Henry"s viii's attempt
to subject to England, i. 403 ;
disorders under James v, i. 407 ;
disorders, i. 411.
 nation, coarseness of manners
in Highlands, i. 246, 285, 361 ; im
provement in sixteenth century,
i. 375 ; birth throes of modern, i.
413 ; burghers and trading-classes
favour a Reformation, i. 460, 471 ;
ready to rule itself as a Church,
i. 486 ; change of poUcy towards
France, ii. 20 ; more favourable
to Reformation than England, ii.
55 ; choosing between France and
England, ii. 112; nobiUty un wUl
ing to accept Book of Discipline,
ii, 176-7.

Scots College founded in Paris, i.
270,
Seaton, Alexander, denounces monks
and prelates, i, 454,
Seghine, abbot of lona, i, 91,
Septimius Severus, i. 6.
Serf, St, (Servanus), i, 19 n. 4, 23.
St. Serf's Isle in Lochleven given
to the Church by king of Picts, i.
121,122; Kirkness lands added by
Macbeth, i. 122; ' Culdee Library,'
i, 141, Note H, 150 ; Culdee pro
perties handed over to Augustin-
ian canons, i. 190; Prior Wyn-
toun's Orygynale Cronykil, i, 321,
Skene, W, F., theory of Culdees, i.
131 n.
Skye, Columban settiements on, i.
58.
Somerset, Duke of. See Hertford.
Stanford, monastery at, i. 92.
Stewart, Alexander, primate, son
of James iv, i. 336 ; death at
Flodden, i. 355 ; Erasmus's eulogy
of, i, 355 ; founded St, Leonard's
CoUege at St, Andrews, i. 377,
 James, prior of St. Andrews,
later Regent Moray, early life, ii.
58; Cecil asks Congregation about
his desire for the Scottish crown,
ii. 133 and n. ; drew revenues of
priory after Reformation, ii. 174.
StiUcho, i, 7,
Stirling, abbey of St. Mary founded,
i. 172 ; Erskine of Dun sent to, by
Congregation, ii. loi.
Straitoun, David, burned at Green-
side, Edinburgh, i. 454.
Strathclyde, early inhabitants of, i.
18; British Church in, i. 18-25;
Church in Dark Age, i. 109 ; sub
dued by Picts, i. 113.
Sumptuary laws after Pinkie, food
control, ii. 20 n. 7.
Superintendents, appointed, ii. 138 ;
their work, etc, ii, 166.
Templars, settlement near St,
Andrews, i, 172 ; trial of, i. 267,
275-
Teman, St., i. 24.
TertuUian, comments on Britons, i.
7-
Teutonic invasions, effect on British
Christianity, i. 9, 16-17.
 settlements, extent of, i. 17-
18.
Theodore of Tarsus, archbishop of
Canterbury, i. 103.

198 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND

Theodosius, campaigns in Britain, i.
6.
Thomas, abbot of Dundrennan,
Reform leader at Basel, i. 341 ;
helps to elect Felix v as antipope,
i. 341 ; finaUy became a papaUst,
i, 342,
 the Steward, king's natural
son, pluraUties held by, i, 308.
Tighernac, Irish annalist, i, 99 n. 6.
Tiniugham, monastery of, i, 81.
Tiree, Columban settlement, i. 23,
58.
Tonsure, divergences of, i. 38, 88-9 ;
in Celtic Church, i. 55-6.
Tour, M. de la, first to suffer in
Scotiand for Lutheranism, i. 415.
Trail, Walter, bishop of St. Andrews,
opposed by the true Popes, i.
306 ; reputation as an adminis
trator, i. 310 ; character, i. 310 ;
resisted Regent Albany, i. 310 ;
gets act of parUament passed to
prevent appeals to Rome during
Schism, i. 311 ; his Synodal
Statutes, i. 312.
Trent, CouncU of, i. 426 ; Beaton
apologizes for disregarding the
summons to, i. 438 ; opens in
1545, i. 470, ii. 13 ; Protestants
unable to take part, ii. 13 m.
Trumuin, first bishop of Picts, i. 104;
withdraws from Pictiand, i. 106.
Tuda, bishop of Northumbria, i. 96.
Turgot, confessor to Queen Margaret,
i. 155 and n., 156 and n. ; his de
parture, i. 157 ; nominated for St.
Andrews, i. 162 ; appointed, i.
164 ; death, i. 180.
Twelve (number), in Scotic usages,
i. 52.
 Apostles of Erin, i. 46, 49.
Twopenny Faith, ii. 47.
Tyndale, WilUam, his New Testa
ment, i. 415 ; New Testament
imported by Scottish traders, i.
416-17 n. ; books burned, i. 427 ;
translation of New Testament
condemned in 1530, i. 429.
Valentia, i. 6-7, II.
Vikings hold north of Scotiand, i,
116,
Visitation of abbeys, etc, i, 442,
Wales, British Church in, i. 17,20-1,
74, 76, 103-4.
Wallace, Adam, of Ayrshire, deaUng
with, as a heretic, ii. 28 ; his

