T iln lllll i\ ll, Lil'Ol, . I > 1 ™ ¦ * ll I- .-'»A *.'5.^ Joseph Hodges, son of Henry, thus signed his name in 1729. He was deacon of the church, assessor and selectman many years, served as major in the Old French War, took part at the siege of Louisburg on the island of Cape Breton in 1745, and died from wounds or sickness on his journey home. His homestead was in the southern part of Norton near the Taunton line. He married twice and had eight children, all by his first wife. His will, made just before starting on the Louisburg Ex pedition, mentioned " my Silver Hilted sword " which he bequeathed to his eldest son, Captain Joseph Hodges, who in turn devised it to his only son, another Captain Joseph Hodges, and he to his oldest son, a third Captain Joseph Hodges. This last had an energetic, capable New England wife, who held the interests of her children paramount to all other interests. Hence it was that when some articles were needed for her home, and ready cash was not immediately available, the silver hilt of Major Joseph's sword was sacri ficed by her for the sake of her family and, by the process of 22 NEW ENGLAND ANCESTRY. barter, was transmuted into silver spoons. The blade is still owned by her grandchildren, whose respect for their capable grandmother is tempered by sorrow for the loss of a priceless heirloom. Jonathan Hodges of Norton, son of Major Joseph, wrote his name as above. There being an elder man of the same name in Norton in his earlier years, he was called then Jonathan Hodges, 2d, and also Jonathan Hodges, junior. He was a farmer. He was also a " clothier " ; that is, he owned a water-power fulling mill, which he built in 1744, and carried on the business of fulling, dyeing and dressing cloth. He was a person of prominence and held many offices, among them that of warden, being " of good substance and of sober Life and conversation," as the law required. One of his official duties was to see " that the Sabbath was duly observed in all public houses and elsewhere, and to examine all persons suspected of unnecessary travelling on Sunday." His badge of office was a " white wand, not less than seven Feet in length." Many of his papers have been preserved and thi-ee of them are reproduced here, namely : — His "confession" or "experience," as it was then termed. This was the declaration of his Christian experience made, about 1743, previous to joining the church, as was customary in colonial days. A provincial tax warrant, in 1747, directing him to collect the amount assessed on the town of Norton. His commission, in 1758, as Second Lieutenant of the First Foot Company of Norton, of which he was afterwards Cap tain. He was born in Norton February 26, 1721 (O. S.), and died there July 18, 1795. He married Abigail Sanford and had ten children. NEW ENGLAND ANCESTRY. 23 <'-'2<>t>*i«- -t^t?" ^/s^ ^.^Lva... ^' '' /¦ Or , .#«- J, ^ ^/^ /^^^^ <^**^Z %f it '^ ^ ^y^ ^ ^ ^ ^^'«'*^^«t ^.^ CONFESSION OF JONATHAN HODGES. 24 NEW ENGLAND ANCESTRY. Province of the William Foye, E/q; Treafm er & Reccroer-Gemraiof His Majefty 'sjaid Province^ ToJo'TUimaKffrv^a^ Conllable or Colle«£k)r of the Tovn of t^A^TnJoTL^' ^reeting^ ficc. Ty T Virtue of an A£l of the Great and Cenerat-Court sr /i^emhly of the faid Province, begun and ^ held at BoAon, upon Wednefday the Twenty-fcventh Day of May 1747. In. tbe 2i« Tear of His Majejly s Reign, Entituled, An Afl for apportioning and aflHEng a Tax oi Thirty-nine Tbow fand one Hundred and three Pounds Hirteen Shif/ings and feven Pence ; and alfo for aprortioning and afliiTing a fiirtfier Tax of Two Thoufand eight Hundred and feventy-eigbt Pounds eleuen Sbillings and fix Penccy paid the Reprefeotatives for their Sendee arul Attendance in the General Court and Travel, amounting inthewbole ^ Porty-one Thoufand ^iru Hundred and eighty-two Poundsy five Shillingt and om Penny ; 7HESE an if ffU "MtLjBsrv't Naat If tmi anjjitjeiri ^f 9 ta CotteO aS aj rotry th Suns of M-mtj me^fi'^nta r« ibt DJI er Li/If aftiifaidUi or ytp/imnt e/ww Tsm, ms^tytbt ^ijori tr Sllta-Mttt ef tbiJaidTnm, •adjimmhed.ttrem to CelltH : da»uBtiiig in ibt fVUU t* iSt Sfmof / v "> — j tfin^rr fi4^-hw^i ¦9**»aT, CtfcaiA.PeriiiatWiAok-ef'w PrapoTtfenfct c^^ In. Ac Cud V& tr USsi Aofcre.rfc hft Day of A£)_r next ; fo that you duely_ pay in tho Sum Total of the (aid Lifts unto, and make uifand itfec your Accompt of the whofe theitpf with Myfelf, Hi* Majefty's Treafuirr and Rccdvcr-Gcncral of His Revenue within this Province, my Dcparj- or Dcputiet, or Sufxcltbn in the iaJd Offi«> ar or before th^lafl Day of Ju/it next, which wiU be in the Ycir of our Lord Onf Tbewjiad fntH Htadr/d aad forty-tigbly which you arc alike required to do. And in cafe any Perfon of Perfons (hall refufe or ncgJeft to jpav the fevcnl Sum or Sums* ¦vi'bereat he or they arc fet in the AlTcfsment, and are to pay the Cune upon Demand made, [ ucher in Bills of Credit cnntcd in and fiac* the Year Oni tbaufani fevex Httndrtd and ferty-em, according to Oicir Denominations 1 ot in' coined Sil7cr at ttc RatC'ftrf^ Srotm SliOiMgJ and^ Pence per C-uncc Troy-weighl i ot in Gold Coin in Proportion i or in Bills of Credit of tbe middje Tenor, fo caEed, according to their feVeralDe nominations j or in Bilk of the oldTcnor accounting four for one ^ or b good McnAantSblc Hemp, at Fevr Ptnct per Pound ; or io good Merchantable IJlt ef Sable Cod-fifli, at 7en Stillings per QuintaJi or in good refined Bar-Iron U fi/teen Peundt per Ton i or in Bloomcry-Iroi), at Tweht Pounds per Ton ; or in hollow Iron Ware, at 7vtivePc%fidt per Ton i. or in good Indian Cord, et 'Two SbtlUngs andfi* Pnce per Bufticl ( or in good Winter Rye, at Tko Sbiliings antfin Penct per Bufbd 1 or m good Winter Wheat, at Th-ee SbiHingj per Bulhel i or in good Barley ol Two iMlingi pef Bufhel ; or in good Barrel Pork, ai Tvie' Peundi per Barrel j or in Barrel Beef at One Potad fvr SHUiiift.fKr Barrel i or ui thick or Canvas, u Two Peundj ifi Sbillingt per Bolt, each Bolt to weigh Foriy-rhrte Pounds i or in k>ng Whafcixmc, ai T'we Sbitlingi end ihrtt Pente cer-Pound ; or in Merchantable Cordage, at 0»i Pound fve SbiUinti per Hundred \ or in good Train Oyl at One Peu*i ten Shi/fiiige per Barrel i or in good Bees- Wax, at Tern Pence per Pound i or in good Baybeny-Wai, al St» P»net per Pwind % or in iryed Tallow, at Four Pence per Pound i or in good Peafe at Three Slrillingj per Bufhel i or in good Sheopa Wool, at Mw i'ewr ^ Pound 1 or in good tann d Sole-Leather, at i^M/' /*««¦/ per Pound : All which afOTdatdConunodittei Ihall be of the Pro- docc of this Province ^ \. a. (hall and may be Izwful for you, and you an hereby authorized aod required fbr Non-pzymcn^ to difbrin (he Pcrion ot Pertbns (o rfttifmg or ncglefling, by his or their Goods or ChaTrli-i i and the liiflrcfi or Djftrcflcs fo taxJen, to kap for the (pace of Fouf Days, ai the Cod and Charges of che Owner thereof i aad if the (aid Owner do not pay the SurTi » Sums of Nloney fo tucKai upon Sim, within the laid Four Days, then the laiil DifVrcfs or DiftrtJes to be forthwith openly fold «- an Oirrcry by you, for Payrami of Lhe &id Money, Notice of fuch Sale bong pcRpA up in fome pubBck Place ia the tunc "Towi^OrVenry-four Houn before-hand ; tttl the Overplus cotnirig by the (iud Salt ( if anyic } over and above the Charges of taking «od keeping tSe Drftrcfs or DiflieOei, tc be loimcdiaicly reftored 10 the Owner. Ami tfany I'cribn or Peribns aflcHcd a afonfinS, ft^Tvchifi; orjieglcft tf> py the Sum or Sums foaflcOcd, bv the fpace of Twdv'cDays after Dtmand thereof, where no fufljcicnt Diftrct^Tin or may be lounrl, whereby she feme may' be levied 1 ut every hjch Cafe,, you are to epply your fctf unto Two or more of the Afliflbra withm your Town forW arrant to commit fuch Perfon orPerfomto the common Goal, as the Law direib. And where any Periba or Perfons (Hall rvmove from your Town, not having firil paid the rcfpe^ve Sutra or ProiKirtion fet upon him ot them in uid Tax or AficlirBent t you ^n hereby adthorijed and impowcred to demand the Sum or Sunjs tikfTud upon fuch Pcrlbn or Perfons, in what Town or Piacc foever hn £ted oa yOQ. Given under my Hand and Seal at Boftoo, r^ Tenth Day ^/November 1 74.7. In ri^Twcnty-firft Tiarofthe Rcignof our Sovereignl^rdQZO'^Sj^theSuimd;ofG9^k.-x-^yUh\»y ^c. KING. PROVINCIAL TAX-WARRANT NEW ENGLAND ANCESTRY. 25 Pr^imv of the 1 T HO MAS P O W N J L L,^{q^, j^a^ X^ttS=Z5ap,jCaptaii-General and Governor in Chief, in and over H.S M'ajefty's Province of the Maffachufctts- Biiy ivdVeza-Engiand, &c. To -JaT>a/4ar> ffjdfj^ /j^..^^.;,^Greefing. Y Virtue of the Powetiand Authority. inariLl by His Majc(Vj:;s Rojal Commiffion to Me^nnted taiie CapuiaGcnef.il, ij-c. over this His M.^jeft^s Province of die /V£i^-.. clMfdu-Bjy aforefaid, I wo by thefe rrcfenriT Xepofing efpccial Truft and Confidence in yoiir Loyalty. Coutge and good Conilflcr: ) conltitute and appoint You the laid .>l-:i.'/:r„ ^/.-.y?',' /,'V. -. -to be .^Jf.-^^u„/.',,.int .///i, /yjt (f/!,/,/.1v,^ Cr:.'{ jj.'.-/- •¦.<>/"/ A/ /* ! ¦<¦'!. :^J,'.-r/.',. /„/>/¦//'„ .'.-,„yPj,,„f .^/'./,.',yt //mir-zM /.^r '.-.J You 'ttf therefore carefully and ditgenjly to difcharge the Duty of a ,-^//^^.'/i:^ f/u///i^ii/. in leading, ordering and exerciling fid /'">_—<,. .77. COMMISSION OF JONATHAN HODGES, CLOTHIER. Jonathan Hodges, ninth child of Jonathan, thus signed his name v?hen he was captain of a Norton militia company. In these pages he is always called Jonathan Hodges, Junior, to distinguish him from others of the same name. He was born in Norton April 18, 1763, and served in the Revolution in 1779, 1780 and 1781. For his military services he was paid in Continental paper money, which depreciated so rapidly Increafe Sumner, Esq. ^y^// ^M,.^/^ -^ '-'^ 05 Governor- and Commander in Chief of tbe ^ COMMONWEALTH of MASSACHUSETTS. | ?r Y ou being" appointed Ifa/)^.^^ ^.*X,,j;C^^.^':^/?*t^/C^*^-.^-^ O z %Z^.,^^ yd^iif^a^, »5f^./m Divifion ofthe Mmtia of this Comipc 'iZ^.^xi^^ y35^/%ii Divifion ofthe Militia of this Comiponweath. \^ By Virtue ofthe Power^efted in me, I do by thefe Prefents, (repofing fpecial Truft and i^J X Confidence in your Ability,Courag©.and good Conduft) COMMISSION you accordingly: — O ^ You are, therefore, carefully and iHigently to difcharge the Duty of ((^a^y/i-^/^ ^ in Leadiing, Ordering and Exercifing faid Vii^5y?.»<«j< in Arms, both infenor Officers and i-j Q Soldiers ; and to keep them in, good. Order and Difcipfine : and dioy are hereby commanded JO o to obey you as their ?^j->/«",vi -^nd 7°^ ^r^ yourfelf to obferve and follow KJ ^ fuch orders and Inftruiflions, as you fliall from Time to Time receive from me, or your 05 fuperior Officers. ^ GIVEN under my Hand, and the Seal of the faid Commonwealth, the ZtlUTiTit^M^,^^^ Day of Lvi oii^^^ . in the Yea'r_ofour\S>V,V>, M^eP and in lie -AHiii^/L^^fn/^ Tear j/^/ielndepcndcoce oftbt United States of AMERICA. ^^ NEW ENGLAND ANCESTRY. 27 RESIGNATION OF CAPT. JONATHAN HODGES, JR. 28 NEW ENGLAND ANCESTRY. that, according to a statement made by his son, he never realized a cent from it. He married, in 1790, Sarah Danforth, great-granddaughter of Rev. Samuel Danforth of Taunton, bought from his father the homestead farm and the fulling mill in Norton, and died in the year 1814. He was the father of Almon Danforth Hodges, who signed his name as follows : ji^ Q) /^ /iiz^iy/76 V/'MtM^i^ :^7iaf ^ ^y/L^TZOMZ^ ^^^^^9 //le^z/^^r^^ ^ur «'^^i^ ' hav* o^ top, to be drawn ty (y-ru. Lorfe , ibr the convepnce oi ~^Ct^ pCTfon J I for the year to end on the joA «f September, s8oo . iv'PO\ /• y/ Colledor of (he Revenue, io Hi'mfion., Survey, Ns. 3 Majfacbufetu, /^i:^U^Ly^y^6 The following bill for " repairs " of a chaise illustrates the spirit then prevalent of never throwing away as waste any thing, or any part of a thing, which could be utilized : — Taunton 30 June 1798 M"- George Palmer to William Stall D^ £ s d To a New Boddy & Top £ 11-14-0 .... 11-14-0 To painting Boddy 4-10-0 . ' 4-10-0 To Triming Boddy Top 3-12-0 3-12-0 IN EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND ONE. 45 To painting Carrage Weels 1-10-0 . To Repairing harness 1-6-6 . To Ironwork Don for Chais 9/ To Cleaning Top & harness 15/ To a New hind barr 12/ To brass work Don Said Chais 9/ . To Repairing Saddle 12/6 To New Swinggletree 3/ To ]Srew Leathers on bottom Sides Mend Aporn [apron] To triming for Gott [forgotten] 7/6 Cord & threed 1/6 . 1-10-01- 6-6 0- 9-0 0-15-0 0-12-0 0- 9-0 0-12-6 0- 3-0 '0- 1-6 0- 9-0 £26-3-6 Equel to S187-25 Cents Rec* payment in full by me Isaac Stall Sine"^ for Brother SO'i" July 1798 There was no hearse in town until 1804, when the town bought one. Before this last date the dead were carried to their graves, sometimes for distances of several miles, upon the shoulders of men. On December 18, 1789, Jonathan Hodges, Junior, charged Benajah Tucker one shilling " for my hors to Ride Double to your father Tuckers Bureying." There were three militia companies, naturally captained by " Revolutionary heroes," who, on account of the experiences of the country during the Revolution, were strongly in favor of a well-organized militia. The infantry company on the west side of Rumford River was commanded this year first by Captain Jonathan Hodges, Junior, and then by Captain Rufus Hodges ; that on the east side of the river, by Captain Isaac Makepeace ; and the Norton Artillery, by Captain John Gilbert. And of these and other institutions which did or did not exist in the town of Norton in the year of our Lord 1801, more will be said later. A SPECIMEN OF THE LEDGER OF JONATHAN HODGES, SENIOR. (46) A SPECIMEN OF THE LEDGER OF JONATHAN HODGES, SENIOR. (47) AN OLD NEW ENGLANDER CLOTHIER. .^Ij^j^^^^ONATHAN HODGES, Senior, learned the trade ^iy^^^ of clothier in Freetown, Massachusetts. In 1743, ' ' being twenty-one years of age, he married, and the next year he bought a lot of land in Norton, settled there and built there the first fulling mill ever erected in that town. It stood on Goose Brook, near to the road cross ing this stream, in the southerly part of the township not far from the Taunton line, in what is now the village of Barrowsville. Soon after the mill was erected, in consequence of the protest of Judge Leonard, whose land was flowed by the mill pond, the structure was moved down stream some thirty-flve rods, to a spot where the remains of the dam are still (1909) visi ble, close to the bridge of the railroad from Attleborough to Taunton. In 1788 Jonathan Hodges sold the mill, with the land, shop, etc., to his son, Jonathan Hodges, Junior, who carried on the business until his death. After his decease the mill building was moved near the highway and converted into a dwelling house, in which Sarah Caswell, the elder daughter of Jonathan Hodges, Junior, lived for some years with her family. It now forms a part of the ell of the house of Mr. George H. Arnold — who purchased the estate in 1851 — its oak timbers being as sound and strong as when they were first hewn more than a century and a half ago. Woollen cloth, as is well known, shrinks and thickens — that is, " fulls " — when it is wetted, unless it has been pre viously treated. The shrinking is hastened if the wet cloth is beaten or pounded. The fulling mill is a machine used for performing this operation. It is employed also for washing and cleaning, or " scouring," cloth. Jonathan Hodges utilized (48) AN OLD NEW ENGLANDER CLOTHIER. 49 the mill likewise to " break " hides, that is, to moisten and soften the hides preparatory to removing the hair and tanning. In the olden days every New England town had one or more of these mills, which were so common that no one, so THE OLD FULLING MILL. far as I have been able to learn, thought it worth while to de scribe them. They were necessarily simple machines, since they were made by the farmer himself, with the exception of the ironwork. They may have differed somewhat in different 50 AN OLD NEW ENGLANDER CLOTHIER. localities, but probably were fashioned after the same general pattern. What is here described is that which was used in the town of Norton. In my search for information concern ing it, I have been materially aided by my friends. General Henry C. Hodges of the United States Army, retired, Mr. William H. Tolhurst of Pittsfield, Massachusetts, and Mr. George O. Kilbourne of San Francisco, California, formerly of Hydeville, Vermont. The mill consisted essentially of a wooden box or trough in which swung to and fro, alternately, a pair of wooden ham mers, as may be seen in the accompanying illustration. The hammer-heads were solid wooden blocks, approximately a foot wide, a foot and a half high, three feet long at the bottom which was rounded from front to back, and a foot and a half long at the top. These dimensions were more or less variable. The sloping front was shaped into a series of small horizontal steps, so to speak. These hammer-heads were suspended on stout wooden arms or handles, seven to ten feet long or thereabouts, which were pivoted at their top ends, and were connected by horizontal pitmen, or con necting rods, with a crankshaft which was actuated by a water-wheel. The hammer-heads fitted closely into the wooden trough, the upper surface of whose bottom was curved to correspond vsdth the bottom of the hammer-heads. The sides of the trough were formed by planks, some of which could be removed for the convenience of the work man. The cloth was saturated with hot soap-suds — or possibly a solution of fuller's earth or other suitable substance — and thrown into the trough in front of the slanting faces of the hammer-heads. As these heads alternately moved backwards and forwards, the cloth was beaten and tossed about and rolled over and over until it was sufficiently fulled. Then it was taken out and washed, or perhaps clean water was run into the trough to wash it while the mill continued its opera- AN OLD NEW ENGLANDER CLOTHIER. 51 tion. The process of soaping and beating and washing could be repeated if necessary. The cloth was then tentered, or stretched between two horizontal beams (supported on vertical posts) to which it was attached by means of tenterhooks, and left to dry in the air. After this it was carded, by being hung in a vertical po sition and combed by hand with a tool resembling a curry comb. This operation raised up the nap or loose fibre on the surface of the cloth, which now was laid on a table — whose top was covered by cloth or padding — and the nap clipped, or sheared, with long hand-shears, so as to make a smooth surface. It took much skill to shear well by hand. In his later years Jonathan Hodges, Junior, used one of the early shearing machines which worked the shears by machinery. The final operation was pressing. The piece of heated cloth was folded, a sheet of glazed paper being laid between each fold, placed in a screw press and subjected to strong pressure. This was usually done twice, the creases of the folds being placed, the second time, between the sheets of press-paper. When cloth was dyed in the piece, this process seems to have been performed usually after fulling and before tenter- ing or carding. The 'article was immersed in dye solutions held in iron or brass kettles which were heated with wood or charcoal. Jonathan Hodges, Junior, like his father, made his own dyes. The dyestuffs which he bought and entered in his ledger — not a long list — and some of the prices which he paid, were as follows : Alum, 8^ to 12J cts. per lb. Fustic, 5J to 8J cts. per lb. Ashes, about 12J cts. per bu. Indigo, $1.50 to $2.25 per lb. Blue Yitriol. Floating indigo, $4.67 per lb. Bran. Lime, 76 cts. to $1.00 per bu. Camwood, 20 cts. per lb. Logwood, 3 to 8J cts. per lb. Copperas, 5J to 8-J cts. per lb. Potash. 52 AN OLD NEW ENGLANDER CLOTHIER. Redwood, 10 to 12J cts. per lb. Vinegar, 12J to 33^ cts. per gal. Sumac bark. Vitriol compound, $2.00 to $2.67 Verdigris, 8J cts. per oz. per lb. And he also bought constantly brimstone for bleaching, and soap (11 to 22 cts. per gallon) for fulling. The colors which he produced, some now rare or unknown, were : — black, blue, navy blue, Prussian blue, British mud, camwood, cinnamon, dark cinnamon, crocus, dove, drumhead, fustic, dark fustic, green, bottle green, olive green, dark olive green, lead, London brown, London brown with camwood, London smoke, London weed, peach-bloom, pearl, red, slate, smoke, snuff, snuff-brown, yellow. The four following receipts for dyeing are copied from a paper written by Jonathan Hodges, Junior. [1] To Make a Compound for Blew And green Powder 1 ounce of good Spanash flot [float or floating] Indego fine Sift it threw agoas Sfie [a gauze sieve] in a New arthon Point Mug [earthen pint mug] ad 6 ounces of good oyle of Vitrei ad 1 ounce of Slacked Lyme that is Not over Keene Sift your Lyme ad this Stur your Compound 2 houres this is fited [fitted] for youce [use] Let your mug Be new [and] Clean frome Nasteness. [2] To Colar green on 20 yards of thin Cloath or 10 of thicke Scowar your Copper Cleen and your "Winles [windlass ?] ad in 1 Barel of Warter ad 1 Pound of alom ad in 1 half Pecke of Wheat Brand make your Lyker [liquor] to Boyle then Run and CooU 2 houres then heve out your Lyker and rence your Cloath fill up as much Warter as before ad 3 Pound of forsticke [fustic] Boyle this three houres heve out your Chips [of fustic] Let your Lyker Cool Down then run your Cloath then Bring It to a Boyle and so ground up to a good Yalow [yellow] To Saden of [sadden ofE or shade] to a green ad into your Dy as much of your Compound a Bove as you Can hold on your Stur- ing [stirring] Sticke Stur up your Dye well and so Run and ad your Stuf untill you have got a good green. [3] To Colar a Prushen Blew 20 yards of thin Cloath or 10 of thicke Make 1 Barel of Warter Scalden hot ad your Blewen as in a green Dye Worke as to Saden of a green untill you houe [have] got yor Colar To your Mind after Colard ad one ounce of Potash rund in this twice and so Don. AN OLD NEW ENGLANDER CLOTHIER. 53 [4] To Colar a Lite Sinmon [cinnamon] Colar on 20 yards of thin Cloath or 10 yards of thicke ad 1 Barel of Warter ad 1 galon of good Sharpe Vinager run and Cool in this 2 houres then heve out your Lyker ad 1 Barel of Warter ad Shewmake [sumac] Chips the Barke of 15 Pound Boyle 2 houres then Give up agrownding in this Dye after grownding heve Out your Chips ad to 4 quarts of Lyme one Pale of your Lyker Stur up your Dye after Leting stand half an hour Saden of with this and so Don. The fulling mill of Jonathan Hodges, Junior, was in the rear of his dwelling house. His shop was at the side of his house and near the road. The inventory, taken after his death, of materials in this shop, included the following articles : Clothiers Shearing machine $50.00 Clothiers Shears $7.00. Clothiers Cutting Knife 60 cts. . 7.50 Clothiers screw & plate . 15.00 Clothiers press paper ........ 4.00 one brass dye kettle $18.00. old brass kettle .•J5.00 . . 23.00 one iron dye kettle ......... 5.00 Scale & weights 33 cts. Shop tongs 33 cts. Shop bellows $2.00 2.66 Shop desk with Sundry tools . . . . . . .3.00 dye wood & copperas . 6.00 He treated, in his mill and shop, the articles sent him to one oi more of the processes of bleaching, scouring, shrink ing, fulling, tentering, dyeing, carding, stiffening [silk gowns] , shearing, pressing. The articles which came to him as a clothier for treatment were various. They were, as designated by Mm, baize, bear skin cloth, bed blanketting, chaise lining, cloaks, cloak lining, cloth [ordinary woollen cloth], coats, coat lining, coat pat terns, coverlids, curtains, flannel, fringe, gloves, habits [riding habits], jane [cotton jean], josey [jersey cloth], kerseymere [cassimere], lambskin cloth, pantaloons, ribbon, riding hoods, silk gowns, silk veils, skirts, small clothes [knee- breeches], stockings, surtouts, velvet, westcoats [waistcoats], westcoat patterns, worsted yarn. "Si^X^ ^>s g^' cN)r4 ^ '^ "^^^ViOoQ c><^^c.<;^c^^/^ ^ «i 6 CO ^ ^t) «5^ti^^^ o/ ^ ^ Al^ ^ ^ ^ .^^ "^^ \. . u t A SPECIMEN OF THE LEDGER OF JONATHAN HODGES, JUNIOR. (54) V PiSf'--^^ twain b;;^ r^ ^^ ^3 Co^.. %^ ^ ^ ON ::: K l,f»\ -o-0m > 73T\O33 DCH -¦< Ovwvvvvv>iw%w»vvvvwvvvtvvvvw»*v>«*'>~»*'''***'"*^'***'' iVVMVWtlvamAAIWVMIMVVVVMIWAIVVVVVWMWMNAlVMinA ®Dms>^siir ©laiDiiiB^o Mr. ej^r '^/t^^ i^J^.^^^>^ BOSTON, SEPT. 14, 1819. ^ YOU being duly enrolled in the Infantry Company, under the command of Capt EPHRAIM HARRINGTON, are hereby notified, and ordered to appear at the usual - t)lace of parade, in front of Mr. Luther Parker's house, Orai^e Street, on MONDAY, W>e YOl precisely wait further orders. By orderi>f the Captain .0. S. & CLERK, ^./i^^S>.://^^^ BOSTON, ,j;2j:5^ry;r^ ^ command of S^e^if ''" '"^d'^lt'fi d '. '^^^^^ ^OMPANY. under the I X^n^ <}0 o •'''^''''*^*^^^^^ - appear at the company parade, the "^ rects for yy^^^^^""- "^"^-IIZ":^ : 7r-^™ed and equipt as the law di- have forfeited for non-appearance on said day C^ — g^ 1^ Jieccived the above forfeiluie. i^ wiSsrrrty1^^fr!rtre1:;':;^:iS acomplai„. before a justice ofthe Peace, tore, you pay the above, withi^ tta^^im/'fhT "?'' P^f'on J^^o shall incur a forfeiture ; unless there! o CLERIC. S o ai2 104 APPRENTICE DATS. A third notice, received in the Spring of 1820, obtained my prompt attention. It read as foUows : — ^ fB o o S^ sua 0 3 ?a so D 5-^ < C — '% JJ,'* SOS "^ 5" '^ ^ 2 C no ^¦'-. Orf-o "^: ;s Si ¦^•o-oo'^ ^^.vsvj » »'!i*. = 'a •^a¦ S¦5=::^«=«l^S-Sr5S• ^ x» *^ ^ "^ ^ *^ is S- tSo s-a-B-Q-S, p = ®^T, - s 2. -, _ s p"^ 5 ce, . ¦* B « ij a S p =- — 2 a ° O. 2 i> s" 5 S- o^ — ja (^ "o s — • - c "' s* s^. 2 n p -,j- 5- „ ^ " ts « § ^ S' < o ® o c* 1: 3 g = .—13 CB.-"' p s -^ a, 2- i=s r- ft. q- 2. T ** ^-^ •^ Dp ^- EC -? CD . ® ^ s <-. c; "-^ ^ o PS -J P a. Of " 1 3 ^ f* 5 » O^ 3 2 » _ B B i* B (« c a--« o p. 00tso Accordingly on May 2, 1820, I made my first appearance on the field as a soldier, having been furnished at the store APPRENTICE DAYS. 106 with the lawful equipment, which included a large old- fashioned musket, weighing about ten pounds, of the kind called "the old Queen's arms." At this period all men of the age of eighteen to forty-five, with some exceptions, were obliged to " bear arms," as it was termed ; and those who did not do duty in a volunteer or " independent " company, were " warned " to " train " in a " standing " or " ward " militia company. Our captain's company, nicknamed " Silver Heels " and " South-end Rakes," was a mixed and motley crew. His " beat " extended over a large territory and included all South Boston, whose residents at this time were largely brickmakers. As these came on the ground in their working dress, we were very fortunate if at the end of the drill we were not well " clayed up." We South End boys generally managed to get together in the ranks without regard to our heights. The trainings were apt to be complete burlesques, and were abolished in Massachusetts in 1835, I think. But we enjoyed them greatly, as they were always occasions for much sport and laughter. Captain Harrington was most pleasant and amiable, and not very particular about sizing his company ; and if one soldier very short stood beside another very tall, this did not appear to him to be a matter of much moment. The next year a number of the young men at the South End decided that it would be decidedly pleasanter and altogether better to train by themselves. This decision resulted in the formation of a company called, first. The Suffolk Light Infantry, and a little later. The Boston City Guards. On the first day of May, 1821, in an old red store occupied by Savels & Reynolds and situated in front of the gas house on the Neck, I drew up a proposition for an Independent Company. The heading of the paper read nearly as fol lows : — 106 APPRENTICE DAYS. We the Undersigned agree to form an Independent Company to be raised by the Young Men at the South End of Boston, Pro vided a Sufficient Number of Signatures can be obtained. We further agree that one object in forming this association is to raise a Company to be conducted upon the most economical Plan. It is understood that the Uniform is to be Dark Blue Coats, White pants and the Common Hats. The paper was signed by about forty persons, of whom only about seventeen became afterwards active members of the corps. Our first meeting was held on May 15, at William Fenno's eating house on School Street. I was elected chair man, and although vnthout previous experience, managed to direct the proceedings satisfactorily. About twenty-five signers to the paper were present. A committee, consisting of John A. Savels (chairman), A. D. Hodges and John Marsh, was appointed to draw up a petition to the Governor and Council for a charter, and was requested to secure the approval of the project by Col. Samuel H. Parker and other officers of the 3rd regiment of militia. John A. Savels, who was indefatigable in his efforts to make the project a success, drew up the petition, which re ceived over fifty signatures. The committee visited Colonel Parker and the other field officers of his regiment, and ob tained their assent and aid. Then the committee, supported by others who were interested, went before the Governor and Council, and were granted a charter for The Suffolk Light Infantry. In August, 1821, the West Point Cadets, under command of Major Worth, visited Boston, and their arrival increased the military ardor of the young men here. The corps en camped on Faxon's Hill, Roxbury, on the south side of what is now Tremont Street. Their camp was just opposite the famous Brinley place, where General Henry Dearborn then resided, and where the Church of Our Lady of Perpetual Help APPRENTICE DAYS. 107 now stands.* A number of us visited their camp and studied their drill and discipline. And such drill ! such discipline ! They were a revelation to us. After the charter had been obtained, a committee was ap pointed to nominate the commissioned officers. This com mittee, consisting of John A. Savels, Amos Cummings and John Whitney, called on John Farrel, Jr., a sergeant of the Winslow Blues, and offered him the command ; but after deliberation this gentleman declined the proposition to be come a candidate for the captaincy. Then the committee waited on John S. Tyler, orderly sergeant of the Boston Light Infantry. He consented, and also suggested the names of William A. Dickerman and of Henry A. Huggeford (a corporal of his company) for the offices of lieutenant and of ensign. The committee nominated all three. On the evening of September 21, the company was called together at Fenno's for the election of ofiicers. Lieutenant- colonel Ralph Huntington of the 3rd Regiment presided, and Adjutant Richardson acted as recorder. The following were elected unanimously: John S. Tyler, captain; William A. Dickerman, lieutenant ; Henry A. Huggeford, ensign. Captain Tyler was notified of his election, and being brought to the meeting, made a patriotic speech in his usual happy manner. The company then elected the following warrant officers : John Marsh, 1st sergeant ; John A. Savels, 2d do. ; Amos Cummings,! 3d do. ; Almon D. Hodges, 4*^ do.; James Cush ing, 1st corporal ; John Whitney, 2d do. ; Isaac Nevers, 3d do. ; Wm. E. Chamberlain, 4-ih do. * A detailed description of the Brinley place and an account of this visit of the West Point Cadets are given in Drake's Town of Boxbury, pages 326 to 337. 1 1868, April 24. Died this day in Boston Amos Cummings, president of the Boylston Bank, the last survivor (except myself) of the non commissioned officers of the old City Guards in 1822. [Journal of A. D. B.} 108 APPRENTICE DAYS. OQ O o The three first-named officers received their commissions on Saturday, September 22 ; and on the following Monday the company turned out in citizen's dress in the Boston brigade for inspection and review. Now began a series of frequent drills and exercises and marches, — these last sometimes extending over a space of several days, — by which the company was brought rapidly into excellent military shape. APPRENTICE DAYS. 109 On October 13, it was voted to adopt the uniform of gray coat, white pants and cap with plume,* after the fashion of the West Point Cadets. On March 4, 1822, by unanimous vote the name of the company was changed from The Suffolk Light Infantry to The City Guards, under which appellation it had a long and successful career. [At the time of the Civil War it formed the nucleus of the 13th Massachusetts Infantry, a gallant three-years regiment.] The City Guards made their first appearance in public on April 17, 1822, when they acted as escort at the funeral of General Porter. They made their first public parade on May 1, 1822, under command of Captain Tyler, with the Brigade Band, at the inauguration of Boston's first mayor, John Phillips. They were all young men, the captain, who was 26 years of age, being the eldest. There were seventy-five men present, who turned out as a battalion, and I acted as captain of the fourth company. After the parade the company dined at the Exchange Coffee House by invitation of the commis sioned officers. On August 26, Mr. Benjamin P. Homer of Beacon Street presented us with a standard, after which we marched through Roxbury, stopping at the residence of General Dearborn, and encamped for the night at Brighton. The next day we marched to Cambridge, where we had a public drill on the Common, and thence marched back to headquarters in Boston. I was a very enthusiastic member of the corps and very constant in my attendance at drills and parades. I took every occasion to improve myself in military knowledge, and to test my acquirements and ability. I often visited and studied the encampments of other companies. On Independence Day, * The expense account of A. D. H. contains these items : For uniform coat, $12.50; for pantaloons, $8.00; for City Guard cap, 14.25; for plume, $3.25 ; for sword belt, $1.50. 110 APPRENTICE DAYS. 1822, being in Norton with my uniform, I gladly accepted the invitation of Captain Perry* to act as adjutant, and form ing the Norton Artillery Company in battalion order, with them escorted the procession to the Meeting-House, where Laban M. Wheaton delivered an oration. Perhaps if I were to live my life over again, I should have doubts as to the wisdom of devoting so much time to military matters as I did while a member of the City Guards. Yet I did not join the company merely for the purpose of amuse ment, but with the earnest intention of learning the duties of a citizen soldier. My father sought constantly by precept and example to imbue the minds of his children with correct ideas of their duties to their neighbors and to their country. He had shown his own loyalty by service in the Revolution, a fact of which we were very proud, and he believed strongly in a well-drilled militia. I loved and respected my father, and was influenced greatly by his teachings. And I am quite sure that I benefitted much by the drill and discipline, and by my association with members of this fine company, many of whom afterwards achieved high rank and reputation both in civil life and in the military service of their country. On February 24, 1823, the City Guards celebrated Wash ington's Birth Day by a splendid ball at the Marlboro Hotel. On account of my proposed removal from Boston, I felt that probably this would be my last meeting with the company, and, determined to make the best of it, I danced every dance and enjoyed myself thoroughly. On January 25, 1822, occurred my twenty-first birthday. To some friends who called on me in the evening I gave a supper of poached eggs. * 1873, Sept. 8. Died in Norton, Sept. 4, Lemuel Perry, aged 91 years and 11 months. He was captain of the old Norton Artillery Company in 1822, when, acting as adjutant, I drilled the company in dress parade. This was then something new. I saw it on Boston Common a few days previous, done by the West Point Cadets. [Journal of A. D. H.] APPRENTICE DAYS. Ill For more than a year I had concerned myself somewhat with political matters, had attended several caucuses, and had taken especial interest in two subjects then under discus sion : the revision of the State Constitution, and the adoption of a city government by Boston. On March 4, 1822, I cast my first vote, which was in favor of adopting a city govern ment. On the first day of April following I voted again, casting my ballot for John Brooks and William Phillips, the Federal candidates for governor and lieutenant-governor, who were elected. After I had passed my twenty-first milestone, I began to think that it was getting high time for me to begin business on my own account, and before I had finished my twenty- second mUe my mind was pretty well made up on this point. My Providence friend, John J. Stimson, and I had talked over the subject together, and in the beginning of the year 1823 were well on the way towards forming a business co partnership. Mr. George Gilbert, my former master, had been unfortunate in business during recent years. Early in 1820 he had suspended and at the end of 1822 he failed. Mr. Stimson was winding up the business, and it seemed to us both that this would be a favorable time and place for us to make a start. I had written to Mr. Stimson on hearing the news of Mr. Gilbert's failure, and in reply received the fol lowing letter : — Pkovidbncb, Jany 2, 1822. Friend Hodges : Your fav'. 28 Dec. was rec^ in due season. As it respects capi tal &c. I can say no more than 1 told you when in Boston. That is that my Capital is but little over $1000. If my partner had any more than myself I should of course expect to pay him such Interest as to make it even. If less, I should expect the same of him. I think that business may be done to a profit in this store with a Capital of only $2000, and a capital of 5 or 6 thousand may also be profitably employed. I presume M. Lincoln has told you the 112 APPRENTICE DAYS. situation of affairs & that I am bringing Mr. Gilbert's business to a close as fast as possible. If I take the store I shall probably have to begin to pay rent as soon or very soon after his goods are out. Of course it wUl be necessary to come to some conclusion before a great while. If you can conclude what you will be able to do, and what wilUng to do, even if you did not come until spring, I might set the mUl to running slowly and keep myself busy through the winter. The main object at present is to conclude upon something, for if I do not have the store the owner will want to let some one else have it, for she is poor and wants all the rent she can get. Yours in haste J. J. Stimson. N. B. Please write as soon as possible by mail. On the 27th of January, with my friend John Marsh, I drove in a chaise to Providence, starting at five o'clock in the morning and arriving at noon. Mr. Stimson and I discussed the matter at length, and came to a detailed agreement to form a partnership, provided that J. D. & M. Williams would release me on or about the first of April from my engagement with them which did not terminate until July. I returned to Boston the next afternoon and very soon was talking over the subject with my employers. I had no difficulty at all in effecting an arrangement. They met me in the kindliest spirit, inquired into all the details of my plan, agreed with me that the time was favorable and the chances of success good, gave me excellent advice, showed that they regarded my interests as more important than any inconveniences which might result to them, and waiving any rights of their own, gave me full permission to leave their employ at the time selected by Mr. Stimson and myself. Moreover, of their own accord, knowing my lack of funds, they offered to loan me one thousand dollars without security if I should desire this. APPRENTICE DAYS. 113 I notified i\Ir. Stimson of the result, and soon after he wrote me as follows : Providence, Pebv 11, 1823. Z>'' Sir. Agreeably to our former arrangement I sold out Mr. G=. stock last Wednesday and took possession of the store yesterday for acc't of Stimson & Hodges. Our good friend Bowen found out by some means or other that we had some dependence upon having the store, and took it into his wise head to raise the rent 20 Dollars, and said that if we did not take it at that price, there was another man ready to take it. Finally I concluded that I would not let 20 Dollars prevent our commencing business and told him I would take it. Yours in haste John J. Stimson. N. B. I am going to Norton to-morrow and shall sell that stock on Tuesday next. Please write me at Norton. I intended leaving Boston on April 1, but the night before such a deep snow fell (about 3 feet) that it was feared the coaches would not get through, and so my journey was post poned untU. April 3, when I started in the stage for Provi dence to begin business there. The company in the coach was jovial, and I was commencing a new life ; yet I was in low spirits — a condition unusual with me. For I was leav ing the best of employers with whom I had lived nearly five happy years, during which I had been treated always with the greatest kindness and consideration, more indeed like a son than an apprentice. But I did not weaken in my resolution, nor in any way doubt the wisdom of my action ; and I entered Providence without any fears as to the future success of the new firm of Stimson & Hodges. Postscripts. A. 1863, Feb. 8. Died in Brookline [Mass.] this day, Hon. Nathan Hale, aged 79. He published the Weekly Messenger, the first newspaper which I ever read. [Journal of A. D. IP\ 114 APPRENTICE DAYS. [The Boston Weekly Messbngee was an octavo periodical, with no advertisements, provided with an Index at the end of the year, and was published by Nathan Hale at the office of the Bos ton Daily Advertiser, No. 8, Congress Street, at the time referred to. The terms were $2 J per annum if paid in advance ; otherwise $3.] B. New England Galaxy. Boston: PubHshed every Fri day evening by Joseph T. Buckingham, No. 4, Spear's Building, Congress-street, corner of Lindall-street. Terms — Three Dollars a Year, — One Dollar for three Months, — payable in Advance. Two of the contributions by A. D. H., referred to in the preceding account of his life in Boston, are here given : MAncH 1, 1822. OH I CKUEL. Oh ! Cetjel is the mill-dam that keeps the water out. And cruel are the South-enders who do not make a ' rout ; ' Oh I cruel is the dust that about our noses blows, For what will become of us the D — 1 only knows. Tol rol loo rol loo, &c. Ob ! cruel is the Corporation that does not mind our cries, And cruel is the dust that fills brimful! our eyes; If they do not let the water in, why prosecute we must, For not a ' fardin ' do they care if we're buried in the dust. Tol rol, &c. Oh ! cruel is the fate of all at the South End, We're always curs'd with something, our ' ways ' we never mend; With dead clams, vaults, and burying grounds our noses are regaled. And now to top the climax, the flats we have inhaled. Tol rol loo, &c. Gas Kill Btjffum. Washington-street, Feb. 25. APPRENTICE DAYS. 115 Nov. 29, 1822. Me. Editor, The recent great race at Washington* reminds me of one of equal importance that took place some years ago in this State. There was a pm-se made up of ten dollars (not $10,000) and was to be run for by two animals that might vie with the one that the renowned squire Sancho Panza rode. The day arrived, the nags were brought on to the ground, there also appeared another can didate for the purse. Some roguish boys had brought on to the race ground a good-natured Hog, " all saddled and bridled, fit for the fight," to enter the list. A debate arose among the " Jockey Club " whether Hog had a right to run with Horse. It was finally concluded that he had a perfect right to contend for the purse, being regularly entered. The distance to be run was eighty rods ; the time arrived, all three of the riders were mounted and ready — curiosity was on the tiptoe — bets were four to one against Hog — a hat was thrown into the air as the signal — the nags Bob and Jennie and Hog stai'ted together — the nags were put to their utmost speed, so was Hog ; it was soon discovered that the nags were gaining ground of Hog, Bob being the foremost ; the lash and spur were dealt un sparingly, when as cruel fate would have it. Bob stumbled and fell, Jennie being directly in his wake, pitched over him and measured her length on the ground, and amidst the huzzas and shouts of the multitude, Hog gained the race ! Gas Kill Bufpum. * The race between two noted horses, Eclipse and Sir Charles, one con sidered as representing New York and the other Virginia, formed one of the newspaper sensations of the day. An exciting contest had been anticipated, but Sir Charles had strained the sinews in one of his fore legs and was easily beaten. BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 'he firm of Stimson & Hodges, grocers, began business with a large capital of brains, character and attractive personality, and a small capital of cash — just twelve hundred dollars. The cash capital of the junior partner consisted of his savings during his apprenticeship. He had not then received a cent from his father's estate, which, through injudicious management, decreased greatly in value. " My share," he wrote at a later date, " was paid to me in two or three installments, the last payment being made about 1845. The whole amount re ceived by me amounted to about $300, and was invested by me in a tea-set which cost $310." Both members had vvide acquaintance, useful experience and good credit. The senior partner, 24 years old, had had a training of seven or eight years with a concern which had prospered and then failed, and he had benefitted by both the successes and the mistakes of his employer. The business education of the junior partner, now 22 years of age, has been indicated in the preceding pages. The two worked together most harmoniously,* and the firm was successful from the start. * 1860, Jan'y 20. John Jones Stimson, aged 61, my dear old friend and former partner, died this morning at half-past one, without previous warning and after only a few moinents of distress. He was born June 11, 1798. We were in business in Providence from February, 1823, to February, 1845, a period of 22 years, and probably no copartnership was ever more pleasant and happy. I have no recollection of a single harsh word, or of any unpleasant circumstance to be remembered over night, during our whole business life. He was one of nature's noblemen, a strictly honest and faithful man and, I believe, a true Christian. [Jour nal of A. D. H.] (116) UNION BUILDING, PROVIDENCE, IN 1870. Formerly occupied by Stimson & Hodges. BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 117 " We commenced business in a wooden store (owned by Peddy Bowen of Norton) which stood on the south corner of Leonard and South Water Streets. We were very prudent in all our expenses. For board and washing we paid |2.50 per week each. Our store rent was about $200 per annum. I think our whole stock in trade never averaged during the first year over i|3,000 at any one time. When we completed our first account of stock (about Feb. 14, 1824), we were pleased to ascertain that, after paying all our store expenses, which amounted to less than $400, and our personal ex penses, which were less than $300 apiece, we had made clear about $900, or $450 each. On May 22, 1824, we moved to another wooden store on the opposite (or northwesterly) side of Leonard Street, owned by Dr. William Bowen. Our lease, which had about ten months to run, was bought of us for $300, which sum was more than the whole amount of rent that we had paid for the fourteen months during which we had been in business." * In December, 1824, the firm moved to No. 2 Market Street, in the east end of the Union Building. In January, 1828, another move was made to No. 6 Market Street (also in the Union Building) which had been occupied by the Merchants Bank. The final change was to Nos. 9 and 11 South Main Street, "the old Dr. Bowen store," at the foot of College Street, in the building which still stands, but with its north erly side sliced off for the convenience of traffic. Here the firm remained during the last twelve years of its existence, paying an annual rent of six hundred dollars. The business grew rapidly, spreading all over the State of Rhode Island and into many parts of Connecticut and Massa chusetts and some parts of Maine and New York ; into New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and as far South certainly as * Kecollections of A. D. H. 118 BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. Georgia,* perhaps farther. The capital doubled itself the first year, and doubled itself again during the next two years. In seven years it was eleven times the original amount, and in 1837 it was nearly twenty-one times what it was in the beginning. The year 1837 was one of very great disaster in commercial circles throughout the United States, one of the most disastrous ever known in our country, and it was fol lowed by a number of hard years. f Stimson & Hodges suffered of course ; their capital was decreased nearly two thousand five hundred dollars ; and the net yearly profit, after deducting the family expenses of the partners as well as the store expenses, fell from ten thousand dollars to one half of that amount. But the house was not seriously damaged and soon recovered from the eflPects of the panic, although its operations were never thereafter so profitable as in some pre vious years. This, however, was due in part to other than purely business reasons. J * 1876, Oct. 4. Died in Assonet [in Freetown, Mass.] on the 29th of September, Captain George Dean, aged 80 years. He formerly com manded a sloop and during a number of years carried goods from Provi dence to our customers in Darien, Georgia. [Journal of A. D. H.] t 1837, May 10. This day will be long remembered by the people of these United States as an important epoch. This day the banks in New Tork suspended specie payments. May 11. On receipt of the news from New Tork by steamboat this day, the Providence banks also suspended specie payments; and it seems that the banks throughout this Republic are stopping or will stop. 1838, Aug. 13. The banks in Rhode Island, and in New England gen erally, resume specie payments. 