¦lip.'* ¦•f^'V.

J '

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY Gift of
Professor George Park Fisher

THE LUTHERAN MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND.

A gTUDY IN COJVIPAF(ATIVE pYMBOLICp.

THE

Lutheran Movement in England

DURING THE REIGNS OF

HENRY VIII. AND EDWARD VL,

ITS LITEEAEY MONUMENTS.

HENRY EYSTER JACOBS, D. D.,
Norton Professor of Systematic Theology in the Theological Seminary of the
Evangelical Lutheran Church in Philadelphia ; Translator and
Editor of the " Book of Concord" Schmid's " Doctrinal
Theology of the Ev. Lutheran Church" etc. etc.

PHILADELPHIA:
G. W. FREDERICK,
, 1890.

Copyrighted, iSgo, by G. W. Frederick.

PJIEFAOE.

OINVESTIGATIONS into the history of the English transla-
&f tions of the Augsburg Confession, made several years ago, in
co-operation with the late Rev. B. M. Schmucker, D. D., led the
writer into a much wider field than he had originally intended
to enter. Notes taken, in the beginning, for his o-wm informa
tion, soon accumulated to such extent, that he embodied their
results in a series of articles, that appeared in The Lutheran in
1887. During the preparation of the articles, every available
source of information was laid under contribution for additional
facts. The number of articles grew beyond expectation. Re
quests having been made from various quarters, that they should
be published in a more permanent form, this volume is the result.
The material here given has only in part appeared before. Much
has been rewritten, while several of the earlier chapters, and near
ly all of the latter part of the book, are entirely new.
It will speak for itself. Its facts, supported by the document
ary evidence, will suggest their own lessons. It has not been
¦ftrritten chiefly in a polemical interest. Its great end is to pro
mote a thorough understanding of the historical relation of the
Lutheran Church to the various English-speaking communions
of this country, whose course has been influenced by the history
of the Church in England during the Sixteenth Century.
vii.

VlU. PREFACE.
With so much material on the subject, readily accessible, it is
surprising that a book filling this place, has not appeared before.
English writers, however, as a rule, have felt little interest in
acknowledging their dependence on the German Reformation ;
a few, like Archbishop Laurence and Archdeacon Hardwick,
forming brilliant exceptions. German writers have general
ly assumed that the English could be relied upon for the facts
of their own history, and, therefore, have not exercised their
characteristic caution, or their customary practice of being sa is-
fied with nothing short of the first sources. Although the cor
respondence of Luther and Melanchthon, and that rich store
house of documentary evidence, Seckendorf's Historia Luther-
anismi abound in most valuable information on the subject, but
little attention has hitherto been given to what, with a little in
dustry, could have been drawn from their pages.
The time has come, however, for a more careful and thorough
examination of these facts. In this country, the Lutheran Church
has become a communion of over a million communicants, and
not less than four or five millions of a population. The English
language has again become the medium for the Lutheran faith.
As the various nationalities which its adherents represent, merge
in the one American nationality, so their various languages, soon
er or later, are laid aside for the common language of the coun
try. Even before this process is complete, the one medium
through which those worshipping in different languages can con
fer with and know one another, must necessarily be the English.
The problem of the hour for the Lutheran Church in America,
is, how to unite these various elements in the historical faith of
the Lutheran Church as embodied in her historical Confessions,
and with the worship prescribed in her historical Liturgies and

PREFACE. IX.
Church Orders. As in the earlier efforts of Cranmer, Fox,
Barnes, Coverdale, Rogers, Taverner and others in the Sixteenth
Century in England, so here, the English language is again em
ployed to furnish the mould in which Lutheran Theology is to be
recast. In this work, the historical connection is again preserv
ed. The good foundation then laid is not to be ignored. We
gladly resume the undertaking, at the stage in which it was left
by our predecessors in the same field, and, with humble recogni
tion of their admirable success, take it up simply where it was
left incomplete by the intervention of the Calvinistic reaction,
during the second period of the reign of Edward VI, as exam
ined in these pages. But in doing so, it becomes necessary to
explain our relations to the Church of England, and to carefully
discriminate between what is common territory, and what is pe
culiar to each Church. It is a matter, not of regret, but of re
joicing, that the Church of England, and her daughter in Amer
ica, have jealously preserved, and heartily commended by con
stant usage so much of the common heritage, not only antedat
ing the Reformation and extending even far back beyond the
coriuptions of the Middle Ages, but also of what they have di
rectly drawn from the Lutheran Reformers. It must not, how
ever, be forgotten that the political complications, as well as
other elements that entered, rendered the work of the Lutheran .
Church in reforming the old Church Service incomplete in many
parts of Germany, and that even among those who have , been
faithful Lutherans in their Confessional position, there may be
found those who are ready to indiscriminately censure what is
common property, as though it were alien to the Lutheran
Church. Nor must the aggressive attitude of the Churches of the Angli-

X. PREFACE.
can family be overlooked. The challenge to all other bodies of
Christians to establish their historical position, has been bravely
made, and, with a determination, that shows that it will not be
satisfied with skilful evasions of the question. It will certainly
be of service, in giving this subject the serious consideration
which it justly demands, to take into the account all the histori
cal factors accessible. The effort to require all movements at
union to rest upon a clear, distinct and unequivocal historical
basis is certainly in the right direction. It is to be hoped, how
ever, that this principle will be consistently maintained. No
progress can be made, nor any permanent results gained, by lay
ing emphasis upon one class of facts, and resolutely closing the
eyes to another ; urging the examination of History at one point,
and begging to be excused from looking into it at another. We
sincerely hope that this book may inspire among our Lutheran
people a true respect for much that is valuable and scholarly, and
admirable in the results of the faith of the Reformation that have
abounded in the English Church and her daughters in all periods
since ; and, that, on the other hand, it may introduce some read
ers from these communions to the rich stores of gospel truth,
with which their fathers. were familiar, and which have most pow
erfully influenced their entire career since.
The question of the revision of Creeds and Confessions, is
now attracting wide-spread attention. This is a critical age,
persistently demanding all professions to be put to a rigid test..
Much light will be found upon the subject, by a careful reading
of the accounts of the discussions between the English and the
Lutheran theologians, in their several Conferences. There is
scarcely an item which enters into a discriminating view of the
subject that was. not there anticipated.. There were many hints

PREFACE. xi.
given then by the Wittenberg theologians which are just as ap
plicable to the present situation and movements, in the Presby
terian and Lutheran, as well as the Episcopal Church.
At the risk of violating somewhat the unity of the subject, an
Excursus on "The Typical Lutheran Chief Service," has been
introduced. While treating of the relation of the English Ser
vice to the Lutheran Orders, there seemed to be a call for giving
some attention to a Service, . for whose explanation even Luther
ans are entirely d pendent upon material not found in the Eng
lish language.
Beyond the acknowledgment of the generous aid rendered the
writer, above all, by thes late Dr. B. M. Schmucker, mention
should be made of others to whose kindness he is much indebted.
Among them, he wishes especially to name Rev. Karl Wolters,
Pastor of St. Peter's Church, Hamburg, Germany, who has taken
much interest in making researches for this book in the Archives
at Hamburg. We only regret that information he communicated
concerning the visit of John .zEpinus, afterwards Superintendent
at Hamburg, to England, and his conferences with Henry VIII,
on ecclesiastical matters, before the sending of the English Com
mission to Wittenberg, -frhose history is given in Chapter IV,
came after that chapter had already been set up. We refer to it
for the information of those who may make this volume the
starting-point foi further investigations. Rev. J. A. Seiss, D.D.,
LL. D., kindly furnished his copy of Cranmer's Catechism, with
notes showing the results of his comparisons with the Latin edi
tion. Rev. Prof. W. J. Mann, D. D., LL. D., especially inter
ested himself in gathering information concerning Ernest Sarce-
rius, the Nassau theologian. Rev. Prof. A. Spaeth, D. D., has
freely given aid on Hymnological and Liturgical questions.

XU. PREFACE.
Pencil notes ofthe late Rev. Prof C. P. Krauth, D. D., LL. D.,
on the margin of books, now in the Library of the Theological
Seminary at Mt. Airy, Philadelphia, indicate that he had pro
gressed far in similar investigations, and have repeatedly given
us the clue to much valuable information.
In addition to the many friends in the Lutheran Church who
have assured us of their interest in these studies, we wish especi
ally to recognize the courtesy of Rev. Prof. George P. Fisher,
D. D., LL. D., of Yale University, for urging that they should
be embodied in a volume, as well as for- his kind reference to
what we had previously published on the Anglican Catechisms,
in an address delivered in the Autumn of 1888, at Harvard Uni
versity. Trusting that the facts here given will contribute towards the
clearer understanding of the causes of difference among the vari
ous American churches, and, thus, in God's own time, if possi
ble, towards their ultimate adjustment, we offer this volume to
the calm and unprejudiced consideration of thoughtful readers.
Henry E. Jacobs.
Theological Seminary of the Evangelical Lutheran Church
at Philadelphia [Mt. Airy), July ()th, iSgo.

OOl^TEIsTTS.

CHAPTER I.
The Beginnings of the English Reformation, . . i
CHAPTER II.
Tyndale's Dependence on Luther, ... 14
CHAPTER III.
The Political Complications,  39
CHAPTER IV.
The English Commission to Wittenberg, . . 55
CHAPTER V.
Progress of the War for the Faith in England, . 74
CHAPTER VI.
The Ten Articles of 1536,  88
CHAPTER VII.
The Bishops' Book of 1537,  104
CHAPTER VIII.
The English Bibles OF 1535 AND 1537, . . . 115
CHAPTER IX.
The Lutheran Commission to England of 1538, . • . 127
(xiii.)

XIV. contents.
CHAPTER X.
More Lutheran Literature, . . . . . 140
CHAPTER XI.
Fruitless Negotiations of 1539, ..... 148
CHAPTER XII.
A Literary Forgery, . . . . . . 159
CHAPTER XIII.
Luther's "St. Robert,"  179
CHAPTER XIV.
Closing Events of Henry's Reign, . . . 190
CHAPTER XV.
New Difficulties in the Reign of Edward VI., . .198
CHAPTER XVI.
Conflict of Theological Parties in England during
THE Reign of Edvs^ard VI., .... 206
CHAPTER XVII.
Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer, . 218
CHAPTER XVIII.
The Litany of the English Church, . . . 230
CHAPTER XIX.
The Communion Service of the English Church, . 241
CHAPTER XX.
The Morning and Evening Services of the English
Church,  ^^^

CONTENTS. XV.
CHAPTER XXI.
The Order of Baptism in the English Church, . . 253
CHAPTER XXII.
The Orders for Confirmation, Marriage, Visitation
of the Sick, Burial, . . . . . 265
CHAPTER XXIII.
The Second Prayer Book OF Edward VI., . . .275
CHAPTER XXIV.
An Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service, 283
CHAPTER XXV.
The Anglican Catechisms,  314
CHAPTER XXVI.
The Homilies of 1547,  333
CHAPTER XXVII.
The Thirty-Nine Articles,  339
CHAPTER XXVIII.
The Subsequent History,  343
CHAPTER XXIX.
Bibliographical,  350

THE
LTJTHEEAIT MOYEMEl!^T IN EI^TGLAKD
DURING THE
REIGNS OF HENRY VIIL AND EDWARD VL, AND ITS
LITERARY MONUMENTS.

CHAPTER I.
the beginnings of the ENGLISH REFORMATION.
Not independent of the movement in Germany. Not due to the controversy
conceming the divorce of Henry VIII. Preparatory influences in the
XIV Century. Thomas of Bradwardin. Wiclif. The Lollards. Dean
Colet. Erasmus and the New Learning. Greeks and Trojans. Froude
on the immediate effect of Luther's Theses. The war against Lutheran
Books. Warham's Correspondence. Henry VIII vs. Luther. Bishop
Fisher's Sermon. The Young " Lutherans " of Cambridge. Bilney.
Latimer's Inaugural address against Melanchthon. His Conversion-
The House called " Germany." Stafford, Barnes, Coverdale, etc.
The Lutheran Colony transferred to Cardinal College, Oxford. Clark,
Cox, Frith, etc. Persecution, Espionage. The Humiliation of Barnes.
Wolsey's Last Message. The Index Prohibitorum of 1529.
T-wo VERY superficial theories concerning the English Refor-
ftiation are current. One affirms that it was a movement origi
nating almost entirely within the English Church, and culminat
ing in the assertion of its independence of the Church of Rome
by the casting off of the yoke whereby for centuries it had been
unjustly oppressed, but having little to do with contemporaneous
movements in Germany. The other regards its religious char
acter purely accidental, and ascribes it altogether to the quarrel
of the King of England with the Pope, overlooking the fact, that
the relation of Henry VIII to it was a hinderance rather than an
advantage, that it began against his will, and received its great-
2 (i)

3 The Lutheran Movement in England.
est injury when he became its champion. A carefiil review of
the facts, shows first, that the evangelical leaven had been work
ing in England for many years, and, secondly, that this latent
power at length emerged into ¦vigorous action and became a
widely-extended and deep movement, as it received support from
the fearless testimony proclaimed at Wittenberg, and diffused
among the scholars of England by the instrumentality of the
press. In the Fourteenth Century, already, the way for the Reforma
tion had been prepared. Thomas of Bradwardin (^Doctor pro-
_ fundus), Professor in Merton College, Oxford, and afterwards
Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1290, d. 1349) 'was the earnest
representative of Augustinianism, who complained that "almost
the whole world had fallen into the errors of Pelagianism," and
started the career of his more eminent pupil John Wiclif Wiclif
spent the greater part of his life at Oxford, where in 1363, he
became Professor of Divinity. The sole authority of the Holy
Scriptures in matters of faith, the rejection of prayers to saints,
of purgatory, of transubstantiation, of the necessity of private
confession, the conception of the Church on its inner instead of
its outward side, marked a new era, even though his teaching on
justification and the most closely allied doctrines, was "not as
clear. But still wider influence was exerted by his translation of
the Bible, industriously circulated in short sections throughout all
England by followers so numerous, that one -^Titer says, th^t
every other person met on the road could be so reckoned. The
Lollards, as those whose interest had been aroused by Wiclif,
were called, after a continental sect, spread far and wide the seed
of the future harvest. The Unive'rsities of Oxford in England
and of St. Andrews in Scotland, became centers of the move
ment, which, although externally suppressed by bloody persecu
tion, still lived beneath the surface. Although men were con.
signed to the stake for such utterances, yet in 1506 we find Dean
Colet of St. Paul's, London, an Oxford alumnus (d. 1519) ex
pounding the Scriptures thrice a week in the scientific form of

Beginnings of tke English Reformation, 3
divinity lectures. As late as 1521, the bishop of London ar
rested nearly five hundred Lollards, who probably had no con
nection with the movement then beginning in Germany.
To this influence was added that of "the New Learning," of
which Erasmus was the advocate at Cambridge. It is sometimes
forgotten that while this great scholar belonged to Holland, his
student life was passed in part at the two distinguished English
universities. He was the intimate friend' of Colet, and, return
ing to England in 15 10, was, for four years from 1511, Lady
Margaret Professor of Divinity and Lecturer in Greek in Queen's
College, Cambridge. The stimulus which his attention to the
original of the New Testament gave his pupils, may be traced in
the many eminent names of reformers hereafter to be . noted
among them. Great teachers often inculcate premises, whose
conclusions are so far-reaching that, instead of drawing them for
themselves, they leave this work to their pupils. Erasmus never
broke with Rome ; but his teaching led many to that act, for
which he himself was too feeble, or, rather prepared them for the
influence emanating from Wittenberg, The years of his Cam
bridge Professorship were not as serene as. this great lover of
- peace desired. The publication of his Greek Naw Testament
invalidated the authority of the Vulgate, and aroused the appre
hensions of those who were attached to the old order of things.
The war of words between "Greeks," and "Trojans" or
"Obscurantists," as the champions of the new studies and their
opponents were respectively called, waxed fiercer ahd fiercer, and
was of just such character as would excite the enthusiasm of stu
dents at that season of life when they are most apt to become in
tense partisans. When, therefore, they heard from him such
statements as the following : " The Holy Scriptures, translated
into all languages should be read not only by the Scotch and
Irish, but even by Turks and Saracens. The husbandman should
sing them as he holds the handle of his plough ; the weaver re
peat them as he plies his shuttle ; and the wearied traveler, halt
ing on his journey, refresL himself under some shady tree by

4 The Lutheran Movement in England,
these goodly narratives," ^ what wonder that aspirations were
excited for a better order, wherein every Englishman might read
the Word of God for himself, and that young hearts already re
solved, that if God would spare them, this should be accom
plished ?
Luther's act of October 31st, 15 r 7, was not altogether unex
pected. Who was to break the silence and first utter the protest,
or in what form or place, it was to be given, no one, indeed, could
divine. But many eyes were looking for the crisis, in which the
oppressed conscience would speak with a power that could not be
restrained. As Mr. Froude says : " The thing which all were
longing for was done, and in two years from that day, there was
scarcely perhaps a village from the Irish channel to the Danube,
in which the name of Luther was not familiar as a word of hope
and promise." ^ "As early as 1520, Polydore Vergil mentions
the importation into England of a great number of 'Lutheran
books.'"' To such an extent were Luther's writings diffused,
and with such effect, that in March 15 21, Archbishop Warham
wrote to Cardinal Wolsey conceming the condition of affairs at
the University of Oxford, in a letter which Sir William Ellis,
formerly librarian of the British Museum, has published :*
"I am enformyd that diverse of that Universitie be infectyd
with the heresyes of Luther and others of that sorte, havyng
theym a grete nombre of books of the saide perverse doctrine. . .
It is a sorrowful thing to see how gredyly inconstaunt men, and
specyally inexpert youthe, falleth to newe doctrynes be they never
so pestilent. . . Pytie it were that through the lewdnes of on or
two cankerd members, . . the hole Universitie shuld run infamy
of soo haynouse a cryme, the heryng whereof shuld be right de
lectable and plesant to open Lutheranes beyond the see. . . If
all the hole nombyr of yong scolers suspectyd in this cause (which
' Paraclesis adlect.pium, Vaughan's Pevolutivns in English History. I : loi.
'^History of England, II: 40.
' Hardwick's History ofthe Reformation, p. 182.
* Original Letters, First Series, 1 : 239 Sq(j.

Beginnings of the English Reformation. s
as the Universitie ¦writeth to me be marvelouse sory and repent-
aunt that ever they had any such books or redde or herde any of
Luther's opynyon) shulde be callyd up to London, yt shuld en-
gendre grete obloquy and sclandre to the Universite, bothe be-
hyther the see and beyonde . . the said Universite hathe de-
syred me to move Your Grace, to be so good and gracyouse unto
theym, to gyve in commission to some sadd father which was
brought up in the Univeristie of Oxford to syt ther, and examyne,
not the hedds, but the novicyes which be not yet yet thoroughly
cankered in the said errors. . . Item, the said Universite hath
desieryd me to move your good Grace to ncte out, besyde werks
of Luther condemyd alredy, the names all other suche writers,
Luther s adherents and fautors.'^ The request for such inquisi
tion was in accordance with a proclamation which Warham had
succeeded in inducing Wolsey to publish, entitled "A commis
sion to warn all persons, both ecclesiastical and secular, under
penalty of excommunication and of being dealt with as heretics,
that, within the time assigned [fifteen days], they bring and de-
¦ liver into the hands of the bishop or his deputy, all writings ana
books of Martin Luther, the heretic,'"'^ The proclamation was
accompanied by the rehearsal of forty-two alleged errors of Lu
ther, quoted from the Papal bull of excommunication, some of
which are the greatest perversions of what he taught, while oth
ers, even as stated by enemies, can condemn only those who deem
them reprehensible, as <f. ^ .• "32. In every good work, the
just man sinneth." "33. A good work done best, is a venial
sin." "34. To burn heretics is contrary to the will of the
Spirit. ' ' ° The fact that this demand to surrender the writings of
Luther was to be read in every church at the time of mass, shows
the progress which they had made throughout the Kingdom.
The day before this proclamation, Fisher, bishop of Rochester,
had preached in St. Paul's "Again ye pernicious doctryn of
^ The decree is given in full in Strype's Memorials ofthe Reformation, V :
332; Ger.desius, .ffij^. J??/:, IV : 112.
* Strype's Memorials, I: S7-6l.

6 The Lutheran Movement in England.
Martin Luther." ' A week later, the King himself sent a most
urgent letter to Lewis, Duke of Bavaria, insisting upon employ
ing extreme measures against Luther.* Nor must it be forgotten'
that the famous book by which he earned the title of " Defender
of the Faith," but suffered for it from Luther's pen far more
than he gained, belonged also to the same year, 1521. Two
years later. Bishop Fisher followed his sermon by a treatise
against Luther," and Henry -wrote a long letter to the princes of
Saxony. Its temper may be learned from the following : "I
am compelled to admonish and exhort you that you give your
attention at as early a date as possible to repressing that execra
ble sect of Luther, without the execution of any one, if it can be
done, or, with blood, if it cannot be otherwise accomplished. ' ' ^^
In 1524, -when Hugh Latimer, at that time, like Saul of Tarsus, a
bitter zealot against the cause for which he afterwards laid down
his life, availed himself of his inaugural address as B. D. at Cam
bridge, to make a S'n'eeping attack upon the friends ofthe revived
Gospel, he chose as his theme : "Philip Melanchthon and his
opinions."" But nothing could check the progress of the truth. It swept
all obstacles before it. The young scholars of Cambridge could
not be suppressed. Chief among them was Thomas Bilney. The
story of his conversion, narrated by himself in a letter written
from prison in 1528, has been summarized as follows: "In
Trinity College, Cambridge, there was a young man, engagad in
the study of canon law, remarkable for his seriousness, his mod
esty and his conscientiousness. His priest was to his soul, what
his physician was to his body. He ofl:en took his place, pale and
anxious, at the feet of his confessor. But the prescriptions given
did not reach his case. Masses, vigils, indulgences and free con
tributions in money, all were tried, but the patient only seemed
to grow worse. At times the thought would arise 'Am I in
'Hardwick, 179. ^ Gerdesius, IV : 117.
» Hardwick, 179. ^^ Letter in Gerdesius, IV : 125.
^1 Cooper's Athence Cantabrigienses, 1 : 130.

Beginnings of the English Reformation, 7
the right path ? May not the priest be in error, or be a self-
seeker in all that he does ?' But the suspicion was instantly re
jected as a suggestion from the enemy. One day the troubled
scholar heard two friends talking of a new book. The book was
the Greek Testament by Erasmus, with an elegant Latin transla
tion. The scholar was pleased with the sound of the Latin, and
would fain have taken up the volume, and have examined it.
But he knew that the authorities of the University had condemned
all such books, and especially that book as tending to noth
ing but heresy. He abstained ; but his desire to look into the
volume grew stronger. He stole into the house in Cambridge,
where the book was secretly sold. Having obtained a copy, he
returned to his room, to read it, and the first text that arrested his
attention, was : ' This is a faithful saying and worthy of all ac
ceptation,' etc. This was to the spirit-worn student as the voice
of an oracle. He pondered it and derived from it what the
priestly impositions to which he had so long submitted, had failed
to give him, peace of conscience and enlargement of Jieart.
Henceforth he sits at the feet of his Lord, and of his inspired
messengers."" "A perusal of Erasmus' N. T. and the works
^Za/y^^r," says the historian of his University," "taught him
other views of religion, and he embraced the tenets of the re
formers, except the denial of transubstantiation. He labored
earnestly to promulgate his views, and amongst those whom he
converted were John Nicholas, alias Lambert, Thomas Arthur,
Robert Barnes, prior of the Augustinians, and Hugh Latimer.
Bilney and Latimer visited and consoled the sick and needy, and
the unhappy inmates in the town and country prisons."
Latimer's conversion also illustrates the connection with the
Lutheran Reformation, since it was his famous attack upom Me
lanchthon above mentioned, that prompted Bilney to hasten to
the study ofthe young preacher, and beg him " for God's sake
^YoTie's Acts and Monuments, ll: 217; Gerdesius, IV : 129.
1' Vaughan's Revolutions in English History, 1 : 104.
" Cooper's Ath. Cantab., 1 : 42.

8 The Lutheran Movement in England.
to hear his confession." with the result that " from that time for
ward he began to smell the Word of God, and forsook the school-
doctors and such fooleries."
Gradually the circle of such men enlarged. "There," viz. at
Cambridge, said aBampton lecturer some few years ago,^' "even
so early as 1528, had been seen a little society of religious men
who (like the Wesleys two hundred years later at Oxford) en
couraged each other in reading the Scriptures, in mutual confes
sion and similar prescribed acts of personal piety. They visited
the prisoners at jails ; they preached anew the vital spiritual
truths — formerly enshrined, but now obscured by the ritual and
ceremonies of their Church ; and were in short engaged in re
viving religion in England under its ancient forms. The names
of twenty-seven of these men have been preserved to us ; and
just as the early Methodists obtained the honors of ridicule and
social persecution, so the house where these first English Luth
erans met, was called ' Germany. ' ' ' Fuller particulars are fur
nished by Strype in his " Life of Archbishop Parker. " ^* " Park
er's lot was to fall into the University in those days, when learn
ing and religion began to dawn there ; when divers godly men
resorted together for conference sake ; who also oftentimes
flocked together in open sight, both in the schools, and at the
sermons in St. Mary's and at St. Augustine's, where Dr. Barnes
was prior, and at other disputations. Of which sort were sev
eral; and of these colleges, especially, viz. King's College,
Queen's College, St. John's, Peter House, Pembroke Hall, Gon-
well Hall and Benet College. Their meetings to confer and dis
course together for edification and Christian knowledge, were
chiefly at an house called 'The White Horse,' which was there
fore, afterwards named ' Germany ' by their enemies. This
house was chosen because they of King's College, Queen's Col
lege and St. John's might come in with the more privacy at the
back door."
^^Curteis, "Dissent in its relation to the Church of England" p. 56.
16 P. 12.

Beginnings of ihe English Reformation, 9
This company of twenty-seven included first of all Bilney.
Next among them is named George Stafford of Pembroke Hall,
from 1523. He had introduced an innovation by lecturing on
the Holy Scriptures, instead of the " Sentences." In his visita
tions to the sick, he became infected with the plague, and died
in 1529. " There was one of Clement Hostel, called Sir Henry,
the conjurer, on account of his skill in the black art. Falling
sick of the plague, Mr. Stafford visited him, argued on his wicked
life and practices, brought him to repentance, and caused all his
conjuring books to be burned before his face ; but Mr. Stafford
caught the infection, and died thereof between 19th of June and
17th November 1529." "
A third, Thomas Arthur, was intimidated to take an oath,
"abjuring Luther's opinions," from which he does not seem to
have recovered, as did several of his comrades. Of Robert
Barnes and Hugh Latimer we shall hear much in what follows.
Miles Coverdale was to acquire distinction as a translator of the
Bible and of Luther's hymns. Paynell or Parnell was to be ac
tive in later years as a diplomat. Heynes, in 1528 was President
of Queen's College, and afterwards Vice-Chancellor of the Uni
versity. He baptized Edward VI. , was on an embassy to France in
1525, and was employed on various important commissions con
nected with the reform of the English Church. Thixtell in 1529
was a member of commissions concerning the divorce, and in
1530 was a censor of publications. Distinguished . as a debater,
he continued to the end a warm friend of the Reformation. The
son of the Lord Mayor of London was in the band, viz. Thomas
Allen, who comforted Bilney in his hour of martyrdom. Turner
was destined to be the most versatile of them all in his scholar
ship, a clergyman, physician, member of parliament, botanist,
ornithologist, mineralogist, critic of N. T. text, translator and
prolific author of both religious and scientific books.
There also were Nicholas Ridley, the future martyr bishop,
Edward Crome already a doctor of divinity, who had years of

" Cooper's Ath. Cantab., p. 39.

10 The Lutheran Movement in England,
imprisonment before him, Rudolph Bradford, who, after exile for
circulating the New Testament, was to return and aid in prepar
ing " The Institution of a Christian Man," Shaxton and Skip,
future apostates, and Sygar Nicholson, who was treated with
much cruelty for having in his house the works of Luther.'*
Of this band of twenty-seven. Skip, Ridley and Heynes were
associated with Cranmer in the preparation ofthe liturgy of Ed
ward VI.
But this group did not comprise all " the first English Luth
erans ' ' of Cambridge From Cambridge, a colony of select
scholars had been sent to Oxford as the nucleus of Cardinal Col
lege, founded by Wolsey. We learn from the notes in Ellis :"
" Lutheranism increased daily in the University of Oxford, and
chiefly in Cardinal College, by certain of the Cantabrigians that
then remained. The chiefest Lutheran at this time was John
Clark, one of the junior canons, to whose private lectures and
disputations in public, divers graduates and scholars of colleges
resorted. So great a respect had they for his doctrine and ex
emplary course of life, that they would often recur to him for reso
lution of doubts. They had also their private meetings, wherein
they conferred about the promotion of their religion. They
prayed together and read certain books containing the principles
of Luther. . . . Notwithstanding many eminent men did dis
pute and preach in the University against it, yet the Lutherans
proceeded, and took all private occasions to promote their doc
trine." Shortly afterwards the Archbishop of London wrote to Wolsey :
"With respect to the most accursed works of Luther, I have re
ceived through the doctor mentioned certain pamphlets which I
will both mpst diligently read and note ; and, that I may do this
the more carefully, I will betake myself as soon as possible to Ox
ford, where I will endeavor carefully to examine some codices of
John Wiclif"™
1' Cooper's Ath. Cantab., 1: 51.
1' Original Letters, Third Series, II : 71.
2" Ellis, Original Letters, Third Series, 1 : 246.

Beginnings of the English Reformation, ii
Among this group of Lutheran students, transferred from Cam
bridge to Oxford, was Richard Cox, afterwards tutor to Edward
VL, Chancellor of the University, one of the compilers of the
"Book of Common Prayer," Bishop of Norwich, and whose
exile under Mary was distinguished for his controversy with John
Knox at Frankfort, and his triumph over Puritanism. Another
was the martyr, John Frith, associated with Tyndale in the trans
lation of the Bible, who afterwards accepted either the Zwinglian
or Calvinistic view of the Lord's Supper. Richard Taverner,
the translator of the Bible and of the Augsburg Confession, was
a third. Among the others were Clark, before mentioned, Sum
ner, Betts, Harmann, Frier, Akars, Godman, Lawney, Dominick
and Drumm. The entire party was arrested and imprisoned.
Some were exiled. Taverner escaped by his skill as a musician.
Clark "died in August 1528, of a distemper occasioned by the
stench of the prison in which he was confined. In his last mo
ments he was refused the communion, not perhaps as a special
act of cruelty, but because the laws of the Church would not per
mit the holy thing to be profaned by the touch of a heretic.
When he was told it would not be suffered, he said ' Crede et
manducasti.' " Sumner died from the same cause.
At Cambridge, as well as at Oxford, strict measures were taken
to suppress Lutheranism. Unfortunately, not all its adherents
manifested the greatest prudence. Bilney and Latimer, though
subject to the closest surveillance deserve credit for their course,
marked by sound judgment and discretion. The bishop of Ely
endeavored to thro'w the latter off of his guard, by entering un
expectedly, with a retinue of dignitaries, the chapel at Cam
bridge where he weis preaching. With complete mastery of the
situation, the preacher adroitly changed his text, and spoke elo
quently concerning the duty of bishops to follow Christ as their
great model. Dr. Robert Barnes was of another temperament.
Vehement, impulsive, direct, he. could scarcely be restrained
from at once assailing publicly all that he felt to be wrong. In
December 1525, he precipitated a crisis which ended in his deep

12 The Lutheran Movement in England,
humiliation, by inveighing with most direct personalities against
the bishops. The truth seems to be that he took Luther's ser
mon on the Epistle for the Fourth Sunday in Advent (1521),
and reproduced it, with some changes, for his Cambridge au
dience. " He so postilled the whole epistle," says Foxe, "fol
lowing the Scripture and Luther s postil, that for that sermon he
was immediately accused of heresy. ' ' ^^ Whatever may have been
the excellences of "St. Robert," as Luther called Barnes after
his death, he certainly did not know how to observe times and
seasons. The Church of England of 1525 was not prepared for
what suited admirably an audience in Wittenberg in 1521. A
martyr's courage failed him at this time, although fourteen years
later, he joyfully maintained his fidelity to the Gospel at the
stake. The ceremony of his recantation, February nth, 1526,
was made as humiliating as possible. After a sermon preached
in St. Paul's, London, by Bishop Fisher, in the presence of
thirty-six bishops, abbots and priors " Against Luther and Dr.
Barnes," he knelt and asked forgiveness which was granted with
the penance attached of walking thrice around a blazing pile of
large basketsful of Lutheran books. Bilney and Arthur also were
unequal to the trial, into which Barnes' indiscreet ardor had
brought them. Latimer bore himself with such shrewdness that,
instead of punishment, he received the Cardinal's license to
preach anywhere in England.
The last message of Cardinal Wolsey to his sovereign, sent
from his death-hed, was to " have a vigilant eye on the new sect,
the Lutherans, that it do not increase through your negligence
in such sort as you be at length compelled to put harness on your
back to subdue them."
An "Index of Prohibited Books" of 1529 gives the names of
the works which had been so diligently circulated by the young
scholars of these two universities and their friends. It has the
title " Libri sectce sive factionis Luther iana impor lati ad civi-
^Acts and Monuments ; History of (Presbyterian Board of Publication,
Phila.,) p. 78.

Beginnings of the English Reformation, 13
iatem London,''^ After four books of Wiclif, it reads :
"Dr. Martin Luther 'Concerning Good Works.' Letter of
Luther to Pope Leo X. Tessaradecas Consolatoria of Martin
Luther. Tract of Luther ' Concerning Christian Liberty.' Ser
mons of Dr. Martin Luther. Exposition of the Epistles of St.
Peter by Martin Luther. Reply of Martin Luther to Barthole-
mew Catharinus. ' Of the Works of God ' by Martin Cellarius.
Deuteronomy, from the Hebrew, with annotations of Martin
Luther. Luther's Catechism in Latin by J. Lonicerus. The
Prophet Jonah, explained by Martin Luther. Commentary of
Martin Luther on the Epistle of Paul to the Galatians. Selec
tions from the letters of Martin Luther, full of piety and learn
ing, with the interpretation of several psalms, Narrations of
Postils of Martin Luther upon the lessons from the Gospels, etc.
Sixteen Conclusions of the reverend father, Martin Luther, con
cerning Faith and Ceremonies. Most Wholesome Declaration of
the same concerning Faith and Works. Most Learped Explana
tion of Ceremonies. Fifty Conclusions by the same for timid
consciences. Luther's Explanation of his thirteenth proposition
' Concerning the Power of the Pope.' Oration of Didymus
Faventinus on behalf of Martin Luther. New narrations of Mar
tin Luther on the prophet Jonah. Judgment of Martin Luther,
' Concerning Monastic Vows. ' Enchiridion of the Godly Prayers
of Martin Luther. Several brief sermons of Martin Luther on
the Virgin, the Mother of God."
Then follow works of OEcolampadius, Billicanus, Zwingli,
Bugenhagen, Bucer, Regius, Melanchthon, Agricola, Brentz,
Lambert, Wessel, Gochius and Carlstadt.*'
Who, after reading this list would venture to maintain that the
reformatory movement in England was independent of that in
Germany ? It shows very clearly that the theologians of Eng
land were keeping abreast of the entire development of theologi
cal literature on the Continent.
^'This list is found in Gerdesius, IV: 139 sqq.; Foxe, "Acts and Monu
ments."

CHAPTER II.
tyndale's DEPENDENCE ON LUTHER.
Tyndale's Birth and Education. Relation to Colet and Erasmus. Early
Work. A significant Prophecy. Life in London. Repulsed by the
Lord Bishop. Humphrey Monmouth and his Troubles. Tyndale at
Hamburg. Was Tyndale at Wittenberg? Insufficient arguments of
Anderson and Walter. The English Genesis of 1530 published by Lu
ther's publisher, Hans Luft. Where was Marlboro ? The flight from
Cologne. Two editions of New Testament, instead of one. Proclama
tions of Tunstal and Warham. Fifteen thousand English testaments
sent from Germany to England. Arrest and execution. Tyndale's
translation and that of Luther. Testimony of Hallam, Westcott and Mom-
bert. Tyndale and Luther in parallel columns. His prefaces from Lu
ther. "His glosses from Luther. His treatise "The Wicked Mammon,"
from Luther. "The Obedience of a Christian Man," Anne Boleyn's
devotional manual. His " Exposition of the Sermon on the Mount,"
from Luther. Was Tyndale a Lutheran? Arguments of Dr. Eadie
in the negative ; of V. E. Loscher, in the affirmative.
Among the scholars of Oxford and Cambridge, there is one
who had left the Universities years before the events just nar
rated, but whose influence from abroad was -a very important
factor in advancing the movement. ' His work is so prominent
and far-reaching, and, except in his preparation as a student, so
isolated from the rest, until through his translation of the New
Testament and his various evangelical treatises, he acted upon
his countrymen, that it justly requires separate treatment. Wil
liam Tyndale was a quiet and retired scholar, who wrought dili
gently in his study with a fixed end in view from which he never
swerved, and which required his withdrawal from the intimate
associations, and the wider spheres of discussion in which others
felt called upon to promote the same cause. He, therefore, was
(14)

Tyndale's Dependence on Luther, 15
content to stand during his life-time almost alone, in order to
effect the Reformation of his country, and to reach future gen
erations through the English Bible, which, even in its present
form, is properly speaking his Bible, revised.
Born probably about 1484, on the boundary of Wales, he
was "brought up," says Foxe, "from a child at the University of
Oxford, where he, by long continuance, grew and increased as
well in fhe knowledge of tongues and other liberal arts, as spec
ially in the knowledge of the Scriptures, to which his mind was
singularly addicted ; insomuch that he, lying there in Magdalen
Hall, read privily to certain students and fellows of Magdalen
College some parcel of divinity, instructing them in the knowl
edge and truth of the scriptures, whose manners also and con
versation, being correspondent to the same, were such that all
they that knew him, reputed and esteemed him, to be a man of
most virtuous disposition, and of life unspotted^ Thus he, in the
University of Oxford, increasing more and more in learning,
and proceeding in degrees of the schools, spying his time, re
moved from thence to the University of Cambridge, where after
he had likewise made his abode a certain space, being now
further ripened in the knowledge of God's Word, leaving that
university also, he resorted to one master Welsh, a Knight of
Gloucestershire; and was there school-master to his children,
£ind in very good favor with his master." At Oxford, he un
doubtedly came under the influence of Dean Colet. His removal
to Cambridge "was probably for the purpose of profiting by
Erasmus' lectures, who taught Greek there from 1509 till the be
ginning of 15 19 ; whereas there was no regular Greek lectureship
founded in Oxford till about 1517." ^ At the house of Sir John
Welsh or Walsh, whither he went about 15 19, he soon became
involved in controversies with the priests, translated against them
Era.smus' "Enchiridion Militis " and destroyed their influence
with the family, from which they previously had derived large con-
' Walter's Life of Tyndale, prefixed to " Doctrinal Treatises " (Parker So
ciety,) p. XV..

1 6 The Lutheran Movement in England.
tributions. He was a zealous preacher at Bristol, and was sum-.
moned to answer before the chancellor, but while treated "as
though I had been a dog," escaped punishment. Shortly after
this it was, that in a discussion with a learned, but bitter advo
cate of the Papacy he made the often quoted remark that he de
fied the Pope and all his laws, and, further added, that if God
spared him life, "ere many years he would cause a boy that driv-
eth the plough to know more of the scriptures than He did."
His position becoming more and more uncomfortable, and being
involved in constant disputes, he saw that the evangelical cause
was relatively helpless until the Bible could be read by the laity
in their own language. In his "Preface to the Pentateuch," he
says : "I perceived how that it was impossible to establish the
lay-people in any truth, except the scripture were plainly laid
before their eyes in their mother-tongue, that they might see the
process, order and meaning of the text. For else whatever truth
is taught them, these enemies of all truth quench it again, partly
with apparent reasons of sophistry, founded without ground of
scripture ; and partly, in juggling with the text, expounding it
in such sense as is impossible to gather of the text, if thou see the
process, order and meaning thereof" With this end in view,
he resigned his place, and, about 1523, went to London, where,
relying upon an extravagant idea of the interest of the Bishop of
London, Tonstall, in such work, he hoped to receive a home in his
house and encouragement. He carried with him, as an evidence
of his scholarship, a translation, which he had made, of one ofthe
orations of Isocrates. But the English Bible was not to be trans
lated in an episcopal palace. He found no home or encourage
ment where he had expected it. The Lord, however, raised up
for him a faithful friend in a wealthy merchant, Humphrey Mon
mouth, who had heard him preach in St. Dunstan's church, and
provided for him at his own house. Years afterwards Monmouth
was imprisoned for this act of kindness. In his testimony in his
defence, he throws some light upon Tyndale's habits : " He
studied most part ofthe day and of the night at his book; and

Tyndale" s Dependence on Luther. 17
he would eat but sodden meat, by his good will, nor drink but
small single beer. I never saw him wear linen about him. . . .
When I heard my Lord of London preach at Paul's Cross, that
Sir William Tyndale had translated the New Testament in Eng
lish, and was naughtily translated, that was the first time that
ever I suspected or knew any evil by him."
Tyndale soon found it necessary, in order to prosecute his
work successfully, to repair to Germany. Accordingly about
May 1524 he left London for Hamburg. In April 1525, he is
known to have beethin Hamburg. Had he been there the entire
time, or had he been elsewhere in the meantime? Con cerning this,
there has been a diversity of opinion. There has been a widely
diffused tradition that he repaired at once from Hamburg to Wit
tenberg. All of Tyndale's contemporaries who have written
concerning his movements, so affirm. In the articles against
Monmouth in 1528, he is charged with aiding "Sir William
Hutchin, otherwise called Tyndale," who '' went into Almayne
[Germany] to Luther, there to study and learn his sect." Sir
Thomas More in his " Dialogue " declares that "at the time of
his translation of the New Testament, Tyndale was with Luther
at Wittenberg, and the confederacy between him and Luther
was well kno-wn." Cochlaeus speaks of Tyndale and Roy as
"two English apostates who had been sometime at Wittenberg. "
Foxe in his " Acts and Monuments " says: "On his first de
parting out of the realm, Tyndale took his journey into the
further parts of Germany, as into Saxony, where he had confer
ence with Luther and other learned men in those quarters."
Some writers of the present century, especially Anderson in
his "Annals ofthe English Bible," and Walter in his "Life of
Tyndale," prefixed to the Parker Society edition of his works,
question his visit to Wfttenberg, but as Demaus '' shows upon the
basis of too wide an application of a denial by Tyndale to the
charge of More. Tyndale denies that he was confederate with
Luther. He does not deny that he was at Wittenberg. " The
^ William Tyndale, A Biography. 94 sqq.
3

1 8 The Lutheran Movement in England,
truth is," says Demaus,' "that the whole of this theory of Tyn
dale's movements, -constructed, as we have seen, in direct opposi
tion to all contemporary authority, has sprung from a narrow
and ill-grounded fear, that Tyndale's reputation would be in
jured by the admission of his having been at Wittenberg with
Luther. The admirers of our great English translator have been
justly indignant at the ignorant misrepresentations which have
sometimes treated him as a mere echo and parasite of his Ger
man contemporary, and in their zeal to maintain their hero's
originality, they have discarded ancient authority, and have de
nied that the two Reformers ever met. The motive for such a
defence may be praiseworthy, but its wisdom is questionable.
To maintain, in defiance of all contemporary evidence, that Tyn
dale remained for a year in a bustling commercial town where
there were no printers, where he would be disturbed by bitter
quarrels, and deprived of all opportunities of consulting books,
or conferring with friends that might have aided him in the
work, this is surely a strange method of vindicating Tyndale ;
this is an attempt to defend his originality, at the cost of his good
sense." Mr. Anderson's theories about Tyndale's residence in
Hamburg, his ignorance of German, his never having met Lu
ther, are theories adopted in the face of all ancient testimony.*
Prof Walter's argument that Tyndale's stay at Hamburg was
for the purpose of learning Hebrew from the numerous Jews
there, and that proof of this can be shown from the fact that
whereas Hebrew at that time was not taught in any English Univer
sity, Tyndale's progress becomes soon manifest from the insight
into the peculiarities of that language shown by some remarks in
his "Mammon," is not conclusive. The passage would effectually
prove this, if that book; were original with Tyndale ; but since it is
only a translation from Luther, as will hereafter appear, the pro
gress in Hebrew asserted, cannot be shown.
Dr. Eadie, ^ while trying to show that Tyndale was no Luth-
= lb. p. 96.
«Ib. p. 49S.

Tyndale's Dependence on Luther. 19
eran, after weighing the evidence, concludes: "Arguments
against the visit to Wittemberg are of no great moment. ' '
Mr. George Offer, in the " Memoir of Tyndale," prefixed to
a reprint of his New Testament of 1526, published by the Bag-
sters says : "It was at Wyttemburg, that with intense applica
tion and labor, Tyndale completed his translation of thew New
Testament. ' '
Dr. Mombert' says : "In the absence of positive historical
data it is impossible to make a reliable positive statement. It is
probable that T)rndale did meet Luther ; it is clear that he used
Luther's version, as I expect to prove. . . . The preponderance
of evidence points immediately to Tyndale's visit to Wittemberg. ' '
The same writer has also conclusively proved that the statement
hitherto current that Tyndale's translation of Genesis of 1530
was printed by Hans Luft at Marburg is incorrect, the librarian
of the University of Marburg having made a special examination
into the matter in 1881, with the result that he found that Hans
Luft never had a printing-office at Marburg, and that the album
of the University has no entry of the names of Tyndale and
Frith. Hans Luft, being the famous Bible printer at Witten
berg, the name " Marlborow in the lande of Hesse," given as
his place of printing, is in all probability a pseudonym to con
ceal the actual place, just as he himself assumed the pseudon)^!
of Hutchyns, to thwart the designs of his vigilant enemies.
Wittenberg, therefore, a second time becomes connected with
T)mdale's work, and our English Bible. '
But we have anticipated somewhat the chronological order.
After returning from Wittenberg to Hamburg in 1525, and hav
ing his translation of the New Testiment finished, Tyndale went
to Cologne for the purpose of having it printed. Here he was
discovered by Cochlaeus an enemy of the Reformation, who
promptly reported what he had learned. The story is interest-
^ History of English Bible, 1 : 127.
^A Handbook ofthe English Versions, 82 sqq.
'Ib., pp. 107-115.

20 The Lutheran Movement in England.
ing : " Cochlaeus, intending to print a work of his own, had
gone to Cologne, where some of the compositors he was about to
employ, in an unguarded moment, intimated that they were en
gaged in preparing a work for two Englishmen^ lately arrived
from Wyttemberg, which would soon make England Lutheran.
By plying them with drink, he discovered that there were in the
press three thousand copies of the Lutheran New Testament
translated into English. By his efforts, the Senate prohibited
the work from proceeding any further. It had reached the sig
nature K in 4to. Upon which the two Englishmen, carrying
away with them the sheets already finished, fled up the Rhine to
Worms, in hope that, as the inhabitants were generally Lutheran,
they might find some printer to bring their undertaking to
completion.."' This attempt to suppress the publication resulted in two sim
ultaneous editions, instead of one. Peter Schoeffer of Worms
printed an octavo, edition, while, at the same time, the quarto
edition was completed and bound. The opponents of the Ref
ormation, being on the watch for the quarto editions, it was gen
erally intercepted on its way to England ; but the octavo edition,
iiot being suspected, made its way for a time without interfere
ence. There was no little strategy in such procedure.No less
than six thousand copies were printed in these two editions
whick appeared early in 1526. Even before this, December 2d,
1525, Dr. Edward Lee writing from Bordeaux, " warned Henry
VIII. of what was coming :
"Please it your Hyghnesse, moreover, to understand that I am
certainlie enformed, as I passed in this contree that an English
man, your subject, at the sollicitation and instance of Luther,
with whome he is, hathe translated the Newe Testament into
English, and within fewe dayes entendeth to arrive with the
same emprinted in England, I neede not to advertise your Grace
* Willia-m Roye was Tyndale's amanuensis.
' Ellis Original Letters Third Series, II : 88.
i» Ellis, Or. Letters, II : 71 sqq.

Tyndale' s Dependence on Luther. 21
what infection and daunger maye ensue heerbie, if it be not
withstonded. This is the next way to fulfill your Realme with
Lutherians. For all Luther's perverse opinions bee grownded
opon bar words of Scriptur, not well taken ne ondrestonded. All
our forfadres, governors of the churche of England, hathe with
all diligence forbed and eschued publication of Englishe bibles,
as apperethe in copstitutitions provinciall of the Churche of Eng
land, . . . Hidretoo, blessed be God, your Realme is save from
infection of Luther's sect, as for so mutche that althoug anye
peradvertur bee' secretlie blotted within, yet for fear of your
royall Majestie, wiche hathe drawen his swerd in God's cause,
they dar not openlie avow. ' '
It is interesting to note that cJnly two months before this
(Sept. ist, 1525), Luther apologizing to Henry VIII for his
attack upon his book, does so by excusing the King on the
ground that it was not really written by Henry, but by Sophists
who abused his title, especially as De Wette thinks, by the writer
of the above letter, Edward Lee, whom he ironically calls " Car
dinal of York," and terms " that monster and public odium of
God and men." " May there not be in this at least some indi
cation of indignation aroused by information given him, through
Tyndale ? This becomes the more probable when we read in the
same letter that Luther has been moved to write, because he was
informed that Henry " was beginning to favor the gospel and to
be not a little weary of such a set of worthless fellows. ' ' He
prays that the Lord may continue the work which he has begun, so
that with a full spirit, he may favor and obey the Gospel."
In spite of all efforts to suppress them, the copies of the New
Testament made their way through England. Who the trans
lator was, no one then knew. Some Lutherans or other, of
course ; but that was all. Henry, in his reply to Luther's letter,
said that Luther " fell into device with one or two lewd fellows,
born in this our realm, for the translating of the New Testament
into Enghsh." Tonstal, Bishop of London, issued his prohibi-
" De Wette's Luther's Briefen, III : 24.

22 The Lutheran Movement in England.
tion, October 24th, 1526, in which he said: "We, having un
derstanding by the reports of divers credible persons, and also
by the evident appearance of the matter, that many children of
iniquity, maintainers of Luther's sect, blinded through extreme
wickedness, wandering from the way of truth and the catholic
faith, craftily have translated the New Testament into our Eng
lish tongue." " This was followed by a similar proclamation by
Archbishop Warham on November 3d. Efforts were made to
arrest their importation by destroying them as they passed
through Antwerp in the Netherlands. But the very proposal, on
the request of the English government, to have them made ille
gal there, brought to Hght the fact that in January 1527, an en
terprising Antwerp printer was at work on a reprint for the Eng
lish market ; and the burgesses of that city declined to interfere
with what would cripple any industry of their citizens. Then
Tonstal devised another expedient. At great cost, he employed
agents to buy up all copies as they appeared. This did not di
minish the number of copies, as the press continued to send
them forth ; but proved of great advantage to Tyndale by giv
ing him the means of life, while translating the Old and re
vising the New Testament. The older and less correct copies
were also thus speedily -withdrawn from the market, to give
place to revised editions. By 1530, no less than si^ editions
of the New Testament appeared, numbering 15,000 copies.
Nevertheless "so fierce and systematic was the persecution, that
there remains of the first, one fragment only, which was found
about thirty, years ago attached to the fragment of another
tract ; of the second, one copy, wanting the title-page, and an
other very imperfect ; and of the others, two or three copies,
which are not, however, satisfactorily identified."^' In 1530,
his translation of the Pentateuch appeared, and, in the follow
ing year, that of the prophet Jonah. Other books of the Old
Testament were translated but not pubhshed. He was steadily
'^ Foxe's Acts and Monuments, IV : 656.
" Westcott's History of the English Bible, p. 45.

Tyndale' s Dependence on Luther, 23
at work upon the unfinished portions during his imprisonment.
He was also the author of a number of Doctrinal and Expository
treatises, "A Pathway into Holy Scripture," "The Wicked
Mammon," "The Obedience of a Christian Man," "Exposi
tion of First John," " Exposition of the V, VI and VII chapters
of Matthew."
His end is well-known. For years living in various places,
and under an assumed name, he was diligently sought for by the
agents of Henry VIII. When the Reformation had progressed
in England, and the rupture with the Papacy seemed complete,
he supposed it safe to abandon secrecy, and publicly lived and la
bored at Antwerp. Here he was soon apprehended (May 23d or
24th, 153S,) by the emissaries of the English prelates and after
an imprisonment of over a year at the castle of Vilvorden, was
strangled and burned, October 6th, 1536. Henry VIII has
enough sins for which to answer. We cannot hold him responsible
for this murder, upon the amount of evidence no-w to be fur
nished." Persevering as had been Henry's endeavor in former
years to apprehend him, time had brought its changes. The
guilt must ultimately fall upon the Emperor, Charles V, and
those from England, who instigated him to the act.
We come now to the relation between the literary work of
Tyndale, and that of Luther. On the one hand, Tyndale's
ability as an independent translator has been denied, as by Hal
lam, who traces his translation entirely to the Vulgate and
Luther ; on the other hand, his indebtedness to Luther has been
ignored. Canon Westcott, the eminent New Testament critic,
while endeavoring to prove the utmost independence of Luther,
says that it is impossible to read a single chapter with
out noting that the Greek text was directly used, and at the
same time tracing the influence of Luther, together with that qf
the Vulgate and of Erasmus' Latin version. " Dr, Mombert
" Demaus' Life of Tyndale, p. 424.
^History of English Bible, p. 174.

24 The Lutheran Movement in England,
makes a comparison of Luther's German and Tyiidale on .Deu
teronomy 6 : 6-9, as follows : ^^

6. Und diese Worte, die ich dir
heute gebiete, sollst du zu Herzen neh-
men. 7. Und sollst sie deinen Kindern
schdrfen, und davon reden, wenii du
in deineTn Hause sitzest, oder auf dem
Wege gehest, wenn du dich niederle-
gest, Oder aufstehest.
8. Und sollst sie binden zum Zeich-
en auf deine Hand, und sollen dir
ein Denk-mxil vor deinen Augen seyn.
9. Und sollst sie iiber deines Hauses
Pforten schreiben und an die Thore.

6. Let these words which I com
mand thee this day stick fast in thine
heart. 7. And whet them on thy children,
and talk of them as thou sittest in
thine house, and as thy walkest by
the way, and when thou liest down,
and when thou risest up.
8. And bind them for a token to
thine hand, and let them be a remem
brance between thine eyes.
9. And write them on the posts
and gates of thine house.

"There was nothing," says this writer, "in the English
language he could have used e. g., for the rendering of the He
brew Shinnaen by the English ' Whet,' which conveys an idea
contained neither in the Greek of the Septuagint, nor the Latin
of the Vulgate, but it had been employed by Luther. Had he
been a servile imitator of Luther, he would have rendered, afler
the example of the dreadful translators of the period : ' And
whet them in or into thy children;' but he knew that that
would have violated the English idiom, and, therefore, he ren
dered 'whet on,' and he understood the Piel force of the root
Shanan. . . . Again in verse 8, Luther translates the Hebrew
Letotaphoth beyn eynecha : ' Denkmaal vor deinen Augen.' It
is evident that he deliberately gave preference to Luther's admir
able free rendering, as much superior to the vague Greek, and
still vaguer Latin of the literal Hebrew 'bands or fillets'; but
knew Hebrew enough to perceive that ' remembrance between
thine eyes ' conformed at once to the Hebrew and English
idioms. These two examples, I think, will suffice to convince
and prove to scholars, that Tyndale used Luther and understood
Hebrew." " To any scholar," says the biographer of Tyndale, Rev. R.
Demaus, " who sits down to collate with care the versions of
the English and German translators, two facts speedily become
^^ Handbook to English Version,^. 115.

Tyndale's Dependence on Luther. 25
plain and indisputable, viz., that Tyndale had Luther's work be
fore him, and constantly consulted and occasionally adopted it ;
and that he never implicitly follows Luther, but translates from
the original with the freedom of a man who had a perfect confi
dence in his own scholarship." "
Instances, however, may be cited, where his independence is
not as great as is sometimes claimed for him. For instance,
Luke 22: 20, where Tyndale's " blood which shall for you be
shed," is not English in its order of words, but is that of Luth
er's German ; while he obtains the future by misunderstanding
vergossen wird, especially when compared with the Vulgate
fundetur. Here he clearly has abandoned the Greek in order
to follow Luther. '*
The indebtedness of Tyndale to Luther in other respects than
as a translator of the Bible, is very great. "The extent," says
Canon Westcott, " to which Tyndale silently incorporated free
or verbal translations of passages from Luther's works into his own,
has escaped the notice of his editors. To define it accurately
would be a work of very great labor, but the result, as showing
the points of contact and divergence in the opinions of the two
great reformers, would be a most instructive passage in the doc
trinal history of the time." "
We give the following examples :
I. prologues PREPARED INTRODUCING TRANSLATIONS.
I . To the New Testament
Luther {1S22.)
Gleichwie das Alte Testament ist
ein Buch, darinnen Gottes Gesetz und
Gebot, daneben die Geschichte beide
dere, die dieselbigen gehalten und
nicht gehalten haben, geschrieben
sind; also ist das Neue Testament ein
Buch, darinnen das Evangelium und
Gottes Verheissung, daneben auch

Tyndale {iJ36.)
The Old Testament is ^ book,
wherein is written the law of God,
and the deeds of them which fulfil
them, and of them also which fulfil
them not.
The New Testament is a book,
wherein are contained the promises
of God ; and the deeds of them which
" William Tyndale. A biography, p. 237.
18 Other examples may be found in " A Revised English Bible, the want of
the Church," by John R. Beard, D. D., London, 1857.
^^ History of English Bible, p. 192.

26

The Lutheran Movement in England.

Geschichte beide dere, die daran
glauben und nicht glauben, gesch
rieben sind. Denn Evangelium ist ein
griechisch Wort und heisst auf
Deutsch gute Botschaft, gute Mahre,
gute neue Zeitung, gut, Geschrei, da
von man singet, saget und frohlich
ist : als da David den grossen Goliath
uberwand, kam ein gut Geschrei und
trostliche neue Zeitung unter das
judische Volk, dass ihr graulicher
Feind erschlagen, und sie erloset, zu
Freude und Friede gestellet waren,
davon sie sungen, und sprungen und
frohlich waren.

believe them, or believe them not.
Evangelion (that we call Gospel) is
a Greek word, and signifieth good,
merry, glad and joyful tidings, that
maketh a mans heart glad, and mak
eth him sing, dance, and leap for joy;
as when David had killed Goliath,
the giant, came glad tidings unto the
Jews, that their fearful and cruel ene
my was slain, and they delivered out
of all danger ; for gladness whereof,
they sung, danced aud were joyful.

2, To Epistle to ihe Romans.

Luther [/J22.)
Diese Epistel ist das rechte Haupt-
stucke des Neuen Testaments, und
das allerlauterste Evangelium, welche
wohl wiirdig und werth ist, dass 'sie
ein Christenmensch nicht allein von
Wort zu Wort auswendig wisse, son-
dern taglich damit uinbgehe, als mit
taglichem Bred der Seelen. Denn
sie nimmer kann zu viel und zu wohl
gelesen, oder betrachten werden, und
je mehr sie gehandelt wird, je kost-
licher sie wird und bass schmecket.
Darumb ich auch meinem Dienst
dazu thun will, und durch diese
Vorrede einen Eingang dazu bereiten,
so viel mir Gott verleihen hat, damit
sie deste bass von Jedermann ver-,
standen werde. Denn sie bisher mit
Glossen und mancherlei Geschwatz
ubel verfinstert ist, die doch an ihr
selbs ein helles Licht ist, fast genu-
gsam, die ganze Schrift zu erleuchten.

Tyndale {1J26.)
Forasmuch as this Epistle ii the
principal and most excellent part of
the New Testament, and most pure
Evangelion, that is to say, glad tid
ings and that vve call gospel, and also
is a light and a way unto the whole
scripture ; I think it meet that every
Christian man not only know it, by
note and without the book, but also
exercise himself therein evermore
continually, as with the daily bread of
the soul. No man verily can read it
too oft, or study it too well ; for the
more it is studied, the easier it is ; the
more it is chewed, the pleasanter it
is ; and the more grandly it is search
ed, the preciouser things are found in
it, so great treasure of spiritual things
lieth hid therein. I will therefore be
stow my labour and diligence, through
this little preface or prologue, to pre
pare a way in thereunto, so far forth
as God shall give me grace, that it
may be the better understood of every
man ; for it hath been hitherto evil
darkened with glosses and wonderful
dreams of sophisters, that no man
could spy out the intent and meaning
of it ; which, nevertheless, of itself is
a bright light, and sufficient to give
light unto ^1 Scripture.

Tyndale's Dependence on Luther,

27

J. To Second Corinthians,

Luther {iS32.)
In der ersten Epistel hat S. Paulus
die Korinther hart gestrafet in vielen
Stiicken, und scharfen Wein in die
Wunden gegossen, und sie erschreket;
nu aber ein Apostel soil ein trost-
licher Prediger sein, die erschrocken
und bloden Gewissen aufzurichten,
mehr denn zu schrecken: darumb
lobet er sie nun wiederumb in dieser
Epistel, und geusset auch Ole in die
Wunden, und thut sich wunderfreund-
lich zu ihnen, und heisset den Sunder
mit Liebe wieder aufzunehmen.
Im I. und 2. Cap. zeiget er seine
Liebe gegen sie, wie er alles geredt,
gethan und gelitten habe zu ihrem
Nutz und Heil, dass sie ja sich alles
Besten zu ihm versehen sollen.
Darnach preiset er das evangel-
ische Ampt, welchs das hoheste und
trostlichste Werk ist, zu Nutz und
Heil der Gewissen, und zeiget wie
dasselbige edler sei, denn das Geset-
zes Ampt, und wie dasselbige verfol-
get wird, und doch zunimpt an den
Glaubigen, und eine Hoffnung machet
durchs Kreuz der ewigen Herrlich-
keit. Aber mit dem alien riihret er
die falschen Apostel, welche das
Gesetz wider das Evangelium treibet,
und eitel ausserliche Heiligkeit (das
ist, Heuchelei) lehreten, und liessen
die inwendige Schande des Unglau-
bens stehen.

Tyndale (fJ26.)
As in the first epistle he rebuketh
the Corinthians sharply, so in this he
comforteth them, and praiseth them,
and commandeth him that was ex
communicated to be received lovingly
into the congregation again.

And in the first and second chap
ters, he showeth his love to them-
ward, how that all that he spake, did,
or suffered was for their sakes, and
for their salvation.
Then in the third, fourth and fifth,
he praiseth the office of preaching the
Gospel, above the preaching of the
Law; and showeth that the Gospel
groweth through persecution, and
through the cross, which maketh a
man sure of etemal life.

And here and there, he toucheth
the false prophets, which studied to
turn the faith of the people from
Christ, unto the works of the Law.

4. To Galatians,

Luther {ijss.)
Die Galater waren durch S. Paul-
um, zu dem rechten Christenglauben,
und ins Evangelium von dem Gesetzt
gebracht. Aber nach seiner Abschied
kameu die falschen Apostel, die der
rechten Apostel Jiinger warden, und
wandten die Galater wieder umb,
dass sie glaubten, sie miissten durch
des Gesetzes Werk selig werden, und
thaten SUnde, wo sie nicht des Ges
etzes Werk hielten.

Tyndale {1^26.)
After Paul had converted the Gala
tians, and coupled them to Christ, to
trust in him only for the remission of
sins, and hope of grace and salvation,
and was departed, there came false
Apostles unto them, and that, in the
name of Peter, James and John, whom
they called the high Apostles, and
preached circumcision and the keep
ing of the Law, to be saved by.

28

The Lutheran Movement in England.

5
Luther (^1^22.')
In dieser Epistel, lehret S. Paulus
aufs erst, was das Evangelium sei,
wie es allein von Gott in Ewigkeit
versehen, und durch Christum ver-
dienet und ausgegangen ist, dass alle,
die daran glauben, gerecht, frumm,
lebendig, selig und vom Gesetz,
Siinde und Tod frei werden. Das
thut er durch 4ie drei ersten Kapitel.

To Ephesians. Tyndale {1^26)
In this Epistle, namely in the first
three chapters, Paul showeth that the
Gospel and grace thereof, was fore
seen and predestinate of God from
before the beginning and deserved
through Christ, and now at the last
sent forth, that all men should believe
therein ; thereby to be justified, made
righteous, living and happy ; and to
be delivered from under the damna
tion of the law, and captivity of cere
monies.

6. To Philippians

Tyudale (1^26.)
Paul praiseth the Philippians, and
exhorteth them to stand fast in the
true faith and to increase in love.
And because that false prophets study
always to impugn and destroy the
true faith, he warneth them of such
work-learners, or teachers of works,
and praiseth Epaphroditus ; and all
this doth he in the first and second
chapters.

Luther {1^22.)
In dieser Epistel, lobet und ermah-
net S. Paulus die Philipper, dass sie
bleiben und fortfahren sollen im
rechten Glauben, und zunehmen in
der Liebe. Dieweil aber den Glau
ben allezeit Schaden thun die fal
schen Apostel und Werklehrer, warnet
er sie fiir denselbigen, und zeiget
ihnen an mancherlei Prediger, etliche
gute, etliche bose, auch sich selbs und
seine Jiinger, Timotheum und Epaph
roditus; das that er im I, 2 Kap.
Similar examples might be given from the prologues to Colos-
sians, i Thessalonians, 2 Thessalonians, i Timothy, 2 Timothy,
Titus, Philemon, i Peter, 2 Peter, the Three Epistles of St.
John, and to a less degree, i Corinthians. The long prologue
to Hebrews keeps in view what Luther's brief prologue suggests,
and argues against a statement of Luther. Even where his pro
logues do not reproduce similar prologues of Luther, no one who
knows the latter will fail to see that Tyndale presents in another
form what Luther has elsewhere taught. We cite, as an example,
Tyndale's treated of the allegorical interpretation of Scripture
in the prologue to Leviticus, for every statement of which a cor
responding passage of Luther could be given. Peculiar expres
sions, too, incline one greatly to most thoroughly search Luther's
works for them, as e. g. " The Holy Ghost is no dumb God,

Tyndale' s Dependence on Luther. , 29
nor a God that goeth a mumming. ' ' So, as Canon Westcott ""
has remarked, " Tyndale at the close of his prologue to St. Mat
thew, which is an extensive essay, reproduces, in a modified
form, Luther's famous judgment on the relative worth of the
apostolic books in his Preface to the New Testament. ' '
Luther [1^22.)
Summa, S. Johannis Evangel, und
seine erste Epistel, S. Paulus Epistel,
sonderlich die zu den Romem, Gala-

Tyndale (1^26.)
And thereto Paul's Epistles, with
the Gospel of John, and his first epis
tle, and the first epistle of St. Peter,
are most pure Gospel and most plainly
and richly describe the glory of the
grace of Christ.

tern, Ephesern, und S. Peters erste
Epistle, das sind die Biicher, die dir
Christum zeigen, und alles lehren,
das dir zu wissen noth und selig ist.
The Appendix on " Repentance is only a reproduction of Lu
ther's well-known discussion of metanoia, with special reference
to the defects ofthe Latin translation ' ago poenitentiam.' "
II. THE GLOSSES.
" The marginal notes, those ' pestilent glosses,' against which
the indignation of the clergy was especially excited, have been to
a large extent translated by Tyndale from those of Luther. Not
that Tyndale translated like a servile imitator, whose intellect
was too barren to be capable of originality ; everywhere he uses
his own judgment ; sometimes he curtails Luther's notes ; some
times he omits them ; often he inserts notes of his own, and
these of various kinds, explanatory and doctrinal. Some of the
longest of these marginal glosses, as well as some of those which
most emphatically propound the doctrine of justification by faith,
are original to Tyndale; in other cases the words of Luther
have been expanded, and have formed not so much the source
of Tyndale's notes as the nucleus out of which it has grown. Of
the whole number of ninety marginal glosses which occur in the
fragment of Tyndale's quarto that has come down to v&, fifty-two
have been more or less literally taken from Luther, and thirty-
eight are original." "^
'^'^ History of English Bible, p. 198.
21 Demaus, William Tyndale. A Biography.

3°

The Lutheran Movement in England,

Tyndale.
(Salt). When the preachers cease
to preach God's Word, then must
they need be oppressed and trod un
der foot with man's traditions.
Tyndale.
Adam's disobedience damned us
all ere we oiirselves wrought evil ;
and Christ's obedience saveth us all
ere we ourselves work any good.

We give two illustrations ;
Luther.
Matth. 5 ; 13. (Das Salz). Wenn
die Lehrer aufhoren Gottes Wort zu
lehren, miissen sie von Menschen-
gesetzen iiberfallen und zutreten
werden. Luther.
Rom. 5:14: Wie Adam uns mit
frembder Siinde, ohn unser Schuld,
verderbet hat ; also hat uns Christus
mit frember Gnade ohn unser Ver-
dienst selig gemacht. III. THE -WICKED MAMMON.
This is a treatise written by Tyndale at Worms, and published
under his own name. May 8th, 1527. Its real theme is " Justi
fication by Faith." A number of scriptural texts, urged by the
Papists against this doctrine, are examined and explained in
an evangelical manner. The first, and the one accorded most
prominent treatment is " The Parable of the Unjust Steward."
From beginning to end it has Luther's spirit and style.
A large portion of it is from Luther's Sermon on the Ninth
Sunday after Trinity. We select from pages that might be
here inserted, only the passage on the meaning of unrighteous
Mammon, which Prof Walter triumphantly adduces as an indi
cation of Tyndale's profound Hebrew attainments. "^
Tyndale (ij2'^.)
First, -mammon is an Hebrew word,
and signifieth riches or temporal
goods; and, namely, all superfluity,
and all that is above necessity, and
that which is required to our neces
sary uses; wherewith n man may
help another, without undoing or
hurting himself; for hamon in the
Hebrew speech, signifies a multitude
or abundance, or many ; and there
hence cometh mahamon or mammon,
abundance or plenteousness of goods
or riches.

Luther (iJ22.)
Auf erste : Mammon ist Hebraisch,
und heisst so viel als Reichthumb oder
zeitlich Gut, namUch das, dess jemand
ubrig hat zu seinem stande, und damit
er dem andern wohl kann niitz sein
ohne Schaden. Denn Hamon auf
Hebraisch heisst Menge, oder grosser
Hauf und viel; daraus wird denn
Mahamon oder Mammon, das ist,
die Menge des Gutes oder Reich-
thumbs.

^^ Tyndale's Doctrinal Treatises (Parker Society), Note on p. 68.

Tyndale's Dependence on Luther.

31

Aufs ander heisst es unrecht Mam
mon, nicht dass es mit imrecht oder
Wucher erworben sei ; denn von un-
reehtem Gut, kann man kein gut
Werk thunn, sondern soil es wieder-
geben, wicL Jesaias (6l, 8) hat gesagt.

Secondarily, it is called " unright
eous mammon," not because it is got
unrighteously, or with usury ; for of
unrighteous gotten goods, can no man
do good works, but ought to restore
them home again : as it is said, Esay.
LXI.

The entire book is o.ne of the most devout, earnest, and evan
gelical in the English language ; and should be reprinted as a
most solid Lutheran devotional work for the people. On every
page passages of great force and beauty abound, where we feel
Luther back of them, even when unable to trace them to his
works, e. g. :
" Prayer is a mourning, a longing, and a desire of the spirit to
God-ward, for that which she lacketh ; as a sick man mourneth
and sorroweth in his heart, longing for health. Faith ever pray-
eth. For after that by faith we are reconciled to God, and have
received mercy and forgiveness of God, the spirit longeth and
thirsteth for strength to do the will of God, and that God may
be honored, his name be hallowed, and his pleasure and will ful
filled. The spirit waiteth and watcheth on the will of God, and
ever hath her own fragility and weakness before her eyes;
and when she seeth temptation and peril draw nigh, she turneth
to God, and to the testament that God hath made to all that be
lieve and trust in Christ's blood."
" God looketh with what heart thou workest, and not what
thou workest. " "If thou compare deed to deed, there is differ
ence betwixt washing of dishes, and preaching of the word of
God ; but as touching to please God, none at all ; for neither
that, nor this pleaseth, but as far forth as God hath chosen a
man, hath put his Spirit in him, and purified his heart by faith
and trust in Christ."
"Faith, the mother of all good works, justifieth us before we
can bring forth any good work : as the husband marrieth his
wife before he can have any lawful children by her."
" Deeds are the fruits of love ; and love is the fruit of faith.
Love and also the deeds are great or small, according to the

32 The Lutheran Movement in England.^
proportion of faith. Where faith is mighty and strong, there is
love fervent, and faith plenteous : where faith is weak, there love
is cold, and the deeds few and seldom, as flowers and blossoms
in winter. ' '
The following is an echo of the famous passage in Luther's
Preface to Romans (C « ist ein lebendig, schaftig, thdtig, machtig
Ding!): "Faith is mighty in operation, fiiU of virtue, and ever work
ing; which also reneweth a man, and begetteth him afresh,
changeth him and turrieth him altogether into a new nature and
conversation ; so that a man feeleth his heart altogether altered
and changed, and far otherwise disposed than before, and hath
power to love that which before he could not but hate, and de
lighteth in that which before he abhorred; and hateth that
which before he could not but love."
IV. The Obedience of a Christian Man.
In this treatise, published in 1528, we have been unable to
find any translations from Luther, although it is probable that
they are to be found. The topics treated are those on which
Luther was constantly writing and speaking. It treats, first, of
the obedience which all subjects (children, wives, civil subjects)
should yield, with an Appendix on "-The Pope's False Power;"
secondly, of the duties of rulers (fathers, husbands, masters, land
lords, kings and judges), with an appendix on Antichrist ; thirdly,
the subjects of Penance, Confession, Contrition, Satisfaction,
Absolution, Confirmation, Anointing, Miracles and Worship
pings of Saints, Prayer, The Four Senses of the Scripture.
In 1529 Anne Boleyn had a copy of this book which she
loaned to one of her attendants. It passed from the attendant
into the hands of her suitor, and he was detected with it. The
book was seized and came into the possession of Cardinal
Wolsey, from whom the king, on the intercession of the owner,
obtained it. When he had read it, he expressed his great satis
faction. Henry was especially delighted with the manner, in
which it enjoined the duty of obedience to rulers. ' ' This book, ' '

Tyndale' s Dependence on Luther. 33
saidhe, "is for me and all kings to read." "And in a Httle time,"
adds Strype, " the King, by the help of this virtuous lady, by the
means aforesaid, had his eyes opened to the truth, to search the
truth, to advance God's religion and glory, to abhor the pope's
doctrine." Alas! that it was only the interest ofthe stony-
ground hearer. *'
We cannot forbear giving a few paragraphs of the Preface as
indicative of the spirit which animates the book :
" Mark this : If God send thee to the sea, and promise to go
with thee, and to bring thee safe to land, he will raise up a
tempest against thee, to prove whether thou wilt abide by his
word ; and that thou mayest feel thy faith, and perceive his
goodness. For if it were always fair weather, and thou never
brought into such jeopardy, whence his mercy only delivered
thee, thy faith would be a presumption, and thou wouldest be
ever unthankful to God and merciless unto thy neighbor.
If God promises riches, the way thereto is poverty. Whom
he loves, him he chastens ; whgm he exalts, he casts down ; he
brings.no man to heaven, except he send him to hell first; when
he builds, he casts all down first ; he is no patcher, he cannot
build on another's foundation; he will not work until all be past
remedy, that men may see how his hand, his power, his mercy,
his goodness and truth, have wrought altogether.
Joseph saw the sun and moon and the eleven stars worshipping
him. Nevertheless ere that came to pass, God laid him where
he could see neither sun nor moon, neither any star of the sky,
and that for years ; and also undeservedly : to nurture him, to
humble, to make him meek, and to teach him God's ways, and
to make him apt and meet for the place and honor, against he
came to it, that he might perceive and feel that it came of God,
and that he might be strong in the Spirit, to minister it in a
godly manner.
He promised the children of Israel a land with rivers of milk
and honey, but brought them for the space of forty years into a
"'Strype's Memorials, I: 177.
4

34 The Lutheran Movement in England.
land, where not only rivers of milk and honey were not, but
where so much as a drop of water was not .
He promised Daniel a kingdom, and immediately stirred up
King Saul against him to persecute him ; to hunt him as men do
hares with greyhounds, and to ferret him out of every hole, and
that for the space of many years. This was to tame him, to make
him meek; to kill his lusts ; to make him feel other men's dis
eases ; to make him merciful ; to make him understand that he
was made a king to minister and serve his brethren, and that he
should not think that his subjects were made to minister unto his
lusts. Tribulation is our right baptism. We that are baptised in
the pame of Christ, saith Paul, are baptised to die with him."
V. Exposition of the Sermon on the Mount.
In November 1530, during Bugenhagen's absence from Wit
tenberg, Luther occupied his pulpit, in which he preached a
series of sermons on " The Sermoji on the Mount." These were
published in German in 1532, and in Latin in 1533. In r532,
Tyndale's Exposition appeared. George Joye, whose attempt to
pirate Tyndale's translation of the New Testament occasioned
an exciting controversy, in Tyndale's life-time asserted that
" Luther made it, Tyndale only but translating and powdering
it here and there with his own fantasies." This charge, how
ever, is at once seen to be unjust, if we compare the two. The
"Exposition" is Tyndale's. The use made of Luther is per
fectly legitimate. But it is equally clear that either notes of Lu
ther's discourses, or the printed volume were before Tyndale,
and freely used. There are not many passages, where the cor
respondence is as close as the following : "

Luther {fS32.)
Gerechtigkeif muss an diesem Ort
nicht heissen die christliche Hlupt-
gerechtigkeit, dadurch die Person
frumm und angenehm wird fur Gott.

Tyndale {1J32.)
Righteousness in this place is not
taken for the principal righteousness
of a Christian man, through which
the person is good and accepted be^

2* Luther's Works, Erl. Ed., XLIII : 41.

Tyndale's Dependence on Luther. 35

fore God. For tliese eight points are
but doctrines of the fruits and works
of a Christian man, before which the
faith must be there, to make righteous
without all deserving of works, and
as a tree out of which all such fruits
and works must spring.

Denn . . diese acht Stuck nicht An
ders sind, denn eine Lehre von den
Friichten und guten Werken eines
Christen, vor welchen der Glaube
zuvor muss da sein, als der Baum und
Hauptstuck, oder Summa seiner Ge-
rechtigkeit und seligkeit, ohn alle
Werk und Verdienst, daraus solche
Stuck alle wachsen und folgen mus-
sen. -WAS TYNDALE A LUTHERAN?
Dr. Eadie, the eminent commentator of the United Presbyte
rian Church of Scotland, urges that it is a great wrong to term
him such. '^ " It was a mistake of no common magnitude," he
says, " to associate the name and work of Tyndale with the
n.-ime and work of Luther. The mistake, however, can be easily
explained, as it was common at the tinie to call all- men Luther-'
ans who showed any leaning towards reformation. The great
Reformer had so stamped an image of himself upon the Teutonic
movement, that similar tendencies in other lands, were vaguely
named after him. Sir Thomas More, King Henry, Lee and
Cochlaeus regarded Tyndale as a promoter of Lutheranism, and
his testament was loosely spoken of as a translation of Luther's
German version. The title page of Sir Thomas More's Dialogue
reads: ' Touching the pestilent sect of Luther and Tyndale.'
But it is against all evidence to call Tyndale Lutheran, or to aver
that his purpose was to promote Lutheranism in his own country.
He was no sectarian, was never allied to Luther as colleague or
instrument, and nothing was farther from his thoughts than to
found a sect and identify his own name with it."
The conception of "Lutheran," here presented by Dr. Eadie,
is that of one who went forth from the Church of Rome " to
found a sect." Then, Luther himself was not a Lutheran; nor
were any of his co-laborers Lutheran. A Protestant theologian
who traces its beginnings to a movement in Germany to found a
new sect, certainly has a strange view of the Reformation. The
name ' Lutheran,' - a term of reproach, against which Luther pro-
'^ History of English Bible, I: 122 sqq.

36 The Lutheran Movement in England.
tesfed loud and long, became the current name for that pure Scrip
tural doctrine which Luther asserted and maintained in opposition
to the corruptions of the Papacy. Even up to the diet of Augsburg,
the hope had not altogether become extinct that the Roman
Church would yet retum to this doctrine. The Lutheran move
ment had nothing to do with a separate organization, until the act
of its enemies, in casting out those who professed this doctrine as
heretics, separated the enemies themselves, from the confessors
of the faith of the Gospel.
An appeal is made by Dr. Eadie to a " Protestation," by Tyn
dale in his revised New Testament of 1534. All, however, that
it shows, is, that it is worthy to be placed alongside of similar
numerous protestations of Luther. Tyndale says: " I take God
which alone seeth the heart to record to my conscience, beseech
ing Him that my part be not in the blood of Christ, if I -wrote,
of all that I have written, throughout all my books, aught of an
evil purpose of. envy, or malice to any man, or to stir up any
false doctrine or opinion, in the Church of Christ ; or to be au
thor of any sect ; or to draw disciples after me ; or that I be es
teemed or had in price above the least child that is born ; save
only of pity and compassion I had, on the blindness of my breth
ren, and to bring them into the knowledge of Christ ; and to
make every one of them, if it were possible, as perfect as an an
gel of heaven ; and to weed out all that is not planted of our
Heavenly Father, and to bring down all that lifted itself against
the knowledge of the salvation that is in the blood of Christ."
But this is only an echo of what Luther wrote in 1522 : "I
beg of you, keep silent about my name ; and -call yourselves not
Lutherans, but Christians. What is Luther? The doctrine is
not mine. I have been crucified for no one. St. Paul (i Cor.
4 : 5) will not allow Christians to be called Pauline or -Petrine,
but only Christians. How have I come to it, that the children
of Christ should be called by my miserable name ? Not so, dear
friend, blot out party names, and be called Christians from him
whose doctrine we have." ^° But this was explained the very
2« Erl. Ed. 22 : 55.

Tyndale's Dependence on Luther. 37
same year. " True it is that you should not say : ' I am Luth
eran, or Popish ;' for he has not died for any of you, neither is
he your Master, but Christ only, and you should confess Christ.
But if you hold that Luther's doctrine is evangelical and the
Pope's unevangelical, you must not entirely reject Luther ; oth
erwise, with him, you reject his doctrine which you have learned
to know as Christ's doctrine. You must say : ' Whether Luther
be rascal or saint, matters not ; but his doctrine is not his, but
Christ's himself You see that the tyrants are trying not merely
to destroy Luther, but to exterminate his doctrine ; and because
of the doctrine, they feel for you and ask you whether you be
Lutheran. Here truly you must not waver, but must freely con
fess Christ, whether he have been preached by Luther, Claus or
George. The person, you may let go ; but the doctrine, you
must confess." "
The question, then, is simply as to whether the doctrine of
Tyndale was the same as that of Luther. Concerning this, Val
entine Ernst Loscher says : " He who has received his knowl
edge from Luther's -writings, and of whom one has no report that
he has taught in any article otherwise than Luther, may justly be
accounted Evangelical Lutheran, even though he have not lived
in full connection with a Lutheran congregation, or we do not
have from him a confession conceming every article in contro
versy." ™ Loscher' s information concerning Tyndale, however,
is defective.' In all the treatises we have noted, his apprehension
ofthe doctrine of justification by faith in all its relations, and of
the distinction between Law and Gospel, drawn from Luther, is
so clear and full, as to leave little to be desired further. In the
"Obedience of a Christian Man," the doctrine of the Sacra
ments is not treated with the same clearness, and a weakening is
already manifest. Luther's statements concerning baptism ap
pear, however, in the foreground : " The washing without the
word helpeth not ; but through the word it purifieth and cleans-
""Vo. 28: 316.
'^ Ausfiihrliche Histo-ria Motuum, p. 89.

38 The Lutheran Movement in England,
eth." The influence of his friend John Frith, who had embraced
the Zwinglian doctrine made Tyndale hesitate between the two
sides. But he plead with Frith to desist from controversy : "Of
the presence of Christ's body in the Sacrament, meddle as little
as you can, that there appear no division among us. Barnes
will be hot against you. The Saxons are sore on the affirmative;
whether constant or obstinate, I commit it to God. ... I would
have the right use preached, and the presence to be an indiffer
ent thing. . . . To believe that the body of Christ is every
where, though it cannot be proved, hurts no man, that worships
him nowhere save in the faith of his Gospel. ' ' This was written
in 1532, two years before his death. The next year, Frith's im
prisonment in England induced him to write a defence of his
friend's views. Still later he ¦wrote the very mild and moderate
treatise called "A Brief Declaration of the Sacraments." It
directly argues against the Lutheran doctrine. Frith's influence
had gradually overcome that which Luther had so completely
held over this retired scholar, while the very extent of his former
indebtedness to Luther, and the exaggeration of this debt by ene
mies, rendered him more apt to find some point on which to as
sert his independence. But one need only compare Tyndale's
writings with Zwingli's, to find how relatively thorough a Luth
eran, the former always remained. It was impossible for him to
carry out to their consequences what was involved in his later
doctrine of the Lord's Supper.

