Faulkner* s, C. T.
History of the Revolution in the
Southern States;
New York, 1861.

YALE
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

FAULKNER'S

HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION

IN THE

SOUTHERN STATES;

THE BPECIAL MESSAGES OF PEEBIDENT BUCHANAN— THE OEDINANCES
OF SECESSION OF THE SIX WITHDEAWING STATES— PEELIMINAEY
STEPS TAKEN THEEEFOB— SEIZUEE OF FOETS AND AE8ENALS-
MEABUEES COEECIVE AND CONCILIATOEY ON THE PAET OF
THE GENERAL GOTEENMENT— MESSAGES OF THE GOVEEN-
OES OF STATES NOETH AND SOUTH— BIOGRAPHICAL
SKETCHES OF LEADING MEN— CALHOUN'S EEMAEKA-
BLE DEEAM— PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICA
TION PEOCLAMATION, ETC., ETC., ETC.

NEW YORK:
FOB SALE BY ALL BOOKSELLEES.
1861.

[Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1861, by
T. 0. FAULKNEE,
In the Clerk's Office ofthe District Court ofthe United States fbr the Southern District
of New York.

JOHN F. TROW.
PBTXTER, KTKREOTYPER, AND ELEOTHOTYPBB,
50 Greene Street, New York.

HISTORY

OF THE

SECESSION REVOLUTION.

The occurrences which have led to the withdrawal of six States from
the Confederation, and the threatened dismemberment of the whole Union,
through civil war, will be found accurately set forth in these pages. , It
is the purpose of the author only to state facts— leaving the reader to
form his own conclusions — the intention being merely to present, in a
concise form, the history of the revolution which is now sweeping onward
in the land.
The close of the sixtieth year of the nineteenth century is a period
that will be made memorable in the annals, not only of this, but of all na
tions, for then it was thatjnonarchies and empires turned their gaze At
lantic-ward, and watched with anxiety the-effect of acts which must soon
result seriously, for good or evil. We, as a nation, had just succeeded in a
great commercial enterprise ; had induced the rulers of a country, hith
erto comparatively unknown to the civilized world, not only to treat with
us, but to send ambassadors to ratify that treaty of commerce and amity.
The people of the country, North and South, had done all in their power
to produce a favorable impression upon these distinguished strangers, and
had succeeded well. They had been sent from our shores bearing many
tokens of our friendship and good will.
During that year we had also entertained the heir to one of the most
powerful kingdoms in the world, and extended to him a true American
hospitality, both at the seat of government and at our own commercial
metropolis. Our acts therefore during the year 1860, were such as, in many re
spects, to call the attention of foreign Powers to the rapid strides we were
making towards wealth and prosperity.
In this year then, of the height of our nation's prosperity, the first
blow was struck which severed this band of States, that for eighty-four
ears had remained united. In 1832, when the people of the State of

4 THE SECESSION OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
South Carolina refused to comply with the federal laws, and rebelled
against the power of the general government, General Jackson, by prompt
measures, quelled the rebellion, and restored that peace which, until that
time and subsequently, reigned through the country.
The Primary Cause.
As every thing must have its origin in something, so with this move
ment of secession. This originated from an expressed sentiment among
the people of the South that, if a Republican President was elected, they
would secede from the Union. In no other place was this feeling more
openly expressed than in South Carolina. The Southern press reiterated the
threats made by their public men, and sedulously inflamed the minds of the
entire people, until at last, while all were looking towards South Carolina,
each of the Southern States were, to a greater or less degree, preparing to
follow her when she should withdraw from the Union. Thus, as the
months rolled on, and the time approaphed when the people of the whole
confederacy would be called upon to select a ruler for the next four years,
the barrier seemed raising slowly but surely, and it needed but the declara
tion of the people on the sixth of November, to throw this demarcating
wall to such a towering height as to completely darken the whole horizon,
mental and social. Then commenced the strife of words so soon to reach
that of war. The Secession Of South Carolina.
South Cakoliha, the pioneer of the seceding States, is about 200 miles
in length and 160 in breadth, containing 30,213 square miles, or 19,336,320
acres, hounded N. by N. Carolina; S.E., by the Atlantic Ocean; S. W.,
by Georgia, from which it is separated by the Savannah river. The
population in I860, was 715,371, 407,185 of whom were slaves. The
State is divided into 29 districts, as follows : Abbeville, Anderson, Barn
well, Beaufort, Charleston, Chester, Chesterfield, Colleton, Darlington,
Edgefield, Fairfield, Georgetown, Greenville, Horry, Kershaw, Lancaster,
Laurens, Lexington, Marion, Marlborough, Newberry, Orangeburg, Pick
ens, Richland, Spartanburg, Sumter, Union, Williamsburg, York. Colum
bia is the seat of government. ,
The country on the sea-coast is level for 100 miles towards the interior,
after which is a range of sand hills, and beyond these a diversity of hill
and dale which is very fertile. The climate is healthy in the interior, and
sickly on the sea-coast in summer and autumn. The principal rivers are
the Pedee, Santee, Cooper, Ashley, Edisto, and Savannah. The staple
productions are cotton, rice, Indian corn, potatoes, wheat, peas, rye, oats,
tobacco, indigo, lumber, oils, silks, tar, pitch, and turpentine. Charleston
is the leading commercial port of the State.
The first constitution of South Carolina was formed in 1775, the first
formed in the Union. The present constitution was ratified June 3, 1790.
In 1670 the first permanent settlement was made in South Carolina by a