1839, Oct. 10. News of the suspension of specie payments by the United States Bank at Philadelphia. Oct. 11. And by the Philadelphia and Baltimore banks. Oct. 15. The Providence banks voted to suspend. Dec. 10. Resumption of specie payments by the banks in Providence after a suspension since October 16. [Journal A. D. H.] t As illustrating the way in which young men with small capital were able to start and grow in business in the ante-bellum days, some figures relating to the financial standing of Stimson & Hodges are given in Appendix IV. MARKET SQUARE, PROVIDENCE, 1844. (From an old wood-cut.) BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 119 In carrying on the business the junior partner seems to have done the greater part of the outside work — making purchases, drumming up customers, looking after question able accounts, and the like. His genial manner and quick and kindly humor made him a general favorite, and these qualities, combined with a reputation of fair dealing, enabled him to carry through without friction many transactions which required judicious handling, such as collecting a debt or cor recting a misunderstanding. He had a happy faculty of ter minating a discussion by an unexpectedly humorous and apt rejoinder to an argument, which compelled his opponent to laugh — possibly to blush — and brought about a friendly agreement. Moreover he had an extraordinarily good memory for persons and places. As a rule, when he had talked with a person once, on their next meeting, although years might have elapsed in the interval, he could call him by name and tell when, where and under what circumstances they had come together previously. He knew the persons and the financial standing of all his customers, and also of his prin cipal competitors, throughout a wide extent of territory. It was his custom to note in his Journal the deaths of those persons whom he had known, generally with some brief re mark in each case. He made more than twenty-five hundred entries of this kind. Three of them written within three weeks of his decease, indicate the strength of liis memory at the age of seventy-seven : 1878, Sept. 9. Died this day in Worcester, the oldest native- born citizen of the place. General Nathan Heard, aged 88 years & 6 months. I became acquainted with him on July 4, 1829, when I visited Worcester with the Providence Light Infantry as their Commissary. He was then of the firm of Heard & Estabrooks, which thereafter was a customer of Stimson & Hodges. 1878, Sept. 14. Died in Attleboro, Mass. Sept. 10, Godfrey Wheelock, aged 73 years, 10 months, 10 days, an old customer of Stimson & Hodges. 120 BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 1878, Sept. 20. I received this day from Joseph W. Clark the information that Mrs. Enoch W. Clark (Sarah Dodge Clark) died on the 6th day of February last, her age being 71 yrs., 10 mos., 6 ds. She was an old acquaintance. I remember waiting upon both herself and her sister, Susan Dodge Mudge, to the ball of the First Light Infantry in Providence on the Sth of January, 1825. The managers of a successful mercantile enterprise natu rally are chosen to aid in the direction of other business operations in which they are interested. The junior partner, besides holding other less prominent positions, was a director of the Weybosset Bank of Providence for ten years, from 1833 to 1843, when he resigned, being at once elected a director of the National Bank, and holding this office until he moved to Boston. A bank director in those days seems to have had more varied duties than are imposed on him at the present time. At least this bank director inscribed in his Journal accounts of various trips made, on bank business, to collect debts, institute legal proceedings, act as receiver in cases of bank ruptcy, attend sessions of the Legislature when bills affecting banks were being discussed, and for other purposes. On some occasions he acted as bank messenger, once bringing from Boston sixteen thousand dollars in gold for the Weybosset Bank. In 1836 he invested three thousand dollars (and at least as much again in the next three or four years) in the rapidly growing western territory. A considerable portion of this investment was in the stock of the Delavan Association, which developed the township of Delavan in Illinois. While it is not recorded in his Journal that he held office in this association, whose headquarters were in Taunton, yet he frequently attended its meetings and was active in the finan cial management of its affairs. In 1842 he started on a jour ney with the intention of inspecting the western lands in BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 121 which he and his associates were pecuniarily interested ; but proceeding first, for commercial reasons, in a southerly direc tion, he abandoned his original project when he reached Wash ington, D. C. Exactly thirteen years later to a day, on May 22, 1855, he recommenced tliis journey and this time com pleted it. Although always intensely interested in politics, he was strongly averse to holding political ofiice. He always voted if it was possible, even when it was necessary to make a jour ney for the purpose. The suffrage he deemed a most impor tant privilege, and on the few occasions when he was unable to cast his ballot, he noted the fact and the reason in his Journal.* He was constant in attendance on political meet ings, often presided, and several times went as a delegate to conventions. He was repeatedly offered a nomination, and his popularity was so great that he could easily have attained to high office ; but only twice in his life did he accept the offer. In 1844, after the Dorr War in Rhode Island, — per haps the most exciting event in the local history of that State, when calm and wise action on the part of the legislature seemed especially important, — he consented to be a candi date for membership, from Providence, in the General Assem bly. He was elected and served out his term, making his mark and being appointed chairman of several important commit tees, and then, things having calmed down, declined another nomination. In 1856, when the Republican party, fighting for principles which he earnestly advocated, was in a minority and his de feat was practically certain, he ran for the legislature in Massachusetts. He lost the election, " very much to my comfort." But when immediately thereafter he was offered * 1838, April 12. Taken sick with inflammatory rheumatism and con fined to the bed nearly five weeks. April 18, Election Day. Did not vote — the first time since I have had the privilege of voting [i. e., during 16 years]. 122 BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. the nomination on the Republican and American tickets for Mayor of Roxbury, with good chances of success, he " posi tively declined." ^..r^. ^.^»,„,~.Tr^..^„ His political convictions CITY CONVENTION, ^ RHODE-ISLAND TICKET row. and he never was a 1844. FOR SENATOR, J1IjBEM.T C, GJREEJVEi TOR REPRESENTATIVES, ^SEK ALDRICH, SAMUEL. AMES, STEPHEN BKAKCII, JABEZ GORHAM, ALMOIV D. HODGES, SHVRAEL HUTCHIKS, JAMES T. RHODES, WILLIAM SHELDOIV) JAMES Y. SaUTH, OLIVER E. TABEK» ISAAC THITRBER, BrFlJS WATERMAN. A SUCCESSFUL TICKET. row, mere partisan. Unswerv ing loyalty to the govern ment and obedience to the law formed apparently the first article of his creed, and the next was helpful kindness to his fellows. To be a good citizen, he declared, one must be a good neighbor. He was originally a Whig; when the Whig party dissolved, he united with the Re publicans. He was mild ly conservative, objecting both to "radicalism" and to " Bourbonism," as these terms were applied in his days. He was slow to an ger and abhorred war, the evil effects of which were early impressed on him by his father, who neverthe- - less had served in the Rev olution. When the irre pressible conflict was beginning, he counselled moderation. Although deeming slavery a sin and an error, he would end it rather by purchasing the slaves from their owners and set ting them free, than by employing violent measures. While 9 AND II SOUTH MAIN STREET, PROVIDENCE (1909). Formerly occupied by Stimson & Hodges. BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 123 believing in John Brown's theory of the wickedness of slavery, he condemned his action at Harper's Ferry. Yet there was too much fighting blood in his veins for him to submit quietly to violent oppression or active wrong-doing. When Thomas W. Dorr undertook to overthrow the government of Rhode Island, he was among the first to seize a musket and march to the rescue. When the Southern States attempted to destroy the Union, there was no hesitancy in his active opposition to their efforts. He was then too old for military service, but his time and his money were given freely, and with his con currence every member of his family, whom the government would accept, entered the army. Although two of his sons were borne home on their shields — and he loved them dearly — he never faltered in urging and supporting the active prosecution of the war to the very end. But not in bittei- ness ; simply in order that the right should prevail. From the beginning of his business career, the junior part ner made very frequent trips on land and water, by carriage, stage or rail, and by sail or steam. In time he had traversed quite thoroughly New England and the Middle States, and had become acquainted with the land and the people between the Penobscot and the Potomac rivers. The details of his trips are recorded in his journals, with the hours of arrival at and departure from the various stopping places, the names of the inns or hotels at which he staid, the persons whom he met, the chief incidents which occurred, and usually the ex penses of travelling. From his notes a very fair idea can be obtained of the conditions of travel in the days when the stage coach was retiring before the locomotive, and the packet was jdelding to the steamer. For twelve years after Stimson & Hodges began business, there was no railroad in Rhode Island. Journeys were made in stage coaches, — and these were numerous in Providence, which was on the main line of travel between Boston and New York. The stage road cliiefly used from Boston to 124 BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. Providence was the Norfolk and Bristol Turnpike, known later as the Dedham Turnpike, and now named Washington Street. Beginning at Boston it passed through Roxbury (now Boston), West Roxbuiy (then Roxbury, now Boston), Dedham, Norwood (then Dedham), Walpole (East and South Walpole), Foxborough (the northwestern part of the present township), Wrentham (the eastern part of the town), Attle borough (North Attleborough and the western part of Attle borough), Pawtucket and Providence. There were some deviations from this route, — as in Walpole, where three roads were used by rival lines. Thus John Needham ran his stages through North Walpole, that the passengers might take their meals at his tavern on the Plain. There were often four regular stage lines (perhaps more) over this road, each line running several coaches, which started from Boston at various hours, from three in the morning until noon.* The start back from Providence was seldom made before 5 A. M., and the later hours varied greatly, dependent to a large extent upon the arrival of the New York connections. There were also, on occasions, extra coaches, so that the total number was large. "In the summer of 1829 there were 328 stage coaches a week to and from Providence, not counting the local stages running to points within a dozen miles of the town. The turnpikes were then in excellent condition, and on the journey from Boston horses were changed four or five times. Very exciting races often occurred between coaches of opposing lines when they happened to come together on the road. The arrival of a number in Providence at once, as * Josiah Quincy, in " Mgures of the Past,''^ describing a journey in 1826, says : " The stages left Boston at three in the morning, and at two o'clock a man was sent round to the houses of those who were booked for the passage. His instructions were to knock, pull the bell, and shout and disturb the neighborhood as much as possible, in order that the per son who was to take the coach might be up and dressed when it reached his door." BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 125 was usual, to connect with the New York boats, was a daily event of great interest. It could not be otherwise, when ten or twelve large coaches, each drawn by four horses, all filled with passengers and their tops loaded with freight, came lurching and swaying down the street at a furious pace."* The usual fare, in these years, was two or two and a half dollars. Under strong competition it sank to one dollar ; at one period John Needham carried his passengers free. The time consumed by the passage, including stops for meals, etc., varied from five to nine hours, but generally was five and a half or six hours. The distance was reckoned as 40 or 41 miles. All along the route were taverns, where the passengers stopped for meals and relays of horses were provided. The tavern-keepers often were promoters of stage lines whereby their houses profited. The following list of wayside inns between Boston and Providence at this period, with the dis tances from Boston, is taken, with a few corrections and addi tions, from the Massachusetts Register and United States Calendar : Eoxbury 6 miles. Ellis's. Read Taft's, in West Eoxbury, at the union of South and Washington streets ; later called the Union Hotel. Dedham 9 miles. Capt. Francis Alden's, near the Court House. Dedham Hotel, burned down in 1832, when 60 horses of the stage company perished; rebuilt as the Phoenix Hotel. Walpole 20J miles. Puller's half-way house in South Walpole. Policy's, near Puller's. John Needham's, on the Plain. Attleboro. . .28 miles. Col. Israel Hatch's, in North Attleboro. Pawtucket ..37 miles. Col. Slack's. Providence .. 41 miles. Chappotin's. Blake's Pranklin House; and others. * Field's State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, II : 545. 126 BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. In the year 1835 the Boston & Providence Railroad (the first railway in Rhode Island) was opened to through traffic, aud its coaches drawn by steam engines on rails* soon sup planted the coaches hauled by horses on the Turnpike. Pas senger trains had been operated for short distances from Boston during the previous year, — as far as the Canton Viaduct, the last link in the road to be completed, where they connected vsdth the stages. The first train from Provi dence started from the station, then at India Point, on June 2, 1835. It consisted of two coaches, filled with invited guests and propelled by two horses each, the locomotive, which it had been intended to use, not being in order. The party was carried on the rails to the unfinished Canton Viaduct, walked across the gap, and continued by steam to Boston. The next day the first trip of the locomotive from Providence was made to Canton. The third trip, with steam, on this end of the road, was made on June 4. "The cars started from India Bridge at ten minutes past five P. M., and arrived at the old Bolkcom stand in Attleborough about half past six, but the greater part of the time was consumed by a stop to blow off and refill the boiler. Left Attleborough at 7 o'clock and was backed in to Providence in about 55 minutes, after a very pleasant ride."f The first "steamboat train" arrived in Providence on the morning of June 11 ; and the first train which crossed the Canton Viaduct started from Boston on July 28, 1835, at 4 P. M., and arrived in Provi dence in an hour and forty-seven minutes. It returned the same evening, with about a hundred passengers, in two hours and three minutes. The fare each way was two dollars. The actual running time on the railroad, while the roadbed and equipment were new, was from two to three and a half * The bodies of the cars originally used on this road were essentially the same as those of the stage coaches. t Journal of A. D. H. THE ORIGINAL BOSTON AND PROVIDENCE RAILROAD COACH. BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 127 hours. Later the steamboat trains endeavored, with reason able success, to make the trip in an hour and a half, while the accommodation trains took two hours at least. The travel between Providence and New York was by packets until the New London Turnpike was built, about 1820. Then coaches were put on this road and the majority of the travellers went over it, — through Johnston, Scituate, Coventry, Plainfield, Jewett City, Norwich and Mohegan to New London, where steamboats for New York were taken. In 1822 steamboats began to ply between Providence and New York, and these soon absorbed nearly all the travel and ended the passenger traffic of the packets. The steamers increased in numbers and came into lively competition, caus ing reductions in the rates, — from ten dollars to " |6 and found," and "$5 and found," and even less. Now and then one could make the passage for one dollar. So many Provi dence people were interested in the boats* that, as there was at times a bitter rivalry, especially when Cornelius Vanderbilt and the railroad directors entered the field, the bonds of affec tion were occasionally strained. It was usual, at first, for the steamboats to leave Providence at noon, arriving early the next morning at New York ; f and to leave New York at 3 P. M., arriving at Providence about the middle of the next forenoon. Gradually the hour of leav ing both ports changed to 5 P. M. But there were constant variations in the times of starting, and the fog and storms made great differences in the length of the passage, which at least on one occasion occupied forty-three hours. When the steamer Lexington, Capt. Jacob Vanderbilt, was put on the * 1823, May 11. At noon took passage in the new steamer Providence for New Tork. Stimson & Hodges had invested 1500 in this steamer, which gave us a free passage. [Recollections of A. D. H.] t 1833, July 11. At 12 o'clock, noon, started in the steamer Providence for New Tork. Acted as clerk pro tern, of the boat. Passed Newport at a quarter past two, and Gull light at 7 P. M. Arrived in New Tork the next morning at 6 o'clock. [Journal of A. D. H.'] 128 A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. line, it left the terminals at six in the morning and made the trip (when not delayed) by daylight. " Fare four dollars — Meals extra." In November, 1837, the railroad between Providence and Stonington was opened to travel. Its Providence passenger- station was on the western side of Providence River, opposite the station at India Point of the Boston & Providence Rail road. Soon a ferry boat connected the two stations, and the greater part of the through passengers went by rail to Ston ington, there taking the New York steamboats. Or it was possible to leave Providence in the forenoon, cross the Sound by steamboat to Greenport, L. I., take the Long Island Rail road cars, and arrive in New York early in the evening. Such were the principal methods of travel to and from Providence described in the Journal of the junior partner, the details of which he pictured fully on one occasion when, at the end of a journey, he copied his original entries (written vnth lead-pencil), touched them up, and entitled the revised version A Pilgeim's Peogeess. Froggy would a-journeying go, Whether his Mammy would let him or no. — Anonymous. And he took it into his head to walk off. — Castigator. 1824, July 4, Sunday. Started for New York in the sloop Matilda, Capt. Gould,* with the wind north. Off Prudence Island pass the steamer Connecticut, Capt. William Comstock, bound for Providence. Passed Newport at 6 o'clock and * John Gould, of Black Eock, Conn., died about two years ago, as I learn by letter from the postmaster of that place. I made my first visit to New Tork, in July, 1824, with him in his sloop Matilda from Provi dence. [Journal of Dec. 1, 1875.} Tockwot-ten House. Boston and Providence Railroad Station. INDIA POINT, PROVIDENCE, ABOUT 1840. A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 129 doubled Point Judith at 10. A very dull Sunday. Turned in at 11 o'clock. July 5, Monday. Turned out at daylight. The scenery was most beautiful. We were ofl' Fisher's Island at 7 o'clock. Tom, the cook, said he heard cannon in New York (distance 130 miles) ; celebrating Independence all along the shore with " trumpets, drums, cannon, bonfires, etc." We cele brated the anniversary genteelly on board. Tom played on a three-stringed fiddle, Sim, the mate, accompanied him on his bag-pipes, and we three had fore-and-afters on both sides of the deck. At 12 o'clock we were becalmed off Faulkner's Island, which gave us time for cool reflection. At 6 o'clock a fine breeze off Stratford Point sprung up. Took in top-sail and turned in at 10 o'clock. July 6, Tuesday. Awoke at daylight and found myself in the harbor of Black Rock. Walked to Capt. Gould's seat at Fairfield. Here the captain chartered Molly Dunlap's old mare and gig, ycleped The Chesapeake, and we set off for Bridgeport. The old jade paced at the rate of ten knots an hour until we brought up all standing at the sign of the Bar ber's Pole and Snuffers, and I was shaved (i. e., chin-scraped) by a man who kept the grocery and barber's shop. At one o'clock returned to Fairfield and dined with Capt. Gould. Wished myself as pleasantly situated as the captain, who, by the way, is in possession of a pretty place and a handsome wife. The captain and I went to see the pretty girls in the evening. Memorandum : if I have seen a fair sample of Connecticut, it must be the finest State in the Union. July 7, Wednesday. I was awakened by the captain at 3 in the morning and traveled down to the vessel. Weighed anchor at 6 and stood out into the Sound with a fresh breeze from the north-west. It was quiet on board to-day, all hands recovering from the celebration of Independence. At 7 o'clock, P. M., with a beautiful breeze we arrived at the Nar- 130 A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. rows and passed through Hell Gate (for the first time) a few minutes after sunset. It is a romantic and beautiful place, where all nature smiles when the reflection of the sun upon the horizon imparts to the surrounding objects a bewitching splendor which can be rivalled only by our ideas of Paradise. The noise of the waters vtdnding their ways in excessive com motion through this narrow passage, and the boiling, broiling, frying, stewing and roasting of the liquid element, added to the grandeur of the scene : it appeared like an enchanted spot. But the mariner should keep on the most accommodating terms with the fairy that presides at this Gate. I thought of the days of my old favorite in legend, Aladdin and the Wonderful Lamp. As we passed through this place whose name strikes the ear so unmusically, the most profound silence was observed on board ; the sailors were stationed at their posts, the cable was coded and the anchor unloosed and made ready to let go in an instant if the vessel should miss stays ; and every time we tacked, which happened twice or thrice, all hands appeared to hold their breath. We went through in genteel style, and when we had passed I counted forty sail in sight — some entirely through, some passing, and some at the entrance of the Gate. At 9 o'clock we arrived off the city and ran afoul of a schooner, tearing our mainsail and staving in one or two hogs heads. Having cleared ourselves, we anchored in the stream. It was a most delightful evening, — such a one as we read of in the accounts of Naples. The great, overgrown city of New York appeared to the best advantage, impressing the stranger with its imposing grandeur. A full band on the Ontario, which was lying near the Battery, played most sweetly. Then a Kent bugler played " The Hunter's Horn " in a masterly style, and ever and anon a rocket shot up into the air from Castle Garden. July 8, Thursday. Arose at daylight to take a " lunar " at the big city. The harbor was crowded with all kinds of A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 131 crafts, and steamboats were passing to and fro as thick as swallows after a storm. We hauled into the dock at 9 o'clock. I went to Miss Stone's, in Cliff Street, where I found a dozen Yankees, principally Bostonians, some of them old acquaint ances. In the evening I went to the beautiful Chatham Gar den Theatre and saw the plays of Bertram and Simson ^ Co. July 9, Friday. After getting thi'ough with business I took a trip to Brooklyn, Long Island, crossing the water in a horse- boat. Brooklyn is a beautiful place, nearly as large as Charles town, Mass. Here I fell in with D. Dudley and lady, B. F. French and lady, and Jonathan French and no lady. After viewing the village and the Navy Yard, returned to New York at 6 o'clock. In the evening went to Castle Garden, where were a band of music and fireworks. I awoke at midnight, " serenaded " by a full band which played sweetly. July 10, Saturday. Arose at 5 and jumped aboard the steamboat Thistle, for Philadelphia, in company with eight Bostonians. We passed Elizabethtown Point and Perth Amboy and landed at New Brunswick, a considerable place where the earth is red. Here we took stage and rode through Franklin, Kingston, Queenston and Princeton (where Nassau Hall, a large stone building, is handsomely situated) to Tren ton. The road from New Brunswick to Trenton was in very bad order — not much credit is due to the inhabitants for keeping in this condition a road over which there is so much travel. At Trenton we took the steamboat Franklin, having de lightful views down the Delaware, where the land appeared to be highly cultivated. When we were four miles from Bristol a tremendous storm came up suddenly. I crawled in under the baggage, but the other passengers undertook to get below ; men, women and cMldren tumbled down the com panion-way in heaps, a great number being completely di'enched before they could get into the cabin. Here I was, comfort ably stowed away with other baggage while the rain fell in 132 A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. torrents, thunder, lightning, rain and hail appearing to con tend for predominance, — an elegant situation for " a buck of the first water." When the storm ceased, the baggage began to crawl out. I came in contact with an old maid's bandboxes, and stove in the bottom of one with my head. It was a long time before I could get clear and find daylight, but at length X worked my way out and found we were opposite Bristol, a beautiful village, while just below, on the other bank, was Burlington, a considerable town. Further on we saw the United States Arsenal at Frankford, and hove in sight of the great city of Philadelphia, celebrated for its regularity, good morals. Friends, and the encouragement of the fine arts and sciences. So soon as the boat reached the wharf, it was over run with porters shouting "Baggage, Massa, I care your baggage." I came very near being carried off, baggage and all, by a stout blackamoor over six feet tall. I escaped and went to Mr. Field's,* on 9th street, where I stopped. July 11, Sunday. Went to meeting, Mr. Skinner's, and heard a red-hot preacher " give it to 'em good." It was Com munion Sunday. It is the fashion here for both sheep and goats to keep their seats when the sacrament is administered. I sat in a pew with one or two Christians — and the deacon looked very hard at me. The service was ended about one o'clock, when I was glad to get clear. In the afternoon I walked to where the new State prison is being built. The walls enclose ten acres of land ; the poles for the staging cost $2,000. Walked out again in the even ing. Little children, principally girls, were so thick on the * I called on my old friend, James Field, 1022 Eace Street [Philadel phia], in the evening. [Journal of April 13, 1860.1 Almira Lincoln gave me the following : Died in Philadelphia, April 17, 1866, James Field in his 84th year; and on Dec. 25, 1864, Geo. W. Fobes, in his 75th year. They were for many years of the firm of Field & Fobes, which began business in Philadelphia in 1812 and dissolved in 1837. [Journal of Sept. 29, 1866.] A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 133 sidewalk that I was obliged to take the middle of the street for fear of stepping on some of them. I was surprised to find so many in Philadelphia, and particularly in this part of the city. July 12, Monday. Dined with Mr. Fobes. With my Bos ton friends rode out to the Water Works which supply the city from the Schuylkill River. Large water-wheels — three were in operation — pump up the water more than a hundred feet into a reservoir, on the top of a hill, with a capacity of upwards of eight million gallons. We visited Pratt's Garden. " None but strangers of dis tinction allowed to enter the Garden at this time of the year," said the good woman who turned the large key at the gate. This garden is said to be superior to any other in the United States. Here grow orange trees, with boughs bent nearly to the ground by the golden fruit, which makes the visitor's mouth water ; and if he does not possess an uncommon por tion of that scarce quality called honesty, his fingers will itch to their very ends for a sly grab. Here grow lemons and pineapples, and a great many other tropical fruits, in the greatest profusion. There are two beautiful fish ponds, one at a higher level than the other ; the water runs from the first into the second, and .thence into the river. In the upper pond is a fountain, around which gathers a great number of gold fish and silver fish, pushing and elbowing like a crowd at the box office of a theatre. There are also two caves in the Garden. In one is a spring whose water is impregnated with iron. The other, I believe, is called the Devil's Den ; the entrance is guarded by a large mastiff ; here Beelzebub was chained down for — perhaps another thousand years. Mr. Pratt, the owner, has a summer seat in the centre of this abode of Flora. This Second Paradise is situated upon the bank of the Schuylkill and commands a full view of the Water Works. I very much doubt whether Adam and Eve's garden in its fuU glory greatly surpassed this. 134 A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. July 13, Tuesday. Paraded about the city to see the sights. Dined with Mr. Stone.* Went in the afternoon to Peale's Museum with Harriet S. Field. This is the first museum in America. It contains a large collection of por traits of the most prominent men in the United States. Saw the skeleton of the mammoth, about fourteen feet high, and directly underneath, as a contrast, the skeleton of a mouse. In the evening took tea -with Mr. Brigham, formerly a partner of my old master in Boston. July 14, Wednesday. Dined vidth Mr. Field. Crossed the ferry to Camden. On my return visited the Navy Yard and saw a seventy-four on the stocks, pierced for 130 guns, which is to be the largest ship of the line in the navy. July 15, Thursday. Took the steamboat Albemarle for Bordentown, where we arrived at ten o'clock. Took the stage here in company with three elderly maids to whom I had been politely requested by a gentleman in Philadelphia "to be civil," that is, to act the beau. I was very polite to them, and they complained bitterly of the rough roads. There was also in our stage Lord Bolingbroke's brother, a very jolly fellow. The stage driver of the opposition line pushed on like Jehu. We passed through Nottingham Square, Penn's Neck and Middlesex, reached New Bruns wick at 3.40, took the steamboat Legislator, and arrived at New York at half-past seven o'clock. July 16, Friday. Went to Brooklyn, visited the Navy Yard and there saw the Franklin, seventy-four. In the even ing at the Chatham Garden Theatre saw The School for Scandal and An Agreeable Surprise. After the play was over I was introduced to the managers, and, by invitation of Mr. Williamson, partook of a collation which was served * Saw to-day the notice of the death at Saxonville, Framingham, Mass., of Dexter Stone, of the former firm of Grant & Stone of Philadelphia. He was formerly in the employ of Elisha Brigham & Co., John D. Williams being the Co. [Journal of A. D. H.] A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 135 up in good style. We returned to our lodgings at mid night. July 17, Saturday. Went to the City Hall and had a beautiful view of the city. Fell in with a jolly cocksparrow from Albany. An Irish woman, with a great bunch of keys by her side, conducted us through all the apartments, for which we paid her four shillings York currency. My com panion then challenged me to walk out to the Treadmill, about four miles distant. Arriving there just as the bell rang for dinner, and being therefore obliged to wait an hour before the mill would be in operation, we went to a grocery store in the vicinity and dined together on dried beef, codfish, crackers and cider. After dinner we went into the mill. The lower apartment is used for the male convicts, some of whom had a log chain suspended from the waist, with the lower end made fast to the ankle. The wheels of the treadmill are about five feet in diameter. A bell rings every half minute ; when it rings a convict mounts the mill at one end and another hops off at the other end. Thus the prisoners move from one end to the other, and keep upon the wheel about half of the time. The upper room is the female apartment. Here were a number of pretty girls, and some confoundedly ugly, who kept quizzing us, but we didn't see fit to return the compliment. On our way back we stopped at the Waterloo Garden, about three miles from the city, kept by a jolly fat Irish woman, and had a comfortable sit-down to icecream and cake. Returned to the city at four, after having had a very merry time. Later crossed by steam-ferryboat to Hoboken, a beau tiful place noted for dueling, footraces, gambling and cock fights, and a great place of resort for the New-Yorkers. July 18, Sunday. Took the steamboat Chancellor Living ston for Albany. This is one of the most delightful excur sions that can be taken from New York City. The scenery along this noble river would be a treat to the greatest lover of romance. And any one who enjoys the study of human 136 A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. nature, on a Hudson River steamboat with three or four hundred passengers has a large field for observation of the different characters and dispositions encountered every mo ment. Here one sees the predestinarian, vrith woe-begone phiz and chin skewered down ; the dignified gait and studied grace of the statesman ; the staring impudence of the lavvyer ; the stiff, bolstered-up dandy with ears buttoned back and shirt^coUar hauled out almost to the flaps ; the alderman, with double chin and fat sides ; the Johnny Raws with their sweethearts ; the winning ease and fascinating manners of some of the belles ; the watchful, searching look of the matrons who have young daughters; in short the greatest variety of characters presents itself for the observation, edifi cation and amusement of the lover of novelty and jollification. In one part of the boat is a merry set of old bachelors, telling stories over a bottle of wine ; in another, half a dozen poli ticians, canvassing the qualifications of the candidates for President ; in still another part, a trio of old maids, without a beau, finding fault with their fare, with everybody and everything ; close to their elbows you may see a languishing maiden poring over " The Sorrows of Werther." Here is a mother, trying to pacify a squalling child; there is a buck, bowing and scraping to haK a dozen top-notch ladies. Around the bar is a great scramble for punch, lemonade and whiskey. When the dinner bell rings, all hands aim for the gentie- men's cabin (except the ladies, who take their meals in the ladies' cabin on deck), and once in the current which is press ing towards the companion way, a retreat is as dif&cult as rowing up the Falls of Niagara. Down you must go pell mell in the crowd, being pushed, hauled, squeezed, and having your corns trod upon, in the tug of war for a good seat. After several tons of provisions have been swept by the board, the grand consideration is to find your beaver and get back into fresh air. A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 137 Of the wonderful beauty of the scenery along the river, and the points of romantic and historic interest, — the Pali sades, the Catskills, West Point with its Military Academy, the many villages and towns on both shores, — only a highly trained writer can give an adequate description. At Poughkeepsie I took a trip to the shore in a small boat. The steamer itself does not stop at the landings to put off or receive passengers. It merely slacks its speed when near a given point, and a small boat is lowered into the water, and into this boat are put the people and luggage destined for the place. The boat then makes for the wharf, a boatman paying out a line which connects his craft with the steamer. When the passengers have landed, and others, if any there be, have embarked, a signal is given, the line is wound up on a drum actuated by steam, and the boat is hauled back to the steamer in genteel style. Sometimes the steamboat gets a very long distance ahead while the small craft is landing and receiving cargo, in which case the return is made with start ling velocity. As we approached Hudson, at eight o'clock in the evening, we saw a curious hedge fence which, on nearer view, proved to be a long line of people posted on the Mil to observe the passage of our steamboat. At ten o'clock, all the berths being occupied, I wrapped myself up in my cloak, spread myself on a settee and went to sleep. At twelve I was roused by a fellow running full tilt against my settee and depositing me upon the cabin floor. Rising up and rubbing open my eyes, I was about to address my disturber with " How now, ye black and midnight hag," when I found he had decamped with the crowd who were going ashore ; for we had reached the ancient city of Albany. Discovering an empty berth, I took possession of it and slept comfortably until morning. July 19, Monday. I arose before sunrise and looked for my Boston acquaintances, but they had gone to some place 138 A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. to me unknown. I hired a boy who took one end of my trunk, and I the other, and thus we trudged up into the city. Meeting a four-wheeled razee with the words " Swiftsure for Troy " on the door, I hailed the driver, who hove to and took me in. Crossing the ferry we entered the thriving village of Troy, whence I proceeded to Centre Village, Lansingburg, and breakfasted with my uncle, Benjamin Danforth. Here I met a gentleman, Mr. Gilchrist, who was going to Saratoga Springs and invited me to go with him. I accepted the invitation and we rode out of Lansingburg, over a long bridge across the river to Waterford, and through Mechanics ville and Malta to Slab City (so called from its numerous sawmills and the resulting slabs), where we dined. Thence we proceeded to our destination. The road from Waterford to Saratoga crosses the canal three or four times. It is rough and gloomy, and when one suddenly enters the beautiful village of Saratoga, the change is delightful. If one enters in the evening, coming out of silence and darkness, he is charmed by the sweet strains of a cotillion band and by the brilliant illumination of the Halls which, by a little exercise of the imagination, can be found to resemble fairy palaces. This celebrated watering place is the grand resort of persons from all parts of the Union and even from Europe. Hither come ladies, doctors, lavvyers, judges, deacons, ministers, merchants, farmers, gamblers, thieves, and, especially noticeable, dandies. The manners of a few of them are ridiculous in the extreme. Seeing a buck of the very first water promenading with a bevy of belles reminded me of a full-blooded turkey cock marshalling his family of hens with the pride and pomposity of that master of ceremonies of the feathered tribe, and recalled to my memory the following lines : — " A cock beneath a stable pent "Was strutting o'er some heaps of dung ; And as around and round he went. The mettled coursers stamped and flung. A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 139 Bravo I quoth he, a decent noise I Tl^'e make quite a tollol pother ! But let's take care, my merry boys, Lest we should tread on one another." Visitors do not appear to make long visits here, and there is a continuous ingress and egress. People arrive in the after noon, take a comforting sip at the springs, dance until two o'clock in the morning, rise at ten, breakfast, and off they go. The principal boarding houses are Congress Hall, United States Hotel, Union Hotel and The Pavillion. The principal street, which is very wide and handsome, runs nearly north and south. There are a number of springs in the village. The one most frequented is near Congress Hall. There is a railing around it, inside of which stand two or three small boys with cups, waiting upon the visitors. The water is served gratis, but you are at liberty to hand the boy a penny if you see fit. In the evening, after a thunder storm had passed, we rode over a very uneven, crooked and unpleasant road seven miles, to Ballston, where we arrived at nine o'clock and found very good accommodations at a tavern. July 20, Tuesday. Arose at seven and met a Boston ac quaintance, Mr. Winchester, with whom I breakfasted. Ball ston is not an unpleasant place and resembles some of the country villages of Massachusetts. Its situation is not so in viting as that of Saratoga, and it is quite dull in comparison. There were perhaps a hundred visitors here, and there could have been not less than eight times that number at Saratoga. The waters of the two places are very similar in taste. The most noted boarding house here is the Sans Souci Hotel, much the largest wooden building that I have ever seen. At ten o'clock we rode away and dined at Mechanicsville as a shower had come up. At Lansingburg I called on my old Norton acquailitance, Tom Morey, whom I had not seen for nearly twenty years. I stopped at Eleazer Walker's [at whose tavern in Norton the narrator had served when a boyj. 140 A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. July 21, Wednesday. Took a ride in the afternoon with Mrs. Walker and her sister, Mary Horton, and in the evening all hands walked to Troy, where we regaled ourselves with icecreams, lemonade, punch, etc. July 22, Thursday. Arose at five and took the stage (with seven others, all of the fair sex) to Albany, where I stopped at Rockwell's Mansion House. It was excessively warm, I met no acquaintances, and, for the first time since leaving Providence, I found it dull, and my spirits were depressed. To cheer myself up, I took a walk about the city, which is as large as Providence and contains some very handsome build ings. The State Capitol is a beautiful piece of architecture, and in front of it there is a handsome parade. Pearl Street is a wide thoroughfare. I saw some very pretty girls ; also a plenitude of dandies and of old women crying Ras-berr-ies, with the first syllable singing D, and at the last one rising up to high G. I followed one of these old women about half a mile, just to hear her cry of Ras-berr-ies. Fortunately I fell in with a fellow-passenger of the North River steamboat, named Stephen Putnam, a very pleasant, polite and apparently clever young man, and my spirits rose. We walked out to the basin of the great canal, where there were beautiful canal boats furnished in handsome style. Here have been erected, for the reception of merchandise, a number of store-houses, owned largely by an eccentric old gentleman who engages in various branches of business. In letters two feet high are painted such signs as Uncle Joe's Stable and Blacksmith Shop, and Uncle Joe's Geo- CERY and Taveen. July 23, Friday. At three o'clock was awoke by the stage driver, who was pulling me out of bed ; dressed in a hurry ; had my baggage fixed on the top of the Boston stage and stumbled inside, hitting the one passenger already enshrined a punch with my elbow ; but he was fast asleep and merely grunted. Other passengers then came popping in until the A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 141 coach was full. It was as dark as Egypt and I could not see what sorts of persons I had as fellow-travellers, but from the odors I conjectured a motley crowd. We crossed the ferry, and soon the day began to dawn, and we began to stretch our necks and reconnoitre one another like fowls in a strange roost. I was not disappointed, — the scent was true, — I was with the meanest crew ever stowed in the inside of a public coach. We passed through Schodack, Nassau, a pretty village eleven and a half miles from Albany, and New Lebanon, a quite noted watering place, with springs of beautifully transparent water in every direction. There is a large boarding house on an elevated spot, where are the principal springs, and whence one commands a full view of the Shakers' village, the water falls, caverns, hills and valleys. Masses of fog rolling down the mountain sides heightened the wonderful scenic effect. Now we crossed the mountain range which here separates the States of New York and of Massachusetts. As the stage toiled up the ascent on the western side, taking two hours to cover about two miles, I walked and enjoyed the views. Be yond the summit we passed Hancock and came to Pittsfield. At Pittsfield I discovered that the stage-agent at Albany had deceived me with regard to the route and the price of fare, and in my indignation I took my trunk off the coach and informed the agent that I would stay here until I was drummed