CHAPTER III.
THE POLITICAL COMPLICATIONS.
Henry VIII, a retarding facfcr. The Divorce Question. Relations to Charles
V and Francis I. Wolsey's Antipathy to Catherine. The Pope's em
barrassment. Wolsey's Overthrow. The Rise of Cranmer. His Con
nection with the Cambridge Lutherans, and with the Boleyns. Ambas
sador to Germany. At Niimberg. The Refoi'mation, Reformers and
Literati of Niimberg. Cranmer finds a wife at Nurnberg. His descrip
tion of the Order of Worship in one of the Niimberg churches. The
Brandenburg-Niirnberg Order of 1533. Opinions of Theologians and
Universities on the Divorce. Melanchthon's Diplomacy. Luther, the
Advocate of Catherine. The Smalcald League, and its Confessional
Basis. Francis I and the French Lutherans. Melanchthon and Mar
garet of Navarre. Henry's efforts to enter the League.
The Evangelical leaven, thus working at the English universi
ties, and carried forth thence, to return to those centers with
increased power, was far more influential, than either the indig
nation deeply felt at the exemption from secular jurisdiction
claimed by the Romish clergy, which found expression especially
in the protests of Henry Standish, or the resentment of the King
at the Pope's refusal to grant him a divorce. The latter factor
seems at first sight to overshadow all else, and to have been the
actual determining cause which effected the break with Rome.
No one can deny that the movement was thereby accelerated.
But the interference of the government on the Protestant side,
before this had sufficiently matured by a true inward growth, was
in the end a misfortune rather than a benefit. If Henry had re
mained the champion of Rome ten years longer, the independent
development of English Protestantism would have been retarded,
and been tempered by the fires of persecution until it might have
(39)

40 The Lutheran Movement in England.
been ready for a complete rejection of hierarchical claims and
tendencies. As things were, the external rupture occurring be
fore the inner separation was complete, it had to meet a crisis
prematurely, and has ever since suffered from the confusion and
compromise between diametrically opposing elements within the
same communion, which resulted.
The zeal of Henry VIII on the Pope's side, when Luther's
hammer startled a sleeping world, is well known. His contro
versy with Luther in 1521, instigated" probably by Cardinal
Wolsey, and entered into by the King in order to exhibit his
acquaintance with scholastic theology, obtained as its reward the
Papal title of Defensor fidei, but with it such a severe handling
from the miner's son that it is doubtful whether he felt himself
repaid. Only a few years elapse, before we find him in negotia
tion with the Wittenberg Reformers, in order to support himself
against the Pope.
The political 'Side ofthe question is so important as to demand
somewhat extended consideration. Henry VIII, had ascended
the throne of England in 15,09, being at that time eighteen years
old. Seven years before, his -elder brother Arthur, had died
after a marriage of four months with Catherine of Aragon,
daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain. Political motives
doubtless conspired with those of the sordid avarice generally
alleged, viz., the retention of the dowry, to influence Henry
VII, to marry her to his second son. But as marriage -with a
brother's wife was clearly forbidden by the canonical law, a dis
pensation of the Poj5e was asked, and readily granted in 1503.
In 1505 already, when sixteen years old, Henry VIII, had en
tered protest in these words; "That whereas he, being under
age was married to the princess Katherine, yet now coming to
be of age, he did not confirm that marriage, but retracted and
annulled it, and would not proceed in it, but intended in full
form of law to void it and break it off. ' ' ' After his accession,
he had the case learnedly argued before him on both sides. The
' Burnet's History of the Ref<rrmation, 1 : 22.

The Political Complications, 41
desirability of a close alliance with Spain, and the attractive
character of Catherine, for the time silenced all scruples; and the
marriage was publicly celebrated June 3d, 1509. Two sons born
of this marriage died shortly after birth. Only Mary, afterwards
Queen, survived infancy.
It was the great ambition of Henry to control the politics of
Europe. His great rival, who in large measure gained the posi
tion to which Henry aspired, was the Emperor Charles V. In
Charles' opinion, Francis I of France was a more formidable an
tagonist. Both rulers, therefore, competed for Henry's favor.
Charles repeatedly made promises which were never fulfilled.
Cardinal Wolsey was twice assured that he would succeed to, the
Papacy at the very next vacancy ; and twice, Charles saw to it
that the promise was broken. In 1522, Charles promised to
marry his cousin, the princess Mary ; but five years later, not
being inclined to wait for a bride who was only ten years old,
excused himself upon the ground that she was the child of an
unlawful marriage.
It was not, then, a mere fancy for. Anne Boleyn which sug
gested the thought of divorce. The same desire to secure an
undisputed succession (for so far England had never been ruled
by a queen) which led Napoleon to his wrong against Josephine,
undoubtedly had much force, augmented, as it was, by the su
perstitious inferences which he drew from the death of his sons,
as a divine judgment because of the supposed unlawful marriage,
and by the dogmatic statements of his favorite schoolman,
Thomas Aquinas. We have no doubt that he read every sen
tence of the chapters in the supplement to the Summa Summa-
raw, treating " Of the Impediments to Marriage," and that his
eye lingered on the conclusion of Art. VI. Quest. LV. : " Pre
ceding affinity not only hinders marriage that is to be contracted
but also destroys that which has been already contracted;" and
that he weighed carefully the arguments of Art. IX., which insist
that the same rule must be applied to affinity as to consanguinity,
and that in both cases, the continuance of the marriage, when

42 The Lutheran Movement in England.
the original wrong has been discovered, is a mortal sin. Not
necessarily a tender conscience, but a regard for that consistency,
in which, as the sworn defender of Roman orthodoxy he prided
himself, contributed much to the result, and led him even to
doubt the Pope's authority to give any dispensation.
But there was a power behind the throne. Wolsey's coarse
and licentious character, and his arrogant and arbitrary proceed
ings were in the highest degree offensive to the pure minded
queen ; and a personal antagonism between them was the result.
Besides she was not without considerable political influence, the
Privy Council being summoned before her at times for the dis
cussion of pending questions. She was a Spaniard; and her
sympathies were against France. It was Wolsey's policy, at this
period, to make the separation from the Emperor the widest, and,
if possible, to form an alliance with France. "If a definitive
rupture was to take place between England and the Burgundo-
Spanish power, Henry's marriage with Catherine must be dissolved,
and room thus made for a French princess. Wolsey formed the
plan of marrying his King in Catherine's stead, with the sister or
even the daughter of Francis I. When he was in France in
1527, he said to the Regent, the King's mother, that within a
year she would live to see two things, the most complete separa
tion of his sovereign from Spain, and his indissoluble union with
France.'"' Such being the case, it was not wonderful that Wolsey's influ
ence with his subordinates, determined the opinion of all the
bishops in England, the bishop of Rochester (Fisher) alone ex
cepted, in favor of the divorce. The queen, ho'Wever, refused to
recognize any authority capable of deciding the question, below
that of the Pope. Clement VII was reluctant to interfere on
either side, and advised Henry to act on his own responsibility;
but, at length, after an ineffectual attempt, through his legate,
Cardinal Campeggi, to induce Catherine to yield her claims,
was compelled to decide against the King, partly in order to
' Ranke's England, 1 : 122.

The Political Complications. 43
maintain the sanctity of papal dispensations, and partly because
of the overpowering influence of the Emperor, who in 1527 had
humbled his spiritual father, captured Rome and held him pris
oner for months. Charles was unyielding in his opposition to
the divorce, not only because of their political rivalry, but also
because Queen Catherine was his aunt, and, however inconsistent
with his own repudiation of Princess Mary in 1522, he regarded
Henry's course as an indignity to his family. As the Pope was
thus subservient to the Emperor, Henry took matters into his own
hands in a sense far different from that to which he had been pre
viously advised by the former. Wolsey fell, horrified that, in
stead of a French princess, Anne Boleyn was in view, and Thom.as
Crumwell rose (1530). Archbishop Warham died ; and Cranmer
was summoned from Germany to succeed, with much reluctance,
to the see of Canterbury.
As this brings before us the most prominent figure in the Eng
lish Reformation, it is fitting that some account of Cranmer
should be here given. He was born of an ancient family in
Nottingham, July 2d, 1489. His boyhood was largely devoted
to the sports an'd exercises of the English gentry, to which his
father belonged. After his father's death, he was sent, at the
age of fourteen, to Cambridge, where, until he was twenty-two,
his attention was given almost exclusively to the subtilties of
scholasticism. After 15 ix, he fell under the influence of Eras
mus. . "He gave himself to the reading of Faber, Erasmus,
and good Latin authors, four or five years together, unto the
time that Luther began to write And then, considering what
great controversy was in matters of religion, not only in trifles,
but in the chiefest articles of our salvation, be bent himself to
try out the truth therein. And forasmuch as he perceived he
could not judge indifferently in such weighty matters, without
the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures ; therefore, before he was
infected with any man's opinions or errors, he applied his whole
-study three years therein. After this, he gave his mind to good
writers, both new and old ; not rashly running over them ; for

44 The Lutheran Movement in England.
he was a slow reader, but a diligent marker of whatsoever he read,
seldom reading without pen in hand. And whatsoever made
either for the one part, or the other, of things in controversy, he
wrote it out, if it were short, or at least noted the author, and
the place, that he might find it, and write it out at leisure ; which
was a great help to him in debating of matters ever after. This
kind of study, he used till he was made doctor of divinity :
which was about the thirty-fourth year of his age. and about the
yearr523."« Before this, by marrying, he had lost his fellowship in Jesus'
College, and became lecturer in another of the colleges of Cam
bridge ; but his wife dying, he had soon been restored to his old
fellowship. He had been selected among the band of scholars
(Clark, Cox, Taverner, etc.,) to be transferred to Cardinal Wol
sey's new College at Oxford, but declined. He became lecturer
on divinity in Jesus' College, and examiner of candidates for
theological degrees ; and his examination laid special stress upon
the candidates' proficiency in Holy Scripture. At this time,
Henry called upon the theologians of the Universities for their
opinions concerning his divorce. Cranmer was found to be one
of the few who from the beginning favored it. The King at
once demanded his services, and had him assigned a home at
Durham with Sir Thomas Boleyn, father of the future queen,
while he wrote a book in the cause of Henry. Boleyn was also
an earnest student of the Word of God, as Strype * quotes from
Erasmus, who, in a letter to Sir Thomas, says : " I do the more
congratulate your happiness, when I observe the sacred scriptures
to be so dear to a man, as you are, of power, one of the laity and
a courtier." Cranmer's home in her father's house, had much
to do with Anne Boleyn's future connection with the cause of
the Reformation. After this, he had to personally appear and
argue the matter in both universities. We next find him engaged
in answering a book of Cardinal Pole's against the divorce. Then,
' Strype's Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, 1 : 3.
*Ib. p. 8.

The Political Complications. 45
in 1530, he was sent on the same mission to France, Italy and
Germany. At Rome he remained for several months, but with
no success. He soon appears as ambassador from England to
Germany. The Emperor being a long time during the year 1532 at Rat-
isbon (Regensburg), in attendance on the Diet, Cranmer was
with him there, and made visits to the city of Niimberg, fifty-
three miles distant, to confer with the Elector of Saxony, where,
of course, he became a deeply interested spectator of all the
changes which the Reformation had wrought in that city since
its introduction in 1524. At Niirnberg, he found the place of
which Luther had written, that it "shines throughout all Ger
many, like the sun amidst moon and stars," and which Melanch
thon had called " Lumen, oculum, decus et ornamentum prae-
cipuum Germaniae " Longfellow has sung of it:
Quaint old town of toil and traffic, quaint old town of art and song,
Memories haunt thy pointed gables, like the rooks that round them throng :
Memories of the Middle Ages, when the emperors, rough and bold.
Had their dwelling in thy castle, time-defying, centuries old.
In the church of sainted Sebald, sleeps enshrined hig holy dust,
And, in bronze, the Twelve Apostles guard from age to age their trust.
In the church of sainted Lawrence, stands a pix of sculpture rare,
Like the foamy sheaf of fountains, rising through the painted air.
Here when Art was still religion, with a simple, reverent heart,
Lived and labored Albrecht Diirer, the Evangelist of Art ;
Emigrant is the inscription on the tombstone where he lies ;
Dead he is not — but departed — for the artist never dies.
Here was the Gymnasium that boasted of Melanchthon, as its
founder, and at whose dedication, he had delivered the address.
Here Staupitz had preached years before, and Luther had visited
on his way to Augsburg in 1518. It had been the home ofthe
humanist Perkheimer, who, on account of his friendship for
Luther, had been named in the Pope's bull against the reformer.
Here Albrecht Diirer the great painter had died in 1528. Among

46 The Lutheran Movement in England,
those whom Cranmer doubtless met, was the jurist, Lazarus
Spengler, who had been a deputy from Niirnberg to the Diet of
Augsburg in 1530. He was the author of the hymn Durch
Adam' s Fall ist ganz rerderbt, and had shared Perkheimer's
honor of being included in the bull against Luther. An
other celebrity of Nurnberg then living, was Hans Sachs.
" Not thy Councils, not thy Kaisers, win for thee the world's regard ;
But thy painter, Albrecht Diirer, and Hans Sachs, thy cobbler-bard."
Among the theologians, were Camerarius, the intimate friend,
correspondent and biographer of Melanchthon, who was Profes
sor in the Gymnasium, and also had been a deputy to Augsburg;
Wenceslaus Link, preacher of St. Sebald's church, and the inti
mate friend of the Wittenberg reformers ; and Andrew Osiander,
preacher in St. Lorenz church, who had participated both in the
Marburg Colloquy and in the conferences of the theologians at
the Diet of Augsburg, with John Brentz, sharing the part of Me
lanchthon's chief counselor. With Osiander, Cranmer soon became
especially intimate. He persuaded him to write in favor of Henry' s
divorce, and Cranmer, in turn, urged the preparation for publica
tion, ofOsiander's " Harmony of the Gospels." Then Osian-
der's niece captivated the heart of the English ambassador, so
that the future Archbishop of Canterbury took to himself a Luth
eran wife. The intimacy thus begun, was continued for years.
The correspondence was frequent and extended. Long after
wards (1540) Cranmer wrote to Osiander that he was always re
proached for whatever faults could be charged upon the German
reformers, and "that he was fain to make the best answers he
could, either-out of their books or out of his own invention. ' ' *
Cranmer's first visit to Niirnberg was before March 14th, and
even then, he closely observed and criticized the Order of Ser
vice in use. We learn this from an interesting letter of Sir
Thomas Eliot : " Touching Nurenberg, it is the moste propre
towne and best ordered publike weale that ever I beheld. . . .
Although I had a chaplayn, yet could I not be suffred to have
^ Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, 1 : 180.

The Political Complications, 47
him sing Mass, but was constrayned to here there Mass, which is
but one in a churche, and that is celebrate in forme folowing :
The Preeste in vestments, after oure manner, singith everi thing
in Latine, as we use, omitting suffrages. The Epistel he readeth
in Latin. In the meane time, the sub-Deacon goeth into the
pulpite and readeth to the people the Epistle in their -vulgare ;
after thei peruse other things as our prestes doo. Than the
Preeste redith softly the Gospell in Latine. In the meane space
the Deacon goeth into the pulpite, and readith aloude the Gos
pell in the Almaigne tung. Mr. Cranmere sayith it was shewid
to him that in the Epistles and Gospels, thei kept not the ordre
that we doo, but doo peruse every daye one chapitre of the New
Testament. After, the preste and the quere do sing the Credo
as we doo ; the secretes and preface they omitt, and the priest
singith, with a high voyce, the wordes of the consecration ; and
after the Levation, the Deacon torneth to the people, telling to
them in Almaigne tunge a longe process how thei: shold prepare
theim selfes to the communion of the flesh and blode of Christ ;
and than may every man come that listith, without going to any
confession. But I, lest I sholde be partaker of their commun-
yon, departid than, and the Ambassador of Fraunce, which
caused all the people in the churche to wonder at us as though
we had been gretter heretikes than thei. One thing liked me
well (to shew your Grace freely my hart.) All the preestes hadd
wyves ; and thei were the fayrist women of the towne." °
The service, thus described was to be replaced the next year
by the Brandenburg-Nurnberg Kirchenordnvng, in course of
preparation that very summer, during which the Wiirtemberg re
former, John Brentz, spent six weeks in joint labor with Osiander.
in the very house where Cranmer met his bride. He heard there
the Exhortation to the Communion composed by Wolfgang Vol-
precht (f 1528) who in 1524, had administered the Holy Com
munion for the first time in both forms, to three thousand per
sons. This "Exhortation" is familiar to us, from its use in a
° Ellis, Original Letters, III, vol. II : p. 189.

48 The Lutheran Movement in England.
somewhat condensed form in the " Church Book " and " Com
mon Order of Service."
Cranmer having gained the confidence of Osiander was proba
bly admitted into the full knowledge of the grievances from
which Osiander was then complaining. Notoriously arbitrary
and head-strong, he at first had regarded it his right to prepare
a liturgy without any aid or assistance; and the interference of
Spengler, in an attempt to secure the co-operr.tion of others, was
indignantly resented, until Osiander was at length obliged to
yield, and Brentzwas called in to mediate. Nor is it improbable
that Cranmer learned much of the details of tbe work in con
templation or even in progress. He certainly knew of the great
desire of the Lutheran theologians to unite upon one Common
Order of Service, and thus remove the reproach that in our
Church, there was nothing but disorder. ' Cranmer's presence
in Niirnberg, therefore, was destined to bear rich fruit in Eng
land in years to come.
As Bucer in 1536 dedicated to Cranmer his " Metaphrasis et
Enarratio." on tbe Epistle to the Romans, in a flattering letter,
it is probable that about the same time as that of the events above
mentioned, they also had met.
But to return to the question of the divorce. The -negotiations
in which Cranmer was engaged met with varied results. Oxford,
after three months controversy, decided just as the King wished.
Cambridge, with much difficulty, was induced to follow, the Lu
theran element there 'having been, in Burnet's opinion, a most
serious obstacle. Richard Crook was sent to Italy to make re
searches, examine Greek manuscripts, copy everything in the Fa
thers relating to degrees of marriage and obtain the opinions of
learned Jews. Money was freely used, and bought precisely
such opinions as suited Henry. Franciscans, Dominicans, Ser .
vites. Conventuals, the University of Padua, the divines of Bono-
nia and Ferrara, the faculty of the Canon Law at Paris, that at
the Sorbonne, that of Law at Anglers, of Divinity of Bourges,
"< Acta HUt. Eccles. XLIX: 718.

The Political Complications. 49
and the whole University of Toulouse, coincided with won
derful harmony. Among the Reformed, Oecolainpadius favored,
but Bucer opposed the king ; Zwingli advised that the marriage
be dissolved, yet with the legitimization of the issue born in it-
Calvin also -declared the marriage void, and advised that the
queen be put away. Fortified by these opinions, Cranmer, who,
during his stay in Germany, had not succeeded in gaining for
his side any Lutheran opinions, except that of Osiander, after
holding an ecclesiastical court for the trial of the case, pro
nounced the marriage null and void (May 23d, 1533). In the
succeeding year, 1534, the Papal authority was completely abol
ished by the necessary legislation, ''The Act of Supremacy,"
investing the King with the supreme headship on earth of the
Church of England; while in 1535, Crumwell was made vice
gerent for the King in all ecclesiastical matters, outranking even
the Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Wittenberg theologians had not been neglected in the re
quest for opinions concerning the divorce. In August and Sep
tember, 1531, Dr, Robert Barnes, whose open advocacy of Luth
eranism already in 1526 has been noticed, appears at Wittenberg
on a commission from the king. Melanchthon's opinion of Aug.
23d, shows the general character of this great scholar as an
ecclesiastical diplomatist, in seeking a most unfortunate com
promise between two antagonistic positions. First hd attempts
to demonstrate that the prohibition of marriage with the wife of
a deceased brother given in Leviticus, belongs to the Ceremonial
Law, and is no longer binding. If it were binding, he argues
that the other provision compelling a brother to marry his broth
er's widow, if the -first marriage be without children, must also
be enforced. Regarding the marriage, therefore, as entirely
lawful, he urges that a divorce would be sinful, on the ground
that the divine law is immutable in its prohibition of divorce
extra casum adulterii. The queen must always have the place
of a lawful wife ; and Mary be regarded a legitimate daughter.
But if the succession is to be guarded, he has another remedy to
5

50 The Lutheran Movement in England.
propose. " This can be done without any peril to the conscience
or reputation of any one, 'hy polygamy (! ! !). Although I would
not concede polygamy as a common matter, yet in this emergency,
on account of its great advantage to the .kingdom, possibly on
account of the conscience of the king, I say that it would be
safest for the king to marry a second, without repudiating his
first wife. . . . Abraham, David and other holy men had many
wives," etc.* In our admiration of the rare gifts of Melanch
thon, and the eminent service which he rendered the cause of
Christ, we ought not to close our eyes to the mistakes into which
he was often betrayed whenever he entered the field of politics,
and allowed considerations of temporary expediency to prevail.
Luther's judgment of two weeks later shows how deeply he was
exercised by the -v\;rong proposed. " If the adversaries carry the
king with them, let our men try with all their might at least to
keep the queen from in any way consenting to the divorce. Let
her rather die than become an accomplice to such a crime in
God's sight, and let her most firmly believe that she is the true
and legitimate Queen of England, made so by God himself If
they cannot save the king (which may God avert), let them at
least save the soul of the queen, so that if the divorce cannot be
prevented she may bear this great evil as her cross, but in no
way approve or consent to it. Since I can do nothing else, my
prayer is directed to God that Christ may hinder this divorce
and make void the counsels of Ahithopel in persuading it, and
that the queen may have firm faith and constant assurance that
she is and will be Queen of England, even thoiigh the gates of
the world and of hell may oppose. " " As to the succession, Lu
ther suggests what Henry may have recalled years afterwards,
when he asks as to what assurance the king has that the child of
any other marriage would be a son.^° While there is one clause
in his opinion of eleven pages, declaring that even polygamy
SMel. Opera, C. R. II: 520-537.
' De Wette's Luther's Briefen, IV : 306.
¦»Ib. p. 296.

The Political Complications. 51
would be preferable to a divorce, there is no more evidence of
such an expedient being seriously proposed by Luther as it was
by Melanchthon, than that he advised suicide when he declared
that the queen should die rather than become an accomplice to a
crime. We are at once impressed by the candor of Luther, when
contrasted with fhe course of the Pope. The latter sought to
evade the difficulty by persuading the queen to surrender her
claims ; the former urges that the queen especially must be urged
not to yield an hair's-breadth. To him it is a question neither of
ecclesiastical nor civil policy, but one of fidelity in his testimony
to the truth involved.- There is another judgment given by the
entire body of Wittenberg theologians, found in Burnet's His
tory, Vol. II : Doc. No. 35, and in Melanchthon's Works, C. R.
II: 523, which shows such a divergence in the character of the
arguments adduced, so that though the conclusion is the same,
some of the prem.ises have been entirely changed, that the differ
ence would be inexplicable, if we had not the clue given in Seck-
endorf, " that in the archives at Weimar, the original is dated
1536, a suggestion which is confirmed by the fact that it is not
the single legate of 1531, but the three legates of 1535 and 1536,
who are there mentioned.
These answers, however, did not repel the king of England
from seeking further aid at Wittenberg when he needed it. Al
though the Pope had been defied, Henry dreaded far more the
wrath of the Emperor, and sought for such Continental alliances
¦ as might strengthen his position. The Smalcald League had
been formed, March 29th, 1531, between the Lutheran confed
erates, the Elector of Saxony, the Dukes Philip Ernst and Franz
of Bruns-wick-Liineburg, the Landgrave Philip of Hesse, Prince
Wolfgang of Anhalt, Counts Gebhardt and Albrecht of Mans-
feld, and the cities of Strassburg, Ulm, Constance, Reutlingen,
Memmingeii, Lindau, Biberach, Issni, Liibeck, Magdeburg and
Bremen. On -July 23d, 1532, the league concluded with the
Emperor the Religious Peace pf Nurnbgrg, guaranteeing, until
"III: 212.

52 The Lutheran Movement in England.
the convening of a General Council, peace to all the Confeder
ates, by name, upon the stipulation that "they make no further
and other innovation beyond the Confession, Assent'^ and
4^^/<7g7. presented at Augsburg, and that which agrees therewith,
according to a lawful. Christian and just sense, and that they in
troduce no ceremonies adverse to, or >vhich do not agree with
the Augsburg Confession and the Apology. ' ' "
These terms by no means satisfied the Landgrave, and a num
ber of the theologians, as Urbanus Riegius, Erhard Schnepf,
Antony Corvinus, etc., who were averse to the acceptance of
any pledge of peace which did not secure protection also for all
who should hereafter accept the Confessional, basis, Riegius
maintaining that the peace proposed was worse than war. " But
Luther urged the more moderate course, and succeeded in hav
ing it adopted. '^
The League thus formed became a very important factor in the
politics of Europe. It was to the interest of both Francis I. of
France, and Henry VIIL, to have its sympathy and co-operation
in their plans against the Emperor, or, at least, to prevent its mem
bers from giving the Emperor their support. Francis, in order
to break the confederacy between the Pope and the Emperor,
had in October, 1533, formed a compact with the former at
Marseilles, according to which his son, Henry, married Cath
erine de Medici, the niece of the Pope. But his plans failed by
the death of Clement VII. in the succeeding October. Foiled
thus in his efforts to use the Papal power against the Emperor, he
next turned to the Lutheran princes. In February, 1535, he
¦wrote to them a long letter, among other things apologizing for
the persecution of the French Lutherans, by the assurance that
no German within his realm has suffered. '* Then follows some
'^"This term added because of those who after the diet of IS30, had as
sented to the Confession." Seckendorf III : 24.
" Ib. pp. 24, 25.
1* Ib. p. 22.
1' Ib. ; De Wette's Luther's Briefen, IV : 369, 373, 380.
i«For letter, see C. R. II : 828.

The Political Complications, 53
correspondence between Melanchthon and Cardinal Bellay, re
sulting in an invitation to the former to visit France in order to
effect an agreement in doctrine with the French theologians.
Even prior to these negotiations, in the preceding August, Me
lanchthon, possibly at the suggestion of Margaret of Navarre,
sister of Francis, and favorably disposed to the Lutheran cause,
had transmitted an outline of doctrine according to which he
proposed to reconcile the differences. But as cruelties towards
Protestants in France were not abated, and the princes deemed
the pledges even of the Emperor more trustworthy than any that
could be offered by the king, Melanchthon's desire to accept the
invitation was denied by the Elector. At the meeting of the
Smalcald League in December, Cardinal Bellay is present with
new propositions, " only to hear his schemes, intended purely for
political expediency, answered by the admirable Confession that
" the League had been established among them for no other
reasons than for the pure Word of God, and for preserving and
propagating the sound doctrine of faith. ' ' Bent on war, how
ever, Francis at last found an ally in the Turks ; and hostilities
began in 1536.
These difficulties of the Emperor were propitious to Henry,
and he hastened to make the best of them. If he could only be
admitted into the Smalcald League, and be made its chief, he
imagined that he would soon humble both Pope and Emperor,
and that Francis also might be made pay a severe penalty for not
having espoused his cause. For the League had begun to show
an aggressive spirit. The Emperor's brother, Ferdinand, had
been compelled by the Landgrave to surrender the royal power
of Wiirtemberg, and to restore it to Duke Ulrich, who in 1534,
introduced the Reformation. The League itself was just about
extending its provisions to the limits for which Riegius and his
associates had so urgently plead to no effect in 1532. The pur
pose was being formed which at last was regularly adopted in
December, 1535, in the enactment " that all be received into the
" C. R. II : 1009 sqq.

54 The Lutheran Movement in England,
League who have applied for admission, or shall hereafter apply,
provided that they purely, freely and openly confess God and his
Gospel, love peace, and live as becomes honorable and upright
men."" 1' Seckendorf, III : lOO.

CHAPTER IV.
THE ENGLISH COMMISSION TO WITTENBERG.
•
Preliminary Negotiations. Melanchthon's letter to Henry VIII. Renewed
Negotiations, and Correspondence. Melanchthon invited to England.
The Augsburg Confession as a Basis of Union. The Third Series of
Negotiations. Sketches of Fox and Heath. The Oration of Fox. The
The Thirteen Articles of 1535. Henry entangled in his own toils. The
Discussions at Wittenberg. Diplomacy vs. Faith. The Augsburg Con
fession under Debate. The Ambassadors won. The Repetitio. Chief
difiiculty, with the articles on " Abuses." Henry demands an Amend
ment. The Convention at Frankfort. The Proposed Embassy to Eng
land.
We have thus far noticed how the truly evangelical element
connected with the English Reformation was working at those
great centers of religious thought and life, the two great Eng
lish uuiversities, notwithstanding all the opposition which the
power of the government could interpose, until finally politi
cal motives caused Henry's break with the Pope, and induced
him to try to turn to his own service, a.nd to control and
lead the very movement against which he had been pre
viously arrayed. Unchanged in principle, and guided solely by
secular considerations, he sought to be the head of Protestantism,
not only in his own land, but on the Continent, and to direct
its course in a channel far different from that which it first took,
when, with irrepressible force, the yearning of the heart for the
assurance of forgiveness of sins burst through the bonds which
had been interposed between the sin-burdened soul and its God.
In accordance with this plan of Henry to become master of the
Lutheran Smalcald League, Dr. Robert Barnes, was on March
nth, 153s, once more in Wittenberg. Melanchthon writes on
(55)

56 The Lutheran Movement in England.
that date to his friend Camerarius, and inserts several Greek sen
tences to the effect that "a stranger has come to us, sent from
Britain, treating only of the second marriage of the king ; but,
as he says, the king has no concern for the affairs of the Church,"
and then he adds in Latin : " There is this advantage about it,
that no cruelty is now exercised against those of the purer doc
trine." ^ Two days later Melanchthon, at the suggestion of Dr.
Barnes, wrote Henry a letter " whose ternis of extravagant praise
of the king recall the sagacious diplomat rather than the sober
and discriminating theologian. "Your Royal Majesty ought
justly to be loved by all good men on account of your eminent
moderation and justice." His reign is praised as "the golden
age" of Britain. Then after having completely fulfilled in
many words of flattery, the rule of the great Latin writer on Ora
tory, first to make the hearer well-disposed, he introduces the sug
gestion, to which Archbishop Laurence in his Bampton Lectures
on The Thirty-nine Articles, ' ascribes the origin of the formu
laries of faith which were promulgated during the reign of
Henry. "I have no doubt," he writes, " that the controversies
concerning religion would be mitigated if your Royal Majesty
were to use your authority both to bend other kings to modera
tion and to deliberate with learned men concerning the kind of
doctrine. For it is in no way a doubtful matter that some abuses
which are not to be dissembled, have insinuated themselves into
the church, and that kings are not taking pains to have a simple
and sure form of doctrine issued" ; and then he adds that "care
ought to be taken that cruelty.be not inflicted upon good men."
In August, Melanchthon dedicates to Henry the edition of his
Loci of 1535, not as a patron, but as a censor, whom in the most
courtly language he asks to study and criticise the book. The
iC. R. II: 851.
'C. R. II: 861-864.
' " Nor is it too much to suppose, that the formularies of faith, which were
promulgated in the reign of Henry, originated in the advice of Melanchthon,
as contained in a letter to that Prince, dated March 3, [13] 1535." Arch- ¦
bishop Laurence's Lectures, Fourth Edition, Oxford, 1853, p. 200.

The English Commission to Wittenberg. 57
whole document is a most earnest plea for attention above all
things to reformation in doctrine. "It is manifest," he -writes,
" that some chief articles of Christian doctrine have lain for a
long time enveloped in densest darkness. When the works of
some learned and good men began to be produced from this, at
once unusual severity, unworthy of the lenity which should char
acterize the Church, began to be exercised. Not only are good
and learned men put to death, and abuses confirmed, but zeal for
Christian doctrine is altogether extinguished." — "Good and
wise princes should seek for suitable remedies. Why is it that
they are under any obligations to preserve the Church for poster
ity ? This Church will indeed be rent asunder in infinite ways,
unless some plan be adopted for the propagation to posterity, of a
godly and sure form of doct-rine." "I have thought it ofthe
highest importance to present this document to you, the most
learned of all kings, that from it, rather than from the calumnies
of others, your Majesty may form a judgment concerning me, and
the entire kind of doctrine, with which I am employed." * Dip
lomatic as the methods of Melanchthon are, yet back of them we
find the earnest effort to win the king and his kingdom over to
the truth of the Gospel. His heart is set upon the propagation
ofthe pure doctrine of God's Word, and not upon any scheme
of ecclesiastical polity, or any other external relations. The book
was entrusted to Alexander Alesius, a Scotchman, to carry, to
gether with a letter to Cranmer, to England.
About the middle of September, while the plague was raging
at Wittenberg, Dr. Barnes returned with a three-fold proposi
tion: I. Would an embassy or ambassador be received, who would
be sent for the purpose of conferring calmly with Dr. Luther and
the others doctors concerning certain articles ?
2. Would Melanchthon be allowed to visit England, in order
to confer with the King ?
3. The King would not be averse to connection with the Smal-
*C. R. II: 921 sqq.

58 The Lutheran Movement in England.
cald League, provided a place were accorded him proportioned
to his rank, and the articles of faith which the League was
pledged to defend, were transmitted to him.
Even Luther becomes sanguine as to the result, and unites
with Jonas, Cruciger and Bugenhagen in a most urgent petition
that the Elector give Dr Barnes an audience. "Who knows,"
they write, "what God will work? His wisdom is higher, and
his will better than ours. ' ' '
The Elector's answer to Dr. Barnes, of September 21st, is im
portant :
I. The doctors of the University shall be directed to meet
the proposed legate, attentively hear him, and confer with him in
the spirit of love.
2. The question concerning Melanchthon's leave of absence
must be deferred until after the return of the other professors to
Wittenberg. 3. The terms of the admission of the King of England into
the League cannot be decided by the Elector, since he can act
only for himself; and has no authority to speak for his colleagues.
But one thing is sure. If the King and the Elector are to be
members of the League at the same time, the former must be pre
pared to cordially accept and subscribe the Augsbuarg Confession.
" We will never reject the correct and pure doctrine of the Gos
pel, useful to the Church, which both our Most Illustrious Fath
ers and we, with the other allies, confessed at the Diet of Augs
burg before the Most Invincible Emperor, our Most ^Clement
Lord, and the other princes and the States of the Roman Em
pire." *
On leaving. Dr. Barnes took with him a letter written for the
Elector by Melanchthon, September .26th, professing much affec
tion for the king, not only because of the unbroken friendship
between the rulers of Saxony and the Kings of England, but
chiefly "since we have learned that your Serene Highness is
5 De Wette's Luther's Briefen, IV : 633.
«C. R. II: 942.

The English Commission to "Wittenberg, 59
possessed of a great desire to reform the doctrine of religion. For
this is a care especially worthy the highest kings ; nor can they
who govern states, render God any service more grateful. Nor
can it be dissembled that many faults have for many generations
insinuated themselves into the Church, through the negligence
and cupidity of the Roman pontiffs, and that these have need to
be corrected. If your Serene Majesty, therefore, will devote his
zeal to reforming the doctrine and correcting ecclesiastical abuses,
he will in the first place jnake a most pleasing sacrifice to God,
and, in the second, will deserve well from the whole Church,
and all posterity." '
A few days later (October rst), Henry, using his new title of
"Supreme Head on Earth of the English Church," acknowledges
Melanchthon's courtesy in the dedication of his Loci, by a brief
note, assuring him of the gratification it had afforded, compli
menting the author's learning, but affording no trace of any se
rious attention paid to the treatment of doctrine.' The letter
was accompanied by a present of two hundred crowns, and the
promise that Crumwell would communicate with him further.
Burnet regards Melanchthon's invitation to England at this time,
simply as a plan which Henry had adopted to counteract the
effect upon Melanchthon and the Elector, of the similar invitation
which had been received from the French king.
The King of England had thus far been made to plainly un
derstand that, while the Lutheran princes and theologians were
kindly disposed to the English people, and deeply interested in
their welfare, questions of faith and the reformation in doctrine
overshadowed all others, and no imion could be even for a moment
entertained that had not as its basis the unreserved acceptance of
the Confessional basis laid at Augsburg. This will still further
appear in what is to follow.
Early in November r535, there were further conferences with
Barnes and other English legates.^ Melanchthon, who so often
¦¦1^944.8 lb. 948.
9 C. R. II : 967 sqq.

6o The Lutheran Movement in England,
was called into service to prepare State papers in which religious
questions were* involved, wrote for the Elector on November
1 7th, a letter which accepted the professed earnestness of the
king, in regard to a religious reform as though it were serious,
¦and informed him that so far as he and his associates were con
cerned their purpose is: "In this cause, nothing else but that
the glory of Christ may be proclaimed, and godly and sound
doctrine, harmonizing with the Holy Scriptures be restored to
the whole world. ... Let not the King of England have the
least doubt but that the confederated princes and states are of
such a mind, that since, by God's blessing, they have learned to
know the truth of the gospel, so also they will use all care and
diligence, throughout all life in defending this holy and godly
doctrine, and, by God's help, will never depart from the truth
which they have learned. It is, indeed, very agreeable for the
princes and confederated states to learn that the King also de
sires to aid the pure doctrine ; and they pray that he may con
tinue in this opinion." Then, after stating how necessary har
mony among the members of the League on this subject, is, he
continues : " Nor do those embraced in this confederation have
among them any dissent in doctrine or opinions with respect to
faith, and they hope by God's *id to persevere and be harmon
ious in that doctrine which they confessed at the Diet of Augs
burg before the Emperor and the entire Roman Empire. ' '
They close by expressing their great gratification that the King
of England is of such a mind as to desire to agree with them in
the matter of Evangelical religion and doctrine, being ready to
declare, on every possible occasion his favor in, and zeal for, this
most holy cause, as becomes a King of Christian and evangelical
doctrine, and to afford with the greatest diligence every ineans
for advancing the cause ofthe Gospel."
Two more influential English commissioners now appeared
upon the scene, representing more directly Henry than did Dr.
Barnes in whom, the King had thus far used an agent, already
committed to Lutheranism, and serviceable chiefly because it was

The English Commission to Wittenberg. 6i
«
supposed that he would most likely be heard by the Reformers.
Among the English clergy of that period, the names of Edward
Fox and Nicholas Heath, are of the very first rank.
Fox was unquestionably one of the most brilliant men of his
day. A graduate of Eton and Cambridge, his very first sermon
had so captivated the King that he at once becarhe his chaplain.
He had been the King's Almoner, as well as Secretary of State.
His gifts shone especially in the pulpit, where "his exposition
was so thorough and clear, that the inference might be drawn
that all his time was occupied with Biblical studies ; his division
was so analytical, as to give the impression that his attention had
been devoted chiefly to Logic ; while his development was as
rich in thought, as though he had laid all the fathers and school
men under contribution. ' ' "
Cooper, in his Athenae Cantabrigienses, says, that he was called
" the wonder of the University and darling of the court," that
" he had a vast capacity for business and was an able and suit
able negotiator," and that his skill as a diplomatist expressed it
self in several proverbs that have become current phrases with
posterity, as " The surest way to peace is a constant prepared
ness for war;" "Two things support a government; Gold to
reward its friends, and iron to keep down its enemies ;" " Time
and I, -will challenge any in the world," etc. He had been sent
by Wolsey to Rome in 151 8 to negotiate with the Pope concern
ing the proposed divorce: He had been the prominent member
of an embassy to France. He was largely instrumental in dis
covering Cranmer, and starting the series of events by which the
latter became Primate of the English Church. He had fought
the battle of Cambridge where after a long resistance, the nulUty
of the first marriage was affirmed. Although greatly distrusted
by the Elector and Melanchthon, this visit to Germany seems to
have, decided his theological position, as after his return to Eng
land, he becomes the leading representative of Lutheran opinion
'"H. L. Benthem's Neu-eroffneter Engelandischer Kirch und Schulen-
Staat, p. 889 sqq.

62 The Lutheran Movement in England.
in the negotiations that follow, and in the preparation of Henry's
first formulary ; even though he be open to the charge of incon
sistency. Unfortunately his career was but a brief one, as he
died in 1538.
The third of the envoys especially fascinated Melanchthon,
who in his private letters cannot speak in sufficiently high terms
of his scholarship and character. Nicholas Heath, (born about
1 501), educated at Oxford and Cambridge, had been chaplain to
Wolsey, and at the time when sent to Germany, was Heury VIII's
own chaplain. After some wavering, in 1548 he identified him
self with the Roman Cathohc side; in 1555 became Archbishop
of York, and afterwards Lord High Chancellor of England. It
was Heath who, under the reign of Mary, was to issue the writ
for the execution of Cranmer, No less than two hundred and
seventeen persons were to be put to death for Evangelical con
victions when he would hold the seal. The executor of Queen
Mary, he was made a member of the Privy Council at the begin
ning of the reign of Elizabeth ; but was soon committed to the
tower and excommunicated. After his release he lived in retire
ment until his death in 1579.
Such were the ambassadors with whom the Lutheran theolo
gians were to treat. At first Luther and Melanchthon were di
rected to meet them at Jena, but Wittenberg was finally desig
nated as the place of conference. Meanwhile, however, the
convention of the League was held at Smalcald. The English
commission was present, and on the 24th of December, Fox, as
their spokesman, delivered an oration. Notes of it were taken by
Spalatin. He claimed that he and his associates were present*
not on behalf of a human cause, but for the sake of the Word of
God and truth. He showed with what incredible zeal and love
in religious matters, their sovereign had been actuated, and how
anxious he was to co-operate with the other princes in propagat
ing the pure knowledge of God. The King, he says, does not
heed the slanders which have been published concerning the
members of the League, but esteems them as evangelical men,

The English Commission to Wittenberg. (t'^
who would neither design, nor commit anything unworthy of
themselves as confessors the Gospel. The King acknowledges
the abuses in the Church of England, and is endeavoring to re
form them. The cause and work of English Christians is the
same as that of their brethren in Germany. ' They should aim at
perfect harmony, and, as its basis, should endeavor to come to
an understanding touching matters of Christian doctrine. Con
cert of action should also be determined, if possible, concerning
the proposed Council. Peace and harmony of Christian doc
trine constitute, however, the very first thing, which, above all
others, is to be settled. " Certainly a most admirable speech 1
On the next day, Christmas, Melanchthon prepared a paper
for the Princes which, after being amended, was adopted, and sub
scribed both by the Elector and Landgrave, and the English
ambassadors, as " The Thirteen Articles of 1535."
As the translation, given in Strype's Memorials of the Reforma-
tion,"is defective, we translate anew from the Corpus Reforma-
torum : "
" I. That the Most Serene King promote the Gospel of Christ,
and the pure doctrine of faith according to the mode in which
the Princes and confederated States confessed it in the diet of
Augsburg, and defended it according to the published Apology, im-
less perhaps some things meanwhile justly seem to require change
or correction from the Word of God by the common consent of
the Most Serene King, and the princes themselves.
II. Also, That the Most Serene King, together with the
Princes and States confederated, defend and maintain the doctrine
af the gospel mentioned, and ceremonies harmonizing with the
gospel in a future general council.
III. That neither the Most Serene King, without the express
consent of the confederated princes and states mentioned, nor
the confederated princes and states mentioned, without the ex-

1^ lb. pp. 1028 sqq.
" Ib. V : pp. 559 sqq.
^' II : pp. 1032 sqq.

64 The Lutheran Movement in England.
press consent of the Most Serene King mentioned, consent or
assent to any call for a general council, which the Pope of Rome,
present or future, or any one else, whatever be the pretence of
authority, now makes or shall make, nor agree to any place of a
future Council, or to ^he Council itself, but that all these things
be conducted and done with.the advice and consent of the King
and princes, provided, nevertheless, that if certainly, and by just
arguments and reasons, it appear that such a Christian, free and
general council have been called, as the confederates demand in
their answer to Peter Paulus Vergerius, the ambassador of the
Pope of Rome, such council is not to be refused.
IV. Also, if it should happen that, without the consent of the
Most Serene King and the confederated states, concerning the
place of the council, or the calling of the council, and yet, the
Pope of Rome and the other princes, joined with him in this matter
should determine to proceed to the convening of the council or
rather caucus (conciliabuli), and that, too, in a place upon which
the aforesaid Most Serene King, princes and states have not agreed,
that then, and in that case, the aforesaid Most Serene King, as well
as the aforesaid Most Illustrious Princes and States confederate shall
first strive with all their power, that such calling be hindered and
brought to nought, and reach no result.
V. Secondly that they will make public and formal protests,
and, likewise, cause them to be made by their clg rgy, by which
they will both prove the purity of their faith, and that they dis
sent altogether from such convocation, nor, if such council ac
tually follow, will they be bound by the decrees or constitutions
of that council, nor, in the future, will they, in any way, obey the
same. VI. Besides, that they never will obey or permit their subjects
to obey any decrees, mandates or sentences, bulls, letters or
briefs, from any council thus convoked and held, or which pro
ceed in the name of the Bishop of Rome himself or any other
power, but that they will account and declare all such writings,
decrees, bulls and briefs null and void, and, to remove all scandal.

The English Commission to Wittenberg, 65
will cause such to be thus declared to the people by their bishops
and preachers.
VII. Also, that as the Most Serene King is, by the grace of
God, united, both in Christian doctrine and in its confession with
the confederated princes and states, so also is he deemed worthy,
on honorable conditions, to be associated with their league in
such manner that his Most Serene Majesty obtain the name and
place of Defender and Protector of said league.
VIII. Also, that neither the aforesaid Most Serene King, nor
the aforesaid Most Illustrious Princes or States confederated, ever
will recognize, maintain or defend that the primacy or monarch
be held to-day or ever hereafter de jure aivino. Nor will they
ever agree or concede that it is expedient for the Christian State
that the bishop of Rome be Over all the rest, or hereafter exercise,
in any way, any jurisdiction whatever in the realms or dominions
of the aforesaid ELings and Princes.
IX. Also, if it should so happen, that war or any other con
tention, whether on account of religion, or even without such
cause, for any other cause or matter whatsoever, should be excited
or carried on by any prince, state or people, against the aforesaid
Most ¦ Serene King, his realms, dominions or subjects, or, also,
against the aforesaid Most Illustrious Princes or States confeder
ated, that neither of the parties mentioned bring aid, or supplies
against the other party, nor by advice or favor, directly or indi
rectly, publicly or privately, assist prince or people, thus invading
and waging war.
X. Also that the Most Serene King see fit, for the defence of
the league and of the cause of religion, to contribute and deposit
with these iriost illustrious princes, sureties, being afforded, as is
added bejow, the sum of r.00,000 crowns ; the half of which
money, it shall be lawfiil for the confederates to use, whenever
there shall be need, for the purpose of defence. The other half,
the confederates shall take of such money, as, they themselves
have contributed and deposited to that sum..
6.

66 The Lutheran Movement in England.
XI. That if there be need of a longer defence because of the
continuation of war, or the invasion of enemies, in such event,
since princes and confederates are under obligation not only for
a further contribution of money, but also for mutual defence with
their bodies and all their resources and property, the Most Serene
King would not refuse, in urgent necessity, to contribute even
more, viz. a second 100,000 crowns. This money, nevertheless,
the confederates may use to the amount of one half, with their
own. And should it so happen, that the war should end earlier,
then what is left should be faithfully kept, and be mentioned to
the Most Serene King at the conclusion of the confederation.
XII. That if the King would have it so done, the Princes prom
ise that they will pledge with s-afficient sureties, not only that
they will not convert such money to another use than for the de
fence of the league and the cause of religion together with their
own money, which they contribute in such confederation, but
also that they will faithfully pay and restore to the same Serene
Majesty, whatever sum either, be not needed, or that remains
after the defence, in case it shall not have been devoted to
that use.
XIV. Also, since the Most Revered Legates of the Most Serene
King are to remain for a time in Germany, and are to confer
with men learned in sacred literature on certain articles, the
princes ask that they would as soon as possible inquire and learn
the mind and opinion of the Most Serene King, concerning the
conditions presented in the League, and, that when they have
been informed thereon, they would signify it to us,, the Elector
of Saxony, and the Landgrave of Hesse. When this is done, the
Princes will immediately send legates in their own name and that
of the confederated States, to the Most Serene King, and among
them one of eminent learning, not only to diligently confer with
His Most Serene Royal Majesty on the articles of Christian doc
trine, and to deliberate faithfully concerning changing, estab
lishing and ordaining other ceremonies in the Church, but also

The English Commission to Wittenberg. 67
to agree and conclude with His Most Serene Majesty concerning
all the articles whereof we have spoken." Edward Herefordens,
Nicolaus Heyth,
Antonius Barns,
John Frederick, Elector. Philip, L. of Hesse.""
The English King was certainly placed in an embarassing po
sition, as men who dissemb.le, so often are. His ambassadors'
word had been received in good faith, that he was anxious chiefly
about a reform of doctrine, and wished the aid of Lutheran theo.
logians ; and accordingly, measures to which his representatives
feel themselves constrained to assent, were taken to aid him in
the important work. Yet a letter of Crumwell at this time, pre
served in Burnet, '° declares : " The King, knowing himself to
be the learnedest prince in Europe, thought it became not him
to submit to them, but them to submit to him." The matter
however, has assumed the shape that Fox and Heath, with Barnes,
are to spend several months in theological conferences at Witten
berg, studying the Augsburg Confession and Apology, under the
instructions of Melanchthon, and that then if they can accept
such basis, some competent Lutheran doctor is to go to Eng
land to helpHhem to complete the work. So scheme was met by
scheme, thi children of light being for once as wise as the chil
dren of this , generation ; for the English historian is perfectly
justified in his inference, that the coolness of the Elector came
from the iinyression, that " the King had only a political design
in all this -negotiation, intending to bring them into a depend
ence on hiinself, without any sincere intentions with relation to
religion." ^^ However, this may be, the course of our princes
and tlieologians in this matter was perfectly clear and consistent.
It was solely on questions of religion that they had been forced
into a seeming opposition to the Emperor. On these and fiiese
" C. R. II : 1032 sqq. " XIII " is not found in the document
"^ Burnet's History, II : 698.
" Ib. p. -699.

68 The Lutheran Movement in England,
only, they were ready to stand or fall. They were unwilling to
be embarassed by any alliances that were based on any other
grounds. Every convert to these principles, even though the
Pope himself, they were ready to welcome to the League ; every
one, who sought the friendship of the League from other motives,
whether he were the King of France, or the King of England,
might as well understand from the beginning that he could not
enter. These religious principles on which their League was
founded, they had clearly defined already at Augsburg. Every
applicant, therefore, was simply asked to read the platform there
presented in the Confession and Apology ; and his future relation
to the League must be decided by his willingness or unwilling
ness to subscribe what was there set forth. Nor must any oppor
tunity of winning over to the truth those who had come to them
from what were probably other reasons than a regard to God's
honor, be neglected. They would accept these ambassadors on
their professions, however much they distrusted them, and devote
on the part of the theologians, months of time and labor, and on
the part ofthe Elector, the expense ofthe entertainment of royal
commissioners in a style becoming their rank, even though he
found it a heavy burden.
After th& adjournment of the Smalcald Leagu^,,the English
ambassadors accordingly repaired to Wittenberg. The begin
ning ofthe conference there was delayed until the close of Jan
uary, partially because of the absence of Melanchthon on a tour
of investigation and counsel concerning the Anabtiptists. An
tonius Musa wrote from Jena on the day after Melanchthon's de
parture for' Wittenberg that "he is to discuss at Wittenberg the
subject of ' Private Mass.' For the King of England has sent a
bishop with several learned men to present their argument, and
to endeavor to show that Private Mass ought to be retained. The
King of England has become a Lutheran to this extent, viz., that
since the Pope would not approve his divorce, he has forbidden
all men in his realm at the peril of their lives to regard the Pope
as Supreme Head of the church, but commanded them to regard

The English Commission to Wittenberg. 69
himself instead. All other papistical affairs, monasteries, masses,
indulgences, prayers for the dead, etc., they not only retain in
England, but even obstinately defend. On this account, ambas
sadors have been sent to fortify and defend masses in a public
disputation at Wittenberg." " Even after Melanchthon's return
however, on January 15th, there was a reluctance of the ambas
sadors to proceed to serious work. On January 21st, they as
sured Melanchthon that they were ready to begin the discussion
" of each article of doctrine in order," '* yet it is not for weeks
that they are disposed to treat on any other subject than the leg
itimacy of the king's divorce. "They are excessively fond of
quibbling," Melanchthon -writes. Luther's letters show how
greatly he was annoyed by their course. First, he speaks play
fully of the great importance that must be attached to the opin
ion of himself and his associates, in that while eleven universities
have already given their decisions, it seems that.all the world will
be lost, " unless we poor beggars, the Wittenberg theologians, be
heard."" He is determined, however, not to recede from his
former opinion that the first marriage was legitimate, but "in other
respects I will show myself not unfriendly towards them, in or
der that they may not think that we Germans are stone or wood. ' '
Melanchthon testifies at first that "Luther lovingly embraces
them, and is even delighted by their courtesy. "¦ But he becomes
vexed that in three days they do not finish the entire matter,
stating that in four weeks he had completed much more impor
tant business than that which occupies them twelve years ; ™ and
is indignant at the expense occasioned the elector by their enter
tainment. " Melanchthon grew weary of waiting for the discus
sion on matters of doctrine, and after two weeks at Wittenberg
returns to Jena to continue his conflict -with the Anabaptists. He
"CR. Ill: 12.
18 lb. p. 26.
" De Wette's, Luther's Briefen, IV : 663, 668.
20 C. RIII: 26.
21 De Wette's Luther's Briefen, IV: 671.

70 The Lutheran Movement in England.
wrote to his friends that nothing at all has been under consider
ation but the divorce. ^'^ Heath followed Melanchthon to Jena.
The latter was much gratified by the visit; and on February
loth, returned to Wittenberg. The whole plan of the English
ambassadors was probably arranged for the purpose of gaining
time, so as to receive instructions from England. They must
have soon perceived that any attempt to have the Lutheran theo
logians justify the divorce was useless. We can scarcely conceive
that they could have had in thought a bargain by which, if the
divorce were endorsed by the Lutherans, every confessional re
quirement would then be at once met by the Anglicans, and the
Augsburg Confession and Apology be received for the English
Church. It would be a more charitable interpretation to re
gard the ambassadors as sympathizing more or less with the re
form in doctrine, and hoping to win over their sovereign to the
faith which they recognize as truth, by obtaining from the Wit
tenberg theologians a concession which would have been sure to
have greatly gratified him. Had the divorce been endorsed, it
is probable that the English Church would have been pledged to
the Augsburg Confession and the Apology !
However this may have been, the critical examination of the
Augsburg Confession article by article, and the earnest discus
sion of the points of divergence began at length shortly after
Melanchthon's second return, and continued throughout the en
tire month of March. Strype is altogether in error, when he
states : " The ambassadors returned home in January, excepting
Fox, who, it seems, stayed behind, "^as both Melanchthon's and
Luther's letters of that period will at once show. Melanchthon
again and again speaks of his discussions with them, and especially
names Heath ; and at the very close of the month (March 30th,)
writes : Sic me Angli exercent, vix ut respirare liceat. '*
On the 28th, of that month, Luther sent to the Elector a
translation of the articles on which they had been able to agree, "
=2 lb.
'' Memo-rials, 1 : 367.
" C. R. Ill ; S3.

The English Commission to Wittenberg. 71
and stated that the English ambassadors before proceeding
further, had referred the last four articles to the king, since if
any serious modification of them were required, further confer
ence was useless. Two days later, Melanchthon wrote that " the
contention between them had not been light, but, nevertheless,
there was an agreement concerning most things." ^^ Secken
dorf''* gives more ample details : " They made an examination
of all the articles of the Augsburg Confession, and the opinions
of Luther and his colleagues seem to have been given pn all
things . . . There is extant a Repetition and Exegesis of the
Augsburg Confession, elaborated by the Wittenbergers, and re
ceived and carried home by the Anglican legates. ... In ad
dition to the Repetition " of the Augsburg Confession, the Wit
tenberg theologians elaborated the most troublesome articles into
special dissertations." Arnong other stipulations upon which
they agreed was not only the denial of the power of the Pope by
divine law, but also the promise that neither side would under
any consideration maintain any pre eminence of the bishop of
Rome over other bishops, as useful or expedient. '* Although
Fox affirmed that there had been an abrogation in England of
godless pontifical abuses and especially of indulgences, Melanch
thon in one of the dissertations referred to, expressed his aston
ishment that in the English decree no reformation of the abuses
of the Mass was proposed. For on reading Henry's decree, the
Wittenberg theologians saw at a glance that only the less impor
tant had been touched upon, while the chief abuses had all been
retained. ^' Melanchthon writes on the margin the very signifi
cant Greek words ouden hygies, "nothing sound."
»5 lb. p. 683.
^*I p. III. sq.
'*Ib. p. 112.
^ Of this " Repetitio," however, we can find no trace, the document ordi
narily known as the " Rep. Aug. Conf.," being the Saxon Confession of 1551.
See Feuerlin, p. 250. Strype regards it confined to the doctrine of the Lord's
Supper. ^Seckendorf, III: 112.

72 The Lutheran Movement in England,
During these discussions, Henry's answer to the " Articles of
1535" was received, and his legates communicated its purport, '"
stating among other things that harmony was unattainable, un
less "something first, in your Confession and Apology be modified
by private conferences and friendly discussions between his and
your learned men," and that his Majesty asks that "a man of
eminent learning be sent to him, to confer diligently on the
articles of Christian doctrine, and changing, establishing and
ordaining other ceremonies in the Church."
April 24th, the Protestant princes met at Frankfort, and early
in the month, the English ambassadors made preparations for
attendance there. Because of his distrust of the bishop of Here
ford, whom he evidently thinks well named Fox, the elector re
fuses a farewell audience." He writes however, April 22d, ^'
that if the King would propagate in his kingdom " the pure doc
trine of the Christian religion according to the Confession and
Apology," and adopt ceremonies in accordance with the pure
doctrine of the Gospel, he would use every effort that the king
should receive the title of " Defender ofthe Evangelical Faith."
But that " if the King hesitated about admitting into his Vvag-
6sm\ the pure doctrine ofthe Gospel according to the Conf ession and
Apology," according to the articles recently drawn up at Witten
berg ; the Elector could not imagine what use it would be, either for
the King or his allies to make a league or exchange ambassadors.
In a letter to Henry of the same date, he assures him of his good
will and begs him to undertake the thorough reformation of the
English Church. Seckendorf states that the Elector en
deavored besides to have an embassy appointed to visit England,
composed of George, Prince of Anhalt, Melanchthon and Vice-
chancellor Francis Burkhard. The Landgrave proposed send-,
ing the theologians Bucer and Schnepf or Brentz, and the civil
ians, Count Solm and Jacob Sturm. There was some discus-
» C. R. Ill : 49.
^'^ Seckendorf, III: III.
^¦^ C. R. Ill : 62.
33 III: 113.

The English Commission to Wittenberg. 73
sion among the princes as to the terms to be proposed by this
embassy, but they were finally reduced, first to the acceptance of
the Augsburg Confession, unless amended from the Word of God,
and, secondly, its defence in the coming Council ; and, if the
King did not approve of the articles, to treat concerning mutual
assistance. But as most of the princes and cities were averse to
any union with the King of England, the attempt was vain ; while
new events in England suddenly made a very material change in
the situation.

CHAPTER V.
PROGRESS OF THE Vl^AR FOR THE FAITH IN ENGLAND,
Conjectures as to the cause of Anne Boleyn's fall. Her sympathy with tQe
Reformation. Cranmer's Grief. Melanchthon's Indignation. Melanch
thon wamed by Barnes not to visit England. Antagonistic Elements
in the English Church. Tavemer's English Augsburg Confession and
Apology. Convocation of Canterbury. Sensation caused by Latimer's
Sermon. The Sides drawn. The Sixty-Seven Points. The Debates.
Alexander Alesius, and his Speech. Foxe's Tribute to German Luth
eranism.
It is not improbable that the fate of Anne Boleyn was sealed
by Henry's failure to gain for his second marriage the endorse
ment of the Wittenberg faculty. We have already noted how
closely connected she was with Cranmer, the months which he
had spent in her father's house, and the effect of his visit. We
have also seen that she was a diligent reader of Evangelical
books, surreptitiously introduced from the Continent, as the dis
covery of her copy of Tyndale's " Obedience of a Christian
Man," and its influence upon Henry, prove. She had gener
ously maintained a number of scholars at the Universities ; and
all of them, among whom was Heath, were during her life-time
earnest champions of the Reformation. One of these scholars
was especially active in circulating the works of Luther and Me
lanchthon. Strype gives a letter in which she intercedes for a
merchant in trouble for circulating the New Testament ; " Anne
the queen, trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. And
whereas you be credibly enformed, that the bearer hereof, Ry-
chard Herman, merchant and citizen of Antwerp, in Brabant,
was, in the time of the late Lord Cardinal, put and expelled from
(74)

Progress of the War for the Faith, 75
his freedom and fellowship of, and in the English House there,
for nothing else, as he affirmeth, but only for that, that he did
both with his goods and policy, to his great hurt and hindrance
in this world, help to the setting forth of the New Testament in
English ; we therefore desire, and instantly pray you with all
speed and favor convenient, ye woll cause this good and honest
merchant, being my lord's true, faithful and loving subject, to be
restored to his pristin freedom, liberty and fellowship aforesaid."'
' ' The Romanists reckoned her (and that truly enough) a great
instrument in putting the King forward to what he had done in
reforming religion. Pole, in a letter to the King, written within
two months after her death, takes leave to call her the King's
domestic evil, which God, as he said, had rid him of ; and that
she was thought to be the cause of all his evils. ' ' *
With such evidence, it is not difficult to see how Cranmer
could say : ''I never had better opinion in woman than I had
in her. . . . Next unto your grace, I was most bound unto her
of all creatures living. ... I loved her not a little for the love
I judged her to bear towards God and his Gospel. ' ' '
Although her -writings have no very high authority, it is,
nevertheless, interesting to notice that Miss Benger in her
" Memoirs of Anne Boleyn," also suggests the failure of the
Wittenberg negotiations as one of the causes of the Queen's
downfall. " Drs. Fox and Hethe were sent to Germany, on a
mission to the Lutheran divines, with whom many conferences
took place, of which the conclusion was little satisfactory to the
pride or prejudices of Henry, since even Anne's popularity could
not entice them to acknowledge. the legality of his divorce, and
neither arguments nor promises atoned for his rejection of the
Confession of Augsburg. It is, however, more than probable,
these difficulties might have been obviated in a subsequent nego
tiation, but for the influence of Gardiner, who was, at the same
' Memorials of Reformation, 1 : 446.
» Ib. p. 456.
'Jenkyn's Cranmer, I: 164.

76 The Lutheran Movement in England.
time, employed on an embassy to France, which afforded him
facilities for counteracting the united efforts of Hethe and- Me
lanchthon, and rendering the whole plan abortive. The un-
prosperous issue of the negotiation, was a severe disappointment
to Anne." *
The death of Queen Catherine, January 6th, 1536, had intro
duced a new situation. As his marriage to Anne Boleyn was
regarded illegal, not only by the Pope, but also by the Luther
ans, the opportunity was now offered, if he could in some way
rid himself of her, to contract a matrimonial alliance which
would be undisputed by all. Both Pope and Emperor might
thus be reconciled, and an unquestioned succession be still ob
tained. Besides, the King's dignity had been offended by a just
reproof from his queen ; and his superstitions had been quick
ened, as in the former marriage, by the birth of only princesses.
These various motives combined to induce him to find some
ground,, if possible, for a capital charge. The Queen, who, un
conscious of the processes already begun against her, had sat by
.his side at the tournament at Greenwich, May ist, dies eighteen
days later on the scaffold. It was a severe blow to Cranmer.
" Do you know what is to happen to-day?" the Primate asked
Melanchthon's pupil, Alexander Alesius, who was tarrying with
him. " No," said Alesius ; " since the Queen's imprisonment,
I have not left my room." " She who has been the Queen of
Eiiglandon earth," said Cranmer, his eyes raised to heaven, and
his face wet with tears, " -will this day be a Queen in heaven."
The Wittenberg theologians, notwithstanding their position con
cerning the divorce, were so greatly shocked that they felt for
the time as though all further negotiations with Henry must end.
Melanchthon writes to Camerarius, June 9th : " I am altogether
freed from anxiety about a journey to England. Since such
tragic calamities have occurred there, a great change of plans has
followed. The late Queen, accused rather than convicted of
adultery, has suffered the extreme penalty. How astonishing the
* Jenkyns Cranmer, pp. 286 sq.

Progress qf the War for th£ Faith. 77
charges, how they declare to all men God's wrath, into what
calamities at this time do even the most powerful fall from the
highest eminence ! When I think of these things, I maintain
that all our troubles and dangers should be borne with the
greater patience. " ° And in a letter to Agricola : " How hor
ribly does this calamity disgrace the king ! Such is the evil
which the divorce has brought him ! " " To Justus Jonas also he
-writes that Dr. Barnes has written to him not to undertake the
voyage to Britain.'
On the same day on which Melanchthon wrote these letters,
the Convocation met in England, at which the first Confession
of the English Church was framed. This is a matter of such im
portance, that it will aid us to glance first at the course of
ecclesiastical affairs in England, since the Act of Supremacy.
Every record of those days bears the marks of confusion. . " The
Old " and " the New Learning, " both had their warm adherents.
There were those urgent for a thorough reform of religion, prom
inent among whom were both Cranmer and Crumwell. There
were others to whom it seemed as though even the Wittenberg
Reformers had not proceeded far enough. Without any fixed
formulary by which to guide them, they passed by various grada
tions to Zwinglianism and even Anabaptism, although numbering
among their adherents no names of influence. The zeal of Lati
mer, however, even then seems to be beginning to carry him be
yond the moderation of the Lutheran Reformation. Emissaries
of the Pope were at hand, ready to excite the people against any
innovations which might be proposed. Still others vigorously
defended the Supremacy of the King, and assailed the Pope,
while opposing to the very death any change of doctrine. Their
.ideal of the English Church was simply the Mediaeval Church
minus the Pope. Their zeal for Roman orthodoxy was made a
sufficient answer to the reproach of disloyalty from the successor of
Corpns Reformatorum III : 89 sq.
6Ib. ' Ib. p. 90 sq.

78 The Lutheran Movement in England.
St. Peter. The Evangelical element had favored the divorce sim
ply because in it they found an irreparable breach with the Papacy.
These various elements had necessarily to come into conflict.
Martyrs had fallen, like Sir Thomas More and Bishop Fisher,
because they were faithful to the Pope ; and John Fryth, soon to
be followed by Francis Lambert, because of ultra- Protestantism.
BISHOP GARDINER.
As in all periods of confusion, there were leaders that succes
sively rose and fell, now gained their point, and then had to
submit to defeat ; and, as their fortunes had vicissitudes, so also
the policy of the government veered now to the one side, and
then to the other. The negotiations and deliberations that are
now to occur cannot be appreciated without some estimate of
the character and influence of Stephen Gardiner. Three young
men had grown up together and been trained for their future
work in the household of Cardinal Wolsey, viz., Thomas More,
Thomas Crumwell and Stephen Gardiner. The latter had
proved an apt pupil of his great master, and become a veritable
second Wolsey, only of greater acuteness and more obstinate will.
The Cardinal was proud to call him " met dimidium," "half of
my very self ' ' Henry though distrusting him soon learned to
use him. The young secretary was busy plotting with foreign
cardinals for Wolsey's elevation to the Papacy, and at the same
time carrying on a correspondence for the king on other matters,
which was carefully concealed from the Cardinal's knowledge.
With Fox, he had been active in effecting the divorce; with
Fox, he had plead Henry's cause before the Pope in 1528; with
Fox, he had brought Cranmer to the front, in order by his
learning to support the king ; with Fox, he had shared in the
honors of the victory of Cambridge. But he never forgave
Cranmer for having been preferred to him as Archbishop of Can
terbury. As Bishop of Winchester, as Secretary of State, as Am
bassador to France, as Lord Chancellor, he henceforth had but
one purpose, and that was to prevent any change within the Eng
hsh Church beyond what had already been effected by the transfer

Progress of the War for the Faith. 79
ofthe Supreme Headship to the King. " He deemed the wort
of reformation complete," says Archdeacon Hardwick, "when
the encroachments ofthe foreign pontiff had been, successfully re
sisted.'" No life was so precious but that it must be sacrificed
rather than be allowed to influence any inner change. Shakespeare
did not err when he put into his mouth the words :
" It will ne'er be well.
Till Cranmer, Crumwell, her two hands and she '
Sleep in their graves."
"He was vindictive, ruthless, treacherous," says Froude, "of
clear eye, and hard heart."'" Such a discriminating jurist as
Lord Campbell in his " Lives ofthe Lord Chancellors,"" char
acterizes him thus : " Of original genius, of powerful intellect,
of independent mind, at the same time, unfortunately, of narrow
prejudices." "He was always a determined enemy of the gen
eral Lutheran doctrines ; but for a while he made his creed so
far coincide with his interests, as to believe that the Anglican
Church, rigidly maintaining all its ancient doctrines, might be
severed from the spiritual dominion ofthe Pope." It was only
" for a while;" as on the accession of Mary, he had no difficulty
whatever in utterly ignoring all that he had -written concerning
Henry's true suppremacy, and in not only returning to servile
obedience to the Pope, but also in wielding his power as "a
man of many wiles," to suppress all other authority. A true
Papist at heart through the whole period, and the type of a large
class who still boast of the independence of the English Church,
and pride themselves in having nothing in common with Pro
testantism ! To such persons, the Lutheran Reformation is still
a great offence, and all traces of connection with it must be
thoroughly eradicated !
Gardiner had not been inactive while Fox and his associates
* Hardwick " On the Articles" p. 48.
' Arme Boleyn.
'" History of England, VI : 370.
"H: p. 61,63.

8o The Lutheran Movement in England.
were conferring with the theologians at Wittenberg, but from
France, where he was watching the course of Francis, and where
he had heard of the proposition of a union on the basis of the
Augsburg Confession and the Apology, "unless some things be
changed by common consent," he urges Henry, not to entertain
such proposition, as " the granting of this article would bind the
King to the sense of the Church of Germany, and this would be
under an obligation, not to make use of the permissions of
revelation. ' ' '^
The great significance of Gardiner, however, becomes promi
nent in the series of deliberations we are about considering.
THE ENGLISH AUGSBtfRG CONFESSION.
Cranmer and Crumwell knew well the character of the conflict
before them, and made preparations accordingly. We have no
record of the precise circumstances which determined the publi
cation in 1536, of Taverner' s translation of the Augsburg Con
fession and Apology, recently brought to the attention of the
Church by the scholarly researches of the late Dr. B. M. Sch
mucker. But when in addition to the constant references to
these confessions in the negotiations between the English and the
German theologians, and the peremptory ultimatum of the Elector
on the withdrawal ofthe English ambassadors, that only on such
basis could any agreement in the future be hoped for, we read
the speec^i of Bishop Fox, in the convention hereafter to be no
ticed, in which he glows with enthusiasm over what the German
theologians are doing, and trace the influence of especially the
Apology on the English Ten Articles of 1536, there seems little
doubt that it appeared prior to the Convocation. Its publication
afterwards would not have been opportune, nor likely to have
met the approval of the government, in view of the many Ro
mish errors still endorsed with emphasis in the same Janus-faced
' ' Articles, ' ' which nevertheless the Apology most severely arraigns
and refutes. But, that it was not only for the deliberations of
theologians and princes, that this book was published, its very
'^ Collier's Ecc. History of Great Britain, II : 323,

Progress of the War for the Faith. 8i
preface shows. Richard Taverner, who even as a youth at Ox
ford, had been persecuted for his sympathy with evangelical doc
trine, had in view a still greater range of influence, and hoped by
the use of the name of Crumwell to enlist the interest of a wide
circle of English readers. " To the end," he says, "that the
people, for whose sakes this book was commanded to be translated,
may the more greedily devour the same," etc. As this transla
tion of the Augsburg Confession has so recently been reprinted
and republished (Phijadelphia, 1888), further comment upon it
here is needless. THE CONVOCATION AT CANTERBURY.
We come now to the formulation of the first Confession of the
English Church, in the Southern Convocation which began its
sessions in St. Paul's, London, June 9th, 1536." On that day,
Hugh Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, by the appointment of
Cranmer preached the opening sermon. Latimer, as a youth at
Cambridge, had distinguished himself by his zeal against Luth
eranism, and had taken as the theme for his inaugural discourse,
when in i524he received the degree of B. D., an "Examination
of the Theological Opinions of Melanchthon, "in which the Prae-
ceptor Germaniae was severely criticised. Recognized on this
occasion by Bilney- as a frank, able and earnest novice, whose
chief error was his ignorance of the subject which he handled ;
a private interview soon put him on the track, which brought
him to the lasting esteem of Protestantism, as an eccentric, but
godly, fearless, and eloquent champion of the faith which he
once assailed. Latimer did nothing by halves. His opening
sermon, which seems to have continued through two sessions,
was a most scathing denunciation of the great body of his au
dience for their indifference to a thorough purging of the Church
of England, from Pontifical abuses, and while admirable as exhibit
ing the progress which the great preacher had made, was not calcu
lated to prepare the minds of his hearers for a calm and impar-
1' History of England, III : 57.
7

82 The Lutheran Movement in England,
tial consideration of the great questions before them.
" The mass," says Froude, " had been sung. The roll ofthe
organ had died away. It was the time for the sermon, and Hugh
Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, rose into the pulpit. Nine-tenths
of all those eyes which were then fixed on him, would have glis
tened with delight, could they have looked instead upon his
burning." His text was " The Unjust Steward. " A few of his
sentences which fully justify Ranke's remark, that "Latimer
opened the war in a fierce sermon," may. serve as a sample:
" What have ye done these seven years or more ? What one
thing that the people of England hath been the better of an hair?
Ye have oft sat in consultation, but what one thing is put forth,
whereby Christ is more glorified or else Christ made more holy ?
Then, after enumerating abuses : " Lift up your heads, brethren ;
and see what things are to be reformed in the Church of Eng
land. Is it so hard for you to see the inany abuses in the clergy,
the many in the laity ; abuses in the court of arches, abuses in
the consistorial courts of bishops ; in holidays , in images and
pictures, and relics, and pilgrimages; in religious rites, in
masses, etc."
" The sermon," continues Froude,'^ "has reached us, but the
audience, — the five hundred fierce, vindictive men, who suffered
under the preachers' irony — what they thought of it ; with what
feelings on that summer day the heated crowd scattered out of
the cathedral, dispersing to their dinners among the taverns
in Fleet Street and Cheapside, all this is gone, gone without a
sound. . . . Not often perhaps has an assembly collected where
there was such heat of passion, such malignity of hatred."
Crumwell took the precaution of himself presiding over the
House of Bishops, as vicegerent of the King. Though two Arch
bishops were present, they were obliged to yield to a layman ;
and when his duties in parliament required his absence, he sent
another layman, Dr. William Peter, to temporarily fill his place.
^* Demaus' Latimer, pp. 224-8.
15 History, III : 61.

Progress of ihe War for ihe Faith, 83
The two sides were clearly drawn. There seems to be no differ
ence in the classification that has made :
Protestants, For the Reformation : Thomas Cranmer,
Archbishop of Canterbury ; Thomas Goodrich, Bishop of Ely ;
Nicholas Shaxton, Bishop of Sarum ; Hugh Latimer, Bishop of
Worcester; Edward Fox, Bishop of Hereford; John Hilssey,
Bishop of Rochester ; William Barlow, Bishop of St. David's.
Hierarchists, Against the Reformation : Edward Lee,
Archbishop of York ; John Stokesley, Bishop of London ; Cuth
bert Tunstall, Bishop of Durham ; Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of
Winchester ; Robert Sherborne, Bishop of Chichester ; Richard
Nyx, Bishop of Norwich ; John Kite, Bishop of Carlisle.
.THE SIXTY-SEVEN POINTS.
While the Upper House, of the Convocation was thus about
equally divided, in the Lower House, the hierarchists were
largely in the majority. On June 23d, the Lower House accord
ingly sends the bishops a catalogue of erroneous doctrines, which
were publicly preached in the realm, and ironically declares,
that they are " worthy special reformation." They comprise
sixty-seven items, which are compared by old Thomas Fuller'^ to
"Jeremy's basket of figs; those that are good, exceeding good,
those that are bad, exceeding bad, Jer. 24: 3." It is a strange
mixture of truly evangelical statements, with exaggerations and
fanatical extravagances, of which some are perversions that are
clearly traceable, and others can be explained by the well-known
law concerning the relation between extremes. Wherever taught
they were the penalty necessarily to be expected where the at
tempt is made to suppress the true conservatism of evangelical
teaching. We have found many of the specifications presenting
statements either directly given in the Augsburg Confession and
Apology, or else such as have been twisted by sinister interpre
tation. The first charge that the sacrament of the altar is not to be es
teemed, is only a perversion of what those confessions teaclj
^ Church History of Britain, II : 74.

84 The Lutheran Movement in England,
concerning the Romish Mass. The second concerning Extreme
Unction correctly states what is taught in the Apology. The
third, that priests have no more authority than laity to adminis^
ter the Lord's Supper is a perversion of what may be found in
the Apology, Article XXII. The fourth, concerning Confirma
tion is probably suggested by the Apology's treatment of the
subject. The sixth, concerning Anti-Christ and the withholding
of the cup is correct (Apology, pp. 280, 244). The seventh is
the substance of Art. XXIV in both Confession and Apology.
The eighth is especially interesting in its connection. " It is
preached and taught that the church which is commonly taken
for the church is the old synagogue."
Now compare the Apology, page 164: 14: "What dif-
erence will there be between the people of the Law and the
Church, if the Church be an outward polity?" The paragraph
continues : " And that the church is the congregation of good
men only." With this, compare the Augsburg Confession in
Taverner' s translation: "The church is a congregation of
holy persons." The ninth item, concerning the Litany, is only
a misrepresentation of what is taught in Art. XXI concerning the
Invocation of Saints. The tenth, " that man hath no free will "
at once suggests Article XVIII. The eleventh seems at first
sight to be an Anabaptistic or Lollard extravagance: "That
God never gave grace nor knowledge of Holy Scripture to any
great estate or rich man ;" yet it is easily explained by what the
confessions, in treating of the Freedom of the Will, declare con
cerning the impotence of those in the highest station, especially
the learned of this world without the illuminating work of the
Holy Spirit, to attain a knowledge of divine things ; the standard
of these critics, with respect to eminent position, being that of
wealth, instead of learning. In the twelfth, " that all religions
and professions are clean contrary to Christ's religion " we find a
distortion and misapplication of Art. XXVII " On Monastic
Vows." The history of the controversies concerning the Luth
eran confessions in this country will supply many examples of

Progress of ihe War for the Faith, 85
perversions and misinterpretations no less forced and absurd.
Were it necessary we might in the same way continue the exami
nation of the entire list, and though we could not trace all, yet
we could find the majority either incorrectly stating or misinter
preting what is taught in the Confession and Apology. This
catalogue of alleged errors begins with the sacraments, and first
devotes to them seven paragraplis, that had doubtless been the
first, and we may even say, the main, subjects of heated and pro
longed debate in the Upper House ; and nearly two weeks of the
session had passed before this paper from the Lower House ap
pears. DEBATES AMONG THE BISHOPS.
" O ! what tugging was there betwixt those opposite sides," "
writes one in the next century. Three speeches on the Protes
tant side are especially noticeable. One is that of Cranmer, in
which he urges the consideration of " the weighty controver
sies," which he defines as not concerned about " ceremonies or
light things," but such questions as the following: " The differ
ence between the Law and the Gospel, how to receive the for
giveness of sins, the manner to comfort doubtful and wavering
consciences, the true use of the sacraments, justification by faith,
and not by any ex opere operato virtue of the sacraments, what
are truly good works, whether human traditions be binding,
whether confirmation, ordination, etc., should be called sacra
ments. ' ' •' If he had intended to urge the adoption ofthe Apology
how could he have introduced the subject better, or have presented
with more correctness an outline of the scope of its matchless
discussions? Another speech was that of a Lutheran scholar, whom Me
lanchthon had sent from Wittenberg to Crumwell in August,
1535, as the bearer ofthe presentation copy of his Loci to the
king, with the endorsement that "he was a man of such learn
ing, honor and energy that he could carry no recommendation
"lb. p. 75-
^ See extract in Hardwick's Articles, pp. 52 sq.

86 The Lutheran Movement in England,
higher than his own virtue. " Alexander Alesius (Allan), born
in Edinburgh, and Canon of St. Andrew's had left his country
because of his faith in 1532, studied at Wittenberg, was the con
fidential friend of Melanchthon, and after 1540 until his death
in 1565, Professor in the University of Leipzig. Crumwell in
troduced him before the bishops to argue the question of the
number of the sacraments, which he did with great vigor and
learning, but his presence provoked the bishops, so that Cran
mer, on the ground that his life was imperilled, prevailed on him
not to return the day after he had begun his argument. Alesius
himself narrates the occurrence in a document, part of which
is published in Ellis' Original Records." The date 1537
there given, has led some to infer that he narrates the circum
stances of another conference ; but the error is, as most writers
maintain, most probably in the year stated. His argument began :
" Right honorable and noble lord, and you most reverend
fathers and prelates of the church, although I come unprepared
unto this disputation, yet trusting in the aid of Christ, which
promiseth to give mouth and wisdom unto us, when we be re
quired of our faith, I will utter my sentence and judgment of
this disputation. And I think that my lord archbishop hath given
you a profitable exhortation that ye should first agree of the sig
nification of a sacrament : Whether ye will call a sacrament a
ceremony institute of Christ in the Gospel to signify a special or
a singular virtue of the Gospel, or whether ye mean that every
ceremony generally which may be a token or signification of an
holy thing, to be a sacrament. For after the latter signification
I will not stick to grant that there be seven sacraments and more
too, if ye will. ' ' ^° When Alesius was proceeding to prove this
"not only from Scripture, but by the old doctors and by the
school writers also," Bishop Fox interrupted him : "Brother
Alexander, contend not much about the mind and sayings of
the doctors and school writers, for ye know that they in many
"Vol. Ill: 196 sqq.
'"^ Compare with this argument, Apology, p. 215.

Progress of the War for the Faith. 87
places do differ among themselves, and that they are contrary to
themselves in almost every article. And there is no hope of any
concord if we must lean to their judgment in matters of contro
versy. ' '
The speech of Fox, Bishop of Hereford, who only three
months before had been conferring with .Luther and Melanch
thon at Wittenberg, shows how he had been influenced by what
he had seen and heard :
" Think not that we can by any sophistical subtleties steal out
of the world again the light which every one doth see. Christ hath
so lightened the world at this time that the light of the Gospel
hath put to flight all misty darkness, and it will shortly have the
higher hand of all clouds, though we resist in vain never so much.
The lay people do know the Holy Scripture better than many of
us. And the Germans have made the text of the Bible so plain
and easy by the Hebrew and the Greek tongue that now many
things may be better understood without any glosses at all than
by all the commentaries of the Doctors. And moreover they
have so opened their controversies by their writings that women
and children may wonder at the blindness and falsehood that
hath been hitherto. There is nothing so feeble and weak, so
that it be true, but it shall find place and be able to stand against
all falsehood. Truth is the daughter of time, and time is the
mother of truth : and whatsoever is besieged of truth cannot long
continue ; and upon whose side truth doth stand, that ought not
to be thought transitory as that it will ever fall. All things con
sist not in painted eloquence and strength of authority ; for the
truth is of so great power that it could neither be resisted with
words, nor be overcome with any strength, but after she hath
hidden herself long, at last she putteth up her head and ap-
peareth. ' '
It is also worthy of note that Alesius in the account above re
ferred to, reports also : " The right noble Lord Crumwell did
defend the pure doctrine ofthe Gospel hard."

CHAPTER VI.
THE TEN ARTICLES OF 1536.
Thomas Fuller's Comparison. Archbishop Laurence's Discovery. The
Articles of Melanchthonian Origin. The Evidence in Parallel Columns.
Romish Leaven. Explanation of Inconsistencies. Estimates of Foxe
(1559), Fuller (1662), Strype (1694), Laurence (1804), Lingard (1819),
Tracts for the Times (1836), Lathbury (1842), Hardwick (1852), Ranke
(1859), Blunt (1868), Schaff (1S77), Geikie (1879), Peny (1879), Jen
nings (1882), Franklin (1886). Canon Dixon's criticism examined.
The result of the Convocation of 1536 was the subscription
and publication of the first English Confession : " Articles de
vised by the Kinges Highest Majestie to stablyshe Christen
Quietnes and Unitie aroonge us, and to avoyde contentious
opinions."' It is certainly a strange medley, combining the
evangelical and Romish doctrines in such strange proportions
and with such startling contradictions, as to vividly recall the
Roman poet's, figure : •' If a painter would put a horse's neck
to a human head, and attach feathers to the members," etc.
Thomas Fuller, writing a little more than a hundred years after
wards says ;' "As when two stout and sturdy travelers meet to--
gether and both desire the way, yet neither are willing to fight
for it in their passage, they so shove and shoulder one another,
that dividing the way betwixt them both, yet neither get the
same ; so those two opposite parties were fain at last in a drawn
battle to part the prize between them, neither of them being
1 They may be found in the Appendix to Burnet's History ; in Hardwick's
Articles; in Strype' s Memorials ; in Fuller's Church History; and in Col
lier's Church History.
' Church History, II : 75.
(88)

The Ten Articles of 1536. 89 «
conquering or conquered ; but a medley-religion as an expedient
being made up betwixt them both, to salve the credits of both."
We defer making an estimate of this unique document, until we
have first examined its contents. The Melanchthonian origin
of much that it contains was asserted by Archbishop Laurence in
1804, because of several sentences which he believed had been
from Melanchthon's Loci. Every writer has peculiar phrases,
and every teacher fixed definitions which are necessarily repeated
in various connections. We propose to show that the Apology
formed the ground-work for the articles. The Augsburg Con
fession was also used ; as well as certain Articles ' which in Feb
ruary, 1536, Melanchthon prepared against the Anabaptists.
One of the papers which Melanchthon himself wrote during the
March conferences, (possibly the Repetitio of 1536, which the
commission carried with them to England) may have embodied
all these elements ; or one ofthe evangelical English theologians
as Bishop Fox, may have prepared a document thoroughly Luth
eran in its character. This was then amended, and interpolated
by Romanizing qualifications, and supplemented by Romanizing
articles, possibly by the King's own hand, possibly by that of hier
archical theologians who were scarcely their monarch's equal, or
possibly by Cranmer's policy of surrendering much to gain what
he regarded more for the cause which he represented, until it is
no wonder that its relation to the Apology has not been suspected
by English -writers. We submit the evidence that has con
vinced us.
The "Ten Articles" are divided into two sections, the first
treating of doctrines, and the second of ceremonies. The First
Article, on " The principal articles concerning our faith" de
fines the relation of the English Church to the three oecumenical
creeds, and is possibly in the main from the pen of Melanchthon,
although we have not been able to trace it more definitely. It
greatly resembles the Introduction to the First Part of the Cor,-
fessio Saxonica of 155 1, and both may have a common origin.
' Corpus Reformatorum III : 29 sqq.

9°

The Lutheran Movement in England.

The next three articles treat of the Sacraments, as this was the
first subject of discussion in the Convocation. The very fg^t
that the number of sacraments is here determined as three, first
led us to suspect the fact that the Apology was used in its prep
aration, it being well-known that this is the number fixed in the
Apology. The Sacrament of Baptism is treated at considerable
length, principally in order to prove the validity of Infant Bap
tism. That one-seventh of the space devoted to doctrine should
be occupied with the recapitulation of arguments on asubject con
cerning which there was no difference between the two sides,
and no false charge made in the list of sixty-seven points, em
bracing as one would think, every conceivable item of misrepre
sentation, will scarcely admit of any other explanation, than that
of the controversies -with Anabaptists in Germany, with which
Melanchthon was occupied during the presence of the English
embassy in Wittenberg. Although Hardwick says of the Ana
baptists : * " Traces of them occur in England as early as 1536,"
yet they could not have had such importance as to have de
manded such conspicuous treatment at this time. Here we find
Melanchthon's " Adversus Anabaptistas " used.
ADV. ANABAPTISTAS.^

" Outside of the Christian Church,
there is no salvation ; therefore chil
dren must be incorporated into the
Christian Church. But if children
are to be members of the Christian
Church, they must be cleansed by the
Holy Ghost and baptism. Therefore
Christ says : " No man can enter the
Kingdom of Heaven except he be
born again of water and the Holy
Ghost.' "
" It is certain that the grace of
Christ, remission of sins and salva
tion, promised in the gospel, belong
also to children."