THE SECESSION OE SOUTH CAROLINA. 5
small body of English emigrants at Port Royal Island. In 1679 they
removed to Charleston, then styled Oyster Point. In 1706 the French
and Spaniards made an attack on Charleston, and were defeated. In 1715
the Yemasee Indians were defeated by Governor Craven. In 1720 the
government of the Crown was established. In 1775 the first military
force was raised for the defence of the colony against the Crown, and the
importation of British goods was prohibited. In 1776 the British attacked
Port Moultrie and were defeated. In 1780 Charleston was besieged by
Sir Henry Clinton, and taken at the end of six weeks. In 1782 the
British evacuated Charleston. In 1794 cotton was first exported. In
1822 an insurrection among the negroes at Charleston was defeated. In
1833 President Jackson and Gov. Haynes issued counter proclamations on
the subject of nullification, originating in the tariff. The State in conven
tion adopted the constitution of the United .States, May 23, 1788— Yeas,
149 ; Nays, 73. December 20, 1860, the State, in convention, threw off
her allegiance to the Union, and was proclaimed a free and independent
sovereignty. Following the general election of the sixth of November, South Caro
lina, as every one south, and very many north, expected she would,
moved. Steps were taken to perfect the act of secession, and for this
purpose the people were called upon to select delegates to a convention,
which should seriously consider the step about to be taken, and for which
there seemed such imperative necessity. The election for these delegates
took place on the 6th of December. The delegates to the convention as
sembled on the 17th of December at Columbia, but, owing to the preva
lence of small-pox in that city, removed to Charleston.
The legislature of the State convened at Charleston on the 17th, when
Governor Pickens delivered his inaugural address, which concluded as fol
lows : —
We now have no alternative left but to interpose our sovereign power
as an independent State, to protect the rights and ancient privileges of the
people of South Carolina.
This State was one of the original parties to the federal compact of the
Union. We agreed to it as a State under peculiar circumstances, yphen
we were surrounded with great external pressure, for purposes of national
protection, and forthe general welfare of all the States, equally and alike;
and when it ceases to do this, it is no longer a perpetual Union. It
would be an absurdity to suppose it was a perpetual Union for our ruin.
The constitution is a compact between co- States, and not with the Federal
Government. I think I am not assuming too much, when I say that her interests
will lead her to open her ports to the tonnage and trade of all nations, re
serving to herself the right to discriminate only against those who may
be our public enemies.
She has fine harbors, accessible to foreign commerce, and she is in the
ceDtre of those extensive agricultural productions that enter so largely into
the foreign trade and commerce of the world, and form the basis of those
comforts, in food and clothing, so essential to the artisan and mechanic
laborers in the higher latitudes, and which are also so essential to the
prosperity and success of manufacturing capital in the North and in
Europe. I therefore may safely say. it is for the benefit of all who may