out, before I would travel fui'ther in this line of stages ; and the coach rolled away without me. I dined at the tavern and then, failing to find any other way of continu ing my journey than the one I had discarded, walked about the beautiful village to cool myself off. In my walk I fell in with a butcher, a very sociable and communicative fellow, who told me that by going to Lanesboro, about six miles dis tant, and waiting there some two or three hours, I could take the opposition stage ; and, he added jocosely, if I would help him peddle his mutton, he would carry me and my baggage thither. On my readily accepting his offer, he lent me a frock 142 A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. and we started off. I went in advance, to reconnoitre and to cry his mutton, which found quick sale at three or four cents per pound, and gave me the opportunity for some pleasant chitrchats with the girls who came out with their mothers to inspect ourselves and our wares. The mutton was all gone sometime before we reached the very pretty country town of Lanesboro, and I had gained the reputation of being a very good salesman. Stopping at the tavern in the centre of the town I was in formed by mine host that an important law case was on the tapis in his hall, and that, if I wished, he would show me up and give me a seat. The hall was a large and commodious room, and was well filled by a large audience, who manifested so great interest in the case on hand that I inferred that some criminal was being tried for a capital offence. But by close attention I found that it was Aldrich versus Bagg, and Bagg versus Aldrich. Bagg's wall around his vegetable patch not being very high, Aldrich's oxen had jumped over it and eaten up Bagg's pumpkins ; Bagg had " pounded " Aldrich's oxen, and then Aldrich had pounded Bagg. Some of the evidence was very amusing, and it was with regret that I heard the stage drive up and was obliged to leave the court before all the testimony had been given. Taking passage in the stage, which already contained a number of people — among them a very handsome lady from Albany — I was driven away. Our road led through Ches hire, where I saw the press in which the great Jefferson cheese was made. Near by was a sign " Up to Savoy, 5 miles," — a very correct direction, for the back part of Mas sachusetts is very hilly. The passengers kept dropping off by the way, and when we arrived at Plainfield, at nine o'clock, none was left except the lady from Albany and myself. Here we stopped for supper and to sleep. The landlord was a jovial soul, and sat up with me until midnight, telling stories. A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 148 July 24, Saturday. We started off at six A. M., and rode through Ashfield, Conway and Deerfield. At Muddy Brook [Bloody Brook?], where we breakfasted, I found an acquaint ance, Mrs. Black of Quincy, Mass. We crossed the Connecti cut by a long bridge and continued on through Sunderland, Shutesbury and New Salem, reaching Dana at 5 o'clock. I staid here over night with uncle Samuel Danforth. July 25, Sunday. Went to church in the morning and heard Rev. Mr. Huntingdon preach. At half-past one I left with cousin Henry Danforth for Worcester, riding through Petersham, Barre, Oakham and Paxton. Arrived at Worces ter at half-past seven and stopped at Stockwell's. This is a flourishing village. All the buildings are in excellent repair ; I did not see an old house in the place. I was told that here society lines were drawn sharply — only lawyers pass as cur rent coin with the upper crust — one must be acquainted with " Daniel Waldo," to ride in the troop with the big-bugs. July 26, Monday. Arose at five and took a walk about the village. In the vicinity the land is finely cultivated and the roads are elegant. Took stage at half-past eight and passed through Grafton, Upton, Mendon (where I dined), Bellingham, Cumberland, Smithfield and Pawtucket, into Providence, arriving home at four o'clock and finding every thing in flourishing condition. I have been absent twenty- two days, and have travelled about eight hundred miles. The journey has cost me about forty dollars, and I hope that the money has been well laid out. The memory of it must ever be pleasant. SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. LMON DANFORTH HODGES, before begin ning business on his own account, had been called Danforth Hodges, or more familiarly, Danforth, by his relatives and friends. When he had attained to the dignity of a merchant, he was known, except by his intimates, as Mr. Hodges. A few years later, having risen to the command of a Rhode Island regiment, he was styled universally, outside of his own family circle. Colonel, or Colonel Hodges, and thus was best known during the rest of his life. In editing those parts of this narrative in which it has not seemed possible to have him speak in the first person, I have made strenuous efforts to refer to him under some of the above appellations, sinking my own indi viduality—and my efforts have been utterly vain. So now I come unblushingly forward and henceforth claim him as my father. Soon after his arrival in Providence in 1823, he went to live with his former employer, George Gilbert, at 19 Wey bosset Street, and there remained, with a few brief intermis sions, until his marriage. He was fond of and loyal to his old master, and always retained most friendly relations with him and his family. The store of Stimson & Hodges was opened betime in the morning. The hour of closing is nowhere stated definitely in father's Journal, but the business day was a long one at tliis period, and it is safe to affirm that opportunities for trade were afforded by this energetic firm from early morn until the curfew beU of the First Baptist Church tolled the hour (144) SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 145 of nine. Yet matters were so arranged that neither partner was debarred from frequent participation in the pleasures of society, of which both were fond and for which both were well fitted. The fu'st entertainment recorded in the Journal, after the School Exhibition in Norton described on a previous page, was a theatrical performance in which James W. Wallack* took the part of Reuben Glenny. The first society mentioned was The Hydraulion Company, which my father joined in 1823. This was the crack vol unteer fire company of Providence, and had recently been formed. Their engine, bought in 1822 of Sellers & Pennock of Philadelphia, was a great improvement on the older ma chines, which were simply force pumps with tanks hand- filled with water by means of buckets, while this was an adequate self-supplying as well as discharging apparatus. " It was the first successful and complete suction fire-engine made in the United States, far excelling and superseding all preceding fire-engines and systems. Its original cost was 1725, but its subsequent elaborate ornamentation, at the expense of the company, increased the cost to $3,000." f The company, to which belonged some of the wealthy and influential citizens (such as Zachariah Allen and Elisha Dyer,. Jr.) and many of the ablest and most energetic young busi ness men (who manned the brakes) was a social club as well. * James William Wallack, father of Lester Wallack, came to America in 1818, and I saw him in 1819 in the old Federal Theatre in Boston. To me he was the most pleasant, if not the greatest, actor whom I ever saw. I have seen the elder Kean as Hamlet, the elder Booth as Sir Pertinax Mac Sycophant [in Macklin's comedy, The Way of the World], and many other stars. But Mr. Wallack as Eolla, Coriolanus, Don Felix (in The Wonder), and in Three and Beuce and The Children in the Wood, not to mention Dick Dashall aud other characters, made a lasting impression on my mind that he was the great actor of his age. [Journal, March 25, 1877.] t Providence Plantations, p. 120. 146 SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. Its success, both in putting out fires and in having " jolly times," led to the formation of other like organizations which became prominent features of Providence society. They had expensive machines adorned with gold and silver decorations, handsome halls for social and business meetings, and brilliant uniforms for parades and excursions. Running to a fire was usually enlivened by a race with a rival company. Extin- THE FIRST HYDRAULION FIRE ENGINE. guishing the blaze was made enjoyably exciting by the effort to " suck " (empty) or " wash " (fill to overflowing) another " tub," whenever the water was taken from a distant point •and pumped from engine to engine. After the fire had been put out, two companies often indulged in the delightful sport of turning their streams on one another, each endeavoring to drown out the other and drive it from its machine. When Stimson & Hodges began business, fire insurance (as distinguished from marine insurance) was in its infancy, at least in Providence. One feature of its growth was the form ation by merchants of small associations for fire protection, SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 147 such as The Mutual Fire Society, a comparatively old organ ization* which father joined in or about 1830, when it num bered twenty-four members, a list of whose names, residences and places of business he preserved among his papers. One form of public entertainment then in vogue, fortunately now obsolete, and the last one of its kind recorded in these Journals, may be noted here as a matter of history : — " 1824, November 14. I witnessed the Rhode Island fashion of pun ishing criminals — Bassett flogged with 39 lashes for horse stealing ; Randall stood in the pillory on Court House Square about an hour, cropped and branded. The cropping and branding did not amount to much." The people of Providence must have been a sociable and hospitable folk, for there is frequent mention, sometimes as often as once a week, of social gatherings at private houses. Ways of living were then simple, and recreations were usually inexpensive. To " give a party " meant to provide a room or rooms in which the guests could chat, sing, dance and have a good time ; if a " collation " was added, it was generally a slight repast prepared by the family and served in an in formal manner. A "ball" was a more imposing affair, in which only a wealthy resident could indulge as host. Some of the military companies, the First Light Infantry for in stance, gave annual balls at their armories. But these were momentous events, and not very frequent at this period. Now and then the young men walked to some tavern for a simple meal. " 1825, December 25. Walked to Pawtucket and took supper at Blake's. Walked back, as the hackman asked one dollar apiece for bringing us in." Walking,! often * Jason Williams died this day iu Providence in his 89th year. In 1830 we were members of a Fire Society which he had joined in 1802. [Jour nal, June 6, 1863.] t Died this day in Boston, John Tuokerman, aged 71 years. In the year 1824 he, with Charles Graapner and Thaxter, walked from Boston to Providence [about forty miles] to make me a visit. [Journal, March 28, 1871.] 148 SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. for long distances, was then a very common pastime, espe cially walking for a supper, and so continued to the end of the Civil War. Thus it was quite usual in the early sixties for Harvard students to walk into Boston in the evening, partake of a twenty-five cent plate of delicious waffles at Parker's popular hotel, or a fifteen-cent dish of oysters at Copeland's oyster-house, and walk back to Cambridge. Of the social entertainments at Providence participated in by my father, one series is mentioned over and over again in his Journals and letters as pre-eminently delightful ; and as late as 1876 he compiled a list of those who attended regu larly in the earliest years (1824 to 1826) in which they were held. These were the " Cotillion Parties,"* of which he was a manager, which met at Peter S. Minard's Washington Hall. They were originated by a number of young men who held their first meeting, of which he was chairman, on December 20, 1824, and the first party was given December 30, on which occasion he "waited on" Miss Martha Comstock, whom he married about three years later. From sixty to ninety young ladies and gentlemen attended these festive meetings, for which " party " seems altogether too modest a title. There was dancing, with buglers to punctuate the time ; and there was a supper of cakes and pies and wine, — as many as seven teen bottles of wine, costing one dollar apiece, were charged in one bill; and there were carriages provided for some bodies, perhaps distinguished guests, at the general expense ; and altogether these must have been very grand occasions. The first season each party cost the entertainers about seventy- five dollars, say two dollars apiece, and there were four parties each winter. The business management must have been good, as at the end of one season there was on hand a surplus of eleven dollars and fifty cents, which, " by vote of the Provi dence Cotillion Party," was presented to the Dorcas Society. *See Appendix V. SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 140 Being very fond of music, and possessing a sweet tenor voice of somewhat unusual range, father became a member of sev eral musical associations. The first of these, in order of time, was a glee club which, under the familiar appellation of The Pig and Whistle Club, met frequently for practice, sang at social gatherings, and on balmy nights serenaded the young ladies. Perhaps they sometimes sang at political meetings, for one of their songs was the following ditty, then locally popular, which refers to President Andrew Jackson and his " Kitchen Cabinet " : * GLEE. Tune. — " Dame Burden." King Andrew had five trusty Squires, Whom he held his bid to do ; He also had three pilot fish. To give to the sharks their cue. There was Lew. and Ben. and Lev. and Bill, And Roger of Tawney hue. And Blair the Book, and Kendall chief cook. And Isaac, surnamed the True. And Blair push'd Lewis, and Ben. touch'd Billy, And Ike jogg'd Levi, and Cass touch'd Amos And Eoger of Tawney hue, Now was not this a medley crew As ever a mortal knew ? King Andrew had an itching palm To finger the nation's cash ; Most of 'em thought 'twas just the thing. But some, it would be rash. He asked Lew. and Ben. and Lev. and Bill, And Eoger of Tawney hue, * The eight Kitchen Cabinet members here mentioned were : Lewis Cass, Secretary of War ; Benjamin F. Butler, Attorney General ; Levi Woodbury, Secretary of the Navy and of the Treasury ; William B. Lewis of Tennessee ; Eoger B. Taney, Attorney General, Acting Secretary of the Treasury, later Chief Justice ; Francis P. Blair, Editor of the Washing ton Olobe ; Amos Kendall, Postmaster General ; and Isaac Hill, Editor of the New Hampshire Patriot and U. S. Senator. 150 SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. And Blair the Book, and Kendall chief cook. And Isaac surnamed the True. And Blair push'd Lewis, and Ben. touch'd Billy And Ike jogg'd Levi, and Cass touch'd Amos And Eoger of Tawney hue. Now was not this a medley crew As ever a mortal knew ? The Gen'ral took his cook's advice. And hurried away the Rhino ; But where it went — aye, there's the rub — I'm sure neither you nor I know. For there's Lew. and Ben. and Lev. and Bill, And Eoger of Tawney hue. And Blair the Book, and Kendall chief cook. And Isaac surnamed the True. And Blair push'd Lewis, and Ben. touch'd Billy And Ike jogg'd Levi, and Cass touch'd Amos And Eoger of Tawney hue. Now was not this a medley crew As ever a mortal knew ? Early in 1824 father began to take music lessons of Oliver Shaw,* on either the violin or the clarinet, or both, as he played both at a later day. In the spring of 1826 he was elected president of the ^iEolian Society at its first meeting — a musi cal society which breathed softly and soon died. In 1827 and 1828 he was treasurer, and his friend Cornelius S. Cartee was secretary, of the Rossini Association, which ended its melo dious existence about 1829, when A. D. Hodges, William H. Townsend, Sylvanus Tingley and Cornelius S. Cartee, " Mem bers of the Rossini Association," did " resign and convey to the Philharmonic Society all our right, title and interest in and to eight music books." * Oliver Shaw, aged 70, an old and valued friend, died in Providence December 31. He has been blind over fifty years, but has brought up a large family of children by his exertions as teacher of music. [Journal, Jan. 1, 1849.] SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 161 The Providence Philharmonic Society was probably organ ized by Oliver Shaw in 1829, and became at once one of the most prominent associations of the place. It was composed of two classes of members, the subscribers and the active members, and comprised an orchestra and a glee club. It had a successful career of five winter seasons, during which it gave twenty-six concerts of vocal and instrumental music, besides several " rehearsals," and a few concerts for charita ble purposes open to the public, — all occasions of intense enjoyment for the performers and presumably of pleasure for the auditors. The names of those active members who are mentioned in father's Journals were as follows : — Oliver Shaw, president and leader Marcus Coburn, leader of 1829 to 1832. the glee club. Edward R. Hansen, viohn soloist, William E. Cutting, second president and leader 1833 to clarinet.t 1834.* Eichard E. Eddy. A. D. Hodges, first clarinet, sec- John E. B. Flagg.§ retary ; also in the glee club. Joseph C. Greene, bugle. Job Angell. Lang, bugle. H.E.Barney. Danforth Lyon. || Cornelius S. Cartee. f John Lyon. Samuel Cartee. Moses Noyes. * Edward E. Hansen, aged 56, died in Berlin, 111., July 9, 1854. Late president of the old Philharmonic Society in Providence. An accom plished musician and a valued friend. [Journal, Sept. 14, 1854.] t See Appendix V. t William E. Cutting, in his 48th year. Notice of his death in the Providence paper. My old friend. He played second clarinet to my first in the old Providence Philharmonic Society. [Journal, Nov. 22, 1848.] § Dr. J. F. B. Flagg, aged about 70, died in West Chester, Penn., on the 8th inst. A former resident of Providence. My old friend aud dent ist, and fellow-member of the Providence Philharmonic Society. [Jour nal, Sept. 17, 1872.] II Danforth Lyon, aged 72, died in Providence this day. [Journal, April 12, 1857.] 152 SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. James N. Olney.* George Peirce. William H. Smith.f Samuel Tingley. Sylvanus Tingley. J Leander M. Ware. The last concert of the Society was given on May 5, 1834, with the following programme : — '¦C-&:/r/i-:(yjjrrf!)li&j/:ri^, m illll til The Sixth and last CoTicert of the Course, hy the Philharnumic Society, taltes place at the Masonic Hall, lPA!2i1?2lSE'!L.iiSiSo Part I. !. OvERTDRE — La Dame Blanche 2. Song — Cry of the Hounds 3. Ml.VL'ETTO — 4. Glee — Hark the Curfew 5. Rondo — 6. Ombra Adorato — Two Fluies, Piano occom- paniment 7. Overture — Guy Blannering Boildieu. Bishop. Gyrowelz. Atwood. Gyrowelz. Zingerelli. Bishop. Part II. 1. Overture — Tancredi 2. SosG— The Sea 3. Adagio and Minuetto — 4. Solo— Violin HH^^*^ 5. Providence First Light Infantry Grand March 6. Glee — Lutzow's Wild Hunt 7. Finale — Battle of Prague. Rossini. Chev. J^eukomm. Pleyd. Hansen. Weber. Subscribers can obtain extra tickets, for Ladies, by applying al No. 19, Arcade. ' The Overture will commence at quarter before 8 o'clock. WEEDEN t CORY, PRINTERS, No. 9, MAREtET.SaOARE, JS; .1^ _5ie&S<9S®S©®©f5®S®998999SSS6)©e®9S96®@©@®®' * See Appendix V. One of the founders of the Brooklyn, IN'. Y., Phil harmonic Society, if the Editor's memory is correct. Founder of several musical societies in San Francisco and Oakland, Cal. t William Henry Smith [possibly not the member of the Philharmonic Society] died in Providence on the 19th inst. The late Governor Dorr's Secretary of State. [Journal, May 20, I860.] t Sylvanus Tingley, aged about 72, died in Attleborough, Mass., the last summer. A member of the old Providence Philharmonic Society. [Journal, Sept. 28, 1854.] SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 158 On January 26, 1825, a debating society was formed with the euphonious title of The Rhode Island Association of Economical and Odd Fellows — an unofficial variant recorded is The Rascally Ignorant Abominable Officious Evil Arrogant Odd Fellows — whose initials, T. R. I. A. 0. E. A. O. F., were used in the printed notices, and which was commonly called, in briefer parlance. The Odd Fellows. " The society flourished more than twenty years, and numbered among its members some of the most talented men of Rhode Island. The officers for the first year were : F. L. Wheaton, presi dent ; Allen O. Peck and Almon D. Hodges, vice presidents ; John Howell, secretary ; besides some others whose names I do not now (1859) remember, except Dudley Hix, the door keeper, the queerest and most comical specimen of humanity ever produced in that neighborhood. At the first meeting the president delivered a witty address, and James A. Jack son recited a poem." * The members of this society believed in the formal observ ance of the anniversaries of important national events, and strove to spread this belief among their fellow citizens. When they could not induce the town of Providence to commemo rate a day of historical importance — the Glorious Fourth, for instance — they held a celebration of their own, with supper, oration and poem, to which they invited prominent guests. When they were successful in their efforts, they took active part in the public ceremonies. My father was several times a member of the Committee of Arrangements at public celebra tions of the Fourth of July, and on the one hundredth anni versary of Washington's Birthday, he acted as Chief Marshal.f * Kecollections of A. D. H. t On February 22, 1832, the 100th anniversary of Washington's birth, I acted as Marshal of the Day, George W. Hallett and James N. Olney being Assistant Marshals. Judge John H. Pitman was the Orator, and Samuel Ames read the Farewell Address. There was a large procession. After the oration I had a reception at my residence in the Eddy house on Brown Street, and introduced the Assistant Marshals to my son Danforth, then a lad of five months. [Journal, Feb. 28, 1876, and Feb. 22, 1SS2. 154 SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. The spirit of the time with reference to public festivities is shown by the following letter printed in the Providence Journal of June 25, 1872 : • — Recollections of the Olden Time in Peovidence — Foueth of July Celbbeations. PoETSMOUTH, R. I., June 21 [1872]. The fiftieth anniversary of American Independence, 1826, was celebrated in Providence by a grand show of both the civil and the military authorities. General Josiah Whitaker and Colonel Nehemiah S. Draper were of the committee of arrangements, and they were very successful in their efforts to make the celebration worthy of the occasion. Hon, William Hunter delivered the ora tion in the First Congregational Church (Dr. Edes), and it was one of his most successful efforts. During one of his most happy flights of oratory, he looked over the pulpit into a pew near the front, where were seated four of " the boys," as he termed them with an eloquent reference to their act, who had a hand in the destruction of the English ship G-aspee in Providence River at the commencement of the Revolution ; and such a storm of ap plause arose from the closely packed audience as was never before heard in that venerable house. Dr. Ephraim Bowen, Dr. John Mawney and Turpin Smith were there seated as three of "the boys." * There had been an opposition to the appropriation of large sums of money for such occasions for a few years, and if my recollec tion serves me rightly, five hundred dollars, an extraordinary sum for the occasion, were appropriated for that year. The opposition at the Town House was so intense against a celebration in 1827, or it was found so difiicult to get gentlemen to serve on the com mittee, that it was passed over at the town meeting. But the * The same writer in another letter on this same subject, printed in the Providence Journal of July 4, 1876, stated : " The four boys referred to above were Col. Ephraim Bowen, Capt. Turpin Smith, Dr. John Mawney and Capt. Benjamin Page, all nearly or over eighty years of age." SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 155 young men took the matter in hand, a very generous sum was raised by subscription, a committee of young men, sixteen in num ber, was appointed, and a splendid celebration followed. William S. Patten was chairman ; Amos D. Smith was secretary ; Albert G. Greene, one of the best speakers in those days for occasions of the kind, was the orator ; and excellently well did all parties do their parts. The committee erected a splendid arch, spanning the Great Bridge, which our oldest citizens probably will recollect. When the next year's June town meeting was held (1828) for the purpose of making an appropriation for celebrating the fifty- second anniversary, we had the usual opposition, but, if I recollect rightly, two hundred and fifty dollars were appropriated. The usual difficulty about obtaining a committee of arrangements arose at the meeting. A great many gentlemen were tendered the honor, but all declined except Almon D. Hodges and Samuel I. Smith. Both of these being absent from town, there was no opportunity for them to decline at the meeting ; and on their ar rival home they consented to serve provided that they could obtain an orator. After they had called on a large number of eloquent gentlemen who declined. Rev. David Pickering con sented, with the understanding that some other reverend gentle man should make the prayer. A large number of the ministers of Providence were called on and all declined. In this dilemma the orator told the committee that, if it would be any particular accommodation to them, he would serve as orator, make the prayer, perform the sexton's and the usher's duties — do anything except play on the organ ; he somewhat doubted his ability to do that. And as his organist, Henry H. Fish, was absent, he proposed con gregational music without the organ. The reverend gentleman went through all services required of him, very much to the satis faction of the committee and with a very happy effect on the audience. The committee, having some doubts of the appropria tion holding out, spent thirty dollars for fireworks, which, with the assistance of Edward Carlisle, they fired off themselves, from an old scow on the Cove in the evening. According to the best of my remembrance, these were the first fireworks at a Fourth of July celebration in Providence, and were quite satisfactory to the assembled crowd. 156 SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. The appropriation was not all expended, and the balance in the hands of the committee, twenty-three dollars and eighty-two cents, was paid back to the venerable town treasurer, John Howland, who said to the writer that such an act, according to his best recollection, knowledge and belief, had never before been heard of. a. d. h. The Pro^ddence Athenaeum was chartered originally in June, 1831. It later united with the Providence Library, and the consolidated society was incorporated in January, 1836, as The Atheneum, A. D. Hodges being one of the corporators. The library was located in the Arcade until July 16, 1836, when the present building on Benefit Street was opened. Commencement Day at Brown University was for many years the great holiday of Providence. All citizens were supposed to be at home, and a large number kept open house. From time out of mind until Dr. Wayland became president (in 1827), it had been the custom on the evening before Commencement for the students to illuminate the various buildings, entertain their friends, and have a general jollifica tion, attracting crowds to the college grounds. This custom Dr. Wayland abolished, despite strong opposition on the part of the students. Monday, August 23, 1824, was a great day for Rhode Island, and a long and oratorical day for the Nation's Guest, General Lafayette. Early in the morning the General left Plainfield, Connecti cut, about thirty miles from Providence, and rode under escort to the State line. Here he was met, with welcoming speeches, by the aides of the Governor of Rhode Island and other persons, and conducted to the Providence boundary. At this point the representatives of the town met him, delivered themselves of their speech, and placed him in a barouche drawn by four white horses ; and amid the booming of cannon, he was escorted through town by a procession more GENERAL LAFAYETTE. GENERAL LAFAYETTE. 157 than a mile long. The General rode alone, uncovered, sa luted with a continuous roar of cheers, — the crowd, through which he passed slowly, taking advantage of every pause to obtain the honor of grasping liis hand. It was a general holi day. All the stores were closed and all business ceased. At the foot of the State House parade, on North Main Street, Lafayette alighted and walked between lines of white- clad girls who strewed his path with flowers. Entering the State House, he embraced his former companion in arms, Stephen Olney, and was received — with more oratory — by Governor James Fenner and other officials. Crossing Benefit Street to the Globe tavern,* he held there a popular reception, and was banqueted, and toasted, by the town authorities. About half-past four in the afternoon, arm in arm with the Governor, he walked in review in front of the militia, drawn up on parade on Benefit Street, and on arriving at the end of the line was again addressed. Entering a carriage vnth the Governor, an officer of the militia (Col. Bowen), and a dis tinguished citizen (Zachariah Allen), he rode away, cheered by the populace and escorted by a numerous company on horseback and in carriages. In Pawtucket the General was greeted by a display of flags, ringing of bells, salutes of artillery, and a fresh con course of enthusiastic people. He alighted for a few minutes, and many citizens were introduced to him, shook hands with him, and evinced a willingness to address him. Thence he proceeded, still under escort, to the Massachusetts boundary, which he reached at six o'clock, where he was formally and oratorically turned over to the care of the Bay State, repre sented officially by the Governor's staff and unofficially by an admiring multitude. *Then kept by Sanford Horton. Called formerly the Golden Ball Inn, and subsequently Chappotin's Tavern and Hotel and the City Man sion House. 158 GENERAL LAFAYETTE. The triumphal procession moved on along the turnpike to Boston, everywhere greeted with enthusiasm. At eight o'clock it came to Fuller's tavern in Walpole, where " a large battalion of troops " was encountered ; also shoutings and ad dresses. Near midnight Dedham was reached. The town was illuminated. A brief stop was made, a large number of ladies and gentlemen was introduced and a few brief speeches were spoken. At Roxbury there were rockets, salvos of artil lery, and more cheering; and here, escorted by a throng of people, he arrived at two o'clock in the morning at the resi dence of his old friend of the Continental Army, Governor William Eustis, was embraced, introduced, hand-shaken, ad dressed, cheered madly, and finally allowed to go to bed. This seems to have been a sample day of Lafayette's tri umphant tour through the United States. That for a whole year he could listen diurnaUy to so many " eloquent speeches " and make so many "fitting replies," indicates strong powers of endurance. The son of Jonathan Hodges of the Continental Army was not the man to remain quiet on such an occasion. He was among the most enthusiastic of those who welcomed Lafay ette at Providence, and his enthusiasm was not satisfied with one day of welcome. After the banquet, he and other ardent young men secured an extra stage and started for Boston, keeping a little in advance of the General. When Fuller's tavern in South Walpole was reached, it being quite dark, the battalion of light infantry posted there mistook the first car riage for that containing the General, and gave its occupants a military salute. The salute was returned with such over charged pomp and politeness by the party in the stage, that the troops were fiirst stunned and then excited. Stony pro jectiles flew towards the vehicle, whose driver whipped up his horses and carried his rejoicing passengers out of range. At half-past twelve o'clock the party reached Boston and passed the store of J. D. & M. Williams. Here father, fear- GENERAL LAFAYETTE. 159 ing great difficulty in securing a bed at any public house on account of the crowds pouring into the city, made a burglari ous entry and took possession of the bedchamber of the clerks, who had gone to Roxbury to see the reception at the Eustis house. Arising at five o'clock, he hunted up his old companj', the Boston City Guards, who welcomed him to their ranks. With this company, acting as non-commissioned officer, he marched to again greet Lafayette. It was one of Boston's greatest celebrations. The city authorities, the military companies, and a great throng of civilians marched out on the Neck to the Roxbury line. Here General Lafayette was received in the usual manner. Mayor Josiah Quincy " speaking with great eloquence," and the General " making a fitting reply." Then the procession — the largest escort ever seen in Boston up to this time — started back through the crowded streets and past the pro fusely decorated houses, amid peals of bells, roars of cannon and shoutings of the multitude. On arriving at the Common, the General reviewed the pupils of the public schools who, drawn up in double lines on the Tremont Street Mall and attired in red, white and blue, sang the Marseillaise and threw flowers before his feet. At the State House the State and City authorities formally received their guest, who was after wards escorted to his temporary residence at the head of Park Street, where he held a public reception. About five o'clock there was the usual banquet, with the inevitable toasts, at the Exchange Coffee House. The most notable decoration this day was a triumphal arch on Washington Street, just south of Dover Street, at the site of the ancient barrier of 1631, the brick-, stone- and earth works of 1710, and the stronger fortifications of 1774. In scribed on this arch was a motto (written by Boston's banker-poet, Charles Sprague) which became famous, and is said to have called tears to the eyes of General Lafayette. " It made such an impression on me," wrote my father in 160 BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 1875, " that I committed it to memory, and it has remained with me more than fifty years : — ' The fathers in glory shall sleep. Who gathered with thee to the fight ; But their sons will eternally keep The tablet of gratitude bright. We bow not the head, we bend not the knee. But our hearts, Lafayette, we surrender to thee.' " On Wednesday father returned by stage to Providence, starting from Boston at nine in the morning, stopping two hours for dinner at Polley's tavern in Walpole, and arriving home at sunset. Another, perhaps grander, occasion on which Lafayette was the principal star, and in which my father participated, was the laying of the corner-stone of Bunker HiU Monument on June 17, 1825. On the 15th of June* a party of six young men, representing the senior class of Brown University (such of the students as wished to attend the celebration being granted a vacation for the purpose), the Providence Cadets, the Providence Light Infantry, and the Pig and Whistle Club, four in a hack and two in a chaise, started from Providence at four o'clock in the morning to attend the great celebration at Charlestown. These were Cornelius S. Cartee of Brown, Capt. Solomon H. Mudge of the Cadets, Isaac H. Cady, Almon D. Hodges (these in the hack), John R. Bartlett, for many years Secretary of State of Rhode Island, and Albert F. Dyer. We intended to take it leisurely and to have a good time generally ; and fearing that we might not find accommoda tion at a hotel, on account of the great rush from all parts of the country, we took along a company tent with all its equipments, intending to pitch it on Boston Common in case of emergency. We reached Taunton at seven o'clock and there breakfasted. At ten o'clock we arrived at Bridgewater and encamped in a va- * Condensed from the printed narratives of A. D. Hodges and Cor nelius S. Cartee, found among father's papers. BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 161 cant lot near the South Bridgewater meeting house. Here we remained until three o'clock in the afternoon, dining and singing songs and glees, which soon drew around us a goodly company of the villagers. In return for our music, we were honored with a serenade by the Bridgewater Band. At seven o'clock we reached Randolph and encamped for the night. After supper we gave a free concert to a large and de lighted audience. The programme was made up of glees which were so popular at that time, such as "Dame Durden," " Chairs to Mend," "The Minute Gun at Sea," "Poor Johnny's Dead," and " Crows in a Cornfield," all of which were received with unbounded applause. We broke camp the next (Thursday) morning at four o'clock and arrived in Boston at seven, and were fortunate enough to find quarters at the old Tontine Coffee House on Washington Street, a few doors above Milk Street. Thence we sallied forth " to see whatever could be seen ; " and Friday's dawn, " big with the fate of see sir and of roam,'''' found us ready to play our part without a prompter. It was a lovely day. New England was largely represented, and great numbers were present from other States of the Union. The procession, said to be over three miles in length, was formed at the State House in Boston and marched to the summit of Bunker HUl in Charlestown. The van, composed of a large mili tary escort in brilliant array, 200 veterans of the Revolution (40 of them, survivors of the battle, in barouches), some wearing the equipments of their ancient and honorable service, a large body of the Masonic fraternity in splendid regalia, an extended line of societies and associations with their badges and banners, and, con spicuous among all, the honored guest of the Nation, General Lafayette, the streets thronged even to the house-tops with a joy ous multitude, — all these presented a spectacle never before wit nessed on this continent. With appropriate ceremonies, in the presence of a vast con course, the corner-stone was laid by the Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts, assisted by General Lafayette, himself a Mason of high degree, and by Daniel Webster, President of the Bunker Hill Monument Association. The procession then moved 162 BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. to a spacious amphitheatre on the northern declivity of the hill, to hear Mr. Webster's address. At the end of his grand oration the entire multitude, with the old Boston Brigade Band accom panying, sang " Old Hundred " in a style never before heard. After this came the grand banquet in an edifice erected on Bunker Hill for the purpose. Here were collected four thousand guests and subscribers to the dinner. The next day was devoted by us to sight-seeing, and, on the day after, our party returned to Providence. We had a very grand and a very jovial time, and not a single incident had oc curred to mar our pleasure. Eighteen years later, in 1843, Colonel Hodges — he was Colonel then — was present at the dedication of the Monu ment. The principal guest on this occasion was the Presi dent of the United States. Daniel Webster was again the orator. On June 15 President Tyler and his suite arrived at noon in Providence and were received by the city officials and the military companies. Colonel Hodges commanding the Provi dence Horse Guards. The President was escorted to the Franklin House where a collation was served, held a recep tion at Westminster Hall, and visited Brown University. At half-past five he dined at the Franklin House with the city authorities, and in the evening took tea with Governor Fenner and attended a party at Mayor Clifford's residence. The next morning he departed for Boston. On Saturday, June 17, Colonel Hodges, with the Provi dence Light Infantry (and many citizens), left Providence at half-past five in the morning and arrived in Boston at half- past seven. They joined the procession which began to move from the Common about nine o'clock, sixty companies of militia with twenty-four bands of music forming the first division. When the rear of this division had passed the State House, the Governor's body-guard (the Boston and the Salem Cadets) fell in, escorting the high dignitaries and BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 168 the invited guests, who were in carriages. Among the guests were 108 veterans of the Revolution. Then followed the second division, composed of prominent officials and citizens from the New England and other States, and numerous so cieties. The procession occupied one hour in passing a given point, and reached Monument Square in Charlestown two hours after leaving the State House. The Presidential party with the guests drove at once into the Square, escorted by the Boston Lancers and the Cadets (the rest of the military escort remaining without), and were followed by the second division. Then the guards were withdrawn and the attendant throng rushed in. After a prayer by Rev. George E. Ellis, Mr. J. T. Bucking ham, President of the Monument Association, introduced the orator of the day, who for an hour and fifty-six minutes (those who couldn't hear could gaze at their watches) charmed and swayed his audience by his eloquence. Meantime the militia outside the Square received their rations as a substitute for rhetoric. After the oration, the procession reformed and marched back to Boston, where were other festivities, including the customary banquet. For these proceedings Colonel Hodges and the majority of the Providence visitors did not wait, but so soon as Mr. Webster ceased speaking, hurried back to the railroad station in Boston and took the half -past four train home. " I arrived at home at a quarter-past six, after passing a very pleasant day," wrote our Journalist, with much less enthusiasm than he had expressed concerning the celebration of laying the corner-stone of the Monument. A third time (it was the second time chronologically) my father started with Providence friends to foregather at Bunker HiU. It was on September 10, 1840, when the Wings held their " great Bunker Hill Convention," claimed as the largest political meeting held in New England since the close of the Revolutionary War. To this came delegates from almost 164 WHIG CELEBRATIONS. every part of the Union, Rhode Island sending nearly two thousand. A procession three mUes long, with numbers esti mated from 50,000 to 75,000, marched from the Common in Boston to Bunker HUl, where Daniel Webster, " surrounded by the venerable men who fought the battles of the Revolu tion," made the principal address. Father, not feeling well, dropped out of the procession as it left the Common. He dined with his dear friend Moses WUliams, and in the evening attended a political meeting at the Odeon. He spent the night with his friend Dr. Marshall S. Perry, who sent him home the next morning. There he took to his bed for nearly a month, laid up with inflammatory rheumatism,* variegated by an abscess of the cheek which entirely closed one eye and caused the loss of several pieces of the cheek bones. Father was present at the Clay and Frelinghuysen celebra tion in Boston on September 10, 1844, to which Rhode Island sent a large delegation. He saw the long procession of horse men and footmen and bands of music, with a great profusion of flags and of banners inscribed with mottoes and devices. The streets were lined with crowds, and the houses were decorated with flags, streamers, flowers and evergreens. He attended the big, fervent mass meeting on the Common, which vociferously applauded Daniel Webster and other impassioned speakers from all parts of the country. Not until the Civil War was there another such enthusiastic political gathering in New England; never since that date has there been a poUtical meeting at which so many representatives from so many different States have been present. On September 6, 1842, my father journeyed to Taunton and six mUes beyond, and visited a " Mormon Camp Meet ing." But as to what was done there, or how he was im pressed, the Journal is sUent. * He had had a five-weeks' attack of this in 1838. ^ ¦ WHIG MASS MEETING, BOSTON COMMON, 1844. (From an old Prirrt.) MILITARY SERVICE IN RHODE ISLAND. •.'/^N September 30, 1824, "having been duly warned, I turned out in the ranks of the Ward Militia company, under command of Capt. Christian M. Nestell, and was appointed corporal pro tern. We marched to the Training Field, where tbe regiment, com manded by Col. Earl Carpenter, had a field day, including a sham fight by the light troops."* On July 9, 1825, Almon D. Hodges was appointed and commissioned Adjutant of the 2nd Regiment, 2nd Brigade of the Rhode Island Militia, by Colonel John Church; and on May 25, 1826, the commission was renewed. This was a favorite office. The uniform of the Adjutant was considered the handsomest worn, and his duties on parade and drill made him very prominent. On the fourth Monday of June, 1827, Adjutant Hodges was elected Lieutenant Colonel of the same regiment by the General Assembly of the State, and was commissioned accordingly by " His Excellency, James Fenner, Governor, Captain-General and Commander in Chief of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations," under date of July 2, 1827. On the first Wednesday of May, 1828, Lieutenant Colonel Hodges was elected Colonel of the same regiment by the General Assembly, and was commissioned by the Governor on May 12, 1828. These miUtary elections by the General Assembly, and com missions by the Governor, were for the term of one year only. » Kecollections of A. D. H. (165) 166 MILITARY SERVICE IN RHODE ISLAND. Colonel Hodges was re-elected yearly until 1833, when he declined to serve longer. Although my father always maintained the proper dignity of any position which he held, he never allowed consideration TO MjL COJ^CEMNEB, BY virtue of Authority, in me vested by the Honourable General As- semUy of the Ste^ ofJSi^gr-^fend and Proridence PlantatJMiri. j doJiereby_ ^poiot ^o\iiX>p?^tr^gfy J^My-d^£(i to the Office aif^iUli4^^^'A-~, in the Second Raiment of Militia]wsam)State, under my command. In executing the duties of which Office, you will strictly confonn Co the orders you may receive from youi' superior Officers j__£ilj j(phich this shall be your sufficient Warrant, Gvim undtrtny^nd and seal this (y/i-o^vi^'^^—^^ ' xSty of, r^^ rJ^^^ypt-pu-^^y^ . Governor J Captain-General^ and Commander in Chief, of the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations. 5 «' UJUJ J. ou tlie said CC^y>^'>'n^ , y, // /i^_^_Jhaving been elected by the General Assembly, q at the Session held on the yS^-*-*;:^^^^-^^'*^^^^^^^ x-;/ C//^*^-.-!^ -Cm^C^ to the Office of '^o^-^^^^^^^^^'W-^^CT'^ _i -^^,^^^^J^ ^^^t:^lt<^-^-<^-^-^<'-^'^<^ .^^j?4i^*^.-^^;c:e:^'.»-;/..^^>-,^.<^£:ZJ^^ in the State aforesaid, are O Iiereby, in the namejaf'the State, of Rhode-Island^nd iPr^vidence Plantations; authorized, empowered and cora^nltsMhed, to exercise V the office of a<::i2_^szi5-^^t--;.i:?>^ -^ ^f-^^^x.