* History of Reformation, p. 197.
' L orpus Reformatorum 3 : 33 sq.

TEN ARTICLES.
" The sacrament of baptism was
instituted and ordained in the New
Testament by our Saviour Jesus
Christ, as a thing necessary for the
attainment of everlasting life accord
ing ^to the saying of Christ : ' No
man can enter the Kingdom of Hea
ven except he be bom of water and
the Holy Ghost. ",

" It is ofiered unto all men, as well
as infants as such as have the use of
reason, that by baptism they shall
have remission of sins, and the grace
and favor of God."

The Ten Articles of 1336,

91

The traces of the Apology become then more apparent.
APOLOGY (173: 51.)
Latin : " The promise of salvation
pertaineth also to little children."
German : " The promises of grace
and of the Holy Ghost belong not
alone to the old, but to children."

TEN ARTICLES.
" The promise of grace and of ever
lasting life pertaineth not only unto
such as have the use of reason, but
also to infants, innocents and chil
dren."

Next the Augsburg Confession is called into service.
AUGSBURG CONFESSION (ART. II.)
[Original Sin] " is tmly sin, con
demning aud bringing eternal death
now also upon all that are not bom
again by baptism and the Holy Spirit."

TEN ARTICLES.
" Infants must needs be christened
because they be born in original sin,
which sin must needs be remitted ;
which cannot be done but by the sac
rament of baptism, whereby they re
ceive the Holy Ghost."
Passing to Article III, "The Sacrament of Penance," which
with certain qualifications the Apology allows as a sacrament,
although with a different conception of Poenitentia, which is no
longer Penance, but Repentance, the resemblance is, if anything,
more striking.

AUGSBURG CONF., (ART. XII : I.)
" Such as have fallen after baptism
may find remission of sins at what
time they are converted."

TEN ARTICLES.
" Such men which after baptism
fall again into sin . . whensoever
they convert themselves . . . shall
without doubt attain remission of
sins."

" The sacrament of perfect pen
ance which Christ requireth, consisteth
of three parts, that is to say, contri
tion, confession and amendment of
the former life, and a new obedient
reconciliation unto the laws and will
of God, which be called iu Scripture,
the worthy fruits of penance."

APOLOGY, (i8l : 28.)
" We have ascribed to repentance
these two parts viz., Contrition and
faith. If any one desire to add a
thhd, viz., fruits worthy of repentance,
i. e., a change of the entire life and
character for the better, we will not
make any opposition."
[Cf Melanchthon's Examen Or-
dinandorum (1556) : " How many
parts of repentance are there ? There
are three : Contrition, Faith and Obe
dience.]* The hand of the Romanizing emendator is apparent in the
above substitution of "Confession" for "Faith." As a com-
-* Although the Examen is twenty years later, we cite it to show that the
formula is Melanchthonian.

92

The Lutheran Movement in England,

promise, he introduces " Faith " as an element of " Contrition."
The " Contrition " ofthe Ten Articles, therefore, is the "Re
pentance ' ' of the Confession and Apology.
AUGSBURG CONF., (Xll : 3-5.)
" Repentance consisteth properly
of these two parts : One is contrition,
or terrors stricken into the conscience
through the acknowledgment of sin ;
the other is faith, which is conceived
by the gospel, or absolution, and doth
believe that for Christ's sake sins be
forgiven."

APOLOGY, (181 : 29.)
" Contrition is the true terror of
conscience which feels that God is
angry with sin."
" And this contrition occurs when
sins are censured from the Word of
God. . . When this is taught, it is the
doctrine of the Law."
APOLOGY, (183 : 42.)
" This faith is nourished through
the declarations of the gospel, and the
use of the sacraments ; for these are
the signs of the New Testament."

APOLOGY, (196 : 2.)
" We also retain confession, espe
cially on account of the absolution,
which is the Word of God, that, by
divine authority, the Power of the
Keys proclaims concerning individ
uals " 183 : 39 : " The Power of the
Keys administers and presents the
gospel through absolution."

TEN ARTICLES.
" Contrition consisteth in two spe
cial parts, which must always be con
joined together, and cannot be disse
vered ; that is to say, the penitent and
contrite man must first acknowledge
the filthiness and abomination of his
own sin . . .; the second part, that is
to wit, a certain faith, trust and con
fidence of the mercy and goodness of
God, whereby the penitent must con
ceive certain hope and faith that God
will forgive him his sins and repute
him justified, and of the number of
elect, not for the worthiness of any
merit or work done by the penitent,
but for the only merits of the blood
and passion of our Saviour Jesus
Christ," " Feeling and perceiving in his
conscience that God is angry with
him for the same."
" Unto which knowledge he is
brought by hearing and considering
of the Will of God declared in His
laws." TEN ARTICLES.
" This certain faith is gotten and
also confirmed and made more strong
by the applying of Christ's words and
promises of His grace and favor, con
tained in His gospel, and the sacra
ments instituted by Him in the New
Testament." " To attain this certain faith, the
second part of penance is necessary,
i. c, confession to a priest." [Here
again in "priest," the hand of the
emendator is seen.] " For the abso
lution given by the priest was instituted
of Christ to apply the promises of
God's grace and favor to the penitent."

The Ten Articles of 1336,

93

AUGSBURG CONF., (xXV : 3.)
" Men are taught that they should
not lightly regard absolution, inas
much as it is God's voice, and pro
nounced by God's command."
APOLOGY, (183; 40.)
" The voice of the one absolving
must be believed not otherwise than
we would believe a voice from hea
ven." Cf Aug. Conf. xxv. 4 : " God
requires faith, that we believe that
absolution is a voice soimding from
heaven." There is a very skillful combination of two arguments which by
changing the emphasis, and removing the passages from their
connection, somewhat changes the meaning of our Lutheran
Confessions :

" They ought to believe that the
words of absolution pronounced by
the priest be spoken by authority given
to him by Christ in his gospel."

" That they ought and must give
no less faith and credence to the same
words of absolution . . . than unto
the very words of God Himself if he
should speak unto us out of heaven."

APOLOGY, (204 : 43.)
" Besides the death of Christ is a
satisfaction not only for guilt, but also
for etemal death." (212: 77.)
" We have already frequently testi
fied, that repentance ought to produce
good fruits, and what good fraits are
the ten commandments teachj viz.,
prayer, thanksgiving, the confession
of the gospel ... to give to the
needy," etc.
The argument of the Apology concerning the rewards granted
the obedience of believers, not as rewards of merit, but as the
promised free gifts of God's love, is also dexterously turned, to
a Romish interpretation.

TEN ARTICLES.
•' Although Christ and his death be
the sufficient oblation, sacrifice, satis
faction and recompence, for which
God the Father forgiveth and remit-
teth to all sinners not only their sin,
but also eternal pain due for the
same ; yet all men truly penitent, con
trite and confessed, must needs also
bring forth the fruits of penitence,
that is to say, prayer, fastings, alms,
deeds," etc.

APOLOGY, (133: 147.)
" Even we concede that the pun
ishments by which we be chastised, are
mitigated by our prayers and good
works, and finally by our entire re
pentance, I Cor. II. : 31, Jer. 15 : 19,
Zech. 1 : 3."
Article IV.
lanchthonian

TEN ARTICLES.
" By penance, and such good works
of the same, we shall not only obtain
everlasting life, but also we shall de
serve remission or mitigation of these
present pains and afflictions in this
world, I Cor. n : 31, Zech. 1 : 3.
" Of the Sacrament ofthe Altar," is very Me-
in its style, but seems at first sight to vary

94 The Lutheran Movement in England.
from the Lutheran doctrine by maintaining that, " under the
form and figure of bread and wine the very selfsame body and
blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ is verily, substantially, and
really contained and comprehended." Thus stated, it may be
regarded as teaching impanation. Yet the deviation from the
phraseology which Melanchthon was in the habit of using at
that time, before it was liable to be misinterpreted, is compari-
tively slight. Thus the Schwabach Articles of Luther and Me
lanchthon, and their associates, of October ioth-i5th, 1529,
forming the groundwork of the first part of the Augsburg Con
fession read (Art. X) : " There is truly present in the bread and
wine the body and blood of Christ."* Melanchthon's opinion
concerning the Sacramentarians of August ist, 1530, reads:
" We teach that Christ's body is truly and really present with
the bread, or in the bread," although with the limitation : "We
reject the opinion of those who say that the body is contained in
the bread hke wine in a goblet." "We deny that the body is
locally present in the bread."' The "contained and compre
hended ' ' are possibly an interpolation and the article in its
original form, is possibly also from Melanchthon. It does not
teach transubstantiation as some have inferred.
In Article V, " Of Justification," Archbishop Laurence found
the sentence by which he connected the Articles with Melanch
thon's Loci.
MELANCHTHON'S LOCI
" Justification signifieth remission
of sins and the reconciliation or ac
ceptation of a person unto eternal
life." (C. R. xxi ; 412.)
APOLOGY, (I09: 37.)
" Since justification is reconciliation
for Christ's sake, we are justified by
faith, because it is very certain that
by faith alone the remission of sins is
received." Id. 114: 61 : "We are
justified before God by faith alone,
because by faith alone we receive re
mission of sins and reconciliation."
^ Book of Concord, (Jacobs), II: 72.
' Ib. p. 242, sq.

TEN ARTICLES.
" Justification signifieth remission
of sins, and our acceptation or recon
ciliation into the grace and favor of
God."

The Ten Articles of 1536. 95
Even the passage in the Apology which seems to confound
Justification with Renovation, and which finds its explanation
in the fact that like the terms Regeneration, Sacrament, etc.,
the Protestant definition had not as yet attained its fixed form as
determined in the Formula of Concord, is here employed :
APOLOGY, (96 : 78.)
" The making of a righteous man
out of an unrighteous."
The correspondence' in the definition of good works is espe
cially marked :

TEN ARTICLES.
" Our pel feet renovation in Christ."

APOLOGY, (85 : 8.)
" The Decalogue requires not only
outward civil works, but also other
things placed far above reason, viz.,
to truly fear God, to truly love God,
to tmly call upon God, to be truly
convinced, that God hears."

¦rEN ARTICLES.
" God necessarily requireth of us to
do good works commanded by Him ;
and that, not only outward and civil
works, but also the inward spiritual
motions and graces of the Holy
Ghost ; that is to say, to dread and
fear God, to love God, to have firm
confidence and trust in God, to invo-
cate and call upon God."
These citations could be readily multiplied ; but what have
been given are sufficient to establish the fact that the evangelical
statements ofthe articles were taken not only largely from the Apol
ogy, but also from the Augsburg Confession, and other writings of
Melanchthon. " It has been denied," says Canon Dixon in his
recent "History of the Church of England," ^ "that there was
any Lutheranism in the First English Confession, and certainly
it must not be forgotten that this time the doctrines of Germany
were heresy in England. But with all that is known of Henry's
negotiations -with German princes, it seems impossible to explain
away the plain evidence which Laurence has brought to prove
that the reformed doctrine infused into the Confession came from
Germany." And yet Archbishop Laurence's inference was
based upon the evidence of but one or two sentences ! Mr.
Froude' s plea for Henry VIII, on the supposition that the deep
theological reasoning, employed in the book, (which without
sufficient evidence he thinks prepared by the King's o-wn hand)
8V0I. I: p. 418.

96 The Lutheran Movement in England.
is a complete refutation of the generally received opinion of his
guilt in the execution of one wife, and the marriage of another
only three weeks before,' of course falls to the ground, when the
parts of the Articles worthy of especial admiration are found to
be the rich fruit of Melanchthon's labors. So far as the articles
vary from the Apology, and the other Melanchthonian docu
ments, they certainly do not exhibit any distinguished merit.
Ranke approaches very closely the true solution of the origin of
the Ten Articles when he says that the first five have their origiA
" in the Augsburg Confession or in commentaries on it." '"
THE ROMISH LEAVEN.
While the main treatment in "The Ten Articles" has been
shown to be from Melanchthon, yet a little Romish leaven,
leavens the whole lump. Much that is conceded to the Luth-
eran position is neutralized by other statements to which no
evangelical Christian could knowingly subscribe. Scripture is to
be received " only as the holy approved doctors of the Church
do entreat and defend the same." Repentance is still "doing
penance." Faith can be attained in no other way than through
Confession and Absolution. The relation of faith to justifica
tion is altogether misinterpreted. It is placed in the same cate
gory with prayers, fastings, works of charity, as co-ordinate
means of apprehending the merits of Christ. While the very
language of the Apology is so freely appropriated, the main
point of the most elaborate chapter in that matchless document
is directly antagonized, when, •' perfect charity " with " perfect
faith," is made a condition of justification. Prayers to the saints
' " The King, then three weeks married to Jane Seymour, in the first en
joyment, as some historians require us to believe, of a guilty pleasure pur
chased by an infamous murder, drew up with his own hand, a body of artic
les, interesting as throwing light upon his state of mind, and of deeper mo
ment as the first authoritative statement of doctrine in the Anglican Church."
Froude's History of England, (London edition_), III : 67.
'^ History of England, \: 157. Cardwell, Hare, Jennings and other An
glican writers concede the connection of the Articles with the Augsburg
Confession, but know nothing of its closer dependence on the Apology.

The Ten Articles of IJ36. 97
and Purgatory are strenuously maintained. The retention of
images in the churches, and the long list of ceremonies approved,
are less objectionable features, as their defence is accompanied
with injunctions that the people shall be taught "they have no
power to remit sins, but only to stir and lift up our minds to
God," and the "kneeling to, and censing" of images is for
bidden. ESTIMATES.
The evangelical theologians of the type of Cranmer, Fox, and
Latimer, doubtless thought that so great an advance had been
made in the acceptance of the principles of the Augsburg Con
fession, that the Romanizing elements interpolated could be al
lowed to stand and could even be subscribed, as liable, in the
presence of the fuller light of the truth, to gradually die out.
Of course such an agreement was doomed the very moment it
was signed. Opposing systems cannot he reconciled by com
promise. What is truth is truth, and must disengage itself from
all compromises -with error. Yet we must not regard the Eng
lish Lutheran theologians of that period mere temporizers. Men
do not become great reformers all at once ; nor do they under
stand the full force of concessions they may be inclined to make
in the interest of peace and external harmony. In the begin
ning, contradictory opinions may be held by the same person, in
his unconsciousness that they are contradictory. Luther's
Ninety-five Theses are as full of contradictions as the "Ten
Articles," and, therefore, could never have had any permanence
as a Church Confession. The two elements which they con
tained had to come into conflict, in which the one was to be
conquered and expelled by the other. It has been said that
when a man is found half way up hill, it makes all the difference,
in judging him, if we find from which direction he has come ;
and on the same principle we are not disposed to harshly con-
'demn those who unconsciously surrendered the cardinal doc
trines of the Reformation, while, at the same time, confessing so
much that is precious. The Interim of 1548 has sometimes been
8

98 The Lutheran Movement in England.
compared with these articles, as both being unfortunate compro
mises. But the Interim was favored by men who had had the
full hght of Evangelical truth, and had done praiseworthy ser
vice in its diffusion ; it was a retrogression by which expelled
Papacy was again to be gradually introduced where the gospel
had been established; while " The Ten Articles, " with all their
objectionable features give royal endorsement to doctrines here
tofore known as heresies, and secure their introduction in
churches where previously they had never been heard. Luther ap
preciated the real conditions involved when a few months before,
after the negotiations at Wittenberg had ended, he wrote con
cerning affairs in England : " It is indeed true, that we ought
to have patience even though everything in doctrine be not
realized all at once, (as this has not occurred even among
us.)"" Nevertheless we cannot but admire the consistency of Gardi
ner on the other side, in withholding his signature, howe-ver
strongly we may suspect that his course was only a stroke of pol
icy. It is well to note some of the various estimates placed upon
these articles. We must bear in mind in so doing, that from a
Lutheran standpoint some of the principles maintained, must
necessarily be seen in a far different light than from a Reformed
standpoint. There are some features which the latter might
judge as Romanizing, that we do not concede as such, however
we may agreee in a joint condemnation of the articles on other
subjects. John Foxe, (1559): " Wherein although there were many
and great imperfections, and untruths not to be permitted in any
true reformed church, yet notwithstanding, the king and his
council, to bear with the weaklings which were newly weaned
from their mother's milk of Rome, thought it might serve some
what for the time." "
'1 Letter of April 20th, to Vice Chancellor Burkhard, De Wette's Briefen,
IV: 688.
'^ Acts and Monuments.

The Ten Articles of 1336. 99
Thomas Fuller (1662) : " Some zealots of our age will con
demn the Laodicean temper of the Protestant bishops. Such
men see the faults of the Reformers, but not the difficulties of
the Reformation. These Protestant bishops weie at this time to
encounter with the Popish clergy, equal in number, not inferior
in learning, but far greater in power and dependencies. Be
sides the generality of the people of the land, being nestled in
ignorance and superstition, could not on a sudden endure the
extremity of absolute Reformation. Should our eyes be instantly
posted out of midnight into noonday, certainly we should be
blinded with the suddenness and excellency of the lustre. Na
ture therefore hath wisely provided the twilight as a bridge, by
degrees to pass us from darkness to light." "
Strype, (1604) : " We find, indeed, many Popish errors
mixed with evangelical truths ; which must either be attributed
to the defectiveness of our prelate's knowledge as yet in true re
ligion, or being the principles and opinions of the king, or both.
Let not any be offended herewith, but let him rather take notice
what a great deal of gospel doctrine came to light, and not only
so, but was o-wned and propounded by authority to be believed
and practiced. The sun of truth was now but rising and break
ing through the mists of that idolatry, superstition and ignorance,
that had so long prevailed in this nation and the rest of the
world, and was not yet advanced to its meridian brightness.""
Archbishop Laurence, (1804), " Certain articles of religion
were drawn up and edited in the king's name, which were evi
dently of a Lutheran tendency." "
Lingard, (Roman Catholic, 1819-25): "Throughout the
work Henry's attachment to the ancient faith is most manifest ;
and the only concession which he makes to the men of the new
learning, is the order for the removal of abuses, -with perhaps the
omission of a few controverted subjects." "
'' Church History, II : 76.
" Memorials of Archbishop Cran-mjer., I : ga
^' Bampton Lectures, p. 201.
'^ History of England, VI : 272.

loo The Lutheran Movem.ent in England.
Tracts for the Times, (1836) : — " It is now universally ad
mitted as an axiom in ecclesiastical and political matters, that
sudden and violent changes must be injurious ; and though our
o-wn revolution of opinion and practice was happily slower and
more carefully considered than those of our neighbors, yet it was
too much influenced by secular interest, sudden external- events
and the will of individuals, to carry with it any vouchers for the
perfection and entireness of the religious system thence emerg
ing. The proceedings for instance of 1536 remind us at once
of the dangers to which the church was exposed, and of its prov
idential deliverance from the worst part of them ; the articles
then framed, being according to Burnet, in several places cor
rected by the king's own hand." "
Lathbury, (1842): " Though much error was retained, yet
these articles were calculated to advance the Reformation, for
they embody many sentiments at variance with the received doc
trines of the Romish Church. That Cranmer was concerned in
the preparation of these articles, there is good reason to be
heve."" Hard-wick, (1852): "They are the work of a transition
period, of men who had not learned to contemplate the truth in
all the fulness of its.harmonies and contrasts, and who conse
quently did not shrink from acquiescing in accommodations and
concessions which to their riper understanding might have
seemed a betrayal of a sacred trust. . . . They were treading
upon ground with which few of them were as yet familiar, and
we need not wonder if they sometimes stumbled or even wholly
lost their way. An example of this want of firmness may be
traced in the conduct of Bishop Latimer. Although one of the
sermons which he preached at the assembling of the Convoca
tion is distinguished by a resolute assault upon the received doc
trine of purgatory, he ultimately put his hand to the statement,
enjoining men to 'pray for the souls of the departed in the
1' Tract 71, vol. Ill: 25.
"^History ofthe Convocation ofthe Church of England, p. ia6.

The Ten Articles of 1336. 10 1
masses and exequies, and to give alms to other to pray for them,
whereby they may be relieved and holpen of their pain. ' " "
Ranke, (1859): "The first five are taken from the Confes
sion of Augsburg or from commentaries on it ; as to these the
Bishop of Hereford [Fox], agreed wi-th the theologians of Wit
tenberg. In the following articles, the veneration, even the
invocation, and nj small part of the existing ceremonies
is allowed — though in terms which with all their moderation,
cannot disguise the rejection of them in principle. Despite
these limitations the document contains a clear adoption of the
principles of religious reform as they were carried out in Ger
many." ™
Blunt, (1868): "It will be observed, that the clergy were
now feeling their way to a sound theological basis for the refor
mation of doctrine. . . . Both sides gave way in some particu
lars, for the sake of coming to a common standing ground." ^^
Schaff, (1877): "They are essentially Romish, with the
Pope left out in the cold. They cannot even be called a com
promise between the advocates of the ' old learning ' headed by
Gardiner, and of the ' new. learning ' headed by Cranmer. ' ' "^
Geikie, (1879J • " Like all compromises the Ten Articles
pleased neither side." '^^
Perry, (1879) : " The Ten Articles were the declaration as
to how far the English Church was prepared to go with the
Augsburg Confession." ^*
Jennings, (1882): "In the preparation of the Ten Articles
the king was helped probably by Cranmer and Fox. Policy or
higher motives infused into this formulary, a spirit of concession,
so that while it was a compliment to the Protestants, it enforced
1' History of Articles, p. 57-
''¦^History of England, 1 : 157-
^^ Reformation in the Church of England, 1 : 443.
^^ Creeds of Christendom, 1 : 611.
^ English Reformation, p. 286.
^ History ofthe Church of England, p. I47.

I02 The Lutheran Movement in England,
on the conservative party at home nothing which they would
deem objectionable. ' ' "^
Franklin, (in Church Cyclopaedia, 1886) : '• The hands of
both Gardiner and Cranmer appear in them with not a little of
the dash of Henry VIIL" .
We defer, to the last, the words of Canon Dixon, whose " His
tory of the Church of England" in three large octavos, has
been received with high favor within that communion and its
affiliated branches :
" From the beginning to the end, the English Confessions,
(of which these articles were the first) have borne the impression
of a settled intention which was such as caused them to be differ
ent from the curious, definite and longsome particularity of the
Continent. They had the design of preserving the unity of the
English Church. This was the characteristic of the nation, and
exhibited an undeviating determination which has survived the
violence of every age. . . . Though he enslaved and robbed the
Church of which he was the Supreme Head, he had no thought
of destroying her. ' ' ^^
This is a candid acknowledgment ; and it is worth while not
only to seriously test the assertion here made,' that it is the aim
of the whole series of English Confession to' avoid such "defi
nite particularity" as characterizes the Lutheran Confessions,
but also, if the statement be true, to note the price that is paid,
for readiness to accept even error, or to subscribe in the same
document to contradictory and mutually exclusive doctrines, in
order thereby to escape from the calamity of " destroying " the
Church. There is also another matter worthy of some thought,
viz., as to how if a communion be the Church, its clear and de
finite confession of the truth can destroy it, when to the truth of
the Church's confession the promise is attached, that " the gates
of hell shall not prevail against it ?" C^n any association that
is in such peril be the Church ?
^ Ecclesia Anglicana, p. 182.
^History ofthe Church of England,l: 411.

The Ten Articles of 1336. 103
There is besides another important lesson here suggested, and
that is the fatality attending all efforts to modify and adjust to pe
culiar relations of time and place the unalterable principles set
forth in the Augsburg Confession and Apology.

CHAPTER vn.
THE bishops' book OF 1 537.
Failure of the Ten Articles. Cranmer and Luther's Catechism. The Com
mission to prepare another Document. Cranmer and Fox vs. Stokesley.
Indebtedness of the " Book " to Luther's Catechisms, the Augsburg Con
fession, the Apology, and Luther's explanation ofthe Ave Maria. Other
Sources. The King's Amendments, and Cranmer's Answer.
The Articles of 1536, like all compromises, inspired no en
thusiasm. They were too Lutheran for the hierarchists ; they
were too Romish for the Lutherans. They were too ambiguous
for those whose consciences demanded the clearest and most
definite answers to the questions which, by the- agency of the
Holy Spirit, most profoundly move the heart. They were too
meagre, even where they were clearest. They were too theolog
ical for popular use. The evangelical leaven was doubtless
spreading among the people ; a model of plain instruction to be
furnished pastors was much needed. There can be no doubt,
that Cranmer, during his stay in Germany in 1531 and 1532,
and especially while tarrying with Osiander at Niirnberg, learned
to know well Luther's Catechisms and their vast influence; and
the result shows that they gave an important suggestion concern
ing a new Confession.
Early in 1537, we find, therefore, a commission assembled
at Cranmer's residence, composed mostly of bishops, en
gaged in the preparation of a book to be promulgated by auth
ority, for the purpose of meeting these various wants. Gardiner
and Stokesley were the leading hierarchists. Cranmer and Fox,
again headed the Lutheranizing element, while Latimer also was
(104)

The Bishops' Book of 1537, 105
present with his practical and impetuous mind vexed at the labor
spent in the discussion of speculative points of theology, which
to him had little interest, and longing to escape from the tur
moil by once more becoming rector of Kingston, instead of
Bishop of Worcester. At certain stages of the work, especially
that pertaining to the sacraments, questions were submitted by
the Archbishop to which each member of the commission gave
his answers in -writing, which, when gathered, were used in the
final formulation of the document. It was completed early in
the summer, and its publication was superintended by Bishop
Fox. Although generally known as " The Bishops' Book," its
proper title is that of "Institution of a Christian Man." Eras
mus, had published a book with this very same title in 15 18.
T)mdale's book of 1528 was "The Obedience of a Christian
Man." Cranmer is universally conceded to have contributed
by far the most part to it, while Fox also must have much of the
credit for the contents, as he was their chief advocate in the
commission. Although still retaining some Romish elements, it
was a great triumph for the Lutheran side, especially as all oppo
sition was for the first time silenced, and even Gardiner added
his signature. " By this work, the Reformation was placed on
the loftiest ground which it was ever destined to reach during
the reign of Henry." ^ "It is altogether an illustrious monu
ment of the achievements of Cranmer and his colleagues against
the intrigues and opposition of a party, formidable at once for
their zeal, number and power. ' ' *
The very list of contents makes us suspect its origin. They
are: " i. The Apostles' Creed. 2. The Sacraments. 3. The
Ten Commandments. 4. The Lord's Prayer. 5. The Ave
Maria. 6. Justification. 7. Purgatory." This is the frame
work of an exposition which in ordinary type would form a large
volume. If some of its contents seem strange, it is well to re
member that among Luther's earlier catechetical works is his
*Le Bas' Cranmer, p. 155.
^'^mAvioiih.'s Ecclesiastical Biography, III: 317.

io6 The Lutheran Movement in England,
" Betbiichlein " of 1522, containing : i. The Ten Command
ments. 2. The Apostles' Creed. 3. The Lord's Prayer. 4.
The Ave Maria; and that Melanchthon's " Handbiichlein "
of 1523 contains, i. The Lord's Prayer, 2. The Ave Maria,
3. The Apostles' Creed, etc. Our readers should remember
that the angelic salutation in Luke certainly admits of an evan
gelical explanation, and, as such, is not to be lightly esteemed.
Into this scheme, the material of the Ten Articles wherever
possible is introduced, occasionally with slight changes, but gen
erally with verbal exactness. The exposition is to a great extent
changed into the form of a personal confession, prayer, etc.,
after the model of Luther's Small Catechism. What Lohe says
of Luther's Catechism : "It is a fact which no one denies, that
no other catechism in the world can be made a prayer of but
this," must be modified if parts ofthe Bishops' Book are exam-
amined, which are after all nothing but paraphrases of Luther's
Catechism, of exquisite beauty, and which should be cherished
as of imperishable worth. Froude, writing entirely from a lit
erary standpoint, pronounces it' "in point of language beyond
all question the most beautiful composition that had as yet ap
peared in the English language."
For those well acquainted with the Small Catechism, we need
only quote some extracts from this second confession of the
Church of England.
"I believe also and confess, that among his other creatures he
did create and make me, and did give unto me this my soul, my
life, my body, wiLh all the members that I have, great and small,
and all the wit, reason, knowledge and understanding that I
have ; and finally all other outward substance, possessions and
things that I have or can have in this world. ' ' This is not ex
actly Luther's Small Catechism, though the same in substance.
But its correspondence with Luther's Large Catechism is still
closer, which reads (p. 440). "I believe that I am a creature
of God, that is, that he has given and constantly preserves to me
^History of England, III: 229.

The Bishops' Book of 15 3"^, 107
my body, soul and life, members great and small, all my senses,
reason and understanding, food and drink, shelter and support,
wife and child, domestics, house and possessions, etc. ' '
The Bishops' Book continues :
"And I believe also and profess that he is my very God, my
Lord, and my Father, and that I am. his servant and his own son,
by adoption and grace, and the right inheritor of his kingdom,
and that it proceedeth and cometh of his mere goodness only,
without all my desert, that I am in this life preserved and kept
from dangers and perils, and that I am sustained, nourished,
fed, clothed, and that I have health, tranquility, rest, peace, or
any other thing necessary for this corporal life. I acknowledge
and confess that he suffereth and causeth the sun, the moon, the
stars, the day, the night, the air, the fire, the water, the fowls,
the fishes, the beasts and all the fruits of the earth, to serve me
for my profit and my necessity. ' '
With the latter sentence compare again Luther's Large Cate
chism :
" He causeth all creatures to serve for the necessities and uses
of life — sun, moon and stars in the firmament, day and night,
air, fire, water, earth and whatever it bears and produces, bird
and fish, beasts, grain and all kinds of produce."
The exposition of the Second Article of the Creed is of such
extraordinary beauty and force, and so happily expands the most
precious section of our Catechism, as to justify a long extract.
" And I believe also and profess that Jesus Christ is not only
Jesus, and Lord to all men that believe in him, but also that he
is my Jesus, my God, my Lord. For whereas of my nature I was
born in sin, and in the indignation and displeasure of God, and
was the very child of wrath, condemned to everlasting death,
subject and thrall to the power ofthe devil, and sin, having all
the principal parts or portions of my soul, as my reason and un
derstanding, and my freewill, and all the other portions of my
soul and body, not only so destituted and deprived of the gifts
of God, wherewith they were first endowed, but also so blinded,

io8 The Lutheran Movement in England,
corrupted and poisoned with error, ignorance and carnal con
cupiscence, that neither my said powers could exercise the na
tural function and office, for the which they were ordained by
God at the first creation, nor I by them could do or think any
thing which might be acceptable to God, but was utterly dead to
God and all godly thiiigs, and utterly unable and insufficient of
mine own self to observe the least part of God's commandments,
and utterly inclined and ready to run headlong into all kinds of sin
and mischief; I believe, I say, that I being in this case, Jesus
Christ, by suffering most painful and shameful death upon the
cross, and by shedding of his most precious blood, and by that
glorious victory which he had, when he descending into hell, and
there overcoming both the devil and death, rose again the third
day from death to life, and ascended into heaven, hath now pac
ified his Father's indignation towards me, and hath. reconciled
me again into his favor, and that he hath loosed and delivered
me from the tyranny of death, ofthe devil, and of sin, and hath
made me so free from them, that they shall not finally hurt or
annoy me. ... So that now I may boldly say and believe, as
indeed I do perfectly believe, that by his passion, his death, his
blood, and his conquering of death, of sin, and of the devil, by
his resurrection. and ascension, he hath made a sufficient expi
ation or propitiation towards God, that is to say, a sufficient
satisfaction and recompense, as well as for my original sin, as also
for all the actual sins * that ever I have committed, and that I
am so clearly rid from all the guilt of my said offences, and from
the everlasting pain due for the same, that neither sin, nor death,
nor hell shall be able or have any power, to hurt me or to let me,
but that after this transistory life I shall ascend into heaven,
there to reign with my Saviour Christ perpetually in glory and
feHcity." We find also the following amplification of one of the articles
in the Third Part of the Creed :
" I believe that in this catholic church, I, and all the lively
* See Augsburg Confession, Art. Ill : 3.

The Bishops' Book of .1^37.

109

and quick members of the same, shall continually and from time
to time, so long as we shall live here on earth, obtain remission
and forgiveness of all our sins as well original as actual,'' by the
merits of Christ's blood and passion, and by the virtue and effi
cacy of Christ's sacraments, instituted by him for that purpose,
so oft as we shall worthily receive the same. ' '
We add yet the explanation of the First Commandment,
which the reader will do well to compare with that of Luther in
the Large Catechism :
" To have God is not to have him as we have other outward
things, as clothes upon our back, or treasure in our chests ; nor
also to name him with our mouth, or to worship him with kneel
ing or other such gestures ; but to have him our God is to con
ceive him in our hearts, to cleave fast and surely unto him with
heart, and to put all our trust and confidence in him, to set all
our thought and care upon him, and to hang wholly on him, tak
ing him to be infinitely good and merciful unto us. ' '

the bishops book, and the other LUTHERAN CONFESSIONS.
We find in the Bishops' Book traces, not only of Luther's Cat
echisms, but also of the other Lutheran Confessions which were
then extant. Not only does it incorporate within itself " The
Ten Articles," which are based upon the Apology and the Augs
burg Confession, but other passages are directly taken from the
same sources.

Augsburg Confession, (Art. V.)
" For the obtaining of this faith, the
ministry of teaching this gospel, and
administering the sacraments was in
stituted. For by the Word and Sac
raments, as by instruments, the Holy
Spirit is given who worketh faith."

Bishops' Book.
" To the attaining of which faith,
it is also to be noted, that Christ hath
instituted and ordained in the world
but only two means and instruments,
whereof the one is the ministration
of his word, and the other is the ad
ministration of his sacraments insti
tuted by him ; so that it is not possi
ble to attain this faith, but by one, or
both of these two means. '

' See Augsburg Confession, Art. Ill : 3.

The Lutheran Movement in England,

Apology (Latin Eng. Trans, p. 163.)
" It says Catholic church, in order
that we may not understand the
church to be an outward government
of certain nations, but rather men
scattered throughout the whole world,
who agree concerning the gospel and
have the same Christ, the same Holy
Ghost, and the same sacraments."
Apology {German, Mueller, p. 153.)
" That no one may think that the
church is like any other outward
polity, bound to to this or that land,
kingdom or rank, as the Pope of
Rome wants to say ; but that it abides
certainly true, that that body and
those men are the true church, who
here and there in the world from the
rising of the sun to its setting, truly
believe in Christ, who have one Gos
pel, one Christ, one Baptism and Sac
rament, and are ruled by one Holy
Ghost." It will be noticed that the English paraphrase follows the
German almost as closely, as the German translation follows the
text ofthe original Latin.
The explanation of the Ave Maria shows traces of a sermon
of Luther of 1523. ^

"I believe that; this Holy Church
is catholic, that is, to say, that it can
not be coarcted or restrained within
the limits or bonds of any one town,
city, province, region, or country; but
that it is dispersed and spread univer
sally throughout all the whole world.
Insomuch that in what part soever of
the world — be it in Africa, Asia, or
Europe, there may be found any num
ber of people, of what sort, state or
condition soever they be, which do
believe in one God the Father, Crea
tor of all things, and in one Lord
Jesu CJirist, his Son, and in one Holy
Ghost, and do also profess and have
all one faith, one hope and one char
ity, according as it is prescribed in
holy scripture, and do all consent in
the true interpretation of the same
scripture, and in the right use of the
sacraments of Christ."

Luther.
Du siehestu dass hierinne Kein
Gebet, sondern eitel Lob und Ehre
begriffen ist. Gleichiwie in den ersten
Worten des Vater Unsers auch Kein
Gebet ist, sondern Lob und Ehre
Gottes, dass er unser Vater and im
Himmel sei.

Bishops' Book.
This Ave Maria is not properly a
prayer, as the Paternoster is. Never
theless the church hath used to ad
join it to the end of the Paternoster,
as an hymn, laud and praise, partly
of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ,
for our redemption, and partly of .the
blessed virgin for her humble consent.
Even the Smalcald Articles which had been subscribed only
on February 22d, 1537, in their com.pleted form being but four
months earlier than the English Confession may have been util
ized. For the resemblance between not only the historical por
tions of Melanchthon's Appendix " On the Power and Primacy
^Erlangen Ed. xv: 318.

The Bishops' Book of 1^37. in
ofthe Pope," but also Luther's treatment in Part II. Art. IV.,
and the argument against the Papacy in the formula before us,
is very marked. The Augsburg Confession, the Apology and the
Smalcald Articles all seem to have been laid under contribution
in the preparation of the chapter on " The Sacrament of Orders, ' '
although a hierarchical doctrine pervades it not found in the
Lutheran formularies. ' We know that on March 5th, Melanch
thon's paper on the reasons why " the princes, estates and cities
of the Empire, professing the pure and catholic doctrine of the
Gospel, declined to attend the Council at Mantua," was signed,
that it was at once published, and copies sent to the Kings of
England and France, * that it was " immediately translated into .
English," ' and published. The translator was Miles Coverdale,
distinguished as a translator of the Bible. Such was the impor
tance which the evangelical element of the English Church then
attached to everything which emanated from the Wittenberg
Faculty. Even though Melanchthon's " De Recusatione Con-
cilii" were not officially transmitted until November 14th, as
seems probable from a letter in the Coi-pus Reformatorum, the
argument for proving the dependence of the English theologians
is in no way invalidated.
Nor would time be lost, if space permitted, in a careful exam
ination of the source in Lutheran authorities of much of the
teaching of this book, even where no special formulary has been
closely followed. Sometimes it has been regarded as receding
from "The Ten Articles," since while the former, following
' The argument is summarized by Hardwick (History of the Christian
Church during the Reformation) : " They contended that the fabric of the
Papal monarchy was altogether human ; that its growth was traceable partly
to the favor and indulgence of the Roman emperors, and partly to ambitious
artifices of the popes themselves ; that just as men originally made and sanc
tioned it, so might they, if occasion should arise, withdraw from it their con
fidence, and thus reoccupy the ground on which all Christians must have
stood anterior to the Middle Ages."
* Corpus Reformatorum III : 314.
^ Hardwick' s Articles, p. 31.

112 The Lutheran Movement in England.
the Apology, gives only three sacraments, the Bishops' Book al-
lo'ws the full number of seven claimed by the Romanists. But
the Rev. Henry Jenkyns who has edited the works of Archbishop
Cranmer, found a manuscript in the Chapter House at Westmin
ster showing that this supposition is erroneous. In connection
with the Ten Articles a declaration had been made and signed by
the evangelical theologians, conceding the name of sacrament to
the four other ordinances, but with limitations which the advocates
of the Old Learning were unwilling to publish. In the Bishops'
Book, what is essentially this declaration comes to light. Its
argument is mainly that of the Apology, which is directed
entirely to the importance of making a distinction between rites
instituted by God's command, in which, through a visible ele
ment, the promise of the gratuitous forgiveness of sins is sealed,
and all others. If this distinction be conceded, Melanchthon
maintaips that it does not make much difference what is called a
sacrament, and suggests that even prayer and almsgiving and
afflictions might be called sacraments, provided the distinction be
t-ween them, and what he regarded then as three sacraments, be
kept unimpaired. So the Bishops' Book declares : " There is a
difference between them and the other three sacraments. First.
These three be instituted of Christ. Secondly. They be com
manded by Christ to be ministered and received in their out
ward visible signs. Thirdly. They have annexed and enjoined
unto their said visible signs, such spiritual graces whereby our
sins be remitted and forgiven, and we be perfectly renewed, re
generated, purified, justified, so oft as we worthily and duly re
ceive the same. ' ' THE king's AMENDMENTS.
Without attempting an examination and enumeration of Ro
manizing elements still retained, which are principally those of
" The Ten Articles," though to a considerable extent less, there
is yet one item of interest connected with its history, that is
worthy of notice. There is in the Bodleian Library a copy of
"The Institution," or Bishops' Book, with marginal criticisms

The" Bishops' Book of 1337, 113
in the handwriting of Henry VIIL, and in the Library of Corpus
Christi College at Cambridge, the annotations of Cranmer upon
these proposed corrections of his sovereign, are to be found.
Henry's notes indicate no little critical ability, but, at the
same time, his real want of thorough understanding or appreci
ation of the doctrine of the Gospel as there set forth. It is his
main purpose to introduce limitations and qualifications,
whereby the universality of the divine provisions and promises
maybe modified, so as to include, if possible, the conditions ofthe
application. Cranmer shows that he has been a sufficiently
faithful pupil of the Reformers, to be able with clearness and de
cision to declare to his monarch the real points of discrimination
that should be made. For instance, in the explanation of the
First Article of the Creed, where the Bishops' Book, says : " He
is my very God, my Lord, my Father, and that I am his servant
and his o-wn son,'" Henry proposes to add " as long as I perse
vere in his precepts and laws. ' ' To this Cranmer would not
hear. The declaration, he maintains, is that of " the very pure
Christian faith and hope which every good Christian man ought
to profess." It belongs to the sphere, he says, of special faith,
and not to that of general faith, which even devils have. The
voice of true faith claims God as its own, without the interposi
tion of any such condition ; although of course when this condi
tion is not present, the pure faith thus confessed is " only in the
mouth," and not in the heart. He maintains that every man
should examine himself as to whether he actually have " the
right faith and sure trust of God's fa-wor;" but, this done, "it
shall not be necessary to interline or insert in many places,
where we protest our pure Christian faith, these words or sen
tences, that be newly added, namely, ' I being willing to follow
God's precepts,' ' I rejecting in my will and heart the Devil and
his works,' 'I willing to return to God,' 'If I continue not in
sin,' 'If I continue a Christian life.' " When the Second Ar
ticle is reached " that Jesus is my Lord, " the king again wants
this limited by the clause, " I being Christian, and in will to fol-
9

114 The Lutheran Movement in England,
low his precepts ;" and when it says " I am restored to the light
and knowledge of God," he proposes the insertion of " Reject
ing , in my will and heart, the Devil and his works, ' ' both of which
receive a similar answer. There are other corrections of the
king, sho-wing more decidedly his essentially Romanistic posi
tion, as, for example, where he qualifies the statement, which to
Cranmer is so important, that Christ's sufferings were a satisfac
tion for original as well as for all actual sins, by a clause limiting
the actual sins for which atonement was made, to those alone
which were committed "before my reconciliation." Unfortu
nately, Cranmer's answer shows at this point a weakening, since
while opposing the insertion of the qualifying clause, he, at the
same time, concedes that the propitiation of Christ cannot be
extended to sins committed after reconciliation.

CHAPTER VIII.
THE ENGLISH BIBLES OF 1535 AND 1537.
Petitionof the Convocation of 1534. Miles Coverdale. His Bible of 1535
from " the Douche and Latyn." His dependence on the Zurich Trans
lation. Relation of the Ziirich Translation to Luther. Relation to
Tyndale. Influence on the Authorized Version. His Exposition of Ps.
XXIL, a literal Translation from Luther. His Hymns, from Lutheran
Sources. Illustrated by a number of Examples. Herford's Table of
Coverdale's Hymns, and their German Originals. His Theory of their
Origin. Matthew's Bible of 1537. John Rogers. His Residence in
Wittenberg. A Lutheran Pastor. The first Martyr imder Mary. Why
he used a Pseudonym ? Probably printed at Wittenberg.
We leave for awhile the diplomatic side of the history of the
English Reformation, and turn to the less public sphere, in which
the quiet work of scholars from the privacy of their studies, was
making itself felt.
It was one of Cranmer's first efforts to secure a complete trans
lation ofthe Bible into English, and to authorize and promote
its circulation among the people. But, in accord with the well-
known un-willingness of men to recede from a false position, un
less under some expedient whereby to give the appearance of
consistency to their action, the Convocation, in petitioning the
king, December loth, 1534, that the Bible should be translated
by some learned men, also asked that a demand should be made
for all books of suspected doctrine, and that, within three
months, they should be surrendered.' This was followed by the
pubhcation, October 4th, 1535 of The Bible: that is, the holy
' Strj'pe's Memorials of Cranmer, p. 50.
("5)

ii6 The Lutheran Movet?ient in England.
Scripture of the Old and New Testament, faithfully translated
orit of Douche and Latyn into Englishe. MDXXXV. The
translator was Miles Coverdale, afterwards bishop of Exeter.
Coverdale, born about 1488, was one of the band of Cambridge
students, whom we have seen meeting for prayer and the study
ofthe Bible and Luther's works, in the house called "Germany."
He had entered the monastery of the Augustinians at Cambridge,
and there had come under the influence of its prior. Dr. Robert
Barnes, so active afterwards at Wittenberg, to whom he ever re
mained a most faithful friend. When Dr. Barnes was arrested
in 1526, Coverdale had voluntarily accompanied him, and
helped to support him under the trial ; and when, after his mar
tyrdom in 1540, his Confesssion at the stake was maliciously as
sailed by John Standish, Coverdale again came nobly forward,
and pubhshed a book in vindication of his deceased friend.
He had early formed the acquaintance of Crumwell, and enjoyed
his confidence, as is shown by letters which have been preserved,
and are published in his collected works. When Tyndale's New
Testament was published, Coverdale appears among those most
prominent in its circulation. For some years, before the first
publication of fhe Bible, the precise residence of Coverdale is
not known. Foxe, who knew him well, states that he was for a
time with Tyndale at Hamburg, and had assisted the latter in
the translation of the Pentateuch. This statement, generally dis
credited by modern writers, is accepted by Westcott. The work
on his own translation undoubtedly occupied his time for years.
When the Convocation of December 1534 had, accordingly,
passed the resolution above given, Crumwell probably informed
him that the time had come for its publication. The title-page
gives no information as to the place where it was printed and
published. Those who have made a special study of the typo
graphy of bibles of that period, have no hesitancy in saying that
it came from the press of Froschover of Ziirich, the publisher of
the Ziirich Bible. ^ Notwithstanding the fact that the title-page ex-
^ The comparison may be made in the library of the Lutheran Theological
Seminary at Mt. Airy, Philadelphia.

The English Bibles of 1535 and 1537. ^ ^ 7
pressly states the dependence of the translation upon the (German
and Latin versions, recent writers have undertaken to deny- it.
Not only the title-page, but the " Prologue to the Translation " is
against this theory. "To help me herein," says Coverdale, " I
have had sundry translations, not only in Latin, but also of the
Dutch interpreters, whom, because of their singular gifts and
special diligence in the Bible, I have bee>i the more glacl to fol
low for the most part-' '
In the light of such words by Coverdale himself, Canon West
cott is undoubtedly not unjust when he says : " His critics have
been importunately eager to exalt his scholarship at the cost of
his honesty. If the title-page, said one who had not seen it,
runs so, 'it contains a very great misrepresentation.' To an
other, the notice appears to be a piece of advertising tact. Ex
pediency, a third supposes, led Coverdale to underrate his la
bors. And yet it may be readily shown that the words are sim
ply and literally true. ' ' ' Ginsburg, followed by Westcott,
Mombert, and others, has shown the great dependence of Cover-
dale upon the Ziirich translation of the Bible,. This is mainly
Luther's translation of the other books, with a translation of the
prophets by Leo Judae, Zwingli, Pellicanus and others. It
appeared at intervals 1524-9, while Luther's Bible -was not
complete until 1534, the translation ofthe prophets not having
been finished until 1532. Coverdale, therefore, followed the
Ziirich edition, largely in order to have the benefit of that in
which it anticipated Luther. The direct, as well as the indirect
influence of Luther, may be traced. Tyndale was also laid un-^
der contribution. While some knowledge of the Hebrew and
Greek original is not denied, he followed closely preced
ing translators rather than ventured to use his own judgment. ¦•
' History of the English Bible, p. 213.
¦*" His Old Testament is not taken at. all from the original Hebrew, either
professedly or in fact, b-.it is, only a secondary translation, based chiefly on the
Swiss-German, or Ziirich Bible." Eadie, 1 : 285. " In every instance,
where he forsakes Tyndale, he is led by Luther and the Ziirich Bible," Ib.
p. 294.

II 8 The Lutheran Movement in England,
" Though he is not original, yet he was endowed with an instinct
of discrimination which is scarcely less precious than originality,
and a delicacy of ear which is no mean qualification for a popu
lar translator."^ "No Httle of that indefinable quality that
gives popular charm to our English Bible, and has endeared it to
so many generations, is owing to Coverdale. The semitones
in the miisic ofthe style are his gift. What we mean will be
apparent to any one who compares the Authorized Version, es
pecially in the Old Testament, with the exacter translations of
many of the books which have been made by scholars and critics.
Tyndale gives us the first great outline distinctly and wonder
fully etched, but Coverdale added those minuter touches which
soften and harmonize it. The characteristic features are Tyn
dale's in all their boldness of form and expression, the more
delicate lines and shadings arc the contribution of his successor,
both in his own version, and in the ' Great Bible.' "°
Two years afterwards, in 1537, two editions of a reprint of
Coverdale's Bible of 1535, were published in London.
The same year, Coverdale published "A very excellent
and swete exposition upon the two and twentye Psalme of David,
called in latyn : 'Dominus regit me, et nihil. Translated out of
hye Almayne in to Englyshe by Myles Coverdale, 1537." This
is a very literal translation of Luther's Der 2351 Psalm auf
einen Abend Uber Tisch nach dem Gratias ausgelegt, 1536."
This exposition was very likely delivered during the stay of the
English ambassadors at Wittenberg. As Dr. Barnes, Coverdale's
friend, was a frequent table guest of Luther, he was possibly at
the table (fiber Tisch) where this explanation was given.
A still more important work must have been occupying him at
this time, if not already finished. His " Goostly Psalmes and
Spirituale Songs, drawn out of the holy Scripture " is without
date. But as it is on the list of books prohibited by Henry VIII
in 1539, its publication is necessarily prior to that date. It is
5'Westcott, pp. 216, sq.
' Eadie, The English Bible, 1 : 302.

The English Bibles of 1335 and 1337. ^^9
especially interesting as furnishing the beginning for EngHsh
Hymnody. They are nearly all readily traceable to Lutheran
sources. We are sure that a liberal selection from them will be
appreciated. Of Luther's Komm. Heiliger Geist Herre Gott,
there are three translations. If the readily accessible rendering
by Miss Winkworth be consulted by the English reader, he
will note how nearly one of the translations of the Sixteenth, an
ticipated that of the Nineteenth Century :
Come, holy Spirite, most blessed Lorde,
Fulfil our hartes nowe with thy grace ;
And make our myndes of one accorde,
Kyndle them with love iu every place.
O Lorde, thou forgevest our trespace,
And callest the folke of every countre
To the ryght fayth and tmste of thy grace,
That they may geve thankes and synge to thee,
AUeluya, AUeluya.
O holy lyght, moste principall.
The worde of lyfe shewe unto us ;
And cause us to knowe God over all
For our owne Father most gracious.
Lord, kepe us from lemyng venymous.
That we may folowe no masters but Christe.
He is the veritie, his word sayth thus ;
Cause us to set in hym our tmste.
AUeluya, AUeluya.
O holy fyre, and conforth moste swete,
Fyll our hertes with faytli and boldnesse,
To abide by the in colde and hete,
Content to sufire for ryghteousnesse ;
O Lord, geve strength to our weaknesse,
And send us helpe every houre ;
That we may overcome all wyckednesse,
And brynge this olde Adam under thy power.
AUeluya, AUeluya.
Luther's summary in verse of the Ten Commandments, is an
other of Coverdale's translations.

I20

The Lutheran Movement in England.

Mensch, willt du leben seliglich,
Und bei Gott bleiben ewiglich :
SoUt du halten die zehn Gebot,
Die uns gebeut unser Gott.
Kyrieleis.

Man, wylt thou live vertuously.
And with God reign eternally,
Man, must thou keep these com
mandments ten.
That God commanded to all men.
Kirielyson.
Nun freut euch lieben christen gmein appears in the following
form. There is no abbreviation by Coverdale. We select sev
eral stanzas. Be glad now, all ye Christen men,
And let us rejoyce unfaynedly.
The kindnesse cannot be written with penne,
That we have receaved of God's mercy ;
Whose love towards us hath never ende
He hath done for us as a frende ;
Now let us thanke him hartely.
I was a prysoner of the devell ;
With death, was I also utterly lost;
My synnes drove me dayly to hell ;
Therein was I borne ; this may I host.
I was also in them once ryfe ;
There was no virtue in my lyfe,
To take my pleasure I spared no cost.
Than God etemall had pitie on me,
To ryd me fro my wyckednesse.
He thought of his plenteous great mercy,
And wolde not leave me comfortlesse.
He turned to me his fatherly herte.
And wolde I shoulde with hym have parte
Of all his costly ryches.
He spake to his deare beloved Sonne,
The time is now to have mercye ;
Thou must be man's redempcyon,
And lowse hym from captivite.
Thou must hym helpe from trouble of synne ;
From paynfuU death thou must hym Wynne,
That he may lyve eternally.
Luther s paraphrase of media vita is closely followed.

The English Bibles of 133S and 1337.

121

Mitten -H-ir in Leben sind
Mit dem Tod umfangen ;
Wen such wir, der Hiilfe thu,
Dass wir Gnad erlangen ?
Das bist du, Herr, alleine.
Uns reuet unser Missethat,
Die dich, Herr, erziimet hat.
Heiliger Herre Gott,
Heiliger starker Gott,
Heiliger, barmhertziger Heiland,
Du ewiger Gott,
Lass uns nicht veisinken
In des bittern Todes Noth.
Kyrieleyson.

In the myddest of our lyvynge,
Deathe compaseth us rounde about :
Who shulde us now sucour bi-ynge.
By whose grace we maye come out ?
Even, thou, Lorde Jesu, alone :
It doth oure hartes sore greve truly,
That we have offended the.
O Lord God, most holy,
O Lord God, most myghtie,
O holy and merciful Savior,
Thou most worthy God eternall,
Suffre us not at our laste houre
For any death from the to fall.
Kyrieleyson.

ON THE BIRTH OF CHRIST.

Gelobet seist du, Jesu Christj
Dass du Mensch geboren bist
Von einer Jungfrau, das ist wahr,
Des freuet sich der Engel Schaar.
Kyrieleis.
Des ewigen Vaters einig Kind,
Jetzt man in der Krippen findt,
In unser armes Fleisch und Blut,
Verkleidet sich das ewig Gut.
Kyrieleis.

Now blessed be thou, Christ Jesu ;
Thou art man borne, this is true :
The angels made a merry noise,
Yet we have more cause to rejoyse.
Kyrielyson.
The blessed son of God onely.
In a crybbe full poore dyd lye :
With oure poore flesh and our poore
bloude,
Was clothed that everlasting good.
Kyrielyson.

ON THE RESURRECTION.

Christ lag in Todesbanden,
Fiir unser Siind gegeben,
Der ist wieder erstanden,
Und hat uns bracht das Leben :
Dess wir sollen frohlich sein,
Gott loben und dankbar sein,
Und singen Halleluja. Halleluja.
Es war ein wunderlich krieg,
Da Tod und Leben rungen.
Das Leben behielt den Sieg,
Es hat den Tod verschlungen.
Die Schrift hat verkiindet das,
Wie ein Tod den andern frass,
Ein Spott aus dem Tod ist worden,
Halleluja.

Chrift dyed and sufired great payne.
For our synnes and wickednesse ;
But he is now risen agayne,
To make us full of gladnesse.
Let us all rejoyse therfore,
And geve him thanks for evermore,
Synginge to him, AUeluya.
AUeluya.
It was a marvelous great thynge.
To se how death with death dyd
fyght ;
For the one death gat the wynnynge,
And the other death lost his myght.
Holy Scripture speaketh of it.
How one death another wolde byte :
The death of Christ hath wonne by
ryght. AUeluya,

The Lutheran Movement in England.

'NUNC DIMITTIS.

Mit Fried und Freud, ich fahr dahin.
In Gottes Wille.
Getrost ist mir mein Herz und Sinn,
Sanft und stille.
Wie Gott mir verheissen hat ;
Der Tod ist mein Schlaf worden.

With peace and with joyfuU gladnesse,
And with a mery harte,
Accerdynge to thy swete promesse,
Lorde, let me now departe :
Now geve me leave, that I may dye ;
For I would be present with the.

In Ein feste Burg, the meter is adopted, but Coverdale fol
lows the Forty-Sixth Psalm more closely than he does Luther.
Oure God is a defence and towre,
A good armoure and good weapen ;
He hath been ever oure helpe and sucoure,
In all the troubles that we have ben in.
Therefore wyl we never drede,
For any wonderous dede
By water or by lande.
In hUles or the see side :
Oure God hath them al in his hand.
Of Other Psalms paraphrased by Luther, there are translations
of the Twelfth (^Ach Gott von Himmel sieh darein ) the Four
teenth {Es spricht der Unweisen Mund wohl,) Sixty-seventh, One
hundred and twenty-fourth, One hundred and twenty-eighth, and
One hundred and thirtieth. "UNTO THE TRENTIE."

Gott der Vater wohn uns bei,
Und lass uns nicht verderben,
Mach uns alier Siinden frei,
Und helf uns selig sterben.
Fiir dem Teufel uns bewahr,
Halt uns bei festem Glauben,
Und auf dich lass uns bauen,
Aus Herzengrund vertrauen.

God the Father, dwell us by,
And let us never do amysse ;
Geve us grace with wyll to dye.
And make us redy to thy blysse.
From the devel's myght and powre,
Kepe us in fayth every houre ;
And ever let us buylde on the.
With hole herte trustynge stedfastly.

Another Lutheran hymn-writer from whom Coverdale drew
was Paul Speratus, from whom two hymns were taken (^Es ist das
Heil uns Kommen, "Kirchenbuch," No. 270, and In Gott
gelaub ich, Wackernagel, Kirchen-Lied, III: 33.)
Lawrence Spengler, whose acquaintance Cranmer must have

The English Bibles of 1535 and 1337. 123
formed while at Niirnberg, is represented by his principal h)Tnn,
afterwards quoted in the Formula of Concord " Durch Adam s
Fall ist ganz verderbt ' (Kirchenbuch, No. 271). Hans Sachs
also furnishes a hymn ( Wach auf in Gottes Name, Wackernagel
III: 58). Justus Jonas' paraphrase of Psalm 124, found in
Kirchenbuch, No 171, is also followed. Agricola appears in
Ich rufzu dir, Herr Jesu Christ (Kirchenbuch No. '415), and
Decius in Allein Gott in der Hoh sei Ehr.
One of the most interesting translations is that of a Reforma
tion hymn, of uncertain authorship, but composed before the
Diet of Augsburg, O Herre Gott, Dein gottlich Wort {Kirchen
buch, No. 191.) O hevenly Lorde, thy godly worde
Hath longe bene kepte alwaye from us :
But thorow thy grace now in oure dayes,
Thou hast shewed the so plenteous.
That very well we can now tell.
What thy apostles have written al ;
And now we see thy worde openly
Hath geven anthyechrist a great fall.
It is so cleare, as we may heare,
No man by ryght can it deny,
That many a yeare thy people deare
Have been begyled perlously
With men spirituall, as we them call,
But not of thy Spirite truly ;
For more camall are none at al,
Than many of these spirites be.
They have bene ever swome altogether,
Theyr owne lawes for to kepe alwaye ;
But mercyfuU Lorde, of thy swete worde
There durst no man begynn to saye.
They dmrst them call great heritikes al,
That did confess it stedfastly;
For they charged, it shuld be hyd.
And not spoken of openly.

124 The Lutheran Moverrient in England,
O mercyfuU God, where was thy rod.
In punyshynge soch great tyranny ?
Why slept thou then, knowynge these men
Resist openly the veritie ?
For such a hymn semi-papal England was not yet prepared, as
the martyrs of 1540, and the six Articles were yet to show.
That a volume containing such an arraignment of much that
still existed, under authority in England, and with which
the king sympathized, should have been prescribed, is only what
could have been expected.
To recapitulate ; Of Coverdale's forty-one hymns, twenty-
two are from Luther, two from Speratus, one each from Spen
gler, Sachs, Agricola, Justus Jonas, Decius, and Greiser, four are
well-known Lutheran hymns of uncertain origin, and seven we
have not been able to identify, although their entire structure
and spirit plainly show where they belong.'
When, then, the Church of England, and her various daugh
ters, cling so tenderly to the Psalter in the "Book of Common
Prayer," and prefer its animated and rythmical expressions to
the acknowledged more accurate translation of the Authorized
Version, the secret of the charm is found in the influence which
the treasures of the first period of Lutheran hymnology had upon
the style of him who came to the work of translating the Psalter,
with the notes of so many of the masterpieces of Luther and his
associates ringing in his ears, and filling his heart with a glow of
devout feeling. Coverdale's forty-one hymns were probably the
growth of years. None of the originals which he translated is
' Reference may be made to the interesting tables, tracing the origin of
Coverdale's entire list by Prof Mitchell in The Academy for June 28, 1S84;
and in Herford's Literary Relations of Ger-many and England in the XVI.
Century (Cambridge 1886) pp. 17 sqq. The summary ofthe latter is : From
the Latin 6; from Luther, 18; Creutziger, I ; Speratus, 2; Hegenwalt, I;
Agricola I ; Moebanius, i ; Sachs, I ; Spengler, I ; Dachstein, I ; Greiser, I ;
Decius, 2 ; Anonymous, 5.

The English Bibles of IJ3J and 1537. 125
later than 1531.' The translations of the hymns and the trans
lation of the Bible may have proceeded cotemporaneously, the
former having afforded a relief from the severer work of the
latter. We are not through with Coverdale, but must interrupt the
narrative at this point, to consider another edition of the
English Bible, and its translator, rapidly following that which
has just been noticed. John Rogers, born about 1500, was an
other Alumnus of Cambridge ; but does not seem to have been
influenced by the Protestant movement until, after being rector
for two years of "Trinity the Less," in London, while chaplain
to the merchant adventurers in Antwerp, he became intimate with
Tyndale. The latter having been martyred October 6th, 1536,
Rogers the succeeding year married Adriana Pratt or de Wey-
den, and moved to Wittenberg. All authorities agree in this,
and state that he so thoroughly mastered the German, that he
became superintendent or pastor of a church at Wittenberg, "to
which he ministered for many years with great ability and suc
cess." We can find no trace of such pastorate among German
authorities. It may have been a church near Wittenberg which
he served. Salig " states that he was ordained at Wittenberg;
which necessarily implies a pastoral care. On his trial, '" he ex
plained and defended the order of service used in Wittenberg.
Previously he had translated and published in English " Me
lanchthon on the Interim," in connection with a defence of
Melanchthon's course, then severely criticized. All these facts
show the substantial truth of the cotemporaneous account. He
remained in Wittenberg or its neighborhood from 1537 to 1547
'" Of the Lutheran hymnology of 1524—31, Coverdale's 'Goostly Songs'
is a fair selection. . . Almost devoid of lyric faculty, his verse limps labor
iously after the stirring measures of Luther. . . He has not the good trans
lator's sensitiveness and elasticity of style. Yet his very sincerity and sim-
pUcity often do the work of refined tasie."—9Ierford, pp. II, 15.
SII: 491.
^"British Reformers, (PhUada.J, p. 9; Salig, II: 491.

126 The Lutheran Movement in England,
or '48. Returning on the accession of Edward VI. , in whose
reign he enjoyed great influence, he was the first of the mart3T:s
under Mary, having been burned at Smithfield, February 4th,
1555. The story of his farewell to his wife and eleven children
when on the way to martyrdom, is well known to readers of Eng
lish history. His son, Daniel, was afterwards educated in part
at Wittenberg, some affirm at Melanchthon's cost, and became a
distinguished diplomat under Queen Elizabeth.
Rogers fell heir to the manuscripts which Tyndale left at his
death. It is well known how diligently employed he was during
his imprisonment in completing his translation from the Hebrew
of the Old Testament. As St. Paul sent from the Roman dun
geon, for his books and parchments, so also Tyndale had asked :
" I wish permission to have a candle in the evening. . . But
above all I entreat . . that he may kindly permit me to have
my Hebrew Bible, Hebrew grammar and Hebrew dictionary,
that I may spend my time with that study." -Rogers, therefore,
took the printed New Testament and Pentateuch of Tyndale,
added to them Tyndale's manuscript translation from Joshua to
the end of 2 Chronicles, and completed the Bible by adopting
Coverdale's version in what was lacking. Foxe says: "He
added prefaces and notes out of Luther. ' ' Thomas Matthewe
was given as the name of the translator, possibly because he hesi
tated to claim as his own what was only a compilation, or be
cause the publishing of Tyndale's name would have prevented its
endorsement and circulation in England. Some assume that
Thomas Matthewe was the name of the person who, in the be
ginning, assumed the financial responsibility. Before the print- .
ing was complete, the English printers, Grafton and Whitchurch,
became its proprietor's. Itwas printed in 1537. Dr. Mombert"
argues that the printer was Hans Luft, and the place of printing
Wittenberg, whither Rogers moved that year. Thus the first
authorized version, of the English Bible, like its two predeces
sors, was prepared and published under Lutheran influences and
auspices. 11 Handbook of English Versions, p. 1 76.

CHAPTER IX.
THE LUTHERAN COMMISSION TO ENGLAND OF 1538.
An ominous Silence. Anxiety of Melanchthon. His letter to Henry VIII.
His Criticism of the Ten Articles. Henry seeks Renewal of Negotia
tions. Christopher Mount at Brunswick. Arrangements for Conference
of 1538. The Lutheran Commissioners. Sketch of Myconius. Luth
er's letter to Fox. Death of Fox. Its ESect on the Lutheran Move
ment. Reception of the Commission. The Augsburg Confession Dis
cussed. Agreement on the Doctrinal Articles. Conflict on " Abuses."
An Agreement Imminent. Henry's Schemes to end the Conference.
The Commission withdraws. Their admonition. Handsome Presents
for Inhospitable Entertainment. Results. XIII Articles of 1538.
Relation to Augsburg Confession shown in parallel columns.
While the English Bible was thus working like leaven among
the English people, the diplomatic side of the Reformation was
also progressing. In chapter VI. we have traced the formulation
of " The Ten Articles " of 1536, and shown their relation to the
Augsburg Confession and the Apology. It becomes an interest
ing subject of inquiry to note how the movement in England,
in which they originated was regarded by the leaders of the Ref
ormation in Germany. In reading their correspondence, we
find that for a long time, they were almost entirely cut off from
direct communication with England. Gardiner's plots to defeat
the adoption of the Augsburg Confession and Apology compre
hended also the prevention of any communication between the
English party of reform and those upon whose labors and judg
ment they were so dependent. We have previously referred to
the fact that after his return to England, Dr. Barnes, noting
the change that had occurred, wrote to Melanchthon (June,
(127)

128 The Lutheran Movement in England,
1536),' not to think of making the visit to England, for which
the king had been so importunate. July 31st, ofthe same year,
Alesius, desiring to send a copy of "The Ten Articles" to
Melanchthon, could accomplish his purpose only by transmit
ting it to Aepinus, from 1529 pastor, and from 1532 the Luth
eran Superintendent at Hamburg, who was on most intimate
terms with Crumwell, and asking him to have it sent from Ham
burg to Wittenberg.' Certainly it was not the most considerate
treatment of the accomplished author from whose pen a great
portion of "The Ten Articles" was derived, that he could re
ceive a copy in no other way than through such a surreptitious
channel. But, to be sure, it was the king's own book, and "the
learnedest prince in Christendom," could do with it as he saw
best ! Yet before the Articles could reach Melanchthon, the
Elector of Saxony grew very indignant at the long silence.
Bishop Fox was regarded by some of the princes and theologians
as having most shamefully falsified, since his promises were un
fulfilled. We shall see later that in this impression, Luther did
not share. July 12th, 1536, the Elector thought of sending
some one to England to find out what was the matter, or of re
questing Aepinus to intercede with those in authority there.'
Six weeks more passed, and on September ist, Melanchthon
wrote a letter for the Elector to Henry, in which he said, among
other things :
"We do not doubt that your Royal Highness has learned
from the Bishop of Hereford what was our will and that of our
confederates at the conference at Frankfort, as well as our dispo
sition towards your Royal Highness. We are under the impres
sion, too, that the letters which were sent, June 5 th, from Naum-
burg have been delivered to your Royal Highness. We expect
a reply from your Royal Highness, or at least we hope that
the Bishop of Hereford will write, as we asked in the letter from
' Corptts Reformatorum, III : 89.
2 Ib. 104.
' Seckendorf, III : 113.

The Lutheran Commission to England of 1538. 129
Naumburg, informing us what was the will of yoyr Royal High
ness, when he had read the articles concerning doctrine on which
the legates and the Wittenberg theologians had agreed."
At last on November 28th, Melanchthon had received "The
Ten Articles," and. wrote to Veit Dietrich: "We have the
Anglican Articles complete, which I will have described by
Cruciger ; they have been put together with the greatest confu
sion. There are, it is true, still intervals taken from my affairs.
But I will write of them at another time. ' ' * Three days later,
he wrote to the same correspondent : " We hear that in Eng
land everything is full of seditions. I wonder that you have not
indicated with what countenance Dr. Osiander has regarded the
picture of his prophecy. ' '
THE commission OF 1538.
Henry at last responded, January 2d, 1538, in a very concili
atory strain. He praised the course of his German brethren
concerning the proposed Council, thought that every Christian
man must admire it, and hoped that by future conferences, -with
the Divine assistance, they may come to an agreement, and that
the pure doctrine of Christ which cannot lie hidden long may be
displayed to the salvation of all. ^ At the close of the next month,
he sent Christopher Mount to the meeting of the League at
Brunswick with the assurance that he would use every effort for
the promotion and establishment of the pure religion, and stat
ing that it was now the time to send the promised embassy.* It
was accordingly determined to accept the proposition, and the
embassy was constituted by the appointment of Francis Burk
hard, Vice Chancellor of Saxony, George a Boyneburg, LL. D.,
a Hessian nobleman, and Frederick Myconius, Superintendent
of Gotha — a statesman, a jurist and a theologian.. The very
constitution of the commission showed that it was not antici-
* The translator is compelled here to be an interpreter i "-De.. meis rebus
adhuc qvudem sunt induciae." Ib. p.. 192..
5 Seckendorf, III: 180.
10

130 The Lutheran Movement in England,
pated to admit of any compromises. Melanchthon was evi
dently kept at home intentionally. Myconius (149 1-1 5 46) who
supplied his place, is described as a man of deep spirituality, a
former monk, whose experience in his search for the assurance
of the forgiveness of sins in many respects resembled that of Lu
ther, small of stature, and for years a victim of consumption, of
scholarly habits, wonderful energy, distinguished executive abil
ity, and marked eminence as a jiublic speaker, with Melanch
thon's calm and unruffled disposition, love of peace and habits
of introspection, tinged with well-tempered sentiment, but with
out Melanchthon's fondness for diplomacy, — a man deeply be
loved by both Luther and Melanchthon, who, when the circum
stances demanded it, on more than one occasion, showed that he
could be a true Boanerges, as well as the St. John of the
Lutheran Reformation. However such a representative might
win the love of all with whom he dealt, he could be implicitly
relied upon not to yield an hair's breadth, as in his inner expe
rience he had fought over every point involved in the contro
versy, and knew that life or death hung upon them all. What
better representative could be selected to encounter the disguised
Romanism, than he who, as a youth, still in the toils of the Pa
pacy, had stood before Tetzel begging an indulgence upon the
ground that to the poor it must be given gratuitously, and, when
offered the price by some of Tetzel's attendants, refusing it with
the words : "No, I purchase no forgiveness. I must have it
gratuitously," and charging the indulgence vender to his face:
' You will have to give an answer before God, if for the sake
of a couple of pennies, you regard the salvation of my soul of no
account." LUTHER ON BISHOP FOX.
Already on March nth, the instructions of the commission
were prepared. May 1 2th, Luther wrote a letter to Bishop Fox
commending its members to its kind reception. Alas the ac
complished prelate had died four days before ! With his death,
Lutheranism in England received a blow from which it never re.

The Lutheran Commission to England of 1^38. 131
covered. If that same hand, whose chief work, one would think,
should have been, to transmit the holiest office to those who
were to be the ambassadors of the Gospel of peace and love, but
which so often touched the key at whose signal, the friends of a
purified church, fell beneath the blows of the executioner, had
administered poison to one whose power and influence were too
great to admit of his removal by ordinary methods, he could not
have accomplished his plans more effectually. Without the
vacillation of Cranmer, every movement which the Bishop of
Hereford had made, showed a steady progress towards the ideal
position. He had greater depth of character, wider range of ex
perience, and more facility and readiness as an ecclesiastical
diplomat, than the archbishop. Besides he had always access to
the king — a privilege which Cranmer enjoyed only on rare oc
casions. The letter of Luther shows in what esteem the Re
former held him, and fully counteracts the suspicions felt by
Melanchthon, who, we must acknowledge, was readily deceived
in his estimate of men. Nor do Luther's letters deal in empty
compliments. Whatever he writes he means. Here is his
letter :
" Grace and peace in Christ our Lord. As these men, our
friends and the legates of the princes, are about making a journey
to your Most Serene King, I could not refrain from giving them
a letter to you, dreading especially lest I might incur the charge
of being an ungrateful and forgetful man. For since, in addition
.to the most agreeable intimacy which we enjoyed here, you also
did,' me a very great favor, and profited me by your advice
against my enemy, the stone; it is impossible for me to forget
you. Often has our conversation been concerning you, espe
cially since affairs have been taking such turns in your kingdom,
that either you have been unable to send us letters, or when sent
they were possibly intercepted. By such suppositions we com
forted our anxiety. For we were hesitating and dreading, lest
possibly this persistent silence might be a sign of some sadder
calamity against the progress of the Gospel. There were some

132 The Lutheran Movement in England.
who imagined that your King, circumvented at some time by
skilful Romanists would return again into favor with the Pope.
We here prayed, and amid hope and fear besought that Satan be
beaten under your feet. Neither are we informed what is being
done, among you, with respect to the Gospel, or how. But we
hope on the retum of these legates to hear a good report con
cerning your Anglican Church with respect to what is verily the
Gospel. How the State and Church are in Germany, you will
learn fully and thoroughly from our representatives. The Lord
Jesus Christ increase in you and in us both grace and his gifts to
the , glory of God the Father. Amen. My Katie reverently
salutes you. In Christ, farewell. Your most devoted,
" Martin Luther." '
THE embassy in ENGLAND.
The ambassadors received a very cordial reception. They
were honored with the embrace of the king, who expressed his
great regret at the absence of Melanchthon, but candidly stated
that there were some points in the articles of the Protestants
which he did not approve, and that he thought that they ought
to make the platform sufficiently broad that the French also
might be included. The ambassadors, however, were duly
warned by the friends of the Evangelical cause that he was
greatly influenced by bishops opposed to the Gospel, and that
they should not place much dependence upon his flattery.' This
they soon found to be only too true.
Three bishops and four doctors of divinity, with Cranmer, as
president of the commission, were appointed to represent the
English side, while Dr. Barnes was assigned by the king a place
in the conference on the Lutheran side ! There is perfect agree
ment concerning the facts of the Conference. " The two par
ties went together through the Augustan Confession."' "The
course of the discussion was regulated by the plan pursued in the
' De Wette's Luther's Briefen, V : IIo sq.
'Seckendorf, III: 180.
^ Dixon's History of the Church of England, Vol. II : p 3.

The Lutheran Commission to England of 1^38. 133
Augsburg Confessiori." "The king appointed certain bishops
and doctors, to enter into conference and debate with them, of
each of the heads of Christian doctrine contained in the Augus
tine Confession, and of divers abuses brought into the church. ' ' '
They were not long in coming to an agreement on the Doctrinal
Articles, but after these were finished, a disagreement arose, the
Lutherans insisting that the consideration of the Confession must
be finished, and the articles on Abuses also included, while the
bishops were just as urgent that the seven sacraments must form
the next subject of consideration. Back of the bishops was the
king ; but the Lutherans had the satisfaction of having on their
side Cranmer, who wrote with no little feeling to Crumwell con
ceming the course of his associates. The fact could not be con
cealed that it was the intention of the King by this procedure to
break up the conference, which threatened to go too far. It
actually began to look as though, if the discussions were to con
tinue, the whole Augsburg Confession would be approved. Me
lanchthon wrote to Brenz on the basis of the reports received at
Wittenberg : " There is hope that the Anglican churches will
be reformed, and the doctrine and godly rights restored." "
Nevertheless it would have been a serious matter from a political
standpoint to have dismissed the representatives of the Smalcald
League too abruptly. So Henry announced that he himself
would undertake to answer the Lutheran argument on Abuses.
Cranmer also describes the entertainment furnished the Luth
eran ambassadors as being such as would lead them to desire a
summons homeward at the earliest moment. "As concernyng
the Oratours of Germanye, I am advertised, that thei are very
evill lodged where thei be : For besides the Multitude of Ratts,
daily and nyghtly runnyng in their chambers, which is no small
Disquietnes ; the Kechyn standeth directly against their Parlar,
where they dayly Dine and Supp ; and by reason thereof, the
' Hardwick's History of Articles, p. 70.
" Corpus Reformatorum, III : 587.

134 The Lutheran Movement in England,
House savoreth so yll, that it offendeth all Men that come into
it."" The king was trifling; and the ambassadors were quick
enough to perceive it. "He wants," writes Myconius, "noth
ing else than to sit as Antichrist in the temple of God, and that
King Harry be Pope. The precious treasures, the rich income
of the Church — these are Harry's Gospel."'^ The Bishop of
Hereford is no longer at hand to plead for the evangelical
faith with his hardened monarch. Political considerations have
again interfered. Francis and Charles V. have concluded a
peace. Charles V. has sent a proposition to the afflicted wid
ower on the throne of England, that his fourth wife should be
the Emperor's niece. Henry interprets this as an indication
that his power is actually feared by the Emperor, and that he
can now cope with the Pope without bothering himself with the
terms of church fellowship which these obstinate and narrow-
minded Lutherans want to impose.
The ambassadors understood the situation and prepared to re
tire. Myconius felt his strength failing, and feared that if he
tarried much longer in the fogs of London, his struggle for life
would soon end. He -wrote to Cranmer September loth. " Al
though for the sake of advancing Christ's glory I am ready also
to suffer all things ; yet since, in the articles and summary of
Christian doctrine, we have advanced so far as to agree now
concerning the chief; and since, as to what is left touching
abuses, we have explained the opinion of our princes, doctors,
churches and of ourselves both verbally and in writing, and the
doctors now know our judgment, they will be able also in our
absence to weigh them, and to determine what they see to be
pleasing to the divine will and useful to the church -of God." "
Nor is the official letter which they left in England without great
'^ Burnet, Record Book III : xlviii.
1^ Piper's " Die Zeugen der Wahrheit," Vol. Ill : p. 445.
'^ Strype's Memorials, VI : 139.

The Lutheran Commission to England of 1538. 135
interest. We quote from the summary of it which the king had
prepared :
" After they had related what was given them in command
ment, and that they had conferred of the articles of the Chris
tian religion for two months with some bishops and doctors of
divinity, appointed them by the King's Majesty ; they doubt
not that a firm and perpetual concord betwixt their princes and
the king's majesty, and their bishops, di-vines and subjects would
foUow in the doctrine of the gospel, to the praise of God, and
the ruin of the Roman Anti-Christ. And because they cannot
stay for the rest of the disputation conceming abuses, before
they depart they think it their duty to declare their sentence
of some articles of abuses ; which, after their departure, the
king's majesty may take care that his bishops and divines confer
together of. They say, the purity of doctrine cannot be con
served, imless those abuses be taken away, that fight with the
Word of God, and have produced and maintained the tyranny
and idolatry of the Roman Anti-Christ."
Yet when the time for the departure of the commission came, the
king was profuse in compliments. Writing to the Elector he
styled them his " most blameless friends, who have presented
arguments so eminent in sound learning, wisdom, uncommon
candor, and supreme devotion to Christian godliness, that their
intercourse has been in the highest degree charming and agree
able to us, and we entertain the well-assmed hope that, with
God's assistance, fruit and success will follow the counsels that
have been begun." The Saxon Vice-Chancellor took with him,
as a memorial of his sumptuous entertainment, three horses and
a carriage presented by the king. When, a few weeks later,
their owner exhibited them at Smalcald, the ludicrousness of the
whole procedure was such, that Luther could not refrain from
some amusing remarks, which may be found in his Table-
Talk- "
The subject, however, has its serious as -well as its humorous
" Erlangen Ed. Luther's Works, Vol. 62, p. 453.

136 The Lutheran Movement in England.
side. As Seckendorf remarks : " The just judgment of God
against the horrible vices of the king ought to be recognized. ' ' ^
'! The failure of these negotiations with the German princes
was one of the heaviest blows sustained by J:he English Reforma
tion during the reign of Henry VIII. It both removed the sal
utary restraint hitherto imposed on the King's caprices by an un
willingness to break with those who were embarked in the same
cause, and it also enlisted his personal feelings on the side of the
tenets he had so zealously pledged himself to defend." ^*
THE THIRTEEN ARTICLES OF I538.
If the question, then, be asked, why is not the Church of Eng
land a Lutheran Church ? the true answer is. Because a wicked
ruler interfered within a sphere that did not belong to him, and
abruptly terminated the measures of the true representatives of
the Church, which clearly indicated a readiness to accept the
Lutheran Confessions."
This is shown further by the Articles of 1538, evidently drawn
up at the Conference, and preserved with other documents per
taining to it, which were discovered about 1830 by Dr. Jenkyns
among the manuscripts of Cranmer. They have no weight ex
cept as historical evidence of the facts which we are tracing,
having failed of their purpose, and not having received any
formal sanction. They were filed away, to serve an important
purpose afterwards in the preparation of the Articles of 1552,
through which they continue to live in the Thirty-Nine Articles.
The subjects of the articles are I. Of the Unity of God and the
Trinity of Persons. II. Of Original Sin. III. Of the Two
Natures, of Christ. IV. Of Justification. V. Of the Church.
VI. Of "Baptism. VII. Of the Eucharist. VIII. Of Repen-
15 Vol. Ill: p. 180.
^* Jenkyn's Cranmer, I : xxv.
1' " It is an unjust scandal of our adversaries, and a gross error in ourselves,
to compute the nativity of our religion from Henry the Eighth ; who, though
he rejected the Pope, refused not the faith of Rome." — Sir Thomas Browne's
Religio Medici, \ 5.

The Lutheran Commission to England of 1538, 137

tance. IX. Of the Use of the Sacraments. X. Of the Ministers
ofthe Church. XI. Of Ecclesiastical Rites. XIL Of Civil Af
fairs. XIII. Of the Resurrection of Bodies, and the Final
Judgment. The reader may judge for himself how closely the Augsburg
Confession is followed :

Augsburg Confession, (1530).
Art. I.
The churches with common con
sent among us, do teach that the de
cree of the Nicene Synod concerning
the unity of the divine essence and of
the three persons is true, and without
any doubt to be believed : to wit., that
there is one divine essence, which is
called and is God, etemal, without
body, indivisible, of infinite power,
wisdom, goodness; the Creator and
Preserver of all things visible and in
visible ; and that yet there be three
persons of the same essence and pow
er, who are also co-eternal, the Fath
er, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.
And they use the name person in
that signification which the ecclesias
tical 'writers have used it in this cause,
to signify, not a part or quality in an
other, but that which properly sub-
sisteth. They condemn all heresies which
have sprung up against this article, as
the Manichees, who set down two
principles, good and evil ; in the
same manner, the Valentinians, Ari-
ans, Eunomians, Mahometans and all
such like.
They condemn also the Samosa-
tenes, old and new ; who when they
earnestly contend that there is but one
person, do craftily and wickedly trifle
after the manner of Rhetoricians
about the Word and the Holy Ghost,
that they are not distinct persons, but
that the Word signifieth a vocal word,
and the Spirit a motion created in
things.

Articles (1538.)
Art. I.
We judge that the decree of the
Nicene Synod concerning the unity of
the divine essence and the three per
sons is true, and without any doubt to
be believed : to wit., that there is one
divine essence, which both is called
and is God, eternal, without body, in
divisible, of infinite power, wisdom,
goodness; the Creator and Preserver
of all things visible and invisible; and
that yet there be three persons of the
same essence and power, and co-eter
nal, the Father, the Son, and the
Holy Ghost.
And we use the name person in
that signification which the ecclesias
tical writers have used in this case to
signify not a part or quality in an
other, but that which properly sub-
sisteth. We condemn all heresies which
have sprung up against this article, as
the Manichees who set down two
principles, a good and an evil ; also
the Valentinians, Arians, Eunomians,
Mahometans and all such like.
We condemn also the Samosatanes
old and new, who when they earn
estly contend that there is but one
person, do craftily and wickedly trifle
after the manner of Rhetoricians
about the Word and the Holy Ghost,
that there are not distinct persons, but
that the Word signifieth a vocal word,
and the Spirit a motion created iu
things.

138

The Lutheran Movement in England.

Art. II.
Also they teach that after Adam's
faU, all men begotten after the com
mon course of nature, are born with
sin ; that is, without the fear of God,
without trust in him, and with fleshly
appetite ; and that this disease or origi
nal fault is truly sin, condemning and
bringing eternal death now also upon
all that are not born again by bap
tism and the Holy Spirit.

They condemn the Pelagians and
others, who deny this original fault to
be sin indeed ; and who, so as to les
son the glory ofthe merit and benefits
of Christ, argue that a man may, by
the strength of his own reason, be jus
tified before God.