6 THE SECESSION OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
be interested in commerce, in manufactures, in the comforts of artisan
and mechanic laborers everywhere, to make such speedy and peaceful ar
rangements with us as may advapce the interests and happiness of all con
cerned. There is one thing certain, and I think it due to the country to say
in advance, that South Carolina is resolved to assert hel* separate inde
pendence, and as she acceded separately to the compact of Union, so she
will most assuredly secede, separately and alone, be the consequences what
they may ; and I think it right tp say, with no unkind feeling whatever,
that on this point there can be no compromise, let it be offered from where
it may. The issues are too grave and too momentous, to admit of any
counsel that looks to any thing but direct and straightforward independ
ence. In the present emergency, the most decided measures are the
safest and wisest. To our sister States who are identified with us in in
terest and feeling, we will cordially and kindly look for co-operation and
for a future Union; but it must be after we have asserted and resumed
our original and inalienable rights and powers of sovereignty and inde
pendence. We can then form a government with them, having a .common inter
est with people of homogeneous feelings, united together by all the ties
that- can bind States in one common destiny. From the position we may
occupy towards the Northern States, as well as from our own internal
structure of society, the government may, from necessity, become strongly
military in its organization. When we look back upon the inheritance,
the common glories and triumphant power of this common confederacy,
no language can express the feelings of the human heart, as we turn from
the contemplation, and sternly look to the great future that opens before
us. It is our sincere desire to separate from the States of the North in
peace, and leave them to develop their own civilization, according to
their, own sense of duty and of interest. But if, under the guidance of am
bition and fanaticism, they decide otherwise, then be it so. We are pre
pared for any event, and, in humble reliance upon that Providence who
presides over the destiny of men and of nations, we will endeavor to do
our duty faithfully, bravely, and honestly.
Immediately following this, decisive measures were taken, and after
meeting from day to day, on the 20th December the convention passed
the following ordinance of secession :—
An Ohdinastoe to dissolve the union hetween the State of South Carolina
and other States united with her under the compact entitled the Con
stitution of the United States of America.
We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in convention assem
bled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that
the ordinance adopted by us, in convention, on the 23d day of May, in the
year of our Lord 1788, whereby the constitution of the United States of
America was ratified, and also all acts and parts of acts of the General
Assembly of this State ratifying amendments of the said constitution, are
hereby repealed, and that the union now subsisting between South Caro
lina and other States, under the name of the United States of America is
hereby dissolved. '
The ordinance received the unanimous vote of the convention  169 
and was ordered to be engrossed on parchment, and to be publicly signed
on the following Monday. The news of this act on the part of South
Carolina was received with conflicting emotions, according to the locality
in which it fell. At the South it was greeted with the most rapturous

DECLARATION OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 7
expressions of satisfaction and explosions of powder ; at the North and
West with feelings of regret and sorrow. Many of the people at the
North gave little thought that South Carolina would remain true to her
intention, and felt that it would but require conciliatory steps on the part
of the North to induce her to resume her relations in a short time. Still
all felt the necessity for some action on the part of the Executive, and
eyes were turned Washington- ward for advice and information.
The message of the President, which was delivered to Congress on the
4th of December, had already been referred to appropriate committees*
and on the 6th, a committee of thirty-three was appointed by the House
of Representatives to take measures for the perpetuity of the Union.
Inasmuch as the events which crowd into this period, the closing
month of the last year, came thick and fast ; one after another alarming
note being sounded in- quick succession, it may be Well to glance at the
immediate effects of the secession of South Carolina.
After the signing of the secession ordinance at Charleston, which was
accomplished on the 29th of December, the convention took measures for
the government of the republic which they had raised, and issued the fol
lowing declaration of the causes which justified the secession of South Car
olina from the Federal Union, as reported by the committee to prepare an
address to the people of the Southern States :
Declaration of the Independence of South Carolina.
" The State of South Carolina having determined to resume a separate
and equal rank among nations, deems it due to herself and the remaining
United States of America, and the nations of the world, that she should
declare the causes which led to the act. In 1765, that portion of the
British empire, embracing Great Britain, undertook to make laws for the
government of the American colanies. A struggle for the right of self-
government ensued, which resulted on the 4th of July, 1776, in a declara
tion by the colonies, that they are, and of right ought to be, free and
independent States, and that as free and independent States they have full
power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce,
and to do such things as independent States have the right to do. They
further solemnly declared, that whenever any form of government becomes
destructive of these end3, it is the established right of the people to alter
and abolish it, and institute a new government. Deeming that the gov
ernment of Great Britain had become destructive of these ends, they de
clared the colonies free and absolved from allegiance to the British crown,
and the political connection between them and Great Britain was totally
dissolved. .
The committee say the right of a State to govern itself, and the right
of the people to abolish a government when it becomes destructive of the
ends for which it was instituted, were expressed when the colonies sepa
rated from the mother country, and became free and independent States.
The parties amending the convention of the 17th of September, 1787, were
the several sovereign States.
On the 23d of May, 1788, South Carolina, by a convention of her peo
ple, assented to the amended constitution of the United States. The fail
ure of one ofthe contracting parties to maintain the constitutional obliga
tions released the other. Fifteen of the northern States have deliberately
refused for years to fulfil their constitutional obligations^ We would refer