-'S^- of and over tho ¦'''^^ ^^-p-rt^ci-ii^i^ ^ aforesaid ; and to command and conduct the same, or any part thereof. ^Ac^^ case of an invasioojjr assault of a "common enemy, ^f to infest or disturb this State, you are lo alarm and gather together the /L^-t^ /^^--^^i^-^i^^^CC^ under Z your con 0 and, or such part thereof as you shall deem sufficient ; and therewithj^ the utmost of your skill and ability, you are to resist, [^ expel and destroy thnm iu order to preserve the interest of the good citizens of this State. Vou are also to follow such instructions -3 and orders as shall, from, time to lirae, be given forth, either by Ihe General Assembly, the Governor and General Council, or other uJ yoar superior Officers. And for your so doing, this C'ummissioD shall be your sufficient Warrant and Discharge. -1 CD GIVHJV under^nty hand, and the seal ofthe said State, this _gj'^^L-<:-<^-?-t.*<-' day of < ^^'^^^ in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twenty si^-^-^^'^-'y^ O and in the .-^^-/-^^^ ^-fL^^j/''^ Tear of Independence. J2 ootoa>Oz>o oI-oztn 73mOmz H ,^; % His Excellency C-^/:^P>^d-<^ -^''-^^f-i-Pt^^'-^ G'werrwr, Captain-General, and Commander in Chief of the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations. of-"^^ ' .y'Z..^..^ ^-->..>t.-.?>->-^-'--' ^^ / ^ A^i^^^-i><^<'-^.'^ / in.iue mate aioresaid, are hereby z^>>'Z^' at lJj6:^ssion held on tho first Wednesday of May, instant, to the Office , having been elejj id ^ the G^iMtal Assembly, in. the State aforesaid, are OIV^A" under my hand and the seal of the said State, this /"Z-^ otkJ in thejifly day of in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twenty .,£<.-^ ^i^ Tear ef Independence. J^^t^y^^^-^^* By His Excellency, ^/mft.u^?^^^ ^^^ Governor, Captain' General, and Commander'in-Chief of ihe State of Rhodc'Island and Providence Plantations. o To ^^y^n^'^ y&fi^£^ ESQUIRE: GREETING. o Yon, the said .^•wv^^tuO having Tipcn p1,.<.4«.jV4,j^ tlT,..r;«.TwniVr It th- H-"'— ' i 1 ¦¦ 1' ¦ n r? • ff / • ¦ u^'i.^ciyCut^ to the Office of /iA^.f<>--Z2^«:=^**^^~ ¦^'''^*^'*-*^^ q ^ t^kxy /Zt-^i-**'.***-'^ t/f J-cC'J-^ (j>t/n^(i'yi.*Af 1,^ g!co ^*5' (rfZ^.^^fCti.t^itXj'^ in tbe State aforesaid, are Tiereby, in tne name ol tha.said State,of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, authorized, empowered apd commissioned, to - exercise the office of /Ci^st^-.G^t.iH-vZ'" ^^•^.^it.t^ of and over the /^o^ ^ . bej^g ^^^^ ^j appointed ¦Go^tyn-e^ c ^ z lUgim^vM Company in the county of J^ ci^ cCl^vt-^^ -^ the State aforesaid, chartered by the name of o¦n •D3J O o 5" BY HIS EXCELLENCY, fHE GOVERNOR to &ryuy Jdi^t^^^H^ sec'rv. y^J^^^^^"^"^ COL. A. D. HODGES, Providence Horse Guards. MILITARY SERVICE IN RHODE ISLAND. 171 during the journey.* When the riots broke out in Provi dence in 1831, and the town was thrown into alarm. Colonel Hodges assumed the still lower grade of Orderly Sergeant of a hastily-raised volunteer guard, and patrolled the streets during the night. And when, on May 18, 1842, the city was aroused at midnight by the report that the Dorrites were attacking the State arsenal, this man, who had commanded a regiment, hastened to the armory of the First Light Infantry and marched in the ranks of the company to repel the attack. Intense loyalty to his country was a marked trait in my father's character. He was no believer in the Divine Right of Governors or of Presidents or even of Party Managers ; but he saw clearly that in a Republic it would be ruinous to liberty if the minority of voters at any election, being dis satisfied with the result, were allowed to alter that result by force of arms. Hence it was that, while not claiming perfec tion for the Constitution of his State, and while willing to modify it by legal methods, he at once came to the front to defend that Constitution and the Government under it from an attempt to destroy them by violence. Thus he was brought back in 1842 into the military life which, he had supposed, he had abandoned permanently on account of business and family duties. He served energetically wherever his services were most needed at the time, whether as private in the ranks * The itinerary of this journey was as follows : The company, with a band of four pieces, left Providence on July 2 at 5.15 A. M., and marched to Horton's Grove on the Blackstone River, where breakfast was served at 9 A. M. It then took the canal boat Independence on tbe Blackstone Canal, and was hauled to Millbury, Mass., reaching this town at 9 P. M., and encamping there. The Commissary supped on bread and milk. The next morning the company re-embarked at 6 A. M., and arrived at Worcester at 8.30 A. M. The Blackstone Canal, from Providence to Worcester, was opened to use July 1, 1828. It was built along the course of the Blackstone River, portions of this stream being utilized where it was feasible. It was 44% miles long, 45 feet wide and 4 feet deep, and had 49 locks. It proved a financial failure. 172 MILITARY SERVICE IN RHODE ISLAND. or as commissioned officer. In recognition of his helpfulness, the State of Rhode Island presented him with a revolving carbine and two horse pistols, which he bequeathed to his youngest son. In May, 1842, there were armed forces in Providence, seem ingly ready to attack one another. On the one hand were the adherents of Thomas W. Dorr, declaring that they would seize the public property ; on the other hand were the militia com panies, adhering to the legal authority and prepared to sup port it. Excitement rose to fever heat. About a thousand men volunteered in defence of " Law and Order " and were enrolled in the "Regiment of Police Companies in the City of Providence." On June 4 the Governor commissioned father as Captain of the First Police Company, and on June 29 as Lieutenant Colonel of the regiment. The popular excitement soon died down, the cause having been removed, and the regi ment seems to have been disbanded ; for, on October 4, father was commissioned Captain of the Eleventh Volunteer Com pany of the City of Providence. But a number of the men who had volunteered in the emer gency, among them many citizens of wealth and high social standing,* decided to form a permanent company of light dragoons, being " deeply impressed with the necessity of such an addition to the present militia of the State." In the October session of 1842, the General Assembly granted a charter, whereby " Almon D. Hodges, George W. Hallet [afterwards Colonel], Samuel G. Arnold [afterwards * Robert H. Ives, of the firm of Brown & Ives, died in Providence this evening. He was a very excellent citizen and his death is deeply deplored by his fellow townsmen. Mr. Ives and his brother, Moses B. Ives, were among the most active members of the Providence Horse Guards when I commanded the company, 1842 to 1845. They, with John Carter Brown and Alexander Duncan raised the company in 1842. [Journal of A. D. H., July 6, 1876.1 The four gentlemen here named, although among the most influential men in the city, joined the company as privates. MILITARY SERVICE IN RHODE ISLAND. 173 Lieutenant-Governor and U. S. Senator], William W. Hop pin [afterwards Mayor and Governor] , John Giles, Moses B. Ives, John A. Wadsworth and Thomas J. Stead [afterwards General] , together with such others as now are or may here after be associated with them, not exceeding the number of Two Hundred exclusive of officers, be, and they are hereby declared to be, a military company in the [blank] Brigade of Rhode-Island Militia, by the name of the ' Providence Horse Guards.' " And what was in its day the crack militia com pany of Rhode Island, came into being. The original officers were : — Captain : — Almon D. Hodges. Pieutenants : — Ist, George W. Hallet; 2d, Samuel G. Arnold ; 3d, William W. Hoppin ; 4th, John Giles. John A. Wadsworth, Adjutant. Surgeon : — George Fabyan. Sergeants : — 1st, Henry L. Kendall; 2d, John T. Pitman; 3d, Amory Chapin ; 4th, Allen Baker. Corporals : — 1st, Thomas L. Dunnell ; 2d, William B. Whipple; 3d, Edward C. Wade ; 4th, Orson Moffit. Treasurer : — Samuel G. Arnold. Clerk : — John A. Wadsworth. Standing Committee : — Almon D. Hodges, Alexander Duncan, Amos D. Smith, Allen Baker. An act of the General Assembly of the State, in 1843, gave the Captain and the First, Second and Third Lieutenants the ranks of Colonel, Lieutenant-Colonel, Major and Captain respectively. My father, as Captain and as Colonel, commanded the squadron from its formation until his resignation in 1845 (on account of entering into business in Boston), and took the greatest delight in its drill, discipline and soldierly bearing, and in his friendships with the members of the company. He always declared that the honor of being at the head of such a fine body was sufficient glory for him and refused to accept 174 MILITARY SERVICE IN RHODE ISLAND. further military office,* except when his patriotism caused him, at the breaking out of the Civil War, to become Colonel of the Roxbury Horse Guards. The memory of his connec tion with the Providence Horse Guards was ever an unalloyed pleasure to him, and among his most cherished mementos were the handsome cavalry sabre and the beautiful silver pitcher presented to him by members of the corps, and by him bequeathed to one of his sons. The one important and exciting event during his militaiy service in Rhode Island, was the outbreak in 1842 known commonly as the Dorr War. The following account of this trouble he prepared and read before the New England His toric Genealogical Society in 1869. * On August 1, 1847, he was unanimously elected Brigadier General of the First Brigade, First Division, Massachusetts Militia, and on August 17, 1850, he was unanimously elected Colonel of the Suffolk Light In fantry Regiment; but iu both cases he felt compelled to decline. How ever, in 1847 and 1848 he drilled with great enjoyment a cavalry club in Boston, whose headquarters were at the "riding house" of Nelson E. Nims, 36 Hanover Street, refusing to accept any other title than that of Instructor. Moses Blake Williams, son of Moses Williams, was one of the leading members of this club. THE DORR WAR.* '^~T is now twenty-seven years since the occurrence of the stormy and stirring events which I propose to relate — a sufficient time for political feelings iu'^^^^^ and passions to become cool, and errors in judg ment to get corrected. I have tried to avoid all speech hav ing a partisan bearing, and shall endeavor to give a fair and faithful account of the scenes of that period. In recording these occurrences, I have derived assistance from the files of the Providence Journal, then ably edited by Henry B. Anthony, afterwards U. S. Senator, and from a pamphlet published at that time by Jacob Frieze. I believe that I am strictly correct in saying that, up to the time in question, neither the Whig nor the Democratic party in the State, when in power, dared to propose extension of the suffrage, from fear of losing office. Dorr called himself a Democrat, and sought aid in his plans from that party. It is therefore proper to say that the lead ing men of the Democratic party in Rhode Island were among the most uncompromising " Law and Order " men in the State, and that the Dorr faction hated them even worse than they hated the Whigs. * This paper entitled " Recollections of the Rebellion in Rhode Island in 1842, known from the name of the principal actor as The Dorr War," was read by Almon D. Hodges before the New England Historic Genea logical Society in Boston, May 5, Sept. 1 and Oct. 6, 1869. (175) 176 THE DORR WAR. It is also fair to state that a large number of the Suffrage Party in 1841 and 1842 denounced the violent proceedings of Dorr, and endeavored to dissuade him and others from their extreme measures. Thomas Wilson Dorr, the instigator of the rebellion, was son of Sullivan Dorr, who went from Roxbury, Massachusetts, to Providence in the latter part of the last or the beginning of the present century, and who married Lydia Allen, a beau tiful and accomplished woman belonging to one of the first families of Providence. Thomas Dorr was a man of marked peculiarities. He was at this time about 36 years of age, had been educated at Harvard College, and possessed great abilities in many direc tions. I knew him well. He could be most agreeable and genial socially, and was endowed with a happy faculty of bending the minds of those around him to his own views. Had he acted judiciously, with the judgment and tact of other politicians and public men, he would have reached, I believe, the highest offices in the State. He was a very warm friend so long as his opinions were accepted ; but opposition he would not endure, being exceedingly self-willed and headstrong. He was very persistent in his ideas and efforts, and on the subject of the method of changing the form of government he was considered insane by many. The men originally in the movement for the extension of the suffrage were very unwilling to admit him to a share in their councils. They said that he belonged to an aristocratic family and hence could have no genuine sympathy with them in their desires. Moreover they had no confidence in his tact and discretion. But Dorr by persistence worked him self into a position in the party where his ability enabled him to seize and hold the leadership. Until 1842, the original charter granted in 1663 by King Charles II to the colony remained in force in Rhode Island, THOMAS WILSON DORR. THE DORR WAR. 177 and the right to vote was allowed only to " freeholders," or owners of real estate of the value of $134, and their eldest sons. Tliis limitation of the suffrage seemed to be satisfac tory during a long period when almost every man was a free holder; but when the number of non-voters became large, the subject of extending the suffrage was agitated. At first all that was asked was a rule as liberal as that in Massachu setts, and this modest demand was favored by many of the freeholders. The extension-of-suffrage party grew rapidly in numbers, especially in the northern part of the State, where many of those already entitled to vote admitted that the time had come for a change, and were prepared to join with the non-freeholders in petitioning the State legislature (tech nically styled The General Assembly) for a change in the constitution. The new party, as it increased, split into two factions — one conservative, the other radical. The radical wing was not fortunate in its leaders, who were good people in their way, but not well gifted with wisdom and reasonableness. About 1833, or immediately after the Presidential election of 1832, the ultra free-suffrage party became very active and bitter, and very loud in their claims for office. Meetings were held in Providence in the old town hall, and were addressed generally by mechanics and other working-men, who often displayed considerable oratorical ability. The speeches, how ever, almost always contained excited attacks upon the "aris tocrats," "landholders," and " ruffled-shirt gentry" of the opposition, and gross epithets were applied to men of the best reputation who were not in sympathy with the radical movement. In illustration of their ideas, the oifieers and speech-makers of the meetings appeared on the platform dressed in green baize jackets ; and the members of a " Com mittee of Correspondence " signed an address to John Quincy Adams, then in Washington, and Francis Baylies of Taunton, as follows : — 178 THE DORR WAR. Seth Luther, " house carpenter " ; William J. Tillinghast, " barber " ; Lawrence Richard, " blacksmith " ; William Mitch ell, "shoemaker"; David Brown, "time regulator"; and, if I recollect aright, Nat. Metcalf, " town crier." The extreme ideas advanced by the radical wing of the party caused such a diminution of the ranks of those seeking an extension of the suffrage, that the movement sank into insignificance and was entirely overshadowed by the subject of national politics, the National Bank question, and the mon etary crisis of the country. In the spring of 1840 the suffrage question again came to the front. A suffrage association was formed, the non- freeholders were called on again to unite in pushing the mat ter, and the " landholders " were appealed to for a favorable consideration of the extension of the right to vote and for a change in the unequal representation of the different towns in the State legislature.* About this time Dorr acquired a prominent position in the movement and forced his ideas upon the party which, as before mentioned, had previously been opposed to admitting him to its councils. The movement gained such an impetus that the next year (1841) the freeholders felt it was imperative to make some concessions. In the January session of the General Assembly a petition was presented from the town of Smithfield asking for an increase of her representation, and the discussion of the petition brought up the whole suffrage question. The matter was postponed until the June session, when the pres sure became so great that the General Assembly, as by law provided, voted to call a popular convention to amend the charter or frame a new constitution — the election of delegates to be held on August 31, and the convention to assemble on November 2. *For example, Newport with a population of about 10,000 had five representatives, while Providence with over 30,000 inhabitants had only four. THE DORR WAR. 179 But the ultra suffrage party was not content to wait for the legal action of the General Assembly. Early this same 3^ear a mass meeting was held in Newport and adjourned to meet in the same town in May, when a "State Committee" was appointed, with directions to call a convention which should form what they were pleased to designate a " People's Constitution." On the Sth of July another mass meeting was held in Providence, which instructed the State Committee to call the People's Convention forthwith; and the committee called the convention at the date of November 16. Thus it happened that two conventions were held the same month, — one authorized by the General Assembly in accordance with the law of the State ; the other formed in a completely extra-legal manner and by utterly irresponsible persons. The elections ordered by the General Assembly were duly held, and the delegates chosen convened on November 2 and after some discussion adjourned until February 14, 1842, in order, as they declared, that they might ascertain the wishes of their constituents. The elections ordered by the People's Committee were also held, but in a peculiar manner. Clubs were formed through out the State, and these clubs, to whose membership women and minors were admitted, chose the delegates. The People's Convention, thus selected, assembled on November 16 and framed a constitution which was submitted to " the people " at an election that began on December 27, and was conducted under the auspices of the clubs in a most irregular manner, without any check-lists or any other of the customary safe guards. Many persons affirmed afterwards that they had cast their ballots a dozen times each without any objection on the part of the election officers — a proceeding possibly explained by the fact that hardly any of the legal voters participated in the election. The People's Committee counted the votes, declared that the proposed constitution had been adopted. 180 THE DORR WAR. and that a whole new set of State officers, civil and militaiy, had been chosen, and proclaimed Thomas W. Dorr as the Governor-elect of Rhode Island. The legal or " landholders convention " reassembled in February, 1842, and formed a new constitution which was much more liberal in its provisions than the old charter. The land-qualification was retained, but with this limitation the elective franchise was granted to all native-born males, with out distinction of color, 21 years of age, and resident two years in the State and six months in the place where they claimed a vote. The word white did not appear in this con stitution, but had been adopted in the so-called people's constitution. It was hoped that this concession on the part of the free holders would conciliate the opposition party and put an end to the excitement which was fast becoming intense. It did satisfy a very large number of the original suffrage party, but the extreme wing was not to be pacified, and Dorr himself avowed that he would receive nothing at the hands of the landholders' convention, — that he would not accept their constitution even if it agreed word for word with his own. The landholders' constitution was voted on by the people in March, 1842, but the opposition of freeholders in the southern part of the State, and of the radical Dorr party, or " Dorrites," was strong enough to defeat it by a small majority. The great mass of the freeholders, including many of those who had voted in the negative, soon discovered that a mistake had been made in rejecting the proposed constitution, and de clared steps should be taken as soon as possible to form and offer to the people another constitution. The Dorrites, en couraged by the position of affairs, began to adopt extreme measures, and at their meetings some of the speakers openly proposed to appeal to arms, and were loudly applauded by their audiences. THE DORR WAR. 181 The agitation became very great and the position of Dorr was apparently supported very widely. Even among the best of the militia companies there were partisans of Dorr who expressed themselves in favor of forcible measures for placing him in the gubernatorial chair, and it was deemed necessary to expel them from the militia on this account. For a time neither party be lieved that the other would actually fight, but finally the opin ion gained general credence that Dorr would certainly use force, and many of his supporters then abandoned his cause and sided with the Law and Order party. In accordance with the provisions of the People's Constitu tion, the State officers claiming election under this instrument, with Dorr at their head, assembled in Providence on the 3rd day of May, 1842, for the purpose of organizing a State gov ernment. The State House having been refused them, they met in an unfinished building designed for a foundry, which circumstance gave rise to the name of " the Foundry Legis lature " afterwards applied to them. In proceeding to the place of meeting, they were accompanied by a military guard provided with muskets loaded with ball-cartridges; and armed guards surrounded their legislature when in session, and at other times protected Dorr's headquarters. But no disturb ance of the peace occurred on this day, and the proposition of Dorr to take forcible possession of the State House was voted down by his legislature, which showed a want of confidence in their position and their leader. In fact many members of this new government resigned their offices and publicly announced their resignations in the newspapers. On the 4th of May the General Assembly convened accord ing to law at Newport, organized the legal government, and at once proceeded to the consideration of political affairs. All hope of conciliation was abandoned and more forcible measures were decided on. Arrests of the men most promi nent in the Dorr movement began to be made by the govern ment. These arrests caused great excitement, and large 182 THE DORR WAR. crowds attended the legal examinations of the arrested par ties, but no attempt at a rescue was make except in the single case of Hezekiah Willard, and this attempt was stopped by Willard himself. As Dorr was constantly surrounded by an armed force, the authorities decided that it would be injudici ous to try to capture him, and he remained unmolested. The President of the United States, John Tyler, was re quested by the State Government to furnish federal troops for suppressing what was considered to be a genuine insurrec tion, but declined to interfere, greatly to the disappointment and indignation of the Law and Order party. The First Light Infantry of Providence, commanded by Colonel William W. Brown, the Cadets, under Major Martin, and the Marine Artillery, under Colonel Nightingale, as well as the Newport, Bristol and Warren companies, were ordered under arms and actively drilled. At the earnest request of the Quartermaster General, Samuel Ames (afterwards Judge of the Supreme Court of Rhode Island), a brother-in-law of Dorr, and hence supposed to be well acquainted with the character of this gentleman, a strong guard was placed in the State Arsenal on the Dexter Training Field — so named from Ebenezer Knight Dexter, who had donated to the city of Providence about twenty acres of land for militia train ings. The arsenal contained a number of pieces of ordnance ranging from 12-pounders to 48-pounders, and about 2500 muskets, with the necessary ammunition. Meanwhile Dorr, with all the military force which he was able to persuade to join him, was preparing as well as he could for the approaching crisis. A deficiency of weapons was remedied as far as possible by stealing guns and digging up old cannon which had done duty for a long time, muzzle down, at the corners of the streets. The Dorrites loudly asserted that the " Aristocrats " would not dare to fight, and if they did, that one Dorrite would be able to whip five " Al- gerines." On the other side, some of the friends of the legal THE DORR WAR. 183 government expressed very much the same ideas in favor of their own party, and even were inclined to ridicule the pre parations for actual hostilities. On Thursday, May 12, the adherents of Dorr fanned the excitement by holding a meeting at the Court House Parade in Providence, and making speeches breathing defiance against the " Algerine law " passed at the late session of the legisla ture — in virtue of which law several of Dorr's party had been arrested on the charge of treason. They declared that Dorr should be protected at all hazards. About this time Dorr visited New York city, where a meeting in his favor was held in a certain ward, and he was encouraged to proceed in his movement, and was promised money, men and arms. He returned to Providence on Monday, May 16, and was escorted by an armed force through the city from the railroad station to Federal Hill, where he made his headquarters at the house of Burrington Anthony — a man who had formerly been United States Marshal, and who was a prominent ad herent of Dorr. Before Dorr dismissed his escort, he arose in his carriage and made a long and excited address, during which he waved in the air what appeared to be an ordinary sword. He him self declared, according to the affirmation of his own party, that it was " an ensanguined blade, which should again be imbued with blood, should the people's cause require it." The editor of the Providence Journal, after an examination, reported thus : " Mr. Dorr made a great flourish last Monday about his sword, which he drew and brandished in a most fearful manner, and told a great story about its having be longed to an officer who fell fighting for his country. This sword belonged to a Lieutenant named Reill, who died of dysentery on the passage from St. Marks to Providence, and all the blood that was ever upon it would not wet the point." The first offensive movement was made (on May 17) by a party of Dorrites, numbering about forty, who at midday, by 184 THE DORR WAR. a sudden dash, took from the armory of the old Artillery Company two nine-pound guns, and carried them to Federal Hill. The armory was situated in the heart of the city at the rear of College Street, and was separated only by a narrow passage from the Cadet Armory, where were a number of Cadets and some members of the Marine Artillery. These wished to attack the Dorrites, but Governor King had departed and there was no one present with authority to order such an act. Samuel Dexter and Joseph Sweet, two fiery spirits, vol- IcTT fltnirahtnff Ou Sitord which he roared ia Veyr York. mcJas great professions of what A« vmJd io unteered to retake the cannon, if twenty-five men would aid them ; but General Carrington, one of the Governor's Coun cil, dissuaded them, using the argument that, legally, this would be merely mob against mob — and they belonged to the Law and Order party. Governor King, who was about two miles away, was sent for and came immediately. He at once ordered the militia of Warren, Bristol and Newport to report at Providence. The excitement in the city was at fever heat, and old men and young volunteered their services. THE DORR WAR. 185 Our truckman, Abel Oakes, who had been one of Dorr's principal supporters up to this time, came to our firm (Stim son & Hodges) and said that he would act with Dorr no longer. He stated that he knew Dorr would attack the State Arsenal that night if his men would stand by him, and if suc cessful, would seize the public property in Providence, take the College buildings for barracks — and what further Dorr intended to do, the Lord only knew! The man was very Tfpper.room eftke JrsenaZ.en Ihemghtof fh£l7^of ifai/. much excited and left the city immediately, advising us to do the same. His advice was not followed. In the course of the afternoon we were informed by Gen eral Ames and by Mr. Zachariah Allen — the latter an uncle of Dorr — that they fully believed the arsenal would be at tacked that night; and about sunset this information was corroborated by spies returning from Dorr's camp, who stated definitely that the attack would be made at two o'clock in the morning of the next day. May 18. Consequently the Cadets and the Marine Artillery were ordered to the arsenal, and marched thither at nine o'clock in the evening ; and the 186 THE DORR WAR. First Light Infantry, under Colonel William W. Brown, was held under arms as a reserve at its armory on the east side of the city. Dorr's intentions being known, his father, uncles and other relatives and friends visited him and remained with him until nearly midnight, endeavoring to dissuade him from such a rash and foolhardy undertaking. Their arguments were of no avail, and he persisted in his determination. About a hundred men from Pawtucket joined him during the evening, and at midnight he had an army of three hundred to four hundred men. But it was a motley crowd, unorganized and undisciplined, as reported by an eye-witness and proved by subsequent events. Soon after midnight Dorr drew up his forces in line and made them a speech. He said that the persons opposed to him were cowards and would not fight, and that the arsenal would be captured easily ; that the taking of the arsenal, with its stores and arms so necessary for his plans, was the first step ; and that he had staked everything on this issue. At one o'clock in the morning of May 18, he ordered the guns at his headquarters to be fired, as the signal for his army to move to the attack. This order illustrated his military inca pacity, since the signal for his men to move was also a warn ing to his foes of his action. At the discharge of the cannon, the alarm bells of the city were rung, and the men of the town joined the ranks of the mUitary, while the wives and children awaited in terror the outcome of the impending com bat. Few were the citizens of Providence who slept that night. The expectation of streets deluged in blood and a city wrapped in flames was almost universal. At the signal. Dorr commenced his march, but instead of going directly to the point of attack, not over half a mile from his headquarters, he took a round-about way through Olney- ville, making the distance passed over some two and a half miles. His reasons for this are unknown, unless it was, as THE DORR WAR. 187 has been suggested, for the purpose of marching his army sober. It was stated by one of his men that when the posi tion of attack was taken, Dorr discovered that out of the three hundred or four hundred men who had started, only about eighty were left to stand by him. Probably more than three-fourths had concluded that it was safer to fall out of the ranks and disappear in the darkness of the night, than to follow their leader. Captain Despeau of Pawtucket said to Dorr just before the order to fire on the arsenal was given. The, attempt on iht Arsenal tm, the niglit. ^May f7* " Governor, I believe there is danger here." " Thunder I " replied Dorr, " what do you suppose we came here for but to face danger?" Whereupon Captain D. and his company started for home, " causing the old turnpike to tremble," as one of them afterwards said, " and making the quickest time ever known between Providence and Pawtucket." At two o'clock Dorr reached the western border of the Dexter Training Field, and here he halted his force, placing his two nine-pounder guns, double-shotted, in the centre of a grove of trees about two hundred yards from the arsenal, aud 188 THE DORR WAR. training them upon this building. Having carefully sighted them himself, he gave the order, " Cannoneers ! Ready ! ! Fire ! ! ! " The cannoneers applied their matches and both guns — flashed. Dorr ordered another priming, seized the match himself, and with a regular cannoneer's flourish brought down the portfire upon the guns — and there was another flash. In the evidence before a court of inquiry — which I heard afterwards — one of the witnesses testified that, being deter mined to prevent firing on the arsenal, by a httle management he obtained the post of sentinel over the cannon before they were moved from Federal Hill, and plugged the ventages of the guns with wood, rubbing priming powder over the plugs to prevent discovery. It is supposed that Dorr now suspected or believed that there was treachery in his camp. He abandoned further at tempts to fire the cannon, and sent a flag of truce with a squad of men under the command of a Colonel Wheeler, who, in the name of Governor Dorr, demanded the surrender of the arsenal. Colonel Leonard Blodget, who was in charge of the building, replied that " If Dorr wanted the arsenal, he had better come on with his ragamuffins and take it." Dorr, flnding his case hopeless, retreated with his two can non and about thirty men — ¦ to which number his force was now reduced — and returned to Burrington Anthony's house on Federal Hill. The commanding officer at the arsenal had received posi tive orders not to flre on the insurgents until he saw the flash of their cannon. He had made every preparation for defence, and having been informed by a spy of the exact point selected by Dorr for placing his battery, had trained the whole tier of his guns upon the grove. When Dorr's cannon flashed, the State troops were anxious to fire, but were re strained by Colonel Blodget, who interpreted his orders as THE DORR WAR. 189 meaning a flash at the muzzle and not at the breech. So ex cited had the men become, that it was difficult to prevent them from firing. One of the cannoneers. Bill Cameron by name, — an old privateersman, who had served on a vessel in the war of 1812, and had rather fight than saw wood, — was in command of a 48-pounder. He had been grossly insulted by some of the Dorrites and was burning for revenge. When he found that Dorr had retreated, and that he had lost the chance to fire on his foes, he sat down and cried like a cliild. The writer was with the First Light Infantry, which, as before stated, was held in reserve at its armory under com mand of Colonel Brown. At about half-past two in the morn ing the company was ordered to march at once to the arsenal. Dorr's father was at the armory — and it should be stated that a brother and two uncles of Dorr were with the State troops in the arsenal — and asked permission to march in the ranks ; but Colonel Brown requested him to remain as a guard at the armory. Colonel Brown immediately obeyed the order to march. The movement was made as silently as possible, for it was known that Dorr was aware of the arrangement of the reserve, and it was supposed that he had made provision to intercept the company if it should attempt to go to the arsenal. But the Light Infantry was not molested. It marched on quietly with a steady tramp, tramp, tramp, no voice being heard ex cept that of the commanding officer as he gave an occasional order in a low tone. When within about three hundred yards of his destination. Colonel Brown halted his men. At this moment a messenger reached him with the information that he believed the insurgents had surrounded the arsenal, and that it would be necessary to force the way through their lines. The news caused a deep sensation in the ranks. The men had been highly wrought up by the events of the preceding 190 THE DORR WAR. days. They had been sneered at by the other side, called " cologne-water dandies " and " holiday soldiers " who would run when the time for fighting really came ; and now it ap peared certain that a fight would at once take place* in the darkness of a foggy night. It is an established fact, I tliink, that the real trial of courage for a soldier comes just before going into action. The militia stood this test well. Not a man flinched ; and at the order, " Column forward ! guide left ! march ! " the company moved as a unit. In a few mo ments the arsenal was reached, and it was discovered that Dorr had retreated — that in the darkness the advance of the platoon accompanying Colonel Wheeler, when he demanded the surrender of the arsenal, had been mistaken for an ad vance of the whole insurgent force. A guard was left at the arsenal, and the government troops marched back to the city. Dorr, after returning to Federal Hill, appeared very much disappointed and discouraged. It was evident that the whole power of the State was arrayed against him, and equally evi dent that his own force would not stand by him. It has been charged that he would not stand by them, and he has been called a coward; but from an acquaintance with him lasting a number of years, I consider this accusation unfounded. On Wednesday morning one of his relatives met him and offered him the means of escape, which he accepted. He left on the hill some thirty desperate men under the command of General De Wolf of Massachusetts. This officer was said to have been a recent graduate of one of the Massachusetts public institutions, but his exact career before and after this episode is unknown to me. His troops threw up breastworks on the hill and prepared to defend the position. At seven o'clock in the morning the Providence companies, reinforced by the three artillery companies from Newport, Bristol and Warren, — a total of about 600 muskets with a battery of six field pieces — started for Federal Hill. While THE DORR WAR. 191 they were on their way, news was received by the Governor that Dorr had fled, and a company of volunteer dragoons — the nucleus of a squadron of horse afterwards known as the Providence Horse Guards — was ordered in pursuit. The cavalry moved on a brisk gallop about twenty miles towards the Norwich and Worcester railroad and then, having failed to flnd Dorr, abandoned the chase. Meantime the infantry and artillery reached Federal Hill, where a parley was held. The besieged agreed to retire and leave the cannon which they had seized. This they did the next day (Thursday, May 19), and disappeared. After the flight of Dorr, it was reported among his family connections that he had entirely relinquished his designs against the State government and was about to go to Europe. One of his wealthy aunts, it was said, had offered to give him five thousand dollars if he would leave the country and remain away a specified time. Many believed the story; some, who knew him best, doubted ; but all, except a few of degraded character who favored his hostile projects, joined in wishing him a speedy departure, a quick passage, and a long visit. But if Dorr had ever intended to retire to a foreign land, he soon abandoned the idea, and, in connection with reckless men inside and outside of the State, commenced operations for carrying out again his contemplated revolution. He was heard of occasionally in Connecticut or New York, being ap parently always on the move, but observing a certain amount of secrecy. Meetings in his favor were held in some of the large cities in neighboring States, these meetings being at tended as a rule by the class of men known as roughs, who bitterly denounced the landholders of Rhode Island, and sought to gain the support of the public by asserting that Dorr was contending only for the extension of the suffrage. Certain newspapers in New York, Boston and Philadelphia became warm advocates of the fugitive. The man in New 192 THE DORR WAR. York city who appeared to be Dorr's chief confidant was Mike Walsh, and the headquarters of the party were appar ently at Hopkins' Pewter Mug, near the Five Points. Governor King of Rhode Island, being informed that Dorr had gone to Connecticut and placed himself under the pro tection of the Governor of that State, made a requisition on Governor Cleaveland for Dorr's delivery to the authorities of Rhode Island as a fugitive from justice, but the demand was not complied with. Thereupon Governor King issued the following PROCLAMATION By his Excellency Samuel Waed King, Governor, Captain-General and Commander-in-Chief of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. Whereas Thomas Wilson Dorr, of Providence in the County of Providence, charged with treason against the said State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, is a fugitive from jus tice and supposed to be now within the limits of our Sister State of Connecticut and from creditable information is still pursuing his nefarious enterprise against the peace and dignity of the said State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations ; And Wheeeas I made a requisition on the 25* of May last, addressed to his Excellency, Chauncy F. Cleaveland, Governor of the State of Connecticut, for the apprehension and delivery of the said Thomas Wilson Dorr, according to the Constitution and law of the United States in such case made and provided, which requisition his Excellency Chauncy F. Cleaveland, Governor of said State, has hitherto declined to comply with ; I DO THEEBFORE, pursuaut to authority in me vested, and by advice of the Council, hereby offer a reward of ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS for the defivery of the said Thomas Wilson Dorr to the proper civil authorities of this State within one year from the date hereof, that he may be dealt with as to law and justice shall appertain. THE DORR WAR. 193 Given under my hand and seal of said State, etc. etc., the 8"' day of June in the year of our Lord 1842, etc. Samuel Ward King By his Excellency's command Henry Bowen Secretary of State. This proclamation did not lead to the capture of Dorr, who probably remained in New York, surrounded by his Spartan band and secure from arrest. Rumors were now rife that Dorr had secured large supplies of arms, money and men in New York and elsewhere. An advertisement appeared in a New York city newspaper, noti fying the public that a recruiting rendezvous was opened at Hopkins' Pewter Mug, and offering eight dollars per month, with board and lodging, to volunteers who would go to Rhode Island and assist Governor Dorr to inaugurate his government and place himself in the gubernatorial chair. In Rhode Island, at Woonsocket, Cumberland, Smithfield and other places, especially in the northern part of the State, the adherents of Dorr were secretly organizing, and were throwing out hints of what was to come. From the begin ning a large part of Dorr's strength had been derived from the city and county of Providence, and in certain places in the county the Law and Order party had been overawed. But the city itself had proved too hot for the Dorrites on the 18th of May, and their legislature had adjourned to the 4th of July. Dorr, encouraged by the promises received in New York, made an attempt to collect the members pursuant to the adjournment, but in a place of greater safety than the city, and where he could more readily concentrate his forces, give his enemies more trouble to get at him, and be nearer to the Connecticut line as a precaution in case a retreat should be found necessary. The friends of the government could hardly believe that another serious effort to use force would be made so soon 194 THE DORR WAR. after the complete defeat of May 18. Yet the reports con cerning arms and armed organizations were so frequent as to cause much anxiety, and it was deemed best to adopt pre cautionary measures. On June 4th the military companies of Providence commenced a series of regular drills, meeting every day and evening. With the authorization of the Gov ernor, a city regiment was formed consisting of the most ac tive and patriotic citizens, whose ages ranged from 17 to 72. The regiment was composed of ten companies, numbering 110 to 140 men each, with officers regularly commissioned by the Governor, who appointed the following field officers : — Colonel : — William W. Brown (First Light Infantry). Lieutenant Colonel : — Almon D. Hodges. Major : — Josiah H. Martin (Cadets). Adjutant : — George W. Hallett. Chaplain: — Francis Wayland (President of Brown University). Surgeon : — Lewis L. Miller, M. D. The companies met nearly every afternoon and drilled for an hour or two. At six P. M., they were formed in regimen tal line for inspection of arms and for a few regimental ma- noeuvers, after which came a dress parade. Then a detail of about twenty men was made from each company, and sent to headquarters, and placed under the orders of a captain of the guard, for the purpose of patrolling the streets at night. This duty was performed by the regiment for more than two months, in which period there was not a single case of fire or burglary. During the excitement it became necessary to raise large sums of money, and the wealthy men of the State contributed with the greatest liberality. The writer was one of the com mittee who carried around subscription papers, and it fell to his lot to call on a well known physician (Dr. Tobey), who was a member of the Society of Friends and supposed to be rich. When the subscription paper was presented, the doctor THE DORR WAR. 195 asked in his quaint way, " Hodges, what does thee want money for? Yea, what does thee want money for ? " " Well, Doctor, we want money to buy muskets, we want money to buy powder, we want money to pay for music, and we want money to buy oakum for wadding for our big guns." At that period, before the times of the prohibitory liquor law, oakum for wadding had a special meaning. " Oakum for wadding for thy big guns ? " "Yes, Doctor, oakum." "Well, well," replied the doctor, " I can give thee no money for thy mus kets; I can give thee no money for thy powder; I can give thee no money for thy music ; for this is against the rules of our meeting. But here is a hundred-dollar bill for thee to buy oakum for wadding for thy big guns." About the middle of the month all doubts as to the real purposes of the Dorrites were dispelled. The two guns of the Providence Artillery, which would not be fired at the arsenal, had been placed in the hands of the Artillery Company at Warren, about nine miles from Providence. On the night of Saturday, June 18, a party of about forty of Dorr's parti sans started with four horses for Warren, with the purpose of seizing the cannon and taking them to Chepachet. News having been received of the movement, an express was sent to give the alarm. The rebels had considerable of a start, but the night was very dark, and they did not know exactly where the cannon were kept. They had broken into two places and were endeavoring to force an entrance into a third, when the express arrived and gave the alarm. The guard turned out, and in a few moments all the military of Warren were under arms. Some of the marauders were captured and the rest ran away without having accomplished their purpose. On the following Monday the Duty Greene powder maga zine, just outside of Providence, was broken open, and about fifty kegs of powder were stolen. It finally became certain that Dorr had decided to concen trate his troops at Chepachet, a large village about fifteen 196 THE DORR WAR. miles from Providence and some six miles from the Connecti cut line. Many of the people of tliis place had appeared to be in his favor, and by the 20th of June active operations were commenced at this point. Men with guns and men without guns began to collect here, and earthworks were thrown up on Acote's Hill, commanding the village and the road to Providence. The friends of Dorr who intended to take up arms, and others who were afraid of being impressed into the government service, betook themselves to the insur gents' camp, where finally some seven hundred men were assembled, perhaps one-half being armed. Dorr himself ap peared there on the morning of June 25, and immediately issued a proclamation for the assembling of the members of his legislature — ¦ but they did not come. Many of the inhabi tants fled from the village, dreading the depredations of Dorr's troops more than they feared the government force, which, it was reported, would soon attack the intrenchments on the hill. In consequence of the character of the assembled insur gents, it at last became dangerous either to leave or to approach the place. A fife-major, who had deserted from Dorr's camp, came to the headquarters of the City Guard regiment in Providence, and reported that about five hundred men had come to Che pachet. According to orders, he said, he as fifer would march up a company from the tavern in the village to Acote's Hill, and then return to the tavern in order to fife up another squad. The company just marched up would be back at the tavern in about ten minutes for a " nipper " all around, and would order him to fife them back again, — which he would do. This service he had performed for the same company about ten times in two hours, when they became so wavering that they could not follow his music ; and then they swore awfully, and threatened to shoot him for plapng such a d — d crooked tune. Finally he escaped from the camp by breaking his fife over the head of a sentinel. He stated that the great THE DORR WAR. 197 army expected from New York had arrived that afternoon, but that in place of a regiment of a thousand men, as prom ised, there were but fourteen all told, with Mike Walsh at their head. Instead of marching into camp with flags flying, this force had come in close carriages, and had taken posses sion of the barroom at the village tavern. But he had not stopped to flfe them up. An act which created intense indignation, was committed by a squad of insurgents on Wednesday night, June 22. These men caught Charles J. Shelly, Samuel W. Peckham, John C. Keep and Charles F. Harris, who had been sent out from Providence on a scouting expedition, charged them with being spies of the enemy, disarmed, robbed and bound them, and marched them twelve miles to Woonsocket. Mr. Shelly, who was in poor health, had his hands tied behind him, and when he appeared to lag, was driven forward by being pricked in the rear by a bayonet. At length, being completely ex hausted, he fell in a faint, and then was thrown into a wagon. The officers into whose custody the prisoners were flnally de livered, disapproved of the treatment of the captives and ordered their release ; but neither arms nor money were restored. A day or two after this occurrence. Captain Pond, a gov ernment officer and a great wag, being in this neighborhood with his company, captured the leader of the squad which had maltreated Shelly, and turned him over for trial to a drum-head court martial. After hearing the evidence, the court found the prisoner guilty of murder, highway robbery, treason, burglary and arson, and sentenced him to be shot as soon as he could say his prayers. But in consideration of the prisoner's having a certain optical indecision, which possibly prevented him from seeing straight on all occasions, the court recommended him to the very tender mercies of their kind- hearted, benevolent, very honorable and brave commanding- officer. Captain Pond. The captain, after a short deliberation. 