Art. II.
AU men begotten after the common
course of nature are born with
original sin ; that is with an absence
of the original righteousness that
ought to be in them," on which ac
count they are children of wrath, and
fail in knowledge of God, fear of
God, trust towards God, etc. And
they have fleshly appetite conflicting
with the law of God ; and this disease
or fault of origin is truly sin, con
demning and bringing etemal death
now also upon those who are not
born again by baptism and the Holy
Spirit. We condemn the Pelagians and
others, who deny the fault of origin
to be sin ; and who, so as to lessen
the gloi'y of the merit and benefits of
Christ argue that man can satisfy
God's law by his own natural strength
without the Holy Spirit, and by the
good works of reason be pronounced
righteous before God.
Article IIL corresponds to Article III. of Augsburg Confes
sion except in the second word, where we find " docemus," m-
stea.d of " docent." Art. IV. " Of Justification " is much longer
than the corresponding Article of the Augsburg Confession,
which it includes but amplifies. The definition ofthe "Ten
Articles ' ' is introduced, but so modified by qualifying clauses
as to bring it into nearer accord with the Confession. Objec
tions to the Lutheran doctrine are also met by the formulation
of the statement that the faith described is not inoperative knowl
edge, or simply a knowledge of the articles of faith, etc. It
closes with a verbal reproduction of Art. V. of the Augsburg
Confession. Art. V. discusses at length the definition of the
Church in harmony with the Lutheran Confession, drawing ma
terial both from the Augsburg Confession and the Apology.
I'This variation from the Aug. Conf. is derived from the Apology (78:
15) : " The ancient definition, understood aright, expresses the same thing
when it says : ' Original sin is the absence of original righteousness.' "

The Lutheran Commission to England of 1538. 139

Art. VI. includes Art. IX. of the Augsburg Confession, and Art.
I. of "The Ten Articles" of 1536, concerning Infant Baptism,
taken as we have seen from Melanchthon's " Adversus Anabap
tistas," and adds a statement concerning Adult Baptism. Art.
VII. teaches the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's Supper in the
terms agreed upon at Wittenberg in 1536. The only article of
the " Repetitio " there framed of which we have any knowledge
is quoted by Seckendorf:
Repetitio (1536).
" We constantly beUeve and teach
that in the sacrament of the Body and
Blood of the Lord, Christ's body and
blood are truly, substantially and
really present under the forms of
bread and wine, and that under the
same forms, they are truly and cor
poreally tendered and distributed to
aU those who receive the sacrament."

Articles (1538).
" Of the Eucharist we constantly
beUeve and teach that in the sacra
ment of the Body and Blood of the
Lord, Christ's body and blood are
truly, substantially and really present
under the forms of bread and wine,
and that under the same forms, they
are truly and really tendered and dis
tributed to those who receive the sac
rament, whether good or bad."
Of the remaining Articles, IX., X. and the first paragraph
of XI. are substantially derived from the Augsburg Confession,
though expanding the doctrine, guarding it from misconceptions
and answering objections. Articles VIII. "Of Repentance,"
XIL, "Of Civil Affairs," and XIIL "Ofthe Resurrection,"
are treated at much greater length, but also bear clear marks of
the somce whence they come.

CHAPTER X.
more ENGLISH LUTHERAN LITERATURE.
The First English Systematic Theology. Tavemer's Sarcerius. Its Signifi
cance and Purpose. Connection between Myconius and Sarcerius.
Sarcerius and the Reformation of Nassau. Count William of Nassau.
Sarcerius as an Organizer. His Examinations. His Skill as a Teacher.
Relation to WUliam of Orange. Henry VIII's deUght with the Book
of Sarcerius. Letter of Sarcerius to Henry. The Wittenberg Faculty
on Henry's Study of Sarcerius. Coverdale's Revision of Matthewe's
Bible (the Great or Cmmwell's Bible) ; of the Great Bible (Cranmer's).
Tavemer's Revision of Matthewe's Bible.
While these negotiations were pending, (August 12th, 1538)
the first English work on Systematic Theology appeared in a
translation of "The Common Places" of Erasmus Sarcerius.
Even the German language could not boast of a Lutheran sys
tem of theology as early as this, which appeared, first in Latin,
and then, so soon afterwards, in EngHsh. The dedication to
Henry VIII, by the translator, Richard Taverner, states that it
was translated by order of Crumwell. " Now of late he hath
impelled me to translate into English this book of Erasmus Sar
cerius, a treasure inestimable unto Christian men." "Whatso
ever this book is, like as by the impulsion and commandment
of my said old master, my Lord privy seal, I have translated it
into our -vulgar tongue ; so his Lordship hath willed me to offer
and dedicate the same unto your most noble and redoubted Ma
jesty." It is also stated that this treatise of Sarcerius was pre
ferred to the "Common Places" of Melanchthon, in making
the selection ofthe work to be translated, because "only in this
they differ, that Melanchthon directeth his style to the under-
(140)

More English Lutheran Literature, 141
standing only of the learned persons well exercised in Scriptures.
This tempereth his pen also to the capacity of young students of
scripture, and such as have not had much exercise in thesame."
We see, therefore, in this book, another provision made for the
thorough reformation ofthe Church of England. It was hoped
that entire harmony would be reached in the confessional basis
adopted ; that, not only the doctrinal articles of the Augsburg
Confession, but also those on abuses, would be received ; and
that, then, since, in other Lutheran countries, the Church Orders
contained a summary of doctrine, according to which the pastors
were to conform their preaching, such a provision would be
made in this translation of Sarcerius. Myconius, the theologian
ofthe embassy, possibly had recommended this course to Cran
mer or Crumwell. At the birth-place of Sarcerius, Annaberg in
Saxony, Myconius had not only been educated, but had lived for
years as a Franciscan monk. Although Sarcerius was ten years
younger, .they had both attended the same Latin school ; and
though scarcely cotemporary in school, the son of one of the
most wealthy and influential citizens of the place could not have
been unkno-wn to the young monk even in the days of his subjec
tion to the Papacy. Since both were now active in the same
cause, the local attachments were not without their influence.
Just at that time, Sarcerius was engaged, at the . call of Count
William, father of the great William of Orange, Stadtholder of
Holland, in re-organizing the church in Nassau upon an evan
gehcal basis. He had been prepared for this work by studying
at Wittenberg, under Luther and Melanchthon and by extensive
experience as a teacher. He had left Wittenberg in 1530, and,
from 1530-36, had been Subrector of a Gymnasium at Liibeck
established, in 1530, by Bugenhagen, with the exception of sev
eral brief intervals during which he taught at Rostock, and at
Gratz. Called as teacher to Nassau in 1536, when, in 1538, the
time had come for a more thorough reformation of that country,
he was appointed Superintendent and at once set vigorously to
-work.

142 The Lutheran Movement in England.
The story of the preparatory efforts at reformation in Nassau is
exceedingly interesting. Count William and his family had
always been on intimate terms with Charles V. ; and personal
considerations were, therefore, an obstacle to his acceptance
of the purified Gospel. But Tetzel's sale of indulgences in his
realm had excited his opposition. He had heard Luther's de
fence at Worms with admiration ; and, on returning home, had
sent to the Elector Frederick for Luther's writings, which Fred
erick transmitted with the message: "By God's help, I will
make, through these, a good Christian -of you." Again at the
Diet of Augsburg, he was impressed by the arguments of the re
formers ; but was so much under the influence of the Emperor,
of whose retinue his brother was a member, that, after the diet,
he accepted a commission to Wittenberg, for the purpose, if pos
sible, of winning the young elector from the Lutheran cause.
But his visit to Wittenberg, instead of changing the elector,
brought Count William to a decision ; and he returned in full
sympathy with the reformers. Two evangelical preachers, Heil-
mann of Van Crombach, and Leonhard Mogner, were appointed
by him to important positions, the former, as his chaplain, at
Dillenburg, and the latter at Siegen, and entrusted with the work
of preparing a new " Church Order," which appeared in 1 531,
and abolished the grosser Papistical abuses. Entering the Smal
cald League in 1534, at Dillenburg and Siegen the Brandenburg-
Niirnberg Order was introduced. Sarcerius' call as a teacher
was to prepare for the more radical changes to be effected in
1538. His first work was to thoroughly instruct the pastors. He
was still the accomplished teacher, who regarded it his first work
to drill his new pupils, the clergy of Nassau, in fundamental defi
nitions. Both at the Synods which he held, and in his. visita
tions, the pastors were thoroughly examined, and were expected
to show their familiarity with the definitions which their Super
intendent had carefully wrought out and published for their use.
We read in his report to Count William how he examined the
pastors " Concerning God; the Trinity in general; the Father;

More English Lutheran Literature. 143
the Son ; the Holy Ghost ; the holy angels ; the Wicked Angels ;
the Creation of man and his Fall ; the promise to the Church ;
the Law, and its species ; the Gospel and its revelation ; Faith ;
Justification and Life Everlasting ; Good Works ; the Cross ; the
Sacraments; Prayer; the Magistracy and Ministers;" and, then,
examined the people, to learn what their pastors had taught them
on these topics. This was certainly far more thorough than even
the excellent plan elsewhere pursued of attaching to the " Church
Order" adopted, a simple outline of doctrine for the guidance
of pastors. Besides as Gerdesius remarks,' the philosophical
training of Sarcerius rendered him especially happy in his doc
trinal statements. It was, therefore, one of these books prepared
by Sarcerius for his clergy, that Taverner translated.
From the reprint of Tavemer's translation, published in 1577,
when William of Orange was in the midst of his conflict with the
Duke of Alva, the placid but determined features of this skilful
teacher and organizer stand forth in an excellent engraving,
which we find also precisely reproduced in the second volume of
Gerdes' Misqellanies. Underneath the engraving are the Latin
lines connecting the work of Sarcerius in the reformation of Nas
sau, with tiie work of the son of his patron in the Netherlands.
1
Quam claram facis, haec eadem Nassavia clarum
Te facit ; et Scriptis nobile nomen habes ;
Romanum oppugnas ; Magnus Guilielmus at iUe
Hispanum, Factis nobile nomen habens.
" Nassau, which thou dost make renowned, this maketh thee re
nowned. By thy writings, thou hast a noble name ; thou at-
tackest the Roman ; but the Great William, by his deeds, hav
ing a noble name, is attacking the Spaniards."
This means simply that the work begun by Sarcerius was not
understood in its full significance, until the great struggle in the
Netherlands occurred. William of Orange, until his fif
teenth year, was trained under the influences determined by Sar-
1 Miscellanea Groningina, II : 606.

144 The Lutheran Movement in England.
cerius ; his temporary Romanism was due to the attractions of the
Imperial Court, and the confidence of Charles V., when, as a
youth, he became his page ; but his sound Lutheran early edu
cation at length gained the victory over the error in which he was
bound. Nevertheless, not being a theologian, the form of Pro
testantism of which he was the champion in that terrific struggle,
was that of Calvinism.
King Henry was at first greatly delighted with this book of
Sarcerius. In March 1539, in a conference at Frankfort to be
hereafter mentioned, his ambassadors met Sarcerius, and refer-
ing to the translation of his book, induced him to write a letter,
to be carried by them to England. It is as follows :
" Grace and peace from our Lord Jesus Christ. Most Serene
King : When a few days ago, by command of the illustrious
prince, William of Nassau, my most clement lord, I came to
Frankfort, I found that at the abode of Philip Melanchthon, the
ambassadors of your Serenity, men of high repute both in doc
trine and in integrity of Hfe ; who, since, among other things,
they heard my name, asked whether I were that Erasmus Sarce
rius, who had published ' a method ' upon the chief articles of
Scripture, I replied that I was he. Then they at once began
to tell me, that, by the command of your Serenity, my method
had been translated into the English language ; and that I am
now speaking English. Then they added that if I would please
write to your Serenity, they would see to it that my letter would
be delivered. Although disinclined to follow their advice,
since I measured myself by my own rule, i. e., considering my
inexperience and amount of leaming inadequate to satisfy your
Serenity, since you are endowed with talent unexcelled in acute
ness and depth both of knowledge and judgment, yet when I
heard of the kindness of your Serenity towards all zealous for,
and lovers of the pure religi n, I began to write in my unlearned
style, commending myself humbly to your Serenity. If I see
that my writings please you, I will see that you shortly receive
my ' Common Places, methodically arranged ' somewhat en-

More English Lutheran Literature. 145
larged, more topics being added, and also terms for vices, of
which Scripture makes mention. Since also in the realm of your
Serenity, the true religion is now being planted, to the glory
of God and the benefit of men, I will send also Postils upon the
Gospels for the Lord's Days and the Festivals; as well as upon
the Epistles for the Lord's Days and Festivals, dedicated to your
Serenity. The Lord keep your royal Majesty safe and secure, to
the glory of the Gospel and the peace of the church. Frank
fort, March loth, 1539. Erasmus Sarcerius."
A few months later, (October 22d, 1539), the Wittenberg
Faculty, in a paper to be hereafter more fully -described, de
clared that Henry, with respect to " The Six Articles," was acting
against his conscience, because " he himself has had a little book
of Sarcerius translated and printed in his own language, which
he has used as a prayer-book, wherein the matter is briefly pre
sented.'"' •
Steadily also the work of Bible revision and Bible circulation
advanced. With Matthews' or Rogers' version, the EngHsh Bi
ble was at last complete, but very unequal in the merits of its
several parts, and requiring early revision. With remarkable
self-abnegation, Coverdale undertook this work. That he had
already prepared a translation, whose defects he thus acknowl
edged, was with him no consideration. He was content to make
Matthews' Bible the basis. Paris was determined upon as the
plaqe of publication, and thither he went, with his publisher
Grafton, in May 1538. Obtaining a royal license from the
French King, the work of printing continued until December
17th, when, by the interference of the French ecclesiastics it
was prohibited, editor and publisher -compelled to flee, and the
sheets confiscated.. Sold, however, for waste paper, instead of
being burned, the most of them were saved ; and the printing
was completed in April 1539, the book being called from its
size, (15 x9 inches) the " Great Bible," or Crumwell's Bible,
as it owed its origin to the "Lord Privy Seal," Copies were
' Corpus Reformatorum, III : 796; De Wette's Luthe-r's Briefen, V • 213.
II

146 The Lutheran Movement in England.
placed in every church where parishioners could always have
access to them, and where the people would congregate in large
numbers, as successive readers would take their turn in reading
aloud from the Word of Life. Almost everyone who could
command the means sought a copy for himself "Even little
boys flocked among the rest to hear portions of the Holy Scrip
ture read.'"
In making this revision, Coverdale omitted the polemical
notes and prefaces of Rogers, doubtless in order to make the
edition less offensive to those inclined to the old order. This is
the edition from which the Psalter of " The Book of Common
Prayer," was taken.
Again, revising the "Great Bible" of 1539, in 1540 (April,
July and November) and in 15 41 (November and and Decem
ber), Coverdale gave the public what is known as Cranmer's Bi
ble, making many changes in his previous work, and in some
instances reverting to his older renderings. Dr. Eadie* has
reached the conclusion that though it was a double revision of
Matthew's of 1537, the Great Bible is not only inferior as a
translation, but has interspersed through it a greats variety of par
aphrastic and supplementary clauses from the Vulgate, some
being preserved in the Bishops. ' '
The two editions which are known as Tonstal and Heath's, are
not revisions as they profess to be, but only Cranmer's Bible
with a deceiving title-page. The Romish power was in tempo
rary sway, but the king and the people still demanded the Bible ;
hence these representatives of the hierarchical party, unable to
prevent the demands, adopted this futile expedient.
Prior, however, to this, and almost cotemporaneous with the
first appearance ofthe " Great Bible," the revision of Matthews'
Bible by Richard Taverner, the learned translator of the Augs
burg Confession and Sarcerius' "Common Places," was pub
lished. Taverner was a very accomplished Greek scholar, and
' Strype's Memorials qf Cranmer, 1 : 142 :
* The English Bible, I i 383.

More English Lutheran Literature. 147
a number of his changes have been incorporated into our Auth
orized Version. His accuracy in the rendering of the Greek
article has been especially noted. For this work, he was im
prisoned after the death of his friend, Crumwell.
But we must not anticipate events too far. The political
negotiations of 1539 have been already passed over.

CHAPTER XI.
fruitless negotiations of 1539.
Pharaoh again seeks Moses. Conferences at Frankfort. Another Commis
sion asked for. Lutherans decline to send Theologians. An Embassy
of CivUians. Melanchthon's Hopes. His long letters to Henry. Gar
diner in the Ascendant. Henry's Answer to the Articles " On Abuses"
— "the Bloody Statute of the Six Articles." Luther's Indignation.
Shall Melanchthon go to England ? Negotiations conceming Anne of
Cleves. Firmness of the Elector of Saxory. Opinion of the Wittenberg
Faculty. Their Opinion adverse to further Negotiations. Melanch
thon's Minute Review of " the Six Articles." An Eloquent Appeal.
The English King soon apprehended that he could not afford
to be as independent as he imagined, when he broke up the
conference of 1538, after the doctrinal articles of the Augsburg
Confession had been received. Pharaoh again seeks Moses. A
cloud was rising on the continent, which seemed to portend that,
unless prompt measures be taken, the lightning of the Vatican
might yet strike England. Henry became uneasy, lest the Lu
theran princes and the Emperor might reach an agreement, in
the conferences held at Frankfort-on-the-Main from February to
April 1539, and that he would be left alone to oppose Charles.
A formidable array of Lutheran theologians were present at
Frankfort ; among them Melanchthon, Spalatin, Myconius,
Aepinus, Blaurer, Osiander and Sarcerius. Christopher Mount
and Thomas Paynel were sent to represent the English cause.
They protested against any action on the part of the Lutheran
princes without a previous consultation with Henry. Again the
proposition was made that a commission of theologians be sent
to England. To this, the princes answer that it would be use-
(148)

Fruitless Negotiations of 1^39, 149
less, since there could be no change from what had been already
decided in the conferences of 1536 at Wittenberg with Fox,
Heath and Barnes ; "¦ and give a summary of the Scriptural argu
ments against abuses, to aid the King in coming to a correct de
cision. Until the force of these be conceded, no provision is to
be made for negotiations on theological points. Two civilians,
however were appointed to confer personally with Henry, ex
plain the situation, and arrange the preliminaries for a military
alliance in case they were attacked by the same enemy. Vice
Chancellor Burkhard and Ludwig a Baumbach were designated
for such service and proceeded to England. Melanchthon once
more is hopeful. It seems to him as though his scheme, " that
an agreement with respect to godly doctrine be established
among all those churches which condemn the tyranny and god-
lessness ofthe Bishop of Rome," " had another fair opportunity
for consideration. Henry had spoken to the commission of 1538
in such exalted terms of Melanchthon, that the latter now treats
the English monarch to two long letters (March 25th, April
ist), ' fiill of those compliments in which the king delighted,
and which the classical pen of Melanchthon could so gracefully
give. He praises Henry's heroic virtues, and compares him to
Achilles. Melanchthon, alas, was using carnal weapons, instead
of those which are mighty through God for the pulling down of
strongholds. Yet, however ill-chosen the weapons, there is no
questioning the ultimate purpose of his letters. He is urgent
that the subject of abuses be at once considered. "Your High
ness has already successfully begun to remove certain supersti
tions. I ask, therefore, that the reform of the other abuses be
undertaken."* Nor is he content with addressing Henry. He
not only recalls his delightful intercourse with Heath three years
before and -writes to him, but also sends a long communication
^Seckendorf III: 224; Strype's Memorials,Nl: 156.
^ Corpus Reformatorum III : p. 672.
' Ib. pp. 671, 682.
*Ib.p. 673.

150 The Lutheran Movement in England,
to Cranmer, which while very severe in its complaints Of the
English bishops, bears testimony to the fidelity of Cranmer,
Crumwell and Latimer. Melanchthon could not have foreseen
how useless all these efforts would be. Since the death of Fox,
the influence of Gardiner outweighs that of Cranmer. Two
days' conference in Crumwell's residence, May i6th and i8th,
showed that no agreement was possible.
the six articles of 1539.
The hierarchial element was rapidly maturing its boldest mea
sures, which were to bring with them persecution and martyrdom
for some of the more prominent champions of the evangelical
faith. The project of enforcing uniformity in religion became a
a matter of deliberation in Parliament. The laymen in the
House of Lords relinquished the floor to the bishops. Cranmer,
Latimer and Shaxton, supported feebly by Heath, held for days
a drawn battle with the other side, led by Gardiner and Tun
stall, when the king himself entered the arena, and spoke with
such decision, that Shaxton alone relnained firm. Strype infers
that in this discussion, Cranmer was greatly aided by a little treatise
of Urban Regius.* The bill of the Six Articles enforced belief
(i) in transubstantiation; (2) in non-necessity of communion in
both kinds ; (3) in the sinfulness of marriage after entering the
priesthood ; (4) in the absolute obligation of vows of chastity ;
(5) in the efficacy of private masses ; (6) in compulsory auric
ular confession. Disbelief of the first article had attached to it
the penalty of death at the stake ; while the rejection of the other
articles had a gradation of penalties attached, with death as the
extreme. It has often been termed " the bloody statute of the
Six Articles," or "the whipe with sixe strings."
Such was Henry's answer to the articles of the Augsburg Con
fession, "On Abuses." "It would be difficult," says Charles
Knight, • " to understand how such a statute could have passed,
'Strype's Cranmer, I: 166.
^History of England, (Amer. ed.) p. 276.

Fruitless Negotiations of 153^. 151
if the great body of the people had been inclined to a higher
species of reformation than consisted in the destructive principle
which assailed the externals of the Church. Cranmer was too
yielding, and Crumwell too politic, to oppose the party which
carried the statute backed by the irresistible force of the king's
will. The subservient courtiers, who had become improprietors,
and provided half-starved monks to do the service of the altar at
the cheapest rate, were wholly indifferent to the principles
through which the continental reformers were daily waxing in
strength." Cranmer sends away his wife to avoid the penalties
of the statute. Latimer resigns his bishopric. Alesius flees to
Wittenberg. Dr. Barnes, who had been sent as an ambassador
by the king to Hamburg, does not venture for awhile to return.
Luther's opinion.
July 1 2th was fixed as the date at which the statute should be
gin to be enforced. Two days before, Luther thanks God
" that he has freed our Church from the vexatious King of Eng
land, who with the greatest diligence desired and sought alliance
with us, and was not received ; undoubtedly because God for
some special purpose hindered it, for he has always been incon
stant and vacillating. I am glad that we are free from the blas
phemer. He wants to be Head of the Church in England with
out any means sanctioned by Christ, who will give the title to no
bishop, however pious or godly he may be, to say nothing of any
king or prince. The devil is driving this king, so that he vexes
and martyrs Christ. I am mortified and pained that Master
Philip M. has dedicated the most beautiful prefaces and intro
ductions to the most rascally fellows." ' About the same time,
we find also this estimate : " He is still the same King Harry
whom I portrayed in my first book. He will indeed find his
judge. His plan never pleased me, in that he wants to kill the
Pope's body but to keep his soul, i. e. his false doctrine."^ " The
' Eriangen Ed. Luthe-r's Works, LXI : 365.
« Ib. p. 304.

152 The Lutheran Movement in England,
King of England is an enemy to the Pope's person ; but not of
his nature and doctrine : he kills only the body, but lets the
soul live."^ a faithful prince.
But Luther's rejoicing that he and his colleagues are at last
done with Henry forever, is not of long duration. Crumwell
was defeated, but his influence with the king was not alto
gether lost, and even during that summer the preliminary nego
tiations looking towards the marriage with Ann of Cleves, the
Elector's sister-in-law, were begun. The Landgrave of Hesse
was anxious for a favorable consideration of the propositions made
through Christopher Mount ; but the Elector wished to hear
nothing more. Bucer interposed, writing a long letter from
Strasburg, describing the extremities to which the friends of the
Gospel in England were put, and begging that Melanchthon
may be sent as a special ambassador to use his influence in a
personal interview with Henry, in order to cause a cessation
of the persecution. How can we help but admire the candor
of the Magnanimous Christian prince in his answer ? He has a
clear conscience, he says, that for four or five years he has spared
himself no effort which might aid the cause of religion in Eng
land. He had, at a great expense, supported the Bishop of Here
ford at Wittenberg for three months, and had him instmcted
sufficiently concerning the chief articles of doctrine. The bishop
had reported everything to the king, who did not deign to re
ply. In 1538 a commission had been sent by him to England ;
and another in the present year — all to no purpose. He assured
the EngHsh ambassador that " he received the living Word of
God according to the Augsburg Confession, and thus publicly '
professed it, without which there is no true knowledge of God
or hope of salvation ; and from this Confession he would not recede
even though he were compelled to lose life, and all that he
had.""* 9Ib. LX: 217.
" Seckendorf, III : pp. 225 sq.

Fruitless Negotiations of 1539, 153
the WITTENBERG FACULTY.
On October 2 2d, Luther, Jonas, Bugenhagen, and Melanch
thon sign a paper concerning fiirther negotiations with Henry,
from which we give some extracts. Melanchthon is supposed to
have composed it.
" Although in our own persons, we shrink from no dangers or
labors ; yet in this case, assuredly, enough has been done for the
instruction and admonition of the king, for the following reasons :
St. Paul says that we ought to receive the weak, but let the ob
stinate one go, who, he says, is condemned by his own judg
ment, i. e., one who publicly sins against his conscience. On
the other hand, he who is called ' weak ' -will learn, and not per
secute that which he understands, but receive, hold and advance
it. Yet that the King of England is acting against conscience
can be inferred from this, viz. : He knows that our doctrine
concerning the use of the whole sacrament, Confession and the
Marriage of Priests is true, or at least that it is not contrary to
God's Word. Now he says in his Articles and in his Edict, that
some of these points are contrary to God's Law. This he says
undoubtedly against his conscience, for many -writings have come
to him written both publicly and also especially for hi^, which
he has read. He himself has had a little book of Sarcerius trans
lated and printed in his own language, which he has used as a
prayer-book, wherein the matter is briefly presented. We un
derstand also that he himself has spoken otherwise of this doc
trine, and among other things has said of the King of France
that he has done wrong in persecuting it ; for he understands
and knows that it is right. Besides he has many godly and
learned preachers, as the deposed Bishop Latimer, Cranmer and
others, whom he has heard and suffered for a period. And yet
in spite of all this, he condemns this doctrine more severely than
the Pope himself We therefore apprehend that this king is of
such a mind as does not seek God's glory, but, as he declared to
the Vice-Chancellor, wants to do only what pleases himself,
whereby he shows that he does not regard the doctrine a matter

154 The Lutheran Movement in England,
of moment, and that like Antiochus and others, he wants to es
tablish a religion .of his own.
Secondly, as it is now manifest that the king is acting against
his conscience, we do not think that it is our duty to instruct
him anew, but we ought to abide by the rule of Paul, which
teaches that the adversaries should be admonished twice, and, if
that do not help, they should be shunned as those who are act
ing against conscience. Such admonition has already been
given. Besides we hear that the king is a sophist and glossator, who
likes to color all things with his art of making glosses. But one
who has no delight in clear, plain truth, can easily twist matters,
even though he has to tear his own mouth, like the pike, when
torn by the hook. In Sirach 37, it is written : ' God does not
give grace to one who uses sophistry, and he does not attain
wisdom.' For there is no end to his hypercriticisms and distor
tions. Hence we cannot constantly be treating with such, and
especially as experience shows how offensive this is to the Lord.
Since then the king takes delight in such making of glosses, we
have little hope that he will allow himself to be set right. Then
too we iq^ust consider that the men who have influence with him
have no conscience. The Bishop of Winchester [Gardiner] car
ries with him throughout the country two unchaste women in
men's apparel, and yet judges that the marriage of priests is
against God's law, and is so arrogant that he says that he will
publicly maintain against the whole world that the proposition :
' By faith we are justified ' is incorrect. He is also an extreme
tyrant, as this year he has had two men burned for no other
reason than alone for transubstantiation ; so that the saying is
true, that Lord and servant are of like mind. From all this, we
infer that up to this time enough has been done ; as we know
that we have spoken faithfully and in a Christian way, and hold
that it is no longer our duty to make further efforts, for there is
little hope. Perhaps God does not want his Gospel to be main
tained by a king, who has such a bad reputation. Yet we leave

Fruitless Negotiations of 1339, 155
it to your Electoral Grace's further consideration, as to whether
the attempt be made still once more. We would also not fail to
make an expostulation with the king, and to admonish him again
in -writing. More is not our duty. For what Dr. Bucer points
to : 'Go into all the world, and teach,' we are doing by our
writings. To respond farther to a present call is not com
manded us.
I, Philip, have written also to the same effect to Crumwell and
the Archbishop of Canterbury. But letters have come to me
from England to the effect that the king receives my letters with
displeasure ; and hence it is to be well considered as to whether
though I were in England, the king would give me an audience
or would not direct me as he did the former ambassadors to his
proud, unlearned bishops with whom to quarrel. How acutely
the king disputes concerning such matters may be learned from
two arguments. Of good works he argues thus : ' Since bad
works merit eternal wrath, it must follow thgt good works must
merit etemal salvation ; ' and this argument I hear he will not
suffer to be taken from him. The other, concerning the mar
riage of priests, is this : ' If he have the power to give an order
that one as long as he wants to be at court is not free, he has the
power also to forbid priests from marrying.' This is the very
superlative of perspicacity ; and hence he reviles and condemns
us. Whether it be possible to dispute with one who resorts to
such arguments, your Grace must consider." "
AN ELOQUENT APPEAL.
Under date of November ist, Melanchthon -writes Henry a
letter which fills over twelve pages of the book before us. The
glow of a just indignation colors every Hne. For once all timid
ity has vanished, and he is bold as one speaking as the oracle
of God. The Six Articles are reviewed in detail, and their de
fects elaborately portrayed. We can quote only a few passages :
" De Wette's Luther's Briefen, V : 213 sqq. ; C. R. Ill : 796 sqq. ; Erl.
Ed. Lifther's Works, LV : 243 sqq.

156 More English Lutheran Literature.
' I am pained that you are becoming the minister of another's
cruelty and godlessness. I am pained that the doctrine of Christ
is being restrained, vicious rites established, and lusts strengthened.
I hear that men of excellent learning and godliness, Latimer,
Shaxton, Cranmer and others, are held in custody ; for them I
pray courage becoming Christians. And although nothing bet
ter or more glorious could happen to them than to meet death
in the confession of such manifest truth ; yet I do not wish your
Royal Highness to be stained by the blood of such men, I do
not wish the lights of your Church to be extinguished, I do not
wish such concession to be made to the godlessness and venomous
Pharisaic hatred of Christ's enemies, I do not wish pleasure to
be afforded to the Roman Antichrist, who delights in his heart
that you are taking up arms for him, and hopes by the aid of the
bishops to regain easily that possession from which he was driven
by your honorable and godly counsels. He sees that the bish
ops are for a time .complying with your will, but that they are
joined to the Roman pontiff. The Roman pontiffs understand
these arts ; before these days, they have made their way out of
most severe tempests by singing.""
He argues, then, concerning the articles on " Abuses. " "In
the decree how many things are artfully set forth ! ' Confession,'
it says, ' is necessary, and to be retained. ' Why does it not ex
pressly say that, according to divine law, the enumeration of
offences is necessary ? The bishops knew, that this declaration
is false ; the words, therefore, are made general, in order that
darkness may be diffused over the people. When they hear that
confes'^ion is necessary, they understand that enumeration of
offences is necessary. There are similar deceptions in the arti
cle ' Of Private Masses.' Even the beginning : ' It is necessary
to retain private masses,' is absolutely false. Who thought thus
for more than four hundred years after the Apostles, when there
were no private masses ? But afterward the sophisms followed,
' That by them the people might receive divine consolations
'^ Corpus Reformatorum III ; 806.

Fruitless Negotiations of IJ39- ^57
and benefits.' Why do they not add what these consolations
and benefits are ? The bishops do not mention "application'
and 'merit,' because they know that these cannot be defended.
They play with words, in order that they may escape, if ' appli
cation ' be found fault -with. And yet they want ' application '
to be understood by the people ! They want the idolatrous idea
to be confirrned that, for some, this sacrifice merits remission of
guilt, for others, an alleviation of all calamities, and finally brings
gain in business, and whatever the anxiety of men imagines.
It is a like sophism, when they say that the marriage of priests
conflicts with di-vine law. They are not ignorant of the passage
in Paul : 'A bishop must be the husband of one -wife.' Hence
they know that, by divine law, marriage is allowed. But when
they say that to this a vow has been added, they play with words ;
they do not say that marriage is hindered by a vow, but they ab
solutely lay down the proposition, that the marriage of priests
conflicts with divine law. Then what impudence and atrocious
cruelty they add, when they order marriages to be dissolved,
while the sacerdotal vow, even were it valid, would only bind
them not to remain in the ministry, in case they married. That
this is the opinion of synods and councils, is manifest. O -wicked
bishops, O impudence of Winchester [Gardiner] who by these
deceptions imagines that he is escaping the eyes of Christ and
the judgment of all the godly in the entire world !"
What more eloquent than Melanchthon's conclusions ?
" Again I entreat you, for the sake of our Lord Jesus Christ,
to modify and amend the decree of the bishops ; and, in this,
serve the glory of Christ, and have regard for your salvation and
that of the churches. Be moved by the prayers of many godly
men throughout the whole world, who wish that kings apply
their influence to the tme reformation of the Church, and to
abolish godless services and to defend the Gospel. Look upon
those godly men who are bound for the sake of the Gospel, and
who are true members of Christ. If the decree be not changed,
the cruelty ofthe bishops will prevail without end in the Church.

158 The Lutheran Movement in England.
For the devil has them as the instruments of his fury and hatred
against Christ; he impels them to the slaughter of Christ's
members. All godly persons beg and beseech you not to pre
fer their godless and cruel sentences, and sophistical cavils, to
our most just intercession. If they gain from you what they
ask, God will undoubtedly grant you great rewards for your
piety, and your virtue will be proclaimed in the writings and by
the voice of the godly. For Christ will judge between those do
ing well and ill for his church.
As long as literature shall Hve, the memory of these important
affairs will be transmitted to posterity. When we serve the
glory of Christ, and our churches are churches of Christ, some
shall never be wanting who shall be able to advocate a godly
cause, to adorn with due praise those who deserve it, and to
censme cruelty. Christ is going about, hungry, thirsty, naked,
bound, complaining of the madness of pontiffs, of the most un
righteous cruelty of many kings, begging that the members of his
body be not wounded, but that true churches be defended, and
the Gospel be magnified. To recognize Him, to receive Him,
to cherish him — this is the duty of a godly king, and the worship
most pleasing to God." "
1' Corpus Reformato-rum III : 818.

CHAPTER XII.
A LITERARY FORGERY.
Articles falsely ascribed to Luther and Melanchthon circulated in England
in 1539. Similar or identical Articles in France in 1535 ; also in Ger
many. SeckendorPs detailed examination presented in full. A genu
ine Paper on the same topics by the leading Lutheran Theologians in
1540. The Fate of the Six Articles. Anne of Cleves. Melanchthon
-writes once more to Henry. Negotiations in Contemplation. Argu
ment of the Wittenberg Theologians on " Abuses." Cranmer intercedes
for the King. Another Reaction. Anne repudiated. Fall of Crumwell.
Dr. Barnes burned.
The opponents of Lutheranism in England resorted for its
suppression not only to open violence, but al«o to arts not un
known among politicians of the Nineteenth Century. In No
vember, 1539, the ambassadors ofthe Elector of Saxony to Eng
land send to their ruler a series of articles which had been indus
triously circulated as the joint production of Luther and Me
lanchthon, signed March, 1539, and expressly recanting any
statements which had been hitherto made conflicting with them.
The document had been used, it is stated, to prejudice the mind
of the king, against the apparent vacillation of the Reformers,
and thus to determine his course in reference to the Six Articles.
Already in 1535, Luther had complained that a similar forged
document, composed largely of garbled statements from Melanch
thon's writings had been circulated in France; and hence
Walch ^ has inferred that the two papers are identical. Neither
without interest in this connection, is Seckendorf s discovery'
1 Luther's Works, XIX : 72.
2 III : p. 228.
(159)

i6o The Lutheran Movement in England.
of a somewhat amended and interpolated translation into Ger
man of the articles preserved in the Archives at Weimar, with
the inscription that they had been sent from the Elector to
Charles V. Thus it is probable that this forgery was thrice util
ized, viz. : in France, in England and in Germany. We cannot
help but admire the ingenuity of the composer, so skillfully has
the work been done, and so closely do single statements read
like expressions occasionally used by the Wittenbergers.
As no less an English authority than Strype, in his " Memo
rials of the Reformation,"^ has been misled, and this primary
source of information for most English students gives currency
to occasional reiteration of these charges by those not acquainted
with the facts, we give the articles in full as given by Strype in
the English of that time, together with Seckendorf's examination
of each article separately :
" I. We confess that there ought to be a policy in the church
and a regime. In the which, there must be bishops ; who shall
have the power of the examine, and ordinance of the ministra
tion of the same, for to exercise the jurisdiction of the same ;
who shall diligently see, that the churches committed unto them,
may be tmly instructed with pure and sincere doctrine. ' '
Reply : " Luther and Melanchthon never declared that such
Episcopal office was necessary as is established in the Roman
Church, with all its power and jurisdiction ; neither did they
acknowledge an essential dictinction between bishops and pas
tors ; as is manifest from all their -writings which were never re
called, and especially from the treatise ' On the Power and Jur
isdiction of Bishops,' composed by Melanchthon in the year
1537 at Smalcald, subscribed by Luther, and annexed to the
' Articles,' which he himself composed. They were willing, how
ever, to tolerate bishops^ and to comply with the authority of
their external administration, provided they saw to it that the
Word of God was purely preached, and, abuses being removed,
the sacraments be administered accordifig to Christ's institution."
»I: 545 sqq.

A Literary Forgery. i6i
"II. We admit that it is good and convenient, that in the
church, there be a Bishop of Rome, that may be above other
bishops ; who may gather them together, to see the examination
•f the doctrine, and the concord of such, as do teach discrepan
cies in the church. But we admit not the pomp, riches, and
pride of the Bishop of Rome ; who would make realms subject
unto him. The which things do neither help nor promote the
gospel ; because the Kings that have right thereto, may and are
to rule the same."
Reply : " Luther was willing to endure the Papacy with ad
vantage t® the church, not even by human law ; as is evident
from the Smalcald Articles. Melanchthon, in this matter of a
singular opinion, to which no one assented, thought that some
thing could be conceded, but upon the same condition, upon
which the Episcopate could be admitted."
" III. We confess, that as concerning choice of meats, holy
days and ceremonies, there might an agreement be made easily,
if there could be a concord in the doctrine of the church, and
not such discrepance as there is. For if there were a concord
of doctrine in the church, we should not think reasonable to di-
'vdde us from the church, seen [seeing] that it is not possible that
the world might stand -withottt ceremonies and man' s constitutions ;
seen that all innovations without necessity ought to be excluded ;
and that there is no peril, to us I mean, in the observation of the
said ceremonies, and men's constitutions ; for that the doctrine
be purely handled."
Reply: " They did not deny that separation was necessary
because of ceremonies ; but regarded these no less than erron
eous doctrines a sufficient cause of separation, if they tended to
superstition and idolatry, and the opinion of necessity were at-.
tached to them, from obHgation of conscience and of merit be
fore God, with injury to Christian and ecclesiastical liberty, in
view of which it is lawful to change rites for the advantage and
profit of the church ; but they never used the silly argument from
the government of the world to the government of the church,
12

i62 The Lutheran Movement in England.
knowing well what injury was introduced into the church
thereby." " IV. We judge to be profitable that confession and rehearsal
of sins be made in the church. For taking the same away, the
doctrine of remission of sins, and of the power of the Keys,
should be offuscate and taken away ; seeing that in the confession,
among other things the people ought to be taught, whence com
eth the remission of sins. Provided, that there be honest fash
ion to instruct the persons that be shriven, and that the con
sciences be not overlaid with rigorous and exact rehearsal of all
sins." Reply : " Luther never maintained the necessity of the enu
meration of sins, or saic^ that, when it was removed, the doctrine
of the remission of sins was offuscate ; and, therefore, did not
censure other churches which, in a diverse manner, aimed at the
same end, the preparation and excitation of the communicants
in repentance and faith being introduced in the stead of particu
lar confession. ' '
" V. We believe that justification is made by faith. Because
there be no works, whereby we may satisfy or obtain remission
of sins.. Yet nevertheless the same faith that justifies us, ought
not to be idle, but adorned with good and godly deeds."
Reply : " The particle ' alone ' is craftily omitted. Nor is
it more correct in denying that by certain works justification
may occur. For it is indicated that there are works which do
this, viz., love, with which they say that faith ought to be fur
nished, i. e., as some say, 'informed.' Luther, however, ex
cluded charity from the act of justification; and maintained that
it was not the form, bnt the effect and fmit of faith."
" VI. We confess that free-will, holpen with the Holy Ghosti
may do somewhat, whensoever we will withdraw from sin."
Reply : " It is doubtful whether the framers of these articles
understood them in a sound sense ; and agreed with the evan
gelicals concerning the co-operation of man after conversion, so
as to ascribe to God alone all glory without the ascription of any
merit of our own."

A Literary Forgery, 163
"VII. We confess, that after the remission of sins, the Holy
Ghost is given to the man ; from the which he departeth again,
as soon as he committeth any deadly sin."
Reply : "It should have been added that by repentance, the
forgiveness of sins and the Holy Ghost can be recovered, in or
der that the heresy of Novatus might not be imputed to the
evangelicals, as their caluminators were wont to do."
"VIII. We use the fashion accustomed in the office of the
mass. For what should avail a change of ceremonies without
necessity? But we admit not the privie masses, because they
have occasion of sundry abuses. Because there is an open fair
or market made of celebration of masses."
Reply : " They did not say that they used ' the accustomed
fashion,' i. e. that introduced by abuse, but they affirmed that
they employed a better one, the canon which they mention, and
other forms and rites conflicting with orthodoxy being removed ;
nor did they disapprove only of the traffic in masses, but its be
ing regarded a propitiatory sacrifice. Accordingly they recalled
the mass to the communion alone, liberty being observed in chang
ing the rites which, from the beginning they had observed in or
der to avoid scandal, or in hope of harmony ; and this liberty
they also afterwards exercised."
"IX. We believe thus concerning the Lord's Supper: That
like as Christ, in his last supper did give unto his disciples his
true body to be eaten and drunken; and. so he gives daily to us
his disciples and loyal men, as often as we keep the supper, ac
cording to the form corasm.riAe6., Accipite et comedite, etc., the
true body and blood to be eaten and drunk. This is the mind
of the three evangelists and St. Paul. And so their words do
sound clearly. Wherefore, away with all such erroneous inter
pretations as are made upon the said words.
We be taught that Christ did give to his disciples his body
and blood under both species and kinds ; and that, therefore,
we ought to observe the same ; as we do indeed. But because
one of the species .hath by men's constitutions been forbidden

164 The Lutheran Movement in England.
by the Bishop of Rome, there might be a remedy found without
peril or danger; so that he that would, might have both species ;
and that there should be a prohibition made, that the one should
insult against the other."
" Reply : " They should have added that the dogma of tran
substantiation was rejected by the Evangelicals, with all its con
sequences of inclusion, circumgestation, and adoration of the
Sacrament. It is also false that communion under both kinds or
one kind, was a matter of indifference to the Evangelicals ; but
approved only the former, as prescribed by immutable divine
law." "X. Seen" [seeing] " that it appeareth by the holy doctors,
that the holy days and feasts of saints have been accustomed to be
observed ; and as we see as yet some holy canons of that matter,
but it appeareth not that there is made in the same a mention of
their invocation ; but it appeareth only by the same, that they be
proposed unto us for an example, to learn to follow their lives and
conversations, yet, nevertheless, seen that by some custom, the
intercession of saints ought to be admitted, then there should be
prayers made unto God, that it might Hke him to hear them by
the intercession of some saints ; we affirm for a certainty, that
the saints do continually intercede for the chiirch ; albeit the
Christian men ought to be taught, that they shall not coiivert
the same hope to the saints, which they ought to have unto God.
Nor do we regret images of Christ and the saints, but only the
worship shown them; whence idolatry sprung."
Reply : " They never affirmed it as a certainty, or an article
of faith . that the saints intercede for us ; Luther indeed, in the
Smalcald Articles, admitted the conjecture ; nevertheless he
denied that they should in any way be prayed to intercede,
or that God should be asked to have respect to their interces
sion." "XI. Also we dampne not the monastery, or life of such as
be closed in the cloisters ; but only the trust that some men have
put in the regular observation. Also we reject the vows which

A Literary Forgery. 165
have been made upon such things as men cannot observe. Yet,
nevertheless we will not the monasteries be put down for the
same, but that they be turned to schools ; in which good doc
trine should be taught. And that the pope may dispense with
vows ; so that it were free for every man to keep or not keep
them. And so the same should be to the quiet and tranquility
of mind, and the vows should pot be the snares of malice."
Reply: "The resort to cloisters, they did not approve, but
condemned. They maintained that the monastic life could be
tolerated, if constraint, the opinion of merit, idle begging, were
absent, and other abuses were removed, and the power of enter
ing them be free, without any regard to a Papal dispensation."
"XII. Then the marriage of priests should be in the Pope's
hands, who might admit the same ; and the concubinate of many
should be forgiven ; for we see few chaste. But if the law to
contract should not have place, then, for to avoid slander, there
should be none advanced to the dignities ecclesiastical, but grave
persons, and of full age. ' '
Reply : " It is apparent that here falsehoods are fabricated
with respect to Luther, as though he would allow the marriage
of the clergy to be referred to the judgment and dispensation of
the Pope ; for this he regarded a matter of divine law, not only
allowed, but necessary to all who did not possess the gift of con
tinence. The caution also with respect to ecclesiastical digni
ties, that they should be conferred upon none but upon men of
advanced age, who could be celibate, is not Luther's."
" XIII. We think it best to dispute of Purgatory and pardons,
in the schools, rather than, in the pulpit, to dispute of the same
publicly, without any profit ; so that the markets and bargains
thereof should be avoided. For we do reject in those things and
others, wherein we do not agree, the abuse rather than the thing
itself The which, nevertheless, may be discussed and amended
by councils lawfully assembled."
Reply; " Purgatory itself, and the entire figment of Ponti
fical indulgences, Luther, with his associates, rejected, as, among

1 66 The Lutheran Movement in England,
other passages, is manifest in the Smalcald Articles ; and, there
fore, he did not forbid that they be refuted in the sermon ; for
he did this not only with his vow, but also in his writings."
" XIV. The Zwinglians and CEcolampadians have not yet re
ceived those artices, but the simple people shall be easily re
duced, and we trust that they shall shortly do conformable
thereto." Reply : "Here Zwingli and the CEcolampadians are invidiously
cited, as though only their followers, and not, likewise, the Lu
therans, rejected Pontifical abuses. Then, too, it is false that the
people were inclined to accept these compromises, or that,
through sermons, hope was offered them for these. The con
trary was found also after the death of Luther, when, the edict
of Charles being published in the year 1548, a very few ad
mitted incrustations not unlike these which were then invented
in England, and, although compelled by violence to receive
them, nevertheless, in a short time rejected, them. ' '
" XV. Luther hath revoked all the books, wherein there be
many things contrary to those articles, and hath retracted them
with his own hands and knowledged his faults. In March 3d,
MDXXXIX."
Reply: "This is so impudently false, as not to be worthy
of refutation."
Some of ihe prejudices against Lutheranism in England on the
part of the more pronounced opponents of hierarchism, have not
improbably originated from the false impressions produced by
this forgery. To have yielded as much as this document does,
would have been to have given up half the battle to the Papacy. It
was essentially, as Seckendorf intimates, what afterwards was so
stoutly resisted by Lutherans in the Interim. It is amusing to
read Strype's conclusion of the matter :
" But these steps to a good concord between the king and the
Germans came to nothing; the king taking some misconceit
against the Duke of Saxony, because it was said, he rather in-

A Literaiy Forgery. 167
clined to have his sister-in-law, the Lady Anne of Cleves, mar
ried in Germany than to him. ' '
As opposed to this, we have an authentic document of Jan
uary 1 8th, 1540, in which Luther, Melanchthon, Jonas, Bugen
hagen, Myconius, Sarcerius, Bucer and others unite in stating to
the Elector the conditions upon which peace may be made with
"the bishops."
They say : " Since the doctrine in all articles of the confes
sion, as it is understood and taught in our churches, is truly and
properly the sure Christian doctrine of the Holy Gospel, we
neither will, nor can make or assent to any change therein.
Therefore, if there be a meeting, first of all the doctrine must be
discussed ; for if they be silent conceming this, and still hold
their own, and thus treat of an external, hypocritical agreement,
no firm unity would follow ; but they must first consider whether
this doctrine be correct, and be allowed by theirs. If, perhaps,
they give heed to some articles and receive them in a measure ;
and say that our writings are numerous and dissimilar, and there
fore, certain articles must be composed; and also, perhaps, cen
sure some so as to patch and change them ; our judgment is,
that we do not allow new, obscure and uncertain articles or
patch-work to be prepared, but declare to them that the sum of
our doctrine is set forth in the Confession and Apology, from
whose doctrine we do not think of departing. And if any one
have any fault to find therewith, as though it were not sufficiently
explained or were incorrect, we then offer ourselves ready, with
all diligence, to show either by writing or orally, what the un
derstanding is in our churches; and so to make answer, that
undoubtedly all reasonable and God-fearing men shall be sat
isfied."* the six ARTICLES
were soon lost sight of, except as an historical land-mark. " Its
operation seems to have been checked in part at least, as early
* Corpus Reformatorum, III : 129.

1 68 More English Lutheran Literature.
as the foUo-wing year.'"* CrumweU's schemes were successful.
In spite of the Elector's persistent advice to the contrary, because
of which he greatly offended his relatives, the marriage of Henry
with the Elector's sister-in-law, Anne of Cleves, was arranged.
We need not repeat the story with which readers of English his
tory are so familiar of the flattering portrait painted by Cranach,
the impatience of Henry to w.elcom.e his bride, his trip to the
coast to receive her, his terrible disappointment, his fruitless
endeavor to retract from his engagement even after she had en
tered England for her marriage, his brutail treatment of her, his
divorce on the ground "that the king " [poor innocent Henry !]
"having married her against his will, he had not given a pure, in
ward and complete consent," and her silent dignity amidst all
these wrongs. Had the Elector's advice been heeded, this mor
tification would not have been incurred.
THE LUTHERAN ULTIMATUM.
However opposed the Elector had been to the alliance, yet
when against his will it was concluded, he was unwilling to lose
any opportunity which it would afford for gaining an en
trance into England of that pure faith of the Gospel which had
been so often repelled by the king. Hence contrary to all
former expectations of both statesmen and theologians, the pen
of Melanchthon was once more called into service, during the
period after the marriage and before the repudiation of Anne
of Cleves. April 12th, 1540, he wrote a long letter for the
Elector's use, referring to an oral statement made by Henry as to
his hope that he might yet become a member of the Smalcald
League, and reminding him that the League has no other object
but that of " the defence of true doctrine, and cases connected
therewith," and "if the king wished to enter the League for
other reasons than those of religion, that this was entirely at va
riance with the principles of the League." The king was se
verely rebuked for the infamous "Six Articles," which are
' Hardwick's Reformation, p. 206.

A Literary Forgery. 169
ascribed to " the conspiracy and artifices of bishops whose minds
are still imbued -with veneration for Romish godlessness. ' ' As,
however the execution of the " Six Articles " has been arrested,
and the king, on the one hand, has expressed again his desire
that true doctrine be propagated in his churches, but, on the
other, has stated that the Lutherans " in some articles have ad
vanced beyond bounds," the Elector has had some theologians
prepare a memorandum of the arguments on which the articles
on abuses rest for the especial consideration of the king and his
theologians. A conference between English and German theo
logians is suggested to be held at Guelders, Hamburg or Bremen,
or any other place designated by the English king. " For we
greatly desire," the letter continues, "that true and godly
agreement be established between the Anglican and German
Churches. Such a consummation would both magnify the glory
of God and invite other nations. Accordingly, in this matter,
we promise our aid with all our might, both because of the glory
of God and our own necessities. Since, moreover, we are now
united by a new bond of relationship, we are especially desirous
that this union may be of some advantage to the Church of
Christ, and the State ; as these ought to be the chief ends in
view in the friendships of princes.'" The memorandum ac
companying the letter is as follows :
" Writing of the Wittenberg Theologians- sent to the King of
England. OF THE MASS.
There is no controversy concerning lessons and prayers in the
Mass. For since Paul also in public ceremonies wanted some
holy lessons, useful for exciting minds to the fear of God and to
faith, to be recited, and prayers and thanksgiving to be added,
this custom is not to be abolished, but to be diligently main
tained in the Church. For, first, it is especially profitable that,
in the common assembly, there be prayer ; because Christ ex
pressly gave promises to the church, when he said : ' If two
^ Corpus Reformatorum, III : 1007.

170 The Lutheran Movement in England.
of you shall agree on earth, as touching anything that they ask,
it shall be done for them of my Father which is in heaven. For
where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am
I in the midst of them.' Christ, therefore, by his most compre
hensive promise, invites us to join with the Church in prayer.
God wants the Church to be so bound together that one be af
fected by the necessity of the other, and pray for the other, and
promises that he will hear these prayers. The public usage ofthe
Church in public prayers, in the Mass and other ceremonies,
ought to admonish us to learn this, and to exercise such faith.
Paul also in 2 Cor. I., asks that prayers be made by many, that
many in turn may thank God for hearing prayer, and for look
ing upon the afflicted. Then the example of the Church is most
useful. For it teaches many to be themselves aroused to believe
and pray, especially if in the sermons, the people be admonished
concerning the promises made to the Church. For thus they
-vsUl understand the examples of others, and the custom of the
Church will profit them unto edification, as Paul teaches, i Cor.
14. Thirdly, the example of the Church serves to admonish in
dividuals in regard to what matters they should be concerned,
and what they should ask. For a people untaught, does not un
derstand public necessities. But there it not only hears that
private gifts are to be sought, but also learns that each one should
participate in the public care, pray for the whole Church, that it
be freed from errors, scandals, dissensions, godless services, that
trae doctrine be propagated, that true worship be rendered God,
and we be mled and sanctified by the Holy Ghost. It learns
also that prayers for bodily things, peace, happy government,
harvest, against pestilence and like ills, please God. Such pray
ers in public ceremonies, in the Mass and elsewhere, we hold
were devoutly and necessarily instituted. For it is God's com
mand, both that we call upon him in all dangers, and that, in
the public rites, the people be taught concerning this invocation,
to learn to believe God, and to seek and expect aid of God.
But conceming the use of the sacrament ofthe Body and Blood

A Literary Forgery. 171
of the Lord in the Mass, we disapprove of those who hold that
the use of the sacrament is a service to be applied for others,
living and dead, and that it merits for them the remission of
guilt and punishment, and this too for the work wrought. For
these things are unknown to the Ancient Church, and disagree
with the Holy Scriptures, and obscure the doctrine of faith, and
produce confidence in the work of another. But when Christ
said: 'This do in remembrance of me,' he instituted this sac
rament, that there might be there the remembrance in trae faith
of his death and of the benefits which, by his death, he has merited.
And these benefits are applied by the sacrament to the one tak
ing it, when, by this remembrance, it excites faith, which believes
that Christ truly bestows upon us his benefits, while he offers us
such a testimony that he joins us to himself, that he wishes to
keep us as his members, that he cleanses us with his blood. This
faith, whereby the benefits of Christ are received, is the spiritual
worship of God, and because, with this faith, thanksgi-ving should
be joined, whereby hearts truly give thanks, for the forgiveness
of sins and redemption, to God the Father, and our Lord Jesus
Christ, the Ancient Church called this use of the sacraments,
Eucharist, as Cyprian says most sweetly concerning communi
cants : ' Piety dividing itself between what is given and what is
forgiven, thanks the bestower of so abundant benefit,' /. e.
Piety considers both, viz., how great the magni tHde ofthe bene
fit bestowed upon us, grace and life eternal, and, on the other
hand, how great is the magnitude of our evils, i. e. of sins and
eternal death. Ardent thanksgiving, therefore, arises, when we
see that, by unspeakable clemency, such sins are remitted us,
and besides we are presented with the Holy Spirit, and the glory
of life eternal. And, in this sense, we hold that this most revered
ceremony is called by the holy Fathers a sacrifice, who certainly
did not think that this work, when applied, merits for others the
remission of guilt and punishment, and that, for the work wrought,
but held that, in the use of the sacrament, faith is to be exercised
and thanksgiving to be rendered. Since, therefore, Christ in-

172 The Lutheran Movement in England.
stituted the use ofthe sacrament, that it might be a communion,
in which the sacrament might be administered to others, and
the Church, for a long time, preserved this custom, and did not
have private masses, we hold that such rite, wherein there is a
communion of some, is godly and in harmony with the Gospel.
Then private masses were wont to be performed with the opinion
concerning the use of the sacrament, that it is necessary, that
this service sprang up in the Church in order to be applied to
others, so that it merits for them the remission of guilt and pun
ishment. Such masses, therefore, are to be abrogated, and in
order that these scandals be removed, and the institution of
Christ, viz. the Communion be celebrated, we hold that no one
should be compelled to celebrate private masses. For since
Paul says that they who abuse the sacrament are guilty of the
body and blood of the Lord, the greatest care must be taken that
the godly and holy use be restored to the glpry of Christ and the
profit of the Church. • OF BOTH KINDS.
There is no doubt that the Ancient Church, East and West,
used both kinds of the sacrament of the Body and Blood of
Christ, viz. bread and wine. For Paul also testifies that this was
the custom in the church of the Corinthians, and Christ, on in
stituting the sacrament, ordained this use not only for a part
of the Church, viz. for the priests, but for the whole Church ; and
the declaration of Jerome and others is extant, which shows
that this custom remained for a long time in the Church, and in
capitulo. 'We have ascertained,' Gelasius declared, 'that both
kinds are taken ; wherefore the recent prohibition is only a hu
man tradition.' Hence it does not have the authority to change
an institution of Christ, nor are men to be compelled, because"
of a human tradition, to change, against conscience, a custom
deli'vered by Christ, and employed in the Ancient Church, since
it is manifest that this usage is lawful and godly.

A Literary Forgery. 173
OF THE MARRIAGE OF PRIESTS.
With respect to virginity and continence and marriage, we fol
low and defend the manifest declaration of Paul, i Cor. VII.
And as Christ praises eunuchs who made themselves such for the
Kingdom of God, so we also teach that the preservation of vir
ginity is a good work and useful for assiduity in study, in medi
tation, in prayer, in ecclesiastical ministrations; as Paul says
that the husband cares for the things which are of the world, but
the unmarried for those which are of the Lord. For the husband
is hindered by domestic occupations from giving that uninter
rupted attention, needful for studies and public services, but the
unmarried is less employed, and can apply greater energy in
learning, teaching and other functions; and is less distracted by
cares. Therefore it is well to choose and to have in the Church
ministers entirely celibate ; and they who see that they are fitted,
are to be exhorted, by their diligence and temperance, to pre
serve the gift of God because of the advantage of the Church,
and are to be taught that this office pleases God and has great
rewards. But inasmuch as Christ himself testifies that not all are
fit for perpetual celibacy, we hold that to those who are not
fitted for celibacy, marriage neither ought, nor can be prohibited
by a vow or human law ; because a vow and human laws cannot
free us from a divine law and a natural right. But it is a divine
law that every one who does not have the gift of continence,
should, in order to avoid fornication, have a wife. And the de
sire for marriage conformably to right reason, is a right of na
ture. To this natural affection, as it is called, concupiscence is
now added, which inflames nature the more ; so that the need
for marriage as a remedy, is the greater. The law, moreover,
which prohibits marriage to priests, is purely a human tradition.
And further, this new tradition which prohibits marriage to
priests, and dissolves contracts, has not originated from councils,
but from the Roman bishops alone. Purity before God, is not to
pollute the conscience, but to obey God ; wherefore an impure
celibacy is not purity, and marriage, since it is sanctified by the

174 The Lutheran Movement in England.
Word of God, is purity. For we certainly know that this kind
of life pleases God, and it is full of the exercises of godliness ;
and, accordingly, for a long time, the Church not only in the
East, but also in the West, had married priests. History also
testifies that this custom was changed in Spain and Germany by
violence. The Greek churches still have married priests ; and,
hence, marriage is not impurity, or a matter unworthy of the
ministers of the churches. But what examples, what impurity,
what disgrace to the churches, the law of the Bishop of Rome
produced, is not obscure. Since the Divine Law enjoins mar
riage upon those who are not continent, we judge that
the pontifical prohibition concerning celibacy, is unlawful, and
that marriage is allowed priests.
OF MONASTIC VOWS.
There are many important reasons why it is necessary to sup
port, at the public expense, studious and godly men, destined
for sacred literature, in order that the teachers of the churches
may be derived thence. For since the more destitute cannot,
from their resources, bear the expense of studies, and the rich
prefer to resort to other arts, whereby great honors, and great
rewards are offered in the state ; it is necessary that the Church
provide that some be supported at the public expense, in order
to give attention to sacred literature and other arts of which
the Church has need. Unless this were done, the churches in
many places would be without pastors. This duty then is incum
bent upon kings and princes, that they provide that pastors be
not lacking to the churches, and that they supply the expenses
of teachers and scholars. For Isaiah, to this end, calls kings
nursing-fathers, and queens nursing-mothers, in order to teach
that kings and states ought to defend teachers, and supply the
expense. Neither is it unjust that they whose studies are directed
to the profit of the Church, be supported, in turn, by the
Church ; as Paul says : ' Who goeth a warfare at his own
charges ?' Apparently with this design, in the beginning assem-

A Literaiy Forgery.
blages were instituted in colleges and monasteries, in order that
there might be a large number of those engaged in sacred Htera-
ture, from whom teachers oould be chosen ; and to this, the laws
in the code, and histories bear witness. For this purpose, there
fore, it is profitable, provided the godless opinions and services
be reformed, that colleges and monasteries be preserved. For
it is not enough that the youth who are to be employed here
after in the government of the Church, should learn literature,
but also should be accustomed, by discipline and godly exer
cises, to the love of ceremonies and to godliness ; for those not
trained by such discipline are more profane than is expedient.
Besides, the Church has need of learned and skilful pastors. But
familiar conversation with men learned in spiritual matters con
duces very much to the strengthening of doctrine and the con
firming of judgments. For without such intercourse, no one
can attain to solid learning. Moreover if pastors be altogether
lacking to the churches, or the pastors be unlearned and inex
perienced and mere tyros, what do we suppose will be the state
of the Church ? There will be devastation and barbarism, and,
with literary pursuits destroyed, learning will be extinct. Paul
prohibits the choice of novices, because he knew that there was
need of skilful and experienced teachers. Nazianzen deplores
the calamity of the Church, because they who had not previously
learned, suddenly became doctors, brought forward not by their
learning, but by votes. Basil says that the doctrine of the emi
nent fathers whom he heard, was still resounding in his ears.
Wherefore it is highly desirable that there be such monasteries,
in which doctrine may flourish and be propagated, youth be
properly trained and be prepared for the service of the Church,
in order that learned and well-trained doctors of the churches be
had. Such once were the colleges of bishops, as is apparent
from the accounts of Ambrose and Augustine and others, in
which learning was for a rong time propagated. Afterwards,
when, in such colleges, the pursuits of learning were neglected, a
great change of doctrine followed, which was of no little injury

176 The Lutheran Movement in England.
to the Church. Therefore, with the polity preserved, let the
opinion of colleges and monasteries be reformed, let superstition
be removed, let godless services be rejected and the pursuits of
learning be renewed to the profit of the Church. For we hold
that the following opinions are godless, viz. that monastic vows
merit the forgiveness of sins and eternal life, or that they are
Christian righteousness or perfection ; and while lawful vows are
to be observed, such monastic vows are unlawful, as are made
with the false persuasion that works, devised without God's com
mand, are not matters of indifference, but a service, and merit
the remission of sins and eternal life. These vows are invalid.
The objection urged from Paul concerning widows, that they
have made void their first faith, even though there were vows
then, cannot be accommodated to monastic vows of these times,
which, when fulfilled with a godless opinion, are not vows. For
they transfer the glory of Christ to human observances, and ob
scure true worship in the Church, viz., faith in Christ and the
good works of one's calling. For who did not prefer the obser
vances of the monks to the office of . magistrate and of father ?
For these works, as profane and unclean, seemed scarcely excu
sable, and faith was obscured, because they did not teach that
forgiveness of sins is gratuitously bestowed for Christ's sake, but
ascribed this honor to their observances. And the rest of the
Church imitated these opinions and examples, and superstitiously
thought that works are services of human traditions, and merit
remission of sins and life eternal. Since, however, the Gospel
condemns these opinions, monastic vows, made with this persua
sion, are manifestly unlawful. Besides not all are fitted for per
petual continence ; while a vow should be concerning a possible
matter, and, it is evident that many young men and maidens
were forced into monasteries, and to make vows before the just
age ; how great the peril of which is, is not obscure. We must,
therefore, allow those preferring to live in another kind of life,
to depart from monasteries. They also do aright who leave the
monks, when they are compelled in monasteries to observe god-

A Literary Forgery. 177
less services, as the abuse of masses, indulgences and many other
things. If any, however, adapted to monastic life, prefer to live
in these colleges ; if their opinion and worship be reformed, and
they use ordinances as indifferent matters, we do not censure
them, and we judge that many holy and excellent men with this
intention lived a godly life in monasteries ; aye, it is even to be
desired, that such colleges of doctors and godly men exist,
amoi)g whom the pursuits of Christian doctrine may be cultiva
ted to the common profit of the Church, and youths not only be
instructed in learning, but, by godly exercises and this pedagogy
of rites, be accustomed to godliness, yet so that they be not held
entangled with vows to the peril of conscience. This kind of
life, because directed to the profit of the Church, to the instruc
tion and practice of the congregations, from which doctors ofthe
churches can be taken, is godly and pleases God ; for it would
have services commanded of God. For it is God's command
that those, purposing to enter the ministry, be taught and
trained; and, for this reason, God approves the pedagogy of
rites. There may also be colleges of nuns, where maidens learn
literature and the doctrine of godliness. But young girls who
desire to marry are not to be retained in cloisters, nor are any,
thereafter, to be burdened with vows. For the doctrine of Paul
must be retained, who advises virginity in such wise, as to be un
willing that snares be cast upon consciences. ' ' '
We have given this opinion of the Wittenberg theologians,
that it may be seen how the entire argument was concentrated
on " The Articles on Abuses," as welt as to show the spirit and
thoroughness of the treatment. Here were the points from
which the Lutheran reformers could not recede a hair's-breadth ;
and which, at the same time, Henry was not ready to surrender.
The doctrinal articles, as we have already learned, had been
already conceded by Henry and his theologians, under the influ
ence of the able presentations of Myconius and his 'colleagues.
As soon as the articles on Abuses would be endorsed by the An-
' lb. pp. loio sqq.
13

178 The Lutheran Movement in England,
glican authorities, in addition to the doctrinal articles of the
Augsburg Confession, a union between the Lutheran and Angli
can Churches could be consummated ; but until then, such
thoughts were useless, and all efforts for union must be directed
towards the acceptance of those unalterable scriptural principles
therein set forth.
All this was in vain. Cranmer, under date of May loth, tried
to apologize for his monarch, by recounting what great things
Henry had already accomplished. Had he not in a short time
abolished the supremacy of the Pope, the worship of images, and
monasteries ? Were not these in themselves labors worthy of
Hercules? The Lutherans ftiust have patience. All their argu
ments will be carefully examined, but they must not be offended
if, on some points, the king dissent, as he himself is a very learned
man, furnished with the highest critical acumen and soundest
judgment, and besides this has the aid of other learned men. ^
The breach was soon made irreparable. Gardiner was master
ofthe field. The repudiation of Anne of Cleves, July loth, and
the formal divorce, July 24th, were closely connected with the
arrest of Crumwell, June loth, and his execution, June 28th,
and the martyrdom at the stake, July 30th, of that most pro
nounced, though not always judicious advocate of Lutheranism,
the intimate friend and table companion of Luther and Melanch
thon, who had done all that mortal could, to give England the
pure Gospel and to make the Anglican a Lutheran Church, Dr.
Robert Barnes. This trae English Lutheran, faithful even unto
death, to the principles he had learned at Wittenberg, and whose
dying testimony was published with an introduction by Luther,
written amidst a tempest of wrath against the royal murderer and
with many tears for one whom he tenderly loved, will be noticed
in the next chapter.
^ Seckendorf, III : 261.

CHAPTER XIII.
LUTHER'S "ST. ROBERT."
The Postils of Taverner. Estimate of CrumweU. Sketch of Barnes. Con-
. nection with Bugenhagen. His XIX, Theses of 1531. His "History
of the Popes" (1536), with Luther's Introduction. His efforts at litur
gical reform. Controversy with Gardiner. His " Confession," at the
stake. The attack upon the " Confession " by Standish, and the refu
tation of Standish by Coverdale. Luther's Introduction to the German
translation of the " Confession." Luther's estimate of Barnes. His
contrast between Barnes and Henry. Sastrow's " Epicedion" on
Barnes. Henry demands satisfaction.
Parallel with the diplomatic negotiations, proceeded the
literary activity of scholars, to provide for the thorough reforma
tion of the English Church. This was not confined to the re
vision of translations of the Bible. We have already seen how
the Augsburg Confession and Apology, the hymns of Luther and
his associates, and a Lutheran system of theology in Sarcerius'
"Common Places," were translated and pubhshed. Early in
1540, before the fall of Crumwell, another important work ap
peared. It will be remembered that in March 1539, Sarcerius
wrote to Henry VIII. from Frankfort, offering to send him
" Postils upon the Gospels for the Lord's Days and the Festi
vals; as well as upon the Epistels for the Lord's Days, dedicated
to your Serenity. " The works referred to were either : "Pos
tilla in Evangelia Dominicalia" and "Postilla in Evangelia
Festivalia," 1538, or " Expositiones in Epistolas Dominicales et
Festivales," or probably both. When, then, early in 1540, we
find a volume of Postils appearing in England from the pen of
Richard Taverner, the translator of Sarcerius' " Common
(179)

i8o The Lutheran Movement in England.
Places," in the Preface to which he disclaims all originality for
the most of the work, the inference is very naturally suggested
that the book comes from Sarcerius. Tavemer's relation to it is
thus stated : " I was instantly required, to the intent the Lord
of the harvest might, by this mean, thrust forth his laborers into
the harvest, to perase and recognize this brief postil which was
delivered me of certain godly persons for that purpose and in
tent. Which thing to my little power, and, as the shortness of
time would serve, I have done. And such sermons or homilies
as seemed to want, I have supplied, partly with mine own indus
try, and partly with the help of other sober men which be better
learned than myself "
So, too, in the Preface to the second volume, he says : " Sith
this Postil is by me though not made, yet recognized, and in di
verse places augmented." The changes, modifications and ad
ditions to Sarcerius, cannot be determined, unless the two books
be placed side by side. As no copy of Sarcerius, is at hand, we
cannot even affirm positively that he is the author. But the en
tire style and character of the Postils betray their Germanic and
Lutheran origin. We need refer to but one instance, where on
the Gospel for the 2nd Sunday in Advent, we find the sentence :
" The ancient serpent shall be loosed for a little time, that is to
say, false prophets, heretics. Anabaptists, Sacramentaries, Suar-
merians" [Ger. "^^Aze/arw^m"] seductors, "frantike spirites. "
It is also possible that the similar work of Antony Corvinus of Cal-
enberg, may have been used as the basis.
But we return to the political crisis of 1540, and the catastro
phes which it brought. It is foreign to our purpose to enter
into a discussion concerning Crumwell, and his fall. He was no
theologian, but a politician. A great friend of the Lutheran move
ment, there is no evidence at hand to prove that he regarded it
in any other light, than as offering to England an opportunity
for asserting its power in defiance of Pope and Emperor.
Whether he really accepted with heart and soul the faith of the
Gospel, and knew in his o-wn inner experience what the Luth-

Luther's "St. Robert." i8i
eran Reformation was designed first of all and above all to main
tain and impart, must be referred to Him who would have us
judge nothing before the time.
Twenty days after the execution of Cramwell, viz., on January
30th, 1540, one of the most prominent of English Lutherans
bore his testimony at the stake.
Dr. Robert Barnes was born about 1495. At Cambridge he
was a fellow student of Miles Coverdale, with whom, throughout
his entire career, he lived on terms of intimacy, and who rnost
earnestly defended his memory after his death. Converted to
the evangelical faith through Thomas Bilney, he at first showed
a fanatical radicalism, having on December 24th, 1525, preached
against the observance of the great church festivals, and unseas
onably reproduced Luther's sermon for the Fourth Sunday in
Advent. In a previous chapter, we told the story of the recantation
of Lutheranism which, in 1526, he was compelled to make under
penalty of the stake. The very same year, however, it was dis
covered that he was surreptitiously circulating Bibles. He be
came an object of such close surveillance that in 1528 he escaped
to Antwerp, where, it is probable that he was in intimate rela
tions with Rogers, then chaplain there. He spent the next
three years in Germany, part of the time at Wittenberg, where
he resided in Bugenhagen's house, and, in order to escape de
tection, assumed the name of. Anthonius Amarius or Antonius
Anglus. Bugenhagen being in Hamburg, to promote the Refor
mation there in 1529, probably met T)Tidale, living then in Ham
burg, and if -Foxe's statement be correct, that Barnes' friend,
Coverdale was with Tyndale at that time, it again connects them.
Besides, the English merchant, Humphrey Monmouth, in whose
house in London, Tyndale had lived, in later years made Barnes
the executor of his will.
In 1531 he published, at Wittenberg, a defence of nineteen
theses, to which Bugenhagen furnished a preface. They were in
substance — i. Faith alone Justifies. 2. Christ made satisfaction
not alone for original sin, but for all sins. 3. The command-

1 82 The Lutheran Movement in England.
ments of God cannot be observed from our own powers. 4.
Free will of its own powers can do nothing but sin. 5. The
righteous sin even in every good work. 6. The true marks of
the Church. 7. The power of the keys depends upon the Word
of God, and not upon man's power. 8. Councils can err. 9.
Communion must be administered under both forms. 10. Hu
man ordinances do not bind the conscience. 1 1 . Auricular con
fession is not necessary to salvation. 12. It is lawful for priests
to marry. 13. Monks are not holier than laymen. 14. Chris
tian fasting does not consist in distinctions of meats. 15. Chris
tians keep holy and worship God every day, and not only on the
seventh. 16. Unjust Papal excommunication does not injure
those against whom it is directed. 17. The trae body of Christ
is in the sacrament of the altar. 1 8. Saints are not to be in
voked as mediators. 19. The errors of the Romish Mass are
enumerated. The same year, the King felt that he needed Barnes' services
in his work of reorganizing the English Church, and persuaded
him to retum. He was not long in England before the antago
nism to Gardiner broke out in a quarrel in which Barnes' impet
uosity gave him the disadvantage. As to the point of the dis
pute, viz., the right to sue for debt, Gardiner seems to have had
the right side, but his repugnance to the bishop's course with
reference to the Gospel was doubtless back of it. In 1534, he
was sent by Henry to Hamburg as special ambassador, and sought
to effect an alliance with the King of Denmark. In 1535, and
the following year, he was, as already stated, several times at
Wittenberg on the English Commission. In 1536, he published
a "History of the Lives of the. Pope."," dedicated to Henry
VIIL, to which Luther furnished an "Introduction." Intheln-
troduction Luther says : "In the beginning, not being much
versed in History, I attacked the Papacy a priori, i. e. from the
Holy Scriptures. Now I am wonderfully delighted that others
are doing the same a posteriori, i. e. from History. And I think
I am triumphing, since, as the light appears, I understand that

Luther's "St. Robert," ' 183
the histories agree with the Scriptures. For what I have learned
from St. Paul and Daniel as teachers, that the Pope is the ad
versary of God and of all, this history indicates with its very
finger, pointing out not merely genus and species, but the very
individual." ^
In 1537, he was executor for an alderman, Humphrey Mon
mouth, the friend of Tyndale, who left a bequest for the singular
purpose of paying for the preaching of thirty sermons, instead
of the saying of thirty masses. In 1538 he became the first to
introduce the saying of the Mass, and the rendering of the Te
Deum in English. Th» next year he was on the commission for
the prosecution of the Anabaptists. He was charged with hav
ing had some part in information against Lambert for denying
the doctrine of the real presence, although this in no way con-
-victs him of having any share in his condemnation and execu
tion for denying transubstantiation. In 1539, he was again in
Germany, as agent for Crumwell in effecting the alliance with
Anne of Cleves. During Lent of 1540, in preaching in St.
Paul's Cross Church with Gardiner, they fell into controversy.
Gardiner preached against Justification by Faith alone, Barnes,
when his turn to preach came, not only attacked the Bishop's
doctrine, but even inveighed against him personally. Begging
pardon first privately, which was granted, then, after asking par
don publicly, in the very same service he preached on the evan
gelical side. His temporary waverings can be readily explained.
His ardent nature led him to act hastily and rashly, and then
there was a seeming vacillation, though but for a moment, to the
other side. Beneath all, there is a depth of character unaffected
by transient and superficial agitations. He had to pay the pen
alty at Smithfield, after the bill of attainder against him had been
passed in Parliament.
At the stake, he made a glorious confession of Christ before
many witnesses. He bore his testimony against the various Pa
pal doctrines, each enumerated in its turn.
'Seckendorf, Index IIL, Anno 1536.

1 84 The Lutheran Movement in England,
"lam come hither," he said, "to be burned as a heretic,
and you shall hear my belief, whereby you shall perceive what
erroneous opinions I hold. God I take to record, I never to my
knowledge, taught any erroneous doctrine, but only those things
which scripture led me unto, and that in my sermons I never
maintained any error, neither moved nor gave occasion of any
insurrection. Although I have been slandered to preach that
our lady was but a saffron bag, which I utterly protest before
God that I never meant it, nor . preached it ; but all my study
and diligence hath been utterly to confound and confute all men
of that doctrine, as are those who deny <hat our Saviour Christ
did take any flesh of the blessed Virgin Mary, which sects I de
test and abhor. And in this place there have been burned some
of them, whom I never favored nor maintained, but with all dil
igence evermore did I study to set forth the glory of God, the
obedience to our sovereign lord the King, and the trae and sin
cere religion of Christ — and now hearken to my faith.
I believe in the holy and blessed Trinity, three persons and
one God, that created and made all the world, and that this
blessed Trinity sent down the second person, Jesus Christ, into
the womb of the most blessed and purest Virgin Mary. And
here hear my record that I do utterly condemn that abominable
and detestable opinion which saith that Christ took no flesh of
the Virgin. For I believe that without man's will or power, he
was conceived of the Holy Ghost, and took flesh of her, and
that he suffered hunger, thirst, cold, and other passions of our
* body, sin excepted ; according to the saying of St. Peter, he was
made in all things like to his brethren, except sin. And I be
lieve that his death and passion was the sufficient ransom for the
sins of all the world. And I believe that through his death, he
overcame sin, death and hell, and that there is none other satis
faction unto the Father, but this, his death and passion only,
and that no work of man did deserve anything of God, but his
passion, as touching our justification. For I know the best work
ever I did, is impure and imperfect. For although perchance,

Luther's "St, Robert." 185
you know nothing of me, yet do I confess that my thoughts and
cogitations are innumerable ; wherefore, I beseech thee, O Lord,
not to enter into judgment with me ; according to the saying
of the prophet David : ' Enter not into judgment with thy ser
vant, O Lord ;' and in another place, ' Lord, if thou straitly
mark our iniquities, who is able to abide thy judgment ! ' Where
fore, I trast in no good work that ever I did, but only in the
death of Christ. I do not doubt but through him to inherit the
Kingdom of Heaven. Take me not here that I speak against
good works, for they are to be done, and verily they that do
them not, shall never come into the Kingdom of God. We
must do them because they are commanded us of God, to show
and set forth our profession, not to deserve or merit, for that is
only the death of Christ.
I believe that there is a holy church, and a company of all
them that do profess Christ ; and that all that have suffered and
confessed his name, are saints ; and that all they do praise and
laud God in heaven, more than I, or any man's tongue can ex
press, and I have always spoken reverently and praised them, as
much as scripture willed me to do. And that our lady, I say,
was a virgin immaculate and undefiled, and that she is the most
pure virgin that ever God created, and a vessel elect of God,
of whom Christ should be born. "
"Then, there was one," says Foxe, "that asked him his
opinion of praying to saints." Then said he :
" Now of saints you shall hear my opinion : I have said be
fore some what I think of them ; how that I believe they are in
heaven with God, and that they are worthy of all the honor, that
Scripture willeth them to have. But I say, throughout all scrip
ture we are not commanded to pray to any saints. Therefore, I
neither can, nor will preach unto you that saints' ought to be
prayed unto ; for then should I preach unto you a doctrine of
mine own head. Notwithstandiug, whether they pray for us or
no, that I refer to God. And if saints do pray for us, then I
trast to pray for you within this half hour, master sheriff, and for

1 86 The Lutheran Movement in England.
every Christian man living in the faith of Christ, and dying in
the same, as a saint. Wherefore, if the dead may pray for the
quick, I will surely pray for you. ' '
When this testimony of Barnes at the stake was published, it
was at once attacked by a hierarchical writer, John Standish, to
whom Barnes' old college friend. Miles Coverdale, vigorously
replied. Standish examines Barnes' confession, sentence by
sentence, and Coverdale just as minutely treats every statement
of Standish. The reply may be found in the second volume of
Coverdale's works, published by the Parker Society. In the
Preface, he says : "If Dr. Barnes died a true Christian man,
be ye sure his death shall be a greater stroke to hypocrisy,
than ever his life could have been. If he was falsely accused to
the King's highness, and so put to death, woe shall come those
accusers, if they repent not by times. And if Dr. Barnes in his
heart, mouth and deed committed no worse thing toward the
King's highness, than he committed against God in these his
words at his death, he is like at the latter day to be a judge over
them that were cause of his death, if they do not amend. ' '
Standish contemptuously termed Barnes' doctrine as the doc
trine of the Germans. Coverdale is perfectly willing to bear
the reproach, and answers :
"As touching the Germans, their doctrine is, that when the
servants of God have done all that is commanded them, they
must acknowledge themselves to be unprofitable ; to have occa
sion continually to cry unto God, and to say : ' O forgive us
our trespasses ;' to acknowledge that in their flesh dwelleth no
good thing ; yea, and to confess, that though they • delight in
the law of God after the inward man, yet there is another law in
their members which striveth against the law of their mind.' . ..
This is now the doctrine of the Germans ; and thus taught also
St. Augustine. . . . Such doctrine now, though it be approved
both by the holy scripture and by St. Augustine, yet because the
Germans teach it, it must needs be condemned of you'for an
error. I wonder ye condemn them not also for holding so little

Luther's "St, Robert." 187
ofthe Pope's church, of his pardons, of his purgatory; for put
ting down his religions, his chauntries, his soul-masses and di-
riges, his trentals, pilgrimages, stations, etc. ; for ministering the
sacraments in their mother tongue, for setting their priests daily
to preach the only word of God, for bringing no new customs
into the church ; for avoiding whoredom and secret abomination
from among their clergy, as well as among other ; for bringing
up their youth so well in the doctrine of God, in the knowledge
of tongues, in other good letters and honest occupations, for
providing so richly for their poor, needy, fatherless and aged
people, etc."^
The Confession of Barnes was published in German at Witten
berg, in the very year of his martyrdom. Luther's introduction
is of the highest interest. The following is the substance of it :
"This Dr. Robert Barnes, who, when with us, in his remark
able humility, would not allow himself to be called Doctor, called
himself Antonius ; for which he had his reasons. For previously
he had been imprisoned in England by the holy bishops, the St.
Papists, and had escaped with great difficulty. This Doctor, I
say, we knew very well, and it is an especial joy to us to hear,
that our good pious table companion, and guest of our home,
has been so graciously called upon by God to shed his blood,
for His dear Son's sake, and to become a holy martyr. Thanks,
praise and glory be to the Father of our dear Lord Jesus Christ,
that He has permitted us to see again, as in the beginning, the
times, wherein Christians who have eaten and drunk with us,
are taken before our eyes, and from our eyes and sides, to become
martyrs, i. e. to go to Heaven and become saints. Twenty
years ago, who would have believed that Christ our Lord would
be so near us, and, through His precious martyrs and dear saints,
would eat and drink and speak and live at our table and home ?
. . . When this holy martyr, St. Robert, perceived af last that
his King (by your permission) Harry of England, had become
hostile to the Pope, he returned to England, in hopes that he
^Remains of Bishop Coverdale, pp. 384-86.

1 88 The Lutheran Movement in England,
might plant the Gospel in his fatherland ; and in fact he was
successful in making a beginning, To speak briefly, it pleased
Harry of England to send him to us at Wittenberg concerning
the matrimonial question on which thirteen universities had
given their decision, and all had given Harry the right to repu
diate his Queen, Catherine, the aunt of the Emperor Charles,
and to take another.
" But when we had disputed, at great length, and, at a great
expense to His Electoral Prince of Saxony, we found at last that
Harry of England had sent his embassy, not because he wanted
to become evangelical, but in order that we at Wittenberg might
endorse his divorce. I was, therefore, displeased that I and the
other theologians had spent so many weeks in useless labor with
them concerning religious matters, and I told them : ' Four
points your king will not admit : The two forms of the lacra-
ment — the marriage of priests, the doing away with the Mass,
and with Monasticism. ' 'Yes,' I continued, 'we have spent
too long time in defiling ourselves, when we ought to have known
from the very beginning, that, while your king takes the Pope's
money, he retains his government. Harry, therefore, is Pope,
and the Pope is Henry in England.'
" Dr. Robert Barnes, himself, often told me : ' My king does
not care for religion.' But he so loved the king and his coun
try, that he was ready to endure everything, and always was
meditating how to help England. He always had in his mouth
the words, 'My king;' as his confession shows that even unto
death he showed all love and fidelity towards ' my king,' — a ser
vice which Harry ill deserved. Hope deceived him ; for he was
always hoping that his king would at last turn out well.
" Among other things, we often disputed why the king pre
sumed to bear that abominable title : ' Defender of the faith,
and after'Christ Supreme and Immediate Head of the Anglican
Church.' But as this was generally the answer : Sic volo, sic
fubeo, sit pro ratione voluntas, it could no where be better seen
that Squire Harry wanted to be God,* and to do as he pleased.

Luther's "St. Robert." 189
" The reason why he was martyred is still concealed. For
Harry must be ashamed of himself Nevertheless, what many
trustworthy persons say is like him, viz., that Dr. Barnes (like
St. John the Baptist against Herod) testified against Harry and
would not consent to his disgraceful deed in repudiating Frau-
lein von Jiilich [Anne of Cleves,] and taking another. For
whatever Squire Harry wants, he makes an article of faith, both
for life and death. But we let Harry go to his Harries, and
¦with his Harries, where they belong. We ought to thank God,
the Father of all mercies, that He can use such devils and mas
ques of devils in so masterly a way, for our salvation and that of
all Christians, and for the punishment both of themselves and
of all who are unwilling to learn to know God ; as he has always
done through great tyrants. Yet, as St. Paul says, Rom. viii, all
that occurs and is done and is suffered, must work for good ;
and, on the other hand, everything must serve for evil to
those who persecute God's children. So also is it with this in
cendiary Harry, who, by his wickedness, is doing so much good.
Let us praise and thank God ; this is a blessed time for elect
Saints, but a sorrowful time for the devil, and the blasphemers
and enemies of God, to whom it shall still be worse."
But Luther was not the only one from whose pen Henry had
to suffer as a penalty for this crime. A young scholar at Liibeck,
John Sastrow published a poem : " Epicedion Martyris Christi,
D. Roberti Barnes, Angli," in which he compared Henry to
Busiris. The sensitive King sent a legation to Liibeck, demand
ing reparation. The Council excused Sastrow on the ground of
his youth ; but the printer, John Balhorn, was banished, and,
when Henry was satisfied by such a vindication, Balhorn was
permitted after a few months to quietly return.'
' Bilder aus der Deutschen Vergangenheit, von Gmtav Freitag, II : 197.