execution on the Castle Hill of
Edinburgh, ii. 28.
 WiUiam, guardian of Scotland,
i. 253, 257 ; religious character,
i. 271.
Waltheve, St., abbot of Melrose,
Ufe and miracles, i. 202-3.
Wardlaw, Henry, founds St.
Andrews University, i. 322, 331.
 Walter, bishop of Glasgow, a
great scholar in igaris, i. 294 ; cts
authority for John of Fordun, i.
299 ; opposed by Pope Boniface
IX, i. 306 ; made a cardinal, i. 306,
Wedderbum, three brothers, authors
of Gude and Godlie Ballatis, ii.
56 and n., 94; their popularity,
i. 461,
Wessex, conversion of, i. 83.
Western Isles (including Iona)given
up to Norsemen for 150 years, i.
162 ; bishopric under Trondhjem,
i, 204 ; under Argyll with seat
at Lismore, i. 205 ; bishop had
no real authority, i, 359 ; wild
and lawless people, i. 359 ;
cathedral in ruins, i, 360.
Whitby, monastery of, i. 93,
Whitby, Council of, i. 93-6, 37 n. 1,
Whithorn (Candida Casa) , i. 178 n.;
see GaUoway, Ninian,
Wilfrid, abbot of Ripon, i. 92-6,
101-2, 103-4,
William the Lyon, king of Scotland,
victories, i, 194 ; EngUsh vassal,
i. 195 ; resists Pope's nominee
to St. Andrews, i. 229 ; Scotland
under interdict, i. 230 ; receives
Golden Rose from Pope, i. 231.
WiUibrord, missions of, i. 107.
Willock, John, of Ayr, Reformed
preacher, i. 454 and n., ii. 56-7 ;
friend of Grey, Marquis of Dorset,
ii. 56 n. ; work in Edinburgh, ii.
74; at Regent's death-bed, ii. 135;
Superintendent for Glasgow, ii.
138.
Winwaed, battle of, i, 83.
Wishart, George, i, 454 ; teaches
Greek in Montrose, i. 455 ; con
nection -with plots against Beaton,
i. 472, 475 n. ; in Zurich trans
lates first Helvetic Confession, i.
473 ; description of, by Tylney at
Cambridge, i. 473 ; preached at
Dundee, Montrose and in the
West, i. 476 ; the plague at Dun
dee, i. 476 ; meets Knox at Long
niddry, i. 477 ; deUvered up to

INDEX

199

Beaton, i. 477 ; charges against,
i. 478 ; his martyrdom, i. 478-9 ;
influence in turning Scotiand to
wards Swiss Reformers, i. 484.
Wishart, Robert, bishop of Glasgow,
i. 253 ; crowns Bruce, i. 254 ;
his character, i. 255 ; urged by
Pope to make peace with Edward
I, i. 258 ; Pope desires his
Uberation from England, i. 258.
 Wilham, archdeacon of St,
Andrews, i. 224.
Witches, belief in, i, 389 ; many
burned in Edinburgh in 1479, i,
389-
Women, position of, in time of
Celtic Church, i, 146,
Worship in Celtic Church, i. 138,
Wyclif , John, defends English nation
against the Popes, i. 278 ; resists
monastic orders and the papacy,
i. 296 ; relation to Scottish
LoUardy, i. 323-4 ; his reforming
opinions, i. 324 ; act of English
Parhament against his preachers,
i. 324 ; act ' de Heretico Com-
burendo " of 1401, i. 325 ; his
doctrine mainly negative, i. 330.
Wynram, John, sub-prior of St.
Andrews, possible author of

Hamilton'sCatechism,ii. 30,31 n.;
his early career and character, ii.
31; one of those who drafted the
Scots Confession, ii. 31, 141 ;
summons Knox to defend dogmas,
ii, 52 ; sympathizes with Re
formers, ii, 53.
Wyntoun, Andrew, prior of St.
Serf"s, his Orygynale Cronykil, i.
321 ; calls heretics Lollards, i.
326.
Xavier, Francis, Jesuit missionary,
ii- 13-
YoRK, capital of Deira, i, 17 ;
PauUnus' mission at, i. 75-6,
York, bishop of, at the Council
of Aries, i. 8, 10; bishopric pro
posed by Augustine, i. 74-5 ;
bishopric founded by Wilfrid, i.
96 ; bishop received pallium
from Rome, i. 107 ; superior to
bishopric of Candida Casa, i. 109.
See also Glasgow,
Ziirich, Agreement of, drawiji up
by Calvin, ii, 15.
ZwingU, Ulrich, his leadership in
Switzerland, i. 401.

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