198 THE DORR WAR. commuted the sentence to an option by the prisoner: — either, armed with a broomstick only, to flght all the company, one by one, they to use the broadsword ; or to take a position, 100 yards distant, on the edge of a quagmire, and there re ceive a platoon flre, when, if he did not fall, he was to be permitted to wade through the quagmire and take to the wood beyond. It was stipulated, however, that if he did fall, mortally or immortally wounded, he should stop and go no further until after another platoon flre. The prisoner chose the platoon flre, which he received run ning, having started before Captain Pond could give the order to shoot. As the muskets were loaded with blank cartridges, he escaped, and when last seen was making very quick time towards Connecticut. The General Assembly had convened at Newport on June 21, determined to do everything possible to conciliate the dis affected and avert the evils of a civil conflict. It was known beforehand that the Assembly would be in favor of an exten sion of the suffrage. In accordance with numerous petitions and the disposition of its members, it passed an act calling a convention to be held at Newport on the second Monday in September, for the purpose of framing a new constitution and submitting it to the people of the State. The assembling of Dorr's forces rendered it necessary to take decisive measures of protection. The legislature there fore authorized the Governor and Council to proclaim martial law. Troops were brought to Providence and thence were sent in detachments to such points as would enable them to protect the city and to attack Dorr from different direc tions. Moreover a portion of General Stedman's brigade was ordered to the rear of Chepachet, in order to cut off the retreat of the enemy into Connecticut. On the 27th of June, the State troops began to move towards Chepachet, with the object of attacking the en trenchments on Acote's Hill. THE DORR WAR. 199 [The accompanying map of Providence County, and the list of the numbers and positions of the State troops early in the morning of June 28, are copied from the Prowdence .Journal of July 19, 1842, which was attached to the original manuscript of A. D. H.] MASSACHUSETTS. MAP OF PROVIDENCE COUNTY. DISPOSITION OF THE STATE TROOPS. At Woonsocket 407 men under Major Josiah H. Martin. Pawtucket 275 Providence 800 Greenville 501 Scituate Mills.... 349 Foster 1100 Col. G. W. Allen. Lieut. Col. Almon D. Hodges. Col. Wm. W. Brown. Col. Wm. B. Swan. Gen. John B. Stedman, Gen. Alphonso Green and Colonel King. Col. Joseph H. Arnold. " Pawtuxet 60 " Total 3492 men, besides 2 companies of horse. Major General William Gibbs McNeill was in command of the State forces in the field. 200 THE DORR WAR. The City Guard regiment was directed to assemble in marching order on the afternoon of June 27, with knapsacks, blankets, ammunition and rations. To the inquiry of Gen eral McNeill as to how many men would probably report in person, the regimental officers replied, after consultation, that about six hundred could be reckoned on. When the regi ment formed in line, at five P. M., with only two hours' notice, there were over one thousand present. The captains were called to the front and centre by the colonel commanding, and informed that orders had been received to leave a detail of twenty men from each company for guard duty at head quarters. They were directed to explain this to their respec tive companies, it being supposed that some of the oldest men would prefer guard duty to marching against Dorr's forces. The captains, having returned to their positions and made the explanation, gave the order that those who were willing to march immediately, should advance six paces to the front — and the whole line advanced. It was very difficult to induce the requisite number to stay behind, so great was the excitement and the desire to attack Chepachet. Indeed, when Sergeant-Major Jewett, who had been detailed in com mand of the guard, started for headquarters, he found that he had a company of about fifty men only. The regiment started on the advance. Before they had reached Greenville, a town about midway between Providence and Chepachet, the rain came down in torrents. During this stormy night the excitement in Providence was intensified by the exaggerated rumors which came from the front. News having been received that the Cadets had been attacked near Woonsocket and were in danger of cap ture, a company was mustered and sent off in wagons to the rescue within one hour. Orders were sent for the Cadets to retreat towards Providence, and in the hurry and excitement it was forgotten to make the order discretionary, which proved unfortunate for this company, which was nicely THE DORR WAR. 201 bivouacked in a brick house, and in fact was in no danger whatsoever. Amid the commotion some comical events occurred. There was living at the time in Providence a Mr. B. (Boylston, son of a well-known engineer and architect of Boston), a gentleman of leisure, patriotic, kind-hearted and genial. He was a good story-teller and very desirable company, particu larly when there was no important business on hand. He was a man-about-town who knew everybody and everybody's af fairs, and who would talk as long as anyone would listen to him. But in this time of commotion he was somewhat in the way, especially as he was very importunate in his claim for a place where he could do something " which his posterity would have reason to be proud of." Being a man consider ably past middle age, he was not subject to military duty, but he said that he " felt particularly wolfish about the head and shoulders," and demanded some martial position. On this point he begged so hard for something to do, that the officer in command of the forces in the city finally gave him permission to go to the headquarters and tell the officer there that he had directions to take a musket and stand guard on the Market House steps at the entrance to the rooms where the Governor and Council remained during the night. Mr. B. received orders direct from the lieutenant colonel com manding,* to take his post at the foot of the steps leading to the council chamber, and to challenge any suspicious character who might come prowling around, but to let pass unchal lenged any officer whom he knew, — and he knew almost everyone likely to have business with the Council. It happened that the lieutenant colonel was so busily em ployed all night that he forgot to mention the existence of this extra sentinel to the officer of the guard, or to give orders to have him relieved. Just before daylight, however, * This was the writer of this paper. 202 THE DORR WAR. he had occasion to visit the council chamber, and coming upon the sentinel's beat, was suddenly stopped by the sharp challenge, "Haiti Who goes there?" The answer was, of course, "A friend." "Advance, friend, and give the counter sign ! " and the countersign was duly given over the point of the bayonet. The sight of the genial old gentleman, with rain dripping from all parts of his clothing, acting as sentinel and sticking heroically to his post all night because he had been forgotten, in connection with the fact that he had been ordered to challenge only suspicious characters — and he un doubtedly knew the person whom he had just halted — struck the officer as irresistibly ludicrous. When after a time he was able to speak, he inquired, " Mr. B., have you been standing guard here all night long in the rain without re lief ? " " Yes, Colonel, I have been standing here ten hours in the rain, and I should stand here ten days before I would leave my post without orders." " Has not the relief been the regular rounds ? " " Yes, sir, the Grand Rounds have re lieved every other sentinel on the Square regularly every hour, but have not been near me." " Well done, good and faithful soldier ! You have performed your duty nobly ! Carry your musket to the guard house, and report to the officer on duty that jovl have been relieved by the Colonel. And his advice to you is, to go home to your family and go to bed." There was no further application for duty and no further appearance of our pet guard during the rest of the campaign. The City Guard regiment, as before stated, marched from Providence this night as far as Greenville, where they made a halt. Early in the morning a cannonading was heard in the direction of Chepachet. This was supposed to indicate an attack on the insurgents' fort by some other State force, and the march was at once resumed. Acote's Hill was reached and assailed, but no resistance was made, and it was then dis covered that Dorr and the greater part of his army had fled, THE DORR WAR. 203 the men whom he had left behind, flring the cannon as a part ing salute in honor of Dorr's sudden retreat from the State. The fort was captured with about a hundred men, five pieces of cannon, a quantity of arms, ammunition and baggage, and also some sixty ugly-looking lances said to have been carried by Dorr's " Flying Lancers." After this the main body of the government troops returned with their prisoners to Provi dence, leaving behind, for a few days, a sufficient force to occupy the village and protect the inhabitants. The captives were put in jail, and examined before a Court of Inquiry; but as they were not men of prominence in Dorr's movement, they were discharged after an imprisonment of one to three days. On Monday, June 27, Sullivan Dorr had visited his son at Chepachet, and remonstrated with him for his rash undertak ing. The news of the movement of the State troops were received at the camp, and when it was known that the main body was advancing, the insurgents began to desert with great rapidity. Then Dorr himself quietly departed from Rhode Island, leaving behind a letter in which he directed his forces to disband, and sending to a gentleman in Provi dence the following note : — Chepachet, June 27, 1842. Dear Sir, Please hand the enclosed as directed. Believing that a major ity of the people who voted for my Constitution are opposed to its further support by military means, I have directed that the military here assembled be dismissed. I trust that no impedi ments wUl be thrown in the way of the return of the men to their homes. Yours truly, T. W. DOEE. The communication referred to, and enclosed in the above note, went to the Governor and Council immediately on its receipt, and was published in the papers of the day. 204 THE DORR WAR. During this period of trouble, blood was shed on two occasions. A member of a company from Westerly became insane through excitement. Stepping from the ranks, he aimed his musket at his brother, who was an officer of the company, and fired. The victim fell dead, shot through the head. The other fatal event occurred on the day of Dorr's retreat. The Kentish Guards (Captain Bateman), the Carbineers (Cap tain James M. Olney), and the Providence Artillery (Colonel Bradford Hodges), were at Pawtucket, guarding the bridge. A mob of Dorr's adherents assembled across the river, on the Massachusetts side, and assailed the guard with brickbats, stones and other missiles. All other attempts to disperse the rioters having failed, and these becoming bolder and endeavor ing to cross the bridge and drive away the guard, the military delivered a platoon fire into the crowd, killing one man and wounding two others. This quelled the riot. As soon as Dorr's fiight was known, various armed parties were sent in pursuit. Among the many orders issued for the purpose of capturing the fugitive, the following, received by the Lieutenant Colonel commanding the City Regiment, will serve to indicate the excited state of mind of the people and authorities : — Headquaetees, etc. Peovidence, June 28, 1842. Lieutenant Colonel Hodges will detail a guard of 25 men to be placed under the command of Amos D. Smith, subject to the orders of Major Mark Antony De Wolf. Major De Wolf will proceed by the train of this day to Ston ington, where a steamer has been provided in which he will cause his command to be at once transported. He will intercept the New London boat in Long Island Sound and diligently search for Thomas W. Dorr, whom, if he can find, he will conduct to these Headquarters. By order of the Major General Commanding, etc. THE DORR WAR. 206 Within an hour after, this order was given, with the assist ance of Adjutant G. W. Hallet the 25 men had been detailed and placed under the command of General Smith and Major De Wolf, and were moving rapidly in an express train towards Stonington ; and within three hours. Major De Wolf and his men had left the wharf in Stonington. They overhauled two or three steamers wliich, according to orders, they diligently searched. But the fugitive was not to be found, — fortu nately, probably, for the State government. If Dorr had been seized in the manner and place intended, an unpleasant ness might have arisen between the State and the United States authorities. Governor King again issued a proclamation, offering a re ward of five thousand dollars for Dorr's arrest; but for a considerable space of time nothing definite was learned con cerning the fugitive. Rumor placed him sometimes in New York, and sometimes in New Hampshire in the care of his friend Edmund Burke. The Constitutional Convention, as directed by the General Assembly, met at Newport in September, and framed a con stitution in which the suffrage was given to every native- born male resident, twenty-one years of age, whether white or black. When this constitution was submitted to the people, it was adopted by a large majority of the votes. Men of all parties were satisfied, and the excitement gradually died away. In April, 1844, James Fenner was elected Governor. The gubernatorial office had been held by him and his father for thirty-seven out of fifty years. He was an old Jeffersonian Democrat, was chosen United States Senator in 1808, and for many years was one of the most popular men in the State. He possessed ability, sterling honesty and a com manding presence.* During the Dorrite troubles he had * His weight was 340 pounds. 206 THE DORR WAR. been a leading member of Governor_King's Council and an uncompromising "Algerine." " LA.W AI^D OK WE«.»» ^^ ^^^Y Governor Fenner Bhode-Islaod Frox, ''^''^'^^^ ^ "^^^'^s^ f^-«^ HS^iA ^^' ^^^^' requesting per mission to return to the State. The bearer of the message was very decided in his manner, and very persistent in urging com pliance with his friend's request, and finally aroused the old war-horse's indig nation. " You may return to your friend, Tom Dorr," he said, " and tell him as long as he keeps out of this State, so far as I am concerned, he will not be molested. But so sure as he places his foot in Rhode Island, he will be arrested; if arrested, he will be tried for treason by our Supreme Court; if tried, he will be convicted; and if convic ted, he will be sentenced to the State Prison for life FOR GOVERNOR, James Fenner, OF FKOVIDENCE FOR LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR. Byron Diman, •' OF BRISTOL. FOR SECRETARY OF STATE, Henrj Bowen, OF PROVIDENCE. FOR ATTORNEY GENERAL, Joseph M. Blake, ¦• OF BRISTOL. FOR GENERAL TREASURER, Stephen Cahoone, OF NEWPORT. THE SUCCESSFUL STATE TICKET IN 1844.* according to law." * So far as I am aware, the word prox, meaning a list of candidates for election and the ballot containing such a list, has been used only in Khode Island. Staples, in his Annals of Providence, p. 64, says : — Such of the colony as could not attend the General Assembly, had the right to send their votes for officers, by some other person ; hence the origin of the terms prox and proxy votes, as applied to the present mode of voting for State officers in Rhode Island. THE DORR WAR. 207 Mr. Dorr was not content to keep away from the State but returned to Providence, and the prediction of the Governor was fulfilled to the letter. Within an hour of his arrival, he was arrested. He was tried for treason, convicted, and sen tenced to the State Prison for life by the Supreme Court, Judge Durfee presiding. Soon after his commitment to prison, petitions for his re lease were circulated and received many signatures. The main argument in the petitions was, that the majesty of the law having been sufficiently vindicated by Dorr's trial, con viction and sentence, his longer imprisonment would only excite the sympathies of people in his behalf. There was a feeling among our good citizens that, in order to avoid all further agitation, it would be judicious to discharge him ; and that if this were done, he would soon be forgotten. More over some of the Law and Order party knew that he was sub ject to violent attacks of acute rheumatism, and they feared, if he should die in prison, the enemies of the party would raise such a hue and cry that they would never hear the last of it. On October 30, the Law and Order members of the Gen eral Assembly, then in session at Bristol, held a caucus at which this subject was discussed. After a stormy debate, which lasted until after midnight, it was arranged that, the next morning, a member should move " that a committee be appointed to take into consideration the liberation of Thomas W. Dorr from the State Prison, and report at the next ses sion of the General Assembly to be held in Providence Jan uary, 1845." The motion was made and carried, and the Speaker, Samuel Ames, who was a brother-in-law of Dorr, nominated, as members of the committee, Alfred Bosworth of Warren, Wilkins Updike of South Kingston, and Almon D. Hodges of Providence [chairman], and they were elected. Early in January, 1845, the committee held a number of sessions at the State House in Providence. They were ad- 208 THE DORR WAR. dressed by the Rev. Martin Cheney and others, and the sub ject attracted such large audiences that the chamber of the House of Representatives was crowded. Sullivan Dorr, the father, was informed by the committee that they would hear him, or his counsel, at one of these public sessions or in private, as his feelings might dictate. He preferred to be heard in private, and his address had more influence upon the committee than all the others. His statement of the effect upon the mother and himself of the commitment of their son to State Prison for life so deeply moved the chair man of the committee, that only with great difficulty could this gentleman give utterance to his ideas when the time came for him to speak; and the other two members were as much affected as the chairman. The plea of the father was rendered stronger by the fact that he had always shown great indignation at his son's violent actions, had expressed himself in very uncomplimentary language on the point, and had even ordered his son out of the house early in the period of the rebellion. The committee unanimously reported a resolution for the discharge of Dorr from prison, on his taking the ordinary oath of allegiance. This resolution was passed by a large vote on January 17, it being a noticeable fact that all the Dorrites in the legislature voted against it. A copy of the resolution was sent at once to Dr. Cleaveland, Warden of the prison, with directions to communicate it to the prisoner. Dr. Cleaveland found Dorr engaged in his regular occupation of painting fans — " Dorr fans " were in demand at this time — and read aloud the document, in accordance with orders. As Dorr continued at work, the Warden called his attention to the paper, which the prisoner took and read over to himself. And then saying, " When I am ready to accept the terms of that resolution of the General Assembly of Rhode Island, Doctor, I will let you know it," he quietly resumed his painting. THE DORR WAR. 209 Those who knew Dorr's character felt that the man would never accept the condition imposed by the legislature, and were convinced that he would not leave the prison unless the government gave imperative orders to discharge him. Acting on this belief, after a long and excited debate at the June session of the General Assembly, they carried a resolution ordering the warden to discharge Thomas W. Dorr from the prison. When Dr. Cleaveland read this order to Dorr, the prisoner said that he supposed the time had now come when he must go. " Yes," replied the warden, who had become much at tached to his prisoner, " Yes, Governor, the time has now arrived when I am obliged to say to you, that you are by law expelled from this institution." The " Governor " asked to be allowed some little time to consider the matter, and was given until the evening of that day. Then he was taken to the Warden's room and offered a suit of clothing and a sum of money amounting to about thirty dollars, the law directing that these should be given to each discharged prisoner. Dorr became indignant at the offer, and declared that he would not submit to such terms from the State. He flnally consented to borrow the Warden's coat until the next day, concluding that it was imprudent to wear his prison uniform through the streets, even in the night-time. The following, copied from the books of the State Prison, shows that the time of imprisonment was just one year : — Thomas W. Dorr, aged 38 years. Number of Prisoner 56. Offence . . . Treason. Date of Sentence . June 27, 1844. Term . . . for life. Date of Discharge . June 27, 1845. Henceforward Mr. Dorr was seldom seen. After a stormy and exciting life such as seldom falls to the lot of a human 210 THE DORR WAR. being, he passed to his final account on December 27, 1854, and now " sleeps the sleep that knows not breaking." And all of those who took an active and prominent part in the last act of this drama — the four Judges of the Supreme Court, the Speaker of the House, the Governor of the State, the men who addressed the committee which framed the reso lution discharging the prisoner, the members of that commits tee with the exception of the writer of this account, Thomas W. Dorr and his father and mother — all of these have gone to their flnal rest. Boston Highlands, Feb. 17, 1869. FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. ^i,N Tuesday, October 15, 1827, Almon Danforth Hodges and Martha Comstock were married in Providence, at the residence of the bride's mother in Comstock Court, North Main Street, by Rev. Henry Edes, pastor of the First Congregational (Unitarian) Church. The bride and her mother had worshipped with the First Baptist Society, but both were of the opinion that man and wife should not be separated even on Sundays ; and the bride elected to attend her husband's church, flnding no irreconcilable difference between her creed and his. His theology remained essentially the same as that of his old minister, Pitt Clarke of Norton. At the wedding ceremony, the groomsmen were John L. Emmons, John J. Stimson, Charles Porter and James N. Olney ; and the bridesmaids were Catherine Comstock, Mary Thurber, Amelia S. Townsend and Frances Stillwell. Of these, Amelia S. Townsend afterwards married Charles Por ter, and Frances Stillwell married James N. Olney. Martha Comstock was born on November 7, 1806, in Lan singburg, New York, where her parents were residing tempo rarily. She was of pure New England stock, and was allied with many of the most prominent Rhode Island families, — not so many, however, as would have been the case if her father and mother had not been flrst cousins. Samuel Comstock, — who may have come from Connecticut, and may have been son of William Comstock of Wethersfield in that State, as some say, — on March 1, 1654, old style, or March 11, 1655, as we now compute dates, bought a home lot (211). 212 FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. of four acres in the northerly part of Providence from John Smith the mason, who afterwards married Comstock's widow. Rhode Island even then was rich in Smiths and had at least six original John Smiths, who, with the other Johns of a little later date, ever since have danced their wayward rounds among bewildered genealogists. Samuel Comstock died in Providence in 1656 or 1657, leaving two sons. Captain Samuel Comstock, the elder son, married Elizabeth Arnold, — everybody knows or ought to know about the Providence Arnolds, — and had eight children. His sixth cliild, John Comstock, married Esther Jenckes, daughter of William and Patience (Sprague) Jenckes, and was associated, as a bloomer and blacksmith, with his wife's family — whose members have ever been cunning to work all works in brass and iron — and also stood well with his Sprague connections, then, as since, leading citizens. John's eldest son, Samuel Comstock, married Anna Brown, daughter of Rev. James and Mary (Harris) Brown, great-granddaughter of Rev. Chad Brown (the first settled pastor of the First Baptist Church), and aunt of the four " Brown brothers," John, Joseph, Moses and Nicholas, so prominent in the history of the town, colony and State. Samuel and Anna (Brown) Comstock had seven children. One son, Jeremiah, married Hannah Bowen of Warren, and was father of Samuel Comstock ; another son, Benjamin, mar ried Mary Winsor of Glocester (great-great-granddaughter of Roger Williams), and was father of Sally Brown Comstock; and Sally Brown Comstock married her cousin Samuel Com stock, and became mother of Martha Comstock, who married Almon D. Hodges. Sally Brown Comstock was one of the Rhode Island gentle folk : — by family, as you know if you have read the fore going paragraphs ; by nature, as you would have perceived if you had met her. Her husband died comparatively young in New York State, and his widow, proud and independent SALLY BROWN COMSTOCK. FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 213 in character, was thrown on her own resources. She returned to Providence and managed successfully a millineiy business, without detriment to her social position, supported and educated her two daughters, and accumulated a surplus for her old age. Her grandchildren recollect her as a handsome, alert old lady, rather small in stature, with keen black eyes, clear brain, retentive memory and broad knowledge ; also with strong family pride and affection, and warm love for her children and grandchildren. She is most often remembered as she appeared in her room, clad in a soft black Thibet gown — she always wore black after the death of her daugh ter Martha — and with a white ruffled cap, sitting upright in her rocking chair in a sunny corner — where was a wonderful cupboard — reading or chatting while her knitting-needles flew with lightning-like rapidity. Thither resorted to her the family and her intimate friends. Formal callers — coining with their fine carriages, silver-harnessed horses, and comely, big black coachmen — were received in a rustling black silk dress in the drawing-room. That bedroom corner, sun-lit by day and lamp-lit in the evening, was reserved for her familiars and for familiar dis course. Conversations held there, and listened to by little pitchers with big ears, ranged over a broad field : — the prices of stocks ; the ups and downs of business ; how certain ances tors (names mentioned) had once owned large portions of Providence, and if they had only held on to their lands, in stead of selling them cheap, their descendants would now be im-mense-ly wealthy ; how one relation had been born in affluence, but had lost everything through foolish specula tion ; how another had been made rich by the great rise in value of certain shares, wluch he had been obliged to receive, originally, in payment of a small debt, when they were con sidered worthless ; how some kinspeople had married in haste and repented at more or less leisure ; how others had married well and lived happily ever after ; what terrible things were 214 FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. being done in the Crimean War; what an excitement had been caused by the " Morgan Murder," and what bitter dis cussions had arisen as to whether the Masons had really killed Morgan.* The talks had no limits of time, place or person. One grandchild remembers a stranger scene : — his aged grandmother, in the darkness of night, kneeling by her bed side and wrestling with the Lord, — sobbing and crying over the loss of. her dear daughter, long since removed by death — reproaching her Maker for his unnecessary cruelty — and then praying for pity and forgiveness and comfort, and strength to say. Thy will be done. Martha Comstock Hodges was a lovable example of the old New England housekeeper — that matchless combination of the domestic virtues and the social graces. In her were united deep affection for her husband and charming tact in her dealings with him ; devotion to her children and wisdom in bringing them up and gaining their love and respect ; wise economy and genuine hospitality. She possessed in a high degree an executive ability which enabled her to keep her home always in order, always cheerful, comfortable and at tractive to her family and her family's many friends, and yet find time for outside pleasures and acts of neighborly kind ness. To assist her in her household work, she usually had only one maid, until the increasing number of her children — eight boys were born to her — made another necessary. Yet *In 1826, William Morgan of Batavia, N. Y., who was reported to be about to publish a book exposing the secrets of the Order of Free masons, of which he had been a member, was kidnapped and carried ofE. An investigation indicated (some say proved) that he was drowned in Lake Ontario. Several persons connected with the abduction were arrested and tried, but no murder was ever officially established. It was charged that the abductors and supposed murderers were Freemasons, a charge vehemently repelled. A tremendous excitement arose against the fraternity, and an anti-Masonic political party was formed, which was successful for several years in the elections in various States. FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 215 constantly in her house, wliich was her pride, simple enter tainments Avere held, with suppers, music, dancing and pleas ant conversation ; and now and then, a larger and more formal party or reception. c. cT-acaJa^^ C^^/-^ The social ambition of a New England wife at this period was to have a separate house, of which she was the recognized executive manager, where she could receive and entertain her friends. Providence was noted for the number of its large, handsome and comfortable mansions, and for the quality of its society. In order to fit girls for high social station, they were not only given a general education, but were also taught to perform practically all the details of housekeeping — as is said to be done even now with the Imperial Family of Ger many. And they were instructed how to work, how to ac complish the desired end with the least expense of time and trouble, by using their brains as well as their hands. On October 16, the newly married couple started on their wedding tour. Hiring a one-horse, two-wheeled chaise, carry ing " all our luggage in a hair trunk slung below the axle of the chaise," they left Providence at ten in the morning on the road to Boston. They dined at Clapp's in Walpole, and 216 FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. reached their destination at six o'clock in the afternoon. They spent five days in Boston and vicinity, making many calls, attending a party given in their honor, shopping, going to the theatre, and on Sunday attending church. On the 22d of the month, at nine in the morning, they started back, stop ping here and there at friends' houses on the way. They rode through Roxbury, Dorchester, Canton, Sharon (where they dined), Foxborough, Mansfield, Attleborough and See konk, and arrived home at eight in the evening. It was not a long, nor an expensive wedding journey, but it was rarely delightful. It was the happy beginning of a happy life in which there was never a shadow of disagreement. The couple boarded at first with the bride's mother in the house where they were married. It was a double house, in one part of which lived the bride's grandfather, Benjamin Comstock, " a fine-looking old gentleman, who belonged to the Society of Friends and wore the Quaker costume. He died September 30, 1828, aged 82. Martha and I watched with him the night before his death."* In August, 1828, the pair moved into the Taylor (or Grin- nell and Taylor) house, at 42 Westminster Street, just above the Arcade, and began housekeeping. On or about May 1, 1829, they changed to the Eddy house, on the northeast cor ner of Brown and Charles Field Streets, where three children were born,f and where the family lived until their own house on Benevolent Street was completed, — in March, 1837. This house, which father built, was on the site now occupied by the Mount Hope Club, opposite the First Congregational Church. In it four more children were born, and one died very young. | * Recollections of A. D. H. t Danforth Comstock Hodges, born Sept. 15, 1831. William Townsend Hodges, born Oct. 21, 1833. George Foster Hodges, born Jan. 12, 1837. t Frederick Stimson Hodges, born Sept. 29, 1839 ; died Oct. 26, 1839. Frederick Stimson Hodges, born Oct. 15, 1840. Almon Danforth Hodges, Jr., born July 16, 1843. Francis Olney Hodges, born May 16, 1846. EDDY HOUSE, PROVIDENCE, Former Residence of A. D. Hodges. FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 217 Here father lived during the remainder of his residence in Providence. There were no long vacations in those days, during which the wife abandoned her husband and spent weeks (or months) as now at summer or winter resorts. The house, like the busi ness ofiice, was kept open throughout the year. But there were frequent holidays and numberless short excursions. Now and then father and mother went to New York or to Boston, in order to shop and to visit, on occasion taking one or more of the children with them. It was an oft^repeated custom to hire a horse and carryall and journey among relations and friends, and enjoy their hospitality. Usually an assistant went along, to help in the care of the little ones. This assistant might be a nurse-maid, but oftener was a relation or a friend, a social equal, who was glad of the opportunity for travel and enjoyment. These numerous short trips took the family over quite an extensive region, from Newport on the south to beyond Boston on the north, and various were the incidents and experiences. On one occasion, in the year 1832, when the dreaded Asiatic cholera, originating in India, had entered America through Quebec and spread over the United States, creating universal terror, the family were stopped at the boundaiy line between Freetown and Fall River and examined for signs of the dire disease. Only when they had proved themselves spotless were they allowed to proceed. How delightful those excursions were ! How nice it was to occasionally drive the horse, as we journeyed on through new scenes ! How pleasant were the people whom we visit ed, — how hospitable, and what good things they had to eat ! How glad they were to see " Colonel Hodges," and to know his family and to entertain his children ! Then each excur sion always had one grand objective point, — it might be a farm, with forests and flowers and berries ; or a pond or bay, on which we could sail and flsh ; or a beach, where we could bathe and play in the sand ; or a military camp with its gal- 218 FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. lant soldiers, its inspiring bands and its glorious drills, where we were made so much of by high officers attired in splendid uniforms ; or some other wonderful place. And when the trip had ended, what lovely memories remained of what had occurred, and what great expectations were formed of what was going to happen next time ! Once in two years, on an average, father and mother, with two or three others, took quite a long excursion trip lasting from two weeks to a month. Three of my older brothers went to an excellent boarding school in the beautiful town of Lanesborough, Massachusetts, among the Berkshire hiUs. This school was kept by Mr. N. P. Talcott, a noted teacher, and after his death by Mr. Daniel Day. So long as any of my brothers remained here (from 1840 to 1848), this was always one of the places of call. To reach it from Providence, before the railroad from Boston was completed to Albany, the usual route was by boat to New York, thence by steamer up the Hudson river to Albany or Troy (where we had cousins), and then by stage to Lanesborough. On these excursions the principal points of beauty and interest along the Hudson were visited. Perhaps the river was left at the town of Hudson, where the cars were taken as far as West Stoekbridge ; or if the river was followed up to Albany, a side trip to Saratoga and Ballston Spa was indulged in. A stop of several days was almost always made at West Point. Father was well acquainted with Colonel Sylvanus Thayer, the " father of the Military Academj'," and other high officials there, and was cordially welcomed when he ap peared, and pleasantly entertained. I myself was once in vited by the Corps of Cadets to attend their Military Ball ; but mother refused to let me go, as I was only thirteen months old. One year there was a trip " down East," to visit father's married sister and an uncle and cousin and many friends in Maine. The journey was made by steamboat along the coast DANFORTH COMSTOCK HODGES. WILLIAM TOWNSEND HODGES. FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 219 and by stage in the interior, railroads not yet having invaded that region. The stage coaches were not especially comfort able, the roads were not particularly good, and the hours of uprising and downlying were not always agreeable ; yet the Journal touches lightly on these inconveniences, dwells chiefly on the delight of meeting dear friends, and declares that the travellers had a most enjoyable time. ®i]e a. 5. (£orp0 cf (Hatieta, . requost tbe pleasure of ^:/_s^.^J'i^lved, and John J. Stimson is duly authorized to close up the business. JOHN J. STIMSON, Feb. 1», 1845. ALMON D. HODGES Almon D. Hodges respectfully gives notice to his friends and the public that he has formed a business connection in Boston, with Messrs Emmons & Weld, 31 South Market st. where they will continue the wholesale Grocery and Com mission business in the name and firm of Hodges, Emmons & Weld. f 19 Copartnership notice, emmons & \J WELD have taken into Copartnership .XLMON D. HODGES, (late of the firm of Stimson & Hodges, of Providence,) and their business will be continued at No. 31 South Market street, un der the name and firm of HODGES, EMMONS & WELD. Feb. 17, 1846. Iawi82m§-F20 NOTICE. The Copartnership heretofore existing under the firm and name of HODGES, EM- JIONS & WELD, is this day, by mutual consent, dissolved. HODGES & EMMONS being duly authorised to settle the affairs of the late firm. ALMUN D. HODGES, JOHN L. EMMONS, May 1.^, 184i;. JOHN D. WELD. The undersigned will continue the Wholesale Grocery and Hm om >H OZ COoCOH Ozoo o _z CO00 SIX CHANGING YEARS. 239 rushes, so annoying were these animals that none of us could sleep. They are about three times as large as our biggest John ston Spoonbills, and will go through anything, — clothes, boots, blankets or anything else. I enveloped myself completely in a large blanket, and in less than fifteen minutes a dozen, more or less, were putting it to me strong in my face and hands. Some passengers crawled into barrels and covered themselves com pletely, and yet in a little while were obliged to evacuate and leave the enemy in possession. This discomfort, thought I, is the beginning of the ordeal we must undergo before we can make our fortunes ! So we stood it bravely. We took our coffee in the morning, helped haul the vessel up stream, as there was no wind, and arrived at Stockton at 9 A. M., July 2. Here we fell in with the Providence mining company, among whom were Col. B. of the Light Infantry, and Doct. F. We soon ascertained there was no chance to get away from the place the same d ly, therefore packed our tent and other traps a little dis tance from the landing, pitched the tent and in a couple of hours were " tent keeping " in good style. On the glorious Fourth we dined with the aforesaid company on pork and beans, not to mention the doughnuts made by the Doc tor, who, by-the-by, is an excellent cook. There was also a public dinner got up by the " citizens " at one of the " hotels " (a frame with cotton-cloth covering), but even the reduction of the price of a ticket to two ounces of ['old (32 dollars) was not a sufficient inducement for us to join the patriotic few. After dinner the Doctor, the Colonel and I had a walk of a mile or two to a rancho (farm-house) and partook of some fresh milk at 50 cents a pint. As it was our national jubilee, we thought it would do to indulge in some kind of luxury. After our return, took tea, and in the evening had a look at the moon, instead of fireworks. Stockton is very pleasantly located on a little creek at the head of navigable waters of the San Joaquin River. It is situated on a plain and the climate is very fine ; but the place is liable to inun dations in the winter and spring. The town at this time is com posed of some fifty tents of different sizes and kinds, and there is only one frame building in the place, and yet house-lots are worth, in very central positions, $3000. 240 SIX CHANGING YEARS. Our comijany made a bargain with a Mexican with ox-teams to carry us to the diggings on the Tuolumne River at the mouth of Wood Creek. After a tedious journey we arrived, pitched our tent and put things in order. On the latter part of the day after our arrival, took a stroll up the creek and selected a place to com mence digging. The next morning went at it on the bank of the river close to the water, and worked until 10 A. M., when the heat was so great, without a breath of air, that we knocked off, having gathered (three of us) a half ounce of gold only. We continued at this place about four days and gathered only |39 worth. This being poor pay, we tried other places, without any better success. The river was too high to work on its banks, and we were desir ous to cross it and try the gullies on the other side. A ferry is already established and the price for crossing is $1, which made §2 going and coming. We tried this a day or two, and not get ting gold enough to pay expenses, endeavored to make a contract with the ferryman for a whole party (16 of us) at reduced prices. He would not do it, therefore we resolved to build a canoe of our own. A party was delegated for this purpose, a pine tree of three or four feet in diameter was felled and twenty feet of the butt rolled to our tent grounds, and in four day.s we had a ferry boat and put it afloat, reducing the fare to 50 cents. Our party had the use of her, and it brought an income of $20 to $30 daily, we taking turns as ferrymen. We did but little better in digging, however. The most I took in one day was three-quarters of an ounce, travelling on the rocks and precipices, a mile each way, twice a day. Our whole receipts were small and the work hard, — picking, shovelling, boiling water to wash with, and then " pan- washing," a very back-aching opera tion. My associates about this time became discouraged by our small doings and left me, to return to San Francisco. I tarried about a month alone, douig a little now and then, but I soon found that a lone person could accomplish nothing, and I did not find any with whom to form new associations, who were to my liking. I concluded to abandon mining, and back to San Francisco I came. Almost all of the companies break up after their arrival here and divide into small squads, — for some work a little harder than SIX CHANGING YEARS. 