CHAPTER XIV.
CLOSING EVENTS OF HENRY'S REIGN.
The Paradoxes of Smithfield. Tracts of Melanchthon circulated in England.
Imprisonment of Publishers, and Arrest of Readers. Enforcement of
the Six Articles. Popular Opinion neutralizes them. Two irresistible
forces. The yoimg men of the Universities. The Diffusion of the Bi
ble. Gardiner's Obstructionist Policy overcome. Spasmodic Efforts at
Persecution. Plots against Cranmer and the Queen. Negotiations
again proposed. The Augsburg Confession once more. The English
Embassy of 1544. Henry's Argiunent conceming the Variata. Bucer
intercedes for Henry. The Elector of Saxony immovable. Henry's
Advances repulsed by the Frankfort Convention of 1546. His Efforts
with the Elector Palatinate. Proposition of " The League Christian."
His Deatii.
When Dr. Barnes was burned at Smithfield, there was another
circumstance, beyond the culmination of Henry's wickedness in
endeavoring to get rid of a troublesome witness of the true faith,
that might well attract attention. Thre^ Protestants, including
Dr. Barnes, were burned ; three Papists were hanged. " This
was caused," says the English Church historian of the next cen
tury. Fuller, "by the difference of religions in the king's privy
council, wherein the Popish party called for the execution of the
Protestants, whilst the Protestant lords in council (out of policy
to repress the others' eagerness, or, if that failed, out of desire to
revenge it) cried as fast that the laws might take effect on the
Papists. And whilst neither side was able to save those of his
own opinions, both had power to destroy those of the opposite
party. They were dragged on hurdles, two and two, a Papist
and a Protestant. A stranger standing by did wonder (as well
he might) what religion the king was of, his sword cutting on
(190)

Closing Events of Henry's Reign, 191
both sides. ' ' ' Thus the fact is illustrated, which is often for
gotten, that doctrinal indifferentism when it gains the power, is
just as relentless and crael in its persecutions, as is the narrowest
adherence to traditional principles.
Lutheranism, however, was not completely crashed, and new
witnesses were being prepared to replace those who who were
martyred. Though the stream had to force its way under ground,
it is destined soon to reappear. Thomas Walpole was brave
enough to translate into English Melanchthon's long letter to
the king noticed before, where the reader may remember that
Melanchthon arraigns the bishops -with a severity that he rarely
used. Its thorough discussion of "The Six Articles," which
were now to be again enforced, made it especially timely ; and
an evangelical publisher, Richard Grafton, the intimate friend
of Coverdale, was ready to assume the risk of its publication,
although in 1540 he had spent six weeks in the Tower of London
for publishing Matthews' Bible. About the same time, an Eng
lish translation of one of Melanchthon's arguments sent Henry
"On Marriage of Priests," made by Louis Beauchame, was pub
lished by Hoffe at Leipzig, doubtless, for circulation in England.
The circulation of the former is at last discovered by detectives.
Translator and publisher are both arrested and imprisoned. Be
sides these, a Mrs. Blage, a grocer's wife in Chepe, who had
given a copy to Cottiswood, a priest ; Cottiswood who had given
a copy to a fellow-priest. Derrick, and Derrick himself, all are
summoned before the Privy Council, and receive a warning con
ceming their offence. *
It was determined again to rigidly enforce ' ' The Six Articles. ' '
The Bishop of London, Bonner, who, until he rose to position,
had seemed to be on the Lutheran side, now began that career
of persecution, which, under Queen Mary, rendered him so
odious as the murderer of hundreds, and, under Queen Elizabeth,
justly sent him to the Tower to spend the last ten years of his
iVol. II: p. 105.
» Dixon, II : 261.

192 The Lutheran Movement in England,
life in imprisonment. Two hundred arrests were made in Lon
don alone. Among the first brought to trial, was a boy of fif
teen, Richard Mekins, whose conviction Bonner is said to have
secured by threatening the jury, and who was either burned or
hanged at Smithfield for '" participating in the heresies of
Barnes." But except in this case, the juries were intractable.
The leaven had spread so far, that they would not convict for
offences against the Six Articles. Three of those arraigned were
imprisoned. Outside of London, there were five executions.
Nothing, however, could check the Reformation. Two ele
ments, working silently, were far mightier than the throne and the
hierarchical bishops combined. The young men of the Univer
sities for some years already had been preponderatingly on the
Evangelical side ; the English Bible was making its influence felt
thoughout the entire kingdom. In 1536, the very year in which
he had Taverner translate the Augsburg Confession, and en
deavored to have it approved in England, Crumwell had secured
the issuing of the following injunction from the king: "That
every .parson or proprietary of any parish church within the
realm, before August ist, should provide a book of the whole
Bible, both in Latin and English, and lay it in the chair for
every man that would look and read therein ; and discourage no
man from reading any part of the Bible, either in Latin or Eng
lish, but rather comfort, exhort and admonish each man to read
it as the very Word of God, and the spiritual food of eyery man's
soul. ' ' Day after day, the churches were crowded, while the few
better educated ones among the people, continued to read to the
attentive multitudes of illiterate men and women about them.
Cranmer, in 1542, endeavored in the Convocation to have a
thorough revision of existing versions made. When this work
was obstracted by Gardiner, he determined to put it in charge
of a commission from the two Universities; and when the Con
vocation showed an unwillingness to submit to this, because the
young men of the Universities were nearly all advocates of the
New Learning, the Primate threatened to prorogue the Convo-

Closing Events of Henry's Reign, 193
cation. Even the year before, viz., in 15 41, it was determined
to remove images from the churches, and to reform the Liturgy.
Several attempts were made to revive the execution of the Six
Articles. Each time a few martyrs fell, and once Cranmer him
self was summoned before the Council, and his enemies were
triumphing in anticipation of their victory ; but his hold upon
the king was still too strong. The famous scene of Cra^^mer's
producing the king's ring, which Shakespeare places during the
life of Anne Boleyn, is generally accepted as properly belonging
here. The king's last queen, Catharine Parr, was an adherent
of the evangelical faith, and the story runs that she herself nar
rowly escaped being carried by the plots of the Romanizing ele
ment to the fate of Anne Boleyn ; but that, when the critical mo
ment arrived, she had regained the graces of her vacillating hus-
-band. Those who had plotted against her, and who had come to
Henry, at his appointment, to carry out their schemes, were glad
to leave precipitately.
Near the close of the reign, we again find external political
complications causing a re-opening of negotiations with the con
tinental Lutherans, and the Lutheran princes and states, at that
very dark hour when perils were impending on all sides, insisting
once more on the complete acceptance of the Augsburg Confes
sion as an indispensable condition for even the consideration of
an alliance. another ENGLISH EMBASSY.
The Peace of Crespy, between Francis I. and Charles V., Sep
tember i8th, 1544, had left the King of England in an embar
rassing predicament. As an ally of the Emperor, he had an
army on French soil, which had recently taken Boulogne, and
with elation was pressing its advantages, when Charles V. under
took to make a separate peace, leaving Henry either single-
handed to conduct the war, or to find his way out of it as best
he could. At the same time, the Lutheran princes and States,
by whose co-operation Charles V. had been able to undertake
the French war, were threatened by the new ailianee of the two
14

194 The Lutheran Movement in England.
monarchs, until then at war with one another, but who were now
ready to listen to the urgent appeals of the Pope to turn their arms
against the Lutheran heresy. .Under these circumstances the
negotiations that had so often failed before, were once again at
tempted. Walter Bucler and Christopher Mount were sent to
Germany with instructions undated, but believed to have been
written about November 14th, 1544, five days before the sum
mons to the Council of Trent was issued by Paul IIL, directing
them tiD confer with Duke Maurice of Saxony, and Philip, Land
grave of Hesse, suggesting that overtures for some marriage con
nection with England be made with some German prince. The
Elector John Frederick was not to be overlooked, but Henry's
experience in the past doubtless satisfied him that from that
source he had least to hope, and, hence, though the very head
of the Smalcald League, his name appears only in a subordinate*
position. But it was impossible tomake any progress without the con
sideration of the question of religion. Accordingly, in Febru
ary, 1545, Henry himself writes, authorizing them to offer either
of his daughters, Mary and Elizabeth, in marriage to the Duke
of Holstein, and then gives more specific instructions concern
ing any doctrinal tests :
" In case the sayd Landgrave shall make any mocion touch
ing the matiers of religion, desyring that there might be some
accord and agreement upon the same, mencioning peraventure
the return again from hens of their last ambassadie in vain ; to
that our sayd servaunts shall answer, that ther is no Prince nor
man in the woorlde that desyreth more the glorye of God, and
meaneth more the true setting furth of His Woord than we do.
And to thintent the same may appere unto them, albeit it be
true in dede that certayn of the Commissioners, beyng here to
commyn uppon maters of religion, the same entring conference
furst with certayn of our learned men, and after beyng admitted
to commun with Ourself, stoode more emestly and vehemently
uppon theyr Confession, then to Us was thought reasonable, or

Closing Events of Henry's Reign, 195
that the trowth could beare, like as sythens that time it doth
well appere, for that there be diverse of the same thinges where
in they stack them fast, moved onely as said thereto, bycause
theyr preachers had set fourth and tawght the same by theyr
said Confession, and now have somewhat more moderately, as
theyr books do testifie, set furth the same. ' '
The king, by these l^t words, evidently was endeavoring to
turn to his account the Variata editions of the Augsburg Con
fession of 1540 and 1542. His argumentis, that if Melanchthon
himself had found it advisable to make changes in the Confes
sion, this proved only that Henry was right in insisting at the
Conference of 1538 that there be some modifications, and that
the course of the Lutheran commissioners at London, had been
repudiated. It shows Henry's shrewdness, and would have been
unanswerable where the Variata had actually been adopted.
He continues: "And upon this manner of proceeding they
departed, without any such conclusion as with sum indifferent "
[viz., unprejudiced] "handling might have succeeded to the as
sured conjunction of Us and our dominions on both partes, and
thuniversall weall and quiet of all Christendome ; yet forasmuch
as we having oon commun and certain enemie, the Bishop of
Rome, unto whose faccion no smale Princes be addicted, being
both of us a like zele and meaning for the right and sincere set
ting furth of Codes glorie and his holy woord, . . . there be no
nations in christendome so like to agree as we be, if the forsayed
amitie beyng agreed uppon, for that must necessarily be passed
out of hand, and not be delay d for the disputacions of the matters
of religion which will require a tract of time." ' The king is a
trae type of a modern unionist. He pleads for union first, and
wants to postpone to the remote future any understanding as to
the doctrinal relations of the parties concerned, forgetting that
it is only on doctrinal grounds, that the Lutherans are in dis
sent from Pope and Emperor, and for such reasons are in
Jeopardy. '' English State Papers, Henry VIZI., vol. X : pp. 282 sqq.

196 The Lutheran Movement in England.
There were some who regarded this proposal on the part of
the English King with favor. "Great hope," says Secken
dorf " seemed to spring afresh. Christopher Mount had much
to say concerning the extraordinary kindness which Henry
showed Anne of Cleves since the divorce, the magnificent style
in which he supported her, the frequent presents he sent, his
constant solicitude for her health, etc. The execution of Crum
well was charged against the nobles, that of Barnes to his abusive
attack upon Bishop Gardiner, the failure of the negotiations of
1538 to the fact that the Lutherans were represented by stiff and
obstinate disputants like Burkhard and Myconius, instead of by
Melanchthon and Bucer. Bucer also interposed, with the plea
that while all things were not right in England, yet that Henry
was nearer the Lutheran princes than any other king. Secken
dorf well notes that he forgets Denmark and Sweden. But the
Elector of Saxony was again immovable. " He regarded the
King of England an enemv of the Gospel, who had no other
aim in Reformation than himself to become Head ofthe Church,
to which he had not been called of God, and who meanwhile
raged tyrannically against godly Christians and lived shamefully,
seeking in all things only his own advantage. " * At the con
vention of Frankfort in January, 1546, where there were present
not only the members of the Smalcald League, but also the dep
uties of Lutheran princes and representatives of States not in
cluded in the League, as of the Elector of Brandenburg, the
Archbishop of Cologne, the Duke of Prussia, Niirnberg and Ra-
tisbon, Henry's propositions met with no favor.
A few months later, (May, 1546,) Henry sent John Masone to
Heidelberg to confer with the Elector Frederick II. of the Pala
tinate, who had lately become a convert to Lutheranism, and
arrange a marriage between his daughter Mary and the Elector's
nephew, Duke Philip. The answer of the Elector shows the
same spirit as throughout inspired the Elector of Saxony. Ma
sone reports :
?ni: p. SS2.

Closing Events of Henry' s Reign, 197
" Concerning religion he hath framed his conscience thor
oughly to Confessionem Augustanam, and hath so accepted the
same as he trusteth not to varrye from it during life, which de
termination he hath not rashly entered into, but with long tyme
and great deliberation. And to say the trewthe, if he were de
termined to sende any man, unto your Majestie in those matters,
he wotheth not where to fynde any such indifferent man, as your
Majestie seemeth to require, his hole provynce as well the No
bles as the clergye and others being so thoroughly bent in one
trade. . . . The Emperour, at his late being at Spire, was in
hande with them for the lyke, and hadd for answer that their
doctryne hadd often inoughe ben disputed upon, and was wel
knowen throughe the worlde, and they intended to bring that
mattier no more in questyon, wherein by soamuch tyme and
great deliberation they were thoroughlye persuaded." ^
The King is persistent. A league must be formed. Froude
has asserted that he assured Cranmer, that he was ready to make
further concessions, and to take measures for a more radical re
form. At any rate, his next proposition was for the formation
of " The League Christian." The Lutheran commissioners were
to select the names of ten or twelve leamed men ; from this
number, Henry would select one half; and then, they, with a
similar commission of English theologians, would come to a final
settlement of a doctrinal basis. The King himself was to par
ticipate in the deliberations. It was too late. The breaking
out of the Smalcald war early in the summer interrupted all
negotiations; and a few months later, January 28th, 1547, the
reign of Henry VIII. was at an end.
' State Papers, Henry VIIL, vol. XI : pp. 147 sqq.

CHAPTER XV.
NEW DIFFICULTIES IN THE REIGN OF EDWARD VI.
Decline of Lutheranism in Germany. The Results of the Battie of Miihl-
berg. The Interim. Melanchthon wavers. The Firmness of the Elec
tor of Saxony. Influence of the Elector in England. Edward's con
gratulatory Letter. The Elector's Reply. The Augsburg Confession,
still the only Basis. League with the Germans contemplated. John
Frederick to be its Head. Deaths of the King of England, and the
Elector of Saxony.
The death of Henry VIII. removed the great barrier that had
stood in the way of the English Reformation. The two parties
that had been held together by his arbitrary measures, were now
to come to an open rupture. Cranmer was free to pursue his
own course. All Romish interests were suppressed during the
reign of Edward VL, as, from the Roman Catholic point of view,
Mary was the rightful heir, and Edward, a usurper. The king's
uncle, the Duke of Somerset, " the Protector," was known as an
ardent friend of the Reformation; but he concerned himself
almost exclusively with the political affairs of the kingdom, leav
ing to Cranmer the task of the ecclesiastical administration.
Could this change have been foreseen at any time during the
preceding period from 1535, the prediction would have been
made that the Church of England would now, at last, become
Lutheran. If we seek the reasons why this expectation was not
fulfilled, we must consider first of all the condition, at that time,
of the Lutheran Church in Germany. Never was it less able to
assert itself or to impress its influence upon those without. To
human eyes, it really seemed as though it were on the very verge
of destraction. Looking back, we can scarcely imagine that
(198)

New Difficulties in the Reign of Edward VI. 199
only seventeen years had passed since the Diet of Augsburg, so
great has been the fall. The transition has been even more
rapid. For only a few years before, with five out of seven ofthe
German electors on the Lutheran side, the prospect for its com
plete triumph was exceedingly encouraging.
Henry VlII. died January 28th, 1547. Eleven months before,
the Reformg.tion had lost its great pillar, when Luther died, Feb-
raary i8th, 1546, and the accomplished but vacillating Melanch
thon succeeded to a position, for which his gifts, however emi
nent in other spheres, did not fit him. External dangers were
rapidly gathering. The loyalty of the Lutheran princes of the
Empire had induced them to participate in the war against
Francis I., and, after they had conquered the foe whose activity
had kept the Emperor's hands from them, he was at last able to
make an attempt to suppress the Lutheran heresy. This might
readily have been repelled, if Duke Maurice of Saxony, influ
enced by motives of personal hostility against his cousin, the
Elector John Frederick, had not energetically thrown himself
upon the side of the Emperor, even though professing to be true
to that faith, for whose destruction the war was waged.
April 24th, 1547, less than three months after the accession of
Edward VI. , the battle of Miihlberg was fought, and the heroic
and godly Elector, next to Luther perhaps the greatest figure of
the days of the Reformation, and the head of the Smalcald
League, who for so many years had been insisting on the accept
ance of the entire Augsburg Confession, as interpreted by the
Apology, as the condition of any further negotiations with Eng
land, was taken prisoner, deprived of his electoral dignity, de
spoiled of half his dominions and kept in degrading imprison
ment for the next five years. Two months later the Landgrave
of Hesse met a similar fate. When Melanchthon heard of the
Elector's defeat, he at once wrote to Cruciger (May ist) : "I
see that a change of doctrine, and new distractions in the Church
will follow," ' and fled, first to Brunswick, and then to Nordhau-
1 Corpus Reform'atorum VI : p. 532.

200 The Lutheran Movement in England.
sen. After Wittenberg was captured by the Emperor, and
placed in charge of Maurice, Melanchthon was prevailed upon
to return, although the Elector John Frederick, through his sons,
besought him to aid in establishing a new University at Jena,
one of the cities still left the Elector. Maurice's exceeding
kindness and his presents, as well as his assurances that he^was still
devoted to the Lutheran faith, seem to have almost reconciled
Melanchthon to the changed circumstances. Among the homes
offered him elsewhere at this time was one in England. Octo
ber 25th, 1547, he writes:' "To-day I have answered the
Bishop of Canterbury who invites me to England."
Then came the persecutions connected with the forcing of the
Interim upon Lutheran people. Charles V. dissatisfied with the
uncompromising spirit manifested by the Council of Trent, and
hoping still to maintain the unity of his Empire by a compro
mise making some concessions to his Lutheran subjects, caused a
document (the Augsburg Interim) to be prepared by Agricola, in
connection with two Roman Catholic theologians, which, in ef
fect, reintroduced, with a few modifications, the abominations of
the Papacy. It forced hundreds of Lutheran ministers into exile,
and entailed the greatest distress in various communities, espe
cially at Magdeburg and Augsburg. It was during this persecu
tion, that John Brentz showed himself such a hero in Wiirtem
berg. Even the Elector Maurice was indignant, and would not
accept it save with certain restrictions. But this did not
prevent Melanchthon from a second exile, as the Emperor demand
ed that, because of his opposition, he must be surrendered or ban
ished. Maurice devised another expedient in the Leipzig In
terim, which was preponderatingly Lutheran in its statements,
but was so worded as to give the least offence to its opponents,
and which enjoined the use of a number of ceremonies, made
more acceptable by an evangelical explanation, that heretofore
had been regarded badges of the Papists.
Melanchthon was free to express his preference for what he
'lb. p. 714.

New Difficulties in the Reign of Edward VI, 201
regarded a more correct statement of doctrine and prescription
of usage, but at the same time declared (January 6th, 1549,)
that it "made no change in the Church," ' that its prescriptions
were "tolerable"* and that " it is the better course to treat
some (ollies moderately. ' ' ^ He in no way foresaw the storm
which his disposition to suppress a protest would call forth.
The Leipzig Interim found no favor an3rwhere and all attempts
to introduce it, had to be abandoned. It is worth while noting
that the entire history of the Interims shows that the controversy
which had just ceased in England, had been transferred to Ger
many ; and that the policy of yielding certain matters to the
Papists, to secure outward unity, was only the repetition of the
course of Henry VIIL The Six Articles and the Augsburg In
terim belong together ; while the Leipzig Interim was also a re
cession from the principle which demanded unconditional sub
scription to the Augsburg Confession as the condition of union.
Just when the English Church was ready for the entrance of the
full trath, those who'were regarded the representatives of Luth
eranism, themselves waver. Is it wonderful, therefore, that a
more radical element soon enters, by its more positive and de
cided testimony to take the place of such uncertain and wavering
Lutheranism ? Let any one who who has the curiosity, look into
the Calendar of State Papers ofthe reign of Edward VI., and he
will note what pains the authorities in England were then taking
to be promptly and fully informed concerning what was transpir
ing on the Continent, and how the weekly and almost daily dis-
patcjies of such ambassadors as Christopher Mount, Sir John
Masone and Sir Richard Morysinne, supply, not only most valu
able information concerning the ecclesiastical complications of
Germany, but even the details of the current gossip of courts and
cities. We can imagine the pain and consternation, with which
English Lutherans looked on the defection of those, from whom
3 VII: 292.
*Ib. 274, 275.
5 lb. 275.

202 The. Lutheran Movement in England.
they had hoped for encouragement and sympathy in the better
times that had now come for them in England.
One great figure, how-ever, stood forth as a beacon light amidst
the storm. One heart rose superior to the crisis. The clearness
of the testimony of the imprisoned Elector, upon whom even
sentence of death had been passed, carried with it a moral weight
that was felt throughout Christendom. Summoned before the
Emperor in 1548, he was offered the .most favorable terms, in case
he 'would desist from his error, and submit to a council." His
answer is worthy of everlasting remembrance : "I stand before
your Imperial Majesty a poor prisoner. I do not deny that I
have confessed the truth, and for it have lost possessions and prop
erty, wife and child, land and people, in short everything that God
has given me in the world. I have noting left but this impris
oned body, and even this is not within my power, but within that
of your Majesty. By the truth which I have confessed, I will
abide, and will suffer, as an example, whatever else God and your
Imperial Majesty may impose."* The better feelings of the
Emperor, we are told, overcame him, and he turned away to
hide his emotion. When the Interim was published, another
persistent effort was made to secure the Elector's subscription.
But he was immovable. " From his youth he had been instructed
according to the doctrine contained in the Augsburg Confession.
As in his conscience he was convinced of its truth, should he
yield, he could not show himself grateful for such distinguished
grace, nor could he expect the inheritance of everlasting life
which Christ promised those who would confess him. But if he
were to accept the Interim, he must deny the Augsburg Confes
sion, whereby he would sin against God for time and to etemity.
Nothing could be more pleasing to him and his unwieldy body
(for he was corpulent) than freedom, yet, then, he could not tes
tify with a good conscience before God's judgment seat that he
had sought for no comfort of this poor temporal life, but only
for God's glory and the inheritance of life everlasting."' He
' Salig's Historic des Aug. Conf, 1 : 580.
'Ib.

New Difficulties in the Reign of Edward VI. 203
wrote also a paper to be preserved as his testimony after his
death, beginning : "la poor prisoner in Babylonian captivity,
in order that every one may know that, with God's help, I will
not during my life receive the Interim, but will abide faithful to
the Augsburg Confession, and the other articles agreed upon at
Smalcald."^ When Maurice at last could no longer suppress his indignation
at the manner in which the Emperor had used him as a tool to
destroy the Lutheran faith, and in which the most sacred pledges
were wantonly broken, he sought to repair, to an extent, the
-wrong in which for years he had participated. Finding an ally
in the King of France, he so suddenly made war, that the Em
peror, surprised, routed and almost captured at Innspruck in
1552, was glad to conclude, the same year, the Peace of Passau.
But even before peace was forced, the Emperor to conciliate his
subjects liberated the Elector, who, nevertheless, preferred for
awhile to remain with his late captor. When he finally returned
fo Saxony, his course became a regular triumphal procession, as
the people turned out in mass, to honor one who had been greater
in defeat, than he could have been even in victory. ' 'Everywhere, ' '
says Salig, "he was embraced as a father of his country and a
faithful defender of the Augsburg Confession, who, through no
trouble and suffering, could be alienated from the truth.-' ' * Me
lanchthon promptly wrote a long letter of congratulation. " The
memory of your confession, your troubles and liberation, is useful
to the Church both now and to posterity. As that of the Israel
ites in the fiery furnace, or of Daniel among the lions, so also
your example will, in many ways, profit others for the true knowl
edge of God. This honor is much to be preferred to bloody
victories and triumphs." " The Elector in his courteous reply
administers a significant rebuke, when he intimates that the great
theologian had culpably wavered and declares how he had wished
^ Cyprian's Historia der Aug. Conf, p. 279.
^ Salig, I: 680.
'" Corpus Reformatorum, VII : 1083.

204 The Lutheran Movement in England.
from his heart that no change whatever had been attempted in
the doctrine as set forth by Luther in 1537 at Smalcald and re
ceived by all preachers and pastors of the Augsburg Confession.
" We have no doubt," he says, " that if such had been the case,
the divisions and errors that have occurred among the teachers
of the above mentioned Confession, would, with God's help,
have been removed." "
In England also, the release of the Elector was hailed as a
great victory for the Gospel. The despatches show that he was
then regarded as the leader of the Lutheran cause. King Ed
ward VI. also wrote a congratulatory letter. The reply of John
Frederick (August 2 2d, 1552) shows that he still had in mind
his old terms of agreement with England. It would be a great
gratification to have the very letter ; but, in its absence, the ab
stract given in the " Calendar of English State Papers " '' must
answer : " Returns thanks for his Majesty's letter from Petworth
of 25th of July, delivered to him by Sir Richard Morysinne, and
for his ready good will towards him. Commends his Majesty's
efforts on behalf of the Gospel religion, and urges him to continue
these. And whereas his Majesty had exhorted him to exert him
self towards procuring a suspension of controversies among the
professors of Protestantism, declares that of all things the most
difficult is to settle religious differences, especially at this ad
vanced age of the world, when every one thinks he has found the
truth, lest the old serpent should bite the heel of him who tram
ples on him. These dissensions arise in consequence of many
being misled by philosophical speculations and civil wisdom,
withdrawing/^^? the Confession of Augsburg, which had been
approved by the consent of the most eminent theologians. To
which, if they had firmly adhered, as they ought, neither that
most mischievous Zwinglian sect, nor the Anabaptists, nor the
Antinomians, nor the Adiaphorists, and authors of change in re-
Hgion, would have disturbed, as they have done, the best con-
"Ib. p. 1 109.
1^ Calendar, Edward VI. (Foreign) p. 2lg.

New Difficulties in the Reign of Edward VI. 205
stituted churches, and inflicted a wound that seems almost
incurable. ' '
Again it began to look as though an Anglo-German Lutheran
alliance might yet be made. With John Frederick liberated,
they had now a leader who could be trusted, especially as he was
supported by by Francis Burkhard who, in 1538, with Myconius,
had so nearly gained the victory in the negotiations in London.
Hence we find, in the "Calendar" of May 25th, 1553," the
record that commissioners appointed for the purpose recommend
to the Royal Council the formation of "a league with the Ger
mans, including the Emperor," and "suggest that for the nam
ing of the matter, John Frederick is the fittest person to hear of
it first ; because as he cannot but like; so he is better able to
further it, than they, having a man, Francis Burkhard, who has
been thrice in England, as fit as any in Germany to handle the
subject. ' '
But this was not to be. Providence again mysteriously inter
fered. Within less than six weeks, (July 5th, 1553) the young
King of England died, and the reign of Bloody Mary began.
On the third of March following, the heroic Elector, broken
down by the severe sufferings through which he had passed, was
added to "the noble army of martyrs" in the Church Tri
umphant. When Amsdorf visited him on his death-bed, to re
ceive his confession and impart the consolations of the Gospel,
he heard this dying testimony : "This I know: Whether I live,
I live unto the Lord, or whether I die, I die unto the Lord. Of
this I am certain." "
^ lb. Domestic Series,
' ^*-Salig,l: 681.

CHAPTER XVI.
CONFLICT OF THEOLOGICAL PARTIES IN ENGLAND DURING THE
REIGN OF EDWARD VI.
Effect of the deaths of Fox and Barnes. Reaction against Transubstantiation.
Ridley and Hooper, Zwinglians. BuUinger's Influence. John a Lasco,
and his congregations. Polanus and the Flemish weavers. Peter Mar
tyr at Oxford. His theological position. Bucer at Cambridge. Was
he a Lutheran ? Loscher's Argument. Correspondence between Bucer
and Brentz. Bucer on the Real Presence. His Doctrine compared
with that of Martyr. Switzerland free from the desolations of Smalcald
"War. English Negotiations with the Reformed Cities. 'BuUinger and
Lady Jane Grey. Calvin's Correspondence. Cranmer yields. His
course explained. -When and how he became a Calvinist ? His Cate
chism. Indication of process of change afforded by Ziirich Letters.
In the last chapter, we noted how the cause of Lutheranism in
England was weakened by its sad condition on the Continent at
the time of the Smalcald War and the Interim. But there were
other reasons, why it did not gain the ascendency. The stricter
Lutherans of the type of Bishop Fox, and Dr. Barnes, had de
parted. Cranmer, whose connection with Lutheranism in Ger
many had been maintained, largely, through his intimate Cor
respondence with Osiander, felt the weakening influence of the
latter's defection on the doctrine of Justification, even though
he had no sympathy for his relative's error ; and, doubtless, was
influenced by Osiander' s increasing bitterness against the Wit
tenberg theologians. Melanchthon, to whom he had looked for
advice, was also found at this time untrustworthy. A reaction
against Romish transubstantiation had manifested itself for years
in the denial of the doctrine of the real presence, one extreme
violently asserted inevitably producing the other, especially as
(206)

Conflict of Theological Parties in England. 207
the leaven of Anabaptism was to a greater or less extent diffused.
No sooner had the reign of Edward begun, than iconoclastic zeal
was ready to tear the crucifixes, out of churches, and otherwise
to manifest feeling that had been suppressed so long. Promi-
hent leaders of the English Reformation had not realized the
importance of the issue involved concerning the Lord's Supper.
Long before this, Tyndale had advised Frith not to allow it to be
a matter of discussion. " Barnes will be hot against you. My
mind is, that nothing be put forth till we hear how you have
sped. I would have right use preached, and the presence to be
an indifferent thing, till the matter might be reasoned in peace
at the leisure of both parties."^ As early as 1545, Nicholas.
Ridley, afterwards Bishop of London, especially distinguished as
a preacher, and probably the most learned divrne m the JKnglislT
Church alter the death of Bishop Fox..had_b.&enIiiaflIienc£d J:^^
oneofZwingli's treatises against Luther, and by the st!id-y_o£
Ratramnus to reject both the .Roman CathoHc and-the Lutheran
doctrines. John Hoper or Hooper, afterwards bishop of Glou
cester and then bishop of Worcester, a former Cistercian monk,
" infected with Lutheranism by books brought from Germany,"
had been driven by the persecutions concerning " The Six Arti
cles," from England to Switzerland, where he became intimate
with Bullinger, the scholar and successor of Zwingli, first at Basle,
and afterwards at Ziirich. The death of Henry VIIL, and ac
cession of Edward, brought him back to England, not only as a
zealous advocate of Zwinglianism, but also as an obstinate pole
mic, giving great trouble to Cranmer and Ridley, and most of
all-to Peter Martyr, then Profe§sp.r_at _Oxford. who dreaded lest
' the Continental^;dormersjliouMJbe_h.eld. jespons
tremg^josition. Although imprisoned, because, when nominated
as bishop, he both refused to wear Episcopal robes at consecra
tion, and in a tract bitterly attacked this custom as one which he
regarded a relic ofthe Papacy, he yet had sufficient influence to
overcome the opposition against him, and to secure a prominent
-Jenkyn's Cranmer's Remains, I: XX.

2o8 The Lutheran Movement in England.
place the councils of the English Church. He diligently
circulated the theological writings of his friend Bullinger. Blunt
traces to his influence the order which Cranmer actually sent the
Dean of St. Paul's in 1552, " to forbid playing of organs at di-
'vine services. " Hooper's disposition towards Lutheranism may
be learned from a letter to Bullinger (January 25th, 1546) in
which he says : " The Count Palatine has lately provided for
the preaching of the Gospel throughout his dominions : but as far
as relates to the'eucharist he has descended, as the proverb has
it, from the horse to the ass ; for he has fallen from Popery into
the doctrine of Luther, who is, in that particular, more erroneous
than all the Papists." (Original Letters, I. 38). How bitter
was the prejudice of Bullinger against Lutheranism, may be
learned from another letter in the same collection (p. 251), in
which Richard Hilles writes concerning a student at Strassburg,
that Bullinger had -written requesting that his lodging be
changed, since Mr. Marbach, with whom he boarded was " not
one with whom the father of Lewis would like his son to have
any intercourse," the reason being " that Marbach is altogether
a Lutheran." It is interesting to note the answer: "If we
consider this, there is no reason for your friend Lewis again to
change his lodging ; since he will have just such another, if he
should lodge with any learned man in this place."
With the Interim, there were learned divines glad to find a
refuge in England ; and whom Cranmer was glad to call to assist
him in his great work. Protestants in large numbers had con
gregated in London, driven from various portions of the Conti
nent. In_iSii9,-th£re-wgreno less than four thousand Germans
there. John_aLasco^jw^_made_Superinlgn^
congregations^flforeigners,_alLapparently worshipping in one
church. A Lasco was a Polish nobleman, not an exile, but ab
sent from his country by leave of his King, in order to preach
the Gospel. He was an intimate friend of Erasmus, whose lib
rary he had generously purchased, allowing the owner the use of
it for the rest of his life. He had been converted' to the Re-

Conflict of Theological Parties in England. 209
formed faith, and induced to devote himself to the ministry by
Zwingli at Basle. He was an intimate friend and correspondent
of Melanchthon. He is described by Goebel, ^ as "in science
an Erasmian, in faith a Lutheran, in cultus a Zwinglian, in church
organization a Calvinist, as a dogmatician loose and indefinite."
On the doctrine ofthe Lord's Supper, he was either Calvinistic
or Zwinglian. He supported Hooper in his controversy, being
especially extreme in his opposition to clerical vestments and to
kneeling at the communion.
There was a congregation of foreigners at Glastenbury in Som
ersetshire, consisting chiefly of weavers who had been driven by
the Interim from Strassburg. Of this congregation, which doc-
trinally seems to have been in .sympathy with a Lasco, Valeran-
dus' Pollanus was pastor.
Peter Martyr, Paul Fagius and Martin Bucer, all from Strass
burg, were welcomed to professorships of theology, Martyr at
Oxford, and Fagius and Bucer at Cambridge. V. E. Loscher,
Walch and Buddeus, all maintain that up to this time Martyr
had been a Lutheran, ' and a letter of Bucer to Brenz which we
shall shortly quote, seems to confirm it. However this may be,
in a public disputation at Oxford in 1549, into which he was
forced by Richard Smythe, an advocate of transubstantiation, he
virtually yielded the doctrine of the real presence, much to Bu-
cer's dissatisfaction. Even this Biiddeus* explains as only a
' Herzog Real Encyclopcedie.
' Buddeus, Tyoj-ff^^, 11 20: " It has been observed by leamed men, that in
the beginning he did not differ much from fhe position of Luther, which also
pleased the English, until at last he went over to the side of Calvin." Even
of his answer to Bishop Gardiner, of 1562, Walch (Bibl. Theol. Sei. II : 439)
says : " Previously he was not alien to the true doctrine, but now seems to
approach the opinion of those who deny the real presence.'' The Calvinistic
element in England, regarded him in the same light. Burcher to Bullinger
(October 29th. 1548) : " The Archbishop of Canterbury, moved, no doubt,
by the advice of Peter Martyr, and other Lutherans." Or. Letters, II : 542.
* Vita Petri Martyris, per Josiam Simler, in Gerdesius' Misscellanea
Groningana, III : 38, 48. Melchior Adam's Vita Germ. Theol. II : 13 sqq.
15

210 The Lutheran Movement in England,
temporary inconsistency. Martyr was the spiritual father of
Bishop Jewel, whose "Apology" is almost a symbol in the An
glican church. Jewel was Martyr's pupil, and took down the
discussion with Smythe. Driven from England on the accession
of Mary, the charge of disloyalty to the Augsburg Confession
was made against him at Strassburg. His answer shows how he
wished to be regarded as subscribing to the confession, while, he
tried to read into it a Calvinistic interpretation. Writing to the
Senate, "he professed that he cheerfully embraced the Augsburg
Confession, and whatever does not differ therefrom, provided it
be correctly understood ; and that, if there were need, he would
maintain them with all his might." Concerning the Wittenberg
Concord between Luther and Bucer, he replied " that to this he
had not subscribed ; that it could not be conceded by the Word
of God and conscience, that those destitute of true faith, in par-
I taking of the sacraments, receive the true body of Christ." As
] years advanced, his opposition to Lutheranism increased, and in
1561, in negotiations at the Colloquy of Paissy, with the King
of Navarre, " when he was asked his judgment concerning the
Augsburg Confession, he answered that the Word of God seems
to us sufficient, as it clearly contains all things which pertain to
salvation. For even if that Confession be received, reconcili
ation with the Romanists will not follow ; since they proscribe
it as heretical. ' ' ' He ended his life as Professor at Ziirich.
Fagius was known to have very decided Lutheran sympathies, .
but was more distinguished as an Old Testament scholar than as
dogmatician, or ecclesiastical leader, and died before he could
enter upon his duties.
Bucer had endeavored to mediate between Lutheranism and
Zwinglianism. In 1536, however, he had come to an under
standing with Luther and Melanchthon in "the Wittenberg
Concord," in which the Lutheran doctrine ofthe Lord's Supper
was subscribed, Bucer reserving the nature of the communion of
the unworthy as a point not yet settled in his mind. In subse-
' Isagoge p. 1 120.

Confiict of Theological Parties in England. 211
quent years, he does not seem to have materially varied from
this position. Loscher, in his AusfUhrliche Historia Motuum,
devotes an entire chapter, to prove that " although with consider
able weakness, he is, nevertheless, to be reckoned among evangel
ical Lutherans. " * Hardwick pronounces him " a moderate Lu
theran, and, as such, decided in his opposition to the school of
Hooper." ' It is certain, however,' that the very point in which
he failed at Wittenberg in 1536, continued to render the transi
tion to the Calvinistic doctrine very easy. Possibly he attempted
to render the Lutheran doctrine more acceptable to Calvinists
by concessions, or pogsibly he was never entirely in tbe clear as
to wljat was involved in statements which he maintained. In
"the Sententious Sayings of Master Martin Bucer upon the
Lord's Supper," ^ of 1550, written while professor at Oxford,
there is much that, if taken by itself, would seem to be an entire
surrender to Calvinism, e. g., (22) "There is no presence of
Christ in the Supper, but only in the lawful use thereof, and such
d& \s obtained and gotten by faith only." (33): "I define or
determine Christ's presence, howsoever we perceive it, either by
the sacraments or by the word of the Gospel, to be only the at
taining and perceiving ofthe commodities we have by Christ, both
God and man, which is our Head reigning in heaven, dwelling
and living in us, which presence we have by no worldly means,
but we have it by faith." A letter, however, of Bucer to Brentz,
May 15th, 1550,' apologizing for Peter Martyr's discussion is in
a different key. He writes, as in full harmony with Brentz,
whose strict Lutheranism has never been questioned, and as
though discussions were in progress, in which the Lutheran doc-
was vigorously assailed, and he were being overpowered. This
is the letter: "With respect to the book of Dr. Martyr, I un
doubtedly have as much regret as any one else ; but -the discus-
* AusfUhrliche Historia, ll: 27.
' History of Reformation, p. 220.
* Strype's Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, II : .597 sqq.
^ Anecdota.Brentiana,'^. J04.

212 The Lutheran Movement in England,
sion was announced and the proposition formulated before I had
arrived in England. At my advice, he has introduced much in
his preface, whereby he expresses more fully his faith in the
presence of Christ. With the heads of government, they have
much weight who contract their ministry within a narrow sphere,
and are not anxious about restoring the discipline of the church ;
the violence of these has also to certain extent influenced this
friend of ours. While he was with us, all things were presented
more correctly and amply. In wishing to prevent us from inclu
ding in the bread, our Lord taken from Heaven, and from giving
him to men to be eaten without faith, which none of us imagines,
they fall into the error of including him in a fixed place in Hea
ven, although for this they are absolutely without Scripture tes
timony, and of his presentation and presence in the Supper they
speak so feebly (yea they do not even mention these words), that
they seem to hold that in the Supper nothing but bread and wifie
are distributed. Our simple position, as held by me, no one as
yet has reproved, nor have I heard of any one able to refute it
by any firm declaration from Scripture. Neither as yet has any
such attempt been made. Their chief argument is : ' The mys
teries of Christ ought to be intelligibly explained.' They would
be correct in saying this, if they were to add : ' To faith, not
to reason.' They now assume that it can in no way be under
stood how Christ is now circumscribed in a physical place in
Heaven ; and since he is thus in Heaven (which they assume not
only -without any warrant, but even without any firm reason), it
cannot be understood how the same body of Christ is in Heaven
and in the Supper. When, then we say that in the Supper none
should suppose a local presence of Christ, they again say that
the body of Christ cannot be understood to be anywhere, unless
its presence be that of local circumscription. The substance of
their argument, therefore, is : ' Reason does not perceive what
you teach concerning the presentation and presence of Christ in
the Supper, and hence it is not trae. The Scripture passages
which seem to prove it, must be understood otherwise. * Let us

Conflict of Theological Parties in England, 213
pray for them. Thus far I have met no true Christians who were
not entirely satisfied with our simplicity in this matter."
So important was Bucer, until his death in February, 1551, as
one ofthe chief advisers of Cranmer in the determination of the
formularies of this period, that we add yet the explanation of his
inconsistencies given by Loscher : " We must not deny that he
resorted to many worldly counsels from carnal prudence, mingled
with love for peace, which were of great damage to the Evangel
ical Lutheran Church, that he had too little zeal for truth in the
doctrine of the Lord's Supper, that in tbe side-questions per
taining to the Lord's Supper he was still not in the clear, that
he always had a penchant for seeking to reconcile the two con
tradictories. ' The body of Christ is substantially present, etc.,'
and ' The body of Christ is not substantially present, etc.,' an
impossible work, at which, nevertheless, he labored until the
close of his Hfe. Yet these points must not be mingled with the
chief question, in the investigation of historical truth.""
It is certain, however, that the Anti-Lutheran element in Eng
land regarded him an exponent of Lutheranism, and were
anxious that he should be displaced, as the following shows :
" Bucer has a most dangerous relapse into his old disease.
Richard -writes that there is little or no hope of his recovery. In
case of his death, England will be happy, and more favored than
all other countries, in having been delivered in the same year,
from two men of most pernicious talent, namely Paul Fagius and
Bucer." (Burcher to Bullinger, April 20th, 1550)." So after
Bucer' s death : " The death of Bucer affords Eng^nd the great
est possible opportunity of concord. If you know any one qual
ified for so important an office, pray inform me." (Or. Letters,
p. 678).
There were political considerations which increased the influ-
*" Aiisfuhr, Histor. II : 26 sq. For additional information conceming Bu-
cer's theological position, see my edition of " Book of Concord," Vol. II : p.
253 sqq., and the authorities there cited.
^ Original Letters, II : 662.

214 The Lutheran Movement in England,
ence of the anti-Lutheran element in the Church of England.
While Lutheranism seemed to be almost rained by the Smalcald
war and the Interim, there was peace in Switzerland. Francis
I. held the Roman Catholic cantons back from supporting
Charles V., and, however much they sympathized with the Em
peror, they were powerless to aid him. Hence Ziirich and Ge
neva knew nothing of the persecutions that overwhelmed Wit
tenberg and other Lutheran centers. The English court sought,
therefore, an alliance with the Reformed cities. Thus, October
2oth, 1549, Edward VI, writes to the Senate of Ziirich: "We
have understood by the frequent letters of our faithful and be
loved servant, Christopher Mount, both your favorable disposi
tion towards us, and ready inclination to deserve well of us. In
addition to which, there is also a mutual agreement between us
concerning the Christian religion and true godliness, which ought
to render this friendship of ours, by God's blessing, yet more
intimate." ^^
Those high in position in the State were also in frequent cor
respondence with the Reformed leaders in Switzerland. Bul
linger was directing the studies of Lady Jane Grey. Thus, July
12th, 155 1, she writes to him in reference to her Hebrew, and
pays this tribute to the Swiss theologian : " Oh, happy me to be
possessed of such a friend, and so wise a counsellor, and to be
connected by ties of intimacy and friendship with so learned a
man, so pious a divine, and so intrepid a champion of true re
ligion. ' ' ^' Calvin was in correspondence with the Lord Pro
tector, " the young king, '^ and Cranmer, '* giving them in long
and tedious letters, a great deal of advice. There are published
in the " Original Letters," chiefly from the archives at Ziirich, no
less than one hundred and seventy letters written to Bullinger
alone, during the six years of Edward's reign, by friends in Eng-
'^ Original Letters relative to the English Reformation, Vol. I : I.
13 lb. p. 5.
" Ib. Vol. II : p. 704.
'* Ib. p. 707.
"Ib. p. 711.

Conflict of Theological Parties in England, 215
land, most of whom were exerting all their power to transplant
thither the theology of Switzerland. Every change and waver
ing in Cranmer that can in any way be noticed, is promptly and
faithfully reported at headquarters in Ziirich.
It is no wonder, then, that a man of the temperament and dis
position of Archbishop Cranmer, pressed on every side, grad
ually yielded to Calvinism, just as during Henry's reign he had
so often allowed his better judgment to succumb for a time to
Romanizing tendencies. His change must not entirely be
ascribed to vacillation amidst fixed principles. In himself there
existed simultaneously the contradictory positions, which had
never been thoroughly fought over in his own experience. We
would not question his sincerity ; but again and again when he
firmly maintained a doctrine, he seems not to have understood
it in its relations. With Fox and Crumwell and Barnes to aid
him, he was a Lutheran ; deprived of them, he drifted between
the conflicting elements, in hope of a better day when he
thought he would be able to act with less embarrassment. But
when these came with new complications, "he considered,"
says Dr. Jenkyns, " the exchange from the long established and
absolute sway of Henry, to the new and unsettled authority of
Edward, as a loss, rather than a gain to the cause of the reforma
tion. He may perhaps have been mistaken in this view ; the flexi
bility of the son may in truth have been no less favorable to the
constraction of a new system, than the obstinacy of the father to
the demolition of the old one. But the inference is almost un
avoidable, that the difficulties of his situation under Henry were
less, and under Edward greater, than is usually supposed.""
The precise time when the Archbishop became a Calvinist on
the doctrine of the Lord's Supper cannot be accurately deter
mined. He himself stated that it was through Ridley's argu
ments that the change in his opinion began. '^ Although in the
" Remains of Thomas Cranmer, D. D., I : p. xliv.
18 " Dr. Ridley did confer with me, and by sundry persuasions and auth
orities of doctors, drew me quite from my opinion." Examination, Jenkyns
IV: 97.

2i6 The Lutheran Movement in England.
preface to the Embden edition of the defence, generahy ascribed
to his intimate friend, Sir John Cheke, tutor to Edward VI. ,
this change is assigned to the year 1546, this probably marks
only the beginning, especially as the Niirnberg Kinderpredigten,
improperly kno-wn as the Catechism of Justus Jonas' because of
Jonas' Latin version, which he translated in 1548, and, which in
English, is usually designated Cranmer's Catechism, not only
teaches most emphatically the Lutheran doctrine, but also con
tains verbatim Luther's Small Catechism. Here the Ziirich let
ters are of service :
1548, August ist. Traheran to Bullinger: "All our coun
trymen who are sincerely favorable to the restoration of truth
entertain in all respects like opinions with you. I except the
archbishop of Canterbury, and Latimer, and a very few learned
men besides.""
August 1 8th. John ab Ulmis to Bullinger: " He has lately
published a Catechism, in which he not only approved that foul
and sacrilegious transubstantiation ofthe papists in the holy sup
per of our Saviour, but all the dreams of Luther seem to him
sufficiently well-groimded, perspicuous and bold." ^''
October 29th. John Burcher to Bullinger: "The arch
bishop of Canterbury, moved no doubt by the advice of Peter
Martyr and other Lutherans, has ordered a catechism of some
Lutheran opinion, to be translated and published in our lan
guage. This little book has occasioned no little discord," "'
September 28th. Traheran to Bullinger: "Latimer has
come over to our opinion respecting the trae doctrine of the
Eucharist, together with the archbishop of Canterbury, and the
other bishops, -who heretofore seemed to be Lutherans." ^'^
November 27th. " Even Cranmer, by the goodness of God,
and the instrumentality of that most upright and judicious man,
1' Original Letters, I : p. 320.
!>» Ib II : p. 381.
21 Ib. p. 643.
»^ Ib. I : p. 322.

Conflict of Theological Parties in England, 217
Master John a Lasco, is in a great measure recovered from his
dangerous lethargy. ' ' "^
December 27th. Hooper to Bullinger: "The archbishop
of Canterbury entertains right* views as to the nature of Christ's
presence in the Supper, and is now very friendly towards my
self" ^
December 31st. Traheran to Bullinger : " The archbishop
of Canterbury, contrary to general expectation, most openly,
firmly and learnedly maintained your opinion on this subject. I
perceive that it is all over with Lutheranism, now that those who
were considered its principal and almost only supporters, have
altogether come over to our side." '^
2SIb. II: p. 383.
¦^ Ib. I : p. 73.
2*Ib. p. 323.

CHAPTER XVIL
LUTHERAN SOURCES OF THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER.
Uniformity of Worship in fhe Western Church, prior to the Reformation, only
relative. Influence of Reformation on present Roman Order. Groups
of Liturgies. Sources of the Roman Liturgy. Confession of the Open
ing of fhe Reformation. The old English Orders. The three-fold task
of the Reformers of the Service. Introduction of the Vernacular. De
velopment of the Lutheran Service. Luther's Reformation of the Ser
vice. Principles laid down in his Formula Missae of 1523. The old
Worship, not to be abolished. Scripture-lessons, Sermons and Hymns to
be in German. Luther's German Mass of 1526. German, Latin, Greek,
Hebrew may all be used in the same service, if there be those who un
derstand them. Translation of New Testament of 1523. Hymns, mostly
of 1524. Formula of Baptism, 1523. Translation of revised Mass, 1526.
Bugenhagen's order of 1524. The Niirnberg Service. Volprecht.
Doeber's Mass, 1525. Osiander's Order of Baptism, 1529. Branden-
burg-Niimberg Order, 1533. Reformation of Cologne, 1543 (Bucer,
Melanchthon, Sarcerius). Its Sources. Order of Morning Service in
three typical Lutheran Liturgies. The tentative Order of Bucer in
the Strassburg Agende of 1 5 24.
If, however, those who controlled the work of the reorgani
zation of the English Church, after many vacillations, at last
failed in a full appreciation and confession of the Lutheran faith,
the results of the first glow of awakening love for the Gospel in
England and of years of contact and negotiation with the lead
ers of the Lutheran Reformation in Germany, have not been
without frait, but have left their permanent record in the great
ecclesiastical documents which are the glory and pride of the
English Church, and upon "which its very existence depends.
Turn where we may in the history or the worship of the English
Church and its descendants, we meet at every step with what
(218)

Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer, 219
they owe to that memorable time, and to the incomplete and
greatly embarrassed work of the first English Lutherans. We
have already traced the origin of the English Bible to German
soil, and Lutheran influences. We now enter upon the exami
nation of the influence of Lutheranism upon the worship of the
English Church.
It is a great misconception to imagine that prior to the Refor
mation, the worship in the Western Church, was uniform. Uni
formity of worship, like the subjection of the churches of the va
rious countries to the see of Rome,' was a gradual growth. The
uniformity in the Romish Church of to-day, is, in large measure,
the result of the Council of Trent, and even now, is not entirely
absolute, as e. g. the continuance of the Mozarabic Liturgy at
Toledo in Spain still attests. Liturgiologists classify the various
liturgies into groups, and in the Galilean group trace a very de
cided oriental influence, some conjecturing that their origin was
at Ephesus. The Roman Liturgy, Mss. of which as far back as
the Ninth Century remain, representing or purporting to repre
sent the Liturgy, as current under Leo I. (440-61, Sacrame^ta-
rium Leonianum) Gelasius (492-96, Sacr Gelasianuni) and
Gregory the Great (590-604), continued to press its way, espe
cially in accordance with the schemes of Gregory, in some
places entirely supplanting other liturgies, in others adopting
some of their features, and in still others only engrafting some
of its own features upon liturgies which it could not supplant.
Hence at the opening of the Reformation, there was much con
fusion. Niirnberg and Bamberg are only thirty-three miles
apart; and yet the Nurnberg Missal of 1484 differs from the
Bamberg Missal of 1492 in the very first Gospel lesson that is
given, viz. that for the First Sunday in Advent, where Nurnberg
had yielded to the prevailing practice of Rome by surrender
ing Matth- 21 : r sqq. for Luke 21 : 25 sqq., a change which
affected the Gospel for'every Sunday in Advent. The old con
flict between the Galilean and the Roman Missal had not been
fully decided ; and, therefore, some of the discrepancies in the

220 The Lutheran Movement in England,
services of Lutheran churches in various lands, may be traced
back to discrepancies in the Ante-Reformation services which
they undertook to reform.
In England also, when the Reformation opened, the various
dioceses had divergent orders, as the proportion of Rome or Gal
ilean elements was more or less decided. The chief of these are
the Missals according to the use of Sarum (Salisbury), Bristol,
York, etc., the former of which dating back to 1085, is the best
representative of liturgies of the English type.
Upon the basis of these liturgies, therefore, the Reformers both
on the Continent and in England, had alike to labor in provid- -.
ing for the reformation of pubHc worship. They had a three
fold work to perform : first, to translate the service which up to
this time had been exclusively Latin ; secondly, to correct Ro
mish errors by omission and amendment ; thirdly, to supplement
what was lacking, by reintroducing whatever was wholesome in the
service of the Early Church that had fallen into disuse, and by
inserting whatever changed circumstances rendered needful, in
order to guard against prevalent abuses.
As long as public worship was congregational, it had been
conducted in the language of the people ; only when it ceased
to be congregational, and became a work of the priests for the
congregation, could a language unknown to the people become
that Df the entire service. The dominancy of the Romish, over
the provincial liturgies, and the fact that all the culture of the
West was Latin, explain how it supplanted all other languages.
Luther soon felt the necessity of reintroducing the vernacular.
We can trace his desire for it, to a statement in his sermon of
1520 on the Mass. During his absence at the Wartburg, Carl-
stadt having radically changed the service, on his return he
began to reform it upon conservative principles. Even then,
he recognized the fact that it was impossible at one stroke, to at
tain everything desirable, and that the work must be gradually
wrought. This is shown very clearly in his " Formula of the
Mass" of 1523, where he begins by saying : "I have not ex-

Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer. 221
changed old things for new, always hesitating, both because of
minds weak in faith, who could not be suddenly freed of what
is old and established by custom, and with whom so recent and
unusual a mode of worshipping God could not be introduced ;
and especially because of frivolous and fastidious spirits, who,
without faith, and without mind, rush forward, and delight in
novelty alone, and then grow nauseated with whatever ceases to
be new ; as the latter class of men give more trouble than others,
in other matters, so, in holy things, they are most troublesome
and intolerable, although, while ready to burst with vTath, I am
compelled to endure them, unless willing to remove the Gospel
itself from the , public. But since there is now hope, that the
hearts of many have been illumined and strengthened by the
grace of God, and the subject itself demands, that scandals be
removed from the Kingdom of Christ, something must be at
tempted in Christ's name. . . . First of all, we, therefore, pro
fess that it has never been our intention to entirely abolish all wor
ship of God, but only to reform that in use, which has been cor-
rapted by the worst additions, and to demonstrate its godly
use."' He asks, therefore, only that the Scripture-lessons and
sermons be in German, and that after the Gradual, and the
Sancius and Agnus Dd in the Communion Service, German
hymns, as far as possible, be sung. But he realizes the poverty
of the German as yet in hymns ; and hence he felt himself so
soon constrained to provide by his own pen, for this want in pub
lic worship.
Three years later, (1526), in his German Mass he has directed
that the most of the liturgical acts shall be in German, but " for
the sake of the youth," wishes part ofthe service still to be in
Latin. For, it must not be forgotten that the pupils of the
schools, where the Latin was faithfully taught, up to through the
Gymnasia, were compelled to take their places in the choirs, and
daily, at Matins and Vespers, to chant the Psalms, as well as to
' A full translation of Luther's Formula may be found in Lutheran Church
Review for 1889 and 189O.

22 2 The Lutheran Movement in England.
aid in the regular Sunday services. So, too, the Apology says :
" We retain the Latin language, on account of those who are
learning and understand Latin, and we mingle with it German
hymns, in order that the people also may have something to
learn, and by which faith and fear may be called forth. It has
nowhere been written or represented that the act of hearing les
sons, not understood, profits men, or that ceremonies profit, not
because they teach or admonish, but ex opere operato, because
they are thus performed or looked upon. Away with such phari-
saic opinion !" But wherever a language be understood and
edify, there Luther would give it a place in the service : "Were
I able, and the Greek and Hebrew were as common as the
Latin, and had in them as much fine music and song as the Latin
has, Mass would be held, sung and read one Sunday after the
other, in all four languages, German, Latin, Greek, Hebrew. I
have no regard for those who are so devoted to but one language,
and despise all others ; for I would like to educate youth and
men, who might be of service to Christ and converse with men,
also in foreign lands, so that it might not be with us, as with the
Waldenses and Bohemians, who have so confined their faith to
their own language, that they cannot speak intelligently and
clearly with any one, until he first learn their language. But the
Holy Ghost did not so in the beginning. He did not wait, un
til the whole world came to Jerasalem and learned Hebrew,
but he gave various tongues for the ministry of the Word, that
the Apostles might speak wherever they went. This example I
prefer following ; and it is also proper that the youth be prac
ticed in several languages ; for who knows how God may use
them in time?"
Accordingly he pro'vided for the service in German, first of all
by his translation ofthe New Testament of 1523; then, by his
hymns, the first of which were composed the same year, and
twenty-one of the thirty-seven which he wrote having originated
in 1524; by his German forms for Baptism {TaufbUchlein) of
1523; and his translation of the revised Masss in 1526. His

Lutheran Sources of ihe Book of Common Prayer, 223
colleague, Bugenhagen, was likewise active in similar work, by
his Order of Service of 1524. On the Twentieth Sunday after
Trinity, 1525, the Mass was said for the first time in German at
Wittenberg. Niirnberg, whose intimate relations with the English Reforma
tion, because of the connection between Osiander and Cranmer,
has been already noticed, requires special consideration in this
connection. Here Wolfgang Volprecht, Prior ofthe Augustinian
cloister, (d. 1528) on Maunday Thursday 1523, administered the
communion in both forms to members of his order, and on Eas
ter, 1524, to three thousand persons. In 1525, Doeber's Evan
gelical Mass was introduced. In 1529, Osiander published an
Order of Baptism, partly translated from the Bamberg Order,
and partly taken from Luther's TaufbUchlein, In 1533, the
very important Brandenburg-Niirnberg Agende was published,
having been prepared, as we have before seen, by Osiander, with
the assistance of Brentz, and having been submitted to, and re
ceived the endorsement of the Wittenberg Faculty. It is the
model, after which many succeeding Lutheran liturgies were con
structed, holding a place, in the first rank, for conservatism,
purity of,doctrine and correctness of usage. Altogether between
1523 and 1555, Augusti asserts that there were published one
hundred and thirty-two Lutheran Agende and Kirchenordnungen.
Their great variety is partly explained by historical and local
relations, but, at the same, indicates that the Lutheran Church
lays less emphasis upon external uniformity, than upon fidelity
to the common Evangelical principle. These orders may be
distributed into three classes : i. Those pure in doctrine, but
adhering most strictly to the received Roman forms. Of these,
Mark-Brandenburg, of 1540, the Pfalz-Neuberg and the Austrian
of 15 71, are types. 2. Those of the Saxon Lutheran type,
among which Luther's Formula of the Mass is most prominent.
Among them are the Prussian (1525), the various orders pre
pared by Bugenhagen, as Brunswick (1528), Hamburg (1529),
Minden and Gottingen (1530), Lubeck (1531), Soest (1532),

2 24 The Lutheran Movement in England,
Bremen (1534), Pomerania, (1535), the Brandenburg-Nurnberg
(1533), Hanover (1536), Herzog Heinrich of Saxony (1539),
Mecklenburg (1540), etc. 3. Those which mediate between the
Lutheran and the Reformed type, as Bucer' s in Strassburg; the
Wurttemberg Orders, and, to a greater or less extent, the orders
of S. W. Germany in general.
Of these, there is one that exerted an especial influence above
all the rest, upon the orders of the English Church, viz., the Lit
urgy for the Reformation of Cologne of 1543- Hermann the
Archbishop and Elector of Cologne, having become a convert to
the Lutheran faith, expected to reform the churches in his realm
according to the Lutheran doctrine; and, at his request, a
Church Constitution, with orders of Service, was drawn up by
Bucer, and thoroughly revised by Melanchthon, with the aid of
Sarcerius and others. It is derived chiefly from the Branden
burg-Niirnberg order of 1533, and the orders of Herzog Hein
rich, of Saxony, prepared by Justus Jonas in 1536, and published,
after revision by Cruciger, Myconius, etc., in 1539, and of
Hesse Cassel, (Kymens) of 1539. Carefully guarding against
any explicit statements of a polemical character towards both the
Romanists and the Reformed, it did not meet with the favor of
Luther, who demanded that beyond the positive presentation
of doctrine in the service, the negative should also be unmis
takably expressed, and, therefore, had not patience to read it
thoroughly. The Order of Morning Service, {Hauptgottesdiensi) as given
in these typical Lutheran liturgies, is as follows :
I. Luther's german mass, (1526).
I. A Spiritual Song or Psalm in German, as " I will bless the
Lord at all times." (Ps. 34).
2. Kyrie Eleison, three, not nine times.
3. A Collect, as follows ;
" O God, the Protector of all that trust in Thee, without whom
nothing is strong, nothing is holy," etc.
4. The Epistle.

Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer. 225
5 . A German Hymn : ' ' Nun bitten wir den Heiligen Geist, ' '
or some other.
6. The Gospel.
7. The Creed in German : " Wir glauben all in einem
Gott," 8. Sermon on the Gospel for the day.
9. Paraphrase of the Lord's Prayer, and Exhortation to the
Communion. 10. Words of Institution.
II. Agnus Dei in German : " O Lamm Gottes unschu/dig,"
12. Distribution.
13. Collect :
" Almighty God, we thank Thee that Thou has refreshed us
with this salutary gift, and we beseech Thy mercy graciously to
strengthen us in faith towards The-;, and in fervent love towards
one another," etc.
XIV. Benediction. II. brandenburg-nurnberg, (1533.)
I. When the priest comes to the altar, he may say the Confiteor.
2. Introit or German Hymn. 3. Kyrie. 4. Gloria in Excel-
sis, 5. "The Lord be with you," etc. 6. One or more col
lects, according to the occasion. 7. A chapter from the Epis
tles of Paul, Peter or John. 8. Hallelujah, with its versicle, or a
Gradual, from Holy Scripture. 9. A chapter from the Gospels,
or Acts. 10. The Creed, n. Sermon. 12. Exhortation. r3.
Words of Institution. 14. Sanctus. 15. Lord's Prayer, 16.
"The Peace ofthe Lord," etc. 17. Distribution, accompanied
by the singing of the " Aenus Dei." 18. Prayer of thanks
giving : " Almighty and everlasting God, we heartily thank
Thee," etc.
"Almighty God, we thank Thee," as in Luther's German
Mass. 19. Benedicamus. 20, Benediction.
" The Lord bless thee," etc.; or, " God be merciful unto us,
and bless us," etc. ; or, " God, the: Father, Son and Holy
Ghost, bless and keep us;" or "The blessing of God the Fa-
16

226 The Lutheran Movement in England.
ther, and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, be and abide with
us all. Amen." III. SAXONY {Herzog Heinrich, 1539).
I. Introit de tempore. 2. Kyrie Eleison. 3. Gloria in
Excelsis. 4. Creed {Wir glauben). 5. Sermon. 6. Saluta
tion. 7. Sursum Corda. 8. Prefaces. 7. Sanctus. 8. Admo
nition with Paraphrase of Lord's Prayer, or Lord's Prayer un-
paraphrased alone. 4. Admonition with Words of Institution,
or Words of Institution aione. 10. Agnus Dei, on Festivals, or
if there be many communicants. 11. At close of Communion,
Thanksgiving Collect :
"Almighty God," as in Luther's Mass, or " Ach du Ueber
Herre Gott." 12. Benediction.
IV. REFORMATION OF COLOGNE, (1543).
I. Public Confession.
" I will confess my transgression, etc. Almighty and eternal
God and Father, we confess and lament that we are conceived
and born in sin, and are fuH of ignorance and unbelief of Thy
divine Word ; that we are ever inclined to all evil and averse to
all good ; that we transgress thy holy commandments without
end ; and that thereby we have incurred everlasting death, an'd
our corruption ever increaseth. But we are sorry, and crave
Thy grace and help. Have mercy upon us all, O most merciful
God and Father, through Thy Son, and Lord Jesus Christ.
Grant unto us Thy Holy Spirit, that we may learn our sins, and
thoroughly lament and acknowledge our unrighteousness ;
and -with trae faith accept Thy grace and forgiveness in
Christ, our Lord, Thy dear Son ; so that we may die more and
more unto sin, and live a new life in Thee, and may serve and
please Thee, to Thy glory and the profit ,of Thy Church. Amen.
2. Consolation of the Go^P^l-
Hear the Consolation of the Gospel : John 3 : t6; i Tim.
1:15; John 3 : 35, 36 ; Acts 10 : 43 ; i John 2 : i, 2.
3. Absolution.

Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer. 227
Our Lord Jesus Christ hath left to his Church the great conso
lation in that he hath enjoined his ministers to remit sins unto
all those who are sorry for their sins, and in faith and repentance
desire to amend, and hath promised that unto all such, their
sins shall be forgiven in Heaven. Upon this gracious com
mand and consolation of our Lord Jesus Christ, I announce unto
all those who are penitent for their sins, console themselves in
our Lord Christ, and thus desire to amend their lives, the remis
sion of all their sins, with the assurance of divine grace, and
eternal life, through Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen.
4.- Introit. 5. Kyrie. 6. Gloria in Excelsis. 7. "The Lord
be with you." 8. CoHect. 9. Epistle. 10. Hallelujah, Grad
ual or Sequence. II. Gospel. 12. Exposition of Gospel (Ser
mon). 13. General Prayer:
"Almighty and everlasting God and Father, lliou hast com
manded us through Thy dear Son and his Apostles, to come unto
Thee in His name, and hast promised, that whatsoever we, when
thus assembled, ask Thee in his name, Thou wilt graciously grant ;
we pray Thee, in the name of Thy Son, our Lord Jesus Christ,
first that Thou would graciously forgive us all our sin and misdeeds
which we confess unto Thee," etc.
14. Creed, during' the singing of which the offerings are
gathered. 15. Warning against unworthy reception of the
Lord's Supper. 16. " The Lord be with you," etc. 17. "Lift
up your hearts," etc. 18. "Let us give thanks," etc. 19. "It
is truly meet, right and salutary," etc. 20. Sanctus. 21. Words
of Institution. 22. Lord's Prayer. 23. " The Peace of the
Lord,'"' etc. 24. Distribution, during which the Agnus Dei\s
'sung. 25. " The Lord be with you, " etc. 26. Collects, as in
Brandenburg-Niirnberg. 27. Benediction, as in Brandenburg-
Nurnberg. To these, we add Bucer's tentative, '^ut still earlier work, in the
Strassburg Mass of 1524, although published without authority.
This is of especial interest, because of Bucer's connection both
with the Reformation of Cologne, and the Revision of I Edward
VI.

2 28 The Lutheran Movement in England,
I. In the Name of the Father, and of the Son and of the
Holy Ghost. Amen. 2. KneeHng. I said, I will confess my
sins unto the Lord. And Thou forgavest, etc. I, a poor sin
ner, confess to God Almighty, that I have grievously sinned by
trangression of his commandment, that I have done much which
I should have left undone, and that I have left much undone
which I should have done, by unbelief and want of confidence
towards God, and by lack of love toward my neighbor. For
this, my guilt, whereof God knows, I grieve. Be gracious, be
merciful to me, a poor sinner. Amen. 3. This is a faithful
saying, and worthy of all acceptation, etc. This I believe.
Help, Thou, mine unbelief, and save me. Amen. 4. The
priest then says to the people : God be gracious, and have
mercy upon us aH. 5. The Introit, or a Psalm. 6. Kyrie Elei
son. 7. Gloria in Excelsis. 8. Salutation. 9. Collect, or
Common Prayer. 10. Ppistle. 11. HaHelujah. 12. Gospel.
13. Sermon. 14. Apostles' or Nicene Creed. 15. Admonition
to Prayer. 16. Sursum Corda. 17. Prefaces. 18. Sanctus
with Benedictus. 19. Prayer: Almighty, Merciful Father,
as Thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ hath promised that what we ask
in His Name, etc. 19. Words of Institution. 20. How great
is Thy goodness, in that Thou not only hath forgiven us our sins,
without any merit of our own, but that Thou hath given us as an
assurance thereof, .the memorial of the Body and Blood of our
Lord Jesus Christ in the bread and wine, as Thou art wont to
seal other promises by outward signs. Therefore we have now
great and irrefutable assurance of Thy grace, and know that we
are Thy children, Thine heirs, and coheirs with Christ, and that
we may pray freely as Thine only begotten Son hath taught us,
saying : Our Father, etc. 2 1 . Lord, Deliver us from enemies,
seen and unseen, from the devil, the world and our own flesh.
Through Christ, our Lord. Amen. 22. Agnus Dei. 23.
Lord Jesus, Christ, Thou Son of the Living God, who, by thy
Father's will, and with the working of the Holy Ghost, hath, by
Thy death, brought the world to life ; deliver us, by this Thy

Lutheran Sources of the Book qf Common Prayer. 229
holy Body and Blood, from all our unrighteousness and wicked
ness, and grant that we may alway obey Thy commandments,
and never be separated from Thee eternally. Amen. 24. Ad
monition to the profitable remembrance of Christ's Death. 25.
Distribution, with the words alone of the EvangeHsts or Paul.
27. Thanksgiving Hymn :
" Gott sei gelobet und gebenedeiet
Der unS selber hat gespeiset
Mit seinem Fleische und mit seinem Blute, et." (Luther).

CHAPTER XVni.
THE LITANY OF THE ENGUSH CHURCH.
Provision for the reading of Scripture Lessons in EngUsh. Introduction of
Homilies. Purification of the Mass, a gradual Process. Revision of the
Litany. The old English Litany (1410). Luther's Revision (1529).
Cranmer's of 1544, from the Reformation of Cologne (1543), and this
from Luther. Earlier Revision of Marshall (1535), also follows Luther.
Luther's and Marshall's in parallel columns. Hilsey's Revision of 1539,
dependent on Marshall. Luther's changes in the Litany, transferred to
England, examined in detail. Dr. Blunt's singular mistake.
As ¦with the German, so with the English Reformation, the
first step in reforming the service, was to provide what is the
chief part of the service, the Holy Scriptures, in the language of
the people. We have noted the difficulties attending the trans
lation ofthe Bible, and how it gradually overcome opposition.
First we find a proclamation of the King, of November 14th,
1539, (1538) " allowing private persons to buy Bibles, and keep
them in their houses." ' Eighteen months later. May 5th, 1541
(1540), all curates were commanded, under penalty of a fine of
forty, shillings a month, to set up Bibles in their church, in a
convenient place for the people to read. In St. Paul's, London,
six Bibles were thus provided.' But in accordance with his Vacil
lations, two years later, the king took measures again to Suppress
their circulation, and Grafton, the publisher, was committed to
the Fleet for six weeks, and released only on condition that he
would " neither sell nor imprint any more Bibles, till the King
and clergy should agree upon a translation. . . And from hence-
' Strype's Cranmer, III : 387.
' Strype's Cranmer, 1 : 191 sq. (230)

The Litany of the English Church. 231
forth the Bible was stopped during the remainder of King
Henry's reign." '
In 1542, however, the Convocation ordered that "one chap
ter of the New Testament in English ' ' should be read every
Sunday and holidays, and "when the New Testament was
through, then to begin the Old." * Provision was made for
Homilies at the same time. Every morning and evening, one
chapter of the New Testament was to be read in each parish.
Provision was also made that "all mass books, antiphoners,
porturses in the church of England should be corrected, re
formed and castigated from all manner of mention of the Bishop
of Rome's name ; and from all apocryphas, feigned legends, su
perstitions oraisons, collects, versicles and responses. ' ' ^
Nothing, however, in the way of liturgical reform was effected
during Henry's reign, except in the Litany. The Litany was
the processional prayer of the Early Church, used especially on
occasions of great or impending calamity, appointed as early as
A. D. 450 by Mamertus, Bishop of Vienna, for the three days
before Ascension Day, known as Rogation Days. It was used
also at other times, especially during Lent, and had a powerful
hold upon the people. It was not strange, therefore, that in
1544, Cranmer undertook to revise it; for it had forced itself
into the language of the people long before the Reformation,
filled, however, with all the abominations of the worship of
saints. In an English Primer, according to Dr. Maskel's conjecture
of about 1 410, it is found, in a form, of which the following are
softie of the petitions :
" Lord : Have mercy upon us.
Christ : Have mercy upon us.
Christ : Hear us,
God the Father of Heavens : Have mercy upon us.
° Ib. p. 194.
*Strype's Henry VIII, I: 602, '
^ Ib. p. 601.

232 Tlie Lutheran Movement in England.
God the Son, azenhier ofthe world : Have mercy upon us.
God, the Holy Ghost : Have mercy upon us.
The Holy Trinity of God : Have mercy upon us.
From fleshly desires : Good Lord, deliver us.
From wrath and hate and aU evU will : Good Lord, deliver us.
From pestilence of pride and blindness of heart: Good Lord, deliver us.
From sudden and unadvised death : Good Lord, deliver us.
From Ughtning and tempest : Good Lord, deliver us.
From covetousness of vain glory : Good Lord, deliver us.
By the privity of thine holy incarnation.
By thy holy nativity.
By thy blessed circumcision and Baptism.
By thy fasting and much other penance doing.
By thy blessed burying.
By thy glorious rising from death.
By thy marvelous stigying to Heaven.
By the grace of the Holy Ghost, the Comforter.
In the hour of our death.
In the day of doom."
They are accompanied by such petitions as :
" St. Mary : pray for us.
Holy Virgin of virgins : pray for us.
St. Michael : pray for us.
St. Gabriel : pray for us.
St. Raphael : pray for us.
All holy angels and archangels : pray for us.
All orders of holy spirits : pray for us.
St. John the Baptist : pray for us.
All holy patriarchs and prophets : pray for us.
St. Peter, Paul, Andrew, John, James, Philip, etc.
All holy apostles and martyrs."
Down to
" St. Mary the Egyptian, Perpetua, Anne, Catherine, Margaret, Agatha,
Agnes, Felicitas," etc.
As early as 15 21, when Luther was summoned to Worms, a
Litany {Litany for the Germans) ° was adapted at Wittenberg
^ This is found in Luther's Works, Walch's Ed. XV : 2174 sqq. Litanei,
das ist, demiithiger Gebet zu dem dreieinigen Gott, fiir Deutschland, gehalten
in einer gewissen berUhmten Stadt in Deutschland am Aschermittwoch,

The Litany of the English Church, 233
into a prayer for Luther's cause. Its petitions are not alto
gether free from the Romish leaven and sound very strangely :
" Christ, hear the Germans." God, the Father in heaven, have
mercy upon the Germans." "St. Raphael, pray for the Ger
mans." "All holy angels and archangels, pray for the Ger
mans." "From all evil, help the Germans." "From those
who come to us in sheep's clothing, but inwardly are ravening
wolves, help the Germans." "From the horrible threats, bulls
and banns of the Pope, protect the Germans, Lord God."
" From all godless and heretical doctrine, cleanse the schools,
dear Lord God. " From all unspiritual questions, protect the
theologians, dear Lord God." " From all evil suspicions against
Lutheranism, free the minds ofthe great." " We, Germans, do
beseech Thee to hear us." "To guard and protect Martin Lu
ther, the firm pillar of the Christian faith, as he will soon enter
Worms, from all Venetian poison." "To support that valiant
German Knight, Ulrich von Hutten, Luther's trusted friend, in
his good purpose, and render him steadfast in the work under
taken for Luther." " To testify to the Italians, Lombards and
Romans, that Thou art 'Lord God." "And graciously to hear
us, Germans." The accompanying Psalm begins: "Make
haste, O God, to deliver us Germans. ' ' This may be character
ized as a popular adaptation of the of Litany, in violation of
churchly taste and character. Nevertheless it indicated that the
Litany could readily be utilized in the service of the purified
faith. Before March X3th, 1529, Luther had revised the Litany,
in both German and Latin, and introduced it, as revised, into
the service at Wittenberg. He 'writes that the Latin was com
monly chanted after the sermon on Sunday by the school boys.
He is quoted as saying that it was, next to the Lord's Prayer, the
best that could be prayed. Cranmer follows Luther closely,
either immediately, or through the Litany in the Reformation
of Cologne, which is Luther's. "The whole Litany very much
resembles that of Hermann, the reforming Archbishop of Co
logne."' He "had before him the litany formed upon the
' The Prayer Book Interleaved, p. 77.

234

The Lutheran Movement in England,

same ancient model, by Melanchthon and Bucer (1543) for Her
mann." ^ Both the writers from whom these statements are de
rived, have overlooked Luther's earlier work, of which Cranmer
probably heard during his abode in Germany. Dr. Blunt knows
of Luther's Litany, but thinks that its date was 1543.
The relation of Cranmer's work to Luther's, becomes manifest
when we examine the manner in which the Reformed Anglican
Litany attained its present form. In 1535 already, a translation
of the chief parts of the ser-vice, as a private attempt at its refor
mation, known as Marshall's Primer, was published. It retains,
in the Litany, the intercession of saints. With these omitted,
it will be seen at a glance how closely it corresponds to Luther's
Latin Litany.

Luther, iJ2g.
Kyrie, Eleison.
Christe, Eleison.
Kyrie, Eleison.
Christe, Eleison.
Pater de coeUs Deus,
FUi redemptor mundi Deus,
Spirite sancte Deus, Miserere nobis.

Propitius esto.
Parce nobis, Domine.
Propitius esto.
Libera nos, Domine.
Ab omni peccato,
Ab omni errore,
Ab omni malo,
Ab insidiis diaboli,

Marshall, 153^,
Lord, have mercy upon us.
Christ, have mercy upon us.
Lord, have mercy upon us.
God the Father of heavens, have
mercy upon us.
God the Redeemer of this world,
have mercy upon us.
God the Holy Ghost, have mercy
upon us. ,
The Holy Trinity in one Godhead,
have mercy upon us.
Be merciful to us,
And spare us. Lord.
Be merciful to us.
And deliver us. Lord.
From all sin,
From all error,
From all evil,
From all crafty trains of the evil.
From the eminent peril of sin,
From the posession of devils,
From the spirit of fomication.
From the desire of vain glory.
From the uncleanness of mind and
body. From unclean thoughts,
From the bUndness ofthe heart,

"Procter's History of Book of Common Prayer, p. 17.

The Litany of the English Church,

235

Luther, J^2g.
A subitanea et improvisa morte,
A peste et fame,
A bello et caede,
A seditione et simultate,
A fulgure et tempestatibus,
A morte perpetua ;
Per mysteriumsauctaeincamationis
tuae, Per sanctam nativitatem tuam.
Per baptismum, jejunium et tenta-
tiones tuas,
Per agoniam et sudorem tuum
sanguineum. Per crucem et passionem tuam,
Per mortem et sepulturam tuam,
Per resurrectionem et ascensionem
tuam. Per adventum Spiritus Sancti,
Paracleti ;
In omni tempore tribulationis nos-
trae. In omni tempore feUcitatis nostrae.
In hora mortis,
In die judicii.
Libera, nos, Domine.
Peccatores,
Te rogamus, audi nos ;
Ut ecclesiam tuam sanctam Catho-
licam regere et gubemare digneris ;
Ut cunctos Episcopos, Pastores et
Ministros ecclesiae in sano verbo et
sancta vita servare digneris ;

Ut sectas et omnia scandala toUere
digneris; Ut errantes et seductos reducere in
viam veritatis ;
Ut Satanam sub pedibus nostris
conterere digneris ;
Ut operarios fideles in messem
tuam mittere digneris :

Marshall, IJJS-
From sudden and unprovided
deatii, From pestilence and famine.
From all mortal war.
From lightning and tempestuous
weathers, From seditions and schisms,
From everlasting death ;
By the privy mystery of thy holy
incarnation. By thy holy nativity.
By thy baptism, fastings and temp
tations, By thy painful agony in sweating
blood and water.
By the pains and passions on thy
cross, By thy death and burying,
By thy resurrection and ascension.
By the coming of the Holy Ghost ;
In the time of tribulations,
In the time of our feUcity,
In the hour of death,
In the day of judgment;
Deliver us. Lord.
We sinners,
Pray thee to hear us. Lord.
That it may please thee. Lord, to
govern and lead thy Holy Catholic
Church ;
That thou vouchsafe that our bish
ops, pastors and ministers of thy
Church, may in holy life, and in thy
sound and whole word, feed thy peo
ple; That thou vouchsafe that all per
verse secrets and slanders may be
avoided ;
That thou vouchsafe, that all which
do err and be deceived may be re
duced into the v? ay of verity ;
That thou vouchsafe, that we may
the devil, with all his pomps, crush
under foot ;
That thou vouchsafe to send us
plenty of faithful workmen into thy
' harvest ;

236

The Lutheran Movement in England.

'Luther, IS2<).
Ut incrementum Verbi et fructum
Spiritus cunctis audientibus donare
digneris ;

Ut lapsos erigere, et stantes com-
fortare digneris ;
Ut pusillanimos, et tentatos con-
solari et adjuvare, digneris ;
Ut regibus et principibus cunctis
pacem et concordiam donare digneris ;
Ut Principem nostrum cum suis
praesidibus dirigere et tueri digneris ;

Ut Magistratui et plebi nostrae bene-
dicere et custodire digneris ;
Ut efflictos et periclitantes respicere
et salvare digneris ;

Ut praegnantibus et lactentibus
felicem partum et incrementum lar-
gire digneris ;
Ut infantes et aegros fovere et cus
todire digneris ;
Ut captives liberare digneris ;
Ut pupillos et viduas protegere et
providere digneris ;
Ut cunctis homnibus misereri digne
ris ;
Ut hostibus, persecutoribus, et cal-
umniatoribus nostris ignoscere et eos
convertere digneris;
Ut fruges terrae dare et conservare
digneris ;
Ut nos custodire digneris ;
Te rogamus, audi nos.

Agne Dei, qui toUis peccata mundi,
Miserere nobis.

Marshall, IJSJ.
That thou vouchsafe. Lord, to give
the hearers of thy word lively grace
to understand it, and to work there
after by the virtue of the Holy Ghost ;
That all extreme poverty, thou
please. Lord, to recomfort ;
That they which are weak in vir
tue, and soon overcome in temptation,
thou, of thy mercy, wilt help and
strengthen them ;
That thou vouchsafe to give univer
sal peace amongst all kings and other
rulers ;
That thou vouchsafe to preserve
our most gracious sovereign lord and
King, Henry VIII, his most gracious
queen Anne, all their posterity, aid
ers, helpers and tme subjects ;
That our ministers and governors
may virtuously rule thy people ;
¦That thy people in affliction, or in
peril and danger, by 6re, water, or
land, thou wilt vouchsafe to defend
and preserve ;
That teeming women may have
joyful speed in their labor ;
That all young orphans and sick
people, thou please, Lord, to nourish
and provide for ;
That all being captive, or in pris
ons, thou wilt send deliverance ;

That unto all people. Lord, thou
wilt show thine inestimaijle mercy ;
That thou wilt forgive all warriors,
persecutors, and to convert them to
grace ;
That the fruits. Lord, on the earth,
may give good increase, and that thou
wilt conserve them ;
That Thou, Lord, wUt hear our
Prayer ;
We pray Thee to hear us.
O the very Son of God,
We pray Thee to hear us.
O Lamb of God, which taketh away
the sins of the world,
Have mercy on us.

The Litany of the English Church.

237

Luther, iJ2g.
Agne Dei, etc.
Miserere, etc
Agne Dei, etc.
Dona nobis pacem.
Christe, Exaudi nos.
Kyrie, Eleison.
Christe, Eleison.
Kyrie, Eleison. Amen.
Pater noster, etc.
Vers. Domine, non secundum pec
cata nostra facias nobis,
Ans, Neqtie secundum- iniguitates
nostras, retribuas nobis.
Deus misericors Pater, qui contri-
torum non despicis gemitum, et
moerentium non spemis afiectum,
adesto precibus nostris quas in afflic-
tionibus, quae jugiter nos premunt,
coram te effundimus, easque clemeuter
exaudi, etc.

Vers. Peccavimus, Domine, cum
Patribus nostris,
Ans. Injuste egimus, iniqtdtate-m
fecimus. Deus, qui deliquentes perire non
patens, donee convertantur et vivant,
debitam, quaesumus, peccatis nostris
suspende vindictam, et praesta propi
tius, ne dessimulatio cumulet ultion-
em, sed tua pro peccatis nostris
misericordia semper abundet.
Luther adds three collects :
" Omnipotens aeteme Deus, cujus
Spiritu;" " Omnipotens Deus, qui
nos in tantis periculis constitutes ;"
and " Parce, Domine, parce pec
catis." In 1539, Bishop Hilsey, of Rochester, at the commandment
of Cramwell, prepared a "Primer," giving us the first official
form of the Reformed English Litany. It very closely follows
Marshall, reducing the number of saints, but including the arch
angels, apostles, evangelists and a few martyrs, confessors and
'virgins. In other respects, the correspondence with Luther of

Marshall, 133$.
O Lamb of God, etc.
Have mercy on us, etc.
O Lamb of God, etc.
Give peace and rest upon us.