8 DECLARATION OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
to those States for a proof of this. When the fourth article of the consti
tution was adopted, the greater number of the contracting parties held
slaves. The hostility of the northern States to the institution of slavery
has led them to disregard their constitutional obligations. The laws of
the general government have ceased to effect the objects of the constitu
tion. Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut,
Rhode Island, New; York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Michigan,
Wisconsin, and Iowa, have enacted laws either nullifying the constitution,
or rendering useless all attempts to execute the act of Congress. In many
of these States fugitives " held to service and to labor," have been claimed,
but in none of them has the State government complied with the stipulation
on this subject made in the constitution.
In the formation of the federal government each State was recognized
as an equal ; the right and property in slaves was recognized, by giving all
free persons distinct political rights ; by giving them the right to repre
sent, and burdening them with direct taxes for three-fifths of their slaves ;
by authorizing the importation of slaves for twenty years, and by stipu
lating for the rendition of fugitives from labor. The ends for which this
government was instituted have been defeated, and the government itself
made destructive by the action of the non-slaveholding States. Those
States assume the right of deciding upon the propriety of our domestic in
stitutions. They denied the rights of property established in fifteen States
and recognized by the constitution. They have denounced sinful the
institution of slavery ; have permitted an open establishment of societies
whose avowal and object are, to disturb the peace and prosperity of the
citizens of other States ; they have encouraged and assisted thousands of
our slaves to leave their homes, and those who remain have been incited
by emissaries, by books and pictures, to servile insurrection.
Twenty-five "years this agitation has been steadily increasing, until
they have secured the power of the common government. Observing the
forms of the constitution, a sectional party has found within that article,
establishing an executive department, means of subverting the constitution
itself. A geographical line has been drawn across the Union, and all States
north of that line have united in the elevation of a man to the high ofiice
of President of the United States, whoije opinions and purposes are hostile
tp slavery. He is to be intrusted with the -administration of the common
government, because it is declared that a government cannot endure per
manently half slave and half free, and that the public mind must rest in
the belief that slavery is in the course of ultimate extinction. This sec
tional combination for _ the subversion of the constitution has been aided
in the States by elevating to citizenship persons who, by the supreme law
ofthe land, are incapable of becoming citizens, and their votes have been
used to inaugurate the new policy hostile to the South, and destructive to
its peace and safety.
On the 4th of March next, this party will take possession of the gov
ernment. It has been announced that the South shall he excluded from
the common territory ; that the judicial tribunals will be made sectional •
that war must be waged against slavery until it shall cease throughout the
United States. The guarantees of the constitution will then no longer ex
ist— equal rights of the States will be lost—the slaveholding States will no
longer have the power of self-government or self-protection, and the fed
eral government will have become their enemy. Sectional interests and ani
mosityw.ll deepen the irritation, and all hope of remedy is rendered vain
by the fact that the pubho opinion of the North has invested the political
error with the sanction of a more erroneous religious belief
We, therefore the people of South Carolina, by our delegates in con
vention assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the
rectitude of our intentions, have solemnly declared the union heretofore