241 the others, some don't eat one kind of food and don't want to pay for what they don't eat, and other like difficulties. Some want to do one thing and some another. Thus almost all associations dis agree and dissolve. Yours verj^ truly, W. H. TOWNSBNI). For a year and a half peace and happiness reigned in the Roxbury home. Then death suddenly entered the doors and struck quickly five terrible blows. In the year 1841 an epidemic of cholera broke out in India, — that breeding-place of destruction for the world. It spread slowly and surely in a northwesterly direction, and in 1847 had extended through Persia and Afghanistan into Southern Russia, whence it was carried over the rest of Europe. In the latter part of 1848 it was introduced by emigrants from Europe into New Orleans, and in 1849 made such dreadful ravages in the United States that President Taylor issued a proclamation, recommending that the people observe Friday, August 3, as a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer. In the evening of August 18, 1849, Grace Gardner, the colored cook, who had been a long time with the family, serving with loving faithfulness, fell sick with the terrible disease and died in twelve hours. There was grief at her loss, especially on the part of the younger children, who re garded her as a friend. There was alarm, and relatives hur ried up from Providence ; but the precautions prescribed by the doctors were taken, and the alarm soon subsided. Ten days later, on August 29, another deadly blow was struck. A half hour after midnight, mother awoke in great distress. She had retired apparently in excellent health, but her symptoms were at once recognized by father, who, within thirty minutes, had brought to the house Dr. Charles M. Windship of Roxbury. He, seeing the seriousness of the attack, while doing all in his power, called for assistance ; 242 SIX CHANGING YEARS. and father rushed into Boston for our family physician. Dr. Marshall S. Perry, who arrived at five o'clock. But the case was now hopeless. " I saw then that I must part with the wife of my youth, the dear partner of my joys and my sorrows. She asked me to pray for her. I made an attempt, but my utterance was choked. I did pray mentally, but anguish pre vented my speaking the words aloud. She too seemed to feel more than she could utter, and to know that the time had come when she must part from me and our dear children." She asked for her first-born son, who had always seemed to be especially near her heart ; when he came she smiled on him, being unable to speak. Then her other children were brought to her bedside, but she had become unconscious and knew them not, so rapid was the progress of the disease. In nine hours from the beginning of the attack, with a gentle sigh, she passed quietly into the unknown. Among those who had come to help from Providence were Miss Harriet N. Harding and Mrs. B. Sisson. While father and my older brothers were in Providence, attending mother's funeral. Miss Harding suddenly sickened and died, on August 31, before father could be called back. The next day Mrs. Sisson took the three smallest children to Providence to place them with relatives there. Immediately upon her arrival, she too was taken sick, and in nine hours her spirit had fled. And at midnight, on September 4, little Carroll, our baby brother, only eleven months/ old, went to join his mother, being unable to live without her. Then at last Death stayed his hand. The Roxbury home was broken up and the family was scattered. It was a time of heavy sadness for father, sud denly deprived of his loving and helpful wife, and left with six cluldren whose ages ranged from three to eighteen years, and for whose welfare he felt a deep sense of responsibility. He was not left, however, to struggle with fate unassisted. Undeterred by fears of the deadly epidemic, relatives and Ioo £Dmcn J>z o rt -n SIX CHANGING YEARS. 243 friends, with true New England affection and hospitality, at once came forward with earnest offers of help and cordial invitations to their own homes. Without waiting to be asked, neighbors had entered the house and assumed the manage ment of the work which must be done at all times. The younger children were taken to other houses until permanent arrangements could be made. With tenderness and sym pathy those loving acts were done which death demands. The house on St. James Street was closed. Father with his two oldest sons, after a short stay with cousins, took rooms at the United States Hotel for the winter. The two next sons were sent to boarding schools, and the two youngest went to live with their grandmother in Providence. In the autumn of 1850, Jenny Lind, the Swedish nightin gale, came to Boston, and father heard her sing. Her con certs created the wildest enthusiasm. The first ticket for a concert in Boston sold for six hundred and twenty-five dol lars. No other singer in the country has ever created an equal excitement or achieved a like popularity. In the public opinion she was the sweetest singer of the world. She re mained about two years in America, carrying every audience by storm. On E^ebruary 5, 1852, she married in Boston her pianist. Otto Goldschmidt, and soon after returned to Europe. This summer father took a trip to the White Mountains with a nephew. The route from Boston was by rail to Port land and thence by coach to Sebago Lake ; by steamer tlirough the lake, Rumrill River and Brandy Pond to Bridgton ; by stage to Conway and thence to the Mount Washington House at Fabyan's. Including the stops over night at Portland and at Conway, the journey occupied fifty-one and a half hours. At seven o'clock on the morning of July 18, "I started on horseback for Mount Washington with a party of twenty-one gentlemen and four ladies. While going up the mountain the weather was very fine and the atmosphere was perfectly 244 SIX CHANGING YEARS. clear. We arrived at the Summit about one o'clock, and there the weather was very thick. The company, however, was pleasant. We had a collation, and then started back. On the way the rain came down in torrents and wet us through and through. Though our troop had a very woe begone appearance, we rode up to Fabyan's singing ' Life is so short, come let us be gay ; ' and the company at the hotel, assembled on the veranda, greeted me with three cheers." The next morning the party started on the return jour ney, riding to Gibbs's Franconia Notch House, through the Notch to the Flume, and down Pemigewasset Valley to Ply mouth, where the cars were taken to Boston. " I have been absent six days, have had a very pleasant journey, and my expenses were thirty dollars." During the summer of 1850 father made his headquarters at Tuttle's noted hostelry at beautiful Savin Hill, in Dor chester. In the fall he returned for a month to the United States Hotel, and then went to the Winthrop House, on the northeasterly corner of Tremont and Boylston Streets, where a new chapter of his life's history began. THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. [HE twelfth Boston bank chartered — on February 25, 1825 — by the Massachusetts legislature, was entitled The President, Directors and Company of the Washington Bank. The original incor porators were Aaron Baldwin, Daniel Baxter, Thomas Brewer, Josiah P. Cooke, WiUiam Dall, Windsor Fay, Benjamin V. French, French & Weld, Thomas Hunting, Josiah Knapp, Jonathan P. Stearns, Charles Thacher and John Thompson. The capital was to be '$500,000 in gold and silver, in addi tion to such amount as the State might elect to subscribe, divided into shares of 1100 each, to be paid in quarterly in- staUments. No dividends could be declared until the whole $500,000 were paid in, which must have been done on or before February 1, 1826. The capital stock must be actually held by the original subscribers at least one year from the date of the charter ; and unless the bank went into operation within the twelvemonth, the charter was to be null and void. The State reserved the right at any time to subscribe 1250,000 in addition to the capital, subject to the ordinary rules pre scribed by law, aud also to appoint a number of directors in proportion to the amount of its subscription.* The amount of bills issued by the bank was not to exceed 50 per cent, more than the paid-in capital. The bank was made liable to pay, to any bona-fide holder, the original amount of any bank note which, in the course of circulation, might be altered to a larger sum, and also to pay the full * The State never exercised any of the rights. (245) 246 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. amount of any of its notes which might be counterfeited, unless such notes had been printed or impressed with the plate of the bank. The bank was to pay the State an annual tax of one-half of one per cent, on the amount of its capital. Whenever the legislature should so decide, the bank was to loan the State any required sum not exceeding ten per cent, of its capital, and such sum was to be reimbursed by five installments, an nually or at any shorter period chosen by the State, at five per cent, interest; but the State was not to be indebted to the bank, without consent of the latter, for a larger sum than 20 per cent, of the capital. The bank must be established and kept in Boston, and must be located at some point south of the north side of Essex Street. This restriction of the location was repealed by the legislatui-e in 1844. The bank, in the beginning, was a South End institution, most of its shares being held by residents of that part of Boston.* Three-fifths of the capital stock was subscribed by the Boylston Fire and Marine Insurance Com pany, whose president, Aaron Baldwin, became president also of the bank, and eight of whose directors were members of the first bank directory of twelve. These were Aaron Bald win, Thomas Brewer, Charles Davis, Windsor Fay, Josiah .Stedman, John Thompson, Daniel Weld and Moses Williams. The other original directors were Samuel Bradlee, Josiah P. Cooke, Henry Price and Charles Thacher. The bank had a life of just seventy-seven years : from Feb- Tuary 25, 1826, the date of the original charter, until February 20, 1902, when, in accordance with the vote of the stock holders, it went into voluntary liquidation. It became a National Bank on January 1, 1865, but this change made no break in the continuity of the institution. * Lists of the original stockholders and of all the ofiBcers, together with the dividends paid, the surpluses accumulated and the highest and lowest stock prices, are given in Appendix VI. AARON BALDWIN, First President of the Washington Bank. THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 247 During this period of seventy-seven years, a number of the bank officers served for unusually long terms. The board of directors consisted of from five to twelve members, at different dates. There were 47 directors in all, of whom Josiah Stedman held office for 43 years ; Moses Wil liams, also 43 years ; Eben Bacon, 40 years ; Josiah P. Cooke, 36 years; Francis Bacon, 33 years ; Alanson Tucker, 32 years ; Almon D. Hodges, 28 years ; Aaron Baldwin, 26 years ; Joseph W. Balch, 24 years ; and Edward I. Browne, 23 years. There were four presidents : Aaron Baldwin, 26 years, 1825 to 1850 ; Almon D. Hodges, 28 years, 1850 to 1878 ; Eben Bacon, 17 years, 1878 to 1895 ; and C. Minot Weld, 6 years, 1896 to 1902. There were five cashiers : Henry Jacques, 6 months in 1825 ; Daniel A. Sigourney, 28 years, 1825 to 1858 ; Charies A. Put nam, 9 years, 1853 to 1862 ; William H. Brackett, 33 years, 1862 to 1895 ; and Francis A. Low, 61 years, 1895 to 1902. Mr. Low's service as an officer of the bank extended over the long period of 46 years. He began as receiving teller in 1856, was soon promoted paying teller, and in 1895 was made cashier. In addition he was an officer of the Suffolk National Bank, the successor of the Washington National Bank, for about two years, making a term of continuous service of 48 years. As paying teller he achieved a reputation unsurpassed by any like bank officer in Boston. When the bank closed, the directors voted him the sum of twenty-five hundred dol lars in recognition of his excellent services. There were five bookkeepers : Joshua Child, 8 years, 1825 to 1832 ; J. A. Richards, 13 years, 1833 to 1845 ; James H. Champney, 41 years, 1846 to 1886 ; La Prelate H. Turner, 11 years, 1887 to 1897 ; and John A. Easton, 4 years, 1898 to 1902. James Howe Champney entered the bank's employ on August 24, 1834, as messenger, and held this position un til he was made bookkeeper. For fidelity, efficiency and amiability his record was remarkable. It is affirmed that he 248 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. consented to take only one vacation during his whole con nection with the bank, and this for a fortnight only ; but he came back at the end of ten days, declaring that he could stay away no longer. During his half century of service he was absent from his post only one working day per annum on an average. His accounts were kept with scrupulous neatness and accuracy. His ledger system was that used in mercantile houses, and when the bank finally decided to adopt the hori zontal system, Mr. Champney preferred to resign rather than keep the books in the new way. On January 18, 1887, he wrote the following letter : — To the President and Directors and Co. : I have been an officer of this Bank for more than fifty-two years and have always done my duty to the best of my ability. During that time the Bank has not sustained any losses by overdrafts. I take this opportunity to thank you for past favors. In con sequence of ill health and inability to do the work, I tender my resignation to take immediate effect from this date. I can recom mend Mr. [Sanford L.] Treadwell as a person well qualified for the office. With much resjDect your friend James H. Champnby. On receipt of this letter the directors took the following action : — Whereas Mr. James H. Champney, who has faithfully served this Bank in various caiDacities extending over more than fifty-two years, being now in the 80th j'ear of his age, has been compelled by the infirmities of age to resign his connection with the Bank ; it is hereby Voted: That his resignation is accepted with great regret by the Directors, and that the thanks of the Board be extended to him for his conscientious and faithful services extending over a term of years almost unequalled, and that the sum of $50 per month be paid him as long as he lives. THE WASHINGTON BANK OP BOSTON. 249 Mr. Champney was the son of John and Lydia (Howe) Champney, and was born in Roxbury, Mass., December 4, 1807. He died in Roxbury (then Boston) August 29, 1889, about two and a half years after his resignation. He married in Boston, November 23, 1841, Miss Sarah Elizabeth WeUs, and had one child, James Wells Champney, who achieved dis tinction as an artist, to the exceeding joy of his father. Henry Kellogg was messenger and collecting clerk for 42 years, 1854 to 1895, and was an excellent officer. Old age and poor health compelled him to resign, and the bank pen sioned him. Of the other officers, nearly all deserve honorable mention. Their names and terms of service are given in Appendix VI. One of them, and only one, betrayed his trust and proved to be a defaulter to the amount of fourteen thousand dollars, but as his bondsmen paid ten thousand, the deficit was only four thousand dollars. The greatest good-fellowship always prevailed among the bank's employees, many of whom, after serving their apprenticeship here, held high ofiice in other financial institutions. The first meeting of the stockholders, at wliich Aaron Bald win was elected president and Henry Jacques cashier, was held on March 23, 1825, in the Lafayette Hotel which stood on Washington Street, on the site of the old Liberty Tree, nearly opposite the Boylston Market.* This hotel was a four-story brick building, erected by S. Haskell just before General Lafayette's visit to our country in 1824, and was named in honor of " the Nation's guest." The whole number of shares was subscribed and paid for within the time prescribed by the charter. The bank began business at 471 Washington Street, in a building belonging to the Boylston Fire and Marine Insurance Company, of wliich * The Boylston Market, since torn down, was located on the south westerly corner of Washington and Boylston Streets. 250 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. institution Mr. Baldwin remained president about eighteen years while serving also as president of the bank. In 1836 the bank removed to 410 Washington Street, at the north easterly corner of Beach Street. Here it occupied a building erected expressly for it, with a granite front fashioned in the Doric style of architecture. This at the time was considered quite a grand edifice, but when the bank moved from it, in 1844, its glory waned. It was occupied for twenty-three years by William H. Quigley as a second-hand furniture store, and in 1868 it was torn down. In 1837 occurred the great panic, when the United States Bank and the other banks in the country suspended specie payments. The banks in New York City suspended on May 10, and the news of their action, received in Boston the next day, created intense excitement. A large .meeting was held in Faneuil Hall at which it was resolved that self-protection required the Boston banks also to suspend, — otherwise they would lose all their specie — although many of them were in good financial condition, and although some of the bankers objected to this measure, believing that it would increase the business distress. Accordingly, on May 12, the Washington Bank and all the other Boston banks stopped redeeming their notes in specie, whereby they risked the loss of their charters. Immediately thereafter these banks, with the exception of the Massachusetts Bank, joined in an association for the purposes of mutual protection and supervision. Early in 1838 the opinion began to prevail that the situation would be greatly improved if the banks resumed specie payments. The Massa chusetts legislature passed an act which favored such action, and on May 10 the Boston banks resumed, at the same date as the New York City banks. On December 18, 1843, a meeting of the stockholders was held to consider the question of surrendering their charter. The dividends that year had amounted to only 3|- per cent. and the stock had sold at 1801 per share, the lowest point WASHINGTON BANK BUILDING, Corner of Beach and Washington Streets, Boston. Dennolished 1868. THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 2.01 ever reached. After repeated voting, the question was de cided in the negative. Then it was proposed to reduce the capital to #250,000, but this proposition was rejected. A change of location, however, was decided to be advisable, and the legislature was petitioned to repeal that part of the char ter which restricted the place of business to the southern part of Boston. The petition being granted, the bank moved to 75 State Street, at the east corner of Kilby Street, having rooms in the second story. Mr. Baldwin resigned the presi dency of the Insurance Company and gave all his attention to the bank. State Street was the centre of Boston banking affairs, and after the removal the dividends increased and the stock improved in price. The bank was not allowed by the terms of its charter to pay dividends in 1825, but in 1826 it began to declare semi annual dividends, on April 1 and October 1, and maintained these continuously ever after, with just one exception. In 1826 the dividends for the year amounted to 7 per cent., part of which, however, was earned in the preceding year. In 1827, when the October di\udend was passed, the solitary exception just named, the bank paid only 3 per cent. In 1829, 1837 and 1843, the dividends amounted each year to 3^ per cent.; in 1830 and 1844 to 3| per cent. These are the lowest amounts ever paid. During Mr. Baldwin's presi dency the dividends averaged 5 per cent, per year. In 1850, Mr. Baldwin decided to resign. He had acquired a competence, was advanced in years, was very conservative in his ideas, and the duties of his office were beginning to weigh heavily on him. He had engaged many years in the commission business, and at one time had lived on the island of Tobago in the West Indies. He was born in Newton, Mass., January 18, 1783, the son of Enoch and Sybil (Knapp) Baldwin. His father was a Revolutionary soldier, served at Bunker Hill and elsewhere, and at the laying of the corner stone of Bunker Hill monument rode in the procession as one 252 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. of the survivors of the battle. Aaron Baldwin's residence in Boston, during a long period, was at 16 Essex Street, and here he died on February 24, 1862. He married in Boston, June 18, 1809, Betsey Esther Marett, and left two children: Aaron Charles Baldwin, who afterwards resided in London, and Elizabeth Adelaide Baldwin, who married Thomas Cush ing of Boston, the principal of the Chauncey Hall School. On November 6, 1850, the directors elected as president Almon D. Hodges, unanimously; and thereafter they re elected him year by year, as long as he lived, without a single dissenting vote. My father had decided ideas as to the proper manner of conducting a business institution, and these he made plain to the directors before accepting office. On his election, he made a short address, stating briefly his opinions. Some of his views, which became familiar to his sons, may be men tioned here. He held that the officers of a corporation are the servants of the stockholders, to whom they owe loyal service, and that they are bound to utilize for the benefit of their employers, not for their own personal gain, all opportunities which come to them as corporation officers. He believed that violent fluctuations of value are detri mental to the common weal. In part, at least (there were other reasons), in order to steady as much as possible the price of the bank stock, he induced the directors to devote a share of the earnings of the bank to the accumulation of a surplus, — that the dividends might be paid regularly and without great variation in amount in lean years as well as in fat years. The bank surplus, when he became president, was less than eight thousand dollars. It increased gradually in twenty-five years to about three hundred thousand dollars. Meanwhile the capital stock was increased from $500,000 to #750,000. The annual dividends during his incumbency averaged nine per cent, as against five per cent, during the ALMON DANFORTH HODGES, Second President of the Washington Bank. THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 253 previous and the subsequent life of the bank. And yet, while he was president, there were two great financial panics, and four years of civil war which revolutionized the currency and nearly destroyed the national credit. He required that the bank officials should exercise great courtesy both to the customers of the bank and to one an other. Jealousy and backbiting among the employees were an abomination to him. It was his own custom always, on coming into the bank in the morning and leaving it at the end of the day, to greet pleasantly each one of his subordinates. If by chance, as happened a few times, he went away without bidding good-bye to anyone, he was sure to return and rectify the omission. He quickly became acquainted with all who visited the bank and instantly recognized them when they re-appeared. He kept informed as to the financial standing of those who dealt with the institution and knew the status of the accounts of nearly or quite all the depositors. He was familiar with the duties of the employees and ready to lend a helping hand when necessary. On one occasion Mr. Kellogg, the mes senger, who had grown old in the service, was absent a week on account of sickness, and father took his place at the Clear ing House and performed his duties there, — probably the only instance in the history of this association in which a bank president has acted as messenger. When he felt that it was just and proper that the cashier's wage should be in creased, he induced the directors to give this officer a salary equal to his own. Bank salaries of the highest officials, during the period in question, were low as compared with those which are usual at the present time. The Washington Bank paid its presi dent a stipend of $1,500 in the year 1851, increasing it gradually until it amounted to $4,000 in 1867, then raising it to 15,000 in 1897, and to $5,500 in 1900. The directors served gratuitously until 1893, when they voted themselves 254 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. the sum of $2.50 each for each attendance at a regular meet ing of the board. Father was cautiously progressive in his ideas. He kept a close watch on the theories and practices of other financial institutions at home and abroad, was always ready to hear and consider suggestions and criticisms, and was quick to adopt any measure so soon as he was convinced of its utility ; yet he was not prone to rash experimentation. Under his management the bank kept fuUy abreast with the times, not only in those daily business methods which make an institu tion popular and attract and retain customers, but also in the matters which affect its welfare as a component part of the general financial world. Thus he was among the first to urge co-operation by moneyed associations, and one of those whose efforts resulted in united action in times of emergency by the Boston banks ; in which respect these banks were for years ahead of the other banks in our country. The Washington Bank was one of the original members of the Association of Banks for the Suppression of Counterfeit ing, the first association of its kind in the United States, so far as I am informed. Through the efforts of its promoters, the Massachusetts legislature was induced to pass a bill, in May, 1852, granting annuaUy a sum not exceeding $2,500 to any association of officers of banks in the Commonwealth for the prevention and detection of counterfeiting, the yearly sum paid to be equal to half the sum such association had expended in that year for the purposes specified. On Febru ary 9, 1853, a meeting was held in Boston at which sixty banks were represented, the association was formed and fifteen managers were chosen, five from the banks in Boston and ten from the banks outside of this city. Subsequently the man agers chose a chairman, a secretary and an executive com mittee, and an assessment of $5 on each $100,000 of capital stock was laid on the banks which joined the association. During the year, 99 out of the 136 banks in operation became THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 255 members. Banks in New England outside of the State were iuAdted to join, but only eleven accepted. For a long time it was an uphill job to convince the major ity of the country banks of the need of such an organization, plain as was the necessity to those who had studied the subject ; and passing strange was the difficulty encountered in inducing the public officials to co-operate vigorously in the prosecution and punishment of the counterfeiters, and in per suading the sufferers to testify. Father took an active part in enlarging the association and in carrying out its objects. He visited various places in New England, and addressed meetings of bank officers, presenting statistics of the alarming spread of crime and showing to what a great extent not only the banks but also the public, especially the poor, were suf ferers. In 1854 he was elected a manager and made treasurer and member of the executive committee, and held these offices so long as he Uved. The association acted vigorously. Despite all difficulties, in the first thirteen years of its existence it secured the con viction of 593 counterfeiters. It also collected and published a large amount of useful information concerning the best means of preventing the alteration of bank bills, including the results of tests of the various kinds of paper and of ink, the proper sizes and designs, and other items involved in the making and uttering of the notes. It increased its membership throughout New England and promoted the formation of simUar organizations in other parts of the United States. The legislature of Massachusetts was not asked for the annual grant in 1865, because the banks in the Commonwealth were surrendering their State charters and organizing under the national system. But the association continued its useful work for years thereafter, and was a potent factor in the dim inution of the crime of counterfeiting. In the twelve years, 1866 to 1877 inclusive, it caused the conviction of sixty- 256 THE WASHINGTON BANK OP BOSTON. seven criminals and gave efficient aid to other societies of its kind. It was operating effectively in 1878, but not long after went out of existence. Apparently its place was taken by the protective department of the American Bankers' Asso ciation, which completed its organization in 1876, and elected as its first president Mr. Charles B. Hall, cashier of the Boston National Bank, who for many years had been the efficient secretary of the older association. So soon as the New York banks formed a Clearing House Association, father with others began to agitate the subject in Boston. In 1855 the Boston Clearing House was estab lished, the president of the Washington Bank being one of the original executive committee which completed the organ ization. From the very beginning until his death, my father was a member of the Clearing House Committee, the actual rulers of the association. On January 19, 1864, at a meeting of the stockholders of the Washington Bank, it was voted unanimously to petition the legislature for an increase of the capital stock from $500,000 to $1,000,000. Within an hour after the vote was passed, the petition was before the House of Representatives and was referred to the Committee on Banks and Banking. The president of the bank appeared before this committee and spoke in favor of the petition. After much discussion and deliberation, it was agreed to make the increase $250,000, which was accepted by unanimous vote of the stockholders at a meeting held on April 19, 1854. Thereafter the capital stock of the bank became and remained $750,000. On May 17, 1856, the bank moved to 47 State Street, taking the second story of the building adjoining the Mer chants Exchange on the west. It may be well to name here all the locations of the Washington Bank during its existence. From 1825 to 1836 the bank was at 471 Washington Street, in a building owned by the Boylston Fire and Marine Insur ance Company. lK^BOYLS^ONms£lttNCE OFFICE. No. 47 STATE STREET. THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 257 From 1836 to 1844 it was at 410 Wasliington Street, at the corner of Beach Street, in a building erected for it. From 1844 to 1856 it rented rooms at 75 State Street, at the east corner of Kilby Street, in the second story. From May 17, 1856, to AprU 1, 1889, it rented the second story of 47 State Street. From April 1, 1889, to October 1, 1891, it occupied tem porary quarters at 53 Devonshire Street, during the construc tion of the new Exchange Building. From October 1, 1891, to 1902, it was in rooms 209 and 210 in the Exchange Building, 53 State Street. The panic of 1857 was not wholly unanticipated by the directors of the Washington Bank and other shrewd finan ciers. There had been signs of trouble for ten years. In October, 1847, the money market had begun to be stringent, and during more than four years good paper was obliged to pay from nine to eighteen per cent, per annum. In the spring of 1852 money became temporarily abundant at six per cent., but before the beginning of the next year it had become scarce again and commanded from twelve to twenty-four per eent. At the end of 1854 large firms were failing, with heavy Uabilities, and in this year the Washington Bank was beginning to contract its loans. Money eased up to ten per cent, in the first part of 1855, but large failures continued, and before the end of the year at least one Boston bank closed its doors. There was a little alleviation in 1856 and the beginning of 1857 ; but in 1857 the banks in nearly all parts of the country were curtailing their loans, and in the fall the crash came. On September 25 the Philadelphia banks suspended specie payments, followed by the banks of Balti more, Washington and other places. The Providence banks suspended September 28. On the 30th, the Boston banks, in an attempt to mitigate the condition, voted to discount ten per cent, of their capital between that date and October 5 ; and on October 2, the merchants of Boston held a meeting 258 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. and declared that the Boston banks ought not to suspend so long as the New York banks paid specie. Money was now commanding two to three per cent, per month, or more. On October 13, the New York banks began to suspend, and in view of this the Boston banks and the banks generally also suspended. On October 31, father made this entry in his Journal : — This day ends the month of the most disastrous and trying time in financial affairs known to the present generation. Busi ness of almost all kinds has come to a perfect standstill. Manu facturing and other establishments have stopped and discharged their operatives. A greAt many failures have taken place and a general breaking-up and breaking-down of mercantile houses, which have before weathered all the storms of the last twenty or thirty years. But a lighting-up has occurred within the last few days, and some business transactions have taken place on the street at one to one and a half per cent, per month, which is a great improvement. The improvement continued, and on December 14, the Bos ton banks all resumed specie payments. • Soon money became abundant again and was readily obtainable on good paper at 6 per cent, per annum and less. The money market now remained easy until it was again disturbed by the intensely exciting presidential election of 1860 and the threatened secession of the southern States. The election was held on November 6, the Republican party was victorious, and when the result was known the legislature of South Carolina called a convention to consider the question of secession. Money at once became tight and rates rose from 6 per cent, to 9, 12, 18 and 24 per cent, before the end of the year. On November 24, the Boston bank officers held a meet ing to devise methods for relieving the financial stringency ; they decided to continue to pay specie to the public, but agreed to receive one-half in specie and one-half in bills in their settlements with each other. The southern States se- THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 259 ceded and many northern firms, especially those whose trade was with the South, were ruined. The Civil War broke out, and the national government soon was in great need of funds to meet the large and increasing expenditures for military and naval purposes. In this emergency, the Secretary of the Treasury, Salmon P. Chase, sought the advice of the leading financiers of the country, and various conferences were held by him in New York with delegates from the associated banks of New York, Boston and Philadelphia. At one of the meetings, on No vember 14, 1861, the delegates from Boston were: Franklin Haven, president of the Merchants Bank ; Almon D. Hodges, president of the Washington Bank; Thomas Lamb, presi dent of the New England Bank ; and Samuel H. Walley, president of the Revere Bank. There were present also five delegates from the New York banks and two from those of Philadelphia. As one result of the conferences, the banks of the three cities named took a total of 150 millions of the notes and bonds issued by the United States. These nuUions were paid for in coin, and in December, 1861, the banks found it necessary to suspend specie payments. This action was decided on by the New York banks on December 29, and immediately a trainload of speculators and other persons started by rail for Boston to draw gold from the banks there. Their purpose becoming known, the Boston bank presidents assembled early in the morning of December 30, before the hour of opening, and their banks at once sus pended although they had eight and three-quarter millions of coin in their vaults. The whole country, with the exception of the Pacific Coast, stopped specie payments and continued on a paper basis for seventeen years, resuming January 1, 1879. Whether the financial conditions resulting from the Civil War rendered advisable the establishment of a national bank system, was a question which was raised in the first year of 260 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. the war and was soon being earnestly debated. There were many who strongly advocated such a system and others who strenuously opposed it, but the general trend of opinion, as time went on, was increasingly favorable. At the end of 1863, there were 187 national banks in operation, with an aggregate capital of $23,031,200, but only a few of these were located in the great financial centers. In 1864, Con gress passed a law, approved June 3, which practically settled the question and brought all the banks under the national system. This was entitled, "An act to provide a national currency secured by a pledge of United States bonds and to provide for the circulation and redemption thereof." On December 2, 1863, a meeting was held, at the Union Club on Park Street, of presidents of Boston banks who fa vored the change to a national system. There were present W. T. Andrews of the City Bank, Benjamin E. Bates of the Bank of Commerce, William Bramhall of the Shawmut Bank, Franklin Haven of the Merchants Bank, Almon D. Hodges of the Washington Bank, Thomas Lamb of the New England Bank, and Charles O. Whitmore of the Market Bank. With in a year thirty out of the forty-three banks in Boston had obtained national charters. The directors of the Washington Bank, on November 12, 1864, in accordance with the unanimous resolution of the stockholders passed on the preceding day, voted to change and convert their- bank into a national banking association under the name of the Washington National Bank, with a capital of $750,000 in shares of $100 each, and with not less than five directors. At this date there were 299 stockholders — 40 of these being corporations — of whom 240 held from 1 to 24 shares each; 27, from 25 to 49; 14, from 50 to 74; 4, from 75 to 99; 7, from 100 to 199; 1, from 200 to 299 ; 5, from 300 to 400 ; and 1, the Boylston Fire and Marine In surance Company, held 722 shares. The largest individual stockholders were : Noble Maxwell of Bowdoinham, Me., 153 THE WASHINGTON BANK OP BOSTON. 261 shares ; J. A. White of Framingham, Mass., 76 shares ; A. & W. M. Tucker, trustees, 75 shares ; and William Phillips, 75 shares. Under provisions of the act of Congress, an agent was ap pointed at Washington to witness yearly, in behalf of the bank, the burning of its circulating notes ; also to examine and compare the bonds deposited in the office of the Treasurer of the United States, in trust for the bank, with the books of the Comptroller of the Currency and with the accounts fur nished by the bank from time to time ; and to execute certifi cates to the Treasurer when the bonds were found to be correct and to agree with the accounts. But the careful presi dent of the bank occasionally went to Washington to assure himself that the examinations were properly conducted. The Washington Bank was temporarily revived as a State institution by an act of the Massachusetts legislature, ap proved March 3, 1870, which provided that : The corporation heretofore known as the President, Directors and Company of the Washington Bank, and located in Boston, is hereby revived and continued for the purpose of enabling the President and Directors of said Washington Bank, at the time when the same became an association for carrying on the business of banking under the laws of the United States, to convey, assign and transfer to the Washington National Bank of said Boston any real estate or interests therein of the said Washington Bank, and for no other purpose whatever. On April 19 the transfer of the real estate was voted and immediately executed, and the bank ceased finally to be a State institution. An exciting event in the history of the Washington Bank was the great Boston fire of November, 1872. The conflagra tion extended northerly as far as the bank building, which at one time seemed doomed. The property of the bank was removed to the residences of the directors and the building 262 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. was mined ; but the fire was checked at this point and the bank remained unscathed. The next exciting event was the panic of 1873, which culmi nated in the autumn. So dangerous was the condition of the brokers that the Boston Stock Exchange closed on September 20, and for ten days did no business. The Washington Bank, however, declared as usual on September 23 its semi-annual dividend — 5 per cent, and the taxes which amounted to $1.80 per share — and had a surplus remaining of $274,363.79. On September 29, following the example of the banks in New York City, the Boston banks voted to suspend payments on large sums and to issue ten million dollars of Clearing House certificates, making it possible to continue business among themselves. These certificates were a temporary loan made to the members of the Clearing House Association for the purpose of settling the balances due from and to each other, the banks being required, before receiving the certificates, to deposit with the Clearing House Committee securities as col lateral for the loan at 75 per cent, of their value. The sus pension of payments continued until November 1. The effects of the panic were widespread, and half a dozen years passed before complete recovery was realized. While serving as president of the Washington Bank, father held for fifteen years the presidency of the Institution for Sav ings in Roxbury and its Vicinity, being a member of the cor poration during twenty-five years and a vice-president seven years. This institution, when he was first elected, had on deposit $175,000 ; when he left it, nearly three miUions ; and in the meantime it paid dividends averaging seven per cent. per annum. Father's resignation as president was tendered at the end of 1877, and was caused by his giving up his legal residence in Roxbury. After the death of its second president, the bank, on Sep tember 28, 1878, elected as its third president Mr. Eben EBEN BACON, Third President of the Washington Bani<. THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 263 Bacon who had already been a director for many years. Mr. Bacon continued in office until the end of 1895, when he re signed, believing that the responsibilities of management were overtaxing his physical powers. He remained, however, on the board of directors so long as the bank existed. He was the son of Daniel Carpenter and Desire Taylor (Gorham) Bacon, was born in Brookline, Mass., 1830 or 1831, and died in Jamaica Plain, February 22, 1905. On February 6, 1890, the directors voted that interest might be paid on such deposits at such rates as the presi dent might direct. This was a notable departure from the previous conservative methods of the bank. But customs were changing, there was much competiton for business, and the trust companies, which were growing numerous, all paid interest on deposits. On April 24, 1893, the president reported to the board of directors — which ratified his action — that he had voted, sub ject to their approval, at a meeting of the Clearing House Association, in favor of the following resolution which had been adopted, viz. : The Associated Banks of Boston, relying upon the ability and determination of the government to maintain gold payments, hereby tender to the Secretary of the Treasury one-half of the gold reserves held by them, in exchange for legal tender notes, and the Clearing House Committee is directed to carry out the terms of this resolution. The financial disasters of 1893 did not seriously disturb the bank. In the latter part of June, the New York and the Boston banks issued Clearing House certificates and thereby lessened the severity of the situation. On July 23, 1896, the directors voted to exchange, for the relief of the United States Treasury, a sum not exceeding twenty thousand dollars in gold for legal tender notes at such time as might be decided upon by the Boston national banks in aid of the United States. 264 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. On January 7, 1896, Mr. Christopher Minot Weld was elected as the fourth— and last — president of the bank. Mr. Weld was the son of Francis Minot and Elizabeth (Rod man) Weld, was born in West Roxbury (now Boston) October 2, 1858, and was graduated at Harvard CoUege in 1880. He is now (1909) president of the New England Cotton Yarn Company, with headquarters in Boston. On January 20, 1902, the directors voted to caU a special meeting of the shareholders on February 20, to consider whether or no the bank should be placed in voluntary Uquida- tion. On January 23, the directors voted that a committee of three of their members should be authorized to transfer the assets and books of the bank to the National Suffolk Bank, provided the consent of two-thirds of the stockholders was given. On January 27, the committee reported that, having secured the assent of the requisite number of shareholders, the transfer had been made at the close of business on Satur day, January 25. The special meeting of the stockholders was held on Feb ruary 20, 1902, and 7,310 shares were represented. It was voted unanimously — That the Washington National Bank of Boston be placed in vol untary liquidation under the provisions of sections 5220 and 5221 of the United States revised statutes, to take effect at the close of business on February 20, 1902. That the action of the directors is ratified in heretofore transfer ring the assets of the bank to the National Suffolk Bank for the purpose of liquidation. The liquidation of the bank was due, not to any weakness in its financial condition, but to the methods of financing and controUing corporations which had their beginnings in the years foUowing the period of the Civil War and had now become prevalent throughout the country. The era of large holdings and consolidation had arrived. Two parties, one represented by Mr. Arthur E. Apple j^ard and the other by THE WASHINGTON BANK OP BOSTON. 265 Mr. Robert Winsor of Kidder, Peabody & Company, had been purchasing large amounts of the bank stock and had secured control. Their purposes were discordant, but the views of Mr. Winsor finally prevailed, and the Washington National Bank and the Suffolk National Bank were merged under the name of the National Suffolk Bank. On April 30, 1906, the agents in liquidation presented their final report. By this it appeared that the assets of the bank at the close of business on January 25, 1902, including the bonds deposited to cover circulation, had an inventory value of $2,745,492.56. A few promissory notes of a total face value of $757.37 had proved worthless, but on the whole there had been a gain over the inventory, due in part to inter est receipts. All the actual assets had been converted into cash. The receipts had been $2,713,928.16 and balanced the disbursements which included seven dividends in liquidation amounting in all to $150.60 per share. The board of directors received and accepted the report and the Washington Bank became a memory. THE RE-ESTABLISHED HOME IN ROXBURY. ^N Tuesday, December 17, 1850, father was mar ried in Fall River, Mass., to Jane Hudson, widow of Gustavus Leonard of Taunton, daughter of Dr. Amery and Ann Chaloner (Durfee) Glazier of Fall River, and granddaughter of Calvin and Lydia (Pierce) Glazier of South Brimfield (Holland), Mass. Doctor Glazier spelled his Christian name as above, but his early preceptor spelled it " Emery" in the certificate here reproduced : CERTIFICATE OF DR. AIVIERY GLAZIER'S PRECEPTOR. Jane Hudson Glazier was doubtiess descended from John Glazier, who was in Woburn, Mass., in 1668 or eariier, but the line has not been traced out. On her mother's side she belonged to the prominent and wealthy Borden and Durfee famiUes of Rhode Island and Massachusetts, and counted among her ancestors WUliam Bradford, pilgrim and governor (266) JANE HUDSON HODGES. THE RE-ESTABLISHED HOME IN ROXBURY. 