0 Lord, hear thou my prayer
That my calling may come unto thee.
O Omnipotent and merciful God,
the Father etemal, which dost not
despise us sinners, bewailing with
contrite heart for offending the high
majesty, we pray thee, by thy holy
grace and mercy, to draw us near to
thee, to hear our prayers, to forgive
our offences, and to comfort us in our
afflictiods, etc.
We have sinned with our forefath
ers. Iniquity have we wrought with un-
j-ust living.
Lord, God, which dost not suffer
sinners to perish and die in their
works, but rather wilt that they shall
convert and live, we humbly pray
thee to forgive us now, while we have
time and space. And give us grace
that we do not abound in sin, nor in
iniquity, no more, lest Thou, Lord, be
wroth with us, etc.
Marshall adds one collect :
" O most high and mighty Lord
God and King of peace," etc., for the
King and counsellors, etc.

238 The Lutheran Movement in England.
1529, while not as close, in general continues. The closing
collects differ.
In the Litany prepared in 1544, which is that of the Book
of Common Prayer, the simple Kyrie was omitted, and a begin
ning made with its expanded paraphrase, to which "miserable
sinners" was added, the dogmatic statement ofthe procession
being inserted in the third petition. The Ne reminiscaris was
transferred from the close of the Penitential Psalms, to the begin
ning of the deprecations. The deprecations themselves are multi
plied from the pre-Reformation English Litanies. Luther' s Litany,
after the Roman, furnished : "From Sin." Luther's German
Litany of 1529, suggested the double translation of " Insidiis "
as " crafts and assaults " {Trug und List) " of the devil," and,
as in 1535, the translation of "perpetua" as "everlasting" {fiir
den ewigen Tod). A more accurate rendering of the Latin of
1529, than that of Marshall gives "From battle and murder."
" Sudden and unforseen death," found even in Sarum, however,
has been changed into "Sudden," while Luther's German, fol
lowed by Reformation of Cologne, has made it " bos en schnellen
Tod." The Obsecrations almost precisely reproduce Luther's
Latin, adding however "Circumcision," changing^ "Tempta
tions" into the singular, and omitting "Comforter'' from "By
the coming of the Holy Ghost." The intercessions are ex
panded, and the order is changed for apparent reasons. While
Luther's Litany defers praying for temporal rulers until the tenth
intercession, the Litany of 1544, according to Henry's preten
sions as Head of the Church, inserts five petitions for him before
that for bishops and pastors. In the American " Book of Com
mon Prayer," this inversion has not been changed, and prayers
for temporal, are made in Episcopal churches before those for
spiritual ralers, even with the assumption which the change de
clares no longer received. The " Bishops, Priests and deacons "
ofthe Prayer Book are the " Bishoffe, Pfarrherr und Kirchen-
diener" of Luther's German. Conceming the petition : "To
give to all thy people an increase of grace," Blunt says : "A

The Litany of the English Church. 239
beautiful combination of the passage about the good ground with
James i: 21 and Gal. 5: 22. Its date is 1544." Cf how
ever Luther (1529) above : " Ut incrementum Verbi," etc. So
also all the clauses which he is unable to trace to earlier English
Litanies or Roman use, and assigns to 1544; but which are
found already in the Primer of 1535. Marshall's probable misun
derstanding of Luther's Latin is rectified in the petition : " That
it may please Thee to strengthen such as do stand, and to com
fort and help the weak-hearted, and to raise up them that fall."
So also Luther is again more accurately rendered in the " To
beat down Satan under our feet," and while not precisely, yet
far more nearly than in 1535, in the clause : "To succour, help
and comfort." Of the intercession : "To defend and provide
for the fatherless children and widows, and all that are desolate
and oppressed," Blunt says : "One of the tenderest petitions in
the Prayer Book, and full of touching significance, as offered to
Him who entrasted His Mother to His Apostle. It was placed
here in 1544 (the words being clearly suggested by such passages
asPs. 146: 9; Jer. 49: 11)." Again Luther has been over
looked, even though Hermann of Cologne, is referred to : " Ut
pupillos ei viduas protegere et providere." So in the next peti
tion, "expressing" as the same author says, "the same all
comprehensive charity," Cranme'r turned from Marshall to Luther,
and translated literally: " Tb' t it may please thee, to have
mercy upon all men." The same may be said of the next
petition. The versicle and collect that directly follow the Litany, are
from Luther. Dr. Blunt gives the form of the collect from the
Sarum Mass in his parallel with the English; but Cranmer fol
lower Luther with all his variations from that text. Into that
coViCct, Luther inserts, or follows another text that inserts:
' Misericors Pater" and the English Litany reads : " O God,
Merciful Father." Sarum reads : qucfs pietati tuae pro tribu-
latione nostra offerimus ; Luther: quas in afflictionibus quae
jugitet nos premunt coram te effundimus;'^ and then, the English

240 The Lutheran Movement in England.
Litany: " ITiat we make before thee in all our troubles and
adversities whensover they oppress us." Sarum reads: —
" Implorantes ut nos clementer respicias ;" Luther: "Easque
clementer exaudi :" and then, the English Litany: "And gra
ciously hear us." It is certainly very patronizing for Dr. Blunt
to remark : " Hermann's and Luther's form is very like ours." "
But it is still more surprising to read his remark : " It is some
what doubtful whether in the case ot the Litany, our English
form was not in reality the original oi that in Hermann's
book ! ! " In a foot-note, he adds that " Cranmer had married
a niece of Osiander, who is said to have prepared the Nuremberg
formularies for Luther," etc. Can it be, that any one could
think of tracing the liturgical reformation of the Lutheran
Church, in this way, to an English source '< It certainly is in
verting history !
The English Litany thus formed was set forth for public use,
June nth, 1544. With it ended the work of liturgical reform
in the reign of Henry VIIL, the Primer of 1545 excepted, which
has significance only as an aid to the more thorough preparation
of what was to follow, and not for its influence on public wor
ship. ' Introduction to " Annotated Book of Common Prayer" p. xxvii.

CHAPTER XIX.
THE COMMUNION SERVICE OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH.
The Order of March 1548. First Exhortation traced to Cassel Order of 1539.
Second, from Volprecht of Niimberg, 1524. Idea of the Admonition
from the Cassel Order. Prayer of Confession from the Cologne Order.
Absolution compared with that of Cologne, in parallel columns. Origin
ofthe Formula of Distribution. Expansion of this in 1549. Later Cal
vinistic Modifications. Hilles' Testimony of 1549.
The death of Henry, and the accession of Edward, at length
gave Crumwell the opportunity to carry out his plans of a thor
ough reform of the liturgical and doctrinal formulas. After
giving his first attention, in lack of a ministry properly trained
in purity of doctrine, to the preparation of "Homilies," to fur
nish the churches with sound preaching, and, of a Catechism,
for the instraction of children, he began the reformation of the
Communion Service. For this purpose, a commission of bishops
assembled in January, 1548 ; and early in March, the results of
their deliberations were published, that the formula might be in
troduced the succeeding Easter. It was a mere temporary pro
vision to supplement the Latin Mass ; but has left its impression
upon the service afterwards provided. It begins with an exhor
tation to be made by the minister, " the next Sunday, or holy
day or at the least one day before he shall minister the com
munion." This exhortation is constracted after the model of the
first exhortation in the Reformation of Cologne, which, in turn,
was taken from the Cassel Order bf 1539. The second exhorta-
tion,the third in the Book of Common Prayer, was constracted after
the model cf the second in the Reformation of Cologne, which
is the Niimberg Exhortation of Volprecht (1524). Then fol-
17 (241)

242 The Lutheran Movement in England.
lowed a warning : "If any man here be an open blasphemer,
an advouterer, in malice or envy, or any other notable crime,"
etc, which follows the idea of the conclusion of the Cassel Ex
hortation, where the offences against each commandment are
briefly enumerated, and those guilty of such sins, and impeni
tent, are urged not to come to communion. The prayer of confes
sion is an adaptation of that in the Reformation of Cologne, as
contained in the order given above. The "Absolution" is a
free rendering of the Reformation of Cologne.

Our blessed Lord, -who hath left
power to his Church, to absolve peni
tent sinners from their sins, and to re
store to the grace of the Heavenly
Father such as truly believe in Christ,
etc.

Unser Ueber Herre Jesu hat seiner
Kirchen den hohen trost verlassen,
das er seinen dieneren befohlen halt,
alien denen, welche ihre siinden
leidt sindt, im glauben und vertrauen,
und sich zu besseren begehren die
siind zuverzeihen, etc."
The "comfortable words" are taken from ^ne same source,
where, however, they precede the Absolution. "The prayer of
humble access ' ' seems to have been derived from another source.
The formula of distribution adopts from the Niirnberg formula,
the clauses "which was given for thee," " which was shed for
thee," etc., unknown to the Mass, Roman and Sarum. This
addition was in accordance with Luther's declaration in the
Small Catechism, that the words " given and shed for you,"
were besides the bodily eating and drinking the principal parts
of the Sacrament, and with the prescription of the Reformation
of Cologne that " ministers should always admonish the people
with great earnestness to lay to heart the words ' given for you,'
' shed for you for the remisssion of sins. ' " In other respects
the formula resembles that of Schw.-Hal. (Brentz) of 1543:
" The body of our Lord Christ, preserve thee unto everlasting
Hfe. The blood of our Lord Christ cleanse thee from all thy
sins. Amen;" the English formula of 1548 being: "The
body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee, pre
serve thy body unto everlasting life. The blood of our Lord
Jesus Christ, which was shed for thee, preserve thy soul to ever
lasting life."

The Communion Service oj the English Church, 243
This form was expanded into that of the Book of Common
Prayer of i549> where the Communion Service takes the follow
ing form :
I. Collect for Purity. (From Sar. and Rom. Missals.) 2.
Kyrie. ,3. Gloria in Excelsis. 4. Salutation and Response. 5.
Collect for day, with one for the King. 6. Epistle. 7. Gos
pel. 8. Nicene Creed. 9. Exhortation (based on Volprecht's).
10. Passages of Scripture, instead of Offertory. 11. Salutation
and Response. 12. Sursum Corda. 13. Preface. 14. Sanc
tus. 15. Prayer of Consecration, including words of institu
tion (modelled after Saram, and also following, in part, Cassel
and Cologne), closing with the Lord's Prayer. 16. Pax. 17.
Christ our Paschal Lamb, is offered up, etc. 18. Invitation.
19. Confession (Cologne). 20. Absolution (Cologne). 21.
Comfortable Words (Cologne). 22. Prayer of Humble Access
(Eastern). 23. Distribution, during which the Agnus Dei is
sung. 24. Scripture passages after Communion. 25. Salutation.
26. Prayer of Thanksgiving from the Brandenburg-Niirnberg
Order. Brandenburg-Niirnberg, 1533. ist Edward, 1549.
O Almechtiger ewiger Gott, wir Almighty and everlasting God, we
sagen deiner Gotlichen miltigkeit lob most heartily thank thee, for that thou
und danck, das du uns mit dem hayl- hast vouchsafed to feed us in these
samen flaysch und blut, deines ayni- holy Mysteries, with the spiritual food
gen Suns Jesu Christi, unsers Hemn of the most precious body and blood
gespeyst und getrenckt hat, etc. of thy Son, our Saviour Jesus Christ,
etc.
The increasing influence of Calvinism is shown in 1552 by the
insertion ofthe Ten Commandments, probably as Procter sup
poses from the formula of Pollanus, but having the precedent of
the Lutheran Order of Frankfort, 1530, and the change of the
words of distribution into "Take and eat this, in remembrance
that Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thy heart by faith,
with thanksgiving." "Drink this, in remembrance that Christ's
blood was shed for thee, and be thankful." In 1559 both form
ulas were combined. In 1552 the Lord's Prayer was transferred
to the post-communion service, and the Gloria in Excelsis placed
after the Brandenbmg-Niirnberg Thanksgiving Collect.

244 The Lutheran Movement in England.
It is certainly not remarkable that in June 1549, four days be
fore the first Book of Edward appeared, Hilles wrote to Bullin
ger concerning the "Order of Communion:" "We have a
uniform communion of the eucharist throughout the entire realm,
yet after the manner of the Niirnberg churches and some of the
Saxons. The bishops and magistrates, present no obstraction to
the Lutherans. ' ' ^ The most un-Lutheran part is the Consecra-
tory Prayer, where prayer for saints, and other Romanizing ele
ments still remain, the formula of Cologne being followed only
in its beginning.
' Original Letters, CXXI. ; also in Procter, p. 26.

CHAPTER XX.
THE MORNING AND EVENING SERVICES OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH.
The Ancient Matin Service. The Lutheran Revision of the Matin Service.
Luther's Explanation of its parts. The typical Lutheran Matin Service
and that of Edward VL; in parallel columns. The earlier English Ma
tin Service. The Vesper Service of I Edward VL Kliefoth's Expla
nation of the Structure of the Lutheran Matin and Vesper Services. I.
Edward's Substitution of Psalms for Introits according to Luther's
Formula Missae of 1523. Not followed by the Lutheran Churches.
Loss of Introits by English Church. The Collects in the Lutheran Or
ders. Why the English Church anticipated the Lutheran, in revision
ofthe ancient Collects. New Collects. Gospels and Epistles in the
two systems. Minor Variations explained. How the English Orders
sometimes follow Luther, where he has not been followed in the Luth
eran Church.
In noticing the later changes in the Communion Service, we
have anticipated the historical order. The commission which
prepared the temporary order for communion, continued its la
bors, and by the close of the year had the entire book ready to
be submitted to the King, by whom it was laid before Parlia
ment, and was finally published, Pentecost, 1549 (June 9th).
The chief members of the commission besides Cranmer, "were
probably Ridley, Goodrich, Holbeach, May, John Taylor,
Haynes and Cox. " (Procter.)
The "Order for Daily Morning Prayer" of the English
Church does not grow, like the Hauptgottesdiensi of the Lutheran
Church, entirely from the Communion Service or Mass of the
Ancient Church but from its Jlatin Service, to which it appends
that ofthe Mass. The Matin was the early service before day, pro
vided not for the laity, but for the clergy alone. From the very
(245)

246

Tlie Lutheran Movement in England.

beginning, Luther pointed out the great profit which would be
derived by an adjustment of it to the uses of schools, (1523).
" For Matins, of three lessons . . are nothing but words of di-
'vine Scripture ; and it is beautiful, yea, necessary that the boys
be accustomed to reading and hearing the Psalms and the lessons
of the Holy Scriptures." (1526): "Early, about five or six,
several psalms are sung as at Mass ; then there is a sermon on the
Epistle for the day, chiefly for the sake of domestics, that they
may be cared for and hear God's Word, since they cannot attend
other preaching. Afterwards there is an antiphon, and the
Te deum laudamus, Benedictus, with the Lord's Prayer, Collects
and the Benedicamus domine."
This simple service is almost precisely that of the Prayer Book
of 1549. It is interesting to compare it with the old Lutheran
Matin Service given in Lobe's Agende.

Lutheran.
[Schleswig-Holstein (Bugenhagen,
1542) begins with. Creed; Lord's
Prayer ]
O Lord, Open thou my lips
And my mouth shall, etc.
O God, make speed to, etc.
O Lord, make haste to, etc.
Gloria Patri.
Hallelujah.
Venite, Ps. XCV.
Gloria Patri.
Hymn.
O satisfy us early with thy, etc.
And we will be glad, etc.
One to three psalms.
Gloria Patri at end of each.
First Lesson.
[" Ordinarily from the Old Testa
ment,'' Prussian KO, 1525.]
Te Deum.
Second Lesson.
Benedictus.Kyrie.
Lord's Prayer.

ist Edward VI.

Lord's Prayer.
O Lord, open thou my lips
And my mouth shall show, etc.
O God, make speed to save me.
O Lord, make haste to help me.
Gloria Patri.
Hallelujah.
Venite, Ps XCV.
Gloria Patri.

Certain psalms.
Gloria Patri at end of each.
Old Testament Lesson.

Te Deum or Benedicite.
New Testament Lesson. ¦
Benedictus.Kyrie.Creed.

1 Cf. direction from Schleswig-Holstein, 1542 : "The Lessons should be
taken only from tile Bible, i. e. from the Old and New Testaments "

Morning and Evening Services of English Church, 247

Versicle and Response.
Salutation and Response.
Several Collects, the first
for the day.
Salutation and Response.
Benediction.

being

Lord's Prayer.
Versicles and Responses.
Salutation aud Response.
Collect of day, followed by collect
for peace and for grace.

Let this be compared with the far more complex Matin Ser
vice in Bishop Hilsey's Primer of 1539, or Henry's of 1545, and
the determining influence of the Lutheran liturgies will be
apparent. The same may be said of the Order for Evensong of 1549.
We give it for comparison with the Vesper Service, familiar to
many of our readers from its place in the Common Order of the
Lutheran Church :
Lord's Prayer. O God, make speed to save us. O Lord,
make haste to help us. Gloria Patri. Hallelujah. Psalms in
Order. Old Testament Lesson. Magnificat. New Testament
Lesson. Nunc Dimittis. Same suffrages as at Matins. Collects.
Concerning the structure of the Lutheran Matin and Vesper
Services, which have been thus followed by the Church of Eng
land, Kliefoth ^ has some observations that may be of importance
to our readers :
' ' The Matins begin with an introduction consisting of the
Domine labia mea, Deus in adfutorium and Venite, in which
God is, on the one hand, invoked to grant his aid against all
enemies and hindrances to the preaching of his Word ; and the
congregation, on the other hand, is invited, by such proclama
tion and confession, to call upon the Lord. Then follows the
psalmody, consisting of Psalms 1-109 in order, and when they are
finished, beginning anew. While, however, the contents of the
psalms are general and always identical, regard to the facts of
salvation which the day affords in accordance with the order
of the Church Year, is had by the antiphons which they include.
Following the psalmody is the reading of Scripture ; the entire
Scripture is read continuously, but, again, with regard to
^ Liturgische Abhandliingen, VIIL, 179 sqq.

248 The Lutheran Movement in England.
the Church Year, the chief facts or fundamental thoughts con
tained in what is read being always presented by the responsories.
But after the congregation has been fed by the Word of God
in the two-fold form of psalmody and lesson, it allows the Word
of God to bring forth fruit ; and such fruit appears in the hym
nody. The Te Deum and the Benedictus, or a hymn and the
Benedictus, or a hymn and the Athanasian Creed are sung ; for
in singing the Athanasian Creed or Te Deum or Benedictus, we
make confession of our acceptance of the salvation which has
been heard from the Word of God, and bring the sacrifice of the
fruit of our lips ; since when a hymn or the Te Deum or the Ben-
I dictus is sung, God and his salvation is praised and the sacri
fices of thanksgiving are offered. At the same time, this
hymnody gives Matins the character of Morning Worship,
since a morning hymn is naturally chosen. But a Christian not
only has to thank and praise God ; hence, following the hymn is
the act of supplication ; in the Kyrie, God's mercy is implored,
the Lord's Prayer, the common prayer of all children of God is
prayed, and finally everything is summarized in the Collect,
which, since it is de tempore, recurs again to the particular fact
of salvation given in the Church Year, and presented already by
the antiphons of the psalms and the hymn. Nothing then re
mains, but finally in the Benedicamus, to implore God's bless
ing. All this is both liturgically and musically connected in the
closest and most beautiful manner; between the various parts,
there ascends unto Heaven, at intervals (after the Deus in adfu
torium, after the Psalms, after the responsories, after the Bene
dictus) the Gloria Patri, bearing the whole as a morning offering
to the throne of grace. The Matin Service, therefore, can be
simply arranged in the succession of: "Introduction, Psalmody,
Lessons, Hymnody, Prayer and Conclusion."
We find precisely the same succession in Vespers. The dis
tinction is confined to the somewhat briefer arrangement of the
introduction, the use ofthe Vesper (Ps. 1 10-150) instead of the
Matin psalms, and the difference of Hymnody. The last is

Morning and Evening Services of English Church. 249
the most important distinction between Vespers and Matins, as
it is given thereby the character of an Evening Service of Prayer.
In Vespers, it is not the jubilant Te Deum, nor the morning
hymns, but the Magnificat and the Nunc Dimtttis and evening
hymns, that are sung ; and the Nunc dimittis is a hymn of part
ing, for the close of the day, as well as for the close of life.
Thus there is in Lutheran Matins and Vespers, a structure just as
thoughful, as in the chief service. It has here just as fixed an
order and organization, and, yet, with this, provision is made
for the richest impartation of the entire divine word, and the
most careful adaptation to the peculiarities of the seasons and
days ofthe Church Year."
Next to the orders for " Matins and Evensong throughout the
year," the Liturgy of 1549 gives the variable parts ofthe service
for each day of the Church Year.
The Introits are not those of the Roman or Sarum Missals, but
entire psalms, viz., i. Sunday in Advent, Psalm i. 2d, Ps. 120.
3d, Ps. 4. 4th, Ps. 5. Christmas Day, At First Communion, Ps.
98 ; At Second Communion, Ps. 8. St. Stephen's Day, Ps.
52, etc.
This change was made according to Luther's advice in 1523,
when in his " Formula Missae," he -writes : " We would prefer
psalms. ' ' In this, however, he was not followed by the Luth
eran churches generally. The liturgy of Schwabach Hall of 1526,
however, directs that for the Introit, psalms be sung. In the
Lutheran Church, the retention of the Introit was attended with
no little difficulty. It was sung neither by the pastor, nor by
the people, but by the choir ; as announcing to both the leading
thought that the Lord had for his Church on that day. There
was much trouble encountered in its translation. In the Latin,
each Introit had its own musical arrangement, and to such a de
gree was the effort made to give each word and shade of thought
its proper tone, that it is impossible to sing the Introits transla
ted into German, according to the setting which they have in
Latin. ' For a time in some orders, the Introit of the leading
' Kliefoth's Liturgische Abhandlungen, VI : 224.

250 The Lutheran Movement in England.
festivals was used on the Sundays belonging to the period of
which it was the center, thus rendering such difficulties less nu
merous. But they all were finally overcome ; and the Luth
eran Service rejoices in the retention of the old Introits. In the
English Church, the substitution of the Psalms was unsatisfac
tory, for the reason that no series of Psalms can be used to
express the precise thought of each Sunday and, therefore, in the
revision of 1552, they fell out. Wheatly has some just observa
tions on the defect caused by this suppression ofthe Introits.*
As with the Introits, so with the Collects, the Lutheran Orders-
encountered peculiar difficulties in adapting them to the revised
service. They are in the original so condensed, and so much
of the form often depends upon alliteration and other peculiari
ties not readily translatable, that time was required for this work.
Besides this, in a number, though, as Luther remarks in his For
mula Missae, not in most of those for Sunday, unevangelical doc
trine had entered, of which they had to be purged. In the Ro
man Church, contrary to the order of Gregory where but one
occurs, three Collects were read together, the first being that of
the day. Luther insisted that there should be one Collect, and,
for the time, thought that this, instead of being varied every
Sunday, should be more frequently repeated, in order that the
people, by becoming familiar with it, might the more heartily en
ter into its spirit. The Brandenburg-Niirnberg Order contains,
therefore, eighteen Collects, without designation of day, one each
for the Birth of Christ, the Passion of Christ, Easter, Ascension
Day, Whitsunday, Trinity, the Coming of God' s Kingdom, the
Doing of God's WiH, and two Pro pace. Soon the attempt
was made to compose anew Collects for each Sunday, the most
noted being those of Veit Dietrich, pastor of St. Sebald's Niirn
berg, (Wittenberg, 1541,) and of Johann Matthesius, (Niirnberg,
1 5 68,) a rich collection for all Sundays and Festivals appearing also
in the Oesterreich unter Ems Order of 15 71. The Lutheran
Church was, therefore, anticipated by the Church of England,
* Rational Illustration of Book of Common Prayer, p. 205.

Morning and Evening Services of English Church. 251
in the work of the more complete revision of the old Collects.
This was undoubtedly owing partly to the far greater ease with
which translations of prayers could be made from Latin into
English, than from Latin into German, the Latin elements in
the English offering much aid ; for it must not be forgotten that,
in devotional language, only the very simplest words are allow
able, and a single technical and scientific term, on the one hand,
or a colloquial phrase, on the other, would mar an entire Collect.
The compilers of the Book of 1549, however, also followed the
example of the Lutheran reformers of the Service, in substituting
for the old Collects a number which they either composed or, in
some cases, probably derived from Lutheran, sources. The new
Collects of 1549 are those for I., II. Advent, Second for Christ
mas day, Quinquagesima, Ash Wednesday, I. Lent, I., II. p.
Easter, Sts. Thomas, Matthias, Mark, Philip and James, Barna
bas, John the Baptist, Peter, James the Apostle, Matthew, Luke,
Simon and Jude and All Saints', Days, changes being made in
those for Sexagesima, Sunday p. Ascension, Conversion of St.
Paul and St. Bartholomew.
The Gospels and Epistles of I. Edward VI. and of the Luth
eran Orders, exhibit only a few variations. Some of these are
more noticeable in the Second Book (1552), as e. g. where in the
First Book, provision is made for two communion services on
Christmas and Easter, double sets of lessons are given, in the
Second Book, with only one Communion Service, the lessons for
the second Christmas Service, and for the first Easter Service are
adopted, while the permanent lessons in the Lutheran Church
become those for first Christmas Service, and the second Easter
Service. These differences thus are entirely those of a later
time. Luther in 1524'' gave Heb. i : 1-12, and John i : 1-14,
as the lessons for High Mass, on Christmas the Day after the proper
lessons for Tit. 2 : 11-15 and Luke 2 : 1-14. The use of Sarum
shows the former lessons as those for Christmas at Midnight, and
the latter as those for the third mass.
''Erl.Ed.l.-^.lll: 175-

252 The Lutheran Movement in England.
The Gospels and Epistles of the four Sundays in Advent m
the Lutheran and Anglican Churches differ from those in the Ro
man Missal, the latter omitting the pericope of our Lord's trum-
phal entry, and the corresponding epistle on I. Advent, and
transferring thither the lessons for II. Advent ; and then transfer-
ing to II. Advent, those of III. Advent ; to III. Advent, those of
IV. Advent ; and as those for IV. Advent, prescribing Luke 3 : i
sqq. for the Gospel, and i Cor. 4: i sq. for Epistle, — a modern
change on the part of Rome, contrary to the testimony of the older
Orders. So too especially in the latter part of the Church Year,
Rome has made many changes in the lessons of the Ancient
Church, which the Lutheran Church has retained.
On the Sunday after Christmas, I. Edward introduced, instead
of the Gospel of both the Sarum and Lutheran Orders, the Gospel
for Christmas eve, and the Midnight Christmas Service, Matth.
I : I sqq., services for which the English Reformers made no
provision, but whose Gospel they deemed it important to retain.
For Palm Sunday, Luther in 1524 prescribed two Gospels," one
for the day generally used in the Lutheran Church ; the other for
the Mass, Matth. 26, 27, adopted by I. Edward, and also even to
the present used in many Lutheran churches, as part of the Pas
sion History. If we find a divergence on XXV. Sunday p.
Trinity between the lessons of the two Churches, a reference to
Luther, 1524, shows that those prescribed by him are the same
as those of I. Edward, viz.. Epistle: Jerem. 23: 5-8; Gospel:
John 6; 5-14. ' That is, the difference is, that the English Re
formers followed Luther's " Register of Epistles and Gospels,"
while the Lutheran Orders followed those adopted by Luther in
his Postils.
^ Erl. Ed. LXIII: 192.
' Ib. p. 218.

CHAPTER XXI.
THE ORDER OF BAPTISM IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH.
Archbishop Laurence's Testimony. The English Introduction, with Luth
eran Sources. The Rubrics traced to Lutheran Orders. The English
Baptismal Exhortation, with its original in parallel columns. Palmer's
difficulty explained. A prayer from Luther. Blunt, Palmer, Procter
on the Prayer. Hofling's Investigations. The Sign of the Cross and ac
companying words, from the Cologne Order. The Exorcism, from Lu
ther. Palmer on the Lutheran origin of what follows. History of clos
ing Collect. An Address, from Osiander. Development of Address in
Brandenburg-Niirnberg, Cassel, Wiirtemberg and I. Edward VI. Bap
tism in Private Houses. Conditional Baptism.
Concerning the Order for the Ministration of Baptism, Arch
bishop Laurence says : ^ " The office of our own Church is prin
cipally borrowed from the Lutherans." Dr. Blakeney, with like
frankness: "The address is borrowed, to a great extent, from
the Reformed Service of Cologne. . . The first prayer is derived
from a form which is attributed to Luther. . . In the selection
of the Gospel, our Reformers have followed not the Sarum office
. . but the Cologne. . . The collect is taken from the same
service,'"' etc. So Blunt, Campion andBeaumont, Warren, etc. ,
etc. That Archbishop Laurence is right in saying that it was
principally borrowed, from the Lutherans, will be manifest on an
examination ofthe Order of 1549.
^Bampton Lectures, p. 183.
* The Book of Common Prayer in its History and Interpretation, p. 510
sqq. (253)

254 The Lutheran Movement in England,
" OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF PUBLIC BAPTISM, TO BE HELD
IN THE CHURCH.
" It appeareth by ancient -writers, that the Sacrament of Bap
tism in the old time, was not commonly ministered but at two
times in the year, at Easter and Whitsuntide, at which times it
was openly ministered in the presence of all the congregation."
Schw. Hall (1526, Brentz) : " In the first churches, only two times
were appointed for Baptism, Easter and Pentecost."
Cologne (1543): "It is known that the ancients baptized only on
Easter and Pentecost."
Nassau (1536, Sarcerius) : " Baptism should be administered on fes
tival days, before the assembled congi-egation."
"Which custom (now being grown out of use) although it
cannot for many considerations be well restored again, yet it is
thought good to follow the same as near as conveniently may be :
Wherefore the people are to be admonished, that it is most con
venient that Baptism should not be ministered, but upon Sun
days and other holy days, when the most number of people may
come together." Cologne, (1543) : " But since it perhaps would not be sp suitable to
restore such times to their old position, Holy Baptism, if the children be
not sickly, and there be anxiety about deferring it unto the holy day,
must not be given until the holy days when the people and chm-ch of
God are together."
Cf Wiirtemb. (1553 but, doubtless, from an earlier Order): "Nev
ertheless we deem it more profitable that, except from the necessity of
their weakness, children should be presented for Baptism, not at the time
when there are no church assemblies,but on a Sunday, or other festival
days, or upon a weekday, where there be preaching, or a large number
of people come together."
" As well for that the congregation there present may testify
the receiving of them, that be newly baptized, into the number
of Christ's Church, as also because in the Baptism of Infants,
every man present may be put in remembrance of his own pro
fession made to God in his Baptism."
Schw. Hall (1526) : " Whereby they not only do a kindness unto the
child by public prayer, but every one is admonished of his Baptism, that
he direct his life accordingly.''

The Order of Baptism in the English Church. 255
Sax. Vis. Articles (1528) : Thus Baptism is not only a sign to chil
dren, but also draws and admonishes adults to repentance." Cf.
Wiirtemb. (1553).
For which cause also, it is expedient that Baptism be minis
tered in the English tongue.
Schw. Hall (1526) : " It is not only useless, but unreasonable to bap
tize in a strange language."
Wiirtemb. (1537) : " Baptism should be ministered in German."
" Nevertheless (if necessity SO require) children ought at all
times to be baptized, either at the church or else at home."
Schw Hall (1526) : " Baptism may, as necessity requires, be admin
istered at all times and places "
Nassan (1536) : " Baptism should be administered on festival days
before the assembled congregation, but dare not be denied sick chil
dren.'' Cologne (1$^-^') \ " Where there be not danger of death . . where
the child -be not sickly. . . But if this cannot be, the child shall be bap
tized at any time when brought. For, without Holy Baptism, they
must not be allowed, so far as we concerned, to depart."
The rabric directs that information of the desire to have the
child baptized, be given, "overnight or in the morning," while
the Reformation of Cologne prescribes that it be given "in good
time." The question is first asked whether the child be bap
tized or not, evidently in order that where Lay or Noth-taufe
have occurred, parents may be prevented from any such erron
eous practice as that of a supposed rebaptism. Such practice the
Prussian Order of 1525 explicitly forbids, as " a blasphemy of holy
baptism. ' ' Hence the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Order of 1 5 33 ex-
pH ci tiy states : " The priest shall first ask, whose the child is,
what it shall be named, and whether it have received fachiaufe, ' '
(Lay Baptism), and the Reformation of Cologne: "The pas
tors should ask whether in haste they have before received Bap
tism, or, as it is called, genothtauft sein. For if this have oc
curred according to the proper order, the pastors should main
tain the order."
The service begins -with an Exhortation, which most English

256

The Lutheran Movement in England.

writers trace to the Reformation of Cologne. It is unworthy of
Blunt's scholarship that he tries to resolve the connection of the
two formulas into a mere suggestion. Nor does he seem to be
acquainted with more than the opening sentence. The exhorta
tion is older than the Reformation of Cologne. In its first form,
it was prepared by Luther in 15 21, was repeated in a number
ofthe older Orders, as the Saxon of 1539, and the Pomeranian
of 1542, and was amplified and combined with a similar Exhorta
tion from Brandenburg-Niirnberg of 1533, in Mark-Brandenburg,
1540, Schw. Hall, 1543, Ott-Heinrich, 1543, and Reformation of
Cologne, 1543. This Exhortation, in the various forms in which
it occurs in the Lutheran Orders, may be found in Hofling's Dt:s
Sacrament der laufe. ' The compilers of the English formula
seem to have had Luther's original formula before them, which
they greatly condensed.
Luther (/J 21).
Dear friends in Christ : We hear
daily out of the Word of God, and
learn by our own experience, that we
all from the fall of Adam, are con
ceived and born in sin, wherein, be
ing ut»der the wrath of God, we must
have been condemned and lost eter
nally, except we be delivered by the
only begotten Son of God, our Lord
Jesus Christ.
I beseech you, therefore, that, from
Christian love, ye earnestly intercede
for this child with our Lord God, that
ye bring it to the Lord Jesus Christ,
and unite in imploring for it the for
giveness of sins and entrance into the
Kingdom of Grace and Salvation.

/. Edward VI. , (ij^if).
Dear beloved : Forasmuch as ,

all men 
 be conceived
and bom in sin, and that no man born
in sin can enter into the Kingdom of
God, except he be regenerate and
bom anew of water and the Holy
Ghost ;
I beseech you to call upon God the
Father, through our Lord Jesus Christ,
that of his bounteous mercy, he will
grant to these children that thing
which, by nature, they cannot have,
that is to say, that they may be baptized
with the Holy Ghost, and received
into Christ's holy church, and be
I made lively members of the same.
Palmer says of this : " We can perhaps scarcely find any par
allel to this amongst the primitive rituals ofthe church, except in
those of the churches of Gaul. The Gothic and ancient GalHcan
liturgies published by Thomasius and Mabillon, prescribe an ad-

aVol. II: 64 sqq.

The Order of Baptism in the English Church. 257
dress or preface of this kind at the very commencement of the
office of baptism." ¦* But the example which he gives shows only
a very remote resemblance. It is : "Beloved brethren, let us in
the holy administration of the present Mystery, humbly beseech
our Almighty Creator and Saviour who has deigned by his grace
to restore the adornments of nature, lost by the fall, to impart
his virtue to these waters, both that the presence of the Triune
Majesty may assist in producing the effect of most holy regener
ation," etc. The reader will see how little influence such an
Exhortation could have had, either on Luther, or on the English
reformers. Concerning the prayer which followed, there can be no ques
tion that it comes from Luther. Blunt says : * " This prayer is
not derived from the old office of the English Church, but is
probably of great antiquity. Luther translated it into German
from the ancient Latin [?] in 1523, and it appears again in his
revised baptismal book of 1524. From thence it was transferred
to the Niirnberg office, and appears in the Consultation of Arch
bishop Hermann in 1545 [?]. The latter was translated into
English in 1547, and the prayer, as it stands in the Prayer Book
of 1549, is almost indentical with this translation as given
above," i. e. the prayer in I, Edward. This prayer was some
what abbreviated in II. Edward, r552, and, therefore, also in
the English Book as now known. Palmer, after all his labor to
find the "original," from which Luther translated, gives a
prayer from the Gothic Missal, in which there is one clause of
eight words similar : " O God who didst sanctify the river
Jordan for the salvation of souls." Procter" frankly says:
" The first prayer seems to have been originally composed by
Luther." Hofling, after the most thorough search among the Mediaeval
Agende, has failed to find a trace of this prayer. Its absence
* Origines Liturgicae, II : 172.
^ Annotated Book of Common Prayer, p. 218.
* On the Book of Common Prayer, p. 364,
18

258 The Lutheran Movement in England.
from the Romanizing Protestant liturgies is also significant.
He concludes, therefore, that, although in Luther's TaufbUchlein
of 1523, everything else has been translated, "the hypothesis
of Luther's authorship has most foundation. This excellent
prayer has also, within the sphere of the Lutheran Church, not
merely the most extensive diffusion, but also the most permanent
acceptance and adoption." '
As given in the first English Prayer Book, it reads :
" Almighty and everlasting God, which of thy justice didst
destroy by floods of water the whole world, for sin, except eight
persons, whom of thy mercy (the same time) thou didst save in
the Ark ; and when thou didst drown in the Red Sea wicked
King Pharao, with all his army, yet (at the same time) thou didst
lead thy people the children of Israel, safely through the midst
thereof; whereby thou didst figure the washing of thy holy bap
tism ; and by the baptism of thy well -beloved Son Jesus Christ,
thou didst sanctify the flood Jordan and all other waters to this
mystical washing away of sin ; we beseech thee (for thy infinite
mercies) that thou wilt mercifully look upon these children, and
sanctify them with thy Holy Ghost, that by this wholesome laver
of regeneration, whatsoever sin is in them, may be washed clean
away ; that they, being delivered from thy wrath, may be re
ceived into the ark of Christ's Church, and so saved from perish
ing : and being fervent in spirit, steadfast in faith, joyful through
hope, rooted in charity, may ever serve thee : And finally attain
to everlasting life, with all thy holy ^nd chosen people."
The use of the sign of the cross at this point, the manner in
which it was made and almost the very words follow the Refor
mation of Cologne. The precious collect that follows is from
the old offices : " Deus, immor tale praesidium." "OGod,du
unsterblicher Trost." "Almighty and immortal God, the aid
of all that need," etc. In the ancient service, it belonged to
the order for the Baptism of adults. Luther transferred it to In
fant Baptism.
' Das Sacrament der Taufe, Vol. II : p. 53 sq.

The Order of Baptism in the English Church. 259
Even the Exorcism which Luther transferred from the Order
for Adult Baptism, is retained. The single sentence of the Ref
ormation of Cologne, and Brandenburg-Niirnberg, was not suffi
cient, and to it was added the substance of Luther's vigorous
formula of 1524:

Luther, 1523.
Daram, du leidiger [Vermaledey-
ter, Mk-Br., 1540] Teufel, erkenne
dein Urtheil, etc.

I. Edward VI. , 1^40.
. ' -,'7
Therefore, thou cursed spirit,
member thy sentence, etc.

Blunt, who regrets its omission in later editions, throws the
blame upon " the half-sceptical d;rwa«w/« of Bucer ! "
The Gospel read was, in the ante-Reformation offices, from
Matth. 19 : 13-15. The EngHsh Reformers followed the Refor
mation of Cologne, which in turn followed Luther, in substitut-
ting Mark 10: 13-16.
Palmer ^ explains what immediately succeeds : " The address
and collects which follow the Gospel, and terminate the Intro
duction of the baptismal office, do not occur in the ancient offi
ces of the Ancient Church, as far as I can perceive. . . The
forms themselves are in part taken from the Ritual of Hermann
of Cologne." He should have said, that the Collect " Almighty
and everlasting God, heavenly Father " is a literal translation,
only a qualifying clause of the Lutheran Order being suppressed.
The rest of the service is almost precisely that of Luther. The
closing Collect which at one time was the subject of much con
troversy in the Church of England, originally was used in the
baptism of proselytes in connection with the chrism that followed
baptism :
" Almighty God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath
regenerated thee of water and the Holy Ghost, and hath given
unto thee remission of all thy sins, anointeth thee with the
unction of salvation unto everlasting life, in the name of Jesus
Christ, our Lord. Amen."
"Almighty God, grant unto them, remission of all sins, send,
SII: p. 176.

26o 77^1? Lutheran Movement in England,
Lord, upon them, the Holy Ghost, the Comforter, and give them
the spirit of wisdom and understanding," etc.
Luther, in 1523, when his revision ofthe old order, was as yet
only tentative, retained the chrism and therefore left the Collect
in its first form, only translating it. This Order was retained by
Mk-Brandenburg, 1540, and Ott-Heinrich, 1543. The English
Commission retained the chrism, modifying the form only by
the change of the conclusion into " vouchsafe to anoint thee,
with the unction of his Holy Ghost, and bring thee to the in
heritance of everlasting life." Luther, however, in 1526, had
omitted the chrism, and amended the Collect accordingly, being
followed in this by Brandenburg-Nurnberg, into the simpler
form : " And who hath forgiven thee all thy sins, strengthen
thee by his grace unto everlasting life." Had the more thor
ough Lutheran revision been followed by Cranmer and his asso
ciates, the subsequent revision in the English Prayer Book,
which has greatly marred it, might have been prevented.
The address to the Sponsors, while derived partially from the
Sarum and York Uses, is far more dependent upon the formula
originally introduced by Osiander in 1524, into his Tavfbuche^
and thence adopted by the Brandenburg-Nurnberg Order of
1533. The Cassel Order of 1539, shows other points of resem
blance, which reach a more complete development in the Wur
temberg Order of 1553.
I. Edw. (1549). " Forasmuch as this child hath promised by
you his sureties to renounce the devil and all his works, to be
lieve in God and to serve him ; ye must remember, that it is
your parts and duties to see that this infant be taught, so soon as
he shall be able to learn' what a solemn vow, promise and profes
sion, he hath here made by you. And that he may know these
the better, ye shall call upon him to hear sermons, and chiefly
ye shall provide that he may learn the Creed, the Lord's Prayer
and the Ten Commandments in the vulgar tongue, and all other
things which a Christian ought to know and believe to his soul's
' Richter's Kirchenordnungen, 1 : 10.

The Order of Baptism in the English Church. 261
health ; and that this child may be virtuously brought up to lead a
godly and a Christian life ; remembering always that baptism
doth represent unto us our profession, which is, to follow the ex
ample of our Saviour Christ, and to be made like unto him ;
that, as he. died and rose again for us, so should we, who are bap
tized, die from sin, and rise again from righteousness ; contin
ually modifying our evil and corrapt affections, and daily pro
ceeding in all virtue and godliness of living."
Brandenburg-Niirnberg, (1533) : "I beseech you from Chris
tian love, as to what ye have now done in Baptism, in the place
of this child, that if it be deprived of its parents by death or other
misfortune, before it come to the use of reason, ye diligently and
faithfully instract and teach it, first the Ten Commandments, in
order that thereby it may learn to know God's Will, and its sins;
then, the Creed, whereby we receive grace, the forgiveness
of sins, and the Holy Ghost ; lastly, also the Lord's Prayer, in
order that it may call upon God, and pray to him for aid to with
stand Satan, and to lead a Christian life, until God shall fulfil
that which he has now begun in Baptism, and it shall be eternally
saved." If we find nothing in Brandenburg-Nurnberg, corresponding
to the closing words from " Remembering," etc., anyone who is
familiar with the close of Luther's treatment of Baptism, in his
Catechism, knows whence they are derived.
The corresponding Wurtemberg admonition of four years later
is so rich and beautiful that it is here added. It almost precisely
corresponds with the Cassel Order of 1539, and therefore, in its
most essential features, was in the hands of the English Com
mission. " Ye all, parents and relatives of this child, and as many as be
here present, should now acknowledge and regard this child
since Holy Baptism, as none else than a ch'ld of the Almighty,
and a member of our Lord Jesus Christ, whom also the angels of
God's serve, in no wise doubting that whatsoever ye do this
child, whether ill or good, that ye do God Himself, and our

262 The Lutheran Movement in England,
Lord Jesus Christ. Nor should effort or labor be spared by any
one, according to his calling and relation with this child, to
bring it up well for the Lord and to instract and teach it, to ob
serve all that the Lord has commanded us to be observed ; and
accordingly, ye parents, relatives and sponsors should spare no
pains, and have the child, so soon as it have attained the proper
age, faithfully brought to the church for catechetical instruction,
in order that it may leam thoroughly what great and inexpressi
ble gifts have been bestowed and transmitted it in Holy Bap
tism, and then, in the church, willingly and cordially and cor
dially confess and affirm for itself its faith, and in act and deed
renounce the devil and the world, with all their works and lusts,
and declare that it will abide by the Lord and his Holy Church,
in entire obedience to his Holy Gospel, live faithfully to our Lord
Christ unto the end, and, as a living member of Christ, and
faithful branch of Christ's vine, bring forth much frait to the
glory of God, and the advancement of his Holy Church.
Amen." Passing to the Order " Of them that be in Private Houses in
time of Necessity," the dependence is no less manifest. With
out entering into all the details of the service, a few of the main
features may suffice.
I. Edward : " They shall warn them that without great cause,
and necessity, they baptize not children at home in their houses.
And when great need shall compel them so to do, that then they
minister on this fashion :
First let them that be present call upon God for his grace, and
say the Lord's Prayer, if the time will suffer. And then one of
them shall name the child, and dip him in water, or pour water
upon him, saying these words : ' I baptize thee in the name of
the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen.'
And let them not doubt but that the child so baptized is lawfully
¦and sufficiently baptized, and ought not to be baptized again, in
the church. But yet nevertheless, if the child which is after this
sort baptized, do afterwards live, it is expedient that he be

The Order of Baptism in the English Church, 263

brought into the church, to the intent that the priest may ex
amine and try whether the child be lawfully baptized or no."
Compare this now with Reformation of Cologne (1543, on the
basis of the Saxon Order of 1539, the Wiirtemberg of 1536, and
Hamburg of 1529):
" The pastors should instruct the people in their sermons, that
they should not readily hasten to Nothtaufe, unless extreme neces
sity require, that baptism be administered, and if so that they must
first call upon our Lord God, pray the Lord's Prayer, and then
baptize the child, as Christ commanded his apostles, in the name
of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, nothing
doubting that the child is properly and sufficiently baptized, and
should not be baptized again in the church, or otherwise. Yet
such child if it live, should be brought into the church, that the
pastor may ask the people whether they be certain that the child
have been properly baptized. ' '

Reformation of Cologne, (iS43^
The Pastor shall ask further :
Through whom was this done ?
And who were present ?

/. Edward, (ij4^.)
The Priest shall examine them
further :
By whom the child was baptized ?
Who was present, when the child
was baptized ?
Whether they called upon God for
grace and succour in that necessity ?

-Whether they who baptized the
child, called properly upon the name
of the Lord ?
And baptized the child with wa
ter? In the name of the Father, and of
the Son and of the Holy Ghost ?
"Whether they know that these
words were used according to Christ's
command ?
Now, my dear friends, I declare
that ye have done right and well, in
doing all this in the Name, and ac
cording to the command of our Lord
Jesus Christ.
The rest of this serviqe is a repetition of what is found in the
order for Public Baptism. The form for "Conditional Bap
tism:" "If thou be not baptized already," etc., is not in ac
cordance with the Cologne Order, although the act is. It was

With what thing or what matter
they did baptize the child ?
-With what words the , child was
baptized ?
Whether they think the child to be
lawfully and perfectly baptized ?
I certify you that in this case ye
have done well, and according unto
due order, conceming the baptizing
of this child.

264 The Lutheran Movement in England,
prescribed in the ancient orders, and afterwards endorsed by the
Council of Trent. The old Lutheran Orders vary. The Reforma
tion of Hesse (1526) and Hamburg (1529) presents it, while that
of Schleswig-Holstein (1542, Bugenhagen) expressly forbids it.
Cologne and Saxony, simply say that the child shall be baptized,
precisely as though it were known to be not baptized.

CHAPTER XXIi;
tHE ORDERS FOR CONFIRMATION, MARRIAGE, VISITATION OF
THE SICK, BURIAL.
Rome's Exaltation of Confirmation to a Sacrament, explained. Chemnitz on
Confirmation. Examinations in Lutheran and English Orders. Cate
chisms of the two Orders. The Anglican Collect derived from the Co
logne and Cassel Orders. The Act of Confirmation and its Words. The
Marriage Ceremony. The old English Orders. Amendments and Ad
ditions from the Lutheran Orders. The " Visitation of Sick " and
" Burial " as likewise modified. Dr. Cardwell's Testimony.
Confirmation, although now universally practiced in the
Lutheran Church, and highly esteemed as a most valuable eccle
siastical rite, for a long time fell into disrepute, in the reaction
from the Romish overestimate of its importance, and the errors
and superstitions connected with it. Rome, without any Scrip
tural authority, urged its necessity, and raised it, to the place of a
Sacrament ; made the chrism an essential, if not the most impor
tant part ; and so exalted it, as to disparage the efficacy of Bap
tism. How thoroughly Rome undermines the value of Baptism,
both by her doctrine of Penance and of Confirmation, is not
generally understood. Baptism, with her, is the sacrament for
the beginning of the Christian life ; but its influence is evanes
cent, and other sacraments bring comfort to the more mature
Christian. The great end of its teaching to those who have been
baptized, is not, therefore, daily to return to God's covenant in
baptism ; but to seek new ordinances in which a new covenant is
made. As Chemnitz has stated, the error was " that in Baptism,
the Holy Spirit is given solely for regeneration, but that, for
(265)

266 The Lutheran Movement in E?igland.
other necessary gifts, he is not given in Baptism, but only in
Confirmation. ' ' ^
The disuse of Confirmation, therefore, speedily followed, when
there was an embarrassment in retaining it without continuing in
the minds of the people the false estimate. Nevertheless, it did
not become entirely obsolete throughout the Sixteenth Century.
The writer above mentioned, the greatest theologian of the Lu
theran Church, in his "Refutation of the Council of Trent,"
presents the Lutheran view of Confirmation, as follows ; " Our
-writers have frequently shown, that, with the useless, superstitions
and unscriptural traditions removed, the rite of Confirmation
may be used after a godly manner, and in harmony with Scrip
ture, so that they who have been baptized in infancy (for such is
now the state of the Church), when they have attained to years
of discretion, may diligently be instracted in a fixed and simple
catechism of Church doctrine. And when they seem to have at
tained the elements in a moderate degree, they are afterwards
presented to the bishop and the Church ; and there the child,
baptized in infancy, is first admonished, in a brief and simple
exhortation, concerning his baptism, viz., how, why and into
what he was baptized, what the Holy Trinity conferred and sealed
upon him in Holy Baptism, viz., the covenant of peace, and the
compact of grace ; how renunciation of Satan, profession of faith
and promise of obedience were there made. 2. The child
makes a public profession of its own before the entire Church. 3.
He is asked concerning the chief topics of Christian doctrine,
and answers to each ; or if he do not understand, is more cor
rectly instructed. 4. He is admonished, and, by this profession,
proclaims that he dissents from all heathen, fanatical and profane
opinions. 5. An earnest exhortation is added from the Word
of God, to persevere in the covenant of Baptism, and in that
doctrine and faith, and by advancing to be gradually confirmed.
6. Public prayer is made for these children that God would
deign to govern, preserve and confirm them in this profession.
* Ex. Concil. Trid. 1 : 296.

The Orders for Confirmation, Marriage, &c. 267
To which prayer, the laying on of hands may, without super
stition, be added. Nor is the prayer vain ; for it is based on the
promises concerning the gift of perseverance and the grace of
Confirmation. Such rite of Confirmation would confer great
profit for the edification of the young and the entire Church. ' '
Although this was published nearly thirty years after I. Ed
ward, it shows the estimate of Confirmation which thus far had
obtained. Even Confirmation by a bishop or superintendent is
here allowed, although,. in the same connection, the error of the
Council of Trent, is shown, in anathematizing all other than
episcopal Confirmation ; for if any priest, or, even in case of ne
cessity a layman, may baptize, while only a bishop may confirm.
Confirmation, the human rite, is elevated above Baptism, the di-
-vine ordinance.
The order for Confirmation, of the English book, agrees with
the preceding Lutheran Orders, in requiring a knowledge of the
Creed, the Lord's Prayer and the Ten Commandments. No
one, in either communion, was to be admitted without an exami
nation concerning these parts of the Catechism. See Luther's
-vigorous language, in the beginning of his Preface to the Small
Catechism. So Brandenburg-Niirnberg : " Those who neither
can, nor will learn the Ten Commandments, Creed and Lord's
Prayer, shall not be admitted to the sacrament. ' ' Hence the
most diligent examination is uniformly required before the first
communion. The Private Confession, then prevalent in the Lu
theran Church gave pastors the opportunity for such examina
tion, and hence rendered the desire for such public rite as that
of Confirmation less urgent. Afterwards there came a time when
Private Confession had fallen into disuse ; and then, the need
of some such ceremony as Confirmation, on the eve of the first
admission to communion, asserted itself, and brought about its
restoration. Nevertheless, as the above extract from Chemnitz in
dicates, the public examination was by no means unusual, pro
vision being made for it especially in such Orders as furnish the
Common Prayer so much material, as the Cassel Order of 1539,

268 The Lutheran Movement in England.
and the much quoted Reformation of Gologne. " Before all the
congregation" (Cassel, Cologne), "public in the church be
fore the people" (Ott-Heinrich, 1543) is the very language of
those old Orders.
I. Edward places the examination in charge of the bishop.
Cologne says that " this work would be especially appropriate to
the bishops, if the dioceses were not so large," and assigns it to
a "Visitator," the pastor, however, asking the questions. Mark-
Brandenburg (1540), notwithstanding its Romanizing reputation,
says : " Since, thank God, the population in our lands is great,
and the bishops few, so that there will be too many for them to
hear and instruct each one, they may commit this to their pas
tors. Nevertheless we think it well, that whenever Confirmation
by the pastors occur, some one of those learned be with them to
see that the pastors attend to it properly, and do not reintroduce
former abuses or carelessness ; " and the Reformation of Cologne:
" It is not the prerogative of bishops, so that no one else may
administer it, as baptism which is more, is administered by ordi
nary ministers, yea, in case of necessity, by any Christian." It
is assigned to bishops only " that they may learn to know their
hearers and especially the young people. ' ' It would not be diffi
cult to reconstract the first three rabrics of the first English book
from the Cologne Order, and the final one is thoroughly Lutheran
in doctrine, although we cannot trace its origin. The Catechism
which follows "to be learned of every child, before he be
brought to be confirmed of the bishops," we treat of in a sepa
rate chapter. It is sufficient here to say, that Cologne is again
followed by the introduction of the Catechism in this place, as
well as in its subject matter. Of the two Collects in the first
English Order, the first was the second prayer in connection
with the unction at Adult Baptism in the ante-reformation Or
ders; and the second, "Almighty, everlasting God," is conceded
by most English authorities to be from the Cologne Order.
The prayer from the Eighth Century of Egbert, bishop of York,
which Palmer gives as. its source, has only the faintest resem-

The Orders for Confinnation, Marriage, &c. 269
blance. It is found also in the Cassel Order of 1539, and, thence,
has been traced by Hofling ' to Bucer. In various revisions, it
is generally found in the Lutheran formularies, and "can with
- difficulty be supplanted by any other, since it is excellent."'
The act of Confirmation in I. Edward, was according to that of
the ancient form: "I sign thee with the sign of the holy
cross," etc., and was replaced in II. Edward (1552) by the
prayer said by the bishop while his hands rested upon the one
confirmed : " Defend, O Lord, this child with thy heavenly
grace, that he may continue thine forever and daily increase in
thy Holy Spirit, more and more, until he come unto thy everlast
ing kingdom." This also comes from the Cassel and Cologne
Orders : " Receive the Holy -Ghost, as thy protection and de
fence against all evil, and thy strength and aid unto all good,
from the gracious hand of God the Father, Son and Holy Ghost.
Amen." The Marriage ceremony in the English Book, is to a large
extent from the old English, with very important additions
introduced from the Lutheran Orders. The opening address,
which has been left unchanged in succeeding revisions in Eng-
larfd, has been much condensed in the American edition. In
the Sarum Order, the address read :
" Brethren, we are gathered together in the sight of God, and his angels,
and all the saints, in the face ofthe Church, to join together two persons, — to
wit., this man and this woman, that, whatsover they have done aforetime
henceforth they may be one body, yet two souls, in the faith and law of God,
[" to knyt these two bodyes togyder." York Use] to the end they may to
gether attain etemal life."
This was condensed into an introduction :
" Dearly belched friends, we are gathered together here in the sight of
God, and in the face of his congregation to join together this man and this
woman in holy matrimony."
The resemblance to the Introduction of the Reformation of
Cologne fuHy justified the retention of the old formula. It ran :
' II : 366 ; Lobe's Agende, II : 47.
»Ib.

270 The Lutheran Movement in England.
•' Ye appear before God our Heavenly Father, and Christ Jesus, our Lord,
and his Church,'' etc.
What follows is chiefly a condensation of the long address in
Schwab-Hall of 1543, no precedent for it being found in the
older English Orders. It follows the order and uses the very
language of this liturgy of Brentz.
English Prayer Book (1549); "Which is an honorable
estate instituted of God in Paradise, * in the time of man's inno-
cency, signifying unto us the mystical union that is betwixt
Christ and his Church ; * which holy estate Christ adorned and
beautified with his presence, and first miracle that he wrought in
Cana of Galilee, * and is commended of St. Paul to be honor
able among all men ; and therefore is not to be enterprised or
taken in hand unadvisedly, lightly or wantonly, ' to satisfy men's
carnal lusts and appetites, * like brute beasts that have no under
standing, but reverently, discreetly, advisedly, soberly and in the
fear of God. ' One cause was the procreation of children, to
* ScHW- Hall, (1543) : "For the Marriage estate has not been devised
by human reason, but was found and instituted by God himself in Paradise."
' From Collect at close of Osiander's ("1526) and Luther's (1529). Branden-
burg-Numberg, (1533), Schw. Hall, (1543), Cologne, (1543), and most Lu
theran Orders : " Wherein the Sacrament of Thy dear Son, Jesus Christ and
the Church, his Bride, is signified unto us." There is a similar Collect in
Samm, from the Gelasian Sacramentary : " Who hast consecrated the state
of matrimony to such an excellent mystery, that in it is signified the sacra
mental union and marriage of Christ and the Church."
° Schw. Hall : " This estate, the Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ, so
highly esteemed, that not only when bidden, with his Mother and disciples,
did he honor the marriage with his first miracle." Cassel, (1S39), Cologne,
(1543) : " Who also honored and richly adorned the marriage estate by his
presence." ' Osiander (1524), Brandenburg-Niirnberg (1533) : " To the end that this
may not be done without understanding of the Word of God, as do unbe
lievers." 8 Schw. Hall, (1543) : " For it has not been instituted for worldly or car
nal wantonness."
»See4.

The Orders for Confirmation, Marriage, &c. 271
be brought up in the fear of and nurture of the Lord, and praise
of God. '" Secondly, it was ordained for a remedy against sin,
and to avoid fornication, that such persons as be married might
live chastely in matrimony, " and keep themselves undefiled
members of Christ's body. ^'^ Thirdly, for the mutual society,
help and comfort, that the one ought to have of the other, both
in prosperity and adversity. ' ' "
The Exhortation that, "if any can show just cause, why they
may not, lawfully, be joined together, let him now speak,"
is partly according to the older English Orders, but the words :
"Or else hereafter forever hold his peace," come from Osi
ander's Orders of 1526, followed by Brand-Niirnb. (1533),
Mark-Brandenburg (1540), Ott-Heinrich (15 43), Cologne (1543),
etc. : " If any one hath aught to say thereon, let him speak in
time, or afterward be silent, and refrain from interposing any
hindrance." In the Lutheran Orders, however, this declaration
is made in connection with the publication of the banns. The
questions addressed bride and groom, follow the York and Sarum
Orders, the earlier Lutheran forms being much briefer, although,
in this, the later Orders of the Sixteenth Century more nearly ap
proach the English. The Lutheran custom generally provided
for the use of the ring, but without any words concerning the
ring, on the part of those being married. Osiander (1526) fol-
1" Schw. HaU : " That therein chUdren might be brought up by their pa
rents to the glory and knowledge of God, and the doctrine of the tme Chris
tian faith might be transmitted from chUdren to chUdren's children, and be
diffused and maintained throughout the world, unto the Last Day. For God
has not created man to live a beastly life here on earth, and to care only for
that which is earthly, but that he may leam to know God."
"Schw. Hall: "God has appointed and ordained matrimony, that every
form of unchastity might be avoided.' '
^^ Schw. Hall : " And besides God wishes the love and communion of his
Son, our Lord Jesus Christ with the Christian Church, as his Bride, to be thus
known and represented."
" The thought probably enters here, as Schw. HaU ends with the predic
tion of the cross, and the divine comfort under it.

272 The Lutheran Movement in England.
lowed by Brandenburg-Niirnberg, etc., prescribes that first the
groom shall say after the minister : " I, N., take thee N. to my
wedded wife, and pHght thee my troth," and then the bride
also, in the same way, plights her troth to her wedded hus
band. We are compelled here to dispel an illusion which has misled
some of the English writers on the Prayer Book. Palmer " says :
" The succeeding rites in which the priest, with a certain formu
lary, joins their right hands together, and afterwards pronounces
the marriage to be complete, are perhaps peculiar to the Church
of England. ' ' Blunt : " This is a noble peculiarity of the Eng
lish rite, though probably derived originally ' from Archbishop
Hermann's Consultation." The hint thus given, however, at
once destroys the idea of peculiarity. The sentence "What
God hath joined together, let no man put asunder," is found in
every Lutheran Order which we have examined, from Osiander's
of 1526, on: " Was Gott zusammen gefuget hat, sol Kein
Mensch scheiden." '* Nor have we to search long for the decla
ration, unknown to the old Orders.
Luther s Traubiichletn, iJ2g.
Weil dann Hans N. und Greta N.
einander zur Ehe begehre, auch die
Ehe Einander versprochen, und
solches hie offentlich fiir Gott und
seinen Gemein bekennet, darauf die
hande und Trauringe einander gege
ben haben, so spreche ich sie ehelich
zusammen, im Namen Gottes des
Vaters, und des Sohnes, und des
Heiligen Geistes. Amen.

English Book.
Forasmuch as N. and N. have con
sented together in holy wedlock, and
have witnessed the same here before
God and this company ; and thereto
have given and pledged their troth
either to other, and have declared the
same by giving and receiving gold
and silver, and by joining of hands, I
pronounce that they be man and wife
together; In the Name of the Fa
ther, etc.
In accordance with Osiander's Order, and the Lutheran Orders
in general, following it. Psalm 128 was designated as the first
to be sung. Cologne give Ps. 127 first, and then Ps' 128.
The English Service closes with a long Address to " All ye
which be married, or which intend to take the holy estate of
1*2: 217.
1* Annotated Book of Common Prayer, p. 270.

The Orders for Confinnation, Marriage, &c. 273
marriage upon you," which is only an elaboration ofthe portion
of the Address in Luther's Order, beginning : " Since ye both
now are given in marriage, in God's name, hear first the com
mand of God touching this estate," etc.
In the Order for " Visitation of the Sick," the most impor
tant feature derived from a Lutheran source is the "Exhorta
tion." The ancient Exhortation from the old Orders quoted by
Palmer, Blunt, Procter, etc., has little more resemblance to that
of the English book, than that it is an exhortation to a sick per
son. The compilers of the English book adopted that in the
Reformation of Cologne, originally found in the Saxon Order
of 1539, condensing and very freely rendering it, rather follow
ing the thought than the words. The two exhortations begin :
English, iJ4g.
Dearly beloved: Know this, that
Almighty God is the Lord over life
and death. . . Wherefore whatsoever
your sickness is, know you certainly
that it is God's visitation. And for

Saxon, 1531).
Dear friend: Since our Lord
Jesus Christ hath visited you with
bodily sickness, in order that you may
take to heart God's will, know : First,
that such bodily sickness come to us
from God for no other causes, etc.

what cause soever this sickness is sent
unto you, etc.
The Order for the "Burial of the Dead," has been much
changed in the English book, since I. Edward VI. Prior to the
same period, the Lutheran Orders also have a relatively less com
plete development. The essential features however are the same.
They retain from the old Orders: "I am the resurrection and
the Hfe," "In the midst of life, we are in death," "Blessed
are the dead that die in the Lord," — and the lesson i Cor. 15 :
20 sqq. The first CoUect: "Almighty God, we give thee
hearty thanks," which Palmer declares to be of modern origin —
we find in the Reformation of Cologne. The concluding Collect
for the forgiveness and peace of the departed is not found in any
Lutheran authorities examined, as it retains Romish error. The
first Collect, now found in the Anglican Order, was in I. Edward
VI., in the " Celebration ofthe Holy Communion when there is
a burial ofthe dead." It occurs in the burial service of Lower
Saxony (1585), as " O Herr Jesu Christe, der du bist der Avfer-

2 74 The Lutheran Movement in England.
stehung u. das Leben," from which it would be interesting to
trace it to its source.
Such was in general the First Book of Edward VI. Dr. Card-
well is right in saying : " The new Liturgy was greatly in
debted, wherever it deviated from the ancient breviaries, to the
progress made upon the continent in religious worship." After
alluding to its indebtedness to the Reformation of Cologne,
he adds : "In the Occasional Offices, it is clear on examination
that they were indebted to the labors of Melanchthon and Bucer,
and through them to the older Liturgy of Niirnberg, which those
reformers were instracted to follow. ' ' '*
18 The Two Liturgies of Edward VI. contrasted. Preface, xv. sq.

CHAPTER XXIII.
THE SECOND PRAYER BOOK OF EDWARD 'VI.
The Calvinistic Reaction. The " Censures " of Bucer and Martyr. Orders
of Pollanus and A Lasco. The " Confession" introduced. Its derivation.
Mistake of English Liturgiolists. Traced to Bucer's Strassburg Order of
1524. Revisions of Bucer's Formula by Calvin and Zwingli. Source
ofthe " Absolution.'' Other changes. The Ten Commandments in
the Communion Service. The General Prayer. The original in its un-
abbrevated form iu Cassel, Cologne, and Calvin's condensation, given in
full. Results of the Revision of 1552. Hardwick's Testimony.
The Book of 1549 was found in some of its features to be un
satisfactory. As shown in the preceding pages, a number of
causes combined to increase the influence of Calvinism in Eng
land. Cranmer himself first wavered and then succumbed.
The first book was too Lutheran, and besides, like in all such
movements, much was suggested by the experience of its use.
The history of the revision does not concern us ; we have to do
only with the results attained. The general f^cts are well known.
Cranmer was again at the head of the commission. Bucer and
Martyr, then Professors at Cambridge and Oxford, prepared
" Censures" ofthe First Book, (published about January 1552)
while the French Order of Pollanus, and the German of A Lasco
had also been published and afforded suggestions. Coverdale
had translated it into Latin for Calvin's examination. The new
book thus prepared was issued in September 1552. The Preface
disclaims any very important changes from the First Book.
The first difference appears in the introduction of a confes
sional service before the regular morning service. The ancient
Orders provided such service for the priest who was to minister,
(275)

276 The Lutheran Movement in England.
in order that, before coming to the holy mysteries, he might
himself privately confess and be absolved. The public service
ofthe Mass, however, began with the Introit, and in this the
Lutheran Orders had made no change, although subsequently be
coming general, especially when private confession lost its position,
or a corresponding Saturday evening service was disused. The
English authorities are much perplexed as to the origin of the
Confessional Service introduced in 1552, and still retained. The
usual explanation is that it was suggested by the Orders of PoHa-
nus and A Lasco. " The hint was taken from two books of Ser
vice, used by congregations of refugees in England."' The
formula of Pollanus has been traced by Archbishop Laurence " to
Calvin. Pollanus had succeeded Calvin as pastor at Strassburg,
and had thence emigrated with his congregation to Glastonbury
in Somersetshire. The formula is the same as that prescribed
by Calvin for the church of Geneva in 1545. ' It resembles that
prepared by Zwingli for Ziirich and Berne in 1536.* But its
sources are still more remote. In June 1524, Bucer, whose influ
ence on the Book of Common Prayer enters at so many points,
had prepared a Reformation of the Mass, which he published,
as his biographer Baum says, without the knowledge or consent
of the clergy of Strassburg, who, in a radical reaction against
Rome, were opposed to any fixed form.* This Order was, at the
close of the same year, reported in abstract to Luther, by the
council of the city, as in use in their churches. It is here given
with the others above mentioned.
STRASSBURG ORDER (1524).
" In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy
Ghost. Amen.
Confess unto God the Lord ; for he is good, and his mercy is
1 Procter, p. 48.
' Bampton Lectures, p. 209.
" Niemyet's Coll. Conf, p. 171.
* lb. p. 73.
' Baum's Capito and Bucer, p. 266.

The Second Prayer Book of Edward VI. 277
unto everlasting. I said I will confess my transgressions unto
the Lord; and Thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin.
I, a poor sinful man, confess unto God Almighty, that I have
grievously sinned by the transgression of his commandments,
that I have done much that I should have left undone, and that
I have left undone much that I should have done, by unbelief
and distrast of God, and weakness of love towards my fellow-
servants and neighbors ; for which, as I acknowledge myself
guilty before God, I grieve. Be gracious unto me ; be merciful
unto me, a poor sinfler. Amen.
This is a faithful saying and worthy of all acceptation that
Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners, of whom I am
chief This I believe. Lord, help my unbelief and, save me.
Amen. The priest then says to the people : God be gracious and
merciful unto us all. Amen. ' '
Then come the Introit and the Mass proper.
calvin's order (1545).
" Our help is in the Name of the Lord, who made heaven and
earth. Amen.
Brethren, let us each place himself before the Lord, and con
fess his sins, following me in these words :
O Lord God, Eternal and almighty Father, we acknowledge
and frankly confess before Thy Holy Majesty that we have been
conceived as miserable sinners, and have been born in iniquity
and depravity, prone to wickedness, useless unto every good
¦ work, and that, being vicious, we do not cease to transgress Thy
holy commandments. Wherefore we would receive destraction
from Thy just judgment. But, Lord, we sincerely lament that
we have offended Thee ; we condemn ourselves and our offences,
seeking in true penitence for Thy grace to relieve our misery.
Deem us, therefore, O Most kind and merciful Father, worthy
of Thy mercy, for the sake of Thy Son, our Lord Jesus Christ.
Blotting out all our offences and washing away all our filth, in-

278 The Lutheran Movement in England.
crease in us daily the gifts of Thy Holy Spirit, so that, from our
hearts, acknowledging our iniquity, we may be more and more
dissatisfied with ourselves, and thus .be aroused to true repent
ance ; and mortifying ourselves, with all our sins, may Dring forth
fraits of righteousness and innocency grateful unto Thee, Through
Jesus Christ our Lord."
Then foUo-ws a Psalm. There is no absolution.
The form of Pollanus (1551) varies only in a few words, but
adds : " Absolution. Here the Pastor recites to the people in
the Name ofthe Father, and ofthe Son, and ofthe Holy Ghost,
a passage of Holy Scripture concerning the remission of sins."
Upon the basis, then, chiefly of the Strassburg form, together
with that of Calvin and of the Reformation of Cologne, used
in the Preparatory Servic, the English Confessional Prayer was
constructed. "We have erred and strayed like lost sheep " was
probably suggested by the shorter Prayer, before,Communion,
of the Cassel and Cologne Orders.* The Absolution was taken
from that in the Preparatory Service of the Reformation of Co
logne, Bucer's earlier and later work being thus combined.
The other important changes in the Matin Service, were in
making ihe. Jubilate alternate with the Benedictus, and ill chang
ing the Apostles Creed from directly after, to directly before the
Kyrie. By those who refer to the American " Book of Common,
Prayer," this cannot be traced, since the American revisers have
still further mutilated the old Matin Service by omitting the
Kyrie and the Lord's Prayer; the latter, doubtless, because it
had already been used, out of its place, after the Absolution.
In the Communion Service, the Kyrie disappears, and the
Gloria in Excelsis is transferred to the Post Communion Ser
vice. The Ten Commandments, we have seen above, are in
serted, not simply as Blunt suggests after "the jejune liturgy of
Pullain " (Pollanus), since they are found in the Roman Mass,
and the Liturgy of Frankfort-on-the-Maine of 1530.' " Glory
* " Deine zerstreuete Schdfiein."
' Richter's XO. p. 141.

The Second Prayer Book of Edward VI, 279
be to thee, O Lord," after the reading of the Gospel, is omitted.
The Nicene Creed reappears, as the proper Creed for the Com
munion Service. The direction that the sermon shall follow the
Creed, disappears. The Admonition of I. Edward, is transferred
to a later place ; so also the Salutation, Sursum Corda, and the
words: " It is meet, right and our bounden duty." What in
I. Edward VI. is in another place as the " Consecratory Prayer,"
is now changed into a prayer for the Church and rulers — the
Cassdl-Cologne Order being more closely followed, and the Ro
manizing taint of the First Book being excluded. This Cassel-
Cologne prayer was already outlined by Bucer in his Strassburg
Mass of 1524. We translate it, unabridged, from Cassel (1539)
as the form, in which Cranmer and his associates used it.
" Almighty, Everlasting and Gracious God and Father, Thou hast command
ed us through Thy dear Son and Lord Jesus Christ, and his holy apostles, to
assemble ourselves before Thee in His Name, and hast promised that whatso
ever we thus unitedly pray Thee in His Name, Thou wouldst graciously give.
We pray Thee, therefore, through the same Thy dear Son, our only Saviour ;
first, that Thou wouldst graciously forgive us all our sins and offences, which we
here all confess and acknowledge before Thee, and that Thy just wrath,
which, by our grievous transgressions, we have merited, Thou wouldst gra
ciously tum away from us, for the sake of the Blood and precious Satisfaction
of Thy Son, our Mediator. Strengthen also Thy Holy Spirit within us, that
we may wholly surrender ourselves to Thy good pleasure, that, now and
ever, we may pray Thee in all true faith for ourselves and others, and may
richly obtain Thy help and grace. ^
We pray Thee also especially for Thy Church and congregation. Deliver
it from all wolves and hir^Ungs, who desolate it, and, by their conruptions,
array Ihemselves against Thee. Grant and sustain godly and faithful pastors,
through whom all Thy scattered sheep may be brought back unto Thy dear
Son, the Chief Shepherd and Bishop of our souls, and into his trae commu
nion, that there may be one Shepherd and one fold.
We pray Thee for all rulers. Emperors, Kings, princes and lords, and es
pecially for those of our land, and the counsellors and magistrates of this city.
Grant and increase unto them all grace to rale, that they may acknowledge
and embrace Christ Thy Son our Lord, as One to whom Thou hast given all
power in Heaven and Earth, and that they may so govem their subjects, as
Thy creatures and chUdren ; that we, here and everywhere, may lead a quiet
and peaceful life in all godUness and honesty.

28o The Lutheran Movement in England,
We pray Thee further. Holy Father, for all men, even for those estranged
from Thy Kingdom. Draw unto Thy Son our Saviour, all those who flee
from Him, and those whom Thou hast drawn to Him and enlightened, grant
that they now may know to find in Him alone the forgiveness of sins and
aU good. Strengthen them, in this knowledge, and make it ever more ac
tive within them, unto all good works.
We pray Thee also. Gracious God and Father, for all upon whom Thou
hast imposed any special chastisement. \Miether it be by poverty, exile,
sickness, or any other distress and trial, give them to recognize Thy gracious
fatherly hand, comfort and deliver them from all evil, and grant that th^ may
acknowledge and consider in every chastisement, that they have deserved what
is far more grievous, and thus may be turned the sooner and the more com
pletely from all evil unto Thine alone good will.
Finally, we pray Thee, Everlasting and Faithful God and Father, that, as
we are here assembled in Thy Divine Presence, for Thy Holy Word, Prayer
and the Holy Sacraments, enlighten the eyes of our understanding, and grant
we may acknowledge and remember, that we, alas ! of ourselves and from our
parents, are of such perverse and condemned nature, that in our flesh and
blood, we cannot inherit Thy Kingdom of righteousness and blessedness ;
that we can deserve nothing but eternal wrath and all misery ; but that
Thou, Gracious God, out of thy boundless mercy, didst regard our misery and
corraption, and didst will that Thy Eternal Word, Thy dear Son, shouldst be
come flesh and our brother, whereby flesh and blood again might become holy,
and we, poor condemned men, might be renewed and sanctified again through
Him, unto Thine image and unto all Thy divine will and good pleasure.
Therefore he giveth us to eat and to drink, in his Holy Sacrament, that very
holy flesh and blood which he hath offered upon the cross unto the Father
for our sins, and whereby he hath paid the ransom for all our sins, and
reconciled us unto Thee, in order that he might Uve in us, and we, in him,
might live a holy and godly life. Grant, Heavenly Father, that we may ac
knowledge all this, in true living faith, and, now and at all times, meditate
thereon, that, renouncing reason and all wicked lusts, we may devote our
selves entirely unto Thy dear Son, our Lord and Saviour, seek and obtain all
help and consolation in Kim alone, and in His death and resurrection ; and
may now receive his holy Body and Blood with all thankfulness, and wor
ship and praise Thee, because of His bitter suffering and death. His Heavenly
governance, and the gift of Himself which he makes unto us, for food and
drink, unto life everlasting."
The prayer ends with a brief paraphrase of the Lord's Prayer.
Both in Cassel and Cologne, there is a shorter form of this
prayer.

The Second Prayer Book of Edward VI. 281
" Merciful God, Heavenly Father, Thou hast promised that if we come to
gether in the Name of Thy dear Son, our Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ,"
etc. Calvin has appropriated the thoughts, but rewrought the lan
guage in the form, prepared for Geneva (1545), which begins:
" Almighty God, Heavenly Father, Thou hast promised us that Thou wUt
hear the prayers which we offer Thee in the Name of Thy dear Son and Lord
Jesus Christ ; and we have leamed both of Him and of His Apostles, that
we should come together in one place and in his Name, the promise being given
that He will be present with us to intercede with Thee for us, and obtain all
things which, with one consent, we ask of Thee on Earth.
First, Thou hast commanded us to pray for those whom Thou hast ap
pointed over us as ralers and governors ; then to approach Thee as suppli
ants for all things necessary unto Thy people and all mortals. Since, then
we have come into Thy presence, relying upon Thy holy commands and
promises, assembled in the Name of Thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ, we, as
suppliants, sincerely beseech Thee, O God and Father, in the Name of the
same, our only Saviour and Mediator, so deign to forgive our sins and to tum
our hearts unto Thee, that we may call upon thee,," etc.
Calvin presents,- at length, the topics, in the same order, as in
Cassel, except that he prays for ralers before praying for the
Church. His prayer ends also with the Confession of sin, original
and actual, and the paraphrase of the Lord's Prayer. From
these sources, therefore, the prayer was condensed :
" Almighty and Everliving God, which by thy holy apostle hast taught us
to make prayers and supplications, and to give thanks for all men ; we hum
bly beseech Thee most mercifuUy to receive our prayers which we offer unto
Thy divine Majesty," etc.
The latter part of the prayer in I. Edward, containing the
Words of Institution, is transferred to another part of the service.
The modification here of the formula of distribution has been
noticed in a preceding chapter.
The only change in the Vesper Service, was in the insertion of
"O Lord open thou my lips," etc., from the Matin Service, the
omission of the Hallelujah, and the provision that the Psalm
Cantate Domino (XCVIII.) may alternate with the Magnificat

282 The Lutheran Movement in England.
and the Deus Misereatur (Ps. XVII.) with the Nunc Dimittis.
The Athanasian Creed was retained as in I. Edward VI.
In the Baptismal Service, the Exorcism was omitted, the sign
of the cross changed to after the baptism, Luther's Collect ab
breviated, the thanksgiving Collect rewrought, the Lord's Prayer
and Creed after the Exhortation omitted, several Collects from
the former Order for Consecration of the Font introduced, etc.
In the Burial Service, pr.ayers for the dead were suppressed, etc.,
details interesting in the history of the Book, but whose exami
nation lies outside of the scope of our undertaking. The result
of the revision was, on the one hand, to remove a number of Ro
manizing elements, but, on the other, to sacrifice much of its
Lutheran to a Calvinistic Spirit, and to make changes which se
riously impaired the service as an organism.
Archdeacon Hardwick has well said: "His" (Cranmer's)
" Lutheran predilections are also manifested in the formation
ofthe First Service Book of Edward VI. , put forth in the month
of June, 1549 ; for, like the corresponding work of the Saxon
Reformers', our own is derived almost entirely from the ancient
or mediEEval Liturgies, and, in no inconsiderable degree, through
the medium of a Lutheran compilation, itself based upon the
older Offices of Nuremberg."*
^History ofthe XXXIX Articles, p. 80.

CHAPTER XXIV.
an excursus on the typical LUTHERAN CHIEF SERVICE.
Application of the Evangelical Principle to the Sphere of Worship. The
distinctive features of the Lutheran Service. The Sacramental and
Sa'crificial factors with respect to the Roman, the Reformed and the Lu
theran Services.
The " Common Service " examined. 'Piepaza.tory Service oi Confession. Its
Origin ; its Stracture. The Declaration of Grace. No Absolution. The
Declaration analyzed.
The Service Proper. First Act — The Word : Part I. A. The In
troit. Agreement of Lutheran Orders. Origin. Structure. When
and by whom chanted. B. The Kyrie. Relation to Introit. No Con
fession of Sin. C. The Gloria in Excelsis. Significance of its place-
Its Structure. Its Origin. Part II. A. The Salutation. Where only
to be used. B. The Collects. The Oremus. Why called Collect.
Origin. Structure. C. The Epistle. The New Testament Law. D.
The Hallelujah. Significance of its place. Luther's Rule. Graduals, Se
quences, etc. E. The Gospel Origin of attending Responses. Part
IIL A. The Creed. Variations in its place, and its significance as so
changed. Lutheran Orders prefer the Nicene Creed. B. The Ser
mon. The Explanation of the Gospel. Votum. C. Offertory. Improp
erly so called. D. General Prayer, Analogy of Roman Mass. Em
phasizes the Church as the Communion of Saints. Various forms used.
Luther's Litany greatly enriches the ancient Litany. Stracture. Not
a mere penitential prayer.
Second Act — The Communion : The Lutheran Conception of the Commu
nion, in its relation to the Word. Communion, not to be separated from
the Preaching Service. Part I. Introduction. A. Salutation B.
Preface. C. Sanctus Stracture and Significance Meaning of the
"Benedictus." D. Exhortation. Origin (Volprecht, Niimberg, 1525)
Unliturgical. Why retained? Part II Consecration. A. The
Lord's Prayer. Not properly consecratory. Why the Lord's Prayer is
(283)

284 The Lutheran Movement in England,
used? B. Words of Institution. Meaning of their recitation in this
place. C The Pax. Luther's Explanation. Part III. The Dis
tribution. A. Agnus Dei. Origin. The Dona nobis ; when intro
duced, and what it signifies. B. Distribution Proper. Meaning of
the words. Luther's addition. Benediction. Is " true " to be used ?
Consecration not complete until in the Distribution. Part IV. Post Com
munion . A. The Nunc Dimittis. In the oldest, but not the most Or
ders. Significance. B. Versicle. C. Collect. D. Benedicamus.
The First Part of Service, variable ; the Second part, fixed. Exceptions. Klie
foth's Comments. Simpler Services for villages and country churches. A
typical Simple Service.
The tracing of the relation between the Orders of Edward VI.
and those of the Lutheran Church, having led to the incidental
discussion of various details of the latter, it may not be out of
place to introduce here a brief presentation of the Chief Service
{Hauptgottesdiensi), as it has attained a fixed form, where the
reformation of the ancient Orders of public worship upon the
principles laid down by Luther and his associates, has been car
ried out. We, of course, fail to find any form so rigidly fixed,
and uniformly used, as the Roman Order. In the various Lu
theran countries, the application of the same principles was mod
ified by varying circumstances, as Romanizing or Reformed in
fluences, or, as in South-Westem Germany, even the prejudices
diffused by Carlstadt, through his connection with Strassburg,
are traceable. Then, as even the principles themselves were
more strongly or more feebly apprehended, there were Varying
results. The application and elaboration of the evangelical
principle,^ within the sphere of worship, could not be realized at one
1 This principle within the sphere of worship, is that the public worship
does not in itself convey the forgiveness of sins, and the blessings of salva
tion. These are found only in the gracious assurances of the Gospel, which
are appropriated only by faith. This principle had to assert itself against the
Romish error that the public service was an institution appointed by God, di
rectly conditioning salvation. The Public Service, according to the evangeli
cal principle is not a means of grace, as Rome makes it ; but a means, through
which the means of grace. Word and Sacrament, are brought to men. In it,
the Holy Spirit comes to men, as Word and Sacrament are administered ;

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service, 285
stroke, but only through a gradual process. In the consideration
of a typical Lutheran service, we must constantly eliminate from
any given Orders the factors pertaining to historical and local
relations, and having, therefore, only transitory significance.
We will follow here "The Common Order of Service," which
three of the Lutheran General Bodies in America, have agreed
upon as exhibiting the Consensus of the pure Lutheran litur
gies of the Sixteenth Century.
Preliminary, however, to the examination of the Service, it is
important to keep in mind a principle marking the worship of
the different Confessions, which Dr. Kliefoth has discussed at
length in his Liturgische Abhandlungen, and whom we shall
mainly follow here. In all trae worship of God, two things are
implied, viz., God offers and communicates, and man not only
receives what God offers, but also returns something to God.
The former is the sacramental ; the latter, the sacrificial element
in worship. A sacrament may, in a wide sense, be defined as "a
ceremony in which God gives that which the promise attached
thereto offers." Thus Baptism is no act of ours, but one which
God brings to us, and through which he bestows upon us the
blessings announced at the institution of Baptism. The Son of
God was not content with providing for us salvation by his sac
rifice on the cross ; but he has ordained ineans whereby the effi
cacy of his sacrifice, is applied. The Lord's Supper was insti-
and men, in tum, through the Holy Spirit, attending Word and Sacraments,
receives what the Holy Spirit offers. The perfection of the liturgical Service
depends, therefore, upon the provision made for this constant reciprocation,
God giving and man receiving, like the two sides of one breath. There
could be no such conception of the Service where everything was spoken in a
language not understood. Nor could it occur, where the doctrine of the con
stant presence of the Holy Spirit with the Word and Sacraments was denied,
and an inner Word made the more prominent and important. All questions,
then, conceming places, times, forms and books of worship, faU under the
category of adiaphora; they are of value, not in themselves, but in the
degree that they promote trae worship, i. e. edification from Word aud Sac
rament, and invocation, of God based thereon. Cf. Koestlin's Geschichte
des Ckristlichen Gottesdienstes (Freiburg, 1887), pp. 152 sqq.

286 The Lutheran Movement in England.
tuted not that we might, thereby bring anything to Christ, but
that he might bring something to us. So the reading and
preaching of the Word, bring with them the very grace which
the Word proclaims.
The sacrificial element is when we bring something to God.
There are two forms of sacrifice, the propitiatory and the eu-
charistic. Under the New Testament, there is but one propitia
tory sacrifice, viz., that of our Lord and Sa'viour Jesus Christ,
made by both his active and passive obedience throughout life,
and finally offered once for all upon the altar of the cross. Eu ¦
charistic sacrifices are those of prayer, praise and thanksgiving,
made in response to what is given us in Word and sacraments.
In every true act of worship, there is a reciprocation between
the sacramental and sacrificial elements. God gives through
Word and sacraments ; and we give back to him in prayer and
praise. The fundamental element in every Service must be the
sacramental ; for God must give to us, before our faith can render
worship, good works, etc. Hence the fundamental principle
of Lutheran worship is that the individual Service must never
consist merely of sacrificial parts, but must always have some
thing sacramental, /. e. the application of Word and Sacraments.
For the sacramental is the divine address ; and the sacrificial,
the human answer.
In the Romish worship, the sacramental element was crowded
out by the sacrificial. The Mass, instead of being a sacrament,
was made a sacrifice ; and that, too, a propitiatory sacrifice.
By becoming a sacrifice, it ceased to be a real means of grace.
God's act, they changed into man's work. Man's believing and
thankful reception they transformed into a meritorious transac
tion whereby to purchase grace. Hence participation in the
Eucharist was regarded unimportant. If it be a sacrifice made
for us, even our presence is unnecessary. So the Word need not
be understood when read. Presence, at its public reading,
whatever the language, becomes a propitiatory act.
In the Reformed Church, the sacramental was also crowded

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service, 287
out by the sacrificial element ; but in another way. In antago
nizing the Romish propitiatory-sacrifice, they make the
Service almost entirely Eucharistic-sacrificial. As is well known,
Zwingli denied the reality of means of grace. The application
of grace is conceived of as occurring immediately from Spirit to
spirit. The constant presence of the Holy Spirit with the Word
and Sacraments is denied. All liturgical acts are expressions
of faith already wrought. The sacraments offer nothing from
the Lord, but the faith or piety of those celebrating them. The
Word does not bring the Spirit ; but the Spirit brings the Word.
Through the exposition of the Word, the preacher simply gives
testimony as to his faith. Believers come together chiefly by
common prayer, confession, praise, thanksgiving, etc., to exer
cise their faith.
The Lutheran Church, laying emphasis upon both elements,
provides for both, throughout every part of her Service. They
interpenetrate each other, the sacramental always evoking the
sacrificial-eucharistic, and the sacrificial-eucharistic never occur-
ing except as the sacramental has preceded. And yet, as we
shall see, certain parts of the Service are predominantly sacra
mental, and others predominantly sacrificial.
With this principle understood, we proceed to the presentation
of the Service : I. THE PREPARATORY SERVICE
A. Confession.
In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen.
Beloved in the Lord ! Let us draw near with a true heart, and confess
our sins unto God, our Father, beseeching him, in the name of our Lord
Jesus Christ, to grant us forgiveness.
Our help is in the name of the Lord.
Who made hedven and earth.
I said, I will confess my transgressions unto the Lord.
And thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin.
Almighty God, our Maker and Redeemer, we poor sinners confess tmto
thee, that we are by nature sinful and unclean, and that we have sinned
against thee by thought, word and deed. ^Vherefore we flee for refuge to

288 The Lutheran Movement in England.
thine infinite mercy, seeking and imploring thy grace, for the sake of our Lord
Jesus Christ. O most merciful God, who hast given thine only begotten Son
to die for us, have mercy upon us, and for his sake, grant us remission of all our
sins ; and, by thy Holy Spirit, increase in us true knowledge of thee, and of thy
wUl, and trae obedience to thy word, to the end that by thy grace we may
come to everlasting Ufe, through Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen.
This does not belong to the Service properly so called. The
Service of the Mass does not have it as such. The Consensus of
the Lutheran liturgies of the Sixteenth Century does not contain
it. It has its origin in the Confiteor or Praeparatio tn Missam, said
by the officiating priest for himself, first secretly, but in course
of time, pubHcly, before beginning the service.'' Thence re.vised,
so as to exclude the Roman errors, it was transferred to a num
ber, but not the majority, of the Lutheran services. Thus the
Brandenburg-Niirnberg Order begins: "When the priest
comes to the altar, he may say the Confiteor, or whatever his
meditation suggests." Even an earlier Order (Strassburg, 1524)
prescribes it in a form similar to that here given.' The form
adopted is that of Mecklenburg, 1552.* The structure of the
Confession is not manifest in the English translation. The Ger
man is : " Ich armer silndiger Mensch," showing that it is the
officiating minister, who begins under the deep sense of his un
worthiness of that which his office communicates (Is. 6 : 5 sq.).
Then, in the second part of the prayer, the people join, or as in
the Meckenburg Order, a second minister. There is also pro
gress in the thought. The first is a general prayer for God's
mercy ; the second, passing to what is more specific, presents
the plan of salvation, with the prayer that God would fulfil his
' Confiteor Deo Omnipotenti, beatae Mariae semper virgini, beato Michaeli
archangelo . omnibus Sanctis et vobis, fratres, quia peccavi nimis cogitatione,
verbo et opere. Mea culpa, mea culpa, mea maxima culpa. Ideo precor
beatam Mariam semper virginem — et vos fratres orare pro me ad Dominum,
Deum nostrum. Then his fellow ministrants continue : Misereatur tui Om
nipotens Deus, et dimissis peccatis tuis perducat te ad vitam aetemam.
' See above Chapter xxii.
* Richter, 11:122.

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 289
promises connected with that plan. The second petition has
almost the force of an absolution by his congregation, of the min
ister who has prayed the first petition, and, at the same time, joins
therewith the congregation's prayer for the same blessing. In
the first petition,a most important addition has been made to the
Confiteor of the Roman Order, in that Original Sin is included,
and made prominent. The German traces sin from the act to its
source in Original Sin ; the English begins with the source, and
shows how it has developed in outward manifestations.
B. The Declaration of Grace.
Almighty God ; our heavenly Father, hath had mercy upon us, and given
His only Son to die for us, and for His sake forgiveth us all our sins. To
them that believe on His Name, He also giveth power to become the sons
of God, and bestoweth upon them His Holy Spirit. He that believeth, and
is baptized shall be saved. Grant this, O Lord, unto us all. Amen.
In this form, the declaration is found in Mecklenburg, 1552.
It is often, but improperly, called an absolution. An absolu
tion is, however, the individualization of the general promise
of the Gospel, the application to the individual of the forgive
ness which is offered to all. Such absolution cannot be spoken
to an entire congregation, or even to two or three persons, but
only to one. In a wide sense, the term general, as distinguished
from private or personal, absolution may be used. But such gen
eral absolution occurs wherever the Word of God is preached.
Any other form of general absolution detracts either from preach
ing, on the one hand, or from the personal absolution on the
other. The subject was involved in controversy at Niirnberg in
1533) where Brentz and Osiander objected to the custom which
previously obtained.*' Brentz urged that it could not be a true
absolution, since it is nowhere read in Scripture, that a mixed
assembly could be absolved, in which are found unbelievers, fan
atics, impenitents, adulterers, usurers, drunkards, murderers, and
where none asks for absolution ; that such absolution would be
Tor details see Kliefoth, II : 33S sqq.
20

290 The Lutheran Movement in England.
either conditional, /. e. I absolve you, if you have repentance
and faith, or unconditional, i. e. I absolve, you whether you have
or have not repentance and faith. But a conditional absolution
is no absolution ; and an unconditional absolution of such kind,
"is a lie and blasphemy." Luther and the Wittenberg Faculty
tried to mediate between the two sides. ° But Brentz more coil-
sistently carried out the Lutheran principle. In the Reformed
churches, the public absolution is not objectional, since, accord
ing to the Reformed conception, the absolution does not
communicate that which it announces.
We have here, therefore, not an absolution, but only a declara
tion of the Order of Salvafion, and its general offer to the sinners
who have confessed. A more admirable and thoroughly logical
statement could scarcely be framed :
I . God's General Benevolence. His Antecedent Will.
{a.) His pity for fallen man. " Hath had mercy upon us,"
/. e. from all eternity, as he foresaw our fall.
{b.) His provision for man's recovery.
"And given his only son to die for us."
{c.) The fruits of this mercy and redemption.
" For his sake forgiveth us all our sins." All being redeemed
by Christ, all through Christ are potentially forgiven. There is
forgiveness for all, though all do not avail themselves of it.
2. God's Special Benevolence, His Consequent Will,
{a.) The Manner; {b.) The Means, by which the forgiveness
provided for all is bestowed. The manner — Faith, Regener
ation, the Holy Spirit. The means — Faith, Baptism.
3. Prayer that the Holy Spirit may work this faith, and apply
to each heart the forgiveness which, for Christ's sake, belongs
to it.
In Dober's Mass (1525) where the outlines of this form are
found, it ends: "Be it to each according to his faith. Pray
God for me. I also will do Hkewise." (Lohe).
8 See De Wette's Luthet^s Briefen, IV : 480 sqq.

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 291
THE service proper.
Lohe has said that every complete Service is a mountain with
two summits : The preaching of the Word is one, the adminis
tration of the sacrament is the other. As Sinai is higher than
Horeb, so the latter rises above the former. We reach both by
a gradual recent. First Act— The Word.
Part I. A. The Introit. The normal Lutheran service al
ways begins with the Introit. " In this there is complete agree
ment among all Lutheran Orders until the middle of the
XVII. Century" (Kliefoth), the only exceptions being in the
occasional use of introductory hymns or psalms, and the confes
sional service just considered. To what has been, already said in
chapter XX., we add the following :
The Introits appear first in Gregory the Great, and in the es
sential form which they have since had. Every Introit consists
of three parts : An Antiphon, a Psalm and the Gloria Patri.
The Antiphon presents, by means of a brief passage of Scripture
(with a few exceptions from the Psalms), the leading thought of
the particular day. The Psalm is a brief passage from the Psalms,
in which the joy of the heart at what the Antiphon announces,
finds expression. Originally an entire Psalm was chanted here.
This usage can be traced from the fact that, of the sixty-one
Introits included in the appended table, fiftv-two have as the
Psalm-verse, the first verse of the Psalm used, the intention gen
erally being that the entire Psalm should follow. Where the
verse is not the first of a Psalm, the Introit, as a rule, has begun
with the first verse, or first and second verses, which is then
followed by the rest of the Psalm.

292

The Lutheran Movement in England,

TABLE OF introits.

Antiphon.

Psalm,

I. Sunday in Advent

Ps. 25 : 1-3 a.
¦ Zach. 9 : 4.

25:4.

II. " *' "

Is. 30 : 30.
. Is. 30 : 29.

80:1.

III. " "

PhU. 4: 4-6.

85:1.

IV. " "

Is. 45 : 8.

19:1.

Christmas.

Is. 9 : 6.

98 : 1.

Sunday after Christmas.

(Ps.93: 5,2).

9S il

Circumcision.

(Ps.8:l,4).

ls. 63 : 16.

Epiphany.

Mai. 3: I.

Ps. 72 : I,

I. Simday afler Epiphany.

/Is. 6: I.
\ Rev. 19 : 6.

100 : I.

IL " " "

Ps. 66 : 4.

66 : I, 2.

III., IV., V. "

Ps. 97 : 7, 8.

97:1.

VI. Sunday " ¦•

Ps. 77 : 18.

84:1.

Septuagesima,

Ps. 18 : 5, 6.

18: 1,2.

Sexagesima.

Ps. 44 : 23-25.

44: I-

Quinquagesima.

Ps. 31 : 2, 3.

31:1.

Ash Wednesday.

Ps. 57: 2; I b.

57 : I a.

I. Sunday in Lent.

Ps. 91 : 15, 16.

91:1.

II. " " '•

Ps. 25 : 6, 2 b., 22.

25:1-

IIL « " "

Ps. 25 : IS, 16.

25:1.

T'y M « ((

Is. 66 : 10.

122 : I.

Y* ^l ^^ u

¦ Ps. 43 : I, 2.

43:3.

"yj <« <c ((

Ps. 22 : 19, 21.

22 : I.

Monday in Holy Week.

Ps. 35 : I. 2.

35:3.

Tuesday and Thursday in H.W

. Gal. 6 : 14.

46 : I.

Wednesday in Holy Week.

PhU. 2 : 10, 8.

5 : I, 2.

Good Friday.

Is. 53: 3-6.

5:1.2.

( Ps. 139 : 18, 5, 6.

139 : 1, 2.

Easter.

\ or,

(. Luke 24 : 6 a., 5 b., 6 b..
,7. 8:Sb.,6a.
First Sunday after Easter.
I Pet. 2 : 2.
81 :i.
Second " " "
Ps.33:5.6.
33:1-
Third " " "
Ps. 66 : I, 2.
66:3.
Fourth " " "
Ps. 98 : I a., 2 b.
98 : 1 b.
Fiffli " " "
Is. 48 : 20.
100: 1.
Ascension Day.
Acts I : II.
47: I.
Sunday after Ascension.
Ps. 27 : 7, 9.
27:1.
Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service, 293

Antiphon.

Psalm.

Whitsunday.

fWisd. 1:7a.
\ Ps. 68 : 3.

68:1.

Trinity Sunday.

Partly from Job 12:6.
Partly ecclesiastical.
or,
Is. 6 : 3.
Rom. 11: 36.
8:1
8:1.
First Sunday after
Trinity.
Ps. 13 •• 5, 6.
13:1-
Second "
«
Ps 18 : 18 b., 19.
18 : I, 2 a.
Third "
t(
Ps. 25 : 16, 18.
25 : I, 2 a.
Fourth «
^t
Ps. 27 : I, 2.
27:3.
Fifth " "
ti
Ps. 27 : 7, 9 b.
27 : I a.
Sixth
u
Ps. 28 : 8, 9.
28:1.
Seventh " "
ll
Ps. 47: I.
47:3-
Eighth " "
"
Ps. 48 : 9, 10.
48: I.
Ninth " "
ll
Ps. 54:4,5.
54:1
Tenth " "
u
Ps 55: 16, 18 a, 19 a., 22 a
55 : I
Eleventh "
il
Ps 68:5 b., 6 a., 35 b
68: I
Twelfth "
ll
Ps. 70 : 1,2 a.
70 : 2 b.
Thirteenth Sunday after Trinity
Ps. 74 :20 a., 21 a., 23 a.
74:1.
Fourteenth "
li tt
Ps. 84 : 9, 10 a.
84: I.
Fifteenth "
It tt
Ps. 86 : I a., 2 b., 3.
86:4.
Sixteenth "
ll tt
Ps.86:3,5.
86 : I a.
Seventeenth "
tt tt
Ps. 119: 137, 124.
119: I.
Eighteenth "
tl It
Eccles. 36 : 16, 17 a-
122 : I.
Nineteenth Simday after Trinity.
fPs. 35:3 b.
ity. \ jgs. 34 : 1-7.
( Ps. 48 : 14 a.
78:1.
48: 1.
f Dan. 9 : 14 b.
Twentieth Sunday after Trinity. J Song of the Three Children
¦' ¦' '. Ps. 119: 124. [3: 20.
[Ps 51: I-
Twenty-first Sunday aft. Trinity. Esther 13: 9, 10, 11. 119:1.
Twenty-second " " " Ps. 130: 3, 4. 130 : i, 2 a.
Twenty-third " " " Jer. 29: 11, 12, 14. 85 : I.
Twenty-fourth " " " Ps. 95 : 6, 7. 95 : I.
Twenty-fifth " « " Ps. 31 : 9 a., 15 b. 31:1.
Twenty-sixth " " " Ps. 54:1,^:. 54:5.
Twenty-seventh or whenever last Sunday occurs, repeat Introit for Twenty-
third.
294 The Lutheran Movement in England.
The Introit was chanted as the minister entered the church.
Some derived the name, from the fact that originally a Psalm
was sung by the choir, as the people entered. The Antiphon
was chanted by the choir, representing the choras of angels that
chanted at Bethlehem, or. as Gerbert suggests, the chorus of Old
Testament prophets,' and the Psalm formed the response of the
congregation. The chanting of the Introit by the congregation,
was deemed inappropriate, since it is its office to announce to
the congregation what God has for it on that day. The opening
word for the Introit gave the name of the day. Hence Cantate^
Rogate, Jubilate, Sundays. The Gloria Patri follows every
Psalm, and hence its position here, after the Psalm-verse. Orig
inally its form was : " Glory to the Father, through the Son, in
the Holy Ghost," or "Glory to the Father, in the Son, and the
Holy Ghost." But from the time of the Arian controversy, it
assumed its present form. So also "As it was in the begin
ning," etc., was added first in the East, and afterwards in the
West, as the Council of Vaison (A. D. 529) declares: "Be
cause of the craftiness of heretics, maintaining that the Son of
God was not always with the Father, but had begun to be in
time." B. The Kyrie. The glory of the divine goodness manifested
by what the Introit has announced, has been celebrated in the
Gloria Patri. But the greater the manifestation of divine good
ness, the deeper the humiliation. The Kyrie is not a confession
of sin, but a confession of wretchedness to be borne as a conse
quence of sin now forgiven, as long as life lasts, Rom. 7: 24.
When the blind man cried out "Thou Son of David, have
mercy on me," Matth. 9: 27, he did not confess his sins, but
prayed that his infirmity might, be removed. So we also pray
for the removal of the blindness which obstructs from us the full
light of heavenly grace. Even amidst the glory of New Testa
ment light, the sighing of the Old Testament prophets is heard.
' " The choir as the voice of the Church Universal, specifically of the O.
T. Church." Schoeberlein Liturgische Ausiau, p. 246.

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 295
Is. 33 : 2 : "0 Lord be gracious unto us; we have waited for
thee." From the Kyrie, the Litany seems to have originated,
(Calvor). According to pre-Reformation practice, the Kyrie is
sometimes said in Greek in our Lutheran churches. The reason
may be learned from that suggested by Bona for its use in Greek
in the Roman Mass. "The Latins say the Kyrie in Greek;
they also say Amen, Hallelujah, Sabaoth, and Hosanna in He
brew, perhaps to show that there is one Church, consisting first
of Hebrews and Greeks, and then also of Latins." He adds
that thus the mysteries of the faith are transmitted in the three
tongues in which the superscription above the cross was written,
and quotes from Augustine (Epistle 178), that "just as by the
term Homoousion one substance of the Trinity is believed by all
the faithful, so by the Kyrie Eleison the nature of one God is be
sought by all Latins and barbarians, to be merciful." In per
fect harmony with this, Bugenhagen says in the Brunswick Order
of 153 1 : "It would be well that, as we do not change the He
brew words '^w^«,' 'Hallelujah,' 'Hosanna,' after the exam
ple of the Holy Apostles, who although in the New Testament,
they wrote Greek, did not change those words ; so also we would
translate the Kyrie Eleison and Christe Eleison, which are
Greek, into German. . . By Greek 'writing, the whole New
Testament has been produced, and we dare not so completely
cast aside everything that is Greek. You can easily understand,
unless you obstinately despise it, when you are once told that
' Kyrie Eleison ' means ' Lord, have mercy,' and ' Christe Elei
son,' 'Christ, have mercy.' But if you want to be so rigidly
German, you must not even say ' Christ, have mercy,' but ' Du
Gesalbter, have mercy.' "
C. The Gloria in Excelsis. The minister now comforts the
congregation. He has gone down with them into the depths
of their wretchedness, and now, from these depths, he looks up,
and bids them look up with him, "unto the hills whence cometti
their help." At once, faith in the hearts ofthe people is roused
to action, and takes the word from God's lips. First, in the song

296 The Lutheran Movement in England.
of the angels, they celebrate the divine goodness. Then again,
the contrast between God's Love and their disposition towards
it, awakens within the Gloria a second Kyrie. Then once more,
the thought of their own need is forgotten, as the song of tri
umph in the three-fold ascription of Glory to Christ alone, ends
the strain. The " Gloria Major " is without doubt one of the
very oldest hymns of the Christian Church. It is sometimes,
though without sufficient evidence, ascribed to Bishop Teles-
phorus (127-138), by others, to Hilary, bishop of Poictiers
(t368), although it is probably earlier. It is found in the
"ApostoHcal Constitutions" (Second or Third Century),
which sufficiently establishes its Eastern origin. It occurs there
in the following form : " Glory be to God in the highest, and
upon earth peace, good-will among men. We praise Thee, we
glorify Thee, we worship Thee by Thy great High Priest ; Thee,
who art the true God, who art the One Unbegotten, the only
accessible Being. For Thy great glory, O Lord and heavenly
King, O God the Father Almighty, O Lord God, the Father
of Christ, the immaculate Lamb, who taketh away the sin of the
world, receive our prayer, Thou that sittest upon the cherubim.
For thou only art holy. Thou only art the Lord Jesus, the Christ
of the God of all created nature, and our King, by whom glory,
honor and worship be to Thee." Luther says that it neither
grew, nor was made upon earth, but came directly from Heaven.
With the Gloria in Excelsis, the first part of the act of the
Word ceases. The congregation has been prepared for the
Word itself, and then proceeds to its reception. The Sacrificial
element has thus far prevailed. Now the sacramental is to pre
ponderate. Part II. — A. — The Salutation introduces the sacramental
part of the Service, whether it be the administration of Word or
Sacrament, that is to follow. Through his minister, Christ sa
lutes us when about to make his abode within us. Thus the an
gel to the virgin, Luke i : 23. The Response follows Ruth 2 : 4,"
or 2 Tim. 4; 22. The Salutation and Response are not, however.

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service, 297
confined to the sacramental act. As seen in the Matin and
Vesper Services, they belong to the Collects. " By this frequent
repetition of this greeting and Response, the bonds of love and
unity between pastor and people are tied anew." (Lohe).
" The meaning is : ' May the Lord abide in you, and give effi
cacy to your petitions ' (Durandus), or the priest says that he is
at peace with both clergy and people (Damianus), or the atten
tion is aroused to prayer (Rupertus) ; for it is not God nor
Christ, but ' the Lord be with you,' since ' Lord ' signifies power
(Turrecrem)." (Gavanti). The minister prays for his people.
The people pray for their minister ; and then they unitedly pray
for one another.
B. The Collects. The "Let us pray," indicates that the
people are to join in the prayer, which may be done either silently
or in subdued voice. Again we refer to what is said in Chapter
XX. As the Collect is to be a prayer of the people, the earlier
Lutheran Orders evidently restricted the number, in order that
those well known to the people.might be used. As originally in
the Gregorian Order, only one Collect was to be used. The
meaning ofthe term is not certain. It is either the united or the
collected prayer of the entire congregation — the minister has
prayed for his people in the Salutation, and they have prayed for
the minister in the Response — or a prayer made by a collected
congregation, or a prayer that collects and concentrates the
thought of Gospel and Epistle. Its office here is to prepare the
congregation for the reception of the special Word, pertaining to
the day, announced by the Introit, and now about to be read.
The Collects for the Sundays and chief festivals are almost en
tirely of Pre-Reformation origin, from the Leonine (440), Ge
lasian (492), and Gregorian (596) Sacramentaries.
The following may be noted, as Leonine : III. Sunday after
Easter, IV. XII. and XIII. after Trinity. Gelasian : II. , IIL,
IV. Advent, Christmas Eve, Christmas Day, I. Other Collect
for Advent, Palmaram, Easter Eve, Easter Day, II. , IV. V. after
Easter, Sunday after Ascension, I., IIL. V., VI, VIL, VIII.,

298 The Lutheran Movement in England.
IX., X., XI., XIV., XV., XVIL, XVIII., XIX., XX. after
Trinity. Gregorian : I. Advent, Sunday after Christmas, II.
Other CoHect for Advent, Epiphany, I., II., III., IV., V. after
Epiphany, Septuagesima, Sexagesima, Quinquagesima, II. , III.,
IV., V. Sundays in Lent, Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday in
Holy Week. Other Easter Collects, I. after Easter, I. for As
cension, Whitsunday, Monday, in Whitsun-week, XVL, XXL,
XXIL, XXIII , XXIV. after Trinity.' In comparing them with
the Anglican Collects, it must be remembered that, after the
Third Sunday after Trinity, the Anglican Collects fall one Sun
day behind, and that elsewhere, as in the first three Sundays in
Advent, the Anglicans have composed new Collects, while we
retain the ancient Collects.
The structure of the Collect is always the same. It embraces
one main petition, consists of but one sentence, asks through the
merits of Christ, and ends with an ascription to the Holy Trin
ity. Its parts as well analyzed by English writers, such as Neale,*
are: i. Invocation. 2. Antecedent Reason. 3. Petition. [4.
Benefit]. 5. Conclusion, The fourth part is not always found.
The conclusions are uniform even when not so designated. If to
the Father : "Per Dominum nostram Jesum Christum, Filium
tuum, qui tecum vivit et regnat in unitate Spiritus sancti, Deus
per omnia saecula saeculorum ; " if to the Son: "qui vivis et
regnas cum Deo Patre in unitate," etc. "That no prejudice
may be shown the other persons of the Godhead, not addressed
in the prayer." (Gavanti).
There are no versicles for the Collects at this part of the ser
vice. The Collect is followed by the "Amen," to be said or
^ From Gerbert's Monumenta veteris Liturgiae Alemannicae, supplemented
by Muratori's Liturgia Romana.
'The distribution can be traced, as far back as Thomas Aquinas (Summa
Summarum. 2, 2. Q. 83, Art. XVII.,) who tries to apply to it I Tim. 2:
I . He says : "In the Collect for Trinity Sunday, ' Almighty and Ever
lasting God ' pertains to the raising of the mind to God ; ' Who hast given
unto us Thy servants^ pertains to thanksgiving ; ' We beseech Thee that Thou
wouldest keep; pertains to petition ; ' Through our Lord,' to supplication.''

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 299
sung by the congregation, according to i Cor. 14 : 10; Neh. 8 : 6.
The Lessons. That there are two lessons, the Epistle
and the Gospel, is traceable to the Service of the synagogue,
where on every Sabbath, a lesson from the Law and one from
the prophets, was read. The entire Pentateuch was divided into
sections corresponding to the weeks of the year, so that it was
annually read through.
C. The Epistle is the Word of the Christian Law ; with all
its greater depth and breadth as set forth in the New Testament.
In his first liturgical writing, the Formula Missae, Luther has
not understood this, when he attacks the selections made, on the
ground that they are not such epistle lessons as treat of faith and
Christ. " The Epistle which is read before the Gospel pertains to the
ministry of John." (Gerbert Monumenta Veteris Liturgiae,
III: 151). The Epistle is taken sometimes from the Old, and
sometimes from the New Testament. For John was the way be
tween those who preceded and followed, intermediate between
Apostles and Prophets. For the Law and Prophets were until
John. 'What is the Law,' asks Justin Martyr. 'The Gospel
which is proclaimed. What is the Gospel The Law which is
fulfilled.' St. Augustine : ' In the Old and New Testaments the
things are the same ; but there they are adumbrated, here re
vealed; there prefigured,' here manifested. On Lord's Days
the Epistle is conformed to the Law from the New Testament,
since now we are under the law of grace, which, since the resur
rection, the Lord's Day represents, and which now illumines the
whole world. The Epistle precedes : i. Because it designates
the ofiSce which John exercised before Christ ; for he went be
fore the face of the Lord to prepare his ways. (Rupert, Inno
cent, Alex, de Ales., Durand.) 2. Because the Apostles were
sent two and two before the Lord. {Alcuin). 3. Because God
does not make the manifestation of his power and goodness all
at once ; but first less, and afterwards more. What he spoke
himself contains more perfect manifestation than what he spoke

300 The Lutheran Movement in England.
by the Apostles. 4. That the mind of t\ie hearers may advance
from the reception of what is less to what is greater, and thus
gradually ascend from the lowest to the highest (Walafried
Strabo.) (J. S. Durantus, De Ritibus Ecc. Catholicae.y
D. Hallelujah, With the consciousness of the forgiveness
of sins imparted by the preceding pai't of the Service, the con
gregation receives even the Law with joy. Having in view the
Gospel which is still to be read, the Law has lost its terrors ; it
is written in the heart, Heb. 8 : 10, and hence is greeted with
an exultant "Hallelujah."
This is an inheritance from the Jewish Church, and hence
comes appropriately after the Christian Law. So often does it
occur in Ps. 11 3-1 18, that this section of the Psalms is often
called "The Great Hallelujah." It is probable that the latter
portion of this (Ps. 11 5-1 18) was chanted by our Lord as "the
hymn," at the last passover. Thus it points to his sacrifice. In
Rev. 19 : I, it is the triumphant hymn of the hosts of Heaven.
Hence it is not translated, since it belongs no more to any par
ticular language of earth, but to the vocabulary of spiritually
minded men and angels. This explains Luther's rule that it
must never be omitted from the service. " Allelujah enim vox
perpetua est ecclesiae, sicut perpetua est memoria passionis et vie.
toriae ejus." Later Lutheran usage, following that of the early
Church, has sanctioned its suppression during the Passion Season,
upon the principle that Luther's rale, if strictly applied, would
forbid all penitential services.
In connection with the Hallelujah, a prolific musical and poe
tical growth of graduals, sequences, proses, tracts and hymns
arose. They prolonged and complicated the Service. Even
Cardinal Bona maintains that "some very fooHsh ones crept
in."" But the chief objection was the doctrinal impurity by
which they were pervaded. Some of our best hymns came from
this source. Luther translated a number of them ; and if a pure
* Editio Lugduni, 1675, p. 241.
^^ Rerum Liturgicarum Libri, III : I41.

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 301
hymnody o^ sufficient extent could have arisen, the Hallelujah
would have had more extensive supplement than now. In his
Formula Missae, Luther specifies a few whose retention he ap
proved. E. The Gospel, Here we find not only the summit of the
First Act reached, but the saving deed which the day celebrates,
is clearly declared. It is no longer the Apostolic doctrine con
ceming Christ, but it is Christ Himself who is evidently set
forth. We see Him in all his concrete personality move before
us ; we hear his very words. Hence we rise in reverent ador
ation. In former days, men of war unsheathed their swords and
listened with drawn weapons, ready to defend the trath of that
which was heard. Elsewhere, weapons previously in hand, were
laid down, in adoration of the Great Conqueror, before whose
words all earthly power must yield. The infirm laid away their
staffs, and listened with uncovered heads. In the Ethiopic Or
der, the Gospel was introduced by the words : " Arise and hear
the Gospel and good message of our Lord and Saviour Jesus
Christ." F. " Glory be to Thee, O Lord," not only expresses the first
bound of joy at the very announcement of a message from the
Lord, but also enables the congregation to rise without any awk
ward break in the Service.
"Praise be to Thee, O Lord," is usual in our Lutheran litur.
gies. It is an appropriate doxology in response to the Gospel,
and marks the close ofthe second part of the Act of the Word.
Those who superficially object to it, that it sounds as though the
people were thankful that an end had come to the lesson, may
answer whether then the singing of a doxologyat the close ofthe
Service, would not mean that the people are thankful that a te
dious sermon has ended. Profane criticism can ridicule any
thing sacred.
Part III. A. The Creed. This is introductory and subordi
nate to the Sermon. In a few Orders, it directly follows ; but in
most, it precedes. In the latter case, its office is to give a sum-

30 2 The Lutheran Movement in England.
mary of the faith as a whole before the minister expMids the part
contained in the Gospel for the day. The whole horizon of the
faith sweeps before the view, and, then, the hearers are prepared
to enter the one limited part. Where it follows the Sermon, as
in the Reformation of Cologne, it is as the affirmative answer to
the Sermon. Another explanation is sometimes given : "The
Creed is recited after the Gospel, that while, by the Holy Gos
pel, there is faith unto righteousness ; by the Creed, there may
be confession with the mouth unto salvation." (Durandus).
''After Christ has spoken to his people, it is proper for them to
express their belief the more ardently and intently, as it is ¦writ
ten in the Gospel of John that they did, who had heard the word
from the Samaritan woman." (Gerbert).
The Creed generally prescribed in Lutheran Liturgies, is the
Nicene. There is precedent for the Apostles' Creed, and that,
too, in the earlier Orders, Doeber's (1525) and Bugenhagen's, of
the same year ; but this is rare. The Apostles' Creed, as the
Baptismal Confession, belongs properly to the Baptismal Service,
and the subordinate weekly and daily services. The Nicene
Creed is the Communion Confession, and belongs whenever this
is administered ; the two Creeds corresponding to the two Sac
raments. Luther's metrical version of the Nicene, was more com
mon and occasionally, even the Athanasian was used, as on Trin
ity Sunday and at Ordinations. The Te Deum also was used
at times. Because of its confessional character, the latter was
sometimes called the " Ambrosian-Augustinian Symbol."
B. The Sermon. A number of our Orders provide for this
under the direction : " Explanation of the Gospel. ' ' The whole
Service is thrown into confusion, if that towards which its several
parts lead be neglected, and some other than the focal topic be
introduced. Not that which for the moment is nearest the heart
of the minister, nor that which is nearest the heart of the indi
vidual members, but that which is so arranged that the entire
contents of the divine AVord are unfolded and communicated in
a complete cycle, will afford most permanent edification, and

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 303
maintain the interest of devout people. The service of the min
ister on the pulpit ends with the Votum, intended to summon
the people to join in the succeeding psalmody, with which they
are occupied, while he descends fi-om the pulpit, and takes his
place before the altar.
C. The Offertory. This is so difl^erent fi-om the Offertory
in the Roman Mass, that it seems scarcely proper to retain the
name. As we use it, the reference is to psalmody, " adapted
either to the Sermon, or to repentance, or to the Holy Supper."
(Calvor). D. The General Prayer, Here the analogy of the Roman
Mass has been foUoi^ ed. The General Prayer has its origin in
the long series of petitions attached to the Roman Offertory,
which were mostly connected with the worship of saints, prayers
for the dead, etc. The Lutheran Church, going back to a purer
tradition, and eliminating these elements, found th).s the proper
place to pray for all sorts and conditions of men. For the cry
of repentance has led to the thought that there are others com
prehended in the same sin, the same redemption, and the same
forgiveness. The office of the General Prayer is, therefore, to present most
forcibly the Church as the communion of saints, 'where the end
of all our prayers for men, is that they may be brought to repent
ance and feith, and, through repentance and faith, experience
the fiillness of the divine blessings, both temporal and etemal.
Luther presented, as a proper form for general prayer, a paraphrase
of the Lord's Prayer, expanding its petitions at length, and was
followed in this by a number of Orders, Elsewhere the Litany
or the Te Deum was u-sed, or several Collects were combined, as
in the Brandenburg-Niirnberg of 1533. The first General Prayer
of the Common Service is, except the first paragraph, in the Strass
burg Order of 1598, and is probably considerably older. In its
main features, it is fotmd in the Austrian Order of 15 71.
The Litany, presented for use in many of the Orders, where
there is no communion, was greatly changed by Luther in his re-

304 The Lutheran Movement in England,
vision of 1529, as shown above in Chapter XVIII. He trans
posed " from all sin " to before " all evil ;" inserted " by thine
agony and bloody sweat," " in all time of our tribulation, in all
time of our prosperity;" changed to its present form, " to pre
serve all pastors and ministers," etc. ; and either originated or
greatly enlarged all the intercessions of the same group. In the
second group, only the first intercession is in the Roman Mass ;
the rest are by Luther. The third group is entirely by Luther.
In the fourth, he amended "omnibus benefactoribus" so as to
read " hostibus, persecutoribus et calumniatoribus nostris," i. e.
where the old Litany reads : "To repay everything good to our
benefactors," Luther reads: "To forgive our enemies, perse
cutors and slanderers, and to turn their hearts." This is a fulfil
ment ofthe passage : "Ye have heard that it hath been said by
them of old, etc., but I say unto you," Matth. 5 : 21 sqq. The
prayers at the close of the Litany, he reduced to the form of
Collects, and greatly changed. Thus, except at the beginning,
it is almost a new Litany. Its structure has been analyzed as
follows: I. The Simple Kyrie. 2. Invocations. 3. Depreca
tions, beginning "from." 4. Obsecrations, beginning "by"
and ' in." 5. Intercessions, through the prayer for "ene
mies." 6. Supplications, for " fruits of the earth," and "an
swer to prayer." 7. The expanded Kyrie. 8. Simple Kyrie.
9. Lord's Prayer. 10. Versicles, and Collects. " It is the
general prayer of the Christian Church under all necessities and
conditions. We must carefully avoid narrowing its significance.
It is not e. g. a mere penitential prayer ; like every trae prayer,
it contains this element, but is not confined to this. It is a
prayer in every necessity, not only against sin, but also against
all evil. It is not a mere cry of anguish, belonging only to
times of trouble ; it is a prayer not merely against all evil, but
for all good. The Pomeranian Agende goes so far as to pre
scribe the Litany for the Saturday Vesper Service in the place
of the Magnificat, and to have it sung in one and the same
week-day Service with, and, that too, even before the Te

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service, 30S
Deum." '" Luther pronounced it, next the Lord's Prayer, the
very best that could be made.
second act. the communion.
On the relation of the Communion, to the rest of the Service :
" To Luther, Word and Sacraments are the objective founda
tions of the Church, and, accordingly, the objective factors
of the Service, as the means of grace whereby the individual
comes into possession of the blessings of salvation ; the Lord's
Supper especially as a sacrament i? regarded not merely the high
est and most impressive announcement and assurance of grace
but also as the objective sealing of grace. Hence the Lord's
Supper forms the summit of the Service, as well on its objective,
as on its subjective side : inasmuch as in the celebration of the
sacrament the gracious declaration of the Gospel is completed
and given especial power, and the appropriation of salvation on
the part of the congregation is accomplished. Hence while the
Service has indeed to Luther the oifice of instructing in salvation,
so far as he keeps the preaching of the Word in view, he regards it
also as a sealing of salvation, a communication of grace, not
merely in the Lord's Supper, but also in the Word. He, therefore,
finds the sum and summit ofthe entire Service in the Communion,
in the Eucharist.""
For this reason, the separation of the communion from the
preaching Service, is entirely foreign to the spirit of the Gospel
as apprehended by the Lutheran Church. The "Communion
Address," which replaces the Sermon in some churches, is an
importation from the Reformed Church, and cannot be liturgi
cally justified. There is no proper Service, without the preach
ing of the Word ; " there is no complete Service, without Word
and Sacrament.
Part I. Introduction — A. Salutation, as in beginning of Act
I., Part I. "May he be present by his grace, who is always
" Kliefoth's Liturgische Abhandlungen, VIII. ifT) p. 71.
" Koestlin's Geschichte des Christlichen Gottesdiensts,
" See Luther's Von Ordenung Gottesdiensts,

3o6 The Lutheran Movement in England,
present by his Omnipotence. For not all are with him in the
manner in which he said : " Lo, I am with you alway, nor is He
'with all, in the manner of which we say : ' The Lord be with
you.' " (Durandus).
B. The Preface. This is the oldest and most unchanged form
of the Service. It was in use already in the time of Tertullian.
It begins with the Sursum Corda, continues in the Gratias, and
is then embodied in the Dignum etjustum, with special {'proper')
prefaces for the chief festivals, chiefly from the Gregorian Sac
ramentary. (•'). The Sursum Corda, found in the Greek form: him Th.<;
xapSiaq- ix-rjdiv ¦pj'ivu-\i ^^'ijcoffiJe. "Lift up your hearts; think
of nothing earthly." An exposition of this is giv»n by Cyprian
in his treatise "On the Lord's Prayer:" "When we stand
praying, beloved brethren, we ought to be watchful and earnest
with our whole heart intent on our prayers. Let all carnal and
worldly thoughts pass away, nor let the soul at that time think
on anything, but the object only of its prayer. For this reason
also the priest, by way of preface before his prayer, prepares the
minds of the brethren by saying 'Lift up your hearts,' that so
upon the people's answer : ' We lift them up unto the Lord,'
he may be reminded that he himself ought to think of nothing
but the Lord. How can you ask to be heard of God, when you
yourself do not hear yourself?" Cyril : " It is necessary at that
important hour to lift our hearts to God, and not to sink them
to earth and. earthly things. In this sentence, therefo're, we are
commanded to relinquish, in that hour, all cares and domestic
anxieties, and to have the heart in Heaven with God, the Lover
of the human race." Augustine : " The hearts of believers are
in Heaven, because daily directed towards Heaven, when the priest
says : ' Lift up your hearts,' and they confident reply : ' We lift
them up unto the Lord.' "
{b.) Augustine's explanation of the Gratias, is : " That we lift
up our hearts to the Lord is by God's gift ; for which gift, then,
we are bidden to give thanks to our Lord God."

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 307
{c.) Dignum: " To praise God above all things is meet, so
far as God is concerned ; for he is our Lord God ; it is just, so
far as we are concerned ; because we are his people. It is meet,
because Thou hast made us by Thy pure will ; it is just, because
Thou hast redeemed us by Thy pure mercy ; it is right, because
Thou dost gratuitously justify us ; it is salutary, because Thou
dost perpetually glorify us." (Innocentius, quoted by Du
randus). C. The Sanctus. Having offered numerous petitions for the
Church on earth, the co'ngregatioii of believers now unites with
the Church in Heaven which does not need its prayers, in the an
gelic trisagion. For it is about to sit in heavenly places with
Christ Jesus. The Benedictus from the Great Hallelujah (Ps.
118; 26) ofthe Passover, added to the Sanctus, tells that Christ
is now coming to his people through his real presence in the
Lord's Supper. They are to eat and drink in remembrance not
of an absent, but of a truly present, though unseen Lord. Hence
they exclaim: " Blessed be he that cometh in the name ofthe
Lord — Hosanna." As the Sanctus emphasizes the divine, the
Benedictus emphasizes the human nature of of our Lord. Lu
ther separated the Sanctus from the Preface, in order probably
to bring the Benedictus directly before the Consecration. The
Hosanna is found in the earliest Communion Service on record,
viz , that in " The Teaching ofthe Twelve Apostles." (Chapter
IX., §6).
D. The Exhortation. Composed by Volprecht of Niirn
berg, 1525, is unliturgical, and causes a break in the Service;
since this is not the placefor preaching. It was prepared to an
swer the necessity for instracting the people, who had been
raised under Romish error, concerning the true significance of
the Lord's Supper. In the original, it is much longer. The
edifying character of its teaching has made it especially dear to
the Lutheran Church, and, even when not used, its presence
in the book gives an excellent practical exposition of the
doctrine of the Lord's Supper. The Exhortation took the

3o8 The Lutheran Movement in England.
place of the Sancta Sanctis, -en "yta zvtc; d-jf-w.:;, of the early
Church, /. e. "Holy things for holy persons." "If any one
be not hoi)', let him not approach. He does not say ' abso
lutely free from sin,' but ' holy;' for not absolute freedom from
sin, but the presence of the Spirit, makes holy." (Chrysostom).
Part II. Consecration.
The Consecration properly speaking consists only of the Words
of Institution. Accedit verbum ad elementum et fit sacramentum.
But without prayer, we cannot come at Christ's invitation, to
partake of what He is about to give.
A. The Lord's Prayer. This prayer is not really conse
cratory, so far as the elements are concerned ; but it is conse
cratory of the believers who are ready to receive the heavenly
blessings. AVe have heard: "Blessed is he that cometh in
the name of the Lord;" and in the Lord's Prayer, we go
forth to meet the coming King. " That a prayer given by the
Lord is preferred to any furnished by the Church, is explained
because at this center of the communion act, we prefer to deal
¦with the Lord alone and to use no words other than his." " The
doxology to the Prayer is here omitted. That it is not simply
the prayer of the officiating minister is manifest from the Ore
mus : "Let us pray."" The Lord's Prayer, however highly
prized in the Lord's Supper, is not an essential part ; and,
hence, is omitted in a few Orders.
B. The Words of Institution. As they here occur, they
are not offered to the congregation to awaken their faith;
but are recited to the Lord, in connection with the Lord's
Prayer, as a part of the act of prayer. Hence the minister
turns, not towards the congregation, but towards the altar,
as he reads the words. The significance of the entire act is
as though he were to say : " O Lord, we come at Thine
invitation ; for here are Thy gracious words, unto which Thou
wilt assuredly be faithful." Great stress is laid upon the neces-
" Kliefoth, VIII. (V.) 96.
" See above. Act L, Part IL, B.

Excurstis on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service, 309
sity for clearness and distinctness in the utterance, as over
against the inaudible mumbling of the Romish administration
of the Mass. The raising of chalice and paten was intended to
render everything visible as well as audible.
C. The Pax. Of this. Luther sa) s : " It is truly the voice of
the Gospel announcing the forgiveness of sins, the only and most
worthy preparation for the Lord'sTable,provided it be apprehended
by faith, in no respect different than if it proceeded from the mouth
of Christ. Hence I want it announced with face towards the
people. It is an absolution of the communicants from sin," /. e.
" Come hither, and receive from God's own Word, and through
the pledges of the very body and blood, which have been given
for thy sins, the peace of God which is in reality made ready for
thee." part III. the distribution.
A. The Agnus Dei, sung during the Service, is said to have
been introduced by Pope Sergius I. (687-700). It is based on
John 1 : 29. The Z>c«a nobis pacem ("Give us thy peace")
has been introduced since the XI. .Century ; and is a reminis
cence of the wars and general disorder of that disturbed period.
In the Lateran Church at Rome, Alt says that the old form,
without the Dona, is still maintained ; as the Church should be
an image of the heavenly Jerusalem, where already all is peace.
In the Lutheran Service, it is a beautiful response to the Pax :
God's Word: " The Peace of the Lord be with you alway."
Man's Answer: Ah, Lord, Thou knowest how we need
what Thou dost here offer. " O Lamb of God, have mercy on
me." " Grant me this, Thy peace."
B. The Distribution Proper. Then the Lord says : "Here
is that for which thou prayest. Thou hast b'een redeemed by
Christ's blood. Here is the very Body and the very Blood
which purchased thy forgiveness and salvation. Just as cer
tainly as they are here offered thee, just so certainly art thou a
redeemed sinner, for whom God has only thoughts of love.
Come, receive what God has provided thee. " Take and eat.

3IO The Lutheran Movement in England.
this is the Body of Christ, given for thee." Take me at my
word, and receive my peace.
" Given for thee," is an addition to the formula, referred to
Luther. ^ The Catechism tells us that the " for you," are "the
chief things in the sacrament," and "require truly believing
hearts." " For thee," as a formula of distribution is preferable
to "for you," since it is the oflSce of the sacrament to indivi
dualize grace.
The Benediction is found in Luther's German Mass of 1526.
" Preserve you in trae faith," is better than " in ihe trae faith,"
as the reference is to the personal faith of the believer.
The introduction in the same Orders of " trae " before Body
and Blood, is traced no fiirther than a Brandenburg-Niirnberg
Agende of 1591, and then to the Coburg of 1626. " The in
troduction of a confessional statement reflecting the violent con
troversies of the times, seems out of place, in that moment, when,
pf all others, the soul is alone with its Saviour. The acceptance
of what such formula declares, should be presupposed in every
administration. The sacramental union occurs in the sacramental action, and,
therefore, neither until, nor after the taking and eating. The
consecration is, therefore, not completed until in the distribu
tion. In his earlier liturgical ¦writings, Luther advises strongly
that the bread shall be consecrated and distributed be'bre the
'wine is consecrated. He argues that this occurred at the insti
tution of the Lord's Supper. This practice preserves the unity
of the consecration and distribution. It is adopted in the com
munion of the sick. part TS. post communion.
A. The Nunc Dimittis is found at this part of the Service in
the oldest Lutheran liturgies (Bugenhagen, 1524; Dober, 1525;
Strassburg, 1525), although not generally adopted in the XATI.
** It is not however without precedent in the Oriental Liturgies, although
not in this precise form : " Which shall be given for you." (Mozarabic).
« Klilfoth VIIL, (V.) p. 125

Excursus on tlie Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 311
Century. Casaubon, quoted by Calvor, traces it to the Liturgy
of Chrysostom, adding : "In most Protestant churches, the en
tire action of the celebration ofthe Lord's Supper, is concluded
¦with this h3mn, which the people chant on bended knees —
which is a most beautiful and holy institution."
The peace offered in the "Pax," prayed for in the "Agnus
'Dei," received in the "Distribution," is now thankfully ac
knowledged, " Now lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace."
The child of God is as near Heaven as he can be in this life ;
nearer yet he one day shall be, when this sinful flesh is entirely
put off. He is ready for the blessed exchange this very mo
ment, as he also is ready for everything assigned by his Lord.
AATiithersoever the Lord sends him, wiU he go ; whatsoever the
Lord commands him, will he do. For the peace of God is his ;
and the salvation of God is a possession, whereof he is so fully
conscious that he can exclaim : " Mine eyes have seen Thy
salvation." The use of the Nunc Dimittis accords with the practice at the
institution, Matth. 26: 30: " When they had sung a hymn,
they went out into the mount of Olives."
B. The A^ersicle. The Nunc Dimittis, however, is indivi
dual. The thanksgi-ving is yet to be rendered by the entire
congregation. This is introduced by the versicle, which ap
pears first in the Coburg KO of 1626, and afterwards was gen
erally introduced into Lutheran liturgies.
C. The Collect. That adopted in the " Common Service "
is firom Luther's German Mass of 1526, replacing the Post-Com
munion of the Roman Mass which abounded in doctrinal cor-
raptions. That heretofore used in the English churches of the
General Council is from the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Order of
1533, which, as seen elsewhere, has reappeared, in a revised
form, in the Book of Common Prayer.
D. The Benedicamus is found already in the liturgy of Chrys
ostom. The Romish Mass has it: "Benedicamus Domino."

31- The Lutheran Movement hi England.
"Deo Gratias." "Gott sei gelobet und gebenedeiet" is a Ger
man metrical rendering.
Of the Service as a v/hole, it may be said that the First Act is
variable, the Second invariable in its parts. In the First, there is
a constant change according to the day or season of the Church
Year. In the Second, whatever be the day or season, the uni
formity is almost complete. The only exception to the varia
tions of the First Act, is the permanence of Kyrie, Gloria in Ex
celsis, and Creed. The only exceptions to the permanence of
the Second Act, are the " Proper ' ' Prefaces, and, where the music
is thoroughly elaborated, the melodies of the Sanctus, Agnus
Dei and Benedicamus, changing according to the season of the
Church Year.
" In a series of acts, covering thousands of years," says Klie
foth, " God has borne his testimony to men, and has spoken to
them in thousands of words. So also every one of the people
that enters God's house, brings with him an entire world of cares
and blessings, joys, necessities, and sins. Varied, too, and
manifold, are the ways in which the Word of God finds men, and
man finds himself related to the Word. It is right, therefore, '
that the Act of the Word should present the saving deeds of God
to men in their ever fresh richness, and thus lead men to salva
tion. But all the acts of God, and all the cares and hopes of the
human breast, have one goal ; so also all divine services and all
divine dealings with men, lead to but one goal : Redemption
through the Blood of Christ. Hence it is proper, that the act of
the Service which gives his Blood, and, in it, the forgiveness of
sins, life and salvation, should also be externally one and the
same, offering the one thing for all in but one form.""
Another general remark is necessary. From the very begin
ning, the Lutheran Orders recognize that a difference must be
made between the cities where the necessary musical resources
are at hand for the full rendering of the Service, and the vil-
"VLIL(V.)i48sq.

Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service, 313
lages and country where they are absent. Care was taken that a
modified Service should be provided, in which the stracture of
the full Service and the significance of its parts were preserved
unbroken. The follo-wing is a type: i. German Hymn. 2.
Kyrie. 3. Hymn — metrical version of the Gloria in Excelsis,
4. Salutation. 5. Collect. 6. Epistle. 7. Hymn. 8. Gos
pel. 9 Metrical rendering of the Creed. 10. Sermon. 11.
General Prayer. 12. Hymn. 13. Preface. 14. Exhortation.
15. Lord's Prayer. 16. Words of Institution. 17. Distribu
tion during the singing of " Christi, Du Lamm Gottes." 18.
Post fommunion. 19. Benediction., 20. Closing Hymn.
(Liiiieberg, Calenberg, etc.)

CHAPTER XXV.
THE ANGLICAN CATECHISMS.
Cranmer's Catechism of 1548, a translation of the NUrnberg Catechism of
1533. Changes by Cranmer. Cranmer's Version of Luther's Catechism,
in full. The Niimberg Catechism's theory of " Apostolic Succession."
— Archdeacon Hook's mistake. Bicon's Catechism dependent on Lu
ther. The Catechism of Dr. John Brentz (1527), the Cassel Catechism
(1539), Revision of the Cassel Catechism in Reformation of Cologne
(1543). The Church Catechism compared with those of Brentz, Cassel-
Cologne and Luther. Catechisms of Ponet and Nowell.
The Church Catechism is a part of the Book of Common
Prayer, being included in the Order for Confirmation. But so
important is the history of the development, that it requires sep
arate treatment. We have already noticed the " Bishop's Book "
or " Institution of a Christian Man " of 1537, and shown its de
pendence on Luther's Catechisms.
• cranmer's CATECHISM.
In 1548 Cranmer made another attempt to supply the want of
a popular book of religious instruction, which was published un
der the following title : " CATECHISMUS ;
That is to say a shorte Introduction into Christian Religion for the synguler
commoditie and profyle of childre end yong people. Set forth by the moste
reverende father in God Thomas Archbyshop of Canterbury, Primate of all
England and Metropolitane. Gualterus Lynne excudebat, 1548."
It was introduced by a dedicatory letter to to Edward AT., in
which, after referring to the deplorable ignorance of the people,
and the king's desire to remedy it, he continues : " I knowing
(314)

The Anglican Catechisms. 315
my selfe as a subjecte greatly bounden to set forward the same,
am persuaded that thys my smal trauyall in thys behalfe taken,
shall not a lytle helpe the sooner to brynge to passe your godly
purpose." Although the sub- title, /. e., the title above the Pre
face, in the words, "oversene and corrected by the moste rev
erende father in God, the Archebyshoppe of Canterburie," gives
the hint that it was not original, Burnet has entirely overlooked
this, in the statement that the Catechism "was wholly his own
without the concurrence of any others." At his examination
on his trial at Oxford, Cranmer testified that he had translated
the Catechism from Justus Jonas; in his "Defence" concern
ing the Lord's Supper, he speaks of it as "a catechism by me
translated," while the testimony of one of his chaplains, Dr.
Rowland Taylor, that "he made a catechism to be translated
into EngHsh," seems to imply that the translation was made un^
der his supervision. Bishop Gardiner already gives the key to
this Catechism of Justus Jonas, when in his " Explication and
Assertion ofthe true Catholique Faith, he says: "Justus Jonas
hath translated a catechisme out of Douch into Latin, taught in
the city of Noremberge in Germanye, where Hosiander is chiefe
preacher — which catechisme was translated into English in this
auctor's name about two yeares paste." '
The Latin Catechism of Justus Jonas mentioned is that whose
title is given in Feuerlin' s Bib. Symb. (p. 260) :
" II22'. Catechismus pro pueris et juventute in Ecclesiis et ditione 111.
Principum Marchionum Brandeborgensium et inclyti senatus Norimbergensis
breviter conscriptus, e germanico latine redditus per J-astum Jonam, addita
epistola de laude Decalogi^. Viteberg, 1539, 8."
Strype's statement" that it was made by Justus Jonas, Jr., is
incorrect. It is nothing more than the Sermons on the Cate-
1 Quoted in Burton's Cranmer's Catechism, Oxford, 1829, pp. v. vi. A
more accessible editon of Cranmer's Catechism, with the part conceming the
Sacraments and the Power of the Keys omitted, and the orthography mod
ernized, was published by the Presbyterian Board' of Publication, Philadel
phia, 1842, in their series of writings ofthe British Reformers, among the se
lections from Cranmer.
' Strype's Cranmer, 1 : 227.

3r6 The Lutheran Movement in England,
chism, originally appended to the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Kirch-
tnordnung of 1533, and frequently republished since. The
KirchenordnuHg was the joint work of Osiander and Brentz. It
is not improbable that it was in preparation while Cranmer was
an inmate of Osiander's house.
The changes made by Cranmer are very slight. The chief are
the addition of fourteen pages on, "Thou shalt not make unto
thee any graven image," — foretokening the adoption of the
Calvinistic division of the commandments — and of a page on
the Introduction to the Lord's Prayer; the omission of nineteen
lines on the Second, of three lines on the Fourth, and of a page
on the Seventh commandment ; of six lines and a repetition, on
the Third Article of the Creed, and of a paragraph of fifteen
lines, on Baptism. When it is borne in mind that, in the edition
mentioned, the EngHsh Catechism fills two hundred and fourteen
pages, it will be noticed that the Archbishop left the body of the
Brandenburg-Niirnberg Explanation untouched.
A striking feature of the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Explanation
is, that at the close of each sermon the words of Luther's Small
f Catechism are always recalled, as the. sum of what has been said.
Its method is synthetic. Instead of beginning with Luther, it
discusses the various parts contained in each answer, and then
only at the conclusion brings them together. We give as an
example the close of the Sermon on Baptism :
" Wherefore, good children, leame these thinges dilygentlye, and when
ye be demaunded, 'What is baptisme. Then you shal answer. Baptism is not
water alone, but is water inclosed and joyned to the word of God and to the
covenante of God's promise."
By bringing these summaries together, we may, therefore, con-
stract Luther's Catechism, in the earliest English form, thus far
discovered, as follows :

The Anglican Catechisms, 317
CRANMER'S LUTHER'S CATECHISM.
I. THE TEN COMMANDMENTS. I.
In this precept we be commaunded to feare and love God with al oure
Iiarte, and to put our whole trust and confidence in him.
II.
We ought to love and feare God above al thyng, and not to abuse his name
to idolatrie, charmes, periure, othes, curses, ribaldrye, and scoffes, that undre
the pretence and coloure of his name we begile no man by swearynge, for-
swearynge, and lyinge, but in al our nedes we should cal vpon hym, magnifie
and prayse him, and with oure tongues confesse, utter and declare our faythe
in him and his doctrine. III.
We ought to feare and love our Lord God above all thinges, to heare dili
gently and reveiently his holy worde, and with all diligence to follow the
same. IV.
We ought to love and dreade our Lorde God, and for his sake to honoure
otu-e parentes, teachers, masters and governors, to obey them and in no wise
despise them. V.
We ought to love and dreade our Lorde God above all thinges, so that for
hys sake we hurt not our neyghbour, nether in his name, goodes, cattel, life _
or body, but that we ayde,.comforte, and succour him in all hys necessities,
troubles and afflictions. VI.
We ought above all thynges to love and dreade our Lord God, and for his
sake' to lyve chastly in wil, worde and dede, and every man is bownde to
love and cheryse his wife. VII.
We ought to feare and love our Lord God above al thinges, and for hys
sake willingly to absteine from our neyghbor's goodes and cattell, to take
nothing from him, but tohelpe him in his neede, and to defende and aug
ment his ryches and commodities. Vlll.
We ought to feare and love oure Lorde God above all thynges, and for his
sake to absteyne from all lyinge, backe bytynge, slaunderynge, and yll re-
portynge, by the whiche oure neyghbour's good name, fame and credit may
be ifflpeched or decayed, and rather to excuse, hydde or gentely to enter-
prete another manne's faute, then maliciously to make the woiu'ste of the

o

1 8 The Lutheran Movement in England,

same, and wyth the loude trumpe of our tongue to blaste it abrodc to the
knowledge of all the towne or place wherein we dwel.
IX.
AVe oughte to feare and love our Lorde God above all thynges, and for hys
sake so to chastise oure eyes and lustes, that we desyer not oure neyghboure's
house, nor other thynge belongynge unto hym, but helpe him (as muche as
shall lye in usj, to retayne and kepe hys landes, goodes and all that is his.
X.
We ought to feare and love our Lord God above al thinges, and for his
sake willyngly to absteyne from our neighbour's wife, familie, goodes and
cattel, and to helpe hym as muche as lyeth in vs, that he may kepe and pos-
sesse the same. 11. THE CREED.
I.
I beleve that God the Father hath made me and al creatures in heaven
and earth, that he hath gyven to me and conserveth my bodye and soule,
reason, senses, eyes, eares, and all my other members. And I beleve that
the same almightye Lorde and God doth dayly gyve to me and to us all,
meat, dryncke, cloth, wife, children, house, lande, riches, cattell, and all
thynges necessarye to the mayntenaunce of our lyves, and that he doth dayly
defende, kepe and preserue vs from all perell, and delyver vs from all evel.
And all thys he dooth of hys owne mere mercie and goodnes, without our
worthynes or deseraynges. For the which benefites it is our dutie to render
to hym continuall and everlastyng thankes, to obey hym in all thynges, and
to take hede thatt we be not unkynde to hym, that hath shewed so greate
kyndnes towardes vs. II.
I beleve that Jesus Christ, veray God, begotten of God the Father, and
and verye manne, borne of the Virgin Marie, is my Lorde, whiche by hys
precyouse bloode and holy passyon, hath redeemed me, a myserable and
damned wretch, from all my synnes, frome death etemall, and from the tyr
annic of the Devell, that I should be his own true subject, and lyve within his
kyngdome, and serve hym, in a newe everlastynge lyfe and iustice, even as
oure Lorde Christe, after he rose from deathe to lyfe, lyveth and raygneth
everlastyngly. HI.
I beleve, that neither by man's strength, power or wysdome, neyther by
myne owne endeavor, nor compass of myn owne reason, I am able to beleve
in Jesus Christ, or come unto hym. But the Holy Goost did call me by the
worde of the gospell, and with the giftes of his grace, he hath hitherto en-

77?!? Anglican Catechisms, 319
dowed me, and halowed me, and in the true faith, he hathe hitherto pre
served and confirmed me, and this he hath not done only to me, but also he
calleth and' gathereth togyther in the unitye of one faith and one baptisme,
all the vniversal churche, that is here on earth, and he halloweth, kepeth and
preserveth the same, in the true knowlege of Christ, and faith in his promy-
ses. And in this churche, he giveth free and generall pardon, to me and to
al that beleve in him, of al our synnes, offences and trespasses, and at the
last day he shall rayse me, and all other that be deade, and all that dyed in
the true faith of Jesus Christ, he shall glorifye in the lyfe everlastyng.
III. THE lord's prayer.
The name of God of it selfe is holy, but here we do aske, that it be hal
owed of vs. And when you be asked, how it is halowed of us, answere,
whan the worde of God is puerly and syncerelye taught, when we leade our
lyfe in this worlde holyly and godly, as it becommeth the veray true children
of God. Here in this point succour us, good Lorde, helpe us, O heavenly
' Father. For he that either teacheth or liveth otherwise than the worde of
God reqmreth, he dyshonoreth and polluteth the worde of God.
II.
The kyngdom of God commeth -of it selfe, without our prayer, but here we
pray that it may com to vs. Whiche commeth to passe, whan the heavenly
Father gyveth vs his spirite, to beleve his holye word, to lyve wel and godly,
here in his churche, for a tyme, and after in heaven for ever.
III.
Althoughe God's holy wyll be done without our praier, yet we pray that it
may be done in vs, and fulfylled amonge vs here in earth. Whicbe is done,
whan God doeth overthrow and destroy the wicked counsels of the Devell,
of worldley people, and of oure owne fleshe (which do all that lieth In theim,
to let and hynder the kyngedome of God, and the halowynge of his name) and
doeth kepe vs in the true knowledge of hys worde, in the lyvely fayth of
Christ, in hys love and obedience of his commandments. For this is the
holye and perfecte wyll of God, whiche God graunte vs to keape nowe and
ever. Amen. IV.
God doeth sufficientlye provyde for vs meate. and lyvyng without our
desyre, neverthelesse we desyre hym, to graunt vs, that we maye knowe
that we have all thynges at his handes, that we may gyve to him due thankes
for the same. And yf further anye. man wyll aske you, what is mente by his
worde, oure dayly breade, you answere that by dayly breade is understande

320 Tlie Lutheran Movement in England,
all thinges necessarie foroure lyvynge, as meate, drynke, clothe, house, lande,
cattell, monye, housholde stuff, a good wyfe, obedient children, trustye ser-
vantes, good governors, a well ordered common wealth, common pease and
tranquilitie, seasonable wether, holsome ayer, health of body, constant frendes,
honest neighbours, and suche lyke thynges, whereby we maye leade in thys
worlde a godly and qmet lyfe. V.
Herein we desyere that our heavenly Father wil not Inke upon our synnes,
and for them, cast vs awaye. For we have not deserved those greate gyftcs
and grace whiche we desir at God's hands, nor be not worthye to have the
same, but we des_\er God, that althoughe we dayly offend him, and deserve
grevous punishmentes for our synnes, yet he of hys mere grace and mercie wil
heare our prayers, and frely forgyve us oure offences And we offer our
selves for his sake from the botome of our heartes to forgyve them that have
offended vs. VI.
God tempteth no man. But here we praye, that God wil kepe and defende
vs, that the Devel, the world and the fleshe deceave us not, and leadde us
not into ungodlynes, ydolatrie, blasphemie, desperation, and other horrible
synnes. And althoughe we be tempted with these synnes, yet we desyer
God, that at length we may overcome them, and triumphe over them, by
the helpe and assistence of the Holy Gost.
VII.
Herein we generally desyre our heavenly Father, to delyver us from all
evell and perell, bpthe of body, soule, lande, catell and riches. And that
when we shall lye on ovire deathbed, he wyll than graunt us a good houre,
that we maye departe oute of this vale of miserie, in his favour, and from this
transitorie lyfe, enter into life everlastynge. The whiche God graunte us all.
Amen. IV. BAPTISM. I.
Baptism is not water alone, but it is water enclosed and ioyned to the
worde of God, and the covenante of God's promyse. And these be the
wordes, whereby our Lorde Jesus Christ did ordeine baptisme, which be
written in the laste chapter of Saint Mathew. Go and teache al nations,
baptisynge them in the name of the Father, and the Sonne, and the Holy
Ghost. II.
And when you shal be asked what auayleth baptisme ? you shal answere :
Baptisme worketh forgyvnes of syime, it delyvereth from the kyngdome of the

The Anglican Catechisms, 321
Devel, and from death, and giveth lyfe and everlastyng salvation, to all them
that beleue these wordes of Christ, and promyse of God, which are written in
the laste chapter of Sainct Marke his gospell. He that wil beleue, and be
baptised, shall be saved. But he that wil not beleue shall be damned.
III.
Yf a man aske you, how can water brynge to passe so great thynges ? ye
shall answer. Uerely the water worketh not these thynges, but the worde of
God, whiche is joyned to the water, and fayth whiche dothe beleue the worde
of God. For without the worde of God, water is water, and not baptisme,
but when the worde of the lyuing God is joyned to the water, then it is bap
tisme, and water of wonderful holsomnes, and the bath of regeneration,
through the Holy Ghost, as Saimte Paul writeth. God saved vs by the bath
of regeneration, and renewyng ofthe Holy Ghost, whom he powred upon vs,
plenteously by Jesus Christ our Saviour, that we beyng made righteous by his
grace, maye be heyres of everlastyng lyfe
[In another connection : " But peradventure some wil saye. Howe can
water worke so greate thynges ? To whome I answere, that it is not the wa
ter that dothe these thinges, but the almyghtie worde of God (whiche is knyt
and joyned to the water), and faith, which receyueth God's worde and pro
myse. For without the worde of God, water 'is water, and not baptisme.
But when the -worde of the living God is added, and ioyned to the water,
then it is the bathe of regeneration, and baptisme water, and the lyuely
sprynge of eternall salvation, and a bathe that wassheth our soules by the
Holy Ghoste, as saynct Paule calleth it saying : God hath saved va thorowe
hys mercye, by the bathe of regeneration, and renewyng of the Holy Gost,
whome he hath poured -vpon vs plenteously, by Jesus Christ oure Savioure,
that we beynge made ryghtuous by his grace, maye be heyres of everlasting
lyfe. This is a sure and trewe worde."] IV.
Yf a man aske you, what doth the bSiptisynge in the water betoken ? aun-
swere ye, it betokeneth, that olde Adam with all synnes and euel desyerS,
ought daylye to be kylled in vs, by trewe contricion and repentance ; that he
may rise againe from death, and after he is risen with Christ, may be a new
man, a new creature, and may liue everlastyngly in God, and before God, in
rightuousnes and holynes. As saincte Paule wryteth, saying. All we that
are baptized, are buried with Christ in to death, that as Christ rose agayne,
by the glorie of his Father, so we also should walke in newnes of lyfe.
V. THE lord's supper.
Yt is the trew body and trew bloude of our Lorde Jesus Christe which
was ordeyned by Christ him selfe, to be eaten and dronken of vs- Christen
22

322 The Lutheran Movement in England,
people, vnder the forme of brede and w)'ne. Furthermore, yf any man wil
aske ye, wher is this written ? ye shall answer. These be the wordes which
the holy Evangelistes Mathewe, Marke, Luke and the Apostle Paul do writ.
Our Lorde Jesus Christ the same nyght, etc.
II.
Furthermore yf any man aske ye, what auayleth it, thus to eate ana
drynke ? ye shall answer. These wordes do declare what profit we receave
thereby, my bodye which is given for you, my bloude whiche is shed for
you, for the forgyuenes of synnes. By the whiche wordes Christe declareth,
that by this sacrament and wordes of promyse, are gyuen to us, remission of
synnes, lyfe and salvation. For whereas forgyuenes of synne is, ther is also
lyfe and salvation. III.
Againe yf a man wil go further with you, and aske you. How can bodily
eatyng and drynkynge have so greate strength and operation ? ye shall an
swer. To eate and to drynke, doth not worke so great thynges, but this
worde and promyse of God, my bodye which was giuen for you, my bloude
whiche was shede for you, for the remission of sinnes. This worde of God
is added to the outward sygnes, as the chiefe thing in this sacramente. He
that beleueth these wordes, he hath that thing, whiche the wordes do pro
myse, that is to saye, forgyvenes of his synnes.
IV.
Besydes this, yf a man aske of you, who be they, that do worthily receave
this sacrament ? ye shal answere. That fastyng, abstinence and suche other
lyke, do perteyne and are profitable for an outward discypline or chastice-
ment of the bodye. But he receaueth the sacrament worthily, that hath faith
to beleve these wordes. My bodye whiche was gyven for you, my bloude
whiche was shed for you, for the remission of synnes. But he that belueth
not the wordes, or doubteth of them, he receaueth the Lorde's supper un
worthily. For this worde, gyven for you, doth require a faithful and be-
leuyng harte.
How little this origin of Cranmer's Catechism has been known
to the more distinguished scholars of the English Church, may be
illustrated by a singular error of the late Dr. W. F. Hook, Dean
of Chichester, author ofthe "Lives ofthe Archbishops of Can
terbury," (i2 vols , 8vo.), " Church Dictionary," etc. In his
sermon on " A Call to Union on the Principles of the English
Reformation," pubhshed in Vol. II. of " Tracts for the Times,"

The Anglican Catechisms. 323
he cites Cranmer with the greatest assurance, as an advocate of
the doctrine of Apostolical Succession, and attempts to substan
tiate his position by a quotation in the Appendix (p. 103 sqq.),
from what he calls " Cranmer's Sermon on the Apostolic Suc
cession and Power of the Keys ' ' To one not understanding
the historical relations, he must seem to prove his point. But
alas ! the words are not Cranmer's. They are only a section
of this Lutheran Catechism, translated from the German with
almost verbal exactness. The reader, familiar with Luther's
writings, at once sees at the basis of the Brandenburg-Niirnberg
explanation of this section, a portion of Luther's argument in
his book " Von der Winkelmesse," published the same year,
1533, translated into Latin also by Justus Jonas, and in another
part of which he maintains the identity of bishops and presby
ters. It is the strong emphasis that those who preach must be
rightly called, and that the Apostolic mode of recognizing this
call, and formally inducting men into oifice was only by the lay
ing on of hands, and, as Luther says, "neither by chrism or
butter," that misled Dr. Hook. The following passage of
" Cranmer "^ could not be misleading, when used under the cir
cumstances of the time and place of its composition in Germany,
though when tranferred to another land and tongue, and applied
in other relations, a more careful guardiiig of some of its state
ments Would be necessary. .As it is, nothing is intimated of "an
Episcopal Succession."
Darnach haben die Apostel andem frommen heyligen leuten solchs prer
digampt auch mitgethailt und befohlen, sonderlich an den orten, da schon
Christen waren, und Prediger bedorfften, und doch die Apostel selbs bey
ihnen nicht bleyben konten, dann sie musten immer weyter ziehen, und an
andem orten auch predigen. Wo sie nun fromme heylige lent funden, die
zum Predigampt tiiglich Waren, denselbigen legten sie die hende auff, und
theyleten ihn den heyligen Geist mit, wie sie ihn von Christo zii solchem
ampt auch hetten empfangen, dieselbigen waren dann auch richte ordentliehe
beruffene Prediger, gleich. so wol als die Apostel selbs, wie das alles der
heylig Paulus in den Episteln zum Timotheus klarlich anzeygt. Und ist also
das Predigampt, das Christus unser Herr selbs angefangen, eingesetzt, und
veror4net hat, immer von einem auff den andem kommen, durch das auffle-

324 The Lutheran Movement iii England.
gen der hende, imd mittheylen des Heiligen Geists, bis auff disc stnnd. Und
das ist, auch die rechte weyhe, damit man die Priester weyhen sol, und
allweg geweyhet hat, und sol noch also bleyben, dann das, was man sonst
fiir andere Ceremonien darbey hat getrieben, die sein on not, von inenschen
erfunden, und hinzu gesetzt worden.
BECON'S CATECHISM.
Dr. Burton ' has conjectured that Cranmer's Catechism was
translated for him by one of his chaplains, and mentions Taylor,
Ponet or Poinet, and Becon, as possible translators. Both Ponet
and Becon have left catechisms of which they were themselves
the authors. As the former gives no indication of any influence
on the part of Luther's Catechism, or the Brandenburg-Niirn
berg Explanation, and the latter shows their traces on almost
every page; of these three, Thomas Becon was probably the
chaplain who performed the work, or aided the Archbishop in it.
He was bom in 1511. B. A. Cambridge, 1530-31 ; was a dili
gent hearer of Hugh Latimer ; took orders in 1538 ; was brought
before Privy Council in 1541, on charge of heresy, and recanted,
but under an assumed name continued by his pen to disseminate
the principles of the Reformation. Was again compelled to ab
jure in 1543. His books were prohibited by a proclamation,
July 8th, 1546. Chaplain to Cranmer from March 24th, 1547. In
the tower after Mary's accession from August i6th, 1553 — March
2 2d, 1554. An exile at Strassburg and Marburg. Books again
prohibited by a proclamation, June 13th, 1555. Returned to
England at Elizabeth's accession, and, after being rector in a
number of parishes, died July 2d, 1567.* His works in two vol
umes were republished by the Parker Society in 1844. While
his career shows great weakness and vacillation in the presence
of danger, his writings are among the most profoundly spiritual
which the English Church has produced. His Catechism, pre
pared for his children, is without date, and while its very first
words are : "Though I be small in quantity," contains more
' Cranmer's Catechism, viii.
* Cooper's Athena Cantabrigienses, Art. Becon.

The Anglican Catechisms. 325
matter' than our entire "Book of Concord," and is, in fact, an
extended system of theology. It is evidently of» later origin
than Ponet's, as it shows the change in the order of parts, which
it enumerates, as: I. Repentance. II. Faith. III. Law. IV.
Prayer. V. Sacraments. VI. Offices of all degrees. It is an
independent development by one in whose mind and heart,
Luther's explanations, often in their very words, are deeply fixed
and who with great freedom, expands and developes what he has
drawn from this source and thoroughly assimilated.* The traces
of the Calvinistic movement, however, are very apparent.
On the Lord's Supper, the Calvinistic influence leaves only a
few traces of Luther. The last part of Becon's Catechism is oc
cupied with the Haustafel, amplified and explained.
THE CHURCH CATECHISM,
which appeared originally in the liturgy of Edward VI. of 1549,
and which, with the addition of Bishop Overall on the Sacra
ments made in 1604, is contained in the Book of Common
Prayer, belongs to another class of Catechisms. It is a Catechism
of the Brentian type, which begins with Baptism, and then de
duces, from the profession made in Baptism, the several parts of
the Catechism. John Brentz, the Suabian Lutheran Reformer
published a Catechism, probably first in 1527-28. Another Ger
man edition was published in 1536. The first Latin edition ¦
^1551—2) is before us, from which we translate :
brentz' S CATECHISM.
What is your religion ?
The Christian religion.
Why? Because I believe in Jesus Christ, and was baptized in the name of Jesus
Christ. ¦What is Baptism ?
A sacrament or divine seal, whereby God the Father, through Jesus Christ,
5 In Parker Society edition 410 pp. 8vo. 58 lines to the page.
« The evidence for this will be found in Lutheran Church Review, for July,
1888, pp. 174 sqq.

326 Tlie Lutheran Movement in England.
with the Holy Ghost, surely testifieth that God is propitious to him who is
baptized, and out of gratuitous kindness forgiveth him his sins for Christ's
sake, and adopteth him as son and heir of all. heavenly benefits.
Recite the passages of Scripture which prove the institution of the sacra
ment. Matt. 28: 19, 20; Mark 16 : 15, 16.
Recite the Symbol of faith.
I believe in God the Father, etc.
Of what profit is this faith ?
That, for the sake of Jesus Christ, I am reckoned by it, righteous and holy
before God, and there is given me the spirit of prayer and of calling upon
God as Father, and of ordering my life according to God's commandments.
In what prayer, are you wont to call upon God ?
The Ixird's Prayer, which Christ hath taught us.
Recite the Lord's Prayer.
Our Father, etc.
'What are the Commandments of God ?
Those contained in the Ten Commandments.
Recite the Ten Commandments.
1 am the Lord thy God, etc.
For what purpose were the Ten Commandments given ?
First, that from them we may learn to recognize our sins. Secondly, that
from them we may learn what works please God, and are to be done, that
we may lead an honorable life.
Can we, by our works, perfectly fulfil God's commandments ?
In no way. For our works are not perfectly good, and we have been con
ceived and born in sin. But to provide for our salvation, our Lord God hath
given us his Only-begotten Son, Jesus Christ, who did no sin and most per
fectly fulfilled all of God's commandments. If, therefore, we believe in Jesus
Christ, God with his gratuitous favor reckons us for Christ's sake, just as
though we omselves had fulfilled all of God's commandments.
Why ought we to do good works ?
Not that, by our works, we may make satisfaction for sins and merit life
etemal. For Christ alone hath made satisfaction for our sins, and merited
for us life etemal. But we should do good works, that by them we may at
test our faith, and render thanks to our Lord God for his benefits.
'What must be done to strengthen our faith in adversity, and receive conso
lation in affliction ?
We must use the Lord's Supper.
'What is the Lord's Supper ?

The Anglican Catechisms. 327
A sacrament or divine seal, whereby Christ truly presenteth, offereth and
giveth us, with the bread and wine, his Body and Blood, and certifieth to us
that our sins are remitted us, and that the right to life etemal belongeth to us.
Recite the Words of Institution.
Our Lord Jesus Christ, etc.
What are the Keys of the King of Heaven ?
The Ministry of proclamation of the Gospel conceming Jesus Christ.
Recit^ from the Evangelists some passages, in which Jesus Christ hath in
stituted the Ministry of preaching his Gospel.
Luke 10: 16; Matth. 16 : 19; John 20: 22,23.
A comparison made with variations of the older editions, as
given in Hofling's Sacrament der Taufe, II. : 326, 327, shows
no important changes, so far as the subject here treated is con
cerned. The Catechism of Brentz was adopted by, and included
in the Church Constitution for Schwabisch-Hall of 1543.
In 1539, when a Church Constitution was prepared for the Lu
theran churches in Cassel (Hesse Cassel), an Order for Confirma
tion was inserted, including a brief Catechism to be used, at a
public examination, immediately preceding and in connection
with the Confirmation. In 1543, this Cassel Order for Confirma
tion was adopted, with some slight changes, in the famous book
prepared by Melanchthon and Bucer for the Reformation of Co
logne, which became so important in the preparation of the
Book of Common Prayer, Bucer himself being Professor at Cam
bridge while the work v/as in progress. This Catechism follows
the model of Brentz. THE CASSEL CATECHISM.
Art. thou a Christian ?
Yes.
Whence dost thou know this ?
Because I have been baptized in the name of God the Father, Son and
Holy Ghost.
'What dost thou believe of God the Father, Son and Holy Ghost ?
All that the Articles of the Creed contain.
How do they run ?
I believe in God the Father, etc.
'What dost thou mean, then, in confessing God the Father, Son and Holy
Ghost?

328 The Lutheran Movement in England.
That there are three persons and yet one God, of one nature and power.
Why dost thou say : God is Almighty and that he is Creator of all things ?
That God is, doeth and giveth all good, hath made all things from noth
ing, and maintaineth and preserveth them; He also is present, by His power,
to all things, and worketh all in all, from His only good and righteous will
and counsel.
^\¦hat dost thou understand in the Second Article, of Christ our Lord ?
That, through Adam, we are so corrupt that no angel or man cou^d pay the
price of our sins, but the Eternal Word and Son of God, had, and willed to
become, flesh, and was born a trae man, yet without all'sin, by the Holy Ghost
of the Virgin Mary. By his death. He hath paid the price for all our sins,
and by His resurrection and ascension hath placed us again in a heavenly na
ture to whom the Father hath given all power in Heaven and on earth, etc.
After a similar long explanation of Article III, the question ia
asked :
Art thou in the church and congregation of Christ ?
Yes. How didst thou enter therein ?
By Holy Baptism.
AVhatisit?The washing of regeneration, wherein I was washed from inborn sin, in
corporated with Christ my Lord, and clothed in Him.
Wilt thou remain in this fellowship ?
Yes, by the help of God, eternally.
Questions are then asked and answered concerning the duties
which this fellowship within the church through baptism brings.
Then follow several concerning the Lord's Supper, and the du
ties pertaining to its fellowship. There is no allusion to either
the Ten Commandments or the Lord's Prayer.
Hermann's consultation.
The Cassel Catechism, as revised and introduced into the Con
sultation of Cologne, translated into English, and published in
1548, varies somewhat from the above, as may be learned from
extracts given in Blunt's Annotated Book of Commoh Prayer,
and Campion's and Beaumont's Prayer Book Interleaved.
De-muunde. Dost thou profess thyself to be a Christian ?
Answer. I profess.

The Anglican Catechisms. 329
D, AVhat is it to be a Christian ? ,
A. To be borne agayne in Christ, and to have remission of synnes, and
participation of everlastyng lyfe through him.
D. 'Whereby tmstest thou that these thynges be given thee ?
A. Because I am baptized in the name of the father, the Sonne, and the
holye gost.
D. 'What belevest thou of God the father, the sonne, and the holy gost ?
A The same that the articles of our crede do comprehend.
D. Rehearse them.
A. I do believe in God, etc.
****** «* * *
D. Doeth that please thee then, and doest thou allowe it, and wilt thou con
tinue in the same, that thy godfathers promysed and professed in thy name
at holy baptisme, when in thy steede they renounced Satan, and the world,
and boimd thee to Christe and to this congregation, that thou shouldst be
thorowlie obedient to the Gospel ?
A. I allow these things, and by the healpe of our Lord Jesus Christe, I
will continue in the same unto thende.
We give the old English rendering, quoted by the English
writers on the "Book of Common Prayer," in order that it may
appear in what form it was present to the compilers of that book,
although a comparision of the original, with the Cassel Catechism
shows no variation in the introductory questions. The same
writers might have added, that, after the question, whether the
catechumen would abide by all that was promised by his spon
sors, the Order of Hermann continues :
Q. Dost thou renounce, now and here, before the eyes of God and his
Church, with thine own heart and mouth, Satan and all his works ? Arts,
I renounce. Q. Also the world and all its lusts ? ^. I renounce. Q. And
dost, thou surrender thyself in all obedience to our Lord Jesus Christ, and his
holy Church 'i A. I surrender. Q. How wast thou first received by God
unto sonship, and into his Church ? A. By Holy Baptism, * * . Q. Wilt
thou continue in this fellowship of the Lord unto thine end ? A. Yes, by the
Lord's help, unto etemity.
If now we turn to "The Church Catechism," found in the
Book of Common Prayer," its close dependence upon the Bren
tian type of Lutheran Catechisms is very manifest. It is in vain
for the writers of the Church of England to plead that the com-

33°

The Lutheran Movement in England,

pilers of " The Book of Common Prayer,'
there.' The order of parts first of all shows this :

found only the hint

Church Catechism.

Brentz.

Cassel- Cologne

1549-

Baptism.

Baptism.

Baptism.

Creed.

Creed.

Creed.

Commandments.

Lord's Prayer.

Lord's Prayer.

Commandments.

1604.
Baptism.
Lord's Supper.
Lord's Supper.
Lord's Supper.
But beyond this, the thought that underlies the entire devel
opment, if compared with the Catechisms above given, will be
seen to be taken from them. Even where Brentz and the Cassel
Catechism have nothing to say concerning the relation of spon
sors to Baptism, the thought with which the Church Catechism
opens, comes from Hermann's Consultation. We can trace also
some of the very brief explanations, back through Cranmer's, to
Luther's Catechism. first commandment.
Cranmer's Luther.
We be commanded to feare and
love God with al oure hearte and to
put our whole trust and confidence in
him.
Church Catechism,
My duty towards God is to believe
in him, to fear him, and to love him
with all my heart, [and] to put my
whole trust in him.
Cranmer's Luther.
To call upon hym,
magnifie and prayse
him.
SECOND CQMMANDMENT,
Luther.
To call upon him
. . . and worship him,
with prayer, praise and
thanksgiving.
Church Catechism.
To worship him, to
give him thanks, and to
call upon him.
' " The idea is probably due to Hermann's Consultation. No part, how
ever, of our Catechism was borrowed from this source." Procter, History of
the Book 0/ Common Prayer, p. 389. '• As the same arrangement is found in
Hermann's Consultation, the notion of an authoritative form of instruction to
be thus inserted in the Ritual, was probably derived from that source. There
is no resemblance, however, between the English and foreign formularies."
TroUope on the Liturgy, p. 233.
The Anglican Catechisms.

331

Cranmer's Luther.
To heare diligently and reverently
his holy worde, and with al diligence
to folow the same.

THIRD COMMANDMENT. Church Catechism.
To honor his holy Name and his
Word, and to serve him traly all the
days of my life.

FOURTH COMMANDMENT.

Cranmer's Luther.
To honoure oure parentes, teach
ers, masters and governors, to obey
them and in no wise despise them.

Church Catechism.
To love, honor and succour my fa
ther and mother ... to submit my
self to all governors, teachers, spiritual
pastors and masters.

EIGHTH COMMANDMENT.

Cranmer's Luther.
To absteyne from all liynge, back-
bytyng, slaunderynge.

Church Catechism.

To

keep my tongue irom evil-
speaking, lying and slandering.