267 of Plymouth Plantation. She was born in Fall River July 8, 1817, and died in Roxbury (then Boston) November 3, 1901. By her first husband she had one child, Jane Frances Leonard, who was born in Fall River August 15, 1841, and died of consumption in Roxbury December 81, 1862. By her second husband she had two children, both born in Roxbury, Amory Glazier Hodges and Edward Carroll Hodges. She had been carefully trained by her mother and her father, and had received an Old New England academic edu cation, which included a good knowledge of English and some apprehension of Latin and French.* She was naturally bright and quick, and was most attractive in person and man ners. She was indeed fair to see, but that somewhat over rated artist, the sun, always failed in his endeavor to reproduce her handsome- and mobile features on the photographic plate. It was easy and pleasant for her to manage her household and entertain her many guests, and she always found time for social pleasures and kindly deeds and for participation in matters affecting the common weal. She was conscientious and religious, and was a member of the Trinitarian Congre gational church; yet she was liberal in her ideas, and no difference in the theological beliefs of herself and her husband was ever aUowed to interrupt the harmony of their lives. The scattered family was collected and the home on St. James Street, Roxbury, was re-opened, at once becoming a center of hospitality for youths and maidens and their elders, for relatives, friends and acquaintances. There was a con stant succession of visitors, and before long the house could not hold them all and was therefore enlarged. But the home Ufe, although generous, was simple, and was so weU regulated that pleasure never conflicted with duty. * Her sister, Eliza Ann (Glazier) Pish, overwhelmed the editor in his flrst year of Latin by replying in that ancient language to a rather vain glorious epistle which he had sent her, displaying his callow Latinity. 268 THE RE-ESTABLISHED HOME IN ROXBURY. The greatest attraction of the home was the new daughter, Jennie Leonard, as she was usually called. Of her sweetness and loveliness, both of person and of character, it is difficult for me to give an adequate description. She came, a girl of nine, into a household of six boys, ranging in age from nineteen down to four, and they all without exception fell heels over head in love with her ; she lived with them twelve years, and their love for her increased each year. It was the same with her step-father, and indeed with all who knew her. Her gentle dignity, her ready helpfulness, her warm-hearted ness, her brightness and vivacity compelled universal admira tion. She died at the age of twenty-one, leaving a beautiful memory. Her death broke the heart and the health of her devoted mother, who never was quite the same in strength thereafter. On May 18, 1852, the youngest member of the family, Francis Olney Hodges, passed out of the world. The child was endowed with great sweetness of disposition and remark able mental ability. Going to school at the age of three, he quickly learned to read and write. Before his death, which occurred when he was six years and two days old, he was as far advanced in his studies as are the grammar-school gradu ates of to-day. The cause of his death was an extraordinary sarcoma, or tumor, in his face, which grew to a length of eleven and a half inches from its point to the occiput. The patience and fortitude of the child under his suffering, which lasted some four months, was wonderful. Father's strong affection for his kinspeople developed into a love for genealogy, and in 1852 he joined the New England Historic Genealogical Society, being made a Ufe member in 1859, and serving as president from 1859 to 1861. He was elected honorary or corresponding member of numerous other simUar associations. In 1853 he pubUshed the Genealogical Record of the Hodges Family in New England, the compUa- tion of which had required so much time that one might won- THE RE-ESTABLISHED HOME IN ROXBURY. 269 der how so busy a man could find opportunity for the extra labor. But he was very methodical and could work hard and rapidly ; and thus he was able to perform the many business duties which devolved on him, attend to the welfare and pleasure of his family, entertain almost constantly at his home, visit his friends now and then, and also devote fre quent hours to reading and writing. That he was aided greatly by his wife, goes without saying. She knew how to direct her household with the maximum of comfort and the minimum of friction. Everything moved as if b}' clock-work, the daily tasks were performed at the allotted hours, and the servants were kept cheerful and contented. It was her pride to have an attractive home. When the children had grown in years and scattered, it was her delight to bring them to gether under her roof at least once a year, and it became the custom for them all to gather at her house on Thanksgiving Day and be mothered again by her. The last time the whole surviving family were together was the Thanksgiving Day after her death, when they assembled at their old home, and the oldest brother read a paper written in her memory and in memory of the many happy years they had passed together. Father arose at six o'clock in the morning, prompt to the minute, and roused the sleepier members of the family. Breakfast was served at seven o'clock in the summer and at half-past seven in the winter. Then, until within three or four years of his death, he walked the three miles between his house and the bank, never riding except in the case of a violent storm. At three minutes before two o'clock in the afternoon he left the bank, caught the two o'clock street car and rode to Roxbury, where dinner was served at half-past two. Supper was at half-past six, after which father read prayers, and retired at ten o'clock unless prevented by some entertainment. In the fall of 1854 illuminating gas was put into the house, and the use of oil-lamps was discontinued. The next 270 THE RE-ESTABLISHED HOME IN ROXBURY. spring the house was enlarged by the addition of an ell on the westerly side, and in 1859 an upper story and cupola were built over the main edifice. In May, 1860, the first sewing machine, Wheeler & Wilson's, was bought by father, "for $80, aU complete." The Journal entry of February 25, 1855, reads : " I weighed myself during the last week, and my weight was 180 pounds, which is about five or six pounds less than the average of the last six years, but was my average weight ten to fifteen years FIRST OPEN CAR OF THE METROPOLITAN STREET RAILROAD. On Wednesday, September 17, 1856, the horse cars of the Metropolitan Street RaUroad, between Roxbury and Boston, carried passengers for the first time. They ran on Washing ton Street between GuUd Row (Dudley Street) in Roxbury and Dover Street in Boston.* On September 22 they ran as far north as Boylston Street, and on October 17 as far as the Granary Burial Ground on Tremont Street, which was a ter- *Mbtbopolitan Railroad. This city road has been running one or two cars since Wednesday last, regularly from Dover Street, and oc casionally from Boylston Market. The first trip was made in order to fulfill an invitation given to the city government of Roxbury ; after this, one car was run during the daytime of the 17th, and over one thousand people were carried over the route with the use of only three pairs of horses. [Boston Traveller, Monday, Sept. n, 1856.'] RESIDENCE ON ST. JAMES STREET, ROXBURY. THE RE-ESTABLISHED HOME IN ROXBURY. 271 minus for quite a period. The advent of the car meant the exit of the omnibus ; not at once, however, as there was an active competition for some years, the omnibus having its times of triumph in winter, when it could move easily on runners, while the heavy snow blockaded the cars. But the 'bus was before long compelled to retire, and with it passed away the extreme sociability of its patrons during rush hours, when the heavier male passengers occupied the seats and held in their laps the lighter members of the other sex. November 4, 1856. "Presidential Election. I think [wrote father] this must be the most exciting presidential election this country has ever had. It certainly has been the most stirring one which I can remember, even more than that of Harrison in 1840. The presidential candidates were : John C. Fre mont, who received 114 electoral votes ; Millard Fillmore, 8 votes ; James Buchanan, 174 votes.* I voted with a good will for Fremont. Although I had been well satisfied with the administration of Fillmore, I preferred casting my ballot for Fremont who, if elected, I felt sure, would not be presi" dent of a party, but president of the United Statesf and more certain to take a firm stand for freedom and free speech ; and would resist the encroachments of the slave power and, with the party that elected him, would stand on the platform of no more slave territory." In 1852, father had voted "rather reluctantly" for General Winfield Scott who, after a long and hot contest, had received the nomination of the Whig party at its convention at Balti more — a nomination " which causes much dissatisfaction in * These figures evidently were added at a later date. The popular vote for Fremont was 1,341,264, for Fillmore 874,534, and for Buchanan 1,838,169. t The democratic leaders had raised the cry that the republican party was merely a sectional organization. It was in reply to this assertion that Charles Sumner declared in the Senate that " freedom, and not slavery, is national', while slavery, and not freedom, is sectional." 272 THE RE-ESTABLISHED HOME IN ROXBURY. the Whig ranks here." The final vote at the convention, on the 58d baUot, was : Winfield Scott 158, MiUard FiUmore 122, and Daniel Webster 28. Father had been an anti-slavery. Union Whig. He was an admirer of Henry Clay and a great admirer of Daniel Webster ; but he was resolutely opposed to the Fugitive Slave law, and when he wrote, in the passage above quoted, that he was well satisfied with Fillmore's administration, he did not include approbation of the president's approval of this bill. Nevertheless, so strong was his law-abiding sense, after it had bebome a law of the land he was unwilling to resort to violence. He believed that its enforcement would result in an irresistible public opinion which would make the bill a dead letter and cause its repeal. So also with regard to slav ery. While he strongly condemned that institution, he real ized the fact that slave-owners, being human, could not be expected to impoverish themselves by freeing their slaves, and he was willing to wait until the evil effects of slavery should bring about its peaceable termination; for he was convinced that slavery was not only a moral evil but also a financial mistake which the whole South would ere long dis cover, — as some Southerners had already discovered. He did not however propose to wait supinely, but would aid ac tively with word, vote and purse. When the proper time came, he would contribute to purchasing the emancipation of the blacks if this could be arranged. MeanwhUe, the Whig party having gone to pieces, he joined the Republicans. He worked and voted with them in the elections of 1856 and of 1860 and afterwards. Between 1850 and 1860, father made several pleasure trips with his wife and step-daughter through New England and the Middle States, once visiting the National Capital. In 1855 he journeyed to "the western country," — Ohio, lUinois and Kentucky, — travelling in three weeks 2,845 miles by THE RE-ESTABLISHED HOME IN ROXBURY 273 railroad, 1,287 miles by steamboat, and 70 miles by carriage — 8,652 miles in all — seeing many pleasant places, undergoing many interesting experiences, meeting many friends who re ceived him most hospitably, and incurring a personal expense of only about one hundred dollars. In 1859 he again went west, his main object being to visit his son Frederick, who was residing in Davenport, Iowa. He " was absent just one fortnight. Expenses, 96 dollars. Distances travelled : Bos ton to Davenport, 1,221 miles ; Davenport to Cincinnati, 509 miles ; Cincinnati to Philadelphia, 628 miles ; Philadelphia to New York, 90 miles ; New York to Boston, 236 miles ; total, 2,679 miles." The amount of his expenses indicates, not the cost of travelling in those days, but the extent of hospitality with which he was received everywhere. At the end of each journey his Journal invariably records the fact that he had had " a most enjoyable trip." In 1857 he made a journey to Europe, a brief narrative of which is given in the following chapter. A DASH THROUGH EUROPE.^ _N the Ocean, 1st to 12th day. May 20, 1857, I left Boston at ten o'clock in the morning on the Steamer Europa, with about one hundred and fifty passengers on board. It rained and the wind from the northeast was blowing a gale. I sat behind the steam-pipe with two solitary-looking individuals nearly all day, took neither dinner nor tea, and retired early. The next morning there was a dense fog, and al^o a heavy sea. I tried to walk the deck, but found it difficult. The deck would go down faster than my boots were willing to follow ; then it would rise up so rapidly that my poor boots had to sustain a weight which I estimated at some four hundred pounds. I met several acquaintances, but nearly all of the passengers staid in their staterooms. We reached Halifax at seven o'clock in the morning of the third day and left at half-past eight, and sailed in a fog three days longer. During the voyage I arose four times very early in the morning to see the sunrise, but on account of heavy fogs I saw it only on the fourth trial, the day of arrival at Liver pool, when the sun rose at three o'clock like a baUoon of fire. After leaving HaUfax the passengers began to emerge from their rooms, and by the sixth day all, or nearly aU, of them were able to be on deck. Our principal amusements were playing shuffleboard in the daytime, and listening to the ex cellent singing of the Misses [Louisa F. and Susan] Pyne and [William] Harrison [of the Pyne and Harrison English Opera Company] in the evening. Nearly eveiy day the sailors en- * In eighty-five days. Condensed from the Journal of A. D. H. (274) A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 275 tertained us by performances in which some comical animal or personage always figured. On the Sunday mornings we had the English Church service conducted by a young clergyman". On the twelfth day, having averaged about 255 miles per diem, we arrived off Liverpool at half-past four in the even ing, and, after passing the custom-house examination, reached the wharf at seven o'clock. I went to the Adelphi hotel, and after securing a room, called on Mrs. B., to whom I had pre viously forwarded my letter of introduction. 13th day. Went by rail from Liverpool to Manchester, where I visited the Exhibition of the " Arts Treasures," a collection of the choicest gems of art in the kingdom, the Queen and many of the nobility and gentry lending their best pictures. This was a great treat. 14th day. Left Manchester and went to Sheffield, where the people were having a fine time at a Fair, and every man, woman and child appeared to be happy. Delivered a letter of introduction, bought cutlery of Rogers & Sons, and went to London — a charming ride through a beautiful country. 15th to 25th day. At London. Received many courtesies, including a succession of dinners, from the principal bankers and other persons here, to whom I had letters of introduction. Was dined very pleasantly one day by William Hodges, Esq., a prominent barrister, who Avas knighted by the Queen about 1858.* He and I had become known to one another by corre spondence when I was compiling the Hodges Genealogy. Visited the principal places of interest in and around this great city. At the Crystal Palace at Sydenham, a magical place, an audience of some ten thousand people listened to a concert of the Cologne Union, which is a society of fine singers led by Von Weber, the son of the great composer. On Sunday I went to the Surrey Gardens and for a shilling obtained a good seat in Julien's great concert room, which is said te hold ten thousand people, and which was filled to its * The last words added later. 276 A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. capacity. Here I heard the famous Spurgeon, who preached a sermon on " presumptuous sins " with much eloquence and great power. There was no outbreak of applause by the audience, only a low hum of approval from time to time. Through the kindness of the firm of George Peabody & Co., I was enabled to visit the different departments of the Bank of England, and also of the London Post Office. Being pro vided with tickets by our American Minister, Mr. Dallas, I visited the House of Lords and heard Lord Grey and Lord Palmerston speak. I visited also the House of Commons. One day I saw the nobility and gentry riding and driving in Hyde Park. QMem. The private coachmen and footmen are the best dressed and the handsomest men in England.) At the Ascot races I saw Queen Victoria and other members of the royal family. The great race-horse on the ground was Blink Bonny, who trotted around the course with no compet itor and took the first prize. This day it did not rain. 26th and 27th days. Went from London, on the steamer Baron Orsay, down the Thames and to Antwerp, where I saw many precious and rare works of painting and sculpture. 28th day. Went from Antwerp to beautiful Brussels. Took the stage-coach to Waterloo, a two hours' ride. Walked over the battle-field, having as our guide the old English ser geant, Martin Visner, who described with thrUling effect the taking and re-taking of the grounds of the Chateau Hougo- mont, and the bloody work on that day of battle. Returned in the afternoon to Brussels. 29th day. In the afternoon, by raU to Chaude Fontaine, in the vaUey of the Vesdre, five miles from Liege. 30th day. By rail from Chaude Fontaine through Herbes- thal (where our passports were called for) and Aix-la-Chapelle to Cologne. 31st day. From Cologne by steamer up the Rhine to Cas- tel, a most delightful and interesting trip, and thence by rail to Frankfort. A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 277 32d day. At the Hotel D'Angleterre, in Frankfort, I made the acquaintance of Captain La Pistori of the Austrian army. As he was travelling alone and wished to improve his English, and I was desirous of the company of au agreeable person who knew the lands and the languages, and as we were mutually pleased with each other, the result of our meeting was that we travelled together until we reached Milan, in Italy, where we parted with much regret. The captain proved to be a most charming companion. We went to-day from Frankfort by lail to Heidelberg, where we visited the celebrated Castle, and thence by rail to Baden Baden, where we arrived about six in the evening. After a stay of about two hours at this resort, during which we dined and visited the crowded gambling-rooms, we took the cars to Rastatt, quite a large village with a very poor hotel. 33d day. Leaving Rastatt at eight o'clock in the morning, we went in the cars to Constatt and thence by carriage to Stuttgart. Thence we went by rail, via Ulm, to Friedrichs- hiifeii on Lake Constance, where we arrived at ten o'clock at night. 34th day. We took the steamer on Lake Constance to Constance, where we spent three hours devoted mainly to the memorials of John Huss. Thence we went by steamer to Schaffhausen where, taking a carriage, we visited the beauti ful falls of the Rhine, and then proceeded by rail to Zurich, which we reached at nine o'clock in the evening, twelve hours after leaving Friedrichshafen. 35th day. Leaving Zurich at eight o'clock in the morning we traveled by steamer and then by diligence to Lake Zug, and then by omnibus to the foot of Mount Rigi. We began the ascent of the mountain at three in the afternoon. Captain La Pistori on foot and I on horseback. I had a guide, but as my horse made slow progress under his management, I soon re quired him to mount the animal, which Jthen led, hastening its 278 A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. movements by my imitation of the guide's ejaculations, which sounded something like a grunt followed by "gip-gip." Thus I was enabled to keep up with the Captain, and also to amuse the people whom we met on the road. We reached the hotel on the summit about six o'clock and were fortunate enough to secure a room and two beds. Often the wayfarer is obliged to take a sofa, or a chair, or the floor ; for stop at this hotel he must, there being no other place to go to. And the hotel is poor and high-priced. We enjoyed the charming view in the evening, and the sun set about nine o'clock, and the glorious prospect and sunrise the next morning, when we were awakened about half-past two by the Alpine horn. Very different was our experience from that described by a traveler in the following lines : — Nine weary uphill miles we sped The setting sun to see ; Sulky and grim he went to bed, Sulky and grim went we. Seven sleepless hours we tossed and then, The rising sun to see, Sulky and grim we rose again ; Sulky and grim rose he. 36th day. After witnessing the sunrise with about a hun dred others, we began the descent of the mountain on foot at five o'clock. It was a perfectly delightful walk of some ten miles, the weather was charming, the air very stiU, and all the way down we heard Swiss melodies sung from time to time by Swiss voices and echoed from point to point. Many years ago I heard a Swiss company caUed the Rhiners sing the same beautiful airs, and the recollection added to the charm. We arrived at Weggis at half-past eight and took steamer on Lake Lucerne for Lucerne, where we dined. In the after noon we went by rail to Berne, arriving at half-past nine in the evening. 37th day. The views from Berne are wonderful ; some of my acquaintances assured me that this is the finest spot in A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 279 Europe. Our guide insisted on our watching the town clock when it struck six, as then a " crower " would appear. The crower's head just managed to appear on the face of the clock, but he was so weak that he could not crow. It was explained that he was out of order. Starting at half-past seven in the morning we went by car riage to Bienne, by steamer through Lakes Bienne and Neu- chatel to Yverdon, and by rail to Lausanne on Lake Geneva, arriving at half-past five in the afternoon. 38th day. We went by steamer to Geneva where we hunted up the church where John Calvin preached. I bought a fine watch for Jennie [his step-daughter]. After dining and ar ranging with the postmaster to have my large carpet-bag sent to the Hotel du Louvre in Paris, we took steamer to Vevay. 39th day. We rode in the banquette of the diligence from Vevay to Bulle, where we dined, and thence to Gessenay, or Saanen as named on the maps. 40th day. We traveled by diligence through Weissenburg to Thun, and thence by steamer on Lake Thun to Interlachen which is about the most charming place I have ever visited. 41st day. We went by steamer through Lake Brienz to Commune, where we dined, and thence to Meiringen. Here we took horses and a guide and had a wonderful ride to a place near the Grimsel Pass, where we stopped for the night at a hovel of a tavern. 42d day. We started from the Mountain House near the Grimsel at five o'clock in the morning. The weather looked threatening and the clouds foreboded rain, but the Captain said that it would be a field-day with us, rain or shine. About seven o'clock it began to shower. I felt quite un comfortable, the Captain looked blue but said nothing, and our guide, who was accustomed to tliis sort of weather, ap peared quite unconcerned. After riding some time in silence and crossing some difficult places, the Captain's horse fell. The Captain was not much hurt, although at first he said that 280 A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. he thought his " leg was crackit." We moved on, I being in the advance. After having passed with difficulty through the deep, softened snow of one ravine, and coming to another, I stopped my horse and suggested to the guide that we should cross at a point higher up. He, however, seized my horse's bridle and urged the animal forward ; but soon sank, with wild ejaculations, nearly out of sight, and my horse followed suit, the rain having washed out a cavity under the snow. I rolled off my beast and across the ravine in the best manner I could, getting very wet in the operation. Other guides com ing up succeeded in pulling out my guide and my horse in undamaged condition. We traveled on through the pass where, in August, 1799, occurred one of the most remarkable skirmishes recorded in history. How the French troops were able to dislodge the opposing Austrians and force their way through this pass, is a wonder to the traveler who views the region, although his guide-book gives a full account of the fight. About the time we came in sight of the Rhone Glacier, the rain had nearly ceased. We both felt a great deal better and the thermometer of our spirits rose ; my companion began to whistle and I began to sing. We were in a merry mood when we reached the good St. Gothard Inn at Andermatt at half- past five in the afternoon. After a bath, a hearty supper and writing letters to my family, I went to bed and was able to sleep without rocking. 43d day. We started in the afternoon at half-past two in the coupe of the diUgence on a wonderful ride down the mountain. It was twiUght the whole night long. My com panion slept soundly, but the scenery was too delightful for me to waste any time in slumber. 44th day. We passed BeUinzona about midnight, Luzano at four o'clock in the morning, beautiful Como and the lovely lake of the same name about seven, and reached Milan at half- past nine. Here after a very pleasant trip together of fourteen A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 281 days. Captain La Pistori and I parted company, this being the headquarters of his General of Division. I visited, besides other places in Milan, the Cathedral, the most beautiful of all which I saw in my journey. 45th day. I left Milan at half-past seven in the morning, going by rail to Treviglio, and by diligence to Brescia; thence to Verona. Thence in the afternoon I passed by rail through Vicenza and Padua and reached Venice at half-past eight in the evening. Disembarking at the depot, I looked around for an omnibus, but saw none. A gondolier accosted me, and giving him the name of the hotel where I wished to go, I stepped into his pretty gondola and was poled away through the canals. Whenever we approached another canal entering ours, my gondolier sang out orders to the possible gondolier coming out of this canal, to keep to the right or left as the case might be. Often on passing the corner we found no such gondolier to receive these orders, and hence the proced ure at first seemed funny to me ; but further experience showed that the cautionary words were always advisable. 46th day. The Anniversary of American Independence, about the grandeur of which I endeavored to give my guide some idea, but he did not appear to comprehend the term " Independence." I felt strong impulses to utter one loud shout in honor of the day, but recollecting that I was in Aus trian Italy, I refrained. I saw many interesting places, but that which I was espe ciaUy desirous of seeing, was the store and former residence of Shylock. This place was pointed out to me by my guide, and if it was not really used by Shylock, it looked as if it ought to have been ; for the building is now occupied as an auction-room for second-hand and cast-off clothing. 47th day. Returned to Milan by the route which I took coming to Venice, seeing many wheat-fields and corn-fields, olive-groves and vineyards, and noticing especially the fre quent irrigation-canals. 282 A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 48th day. Left Milan in the morning in the diligence, hav ing a seat in the banquette. When passing out of the city, a team of horses crossing the street struck our horses, knocking down the wheelers and throwing the postiUon to the ground. No particular damage was done and we soon continued our journey. Rode five hours by diligence and five hours by raU, passing through Novara, VerceUi, Santhia and Chivasso, and arriving at Turin at six in the evening. 49th day. Left Turin on the train at seven o'clock in the evening and arrived at Susa at nine. Left here in the coupe of the dUigence at half-past nine for Mont Cenis Pass. Be fore we reached the summit it became intensely cold, and although the coupe was closed and I had on my top coat and dressing gown, I was quite uncomfortable. 50th day. Arrived at St. Jean at nine in the morning. Took the train at a quarter-past ten and arrived at Aix at quaiter-past one. Took a steamer here and passed through the Lake du Bourget and the River Rhone, landing at half- past three. The voyage on this little lake and the ditch (caUed by courtesy a " river ") was the funniest steamboating which I ever experienced. The stream was so narrow that men, holding lines attached to our boat, ran along the banks hauling us around the bends. We had no nushaps, but at many places I saw deep furrows where the bows of the steam boats had dug into the banks. ChUdren ran alongside beg ging for money and scrambling for the sous which the pas sengers occasionaUy tossed into the grass. At our landing place we passed through a custom-house. My baggage was exannned by a woman. Then, at Chambery, we took a train in the afternoon, and reached Lyons at seven. 51st day. Leaving Lyons in the cars at eight o'clock in the morning, I reached Paris, 316 mUes distant, at half past six in the evening. I stopped at the Hotel du Louvre, where I had a fine room, a fine bed, a clock upon the mantlepiece, and called the servants by an electric wire. A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 283 52d to 58th day. At Paris. With a guide, and with American friends whom I met here, I made the usual tours in and around this wonderful city, and my impressions of the place are probably much the same as those of other Americans who visit here. The Parisians appear to lead a butterfly-life, living as though the world was made merely for enjoyment, and having no thought of anything beyond. Although the numerous suicides in the Seine indicate another side to their Ufe, this is but little apparent to the visitor except the pur suit of pleasure. I was somewhat disappointed with the cemeteiy of Pere la Chaise which, on the whole, is inferior to Mount Auburn in Cambridge or Forest Hills in Roxbury. My guide told me that many of the floral decorations on the tombstones were made of ox-horns. But the Tomb of Napoleon, in the Hotel des Invalides, I found magnificent, and I viewed it with solemn admiration. I spent a day at Versailles, but to de scribe the beauties of the palace, the grounds and the remark able collections of paintings and other objects of interest, would require a volume. One evening I went to the Jardin Mabille, where Paris seemed to be fully represented. The dancing was very good and the music charming. On inquir ing of my guide whether gentlemen brought their wives and daughters to this place, he replied, " Oui, moussieu, why not ? The finest and best people in Paris come here to see the dancing." With resident friends I visited the Bois de Boulogne, had dinner there and rode through the woods which were lighted with thousands of gaslights, presenting an enchanting appear ance. There were several outdoor-theatres with continuous performances, having real trees and lawns for scenery and very charming in the effects. 59th day. Left Paris by rail at a quarter to ten in the morning and reached Boulogne at half-past three in the after noon. Here we showed our passports and obtained permis- 284 A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. sion to leave France. We crossed the Channel, in two hours, to Folkestone, and reached London at a quarter before ten at night. 60th to 62d day. At London. I spent three days in London quite busily, during which time I visited Hampton Court Palace where I enjoyed more especially the picture gallery. 63d day. Leaving London at eight in the morning, I went to Windsor and attended a " choral festival " in aid of the " Society for the Relief of Widows and Orphans of Organists and of Lay Clerks of Cathedral and Collegiate Choirs." The concert was very small potatoes, and I left before it was half finished and went through the Castle. At quarter-past two I took the train for Oxford, arriving at four and going to the Mitre Hotel. An election for Parliament was being held, and there was great excitement in which I shared to some extent, for one candidate — and his headquarters were at the Mitre — was William Makepeace Thackeray. He was, however, defeated by his opponent, Mr. Cardwell, by a few votes. 64th day. Took the train at quarter-past eight in the morn ing and arrived at Birmingham at eleven. My letter of intro duction in this city was to a leading manufacturer, a member of Parliament, but I did not see him as he was very sick. (He died on the 29th.) Left Birmingham about noon for Liverpool and thence went by steamer to Dublin. 65 th day. Arrived in Dublin at half -past seven in the morning. Hired a " jaunting car " and rode about the city until noon. Went by train to Belfast and there, after a brief stay, took steamer for Glasgow. 66 th day. Arrived at Greenock at four in the morning and went by raU to Glasgow. Thence, after a pleasant trip on the Clyde, took the train to BaUoch. By steamer I passed through the whole length of Loch Lomond, and then rode to Inverary. A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 285 No part of the world, except New England, could be so interesting to me as this neighborhood which the genius of Walter Scott has filled with beauty and romance. At the hotel at Inverary were some young rowdies who seemed determined to disturb somebody, and who became very anxious, when I had retired, to obtain my boots to brush. After they had called me to my bedroom-door several times with this pretext, I gave them a hearty invitation to walk in and take the boots. They declined the invitation, and I was not annoyed again. 67th and 68th days. Returned by stage to the head of Loch Lomond and took the steamer to Inversnaid. Thence went by private carriage to Loch Katrine and sailed on the steamer Pob Roy to the Trossachs hotel. Every mile or so some spot was pointed out which Walter Scott has made famous. After dinner I took the stage to Stirling, where I spent the next day, Sunday. 69th day. Went by rail in the morning to Edinburgh, the most beautiful city which I have yet visited, and spent the day sight-seeing. 70th day. Went to Carlisle and walked about the city; then proceeded to Manchester, where I arrived at eight o'clock in the evening. I took a cab and went to three places before I could find lodgings. I finally stopped at a private house, where I was kindly received and pleasantly entertained. 71st day. I again visited the Exhibition of " The Arts Treasures " and tried hard to view all the beautiful pictures, but failed for want of time. It seems to me that no country except England could contain such a magnificent collection of paintings and statuary; and probably this is the finest exhibition of the kind ever held. In the evening I went to Liverpool. 72d day. Excej^ for doing some shopping, I rested in quiet this day for the first time since I left home. 286 A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 73d day. I visited the ancient town of Chester and walked on the old walls around the town. Returned in the after noon to Liverpool, and made several calls in the evening. 74th to 86th day. On the ocean. At noon, Saturday, August 1, I went on board of the steamer Canada, Captain Shannon, which got under way at half-past four. There were in all one hundred and thirty passengers, among them Miss Hosmer, the sculptress, the Bishop of Kentucky, and several friends of mine. On Thursday, August 13, at four o'clock in the morning, I landed at the wharf in East Boston. And although I have had a most pleasant journey and seen many wonderful things, yet the toU of sight-seeing has been very great, and the happiest day of the whole trip is this day — the day on which I arrive home. I have been absent eighty-five days, passed in the different countries about as follows : — 24 days in England, 9 days in France, 4 " " Belgium, 1 " " Ireland, 4 " " Germany, 4 " " Scotland, 10 " " Switzerland, 23 " on the Atlantic Ocean. 6 " " Italy, Switzerland and Scotland were to me the most interesting and beautiful. And I have travelled the following distances : — From Boston to Halifax by steamer, 368 miles " Halifax to Liverpool " 2,440 " Liverpool to London by Northern Eailroad, 230 In London and environs, not less than 100 From London to Ascot and back, 56 " " to Antwerp by steamer, 210 " Antwerp to Brussels by railroad, 26 " Brussels to Waterloo and back by stage, 28 " " to Cologne by railroad, 149 " Cologne to Mayence by steamer on the Khine, 127 " Mayence (or Castel) to Frankfort by railroad, 27 " Frankfort to Heidelberg by railroad, 54 A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 287 From Heidelberg to Baden Baden, 46 miles. " Baden Baden to Friedrichshafen, principally by railroad, 140 " " Friedrichshafen to Zurich by steamer and rail road, 120 " " Zurich to top of Mt. Kigi by steamer and horse back, 35 " " Top of Mt. Eigi to Weggis on foot, 10 " u Weggis to Berne by steamer and railroad, 100 " " Berne to Lausanne by steamer and railroad, 120 " " Lausanne to Geneva, thence to Yevay by steamer, 100 " " Vevay to Saanen by diligence, 45 " " Saanen to Interlachen by diligence and steamer, 50 " " Interlachen to the Grimsel by steamer and horse back, 60 " " The Grimsel to Andermatt by horseback, 20 " " Andermatt to Lake Como by diligence, 110 " " Como to Milan by railroad, 28 " " Milan to Venice and back by diligence and rail road, 320 " " Milan to Turin by diligence and railroad, 90 " " Turin to Susa by railroad, 35 " ' ' Susa to Lyons over the Alps by diligence , steamer and railroad, 190 " " Lj'ons to Paris by railroad, 316 " " Paris to Boulogne by railroad, 170 " " Boulogne to Folkestone by steamer, 30 " " Folkestone to London by railroad, 50 " " London to Hampton Court and back by railroad, 24 " " London to Liverpool via Windsor, Oxford, etc., 230 " " Liverpool to Dublin by steamer, 138 " " Dublin to Belfast by railroad, 113 ." " Belfast to Glasgow by steamer, 129 " " Glasgow to Balloch, by steamer and railroad, 20 " " Balloch to upper end of Loch Lomond by steamer, 10 " " Upper end of Loch Lomond to Inversnaid by steamer, 5 " " Inversnaid to Loch Katrine by coach, 5 " Through Loch Katrine to the Trossachs, 5 " From Trossachs to Stirling by stage, 27 " " Stirling to Edinburgh by railroad, 36 " 288 A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. From Edinburgh to Carlisle by railroad, 101 miles. " Carlisle to Preston by railroad, 90 " Preston to Manchester by railroad, 31 " Manchester to Liverpool by railroad, 32 " Liverpool to Chester and back, 26 " Liverpool to Halifax and Boston by steamer, 2,808 The whole distance travelled in 85 days, about 9,820 Averaging about 116 miles per day. The cost of my journey was : My individual expenses (about $7.83 per diem), $665 60 Cost of presents bought, 218 12 Total, $883 72 V'»tn»^ra»|»imi, A. D. HODGES, Chief of Squadron, Roxbury Horse Guards. THE CIVIL WAR PERIOD. Y father, like most Republicans at the North, for a long time was unwilling to believe that the South ern States would secede and take up arms. He could see no possible justification or sense in such a procedure. None of their constitutional rights had been infringed by the decision of the people, expressed at a fair election, that slavery should be restricted within its existing bounds, which was the policy of the makers of the Constitu tion; and in an armed contest the South was plainly no match for the richer and more populous North. But when it be came evident that either slavery must be extended or seces sion permitted, or the Union maintained by force, there was no hesitancy on his part as to what ought to be done. As he saw it, the extension of slavery was an unpermissible crime and peaceable disunion a geographical and military impossibil ity. Hence it was the plain duty of the national executive to compel the South to obey the laws of the land at whatever cost. He was strongly opposed to war, not only on account of the waste of blood and money, but also because of the other ter rible evils which it necessarily engendered. He had no hal lucinations that the contest would be ended in ninety days or in any other brief period, as was fondly imagined by many in the beginning. But if war must come, it was better that it should come at once and so be ended as soon as possible. Had he been of military age, he surely would have entered the army, having superabundant loyalty in his heart and fighting blood in his veins. Being debarred by his years he contributed lavishly of his time and his money for the pres- (289) 290 THE CIVIL WAR PERIOD. ervation of the Union, cutting down his personal expenses that he might have more to give to the government. I re member the evening when he smoked his last cigar — it was just after Sumter had been fired on. It was not right, he said, for him to indulge in luxuries when his country was in need ; and he never smoked again. Fort Sumter was fired on by the Southern batteries on April 12, 1861, and three days later the people of the North read in their morning papers the call of President Lincoln for 75,000 militia to suppress combinations obstructing the exe cution of the laws in seven of the Southern States. On April 20, father met with other gentlemen of Roxbury for the pur pose of forming a military organization which should co-oper ate with the government and aid in raising and equipping troops. Six days later the Roxbury Horse Guards — named in memory of the Providence Horse Guards — with 40 men in line, were being driUed by father in cavalry tactics. Soon the ranks were filled to the maximum. During the six months of 1861, May to October, when out-of-doors exercises were possible, the Guards drilled 37 times in 26 weeks, and held 46 meetings in all during the season. The organization contained many of the most influential citizens of Roxbury, and performed most useful work during the war. In the ranks were men too old for active service, yet they drilled strenuously, rode valiantly in parades, and did aU that was possible for them to do in aid of the national cause. There were others of lesser years who here received their first instruction in military tactics and afterwards won laurels on the battle field. That Roxbury's quota was filled whenever a caU came for volunteers, was due in great part to the efforts of this association. Company after company was raised, uniformed, transported to camp and provisioned. One of them. Company B of the 39th Massachusetts Infantry, was named the Hodges Light Guard in grateful honor of the com mander of the Horse Guards. The famUies of the volunteers A. D. HODGES, Chief of Squadron, Roxbury Horse Guards. THE CIVIL WAR PERIOD. 291 were cared for, the feeble were helped, the sick were nursed, the dead were buried. In all possible ways the soldiers were honored and befriended, — before they left home, while they were absent, and when they returned. So long as the Horse Guards remained an independent organization " Colonel " Hodges held the command with the title of Chief of Squadron, and devoted an immense amount of time and energy — and not a little money — to the perform ance of his duties. In the fall of 1864 the company became incorporated in the State militia, and then father resigned, thinking that he had done his share and preferring that a younger man should have his place. The organization is still active as Company D of the First Battalion of Cavalry, M. V. M. There were several other associations of " home guards " in Roxbury during the war. The school boys also formed mili tary companies, and the children too small to handle muskets wielded nimble and efficient drumsticks. All these frequently united in processions which paraded through the streets, drumming up recruits and performing escort duty for the volunteers who were going into camp or starting for the front, or perhaps being carried to their graves. It is a common oc currence with processions that the actual time of beginning to move is delayed long after the hour designated. The delay is generaUy unnecessary and always tiresome to those who are promptly on hand. Father had a decided opinion on this point, and when in the course of time it came about at the preliminary meeting that he was chosen Chief Marshal, he announced that the procession would start exactly at the time decided upon, " even if no one is on hand except the Chief Marshal and the band." Accordingly, when the parade was held, the marshal waved his baton on the minute, the band struck up, and the procession moved, although several com panies had not arrived, orders being left for these to fall in at the rear of the procession when they caught up with it. 292 THE CIVIL WAR PERIOD. After that, despite a little growling by the belated, father was elected Chief Marshal on each succeeding occasion, so long as he could be induced to accept; and on each occasion the pro cession started on time. Those four years of intense excitement were also years of sorrow in our family. Father had seven sons. The oldest To all whom it may concern: ^f Jct/t/y^ ^^~- >j ..fialr i^ttadtrs Cilg (iuarJ, No WASHINOXOirJ ttnoro S£, nat the bmrers, ^^^....ff:^^^^:;:^^ - ^^r:rJ:4ttt!<7\l^^>'.(^2ri^^^ have permission to pas^ ovep^any brj^dge or ferpy and within the lines, and hack, for the purpose of j. being subject to the inspection of guards or patrols. , 1862. fo Virginia-, ommand of A. Poetbb, Brig. Oeru U. 8. A., Frovost UfarahaL f^ ni': -dyVamp. Io HfaQing myBetf of the benefits of the above paE3, I do Eolcnmly affirm that I am a tmo an<3 loyel cirizi^Q of the United States ; and that I will not give aid, comfort, or informatioQ to the enemies of tbe United Stales GovemmcQt in any manner whatBoever. {TbiB Pbbb to he takes op al Ita os^icntloD ] ....4-y<2. €^<^^... A MILITARY PASS OF THE CIVIL WAR. volunteered and was rejected by the surgeons on account of a weak heart. The next four were in the service of the United States. The two youngest were but children, yet they were always in evidence whenever there was escort duty to be done, — a duty not without its woes ; for there was a rough " copperhead " element in certain parts of the city, which tried to intimidate, with yells or even brickbats, the smaller mem bers of the processions when they marched through their haunts. THE CIVIL WAR PERIOD. 293 The first son to enlist was George Foster Hodges. Six days after the first call for troops he left the State with the Fifth Massachusetts Infantry, inarching in the ranks of the Charles town City Guards. He was soon promoted to be lieutenant and paymaster of the regiment. He fought at the first battle of Bull Run, carried liis wounded and helpless colonel off the field, and for his gallant conduct was presented with a sword. Returning in July, at the expiration of his term of service, in less than a month he went out a second time, as Adjutant of the Eighteenth Massachusetts. The following January, while with his regiment at Camp Barnes, HaU's Hill, Alexandria, Virginia, he was stricken with typhoid fever. His father and eldest brother hastened to him and found him very sick and delirious. On January 31, 1862, he was awarded the Great Promotion. In his memory these lines, written by Miss Cora Kennedy, were printed in the Boston Evening Traveller : — - Oh, glorious life that hath so soon its ending, And bright young heart now stilled forevermore ; Beneath the heavy stroke of anguish bending, My God, thy grace and pity we implore. Sadly we kneel, so sorrowing and lonely. Wearily weeping till our eyes grow dim ; Thy comfort, Lord, and thy compassion only Can soothe our hearts that throb with thoughts of him. So young, so strong, so full of noble daring. And crowned with honors from the battle-field ; Each want and toil and fearful danger sharing, Till death, relentless, his departure sealed. Weep for the brave who knew not how to falter When war's stern summons armed each manly band, And raise within your hearts a sacred altar To him who died to save his ruined land. The hours of earthly pain and woe are over. Though life for him had scarcely yet begun ; And holy ties around his memory hover, The true, true hero, — and the patriot son. o o s s 05 0)O ^ z OJCD o " o Ol rn ar O Tl ^ o P m tn TT — O P CO-1 3 m JJ X o a o m cn HIS EXOELLBNCir JOHN A. ANDREW, -OF TliE- To -4. ^^o-^a^ M^t^^, ^ ^-^.J^^^^ SrnUno: WHESEAS, on the -*wl.^..>^:^.-^ /zf day of O^'^-^-Z A. D. one thousand eight bimdroil aotl (U-/^~o-u^ , you were duly appoiiiUtl tSiv?'w^-'^?^ of the :ff^:rC /uft-^-^^^-i- of c-^i,/^.,.-'r~^ -in the fLi-^ Brioai>e, c^-a'^^ Division ?^^^IV;;,^;;^;^^?^^^^ of the Militia of this Commonwealth, — by virtue of the power vestiil in lue, I do, by these presents, ' ' rejwsiu^ spi-rial trust and eouiiilruee in yoiu: ability, courat;e, and E;>>itd cumUui, eomuiission you accord- ingly, >vith the rank of crw-c tt^/ < -. ^t^^ (^ You mil, therefore, carefully aud ddigently diaharge the ••¦tu. dqy of ^'it^ t^ in the year of our Lord one thousand tiyht hundred uml -ti^-^ .{" «,t,i0antxea m tile ¦manTtai ae^ ^i^ ih a „J^ai^ <^ e/ G£3^. ©^ ^. /<^i^, ^ «<*&/ 60^ ^fffma^ a^&Ae T^em^t^ift&nea ^^eet4 ^ eacd ^on^atm a^ " to fie appoinled by the Oovemor of the State" ^ uf^cn Me aa^me ate ^t-ncdde^/^^^^^ ine tnaaxmavi aici* t^ one fyt/natea ana on^s, e^ice€d cm^ /itiva4e4. Me ^oUi/rUeet Q^i&£atp (^oice ^ t^ ^^^^mie^ (^iaied, aa-^icot ^ i^e <^a^ otic^ t^u^ i6oni €ne f&tmt- c^ mzee neat4, a/!^^/l} 60onet i^c^ta^. JxX Bnta, %\aX^t, Qf, JOHN A. ANDREW, ^avel^iot o/ 6^e ^omTfumn^caM' J flf G^C^iocAadeUdj Aa>tdaa7U fy tAe G'tu^Aou^ ana ^^u^ e^iedcUa thi me veaiS], Cu>w di^c^ ^H€^i4 ana e/na£tac^ionJ a4 ^u anaU, ^o?ti ti7n£^ fy ^nSj tecsMie^ Aom, £Ae ,^^4taen4 e^ me ^^^n^te^ <^^afy4, ot- ometd, yea-t di^&Uo^ *vj^^^^ ^^(w* mndf* n^ nam/, aiti/ me &ca£ei/^g ^emrrumoeaoA, mi* -^^^ZZ^I^tZT^r, '^V Jr ,*'0~ ?^ 1**«X in Mt Viae ofeat ^a*t/ one e4caea7it/ m/e 4u7ii/nsi/ aru/ eUt^ena, and in rf^/ COMMISSION OF GEORGE FOSTER HODGES, First Lieutenant, 18th Mass. Infantry. (295) 296 THE CIVIL WAR PERIOD. In August, 1862, William Townsend Hodges volunteered and was made First Lieutenant of Company C, Forty-first Massachusetts Infantry, afterwards the Third Massachusetts Cavalry. He was one of the best swordsmen and riders in the volunteer army. He served with his regiment in Louisiana and was in all the fights. He was one of the noted Forlorn Hope, at the siege of Port Hudson, whose members were promised medals by the commanding General, but Congress has never redeemed the promise. He became Captain, and was afterwards transferred to the Fourth Massachusetts Cav alry, and served in Virginia. He was one of the 78 Massa chusetts horsemen — 11 officers and 67 men — who, on April 6, 1865, at High Bridge, Virginia, dashed against Rosser's division of cavalry, killed or disabled more than a hundred of their foes, and, by sacrificing themselves, delayed Lee's retreating army and hastened the end of the war. Thrice, each time with thinned ranks, this little company charged the enemy; on the last charge Captain Hodges was killed.* He was stripped of his clothes and buried on the battle-field, but his body was recovered and sent home. In his uniform were his vouchers, the loss of which compelled the red-taped Treas ury officials to refuse to pay his wages as they were unable to settle his accounts without them. The next son, Frederick S. Hodges was Lieutenant of an Iowa cavalry company which was raised to repel a Confeder ate raid. Later he served in the U. S. gunboat Daylight, whose captain, by his dare-devil evolutions before Fort Fisher, in 1863, several times gave rise to reports that the vessel and crew had been blown up, causing periods of dis tress in our family until the reports were found to be false. * Several accounts of this fight have been published : as in the Ded ham, Mass., Transcript of March 22, 1890 ; the New England Magazine of July, 1891 ; and the Civil War Papers of the Massachusetts Com- mandery of the Loyal Legion (1900) ii : 403. GEORGE FOSTER HODGES, Adjutant 18th Mass. Inf. WILLIAM TOWNSEND HODGES, Captain 4th Mass. Cav. HIS EXOELLIiNOr JOHN A. ANDEEW, GOVERNOR AND COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF or TBB Connnontotall!! nf Hlkssatlnsctls, Untied Qria^ed o/ Q^^netica, cnacicd on Me laieniu- decond da^ i/ ^^. Qrl ^. ^^(f/ ,' enfyt^ '• Q^n/ G^i fy aa^£outctu and ^Da^y-' a&^edaid mi ^nc vedtS, cf t^ MASSACHUSETTS VOLUNTEERS, ca^d f?i a/nd omanized ad a/atedatd. ^oa te^f. t/ui'irftej wct^ noTiot cm^ fdeuty. ddcnatge tne du^tied o/ daid c^^. QSnd a^i in/eUo-P of&ce-id and dcu/ietd ale ne-i-eo-u comTnanded fy ov^e^ uou in mmt doid cafacitu/ and ^ou/ utff uoatde^ owetve am^f /o^u'-w- dac^ otdetd aTid tTidttuctiond ad uou anatc^ ftcm tcTne^ fy time, tecetve fzam, tfa !^zedide7U of tne ^United &^tated, ot otneid, voat da/icuof> 1 un^ my ^tind. am/ do aea/ cf di ^omnumwea/d die «2ciy: p^ ^^^ f y «» ^ yeat of ctti ^Ow/ one iAotiaanf/ c^^ Aaru/u '^i(^£vtni/( yea*, if de Qfn^on cf i^ ^/InUtd ^ta&e cf &^metia <^eKt/aty ie4i ed tne ^nitS ^ <^tafyd, dafyect fy tne fai^ a^ t^autafionJ oovetTUTia tno atnvu tnetecf f>t t/e tam' atd, u^^£ doonee didcnata^ . €^om inonfpeaft I ^otD, C^trtfbre, q^john a. andrkw, <^«vci>^',o/fA'- of G^adacnadet(d, fiatduani -fy /nc Qdfimoliiu. a^id ^i)a/v (^redatd tn ?jic vcdted, do ^ tfe HASSACHUSEltS VOLUNTEERS, caf/cd f}t aiid otaanizcd'od afitedoid. ^oit wiff. tfetef>t€, toitf ^?not andfideMu di^e/^me tne du/icd tf ^aid e/fce. Qdnd alt in^Ui>P o^eezd a^ dcu&etd^ate fctem eomTnanded fy oPeu vou in vout doid ea^tact'tv ; and noit' wiff ^lUdeff ovdst^ a/nd fi^u^ dacn otdetd and t-Ti^slt/te/ton-f eid yoa dnaii, fu?m time to time, teceiveAom €de ^^iden^ ^ tfe ^/ni/ed (^^a/edi at clfcid, yout dufieiiot o//'iceu: ^irn <^nc/ei my jLn/, find f^e teafft^ ^cmmt>n(peaA^. du t^C't.^xiZcl'i.'-^^ <^;t> ef \J^l&?i,<.A^r-(^.,^~^ .in tde yeai foiil ^u/ one fUemani/ cy^t 4anJici/ anJ iix4y jfin^i.^^ a,din t^c •&C^ii^2fffa^ >^cal f d^ <2frufy€HJcncc f t4e ^.&/^V« f Of^Uoa. <^eietaiy d df ^ommmupenii*. COMMISSION OF WILLIAM TOWNSEND HODGES, Captain 4th Mass. Cavalry. (298) HIS EXOELLENO^ JOHN A. ANDREW, 7b_, (JommoHwealtls of §Eassathugetts. ^- - it7_-_^Jyz^ day of -^^-^-¦Z-- '-'.'< r. , you were elected •.^"^ Whereas, on tbe ei^t liundred and »- '- ¦- iiiM20nAaA.i^ S^) til' tc.^Li^6^^L^,^^z.z^.y^: of the Militia of this CommanweaUh, — I do, by these presents, reposing special trust and confidence In * your ability, courage, and good conduct^ commission you accordingly. Tou will, therefore, witb-honor and fidelity, discharge the duties of said office, according to the laws of this Commonwealth, and to Military Rule and Discipline. And all inferior officers and soldiers are hereby commanded to obey you in your said capacity ; and you will yourself observe and follow such orders and instructions, as you shall, from time to time, receive from the Commander- m-Chicf, or others, your superior officers. CHven undtr my hand, and the seal of the CrnnmmonvuKdtK, ihc -X/T'.'-'^' ¦'TT; ;.. '^TZ day a} -. {J: .- ( ./ Vn the year of ~'^!^)^:-d'-!ir . and in ihe ^_C<,'_aX'^-7.^=rilL r.JC-.^ — 'year of the Ind^-p,?nd,mct of (Aa our Lord one thoutand eight hundred afld_ UniUd SloUS of America. BT HIS EXCELLENCY TEE GOVERNOR. Secrelary of the CommontetailK. oommontve^lth: of M^SS^OHUeETTe. .^^Ljf^di 'ty --' ^-' lf'fiJ^/'C';:^rni/i'i< appeared, and took and tubsofibed fie Oaths and Dri:l,ir,il fMi Comnvnvfilih. and a L-aw of the Vniifd filoUs, to qualify him to discharge the ditties of his ^ Before mc. on this _,_--': -^ 7 ->-/-7./ ^-jt^^Aiy of : rfquifM h-j the C^njttlt'Uor, ai^i Laws of z oCOCO OO 300 THE CIVIL WAR PERIOD. The fourth volunteer was private, in 1862 to 1863, in a nine-months regiment, and at the end of his service was brought home so sick with typhoid fever that his life was de spaired of. But he recovered and in 1864 served as Lieutenant in a hundred-days regiment. Then he was offered and ac cepted the position of First Lieutenant in a special cavalry corps which was to be called the President's Body Guard, and was designed to act particularly against the guerillas operating in Virginia in the neighborhood of the District of Columbia. As Congress did not see fit to authorize the formation of this corps, the project never materialized. During these strenuous years my oldest brother married, and in due time a child was born. The event occurred in the forenoon, while father was in the bank, but he was at once notified. The coming of his first grandchild was a joy to him and a matter of pride, a fact to be communicated to his neighbors, — and he had his own way of making this communication. At the close of business he went home to Roxbury as usual. On alighting from the street car at the foot of St. James Street, he placed a large piece of white paper in the band of his silk hat, at the front ; and then with head erect, but turning to the houses along the way to greet any faces at the windows, he walked proudly up the hill to his house. On the paper in his hat was inscribed in large letters one word : grandpa. THE FINAL YEARS. FTER the Civil War the family life, which had been darkened by three deaths, by sickness and by anxiety, grew brighter, the youngest sons being dominant factors in the situation. There were again, as of old, musical parties and amateur theatricals and exchanges of visits. There were pleasure journeys now and then. Father continued to visit the old school in Norton, giving prizes, making short addresses and reciting old-time " pieces " in the old-time style, and carrying little gifts to his old acquaintances. He wrote out his recol lections of the Dorr War in Rhode Island, and read them before the Historic Genealogical Society. He contributed reminiscences to the newspapers in Providence, Boston and New York. He collected the children of his neighborhood and gave them little treats. He was always doing something pleasant and useful. In January, 1867, he had an experience which for a person of his age was somewhat strenuous. He had been to a wed ding in Fall River and started back by rail early in the morn ing of the 17th. A snowstorm was then in progress which increased in violence until it became the most furious one within his memory. The train managed to crawl to the neighborhood of North Easton, where it was completely blocked, and where it remained all night. There were aboard sixty-seven men, women and children, who for some twenty- four hours had nothing to eat except what little they might possibly have carried with them. On the afternoon of the 19th the train, with the aid of three engines, returned to Fall River, carrying back most of the passengers. But father had (301) 302 THE FINAL YEARS. managed to walk to the house of a friend in North Easton and preferred to remain there. On the 20th an acquaintance carried him in a sleigh to another friend's house in East Randolph, and on the next day he was carried further to a third friend in South Braintree, each time the ride being ac complished with great difficulty. That day, the 21st, a rain set in, and at five o'clock in the afternoon a train from New port with seven engines came along and landed him in Boston in about an hour. It had required five days for him to ac complish the journey of fifty miles between Fall River and Boston. It became a custom for the family to spend the months of heat at a summer resort. Before the war this had not been a regular New England habit except with very wealthy people. The resort generally selected by the family was Seaconnet Point in Little Compton, Rhode Island. Father himself re mained in Roxbury, where the house was kept open, except for an occasional vacation of a week or so. He always delighted in speaking of himself as a farmer's boy, and the call of the country, ever strong, seemed to grow more insistent with him as the years rolled on. He noted in his Journal the coming of the birds in the spring and their subsequent doings, and the blossoming of the trees and shrubs.* He always had a patch of ground where he could cultivate vegetables, and he jotted down in detail, day by day, his agricultural operations : — so many trees set out, so many beans planted, so many hills of corn hoed, so many quarts of berries picked. FinaUy he felt able to own a country house, and in November, 1870, he purchased the Robert Manton place in Portsmouth on the western shore of the island of Rhode Island. This lovely spot grew to be to him as the apple of his eye. So charmed was he, that in 1873 he became a legal resident. Hither he came every * E. g. The robins ceased singing in chorus August 10. [Journal of August IS, 1875.-] RESIDENCE OF A. D. HODGES AT PORTSMOUTH, R. I. THE FINAL YEARS. 303 spring to direct operations for the coming season, and each year he spent more and more time at the place. Here he renewed the days of his childhood and passed some of the happiest summers of a happy life, indulging in the delights of farming. Here he set up his household gods : — " Martin's Folly," a birdhouse-model of the original St. James Street house, which the martins refused to inhabit ; " General Grant," a fierce warrior, renamed during the Civil War, who faced the blast and whirled a huge broadsword with each hand, when the wind blew ; and other idols, each with its appropriate appellation and its own history. The purchase of the Portsmouth place was hailed with delight by all the family, except one. Our housekeeper, dear old Almira Winslow, disapproved. She was in many respects a typical old-fashioned New England woman. Of excellent family, descended from Governor John Winslow, she was well educated in her girlhood and held a good social position. But the death of her father disclosed the unexpected fact that the family finances had been exhausted, and it became necessary for the survivors to earn their own livings. My stepmother knew her well, and on first going to housekeep ing, took her as an assistant and companion. Tliis connection lasted during life with one brief interruption. When father was married the second time. Miss Winslow came to our home with mother. She was considered by us children, and considered herself, a member of the family. She took her meals with us except when there were guests, — then she absolutely refused to come to the table. She cared for us tenderly, and bossed us vigorously. In all family concerns she was most intensely interested, and she never hesitated to express her opinions whenever the opportunity offered. When it was proposed to have a house in the country in addition to one in the city, although Miss Winslow's advice was not asked, it was given with her usual emphasis. The 304 THE FINAL YEARS. purchase of a second house was unnecessary, undesirable, un economical, — nay, wickedly wasteful. One house was enough for any one family. She could not consent to the plan. She could not countenance it in any way. If father persisted, she would find it necessary to abandon the family, much as she loved it. And as father did persist, she left us and went to live with a relative. But not for long. The ties of loving association proved for her to be stronger than the bonds of blood. A year's absence showed that she was happier with us than with anyone else. She modified her opinion and asked to be taken back. Her petition was granted and she returned. Never after that, except for brief visits, did she leave the St. James Street house until she was carried to her grave. Like all New Englanders of his breed, father had strong religious convictions, and the subjects of death and of a future life were matters of serious and frequent thought. Al lusions to the necessity of leading good and useful lives and of preparing for a better world are common in his Journal on the anniversaries of his birth and at the close of a year. But in these there was never any gloom or despondency, nor did he ever seem to regard death as anything else than a passage to a happier existence. " I hope," he wrote at the end of 1854, " that the year has not passed without deep and serious thoughts of the future, of my responsibilities to my family and my duties to my Creator and God. I pray that such thoughts may sink deep into my soul and bring forth fruits meet for repentance. My children are growing up and are soon to take an active part in life. I hope and trust that they will live virtuous lives, with the fear of God in their hearts, and that they all will become good and useful citizens. May they do their utmost to make all happy around them, and live as they will wish they had lived when they come to die. What a consolation it must be, as death approaches, to entertain the blessed hope of a joyful resurrection." Al- A. D. HODGES. (From his latest photograph.) THE FINAL YEARS. 30.5 most always he concluded with "thanks to the Giver of all good and perfect gifts for the many blessings bestowed dur ing the year which has ended." "I am fifty-four years old to-day," he wrote. "How swiftly the years have passed. I have already lived to be older than I expected when I was a young man, and much older than the average of men." He often referred to the fact that his life had been longer than he had anticipated. It may be that this idea of his arose from knowledge that his heart was weak and his end liable to come at any moment ; but he never directly mentioned the fact, and it was unknown to his family until his death. Yet there are certain statements in his Journal which now might be construed to indicate that he was aware of his uncertain hold on life. If so, he " burned his own smoke " and for years faced his fate bravely and cheerfully. The summer of 1878 had passed most enjoyably at Ports mouth. The crops had been good and had been gathered in. There had been a succession of agreeable visitors, some of whom were still with him. There had been an uninterrupted season of pleasure-giving and pleasure-taking. Then, without warning to the family, the angel of rest came and smiled on him. On the morning of September 27, father arose and, looking at his watch, remarked in a tone of surprise that he knew not why he had overslept. It was then five minutes past six o'clock, and his regular hour of rising was six. Passing to the bathroom for his usual bath, he returned immediately, saying that he thought it would be best to omit this. Soon he stated that he was not feeling well, and at the suggestion of his wife laid down on the bed. As he showed signs of distress, mother called other members of the family and a doctor was sent for. But before the physician could arrive or the clock mark the half hour, father left us and was gathered in peace unto his people, " in a full age, like as a shock of corn cometh in in its season." APPENDICES. APPENDIX I. SPECIMENS or THE ACCOUNTS IN THE LEDGER OF JONATHAN HODGES, Jr. THE FOLLOWING ABBREVIATIONS APPEAR IN THE ACCOUNTS. B = black. Bar and Barskin = bearskin cloth. Botg = bottle green. Cam = camwood color. dy = dyeing. f = fustic color. fu = fulling. lamn = lambskin cloth. led = lead color. In = london brown. Insm = london smoke color. N blue = navy blue. o g = olive green. pres = pressing. sh = shearing. sh twice = shearing on both sides. sinament = cinnamon color. 808 APPENDIX I. July April JuneJuly November January March November June December January March 3^ yds of Cloth . . . 00 04 02 more for pres 4)^ yds of Cloth . . . 00 00 more for f u sh pres 2)^ yds of Cloth . . 00 01 05 1790 This Day we the subscribers Reckoned and Ballanced all Book accompts and found Due to Ebenezer Wetherell one shilling and six pence as witness our hands Jonathan Hodgbs Jr Ebenezer wethbebll 1790 Ebenezer Wetherell Debter to Jonathan Hodges Jr for Colouring green IJ^ pound of yarn more for Colouring B 4 pounds of yarn [Continued on page 310.] 00 00 0001 11 08 LEDGER OF JONATHAN HODGES, JR. 309 May SeptemberOctoberDecemberOctoberOctober 8 DeoembApril May 12 Novem 14 April 6 Novem 10 March 29 April 17 June 28 October 17 April 11 April 14 June 14 Novem 29 [Page 29, right hand or Credit side.] 1788 Ebenezer Wetherell Credet for : 11 U Pounds of Raggs 1788 to : 28 feet of white oake planck . 1788 for : 6 pounds & ten ounces of Raggs 1788 for Zephaniah one day making hay 1789 to 3 quarts of sope . . I . .£ 0000 00 01 00 03 03 08 00 1790 Ebenezer Wetherell Credet to one Days worck. .... 1790 to ¦i^.2 Bushals of ashis [ashes] 1790 to 4 pounds of sope greace 1791 to 10 quarts of Sope 1791 to your Self and oxin one day to plow 1791 to 16 gallons of Sope 1791 to Spinning 1792 to 29 quarts of sope 1792 to 10 gallons of Sope 0 0 000 0 0 00 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 1 24 16 1 7 10 12 224913 0 34 60 0 0 30 1793 Then we the Subscribers Reckoned and Ballanced all Book accompts Even to this date as witness our hands Ebenbzeb Wetherell Jonathan HoDftES Jr 1793 Ebenezer Wetherell Credet to 18 gallons of Sope .... 1793 By your son Eber one day to ho . 1793 By your waggon to providence 1794 By 6 gallons & 2 quarts of Sope . 1794 By 14 gallons of Sope 1794 By Eber about % of a day hoing . 1794 By 5 gallons of Sope 0 064 4 6 4 - 1 15 4 [Page 29 of Ledger, additional Debits, continued on Credit side.] Novem 11 Decem 23 Feb 2d march 5 October 1 Decern 7 Decem 3d 1791 Mr Eber Wetherells Accompts Continued for fu lamn 61,4 yds of Cloth 1791 for pres 314 yds of Cloth 1792 for fu dy green Bayz [baize] 2}£ yds of Cloth 1792 for fu lamn 71.4 yds of Cloth . 1792 for pres one old skirt .... 1792 for fu sh pres 63^ yds of Cloth 1792 for dy green pres 6% yds of Cloth [Continued on page 311.] 0 2 0 0 0 2 0 3 0 0 0 3 0 4 810 APPENDIX I. [Page 28, left hand or Debit side continued.] May 12 ! 1790 for sole lether for one pair of womans ! shoes May 31th j 1790 to Cash July 8 j 1790 for my hors to Providence oct ' 1790 for fu sh pres 23^ yds of Cloth 1790 for a pair of flat irons Novem 24 1790 for pres 10 yds of Cloth Decern 27 1790 for fu sh pres 4% yds of Cloth Jan 7 1791 for pres an old gound March 8 ' 1791 for my hors to tantone . March 29 1791 for dy pres one old Cloke June 1791 for my hors to plow at wedeing among Corn 7 acors June 22 1791 for my hors to plow among Corn at half hilling 4}£ acors .... June 29 1791 for my hors to plow about 4 acors July 20 I 1791 for my hors to [plow] 4}^ acors among I Corn ', 1791 By James French .... Novem 14 i 1791 to Cash august 18 ! 1791 for pres 10 yds of Cloth . Continued upon the next leaf. 00 01 06 00 02 03 0 2 0 0 1 4 0 4 8 0 1 8 0 2 10 0 1 2 0 1 0 0 2 0 [For lack of space on the Debit side, the remaining Debits in this account were written on the Credit side. See pages 309 and 311.] LEDGER OP JONATHAN HODGES, JR. 811 [Page 29, right hand or Credit side, Debit accounts continued.] June July 1 Novem 13 Novem 4 Novem 11 Decem 3 Decem 19 Decem 20 Jan 6 Jan 8 Jan 18 April 1 June 4 June 24 Novem 3 Decem 6 Decem 17 Decem 26 1793 Ebenezer Wetherell Debter for my hors to plow among Corn : 1 1.< acor 1793 for making a pair of Shoes for your wife 1793 for a tea Cittle [kettle] .... 1793 for dy green 21^ pounds of yarn 1793 for dy green & pres 3^4 yds of Cloth . 1793 for fu Bar 2% yds of Cloth . 1793 for new lethering your Bellows 1793 for fu dy f sh & pres 7 yds of Cloth 1794 for dy B 3% pounds of yarn . 1794 for dy green % of a pound of yarn 1794 for dy B & pres 3 pair of gloves . 1794 for fu dy 0 g sh & pres 5^ yds of Cloth 1794 for my hors to tanton .... for my hors to plow about 2 acers among Corn 1794 for fu Bar 6 yds of Cloth 1794 for fu dy Cinamon & pres 3 yds of Cloth 1794 for fu dy f sh & pres 73o yds of Cloth . 1794 for pres 8 yds of Cloth .... 0 0 0 0 000 0 0 0 0 0 00 000 0 1 2 4 12 11 5 2 0 2 51 1 227 1 08 88 2 1 2 10 36 0 32 4 6 3 6 4 2 6 4 December 29 1794 this day we the subscribers Reckoned cfe Ballanced all Book accompts even to this date as witness our hands Ebenezer Witherei.l Jonathan Hodges Jr 312 APPENDIX I. AN ACCOUNT WITH A FURRIER AND HATTER. May august 19 October 22 September 5 June 27 December 7 August 14 May 18* 1803 Mr Elias Fisher of taunton for furr for two bariels of Cider . for half a cord of wood . 1806 for Cash .... Dr 1807 for two bariels of Syder for one musquash Skin for fu dy B & pres 5i^ yds of Cloth 1809 for one load of wood 1811 for one mink Skin . 0 1 0 1 16 0 0 9 0 0 6 6 2 12 6 1 2 0 0 0 10 0 4 5 0 10 0 0 0 9 4 10 6 Decemr 28 October 1 March 6 C. AN ACCOUNT WITH A SEAMSTRESS. 1797 Sally Stanley Dr for sh dy In & pres 8J^ yds of Cloth 1799 for my hors 5)^ Milds . 1800 for Cash .... June 10 j 1801 for dy In old babbit May 18 i 1802 for sh dy In & pres 1 H yd September 9 | for dy B & stifned one Silk gown December 6*! 1806 for Cash .... The above accompt is Settled 0 4 9 0 2 0 0 3 9 0 2 0 0 1 4 0 6 0 0 1 6 0 10 10 LEDGER OF JONATHAN HODGES, JR. 313 B. AN ACCOUNT WITH A FURRIER AND HATTER. June 8th august 19 august 7 June 27 July 4th May 18 November 25 Mr Elias Fisher By a felt hat for my Jonathan By a Caster hat for my Self . 1804 By two felt hats for boyes 1807 by one felt hat for my Self . & by three felt hats for my Boyes by Dresing a hat . . . , 1811 by one boyes hat 1812 by one boyes hat Cr . £ 0 4 6 1 19 0 0 9 0 2 12 6 0 7 6 0 13 6 0 5 0 0 6 0 0 6 0 4 10 6 March 6 July 31 March 10 April 27 JanuaryJuly 30 December 6'h C. AN ACCOUNT WITH A SEAMSTRESS. 1798 Sally Stanley Cr By 4}'.2 days labour 1800 By 3 Days labour 1802 By Cuting out one pair of trowser for ^ thos Morey & making one pair for my > self ' 1803 By cuting out my overalls By 3 days labour 1804 by 2 days labour .... 1805 by making a wescoat at my house 1806 the Above accompt is Settled 10 10 314 APPENDIX L D. AN ACCOUNT WITH A DOCTOR. Novem 20 Novem 29 October 26 October 29 Novem 16 Novem 21 Feb 19 Novem 21 October 28 f ebruary 8 June 17 f ebruary 10th June 30th 1797 Doctor Daniel Parker Dr for fu dy In & pres 2% yds of Cloth . . £ for fu dy In & pres 3)4 yds of Cloth for dy In & pres one old Cloke 1798 for pres old stuf 7 yds of Cloth . for fu & Carding Bed blanketing 153-^ yds . for fu dy In & pres 4% yds of Cloth for f u dy In & pres a skirt 23^ yds of Cloth . 0 0 0 00 00 22 4 1 7 4 2 7 10 6 9 7 00 1798 the above accompt is settled By a receipt 1 5 3 1797 Doctor Daniel Parker Cr By one visit £ By one Bushal of Corn of Arunah Smith 1798 By Cash 0 0 0 2 4 18 06 9 the above accompt is Settled By a receipt 1 5 3 1805 Dr Daniel Parker Dr for fu dy Green & pres 4^ yds of Cloth . £ for dy yallow 7 lb & 6 ounces of yarn . for dy green yarn 13 lb ife 6 ounces & for dy 0 g 7% lb of yarn .... 1806 for fu dy N blue sh & pres ISJij: yds of Cloth 0 00 0 1 4 6 17 7 3 0 2 10 9 2 1811 for cash 2 0 18 0 1110 Settled 2 19 9 1806 Dr Daniel Parker Cr By 4 yds of thick Cloth at 8/ . . . £ 1808 by capt Thomas Danforth 18>^ lb of 1 Sole lether at 25 cents per lb . . ) 1 1 12 7 0 9 Settled 2 19 9 LEDGER OF JONATHAN HODGES, JR. 315 Septemr 25 Feb 19 Feb 19 1795 Doct Daniel Parker By one visit to my mother 1796 By one order upon hezekiah Tucker Cr 1796 this Day the above accompt was Settled By a resate D c 1 — 3 75 4 75 June 20 July 30 Septemr 6tli Septemr 13 October 3d October 8 October 10 October 19 October 20 October Id October 3d £. AN ACCOUNT WITH AN APPRENTICE. 1804 Thomas Morey Dr for 7 yds of cotton & one sceln of thread — j taken up on accompt at Thos & Asa > £ Danforths ) for one pair of shoes for linning [linen] at Thos & A Danforth Stoar for mending your Shoes .... for paying Asa Arnold for Cash for discount with Thos & Asa Danforth for Stock & mending your Shoes . for Cash for Cash & for board about 2 wekes .... for Cash 1804 Thomas Morey Cr By three Months and half labour at ^8.50 pr month S, By one days labour By one days labour 16 3 0 1 0 9 6006 10 August 15 Novem 4 Novem 29 F. AN ACCOUNT WITH A COUNTRY STORE. Fobes & Tucker Dr 1793 By Cash By Lieut Elisha Cobbs order 1793 By Peter Carpinter 1793 for dy green 4J^ pounds of yarn 1793 for fu dy In & pres 7 yds of Cloth 1 10 0 4 0 11 0 3 0 5 316 APPENDIX I. Decem 14 1793 for dy Botg an old Josey 0 4 0 Jan 27 1794 for Derius Drakes order 0 9 0 March 24 1794 for Capt Israel Trows order . 0 7 6 June 16 1794 By Jacob Shaws order .... 0 7 10 January 5 1795 for fu dy green & pres 7% yds of Cloth 0 5 11 Jan 31 1795 By discount with Lt Morey . 0 7 6 & By a due Bill given up ... . 0 4 8 January 31 1795 This day Mr Thomas fobes [and] I Settled our accompts By Resates 5 0 11 1793 Fobes & Tucker Credet By 1^ & 17 pounds of iron .... 1 9 6 April 3d 1793 to goods 0 1 4 April 10 1793 to one gallon of melasses 0 3 4 April 15 1793 to 7 pounds of flour .... 0 2 0 October 2d 1793 By 33^ yds of linning [linen] at 3s : 4d Pryd 0 11 8 Novemr 2 1793 By 3 pounds of Shugger 0 2 3 & By 32 pound of Chocolate .... 0 0 9 Decem 2d 1793 By half pound of tea . 0 1 4 & By one Duzzun of Biskett .... 0 0 8 Jan 7 1794 By one Duzzin of Bisketts 0 0 8 Jan 27 1794 By one pound of Reasons [raisins] 0 0 9 & By one arthon [earthen] pot 0 0 7 & By m yd of Callaco 0 3 3 Feb 4 1794 By 2 quarts of wine .... 0 3 4 (fe By 2 Duzzun of Bisketts .... 0 1 4 Feb. 19 1794 By 4 plates 0 0 10 March 4 1794 By one gallon of molases 0 3 6 & By 5 pounds of Shogger .... 0 3 9 March 24 1794 By 2 Duzzun of Biskets 0 1 4 & By one Sling 0 0 6 June 16 1794 By >^ a pound of tea . 0 1 6 & By one Duzzun of Biskets .... 0 0 8 June 27 1794 By 3 pounds of Shogger 0 2 9 July 16 1794 By one pair of Shoes for Rebecka French 0 5 0 august 26 1794 By 3 pair of heeles .... 0 0 6 Novem Id 1794 By half a bushal of Salt .... 0 3 0 Novem 11 1794 By a black lether Pockett Boock . 0 4 6 & By 4 squirs [squares] of Glais [glass] 0 1 6 Jan 1795 By one pound of Reasons & one ounce of Snuf 0 1 0 , & By a due Bill ten shillings 0 10 0 [5:3:1] 5 0 11 APPENDIX II. BAETEE PEICES IN NOETON, 1790 TO 1810, AS QUOTED IN THE LEDGEE OF JONATHAN HODGES, Jr. Allspice, per lb.. Alum, per lb., Apples, per bu.. Ashes, per bu.. Beans, per bu.. Beef, per lb., Biscuit, per doz.. Board, per week. Boots, per pair, Brandy, per gal., Buckwheat, per bu Butter, per lb.. Camwood, per lb.. Charcoal, per bu.. Cheese, per lb.. Chintz, per yd.. Chocolate, per lb.. Cider, per barrel. Cinnamon, per oz.. Codfish, Coffee, per lb.. Copperas, per lb.. Corn, per bu.. Eggs, per doz.. Flax, per lb.. Flour, per lb.. Fustic, per lb., Gin, per quart. Ginger, per lb., 56 cts 8K to 12X cts 16% to 333>^ cts $1.00 to $2.00 4 to 9 cts 13 to 223^ cts |0.87>^ to $1.34 13.00 to $5.50 $1.50 to $1.78 , 50 cts 10 to 25 cts 20 cts 5 to 73^ cts 83^ to 14 cts 64 to 72 cts 20 to 44 cts $0.50 to $3.00 S}4 cts 3 to 5 cts 193^ to 37 cts 53^ to 8}4 cts ¦f0.50 to $1.00 83^ cts 81^ to 16% cts 33^ to 83^ cts 53^ to 83^ cts $0.29 to $1.00 22 cts (¦ Handkerchiefs, flag. large,linen, muslin, pocket, silk. Hats, castor, " felt, Honey, per lb.. Indigo, per lb., $1 Ink, per cake. Ink-powder, per paper. Iron, per lb.. Lime, per bushel. Logwood, per lb.. Mink skin. Molasses, per gal., Muskrat skin, Mutton, per lb.. Nails, per M, 4d, " 6d,8d, 4 " lOd, " 20d, Oats, per bu.. Onions, per bu.. Potatoes, per bu.. Pork, per lb., 317) 97 cts 50 cts 50 cts 86 cts 18 cts $0.3314 to .$1.50$6.50 $0.75 to $1.25 11 to 16% cts $1.50 to $4.67 12'^ cts 9^ cts 7 cts $0.75 to $1.00 3 to 83^ cts 1232' cts 39 to 833/3 cts 14 cts 2^ to 7 cts 30 to 47 cts 39 to 58 cts ¦.833^ to $1,303^ $0.75 to $1.50 $1.67 to $3.33 25 to 66% cts $1.00 19 1^ to 50 cts 8}4 to 16% cts 318 APPENDIX II. Rags, per lb. Raisins, per lb.. Redwood, per lb.. Rice, per lb., Rosin, per lb.. Rum, per gal.. Rye, per bu.. Shells, per lb.. Shoes, per pair, " for horses. Shoeing horses all Snufi,Soap, soft, per gal. Spinning, per yd.. Sugar, per lb., 1^ to 2 cts 123^ to 25 cts 10 to 123^ cts 4 to 7 cts 9^ cts $0.47 to $1.78 $0.66% to $1.50 25 cts $0.79 to $1.83 each, 28 cts round, $1.17 to 11.33 11 to 22 cts 53^ to 8X cts 11 to 33% cts Tallow, per lb.. Tea, per lb.. Tea, hyson, per lb. Tobacco, per lb.. Turnips, per bu.. Veal, per lb., Verdigris, per oz.. Vinegar, per gal.. 10 to 20 cts 40 to 75 cts $1.11 11 cts 16% to 50 cts 31^ to 61^ cts 83^ cts 12X to 333^ cts Wages, per day, men, $0.41% to $1.00 " " women, 10 to 28 cts Watches, $15 to $28 Weaving, per yard, 4 to 12)^ cts Wheat, per bu., $1.67 Wine, per gal., $1.11 to $2.00 Writing paper, per sheet, % ct APPENDIX IIL COPIES OF TAX NOTIFICATIONS AND WAEEANTS, FROM THE PAPERS OF JONATHAN HODGES, JUNIOR. 1. NOTIFICATION TO THE ASSESSORS OF A TOWN APPROPRIATION. To the Assessors of Norton Gentlemen at a Leagul school Meeting of the third Southern Destrict in Norton holden on Tusday December the 2* 1800 Voted one hundred and Eighty Dollars to build a School House in s* Destrict Likewise Voted that s* sum should be raised on the rateble pools [polls] and Estates of the inhabetents of s* Destrict and Lands and other property Lieble to be Taxed in s^ District. ( Clark Luther Lincoln ) of s . s d q ^ =''•£2-4-9-0 ering the Precinct Eate 1761 . s d And to sd Lane the Sum of - 2 - 6 for peter Aldriges > 0-2- fi-0 Precinct Eate when sd Lane was constable . i d And to Andrew Hodges the Sum of 2 - 11 for Benj^ ) 0-2-11-0 Willises precinct Eate when sd hodges was constable ) I 0-2- 6-0 Willises precinct Eate when sd hodges was constable And noted to giue John Martin his precinct Eate The year when Ephraim Lane 2* was constable s d And Uoted to Andrew Hodges 2-11 for Jotham Bas sets Precinct Eate when sd Hodges was constable And what Eemains over and aboue the aboue sd Sums you are To keep in your hands till further order Dated in Norton february the first Day 1763 } 0-2-11-0 Thomas Morey Comitte of the South DAVID WILLIAMS ^ Pf ^'"'^ of the Town of Norton APPENDIX IV. FINANCIAL EXTEACTS FEOM THE JOUENAL OF A. D. H. A. STIMSON & HODGES. ABSTRACT FROM ACCOUNT OF STOCK. Tear ending Capital. StocS: of Net Profit after deducting Feb. Merchandise. store and family expenses. 1823 $1,200.00 1824 2,446.85 $2,291.40 $882.63 1825 3,461.72 3,314.17 994.17 1826 4,490.29 4,613.79 1,028.57 1827 6,580.25 8,045.81 1,089.96 1828 8,319.03 9,810.46 2,738.78 1829 11,064.58 8,290.33 2,745.65 1830 13,129.82 6,959.11 2,066.24 1831 13,580.25 9,449.66 3,601.36 1832 15,781.36 11,369.48 5,476.48 or 6,632.90t 1833 15,601.85 9,878.94 5,093.99 1834 18,189.04 14,070.35 6,486.97 1835 21,7.39.83 16,070.15 7,632.88 or 8,282.86t 1836 24,116.37 19,145.38 8,667.87 1837 24,960.93 22,360.09 10,009.69 or 10,295.021 1838 22,505.17* 18,656.47 3,792.88 or 5,022.40t 1839 22,799.32 16,.341.97 4,0.38.92 1840 24,981.23 13,688.26 6,403.18 or 6,942.21t 1841 29,515.97 13,860.53 4,874.74 1842 27,765.27 13,980.47 4,310.03 * Diminution of Capital and Proflts was caused by the panic of 1837. t It is uncertain which of these flgures is to be taken. ( 322 ) FINANCIAL EXTRACTS. 323 ANNUAL PERSONAL AND FAMILY EXPENSES FOB 31 YEARS ENDING IN FEBRUARY. During apprenticeship: 1817 $60.00 and board. 1818 76.00 " " 1819 156.00 " " 1820 83.00 » " 1821 81.67 " " 1822 109.00 " " including uniform and watch. 1823 123.00 " " In business: 1824 279.76 1825 337.96 1826 467.81 1827 471.00 Married Oct. 16, 1827. 1828 535.64 1829 1,221.93, including about $600 for furniture. 1830 839.96 1831 848.30 1832 979.36 (3 in the family) 1833 1,219.81 1834 1,083.26 (4 in the family) 1836 1,320.09 1836 1,376.64 1837 1,429.43 1838 1,804.76 (6 in the famUy) including about $170 for furniture etc. 1839 2,272.95 " " $560 " " » 1840 1,924.02 (6 in the famUy) " " $330 " « " 1841 2,041.64 " " $430 " " " 1842 2,230.05 " " $290 " " " 1843 1,910.78 1844 1,800.00 (7 in the family) 1845 1,972.68 1846 2,176.00 including about $170 for furniture etc. Th« s family left Providence for Boston July 2, 1846. 1847 2,266.04 (8 in the family) APPENDIX V. PEOVIDENCE COTILLION PAETIES, 1824-1826, FROM THE PAPERS OF A. D. H. A. YOUNG GENTLEMEN WHO ATTENDED. Andrews, Theodore. Arnold, George C. Brown, WiUiam W. [Mentioned several times in the account of the Dorr War.] Buffum, Horace. Manager. Married in Providence, Oct. 3, 1826, Mary E. Page. Burrough, WiUiam. Died in Providence, Feb. 3, 1867, in his 68th year. Cady, Isaac H. Died in Providence, April 16, 1867; was in the book business; lived in New Tork a number of years. Carpenter, F. W. " Henry. Cartee, Cornelius S. A. B. Brown University, 1825; married in Prov idence, AprU 6, 1829, Sarah P. Jenckes; M.D. Harvard, 1849 ; lived in Providence, Peoria, 111., Dowlestown, Penn.; librarian of Public Library, Charlestovm, Mass., 1872 [to 1885 ; died in Charlestown, Dec. 23, 1886.] Clarke, WiUiam T. Clifford, John Henry. Born in Providence, Jan'y 6, 1809; A. B. Brown University, 1827; Governor of Massa chusetts; died in New Bedford, Mass., Jany 1, 1876. Dunn, William. Dyer, Albert Field. Married in Providence, March 12, 1826, Amy Ann EUis. Farmer, WiUiam. (324) PROVIDENCE COTILLION PARTIES. 325 Farnum, Henry. Gladding, Henry G. Haile, George C. HaUett, George W. Son of Eoyal; died in Philadelphia, Dec. 18, 1855 aged 53. Married in Providence, Oct. 14, 1829, Frances C. Hurlburt. Hodges, Almon D. Married in Providence, May 18, 1829, Louisa Branch; the second Colonel of the Providence Horse Guards. Manager. Jackson, George W. Died in Providence, Oct. 15, 1860, aged 55. " James A. Died in Providence, June 4, 1845, aged 38. Mason, Coomer E. Died in Providence, Jan'y 1, 1853. Mason, Earl P. Member of the Providence Horse Guards, 1842- 1844; married Ann Larcher; died in Provi dence, Sept. 21, 1876, in his 73d year. Mauran, Nathaniel S. Morse, Nathan Tingley. Died in Providence, Aug. 30, 1869, aged 69. Mudge, Solomon Hinckley. Married in Providence, Oct. 16, 1826, Susan H. Dodge; I acted as groomsman, and we gave them a serenade, two buglers; Cap tain of militia in Providence and Colonel in Maine; resided in Portland, Me., a number of years; died in New Orleans, March 22, 1860, aged about 58. Died in Charleston, S. C, 1838. Secretary , 1824. To use of my haU one night $6.00 To 12 Bottles Wine 12.00 To Cake &c for 66 Persons 17.50 To Cake Caried in to the Drawing room .50 To Cash Paid for Cariages 9.00 Jany 13'", 1825. To use of my haU 6.00 To 12 Bottles of Wine 12.00 To 6 Bottles of Wine & Brandy Extra 6.00 To Cake Pies &c for 74 Persons 19.60 To 4 tumblers Broke .67 To Cake & pies in the Chamber .75 To Cash Paid to Buglelar [bugler] 4.00 To Cash for Cariages 9.00 Jany 27th, 1825. To Cash Paid to Buglelar 3.00 To 12 Bottles wine 12.00 To use of my haU 6.00 To Cake &c for 70 Persons 17.50 To Bottles Brandy Extra 2.00 To Cash Paid for Cariages 9.00 To four tumblers Broke and one paine of Glass Broke .84 To Cash Paid for 2 packs of cards 0.50 COTILLION PARTIES IN PROVIDENCE. 329 Feby lO'ii 1826. To use of my haU 6.00 To 12 Bottles Wine 12.00 To 4 Bottles Brandy 4.00 To Cake &c for 90 Persons 21.50 To 6 tumblers Broke 1. 00 To cash Paid Jenkes 2.S.00 To cash Paid Brown 20.00 To cash Paid Sutton 20.00 To cash Paid Smith 12.00 To cash Paid Capron 5.00 To cash Paid for Cariages 9.00 $291.26 D. COPT OF A LETTER. At a Meeting of the " Providence Cotillion Party " it was voted that the Surplus funds in the hands of the Secretary, being Eleven DoUars and flfty Cents, be Presented to the Dorcas Society, in compliance with which I hand you the amount herewith. Eespectfully To Mrs. J. B. Wood A. D. Hodges First Directress of the Secy Dorcas Society. Providence 13 Feb'y 1826. APPENDIX VI. WASHINGTON BANK DATA. Original Charter granted February 25, 1825. Became a National Bank January 1, 1865. Went into voluntary liquidation February 20, 1902. Original capital, $600,000; increased to $760,000 in 1854. PROMINENT ORIGINAL SHAREHOLDERS AND THEIR HOLDINGS. Shares Shares Adams & Amory 5 Davis, Charles 60 Andrews, Justin 2 Derby, EUas H. 8 Atkins, Benjamin 3 Doggett, Samuel 2 Balch, Joseph 6 Dorr, Samuel 12 Baldwin, Aaron 40 Dudley, David 12 BaU & Davis 12 Everett, Aaron 8 Ballon, Hosea 2 Everett, Moses 8 Baxter; David, Jr. 64 Everett, Otis 12 Boylston Fire and Marine Fay, Windsor 60 Insurance Co. 3000 Felton, Luther 4 Bracket, Lemuel 2 Fisher, Oliver 10 Bradlee, John W. 6 French, Benjamin V. 38 Bradlee, Samuel 12 French & Weld 60 Brewer, Thomas 41 Fuller, Henry H. 8 Brown, John I. 4 Gardner, Samuel J. 4 Bugbee, Edward 4 Gilbert, Benjamin J. 6 Bullard, Lewis 4 GiU, Perez 4 Carter, Thomas 5 Goddard, Jonathan 8 Champney, 0. W. 12 Gray, Francis C. 20 ChUd, Stephen 2 Hayden, William, Jr. 4 Columbian Lodge, The 6 Hayward, George 16 Cooke, Josiah P. 86 Head, Joseph 20 Crackbon & Howe 16 (3 Hendley, James 30) 4 WASHINGTON BANK DATA. 331 Shares Holbrook, Henry J. 4 Hovey, Henry & Co. 16 Hunting, Thomas 20 Ireland, Jonathan 2 Johnson, Samuel 8 Lamson, John A. 8 Loring, Barnabas T. 4 Lovering, Joseph 12 LoweU, John, Jr. 2 Macomber, Howard & Sawin 12 Marett, Philip 12 Marsh, Bela 2 Mass. Hospital Life Ins. Co. 10 May, Perrin 12 Messenger, Daniel 4 Moseley, D. C. 4 Nevers, B. M. 2 Parker, John 20 Parker, John, Jr. 8 Parker, Peter 4 Payson, Perrin 8 Perkins, Eufus 4 Perry, John & Son 6 Piper, Solomon 4 Prescott, Edward 4 Preston, EUsha 4 Price, Henry & Co. 12 Provident Inst'n for Savings in the Town of Boston 50 Shares Eice, John P. 4 Sharp, Edward 8 Shaw, Lemuel 32 Simmons, D. A. 6 Sprague, G. I. 8 Stearns, Jonathan P. 20 Stedman, Josiah 30 Stedman, W. M. 12 Stevens, Benjamin 24 Thompson, John 36 Thorndike, Israel P. 8 Tilden, Thomas 12 TopUJf , Samuel 6 Townsend, J. P. 6 Vose, Ebenezer & Co. 12 Vose, Josiah 10 Wainwright, Henry 4 Wales, Ebenezer 4 Weld, Daniel 40 WeUes, John 12 West, Benjamin 8 White, Warren 6 Whitney, Josiah & Co. 6 WiUiams, J. D. & M. 84 Williams, Thomas 16 Worthington, Francis 8 Worthington, William 4 Wyman, William 8 PRESIDENTS. Aaron Baldwin, elected March 23, 1825; resigned Nov. 6, 1850. Almon D. Hodges " Nov. 6, 1860; died Sept. 27, 1878. Eben Bacon " Sept. 28, 1878; resigned Jan'y 7, 1896. C. Minot Weld " Jan'y 7, 1896; bank ceased business Feb. 20, 1902. CASHIERS. Henry Jacques elected AprU 9, 1825; resigned Oct. 4, 1825. Daniel A. Sigourney " Oct. 4, 1825; " Oct. 21,1853. 332 APPENDIX VI. Charles A. Putnam elected Oct. 21, 1863; resigned Dec. 26, 1862. William H. Brackett " Dec. 26, 1862; " Nov. 15, 1895. Francis A. Low " Nov. 15, 1895; served to the end in 1902. directors. Anthony, S. Reed Atkins, T. G. Bacon, Eben Bacon, Francis Balch, Joseph W. Baldwin, Aaron Bradlee, Samuel Brewer, Thomas Browne, Edward I. Chapin, Henry B. Cooke, Josiah P. Curtis, Caleb A. Davis, Charles Dutton, George D. Emmons, John L. Fay, Windsor Fisher, Oliver Fisher, Warren Fowle, Parker Greene, Henry A. Hodges, Almon D. Hooper, James R. Inches, John C. Jackson, Francis 1825, 1901-1902 1838-1840 1861-19021845-187718.54-1877 1825-1850 1830, 1831 1825-18371879-19011891-19021825-18601884-19001825-1838 18.50-185718.50-1857 1825-18431826-1829 1845-1846 1840-1852 1872-18901850-18781891-1901 1886-1893 1832-1839 Lambert, William B. 1891-1902 Lincoln, William 1850-1854 Loring, Barnabas T. 1829-1831 Lovering, Edward 1901-1902 Lyman, George T. 1848-1857 Maokey, William 1861-1865 Mixter, George 1898-1902 Moseley, Flavel 1842-1851 Prendergast, James M. 1887-1902 Price, Henry 182.5-1829 Saltonstall, Richard M. 1894-1902 Simes, Joseph S. 1878-1874 Simes, William 1884-1890 Sprague, Edwin L. 1886-1890 Stanwood, Eben C. 1861-1866 Stedman, Josiah 1825-1867 Thacher, Charles 182.5-1827 Thompson, John 1825-1837 Tucker, Alanson 1850-1881 Weld, C. Minot 1890-1902 Weld, Daniel 1825-1833 Williams, John D. 1901-1902 Williams, Moses 1825-1867 bookkeepers. Joshua Child, 1825 to 1832. J. A. Richards, 1833 to 1845. James H. Champney, 1846 to Jan'y 18, 1887. La Prelate H. Turner, May 3, 1887 to Jan'y 4, 1898. John A. Easton, Jan'y 4, 1898 to the end in 1902. GENERAL ASSISTANT. La Prelate H. Turner, Jan'y 4 to Oct. 1, 1898. ASSISTANT BOOKKEEPERS. Amory G. Hodges, 1875 to 1878. John A. Easton, Feb. 1, 1897 to Jan'y 4, 1898. Benjamin F. Wessels, 1900 to the end in 1902. WASHINGTON 15ANK DATA. 888 TELLERS. John J. Soren, 1825 to 1847. Charles A. Putnam, 1848 to 1853. Caleb A. Atkins, 1854 and 1855. I'AYtNG TELLEE.S, George F. Dodge, March 7, 1856 to 1857. Francis A. Low, 1857 to Nov. lo, 1895. Sanford L. Treadwell, Nov. 15, 1895 to the end in 1902. BECEIN'ING TELLEltS. Francis A. Low, ISoO and 1857. Thomas M. Dutton, 1857 and 1858. Benjamin C. Vickery, 1858 and 1859. La Prelate H. Turner, 1860 to May 23, 1887. Sanford L. Treadwell, May 23, 1887 to Nov. 15, 1895. George F. Low, Nov. 15, 1895 to the end in 1902. DISCOUNT clerks. William Townsend Hodges, May 15, 1854 to July 1862. William H. Townsend (acting), winter of 1856-7. John J. Eddy, August 1862 to Dec. 3, 1868. Sanford L. Treadwell, Dec. 3, 1868 to Nov. 15, 1895. John A. Hunneman, Nov. 15, 1895 to the end in 1902. MESSENGERS. Styled originally Messenger and Porter, afterwards Messenger and Col lecting Clerk. Jeremy Drake, 1825 to 1831. S. T. Goss, 1832 to 1834. James H. Champney, Aug. 24, 1834 to 1845. Charles A. Putnam, 1846 to 1847. J. W. Cushing, 1848 to 1853. Henry Kellogg, 1854 to 1895. Samuel C. Payson, 1896 to 1899. Benjamin W. NewhaU, 1900 to 1901. Fred F. Ford, 1901 to 1902. CLERKS. John A. Hunneman, 1887 to 1895. Charles H. Kilham, 1891. George F. Low, 1893 to 1895. Benjamin W. Newhall, 1899. Fred F. Ford, 1900. Edward Johnson, 1901 to 1902. OCDCDiO^CO^lOCOlO^-^^ i5;:^is;is! is: is; is; i^ is; is; is; p,o Oho Pio Oho Oho 0.0 Oho Oho Oho 0(0 CO CO CO co' CO -^ -rti O 15 CD CO CD CD COCOCOCOCOCOCOCOCOOtiOti ¦ZD CD CD CD !2h «n Oh o Oh O O, O Pio O o:> CO -M T-l I-H (^1 Ol S^ CM Ol (M fN rN Ol CO O? -M -¦ . -<> m\ «\ M\ M\ -^\ T-H Ol Ol Ol CO CO C<1 Ol 1898 April 1 2 1901 April 1 !ii ' Oct. 1 2 '.> Oct. 1 2',-, Oct. 1 '1 ' 1895 April 1 2 ' Oct. 1 2 AVEEACiE ANNUAL DIVIDEND, 1825 to 1850 inclusive 5 per cent. 1851 to 1878 " * ^'^ " " exclusive of taxes. 1 9.0 " " inclusive " " 1879 to 1895 5.3 " (( 1896 to 1901 4.6 " u SURPLUSES. 1851 Oct. 1 •?8,000 1873 April 1 $273,546 1887 Oct. 1 $298,944 1854 Oct. 1 40,239 Oct. 1 274,363 1888 April 1 300,000 18.55 Oct. 1 .50,317 1874 April 1 274,564 Oct. 1 310,060 1856 Oct. 1 57,000 Oct. 1 269,807 1889 April 1 310,224 1857 April 1 65,000 1875 April 1 268,038 Oct. 1 302,635 1861 April 1 43,305 Oct. 1 267,664 1890 April 1 306,377 Oct. 1 30,087 1876 April 1 307,245 Oct. 1 312,160 1862 April 1 35,303 Oct. 1 288,938 1891 April 1 321,087 Oct. 1 39,774 1877 April 1 285,061 Oct. 1 324,562 1863 April 1 .54,730 Oct. 1 280,043 1892 April 1 326,598 Oct. 1 70,000 1878 April 1 272,060 Oct. 1 309,034 1864 April 1 80,000 Oct. 1 261,038 1893 April 1 303,186 Oct. 1 90,428 1879 April 1 272,571 Oct. 1 306,367 1865 April 1 144,780 Oct. 1 270,782 1894 April 1 278,698 Oct. 1 167,275 1880 April 1 274,192 Oct. 1 277,860 1866 April 1 175,686 Oct. 1 279,097 1895 April 1 278,046 Oct. 1 187,758 1881 April 1 277,087 Oct. 1 275,744 1867 April 1 191,261 Oct. 1 292,528 1896 April 1 281,231 Oct. 1 204,817 1882 April 1 274,089 Oct. 1 290,920 1868 April 1 209,683 Oct. 1 273,999 1897 April 1 293,681 Oct. 1 220,587 1883 April 1 271,683 Oct. 1 298,041 1869 April 1 231,927 Oct. 1 271,934 1898 April 1 303,862 Oct. 1 237,786 1884 April 1 271,459 Oct. 1 319,160 1870 April 1 245,417 Oct. 1 271,520 1899 April 1 319,321 Oct. 1 247,755 1885 April 1 268,914 Oct. 1 315,853 1871 April 1 247,878 Oct. 1 267,615 1900 April 1 331,069 Oct. 1 253,532 1886 April 1 266,379 Oct. 1 348,690 1872 April 1 254,208 Oct. 1 261,241 1901 April 1 360,649 Oct. 1 260,667 1887 April 1 261,691 Oct. 1 374,901 \* \pl \-!J< \?' \CO rH\ i-N (tj\ i-IN, «J\ :)t-ajoiot-oji-(vo C00101COCOOI0101030105T-(010lT-i 1— lOi— ilr-Or—OOiCOt— 1— iOOOO0SOi-(OO ^;:5^;:§? ..,._, :j? if^i^ i'^;:^ is;i^is;ii^:^ i^ j^Oi— fiOOi— (OSOti-r^iOiOQOCOlr-OSUOlr-THT— (OCDOOiCOi— liO tja-^COCO-^-^COCOCOCOCOCNOlOlOlCN-rHi-lT-l-i-IOOi-HOIOlCO Jr-OOOSOi-HOlCO"^lOCDt-OOOiOi-lO|CO-^lOCDt-COaiOi-(t-Jr-t-OOCOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOCOOJOSOiOSOlOiOlOSOSaiOO OOQOCOOOOOOOOOCOOOCOGOOOOOQOOOCOOOCOCOCOQOQOOOOSa> ^ : o * « * o 00 00