PONET S AND NOWELL S CATECHISMS.
The Church Catechism, being only a formula for the public
examination of catechumens belonging to the Order for Confir
mation, was deemed inadequate for full instruction, and, hence,
as the Calvinistic tendency strengthened, there were various ef
forts to provide a substitute for Cranmer's ample Lutheran ex
planation. The first of these, known £b Edward VI. 's Cate
chism, is generally ascribed to Bishop Ponet or Poinet. It was
first published in 1553, in connection with the Articles of Reli
gion of 1552. Ponet, ope of Cranmer's chaplains, was bishop
of Rochester after 1550, and in r55i succeeded Gardiner as
Bishop of Winchester. He fled to Strassburg on the accession of
Mary, where he died in 1556. The Catechism is even polemical
in its attitude towards Lutheranism, devoting a large page and a
quarter to discussing the impossibility of the presence of the
Body of Christ on earth. It treats in order, the Ten Command
ments, the Creed, and the Lord's Prayer. Although published by
authority, it did not answer its purpose, and soon was lost in ob
scurity. Before its republication in the " Liturgies of Edward
VI.," issued by the Parker Society, it was almost impossible even
for scholars to find a copy.

332 Tlie Lutheran Movement iJi England.
A far more important work is the Catechism of Alexander
NoweH (1507-1601), Dean of St. Paul's and Prolocutor of the
Convocation under EHzabeth that revised the Articles of Edward
A'l. There are, in fact, three Catechisms which bear his name,
but his Large Catechism is what is generally so known. It was
published in 1 5 70, and follows the order of the Ten Command
ments, Creed, Lord's Prayer and Sacraments. It combines the
ological exactness with catechetical skill. It appropriates some
of Poinet's material, but is still more dependent upon Calvin's
Institutes, whose order it follows, and whose very language it
frequently uses, as we could readily show. In some parts it is
not without controversial bitterness and unfairness, where it
touches points on which the antagonisms to Lutheranism are es
pecially prominent. Bishop Overall's additions in 1604 to
" The Church Catechism, " were derived from Nowell. It is a
significant fact that the English translator of this Catechism, in
1570, Thomas Norton, was the translator also ofthe first English
edition of Calvin's Institutes. It is worthy of examination
whether there be not a close relationship between Nowell' s work
and Calvin's Catechism of 1536, which was afterwards sup
planted by the Catechismus Genevensis (1538.)

CHAPTER XXVI.
THE HOMILIES OF I547.
Tavemer's Postils, a temporary Expedient. Preparation of an authorized
Book. Reasons for its Unpopularity. Merits and Defects. Permanent
Results. Symbolical Authority. Homily on " The Salvation of Man
kind " examined. Sources whence it was compiled. Indebtedness of
other Homilies. Homilies of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth.
The line of the liturgical development of the English Church,
has led us some years beyond the period of the English Hom
ilies Taverner, as we have seen, had already made a temporary
effort to supply the lack of preaching, by the preparation of
"Postils," to be used for this purpose. A more formal and
complete work was to appear later. Ordered by Convocation in
1542, it seems to have been completed in 1543, and, then, after
awaiting revision for several years, finally appeared in the sum
mer of 1547. A second edition was issued the same year. One
of the Homilies was to be read "every Sunday at high mass,"
"except a sermon be preached," and, then, the Homily had to
be read the succeeding Sunday. When the Homilies had all been
read, the clergyman was to begin the volume anew, and read
and re-read it, until he received further instructions. The book,
though highly commended by Bucer, from Strassburg, did not
prove popular. Sometimes when read, "there would be such
talking and babbling in the church, that nothing could be heard.
And if the parish were better affected, and the priest not so, he
would ' so hauk and chop it,' that it were as good for them to be
without it, as for any word that could be understood."' No
' Strype's Memorials ofthe Reformation, II : 49.
(333)

334 The Lutheran Movement in England.
wonder. For, first, the book reflected the inconsistent position
of the English Church, the advocates of the various tendencies
having taken part in its preparation, and the evangelical posi
tion of Cranmer being balanced by the hierarchical position of
Bonner. Even though there be few direct .antagonisms, the
very mode of treatment was affected. Secondly, the Homilies
are not popular, but largely didactic in their character. The
doctrinal Homilies are essays in Dogmatic Theology, burdened
with technical terms and abounding in arguments from the Fath
ers : and even those of a more practical nature show the hand
of the student cloistered among books, rather than that of one
who had much experience in the care of souls. There is, in this
respect, a great contrast between them, and the expositions of
doctrine for plain pastors which are found in the introduction to
so many of our Lutheran Church Orders. Thirdly, they entirely
ignored the Church Year, and caused an interruption of the true
idea of the Service, which, even though it may be borne occasion
ally, nevertheless, when occurring as a rule becomes awkward and
tedious. They exhibit no progressive unfolding of the Hfe of
Christ. Compared with the earlier effort of Taverner, there was
here by no means an improvement.
Although, the Homilies did not long serve the purpose
for which they were composed, and as sermons were failures ;
yet their importance as theological treatises, must not be over
looked. Art. XXXIV, of the Church of England and of the Pro
testant Episcopal Church of America, gives them, with the later
Homilies of Queen Elizabeth, symbolical authority ; and Art.
XI. gives still more emphasis to one particular Homily. To the
study of this Homily, thus oflScially endorsed, which was con
stracted from Lutheran material, John Wesley ascribed the ori
gin of the Methodistic movement. Cranmer seems to have en
deavored in those which he prepared, to clearly explain and de
fend at length the cardinal doctrines of Sin and Grace, and espe
cially that of Justification by Faith alone without works. No doc
ument that has come into our hands, shows that he has merely

The Homilies of iJ4y.

335

translated. Yet his close dependence not only in order
of treatment, and of thought, but also in language, cannot be
questioned. The order ¦with which the opening Homilies are
arranged, shows that Osiander's influence has wrought here, as
elsewhere, upon his relative. If the Homilies begin : I. The
Reading and Knowledge of Holy Scripture ; II. the Misery of
all Mankind; III. the Salvation of all Mankind; IV. True
and Living Faith ; the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Instruction pro
ceeds : I. Of Doctrine ; the Old and New Testaments. II. Peni
tence, the Law; III. the Gospel, etc. In many of the
Homilies, we do not claim any Lutheran elements. Patristic
and scholastic learning,rather than the " New Learning," are fre
quently manifested. But examining especially that on the " Sal
vation of Mankind by only Christ our Saviour," we at once find
that we are treading the same ground as that traversed when
the " Common Prayer " was examined.
The opening sentence of the Homily is taken directly or indi
rectly from the Schwabach Articles of Luther and Melanchthon
of October 15th, 1529.

Schwabach Articles. (Art. V.)
Because all men be sinners, subject
to sin and to death, besides to the
devil, therefore can no man by his
own strength or good works, deliver
himself thence, so that he may again
be made righteous or godly ; yea, he
cannot even prepare or dispose him
self for righteousness, but the more he
attempts to deliver himself, the worse
it is for him. But that the only way
to righteousness and deliverance from
sin and death is, if, without all merits
or works, we believe in the Son of
God who suffered for us. . . For God
regards as righteous and godly all
those who have this faith in his Son,
that, for his Son's sake, they are re
ceived into grace.
Cf. also Apology of Augsburg Confession, p. 90 : § 40. The
close of the paragraph introduces the very language of Art. III.

Homily.
Because all men be sinners and
offenders against God, and breakers
of his Law and commandments,there-
fore can no man by his own works,
acts and deeds (seem they never so
good) be justified, and made righteous
before God ; but every man of neces
sity is constrained to seek for another
righteousness or justification, to be re
ceived at God's own hands, in such
things as he hath offended. And
this justification or righteousness,
which we so receive of God's mercy
and Christ's merit, embraced by faith,
is taken, accepted and allowed of
God, for our perfect and full justifica
tion.

336 The Lutheran Movetnent in England.
ofthe Augsburg Confession, supplementing it, however, by a clause
referring to the " Active Obedience" of Christ. This is a matter
of much interest, since the doctrine ofthe "Active Obedience"
has generally been traced to Flaciusin 1552, who is said to have
formulated it, in order to counteract the error of Osiander on
Justification.^ This Homily of 1547, however, says that God
sent his only Son " to fulfil the Law for us and to make a sacri
fice," and a few pages later : " Christ is now the righteousness
of them that truly do believe in him. He for them paid their
ransom by his death. He for them fulfilled the Law in his life.
So that now in him, and by him, every true Christian man may
be called a fulfiller of the Law ; forasmuch as that which their in
firmity lacked, Christ's justice hath supplied.'' But the doctrine
ofthe "Active Obedience," was derived from the Reformation
of Cologne, which, in turn, had taken it from B> and enburg- Nurn
berg of 1533, where even Osiander had assisted in formulating
the following : " First, he directed all his life according to the
will of the Father, did for us what we were obliged, and yet were
unable, to do, and fulfilled the Law and all righteousness for our
good, as He himself says, Matth. 5 : 17, and Paul says. Gal. 4 :
4 ; I Cor. I : 30 ; Phil. 3 : 9. Secondly, he took upon bimself
all our sins, and bore and suffered all that was due us, John i :
29; Is. 53; 4-6; Rom. 8: 32; Gal. 3: 13."
The statement ofthe Augsburg Confession that Christ was "a
sacrifice not only for original guilt, but also for all actual sins,"
carries Cranmer at once, in thought, to Art. IX. of the Con
fession.

Aug. Conf, Art. IX.
Children are to be baptized, who
by baptism, being offered to God, are
received into God's favor.
And then to Art. XII.

Homily.
Infants being baptized . . are, by
this sacrifice washed from their sins,
brought to God's favor.

' See Schmid's Dogmatik, English Translation, First Edition, pp. 377 sqq.,
Second Edition, pp. 360 sqq.

The Homilies of 1J4.7. 337

Aug. Conf, Art XII.
Such as have fallen after baptism,
may find remission of sins at what
time they are converted.

Homily.
They which in act or deed do sin
after baptism, when they turn again
to God unfeignedly, they are like
wise washed by this sacrifice from
their sins. '
Then after two passages of Scripture are cited, another of Me
lanchthon's statements appears.

Melanchthon's Loci Comm. (De
Evangelic)).
Justification is given freely, tljat is,
not on account of our worth, yet there
must be a ransom for us.

Homily.
Although this justitfication be free
unto us, yet it cometh not so freely
unto us, that there is no ransom paid
therefor.

, After proving and illustrating this statement, Cranmer con
tinues :
" The Apostle toucheth specially three things, which must go
together in our Justification ; upon God's part, his great mercy
and grace ; upon Christ's part, justice, i. e. the satisfaction of
God's justice or the price of our redemption by the offering
of his Body, and shedding of his Blood . . ; and upon our part,
true and lively faith."
The Apology (15 31) had said :
" As often as we speak of Justifying Faith, we must keep in
mind that these three objects concur : iht promise xnA. that too
gratuitous, and the merits of Christ, as the price and propitia
tion. This promise is received hy faith" (p. 92: §53).
"Which" [faith] "yet is not ours, but by God's working in
us." continues the Homily. "It is not my doing, not my pre
senting or giving, not my work or preparation," says the Apol
ogy (p. 91 : §48). " Faith doth not shut out repentance, hope,
love," says the Homily. "Love and works ought to foUow
faith. Wherefore, theyare not excluded," says the Apology.
" It ' excludeth them," says the Homily, "so we may not do
them, to this intent, to be made good by doing of them."
"Confidence in the merit of love or of works," says the Apol
ogy, "is excluded in Justification."
' Cf. above chapter. The Ten Articles.
23

338 The Lutheran Movement in England.
It is unnecessary to illustrate further. The Homilies " Of our
Salvation " and " Of Faith," are almost mosaics of passages from
approved Lutheran authorities. We would not infer that they
were mechanically joined together ; but that they were deeply
fixed in the mind of the writer, were thoroughly assimilated and
flowed forth almost spontaneously from his pen Nevertheless
this, in no way diminishes tho extent of the indebtedness.
AVe recognize also many corresponding similarities in the
Homily " Of Good AVorks," and, to a less extent, in that "Of
Christian Love and Charity." Those first mentioned, are worthy
of far wider study than has been accorded them. They are
among the most valuable memorials which the struggle of the
Gospel for the English Church, has left to succeeding genera
tions, and, as models of a pure and eloquent English style, are
scarcely to be surpassed. Among those added in the next reign,
were the two of Taverner on the Death and Resurrection of
Christ. The great devotion of the author to Lutheranism has
been pre-viously shown, in connection with what has been said
concerning his translation of the Augsburg Confession and the
Apology.

CHAPTER XXVII.

THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES.

Archdeacon Hardwick's Researches. Dr. SchafTs "Creeds of Christen
dom.'' Retrospect to Preparatory Work in the preceding Reign. The
XLII. Articles of 1552. Revision under Queen Elizabeth. Table
showing the parts of each article taken from the Augsbiu'g Confession,
Apology, Smalcald Articles and Wiirtemberg Confession.
The minute investigations which Archdeacon Hardwick has
made, and whose results are embodied in his well-known " His
tory of the Articles of Religion," relieve us of the necessity of
any extended examination. So thorough has been his work,
and so full his treatment of the relation of the articles of his
Church to the Augsburg and Wurtemberg Confessions, that, it
will supply the most needed informatipn conceming what yet
remains. He has overlooked, however, the connection of the
Articles with the Apology and Smalcald Articles. The first vol
ume of Dr. Schaff' s " Creeds of Christendom" also presents a
very satisfactory summary. The pamphlet of Dr. Morris has
collected the statements of many English writers on the fact,
which no scholar, or well-informed person will any longer ven
ture to dispute, that the Thirty-Nine Articles are of 'Lutheran
origin. We have above traced the history of the Wittenberg negotia
tions of 1535-6, the Ten Articles of 1536, the Memoranda of
1538, etc. After the accession of Edward, Cranmer seems to
have delayed the preparation of a Confession, possibly in the
hope that the various Protestant communions might be induced
to unite in one common Confession against Rome.
(339)

340 The Lutheran Movement in England.
The first sketch of the English Articles was made in the sum
mer of 155 1, chiefly, as cotemporaries aflSrm, by Cranmer him
self This rough draft was submitted to the bishops throughout
the country, and after receiving their suggestions, was submit
ted to two learned laymen, Sir AVilliam Cecil and Sir John
Cheke. Then it was submitted to the King, and referred to his
six chaplains, among whom was John Knox. Revised again by
Cranmer, the Articles finally were issued with authority in 1553.'
In the previous year, however, they seem to have been privately
circulated. They are known as the XLII. Articles of 1552.
Ten years later, after the accession of Elizabeth had restored
the Reformation in England, Archbishop Parker undertook a re
vision of the XLII. Articles, in which he made free use of the
Wiirtemberg Confession' prepared by Dr. John Brentz in 1551,
and published under the authority of Duke Christopher, for sub
mission to the Council of Trent. The document, thus completed,
is known as the XXXIX. Articles of 1562. It omitted the loth,
i6th, 19th and 41st articles of 1552, and introduced as new art
icles, the 5th, 12th, 29th and 30th. The Convocation did not
ratify the last three, and the 29th was omitted during printing,
making the number actually only thirty-eight. But in 1571,
when the final revision occurred, the 29th was reintro
duced, and then the entire document, receiving the sanction
of Parliament, was made obligatory upon the clergy. The fol
lowing table will show the relation of the several Articles to the
Lutheran formularies.
I. Aug. Conf, Art. I..; XIII. Articles, 1538.
II. Aug. Conf, IIL; XIII. Articles 1538; Revision of 1562
introduced : " Begotten from everlasting of the Father, the very
and eternal God of one substance with the Father," from the
Wiirtemberg Confession.
1 For details, see Hardwick, pp. 84 sqq.
' " All the alterations are drawn chiefly from the Wflrtemberg Confession,"
Adolphus, Compendium Theologicum, p. 438.

The Thirty-Nine Articles. 341
III. and IV. Each foUowing a clause in Aug. Conf, Art.
IIL, but not identical with the Confession.
V. Wiirtemberg Confession, Art. III. Not in 1552.
VL [V. of 1552.] 
VIL [VI. of 1552.]

VIIL [VIL 1552]. Articles of 1536, L Saxon Arts., (1551,
Melanchthon), I.
IX. [ATIL, 1552]. Aug. Conf ,11. ; XIII. Articles (1538), IL
X. [IX]. Former Sentence frorn close of Art. Ill,, Wiirtem
berg Confession ; "the latter almost verbatim from St. Augus
tine." XI. Aug. Conf ly. ; Arts, of 1536, V. ; XIII. Arts., IV. See
preceding chapter on Homilies.
XII. Hardwick refers this in part to the Wurtemberg Confes
sion. It is nearer the argument of the Apology which in fact it
condenses, and may possibly be connected with the Homilies.
Almost the very words of Apology however reappear, p. 139 :
§ 172- XIII. [XII]. Also condensing the thought of the Apology,
pp. 89; 147 sqq. ; 230.
Xr^. [XII]. Apology, 285 : 24, 25-
XV. [XIA^I. Amplifying a thought of Aug. Conf, Art. II.
XVI. [XAT]. Partly from Aug. Conf, Art. XII.
XVIL ¦ 
XVIII. 
XIX. [XX]. Aug. Conf, Art. VII; XIII. Arts., V.
XX. [XXI]. Cf Aug. Conf, Art. XXVIII. Melanchthon's
Appendix to Smalcald Articles, II.
XXI. [XXIL] 
XXII. [XXIII]. Possibly from Smalcald Articles, Part II :
Art. II. , § 12. "Purgatory and every solemnity, rite, and pro
fit connected 'with it, is to be regarded nothing but a spectre
of the devil. {"Mera diaboli iarvd) " Eng. Art: " Res est
futiUs,"

34- The Lutheran Movement in England,
XXIII. [XXIV]. Based on Aug. Conf, Art. XIV.; XIII.
Arts., X.
XXIA'. [XXA'^. Cf Apology, 259 : 4
XXV. [XXIV]. Based on Aug. Conf, Art. XIII. ; XIII.
Arts., IX.
XXVI. [XXV]. Aug. Conf Art. ATIII; XIII. Arts., X.
XXVII. [XXVIII]. The Articles of 1536 and 1538, based on
Augsburg Confession and Melanchthon "Against the Anabap
tists, ' ' were probably, as Hardwick supposes, before the compiler ;
but there was a very decided weakening to conform it to the
Calvinistic doctrine.
XXVIII. (XXIX)  (Calvinistic).
XXIX. §  Calvinistic. First published in 1571.
XXX. Cf Aug. Conf, Art. XXII. Added in 1562.
XXX. (XXX). Based on Aug. Conf, Art. XXIV: 22-27.
XXXII. (XXXI) Cf Aug. Conf, Art. XXIII : 3 sqq.
XXXIII. (XXXII). 
XXXIV. (XXXIII). Based on Aug. Conf. Art. XV. Cf.
Apology, Art. XV: i, 3, 8, 51.
XXXV. (XXXIV) 
XXXVI. (XXXV). 
XXXVII. (XXXVI). Partly from Aug. Conf, Art. XVI.
XXXVIII. (XXXVII). Partly from Aug. Conf, Art. XVI,
and its explanation by Apology, Art. XVI : 36, 61, etc.
XXXIX. (XXXVIII). From same Article.
The suppressed Art. XLL of 1552 was based on Aug. Conf,
Art.IL

CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE StJBSEQUENT HISTORY.
The Refugees of Mary's reign. The Congregations of Exiles at Frankfort-
on-the-Main. The Revised Service. John Knox. The Conflict be
tween Puritanism and the adherents of the Prayer-Book. Dr. Richard
Cox. Knox withdraws. A Question as to Lutheran Baptism. Calvin
at Frankfort. His later opinion of the Augsburg Confession. An An
glican Theological Seminary at Frankfort. Kindness shown the refu
gees. Archbishop Grindal. Duke Christopher of Wiirtemberg. Bishop
Aylmer at Jena ; nearly becomes Schnepf s successor as a member of the
theological Faculty. The Restoration under Elizabeth. Robert Brown
and the " Independents." The fate of English Lutheranism. Its con
tinued Influence. Accession of the House of Hanover. New attempts
at examination of historical relations. Pufendorf s Principles. Con
clusion.
The limit fixed for this survey has been the close of the reign
of Edward VI. , with a reference to the permanent memorials
of the Lutheran movement which remain. Another interesting
field opens to the historical student in the development of the
English Church among the bands of exiles scattered on the Con
tinent during the Marian persecution. Mary came to the throne,
July 5th, 1553. Before her former coronation, in October, the
leaders of the evangelical movement had, with only one or two
exceptions, been deprived of their positions and cast into prison.
Cranmer was sent to the Tower September 14th. During the
same month, Polanus with his congregation of exiles, fled to
Frankfort-on-the-Main. Here the chief Lutheran pastor was,
Hardtmann Beyer, distinguished for his courage and zeal in. the
days of the Interim, an alumnus of Wittenberg, and frequently
(343)

344 77^1? Lutheran Movement in England.
mentioned in the correspondence of Luther and Melanchthon.
They were kindly received, and were given the IVeissfrauen-
kirche for their services, which were begun in the French lan
guage, April 2ist. They were followed (June 27th) by a num
ber of English Protestants who were given the same church for
services in English at a different hour, AVilliam AVhittingham,
brother-in-law of Calvin, being their first pastor. One year la
ter, (June 1555), John a Lasco and his congregation came, and
they worshipped in the same place in the Dutch language. Very
soon a controversy began among the English. The Calvinistic
party had fretted even in England, that the revision of the Book
of Common Prayer in 1552, was not more radical. A new Ser
vice was prepared. It "was concluded that the answeringe
alowde after the Minister shulde not be vsed, the letanye, sur
plice and many other thinges also omitted. The Minister in
place off the Englishe Confession shulde vse another, bothe off
more effecte, and also framed according to the state and time.
And the same ended, the people do singe a psalme in meetre in
a plaine tune . . that don, the minister to praye for thessistance
off gods holie spirite and so to proceade to the sermon. After
the sermon, a generall praier for all estates and for oure countrie
of Englande was also devised, at thende off whiche praier, was
coined the lords praier, and a rehearsall of tharticles off oure be-
lieff, which ended the people to singe an other psalme as afore.
Then the minister pronouncinge this blessinge : The peace of
God, etc. ' ' ' John Knox was called from Geneva to take charge
of this congregation, and accepted, being its pastor from No
vember 155410 March 1555. But this change of the Service
proved too radical, and caused a reaction. More exiles sympa
thizing with a more conservative course arrived from England.
Knox was strengthened by the interference of Calvin. In March
1555, Dr. Richard Cox arrived. He was one of the band of first
English Lutherans at Cambridge, mentioned in the beginning
1 A Brief Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort, 1554. Reprint
London 1846, p. VII.

The Subsequent History. 345
of this book, and had actively co-operated in the preparation of
the principal English formularies, especially the Book of Com
mon Prayer. Heat once antagonized Knox. "The sundaie
folowinge, one off his company withowt the knowleg off the con
gregation gate upp suddainly into the pulpit, redd the lettany,
and D. Cox withe his companie answered alowde, whereby the
determination of the churche was broken." ^ Such is the record
of the one side. In two weeks time, Knox had left Frankfort.
Thus the struggle between Puritanism and the EngHsh Church
began in Lutheran Germany, and was to be tranferred to Eng
land for fuller development during the reign of Elizabeth. The
congregation was hopelessly divided. One party would not al
low the English minister to baptize their children. They car
ried them to the Lutheran ministers. Then came another con
troversy. Peter Martyr was called upon to prepare an opinion
on the question : " An liceat hominibus evangelicis baptismum
a Lutheranis accipi," "May evangelical men receive baptism
from Lutherans?" He thought not. This did not settle matters,
and he had to write again to the effect, that while "he would
not say it was unlawful, yet he disliked the practice. ' ' Here
are a few of Martyrs arguments : " Since the Lutheran faith and
oturs is diverse, we cannot commit ours to be sealed by the Lu
therans. . . What advantage or spiritual edification is had from
baptism sought for at the hands of the Lutherans ? The salva
tion of your infants is not imperilled if they die without baptism,
since neither the grace of God, nor the effects of predestination
are to be bound to external things and sacraments.'" Calvin
himself repaired to Frankfort in 1556. He avoided the Luth
eran pastors, his relations towards Lutheranism having changed
some three years previously. A few years later, he wrote to the
Prince of Conde, "the Confession of Augsburg is neither flesh
nor fish, and is the cause of great schisms and debates among the
» Ib. XXXVIII.
'Strype's Cranmer, III: 162 sqq.

346 The Lutheran Movement in England.
Germans ;" * and to Admiral Coligny : ' " It is such a meagre
composition, so feeble and so obscure, that it is impossible to
stop short at its conclusions. " * Thus Puritanism showed in its
very outstart the same hostility to Lutheranism, as to the Eng
lish formularies drawm from Lutheran sources.
The other portion ofthe congregation found, with little diffi
culty, sufficient material among its members for a theological
faculty, and established for the time a Seminary, with Dr. Horn,
pre^viously Dean of Durham, for Hebrew ; Dr. John Mullins for
Greek, Dr. Traheron, previously Dean of Chichester, for Di
vinity. Not only at Frankfort, but also in Reformed centers, English
exiles received kind treatment. Frankfort, however, is of most
importance in its historical relations. Dr. Edmund Grindal,
Archbishop of Canterbury, 1576-83, bears most emphatic testi
mony to its influence on the later history of the English Church :
" That England had so many bishops and other ministers of
God's AVord, which at that day preached the pure doctrine ofthe
Gospel, was owing to Strasburgh, Ziirich, Basel Worms, but
above all the rest, to Frankfort. You received our people to
harbor, and, being received, embraced them with the highest hu
manity, and defended them with your authority. And if we should
not acknowledge and speak of this piety of yours, we were, of all
mankind, the most ungrateful." ' His biographer says: "In
trath, the remembrance of the former kindness, received by him
and the rest of the exiles in Germany, under Queen Mary, stuck
close upon his grateful mind ; and he thought he could not suf
ficiently express it upon all occasions."' Duke Christopher,
of Wurtemberg, the prince for whom Dr. John Brentz prepared
the Wiirtemberg Confession, and distinguished for his decided
* Sept. 24th, 1561. Letters.
'May loth, 1563. See Letters.
'Strype's Memorials, V : 71-
' Strype's Grindal, p. 16.
0 Ib. p. 182.

The Subsequent History. 347
Lutheran convictions, was held in particularly grateful recogni
tion, because of his kindness to the exiles. ' The Duke had
been very kind unto the English exiles, having at one time be
stowed among them at Strasburgh four or five hundred dollars,
besides mbre given to them at Frankfort." » This act was duly
acknowledged by Queen EHzabeth, when the Duke sent a repre
sentative to England in 1563, and by Bishop Grindal who en
tertained him and discussed with him Brentz's doctrine of the
Omnipresence of Christ's humanity, which the Duke cordially
approved. " But this without heat. They were contented to
hear one another's arguments, and each to suffer other to abound
in his own sense." "
Of John Ayhner, Lord Bishop of London in the reign of
Queen Elizabeth, we are told that he improved the time of his
exile by attending the University of Jena, and that he came near
becoming the Professor of Hebrew in that institution. " He
should, if he had not come away," says his biographer, "have
had the Hebrew lecture there which Snepphinus [Erhard Schnepf]
had, having been entertained there to read in that University
both Greek and Latin, and with the good love of those famous
men, Flacius lUyricus, Victorius Strigelus, D. Schnepphinus
(whom they termed the other Luther), with divers others." "
But on the accession, of Elizabeth, all elements again
were found in the Church of England, and the former system
of compromise continued, postponing, although not averting,
the crisis which at length came, in the entire separation of 'Pres
byterianism, and the Westminister formularies of the next cen
tury. The " Independent " (" Congregationalist ") movement
of Robert Brown, which sent the Pilgrim fathers to America be
gan as early as 15 71. AVhile it repudiated Calvin's theory of
Church government, itwas in other respects a development ofthe
Calvinistic principles that had entered the Church of England
»Ib.p. 132.
Mlb.
"'Strype's Life of Bp. Aylmer, pp. 10 sq.

348 The Lutheran Movement in England.
during the reign of Edward, but whose development had been
greatly stimulated by the closer contact with Calvinistic centers
during the succeeding reign. Between Hierarchism and Puri
tanism, Lutheranism seemed to have been comjiletely osercome.
But it continued to live in the Liturgy and other formularies,
and though checked in its course by foreign principles with
which it is mingled, occasionally started some evangelical
movement, which, however, from lack of intelligent consistency,
fell short of a trae and thorough reformation. Such was the
Methodistic movement, which soon became one sided, and so
concentrated its force only on a few points of faith and life, that
John Wesley whose work was especially that of awakening and
arousing the slumbering conscience, in his later years was surprised
that in his earlier years he could have so warmly commended
Luther on Galatians.
AVhen the Lutheran House of Hanover was called to the Eng
lish throne, again the question of the relation of the Church of
England to the Lutheran Church became a matter of consider
ation. It was in this interest, that Theophilus Dorrington, Rec
tor of Wittresham in Kent, published a translation of a posthu
mous book of Baron Pufendorf with the title : "A view of the
Principles of the Lutheran Churches; showing how far they
agree with the Church of England ; being a seasonable essay to
wards the uniting of Protestants upon the accession of His Ma
jesty, King George to the throne of these Kingdoms. London,
1714." The book was written by Pufendorf, not with respect
to the Church of England, but to exhibit the reasons why there
could be no union between the Lutherans and the Romish
Church, and what difficulties there were in the way of a uniting of
Protestants. Mr. Dorrington says in his Preface : " I thought that
it might be of use to us in England, to understand and know the
principles and practices of the Lutheran churches (which are the
trae Protestant churches beyond the seas) better than for aught
I can find we commonly do."
This statement we would particularly commend to the mem-

The Subsequent History. 349
bers of the Church of England and her affiliated churches of to
day. The close dependence of the English Church on the work
of the Lutheran Reformers, which has been above shown, cer
tainly calls for more extensive acknowledgement and remem
brance. Here in America, the two churches have again been
brought into close local relation. Each must justify before God
and men the reason for its separate existence ; and this requires
of necessity the careful and thorough review of historical rela
tions and connections. In such review, the questions formerly
at issue may be judged without that violence done conscience by
the sacrilegious interference of a godless King, which English
writers universaUy so deeply lament and condemn. The work
begun by Cranmer may here be carried to its desired conclusion.
The Lutheran Church should also recognize the many elements
of strength and edification in the English Church ; and judge
with discrimination her noble formularies. Any claim, however,
to the acknowledgement of a succession of bishops as a mark of
the Church cannot be conceded without abandoning Art. VII.
of the Augsburg Confession, upon which, even in the time of
Henry VIIL, there seems to have been no controversy. The
various other English communions that have originated by a re
action against hierarchical elements, retained by the incomplete
ness of the reformation of the English Church, can be judged
with the greater charity. The attainment of an ultimate union
of Protestants does not lie in the way of ignoring, but of
bravely facing, differences, and examining the grounds of their
origin. It is to humbly contribute something to such attain
ment, that we have prepared the foregoing summary of facts.

CHAPTER XXIX.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL.

Sixty-five English Lutheran Books of the XVI. Century.
No BETTER indication of the extent of the influence of the
Lutheran Reformation upon that in England can be given, than
that afforded by the subjoined list. It probably might be largely
increased by more extensive researches :
SOME ENGLISH LUTHERAN BOOKS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
1536. The Confessyon of the Fayth of the Germaynes, ex
hibited to the Most Victorious Emperour Charles the V., in the
Councill or Assemble holden at Augusta, the yere of our Lord,
1530. To which is added the Apologie of Malancthon, who
defendeth with Reasons invincible the aforesayd Confessyon,
translated by Richard Taverner, at the commandment of his Mas
ter, the ryght honourable Master Thomas Cromwel, chefe secre-
tare to the Kynges Grace. London, Robert Redman.
1536. A compendious letter which John Pomerane — curate
ofthe congregacion ofWittenberge sent to the faithfull christen
congregacion in England. London, Richard Charlton.
1537. How and whither a christian man ought to flye the
horrible plage of the pestilence. A sermon out of the third
Psalme : Qui habitat in adjutorio altissimi. By Andrew Osian
der. Translated out of the hye Almayne by Miles Coverdale.
London, Richard Charlton.
1537. M. Luther's exposition of the Twenty-third Psalm,
translated from the German by Miles Coverdale. Southwark,
John Nicholson. (350)

Bibliographical. 351
1537. The causes why the Germanes will not go nor con-
sente onto the councill which Paul the 3 now Bp. of Rome, hath
called to be kept at Mantua in Italy, and to begynne the 23 daye
of Maye. Southwark, James Nicholson.
Before 1548. The Apology of the Germans against the Coun
cil of Maptua. Translated by Miles Coverdale.
1538. Common places of scripture orderly and after a com
pendious forme of teachyng set forth. By Erasmus Sarcerius.
Translated into English by R. Taverner. London, J. Byddell.
1 5 41. A very godly defense full of leming, defending the
marriage of priests, gatthered by Philip Melancthon, and sent
unto the Kyng of England, Henry the aight. Translated out of
Latine into the English by Lewis Beauchame. Lipse, Printed
by Ulryght Hoffe.
1542. The acts ofthe disputation in the cowncell of the em-
pyre, holden at Regenspurg ; that is to say, all the artycles con
cerning the christen relygion, both agreed upon and not agreed
upon, even as they were proposed of the emperour unto the no
bles of the empire, to be judged, delebered and debated, etc.
Translated out of Latyne into English by Mylys Coverdale.
1544. De Libertate Christiana. The liberty of a christian
Man. Cum priveligio regali. A lytle worke moost necessary to
be knowen, ofthe freedome and bondage ofthe soule and body.
God save the Kynge. Imprynted at the same by me John
Byddell.' 1545. The dysclosyng of the canon of ye popysh Masse, with
a sermon annexed unto it, of ye famous clerk of worthy memory
Di Marten Luther. ' Apocal. XVIII: "Come away from hyr
my people, that ye be not partakers in her synnes." Imprinted
have at al Papiste, By me Hans hitprycke.
1545. The exposicion of Daniel the Prophete, gathered out
of P. Melancton. Printed at Geneva, afterwards in London,
Edward Whitchurch.
^ Archbishop Laurence comments on this title to show how much greater in
England was the influence of Luther than that of Calvin. — Bampton Lectures,
P- 235.

352 77^1? Lutheran Movement in England,
1546. The true hystorie of the christen departynge of the
reverende man D. Martyne Luther, collected by Justus Jonas,
Michael Celius, and Joannes Aurifaber, whych were thereat, &
translated into Englysh by Johan Bale.
1547. The Epistle of P. Melancton made unto Kynge Henry
the Eighth, for the revokynge and abolishing of the six articles
set forth and enacted by the craftie meanes and procurement of
certeyne of our prelates of the clergie, translated out of laten in
to Englishe by J. C. Weesell.
1547. A Simple and religious consultation of vs Herman by
the grace of God, Archbishop of Colone, and prince Electour,
&c., by what means a Christian reformation, and, founded in
God's Word, of doctrine, administration of the devine sacra-
mentes, of ceremonies, and how the holy cure of soules and other
ecclesiastical ministries, may be begun among men committed to
our pastorall charge. Imprinted in the yere of our Lord 1547.
The XXX. of October, I. P.
1548. Of the true auctorities of the churche, compyled by
the excellent learned man Philippe Melancthon, and dedicate
unto the noble Duke off Prussia, newly translated out of the
Latin into Englyshe. Ipswich, John Owen.
1548. The Justification of Man by faith only. By Philip
Melanchthon. Translated by Nicholas Lesse. Greenwich,
William Powell.
1548. Conjectures of the end of the World, gathered out of
the scriptures by A. Osiander, and translated by G. Joye.
1548. A declaration of the twelve articles of the christen
faythe ¦with annotations of the holy scriptures where they be
grounded in. By D. Urban Regium. Richard Jugge for Geu-
alter Lynne.
1548. The Olde Leaming and the newe compared together,
whereby it may be easely knowen which of them is better and
more agreyng wyth the everlasting word of God. Newly cor
rected and augmented by Wyllyam Turner. Translated from
Urban Regius. London, Robert Stoughton.

Bibliographical. 353
1548. A lytle Treatise after the maner of an Epistle wryten
by the famouse clerk Doctor Urban Regius to his friend, about
the causes of the great controversy, that hath been & is yet in
the christian church.
1548. A frutefuU and godly exposition and declaration of
of the Kyngdom of Christ, and of the Christen lybertye, made
upon the words of the Prophete Jeremye in the XXIII chapter
with an exposycyon of the VIII. Psalme, intreatyng of the same
matter, by the famous clerke Doctor Martyn Luther, whereunto
is annexed a godly sermon of Doctor Urbanus Regius, upon the
IX chapyter of Mathewe, of the woman that had an isseu of
blood, & of the ruler's daughter, newly translated out of the
hyghe Almayne. Imprinted for Gwalter Lynne.
r548. The chiefe and pryncyple Articles of the Christen
faythe, toholde against the Pope and al Papistes, and the gates
of hell, with other thre very profitable and necessary bokes, the
names of tytles whereof are conteyned in the leafe next foUow-
ynge. Made by Doctor Marten Luther. To the reader. In
thys boke shal your fynde Christian Reader the ryght probation
of the righte Olde Catholyke church, and of the newe false
church, whereby eyther of them is to be knowen. Reade and
iudge. London, Gualter Lynne.
1548. M. Luther's sermon of the Keys, and of Absolution,
on John XX: 21, 22. Translated by R. Argentine, Ipswich,
An. Scoloker.
1548. Melanchthon, his waying and considering of the In
terim, translated by John Rogers. London, Edward Whitchurch.
1548. Catechism, set forth by Thomas Archbyshop of Can
terbury [Translated from the Brandenberg-Niimberg Kinder-
prfdigten.] 1548. A simple and religious consultation of vs Harma by
the grace of God, Archbishop of Colone, etc.
About 1548. Herman, archbishop of Colen, Of the right
institution of baptism ; also a treatise of matrimony, and buriall
the dead by Wolgh.. Muscul.. Translated by Richard Rice.
24

354 The Lutheran Movement in England.
Before 1549. The Confessyon of Fayth, deliwered to the
Emperour Charles the Vth. by the Lordes of Germany, written
in Latyn by Phylyppe Melancthon, and translated into English
by Robert Syngylton. Printed by John M)'chell, Canterbury.
1549. A briefe collection of all such of the scriptures as do
declare ye most blessed and happye estate of them that be vyset-
ed with syckness and other visitations of God, and of them that
be departinge out of this lyfe, wyth most godly prayers and gen
eral confessions, very expedient and mete to be read to all sicke
persons, to make them wyllynge to dye. Whereunto are added
two fruitfull and comfortable sermons made by the famouse clarke
doctor Martin Luther, verye mete also to be reade at the buri-
alles. Ecclesiastes VII. Imprinted on Somer's Kaye.
1550. The censure of J[ohn] B[rentz] in the cases whiche
are concerning matrimony.
1556. A very fraitfull exposition upou the syxte chapter of
Saynte John, divided into X Homelies or Sermons. Written in
Latyn by the ryghte excellent . Master John Brencius, and trans
lated into English by Richard Shirrye, London. 9 April, 1550.
1550. A treatise of the argumentis of the old and new Tes-
ment, by John Brentius : translated by John Calcaskie. Lon
don, Richard Charlton.
1550. A homelye of the Resurrection of Christe by John
Brentius, .translated by Thomas Sampson. London, Richard
Charlton. 1550. A Godlye treatyse of Prayer, translated into Englishe
by John Bradforde. From the Latin of P. Melancthon. [Also
in 1589, John Wight, Publisher.]
1554. Preface of Melancthon to "A Faithful Admonition
of a certain true Pastor and Prophet sent unto the Germans."
1561. A famous:and godly history, contaynyng the lyves and
actes of three renowned reformers of the christian church. Mar-
tine Luther, John Ecolampadius and Huldericke Zuinglius : the
declaration of Martin Luthers faythe before the Emperour Charles
the fyft, and the illustre estates of the empyre of Germanye, wyth

Bibliographical. 355
an oration of hys death : all set forth in Latin by Philip Me
lancthon, Wolfgangus Faber, Capito, Simon Grineusand Oswald
Miconius. Newly Englished by Henry Bennett, Collesian. Lon
don, John Sampson.
1566. P. Melancton upon the VIII chapter of Paules epistles
to the Romanes, Whether it be mortall sin to transgress civil
lawes. 1569. The Miseries of schoolmasters, uttered in a Latine
Oration made by the famous clearke, Philip Melanchthon. Lon
don, Henry Denham.
1570. Newes from Niniue to Englande brought by the proph
ete Jonas. By Brentius ; translated by Thomas Tinime, Minister.
1573. An Exposition of Solomon's Booke, caUed Ecclesias
tes or the Preacher. By Martin Luther. London, John Day.
1573. A Commentarie of M. Doctor Martin Luther on the
epistle of St. Paul to the Galatians. London, Thos. VautroUier.
[In the library of British Museum, there are English editions of
Luther on Galatians of 1577, 1580, 1588, 1616.]
1577. M. Luther's Exposition on 130 Psame. Translated by
Thos. Potter. London, Hugh Shyngleton.
1577. A commentaire upon the fiftene psalmes callel Psalmi
Graduum, that is Psalmes of Dygrees : faithfuHy copied out of
the lectures of D. Martin Luther. — Translated out of the Latin
by Henry Bull. Cmn priveligio. London, Thos. VautroUier.
1577. A commentarie of M. Doctor Martin Luther upon the
epistle of Paul to the Galathians first collected and gathered
word by word out of his preaching, and now out of Latine faith
fully translated into English for the unlearned. Diligently re
vised, corrected and newly imprinted again. Cum priveligio.
London, Thos. VautroUier. [See above 1573-]
1577. A newe worek concernyng both parties of the Sacra
ment to be receyved of the lay people as well as under the kynde
of breade, with certen other articles, of bysshops, the chapters
whereof are conteyned in the next leafe : m-ade b)f Philip Me
lanchthon and now translated out of the Latyn. London, Rich-

356 The Lutheran Movement in England,
and Jugge. [Of this translation, there were earlier editions,
Basle, probably 1543, and London, probably 1560. See cata
logue of books published prior to 1640, in Library of British
Museum] 1578. A very comfortable and necessary sermon in these our
dayes, made by the right reverend father and faithful servant of
Jesus Christ Martin Luther, concernyng the coming of our Sa
viour Christ to iudgement, and the signes that go before the last
day. Whiche sermon is an exposition of the Gospell appointed
to be read in the church on the second Sunday in Advent, and
is now newly translated out ofthe Latin into English, and some-
thyng augmented and enlarged by the translator with certaine
notes in the margent. Imprinted cum gratia et priveligio —
Majestatis, London, John Byddell.
1578. M. Luther on Is. ix : 2-7 ; being a prophecie of Christ,
wherein the conquest of Christ and his members over sin. Death
and Sathan is declared. London, H. Bynneman for Gregory
Seaton. 1578. Special and chosen sermons of D. Martin Luther, col
lected out of his writings and preachings. Englished by W. C.
(Will Gace). [These 34 sermons are dedicated "To — Syr
Thomas Heneage." He was fined for printing this book with
out license, xs. Another edition 1581.]
1578. A Right Comfortable Treatise containing fourteen
pointes of consolation for them that labor and are laden. Writ
ten by D. Martin Luther to Prince Frederick Duke of Saxony,
he being sore sicke, thereby to comfort him in the time of his
great distress, Englished by W. Gace. [Another edition 1580.]
1578. The sermon which Christ made on the way to Emaus
to those two sorrowful disciples, set down in a dialogue by D.
Urbane Regius, wherein he hath gathered and expounded the
chief prophecies of the old Testament concerning Christ. Lon
don, John Day. [Another edition 161 2.]
1579. Phil. Melangton, his praiers, translated by Richard
Robinson. London, Henry Denham.

Bibliographical, 357
1580. A Right Godly and Learned discourse upon the booke
of Ester. Written in latin by J. Brentius, and new turned into
English by J. Harrison. London.
1581. A commentarie or exposition upon the twoo Epistles
generaU of Saint Peter and that of Saint Jude. First faithfuUie
gathered out of the Lectures and Preachings of that worthie In-
strumente in Goddes Churche, Doctour Martine Luther. And
now out of the Latine, for the singuler benefite and comfort of
the Godlie, familiarle translated into Englishe by Thomas New
ton. Imprinted for Abr. Veale in Paule's church yard.
1581. A Manuell of christian praiers by divers devout and
godly men, as Calvin, Luther, Melangton, etc., augmented and
amended by Abr. Fleming. London, Henry Denham.
1581. Singuler and fruitfull manner of prayer used byD. M.
Luther, paraphrastically written on the Lordes praier, beliefe and
the commandements.
1582. A descouerse and batterie of the great Fort of unwrit
ten Traditions, otherwise. An examination of the Councill of
Trent, touching the decree of traditions. Done by Martinus
Chemnitius in Latine, and translated into Englishe by R. V.
London, Thos. Purfoot.
1583. A declaration made by the Archbishop of CoUen, opon
the deede of his marriage. Sent to the States of his Archbishop-
rike According to the coppie Imprented at CoUen, 1583. Lon- '
don : Printed by John Woolfe, 1583.
1588. Luther's sermon on the Angels. London, Hugh
Syngelton. 1588. An instraccyon of christen faythe how to be bolde
upon the promyse of God and not to double of our salvacyon,
made by Urbanus Regius. Translated into englyshe. Dedicated
by J. Fox the translator. Londown, Hugh Syngelton
1590. A homelie or sermon ofthe good and evill Angell;
on the x8 Mat., ver. 10, Preached at ZeUe in Saxony, 1537. By
Urbanus Regius. First translated by Richard Robinson, citizen
of London. Licensed in 1582. [Another edition in 1593,]
John Charleswood, London.

358 Tlie Lutheran Movement in England,
1584. Solace of Sion, and Joy of Jerasalem, being an expo-
siton on the LXXXIII Psalm. Translated into English by R.
Robinson. 1596. The force of Faith, containing a most sweet and com
fortable treatise of the divine talke between Christ and the wom
an of Canaan. Also a Dialogue between a sorrowfull sinner, and
God's word conceming him. Written in Latin by Nicholas Sel-
necceras. Translated by R. M. Printed for Chr. Hunt.
WITHOUT DATE.
A fraitfull sermon of D. Martin Luther concerning Matrimo
ny, taken out of the Epistle to the Hebrews.
Declaration of the Order that the churches in Denmarke and
many other places in Germany do use, not onely at the holye
Supper, but also at Baptisme. By Miles Coverdale. Printed
beyond the sea.
A brefe and playne declaratyon of the dewty of married folkes,
gathered out of the holy scriptures, and set forth in the almayne
tonge by Hermon Arcbyshop of Cologne, whiche wylled all the
hosholdes of his flocke to have the same in their bedchambers as
a mirror or glasse dayly to loke in, etc. Newly translated into
ye EngUshe tonge by Hans Dekyn Imprynte — in Temestrete
by Hughe Syngyleton, at the dobbel hoad, over agaynst the
Stylyarde.

IIS'DEX.

Absolution, 93, 278.
Abuses, Articles of Augsburg Confession on, 133, 141, 150, 156, 177 s(i
Active Obedience of Christ, 336.
Adiaphorists, 204.
Adult Baptism, 258 sq.
Aepinus, John, Superintendent at Hamburg (b. 1499, d. 1553), 128, 148.
Agende, Mediaeval, 257.
Agnus Dei, 221, 309.
Agricola (Schneider) John, (of Eisleben, b. 1492, d. 1566), 13, 76, 123,200.
Alcuin (b. 735, d. 804) 299.
Alesius, Alexander, Professor at Leipzig, (b. 1500, d. 1565), 57, 76, 85, 87,
128, 151.
Allen Thomas (d. 1558), 9.
Alva, Duke of, (b. 1508, d. 1582), 143.
Amsdorf, von, Nicholas (b. 1483, d. 1565), 205.
Anabaptism, 68, 77, 89, 90, 139, 180, 183, 204, 267, 342.
Anderson, Christopher, (b. 1782, d. 1852). His " Annals of the English Bi
ble," 17 sq.
Annaberg (town in Saxony), 141.
Anne Boleyn, (b. 1507, d. 1536), 32, 41, 43, 44, 74-76, 193.
Anne of Cleves (b. 1515, d. 1557), 152, 167, 168, 178, 183, 189, 196.
Anti-Christ, 134, 135, 156.
Antinomians, 204.
Antiphons, 291.
Antwerp, 125, 181.
Apology of the Augsburg Confession (1531). 52, 63, 67, 68, 70, 72, 80, 83 sq.,
89, 91-96, 103, 109, 110-112, 127, 138, 167, 179, 199, 335, 341 sq.
Apostolical Constitutions, The, 296.
Apostolical Succession, 323 sq.
Aquinas, Thomas, (Doctor angelicus, b. 1227, d. 1274), 41, 298.
Argentine R., 353.
(359)

360 Index,
Arthur, Prince, brother of Henry VIIL, (b. i486, d. 1502), 40.
Arthur, Thomas, (d. 1532), 7, 9, 12.
Articles, on Abuses, see Abuses.
Six, The (1539), 14s sq., 150-155, 159, 167 sqq., 191 sqq., 20I.
Ten, The (1536), 80, 88-104, 128, 138, 139.
Thirteen, The (1535), 63.
Thirteen The (1538), 136-139.
Thirty-Nine, The (1563 J, 136, 339-42.
Forty-two (1553), 340.
Augsburg, 200.
Augsburg Confession, (1530), 52, 63, 67 sq., 70-3, 75, 80, 83 sq., 91-3, 96 sq.,
101, 103, 109, III, 127, 132 sq., 136-9, 141, 146, 148, 150, 152, 167,
178 sq., 192, 195, 197, 199, 201^, 210, 336-42, 349, 350, 354.
Augsburg, Diet, (1530), 142.
Augusti, Prof. C. J. W. (b. 1771, d. 1841), 223.
Augustine, St. (b. 354, d. 430), 306, 341.
Augustinianism, 2.
Aurifaber, Johann (b. 1517, d. 1568), 352.
Austrian " Order of Service," (1571), 250, 303.
Authorized 'Version, (161 1), 147.
Aylmer, John, Bishop of London, (b. 1521, d. 1594), 347.
Balhorn, John (Printer), 189.
Bamberg Missal, 219.
Bamberg Order, 223.
Baptism, Order of, 253-8.
Ten Articles on 90.
Tyndale on, 37.
Barlow, Wm., Bishop of St. David's, afterwards of Chichester, (d. 1568), 83.
Barnes, Robert (b. 1495 martyr, d. 154°), 7. 8, 9. ". 12, 49, 55-60, 67, 76,
116, 118, 127, 132 sq» 149, 151, 178, 181-92, 196, 206 sq., 215.
Basle, 346.
Baum, John William (Biographer of Bucer\ 276.
Baumbach von, Ludwig, 149.
Beauchame, Louis, I91.
Becon, Thomas, (b. 1511, d. 1567), 324 sq.
Benedicamus, 311 sqq.
Benger, Elizabeth Ogilvy (b. 1778, d. 1827), 75.
Berne (Switzerland), 276.
Beyer Hardtmann (b. 1516, d. 1577), 343.
Bible, English, 14, 115-26, 145-7.

Index, 361
Billican, Theobald (d. ISS9), 13.
Bilney, Thomas (b. 1500, martyr 1531), 6 sq., il sq., 181.
Bishops, Luther and Melanchthon on, 160.
Bishops' Book of 1537, 104-14, 314.
Blakeney, Richard Paul (b. 1820, d. 1884) 253.
Blage, Mrs. 19I.
Blaurer, Ambrose (b. 1492, d. 1567), 148.
Blunt, John Henry (b. 1823, d. 1884), loi, 208, 234, 238-40, 253, 257, 259,
272 sq., 328.
Boleyn, Anne, see Anne Boleyn.
Boleyn, Sir Thomas (b. 1477, d. 1539), 44.
Bona, Giovanni, Cardinal (b. 1609, d. 1674), 300.
Bonner, Edmund, Bishop of Ix>ndon (b. 1490, d. 1569), 191 sq., 334.
Boyneburg, a, George, LL. D. (a Hessian diplomatist), 129.
Bradford, Rudolph, 10.
Bradwardin, Thomas of. Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1290, d. 1348), 2.
Brandenburg, Elector of (1546), 196.
Brandenburg-Niirnberg Kinder Predigten (1533), 4, 316.
Brandenbtu-g-Niimberg Order (Oaander, Brentz, 1533), 47, 142, 223-5, 243,
250, 255 sq., 259 sqq., 267, 270 sqq., 282, 289, 303, 310, 316, 335 sq.
Bremen, 169.
Brentz, Dr. John, the Swabian Reformer (b. 1499, d. 1570), 13, 46 sqq., 72,
200,209,211, 222, 242, 270, 289 sq., 325.340,342.354,355.357-
His Catechism, 325-7.
Bristol, Use of, 220.
Browne, Robert, Founder of " Independents " (b. 1550, d. 1631), 347.
Browne, Sur Thomas (b. 1605, d. 1682), 138.
Brunswick, 199.
Bucer (Kuhhorn) Dr. Martin (b. 1491, d. 1551), 13, 48, 72, 152,^55, 167,
196, 209-213, 224, 227, 234, 259, 26p. 274 sqq., 278 sq., 327, 333.
Bucler, Walter, 194.
Buddeus, Dr. J. F. (b. 1667, d. 1729), 209.
Bugenhagen, Dr. John, Pomeranus (b. 1485, d. 1558), 13, 58, 153, 167, 187
223,240,302,310,350.
Bull, Henry (d. 1575) 355.
Bullinger, Henry, the Swiss Reformer (b. 1504, d. 1574), 207 sq., 213-17, 244.
Burcher, 213 sq.
Burials, Orders for, 273 sq. [205.
Burkhard, Francis, Vice-Chancellor (b. 1504, d. 1560), 72, 129, 149, 153, 196,
Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop of Salisbury (b. 1643, d. 171S). 48, 59. ^7. Joo.

362 Index,
Calcaskie, John, 354. [349.
Calvin, Dr. John, (b. 1509, d. 1564), 214, 275, 277 sq., 281, 337, 344 sq., 347,
Calvinism, 243, 342, 344, 347.
Calvor, Kaspar (b. 1650, d. 1725), 295, 303.
Cambridge, University of, 3, 6, 8, 10, 11, 14 sq., 43 sq., 48, 61 sq., 117, 125,
l8i, 192, 209,275,327,344.
Camerarius (Liebhard), Dr. Joachim (b. 1500, d. 1574), 46, 56, 76.
Campeggi, Lorenzo Cardinal (b. 1474, d. 1539), 42.
Campion and Beaumont's " Prayer-Book Interleaved," 253, 328.
Cardwell, Dr. Edward (b. 1787, d. 1861), 87 sqq.
Carlstadt (Bodenstein) Dr. Andrew (b. I483, d. 1541), 13, 220, 284.
Cassel (Hesse) Catechism (1539), 327 sq.
Cassel (Hesse) Order (1539), 224, 241 sq., 260 sq., 267 sqq., 278-81, 327.
Catechism in Confirmation, 267.
Anglican, 314.
Calvin" s, 332.
Genevan, 332.
Luther's, 104-9.
Nowel and Ponet's, 331. [188.
Catherine of Aragon, Queen of England (b. I486, d. 1536), 40 sqq., 49 sq., 76,
Catherine de Medici (b. 1519, d. 1589), 52.
Catherine Parr, Sixth Queen of Henry VIII. (b. 1513, d. 1548), 193.
Celius, Michael, Court-Preacher at Mansfeld, (1546), 352.
Cecil, Si;' ¦William, 340.
Cellarius (Kellner) Martin (b. 1499, d. 1564), 13.
Ceremonies, 161-163.
" Charity," in Justification, 96.
Charles V., Emperor (b. 1500, d. 1558), 41, 43, 134, 142, 144, 148, l6o, 166,
1§8, 193, 200, 202 sqq.. 214.
Chemnitz, Dr. Martin (b. 1522, d. 1586), on Confirmation, 285.
Cheke, Sir John (b. 1514, d. 1557), 216, 340.
Christ, Vicarious Satisfaction of, 93, II4, 181, 184.
Christopher, Duke of Wiirtemberg (b. 1515, d. 1568), 342, 346 sq.
Chrysostom, John (b. 350, d. 407), 308.
Church, The, Definition of, 84, no, 185.
Marks of, 182.
Qark or Clerke, John (at Cambridge, 1525), 10, II, 44.
Qement VII. (Pope 1523-34), 42, 52.
Coburg Order (1626), 310.
Cochlaeus (Dobeneck) John (b. 1479, ^- '552), 17, 19, 35.
Colet, John, Dean of St. Paul's (b. 1466, d. 1519), 2, 15.

Index, 363
Coligny, Admiral (b. 1517, martyr 1572), 346.
Collects, 250, 251, 297, 311.
Cologne, Hemann of (b. 1477, d. 1552, Elector and Archbishop, 1515-1546),
196, 224, 233 sq., 239 sq., 253, 328, 336, 352, 353, 357 sq.
Order of (iS43), 224, 226 sq., 241 sq., 244, 253-9, 263 sq-, 268-74,
278-80, 302, 327 sq., 336.
Commission, English to Wittenberg (1536), 55-73.
Lutheran to England (1538), 127-139.
English and Lutheran, at Frankfort (1539), 148 sq.
Common Prayer, Book of, 11, 124, 218-34, 243.
Communion in Both Kinds, 164, 178 sqq., 182.
Commimion Service of Edward VL, 278.
in Lutheran Orders, 305
Conde, Prince of, 345.
Conditional Baptism, 263 sq.
Confession, Augsburg, see Augsburg.
Saxon, see Saxon.
Confession, to a Priest, 92, 153, 156, 162.
Confessional Basis, 52, 58 sqq., 63, 67, 70-3, 80, 103, 132 sqq., 141, 169 sqq.,
177, 194 sq., 197, 203.
Confessional Service of II. Edward VI. (1552), 276.
Confirmation, 265-9.
Confiteor, The, 288 sq.
Congregationalists, 347.
¦Consecration of Elements, 308.
Convocation, English, 77, 81, 83, 88, 100, 115, 116, 192, 231, 342.
Corvinus, Antony (b. #501, d. 1553), 52, 180.
Cottiswood, 191.
Councils, not infallible, 182.
Cox, Dr. Richard, Bishop of Ely (b. 1499, d. 1581), 11, 44, 245, 344 sq.
Cranach, Lucas (b. 1472, d. 1533), 168.
Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1489, martyr 1556), 43 sqq.,
57, 61 sq., 74i 76 sq., 79 sq., 83, 85, 89, 97, 100-05, 112, 115, 122,
131 sq., 134, 136, 141, 150 sq., 153, 15s sq., 178, 192 sq., 197 sq., 200,
206, 214, 215-7, 223, 231, 233 sq.,239sq.,245,275,279,3i4sqq.,334,
336, 339 sq., 343-
Creed in the Service, 301 sq.
Creed, Catechetical Exposition of, 106 sqq.
Crespy, Peace of (1544), 193-
Crome, Edward (d. 1562), 9.
Crook or Croke, Richard (b. 1489, d. 1558), 48.

364 Index,
Cross, Sign of, 258.
Cruciger, Caspar (b. 1504, d. 1548), 5-8, 124, 129, 199, 224.
Crumwell, Thomas (b. 1490, d. 1540), 43, 49, 59, 67, 77-80, 82, 86 sq., 128,
140 sq., 14s, 147, 150 sqq., 155, 168, 178-81, 183, 192, 196, 215, 237,
241. 350-
Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage (b. 200, d. 258), 306.
Cyril of Jerusalem (b. 315, d. 386), 306.
Dachstein, Wolfgang, German Hymn-writer (d. 1530), 124.
Damianus, Peter (b. 1007, d. 1072), 297.
Days, Distinction of, 182.
Decius (Hovesch) Nicholas, German Hymn-writer (d. 1541), 123, 124.
Demaus on Tyndale's Relation to Luther, 24 sq.
Denmark, Alliance with, 182.
Derrick, 191.
Dietrich, Veit (Luther's amanuensis, afterwards pastor of St. Sebald's, Niim
berg, b. 1507, d. 1549), 129, 250.
Dixon, R. W., Dean (b. 1833), 95, 102.
Dober's Mass, 223, 290, 302, 310.
Dorrington, Thomas, 348.
Diirer, Albrecht (b. 1471, d. 1528), 45.
Durandus, William (b. 1237, d. 1296), 297, 299, 302, 306 sq.
Eadie, John (b. 1810, d. 1876), 18, 35, 117, 146.
Easter, a season for Baptism, 254.
Edward VI. (b. 1537, d. 1553, reigned from 1547), 9, 11, 198-205, 214 sq.,
241, 314, 343.
First Book of, 243 sq., 246, 249, 251-3, 257, 200, 202 sq., 282.
Second Book of, 251, 257, 269, 275, 281, 344.
Egbert, Archbishop of York (d. 767), Prayer of, 268. 347.
Elizabeth, Queen (b. 1533, d. 1603, reigned from 1558), 126, 191, 194, 342,
Ellis, Sir Henry (b. 1777, d. 1869), 86.
English, Melanchthon speaks, 144.
Erasmus (Gerard) Desiderius (b. 1465, d. 1536), 3, 7, 15, 33, 43 sq., 105, 208.
Ethiopic Order, 301.
Evening Service, 245-52.
Excommunication, Papal, 182.
Exhortation in the Communion Service, 307.
Exorcism, 259, 282.'
Extreme Unction, 84.
Faber, Jacob, Stapulensis (b. 1450, d. 1536), 43.
Fagius (Biicher) Paul, (Prof, in Cambridge, b. 1504, d. 1549),

Index, 365
F^th, 92, 96, 109, 181.
and Works, Tyndale on, 31 sq.
Fasting, 182.
Ferdinand I., of Germany (b. 1503, d. 1564), 53.
Fisher, John, Bishop of Rochester (b. 1459, d. 1535), 5, 6, 12, 42,
Flacius lUyricus (b. 1520, d. 1575), 347.
Forgery, A Literary, 159-178.
Forty-two Articles, 136.
Fox, Edward, Bishop of Hereford (b. 1496, d. 1538), 61 sq., 67, 70, 75, 78,
80,83, 86 sq., 89, 97,101, 104 sq., 128, 130 sq., 134, 149, 150, 152,
207, 215.
Foxe, John (b 1517, d. 1587), 12, 15, 98, 181, 185.
France, Spurious Articles in, 159.
Francis I. (of France, b. 1494, d. 1S47 ; King from 1515), 41 sq., 52 sq., 80
134, 145, 153, 193, 199, 203, 214.
Frankfort on the Main, Conferences at, 1536 — 72, 128.
1539—144, 148.
1546 — 196.
Exiles at, 343, 344, 346 sq.
Order of (1530), 243, 278.
Frederick IIL, the Wise, Elector of Saxony (b. 1463, d. 1525), 142.
Frederick IL, Elector Palatine (b. 1482, d. 1556), 196.
Freedom ofthe will, 84, 162, 182.
French Lutherans, 52.
Frith, John (b! 1503, martyr 1533), n, 38, 78, 207.
Froschauer, Christopher (Publisher at Ziirich, b. 1485, d. 1564), 116.
Froude, J. A. (b. 1818), quoted 4, 79,82, 95 sq., 197.
Fuller, Thomas (b. 1608, d. 1661), 88, 99, 190.
Gace, William (Translator), 356.
Galilean Liturgies, 219.
Missals, 219.
Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Winchester (b. 1495, d. 1555), 75, 78 sq., 83,
98, 101 sq., 104 sq., 127, 150, 154, 157, 178, 182 sq., 192, 196, 315.
Gavanti, Bartiolomew (b. 1570, d. 1638), 297 sq.
Geikie, Cunningham (b. 1824), lOI.
Gelasius I. (Pope 492-6), 219, 297.
Geneva, 214, 276, 281, 344.
George of Anhalt, Bishop and Prince (b. 1507, d. 1553) 72.
George I. of England (b. 1660, d. 1727, reigned from 1714), 348.
Gerbert, Martin, Baron of Homan (b. 1720, d. 1793), 294, 298, 299, 302.
Gerdesius, Dr. Daniel (b. 1698, d. 1765), 143.

366 hidex,
Germans, The, Coverdale on, l86.
Fox on, 87.
Litany of, 232 sq.
Germany, the house called, 8.
Orders of South-Westem, 284.
Ginsburg, Christian D., 117.
Glastenbury, 209, 276.
Gloria in Excelsis, 295.
Patri, 294.
Glosses, Tyndale's, 29 sqq.
Gochius, John (d. 1475), 13.
Goebel, Maximilian, 209.
Good Works, 37, 95, 155, 182, 185.
Goodrich, Thomas, Bishop of Ely (b. 1480, d. 1554), 83.
Gospels and Epistles, 252.
Grace, Declaration of, 289 sq.
Gradual, The, 221.
Grafton, Richard (Publisher, d. 1572), 145, 191, 230.
Gratias, The, 306.
"Great Bible, The,'' (1539-41), 118.
Gregory the Great (b. 550, d. 604), 219, 250, 291, 297.
Greiser (Greiter) Matth., (d. 1550), 124.
Grey, Lady Jane (b. 1537, d. 1554), 214.
Grindal, Edmund, Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1519, d. 1583), 346 sq.
Guelders, 169.
Hallam, Henry (b. 1777, d. 1859), 23.
Hallelujah, The, 300.
Hamburg, 17, 116, 128, 151, 169, 181 sq., 263.
Hanover, House of, 348. [339, 342.
Hardwick, Charles, Archdeacon (b. 1821, d. 1859), 79, 100, ill, 211, 282,
Hare, Julius Clark (b. 1795, d. 1855), 96.
Heath, Nicholas (b. 1501, d. 1579), 61 sq., 67, 70, 74-6, 146, 149 sq.
Hegenwald, Erhard, M. D., (Wiirtemberg Hymn-writer), 1 24 sq.
Heidelberg, 196.
Heilmann, 142.
Henry II, King of France (b. 1518, d. 1559, reigned from 1547), 52.
Henry VIII, King of England (b. 1491, d. 1547, reigned from 1509), I, 39-,
44, 46, 48-60, 62-69, 71-80, 89, 95 sq., 99, 105, 112-14, 128 sq., 132-
6, 140, 144 sq., 148-58, 168 sq., 177-9, 182, 187-99, 207, 215, 231,
238, 241, 349.

Index, 367
Herford, Charles H., 124.
Hermann, Archbishop of Cologne, see Cologne.
Hermann, Rychard (Merchant), 74.
Herzog, Heinrich, of Saxony, Order of (1539), 224, 226, 256, 273.
Hesse Cassel, Order of (1539), see Cassel.
Heynes, Simon (d. 1552), 9, 10, 245.
Hilary of Poictiers (d. 366), 296.
Hilles, (Hills or Hils) Richard, (London Merchant), 208, 244.
Hilsey, John, Bishop of Rochester (d 1538), 83, 237, 247.
H5fling, Dr. J. W. F. (b. 1802, d. 1853), 256 sq., 269, 327.
Hoffe, Ubright (Leipzig Publisher), 191.
Holbeach, Laurence, 245.
Holstein, Duke of (1545), 1 94.
Homilies of the Church of England, 231, 241,' 333-8.
Hook, Dr. W. F., Dean of Chichester (b. 1768, d. 1875), 322. [217.
Hoper or Hooper, John, Bishop of Worcester (b. 149S, martyr 1555), 207-11,
Home, Dr. Robert, Dean of Durham, Bishop of Winchester (b. 1519, d.
1579), 346.
Hymns from the German, 119-123.
Christ lag in Todesbanden.
Durch Adam's Fall ist ganz verderbt,
Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott.
Es ist das Heil uns Kommen.
Gelobet seist du Jesu Christ.
Gott der Vater wohn uns bei.
In Goti gelaub ich.
Komm, Heiliger Geist, Herre Gott.
Mensch, wilt du leben seliglich.
Mit Fried und Freud, ich fahr dahin.
Mitten wir im Leben sind.
Nun freut euch lieben Christen.
Incarnation, The, 347.
Index Prohibitorum, 12 sq.
Independents (Congregationalists), 347.
Indulgences, 130.
Innspmck, Battle of (1552), 203.
" Institution of a Christian Man," 105, 314.
Interim of 1548, 97 sq., 125, 166, 201-3, 208 sq., 214, 343.
Introits, 249 sq., 276, 291-4.
Invocation of Saints, ^64, 182, 185.

368 Index.
Jane Seymour, Queen (d. 1537), 96.
Jena, University of, 200, 347.
Jenkyns, Rev. Henry, H2, 136, 215.
Jennings, 101.
Jewel, John, Bishop of Salisbury (b. 1522, d. 1571), 210.
John Frederick, Elector of Saxony (b. 1503, d. 1554, Elector from 1532), 67,
128, 159, 166, 194, 199, 200-05.
Jonas, Dr. Justus (b. 1493, d. 1555), 76, 123, 153, 167, 216, 224, 315, 352.
Jr-. 315'
Joye, George (d. 1553), 34.
Juda, Leo (b. 1482, d. 1542), 117.
Justification, Definition of, 95, 138.
Condition of, 96, 162.
Justin Martyr (b. 103, martyr 165), 299.
Keys, Power of, 182.
Kite, John, Bishop of Carlisle (d. 1537), 83.
Kliefoth, Dr. Theodore (b. 1810), 247 sq., 285, 291, 312.
Knight, Charles (b. 1791, d. 1873), 150.
Knox, Dr. John (b. 1505, d. 1572), 11, 340, 342, 344.
KSsUin, Dr. Heinrich A. (now Prof, at Friedberg), 285.
Kymaeus, John (b. 1498, d. 1552), 224.
Kyrie, 294 sq.
Lambert, Francis (b. i486, martyr 1530), 7, 13, 18, 183.
Language of Public Service, 222, 260.
Lasco a, John (b. 1499, d. 1560), 208, 217, 275 sq., 344.
Lathbury, Thomas (b. 1798, d. 1865), loo.
Latimer, Hugh, Bishop of Worcester (b. 1491, martyr 1555), 6sq., llsq.,77,
81-3, 97, 100, 104 sq., 150 sq., 153, 216.
Latin Versions ofthe Bible, 117.
Laurence, Richard, Archbishop of Cashel (b. 1760, d. 1839), 56, 89, 94 sq.,
99, 253, 278.
" League, The Christian," 197.
Leaming the Old and the New, 3, 77, 192.
Lee, Edward, Archbishop of York (b. 1482, d. 1544), 20, 21, 35, 83.
Leo I. (Pope 440, d. 461), 219,297.
Leonine Sacramentary, 297.
Lesse, Nicholas (Translator), 352.
Lessons, 299.
Lewis, Duke of Bavaria and Count Palatine (d. 1534), 7.
Lingard, John (b. 1771, d. 1851), 99.

Index. 369
Link, Wenceslaus (b. 1483, d. 1547), 46.
Litany, 84, 230-41, 303 sq., 344.
Liturgies, Galilean, 219, 256.
Gothic, 256.
Mozarabic, 219.
Roman, 219.
Lohe, William (b. 1808, d. 1872), 106, 246, 290 sq., 297.
Lollards, 2, 3, 84.
Longfellow, H. W. (b. 1807, d. 1882), his poem on Niimberg, 45.
Lonicerus (b. 1557, d. 1590), 13.
Labeck, 147.
Luft, Hans (b. 1495, d. 1584), 19, 126.
Luther, Dr. Martin (b. 1484, d. 1546), 4-7, 9-13, 17-32, 34-38,40.43, 45, 50,
51. 57. 58, 62, 69-71, 74, 94, 98, 104, 106 sq., 110, 117-122, 124, 126,
130-32,135,151-3, 159-67, 178, 181 sq., 187-9, 210, 220-26, 233-40,
251-3, 256-60, 272, 284, 290, 296, 300-5, 309 sq., 316-325, 330, 344.
Lutheran, 35-38, 68, 211, 213.
Baptism, Is it valid ? 345.
Orders Classified, 223.
Lutherans, 4, 6, 10, 21, 36, 52.
Mabillon, John (b. 1632, d. 1707), 256.
Magdeburg, 200.
Mamertus of Vienna (d. 475). 231.
Mammon, Luther and Tyndale on, 30 sq.
Mantua, Council at. 111, 351.
Marbach, John (b. 1521, d. 1581), 208.
Margaret of Navarre (b. 1492, d. 1577), 53.
Mark-Braudenbiu:g Order (1540), 223, 256, 260, 268, 271.
Marlborow, 19.
Marriage, with brother of deceased husband, 40 sqq., 49 sqq.
of priests, 153, 157, 165, 182.
Order, 269-72.
Marshall's Primer (1535), 234, 237.
Martyr Peter (b. 1500, d. 1562), 207, 209-11, 216, 275,344.
Mary, Queen (b. 1516, d. 1558, reigned from 1553), 41. 43. 49. 62, 79, 126,
191. 194, 198, 205, 210, 343.
Masone, John (d. 1566), 196, 201.
Maskell, William (b, 1814),
Mass, Luther's Formula of, 220, 249.
Sermon, on. (1.520), 22a

37° Index,
Mass, Roman, 182.
Masses, Private, 156.
Mathesius, John (b. 1504, d. 1564), 250.
Matins, 246 sq., 249.
Matthews, Thomas (Pseudonym), 126, 145 sq., I91.
Maurice, Duke of Saxony (b. 1521, d. 1553), *94> '99 sq., 203.
May, William (d. 1560), 245.
Mecklenburg Order (1552), 288 sq.
Mekins, Richard (martyr, 1540), 192,
Melanchthon, Dr. Philip (b. 1497, d. 1560), 13, 49-51, 53, 55-59, 61-63, 67-
72, 76 sq., 81, 86, 89-96, 125-131, 139, 141, 148-67, 199 sq., 206, 224,
337, 341 sq., 344-
Methodists, 8.
Missals, Bamberg, 219.
Galilean, 219.
Gothic, 251.
Niimberg, 219.
Roman, 219, 249, 252.
Mitchell, Prof, 124.
Moebanus, Ambrose (b. 1494, d. 1554), 124.
Mogner, Leonard (Pastor at Siegrau), 142.
Mombert, Dr. J. I. (b. 1829), 19 sq., 24, 117, 126.
Monasticism, 165, 174 sq., 182.
Monmouth, Humphrey (London Alderman, d. 1537), 16, 181, 183.
More, Sir Thomas (b. 1480, d. 1534), 17, 35, 78.
Morning Service, 245-252.
Morris, Dr. John G. (b. 1803), 339.
Morysinne (Morrison), Sir Richard (d. 1556), 201, 204.
Mount (Mont), Dr. Christopher, (d. 1572), 129, 148, 152, 194, 196, 201, 214.
Mozarabic Liturgy, 219, 310.
Miihlberg, Battle 01(1547), 199.
MulUns, John (d. 1591), 346.
Muratori, Ludovico Antonio (b. 1672, d. 1750), 298.
Musculus, Wolfgang (b. 1497, d. 1563), 353.
Myconius, Frederick (b. 1491, d. 1546), 129-134, 141, 148, 167, 177, 196,
, 205,224.
Nassau, Reformation in, 141.
Church Order, 142 sq., 254 sq.
Naumbuig, 128 sq.
Navarre, King of (1561), 210.

Index, 371
New Leaming, The, 3, 77, 192, 352.
Nicholas, John,. 7.
Nicholson, Sygar, ic
Nordhausen, 199.
Norton, Thomas, (b. 1532, d. 1584), 332.
Noth-Taufe, 255, 262 sq.
Nowell, Alexander (b. 1507, d. 1601), 332.
Novatus, Heresy of, 163.
Niimberg, 45 sqq., 104, 123, 196, 223, 244, 250, 274, 289, 307, 315.
Kinder- Predigten, 2 1 6.
Order of Service, 46, 240-2, 257, 282.
Peace of, 51
Nunc Dimittis, 310.
Nyx, Richard, Bishop of Norwich (d. 1536), 83.
" Obedience of a Christian Man," 32 sqq., 37, 105.
Occasional Offices, 274.
OEcolampadius, John (b. 1482, d. 1531), 49, 354.
Offertory, 303.
Order, Common, of Service, 48, 285.
Orders, Sacrament of, 111.
Original Sin, 91, 137 sq.
Osiander, Andrew (b. 1498, d. 1552), 46 sqq., 104, 129, 148, 206, 223, 240,
260, 270-2, 289, 315, 335 sq., 352:
Ott-Heinrich Order (1543), 256, 260, 268, 271.
Overall, John, Bishop of Lichfield (b. 1559, d. 1619), 332.
Oxford, University of, 2, 4, 8, 10, 14 sq., 44, 48, 62, 192, 209, 275.
Paissy, Colloquy of (1561), 210.
Palmer, William (b. 1803), 256 sq., 259, 268, 272 sq.
Papacy, 161, 182.
Parker, Matthew, Archbishop of Canterbiuy (b. 1504, d. 1575), 8.
Passau, Peace of (1552), 203.
Paul III. (b. 1466, Pope 1534, d. 1549), 194.
Pax, The, in the Communion Service, 309.
Paynell, Thomas (d. 1563), 9, 148.
Pellicanus, Conrad (b. 1478, d. 1566), 117.
Penance, Sacrament of, 91.
Perry, George S., loi.
Peter, Dr. William, 82.
Philip, Landgrave of Hesse (b. 1504, d. 1567), 67, 152, 194, 197.
Pirkheuner, Willibald (b. 1470, d. 1531), 45-

372 Index.
Pole, Reginald, Cardinal (b. 1500, d. 1558;, 44, 75-
Pollanus (Poullain), Valerandus (d. 1558), 343.
Polydore, Vergil (b. 1470, d. 1550), 4.
Polygamy, Melanchthon on, 50.
Pomeranian Order of 1542, 304.
Ponet (Poinet), John (d. 1556), 331.
Potter, Thomas, 355.
Prayer, Tyndale on, 31.
Confessional, 278, 281 sq.
General, 303.
Preface, The, in the Service, 306.
Preparatory Service, 278, 287.
Prologues, Tyndale's, 25 sq.
Private Baptism, 262.
Confession, 267.
Mass, 68.
Procter, Frances, 243, 257, 273, 330.
Prussian Order, 223, 255.
Psalter of " Common Prayer," 124.
Public Baptism, 263 sq.
Puffendorf, Samuel, Baron (b. 1632, d. 1694), 348.
Puigatory, 165.
Puritanism, 11, 346.
Ranke, Leopold von (b. 1795, d. 1886), 96, loi.
Ratisbon (Regensburg), Diet of (1532), 45, 196, 351.
Reformation, English, Theories of, 1.
Regius, Urban (b. 1490, d. 1541), 13. 52 sq., 352 sq., 356 sq.
Repentance, 93, 96.
Repetitio of 1536, 89.
Repetition of Augsburg Confession, 71.
Rice, Richard, 353.
Ridley, Nicholas, Bishop of London (b. 1500, d. 1555), 9 sq., 207, 215, 245.
Ring, The, in the Marriage Ceremony, 271.
Robinson, Richard, 357 sq.
Rogers, Daniel (b. 1538, d. 1591), 126.
John (b. 1500 or 1509, martyr 1555), 125 sq., 145 sq., i8l
Roman Liturgies and Missals, 219.
Romish Leaven in the X Articles, 96.
Rostock, 141.
Roy, William (mart}^, 1531), 17.
Rnpertns (d. 911), 297, 299.

Index, 373
Sachs, Hans (b. 1494, d. 1576), 46, 123 sq.
Sacrament, Definition of, 86, 112.
Sacramental and Sacrificial Elements of Worship, 285 sqq.
Sacramentarians, 94, 180, 297.
Salig, Christian August (b. 1692, d. 1738), 125, 203.
Salutation, The, 296, 365.
Sampson, Thomas (b. 1517, d. 1589), 354.
Sancttts, The, 221, 307. [35t-
Sarcerius, Erasmus (b. 1501, d. 1559), 140, I46, 148, 153, 167, 179, 180, 224,
Sarum, Use of, 220, 239, 242, 251 sqq., 260, 269, 271.
Sastrow, Barth. John (b. 1520), 179.
Saxon Order of 1539, 256, 273, see Herzog- Heinrich.
Visitation Articles, 255.
Articles of 1551, 341.
Lower, Order of (1585), 273.
Schaff, Dr. Philip (b. 1819), 101, 339.
Schmucker, Dr. Beale Melanchthon (b. 1827, d. 1888), 80.
Schnepff, Erhard (b. 1495, d. 1558), 52, 72, 347.
Schoeberlein, Dr. Ludwig Frederick (b. 1813, d. 1881), 294.
Schoeffer, P. (b. 1430, d. 1503), 20.
Schwabach Articles (1529), 91,335.
Schwabach-Hall Order (1543), 242, 249, 254-6, 270 sq., 327.
" Schwarmerians," 180.
Scotland, Reformation in, 2. [196.
Seckendorf, Veit Ludwig von (b. 1626, d. 1692), 71 sq., 136, 139, 159, 166,
Selnecker, Nicholas (b. 1530, d. 1592), 358.
Sermon, The, 302.
Service, The Lutheran Chief, 283-313.
Seymour, Edward, Duke of Somerset (b. 1500, d. 1552), 198, 214.
Shakespeare, 193.
Shaxton, Nicholas, Bishop of Salisbury (d. 1556), 10, 83, 150, 156.
Sherbome, Robert, Bishop of Chichester (d. 1536), 83.
Shinye, Richard (martyr, 1556), 354.
Sick, Visitation of the, 273.
Six Articles, The, 145 sq., 150-9, 167 sqq., 191 sqq., 201.
Sixty-seven Points, The, 83.
Skip, John, Bishop of Hereford (d. 1552), 10.
Smalcald Articles, 110 sq., 160 sq., 164, 166, 203, 341.
League, 51-62, 142, 168, 194, 196, 199.
War, 197, 214.
Smithfield, 183.

374 Index.
Smythe, Richard (d. 1563), 209 sq.
Sohn, Count (d. 1545), 72.
Somerset, Duke of, see Seymour, Edward.
Spalatin, Dr. George (b. 1484, d. 1545), 62, I48.
Spengler, Lazarus (b. 1479, d. 1534), 46, 122, 124.
Speratus, Paul (b. 1484, d. 1551), 122, 124.
Sponsors, Address to, 260.
St. Andrew's, University of, 2.
St Lawrence's, Niimberg, 45 sq.
St. Paul's, London, 2, 5, 12, 230.
St. Sebald's, Niimberg, 45 sq., 250.
Stafford, George (d. 1529), 9.
Standish, Dr. Henry (d. 1535), 39.
Dr. John (b. 1509, d. 1570), 186.
Staupitz, Dr. John (d. 1524), 45.
Stokesley, John, Bishop of London (d. 1539), 83, 104.
Strassburg, 152, 208-10, 333, 346 sq.
Mass (1524), 227-9, 276-9, 303.
Strigel, Victor (b. 1514, d. 1569), 347.
Str>'pe, John (b. 1643, d. 1737), 74, 99, 150, 160, l66, 315.
Sturm, Jacob (b. 1489, d. 1553), 72.
Sumner (d. I52g), 11.
Surplice, 344.
Sursum Corda, 306.
Syngylton, Robert (Translator of Augsburg Confession, hanged March 7th,
1544), 354-
Synods in Nassau, 147.
Tavemer, Richard (b. 1505, d. 1575), 11, 44, 80 sq., 140, 143, 146 sq., 179,
192, 337, 351-
Taylor, John, Bishop of Lincoln (d. 1554), 245.
Te Deum, 183, 302 sqq.
Telesphorus (Bishop of Rome 128-139), 296.
Ten Articles of 1536, 80, 88-104, 128, 138 sq.
Testament, Erasmus' New, 3, 7.
Tetzel, Dr. John (b. between 1450 and '60, d. 1519), 130, 142.
Thirteen Articles of 1535, 63.
'538. 136-9-
Thirty-Nine Articles, 136, 339-42. .
Thixtell, 9.
Toledo, 219.

Index.

375

Tonstall, Cuthbert, Bishop of London (b. 1475, d. 1559), 16, 21,83, 146, 150.
Tracts for the Times (1833-41), 100.
Traheron, Bartholomew (Dean of Chichester, 1550), 216 sq.
Transubstantiation, 164.
Trent, Council of (154S-63), 194, 200, 219, 264, 267, 342, 357.
Trinity, 137, 184. .
TroUope, William, 330.
Turner, Wyllyam (d. 1568), 9, 352.
Turrecremata (Torquemada) Juan de (b. 1388, d. 1468), 297.
Twelve Apostles, Teaching of, 306.
Tyndale, William (b. 1484, martyr 1536), 11, 14-39, 74, loS, "6-8,126, 181,
183, 207.
Ulmis ab, John, 216.
Ulrich, Duke of Wiirtemberg (b. 1487, duke from 1503, d. 1550),
Vergerius, Peter Paul (b. 1498, d. 1565), 64.
Vespers, 221, 247 sqq., 281.
Vestments, Episcopal, 207.
Votum, The, 303.
Walch, Dr. J. G. (b. 1693, d. 1775), 159, 209.
Walpole, Thomas, 191.
Walter, Henry, 17 sq., 30.
Warham, William, Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1450, d. 1532), 4, 22, 43.
Wartburg, 220.
Weimar Archives, 160.
Welsh, Sir John, 15.
Wesleys, The, 8, 348.
Wessel, John (b. 1420, d. 1489), 13.
Wescott, Dr. Brooke Foss, Bishop of Durham, (b. 1825), 23, 25, 29, 116 sq.
Wheatly, Charles (b. 1686, d. 1742), 250.
Whitsunday, a time for Baptism, 254.
Whittingham,. Dr. William (b. 1524, d. 1579), 344.
Wiclif, John (b. 1324, d. 1384), 2, 10, 13.
William, Count of Nassau, 141 sq., 144.
William, Prince of Orange (b. 1533, assassinated 1584), 141, 143.
Winkworth, Catherine (b. 1825), 119.
Wittenberg, Bames at, 181 sq.
Beyer at, 343.
Captured, 200.
Concord, 210 sq.

376 Index.
Wittenberg, Faculty, 74-7, 80, 101, 129, 145, 169, 177, 223.
Negotiations at (1536), 55, 62, 68, 74, 144, 152.
Rogers at, 125 sq.
Sarcerius at, 141.
Wolsey, Cardinal Thomas (b. 1471, d. 1530), 4, 10, 12, 32, 41-3, 61, 78.
Worms, Luther at, (1521), 192.
Wiirtemberg Confession (1552), 339, 341, 346.
Order (1553), 254 sq., 260-3.
York, Use of, 220, 260, 271.
Ziirich, 210, 214 sq., 276, 346.
Bible, Il6sq.
Zwingli, Ulrich (b. 1484, d. 1531), 38, 49, 117, 166, 207, 209, 276, 287, 354.

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