THE EFFECTS OF SECESSION. 9
existing between this State and the other States of North America, dis-
solved, and that the State of South Carolina has resumed her position
am°n§> .J**16 nations* of the world as a free, sovereign, independent State,
with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish
commerce, and do all other acts and things which independent States may
of right do ; and for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance
for protection on Divine Providence, we mutually pledge each other our
lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor."
The Effects of Secession.
Major Anderson was, at this time, in command of the fortifications in
Charleston harbor, and occupied Fort Moultrie. Previous to the passage
of the ordinance of secession, the sentiment at the North was that the
federal troops at this port should be reinforced ; as, in the event of South
Carolina seceding, it might be deemed advisable to use compulsory meas
ures for the purpose of collecting the revenue or enforcing the laws. It
was well known that there was not that unanimity of feeling in the Cabi
net, or inflexibility of purpose in the President, which should characterize
the Chief Magistrate ofthe Republic; but, until the resignation of Howell
Cobb, of Georgia, from his position as Secretary of the Treasury, which
took place on the 11th of December, and the immediately subsequent dis
covery of the bankruptcy of the Treasury, it was not really felt to what
condition we had been reduced. Philip F. Thomas, of the Patent Ofiice,
was appointed to the vacancy in the Treasury Department on the 12th,
and on the same day, General Scott arrived in Washington, having been
telegraphed for from New York. On the 14th, Hon. Lewis Cass, Secre
tary of State, resigned his seat in the Cabinet, and the complexion of
affairs at Washington gave no hope to the country that the crisis thus'
precipitating would be firmly met. So utterly despairing indeed was the
President, that on the 15th, he appointed the 4th of January, 1861, to be
observed as a day of fasting and prayer for the salvation of the Union.
The situation of Major Anderson at Fort Moultrie now became immi
nently critical, and the press and people at the North urged upon the
President his reinforcement, while the people at Charleston, with equal
pertinacity, insisted that the post should not only not be reinforced, but
evacuated. Thus between Washington and Charleston was public atten
tion divided ; the people of the North and South, alternately, hoping and
despairing, as the vacillation of the Administration became more apparent.
On the 23d of December, a heavy defalcation was discovered in the
Department of the Interior— $870,000 in Indian bonds, having been ab
stracted from that bureau. On the 24th, the people of Pittsburg became
intensely excited at the attempt to remove seventy-eight large pieces of
ordnance from the arsenal at that place, to Newport, near Galveston Island,
Texas, and forty-six more to Ship Island, near Belize, at the mouth of the -
Mississippi River, the apparent object being to strip the Alleghany Arsenal,
and place the guns where the secessionists could get them. The excite
ment was soon allayed, but the circumstance only tended to call' attention
to the movements which had taken place for some time in the removal of

10 MAJOR ANDERSON'S COUP DE ETAT.
arms from Northern arsenals to Southern points. In fact, this movement
was not unusual, as it subsequently appeared; the arms being distributed
in accordance with orders which had been issued from the War Depart
ment during the summer. However, the public mind was ready to feed
upon any thing exciting — no matter how trivial or unreasonable.
Major Anderson's Coup de Etat.
On the night of the 26th of December, the most successful coup de Stat
of Major Anderson was accomplished. An act was performed which caused
intense excitement in every portion of the country, and, for a time, placed
the name of that officer in every mouth. Major Anderson had dined in
the city of Charleston on Christmas Day, and on returning to Fort Moul
trie, waited until midnight, and then mustering his force of about seventy
men, quietly and successfully removed to Fort Sumter, spiked the guns of
Fort Moultrie, and set the gun carriages on fire. This movement was re
ceived in two entire different lights by the tw6 sections. The people at
the North were disposed to commend Major Anderson in the highest
terms, while the people of Charleston determined to resent it. Major
Anderson felt his position to be insecure at Moultrie, and therefore occu
pied Sumter, which is a stronger position, as will be seen from the follow
ing sketch : — FOET st/mtek.
This Fort is built upon an artificial island at the gate of the harbor,
three and a half miles south-east of Charleston, It has been for ten years
in course of construction ; the cost of the work has been over $500,000.
The fortress is in the form of a demi-octagon ; the truncated side being at
the south, and the exterior faces presented toward all points of the main
ship channel, and overlooking Charleston and Fort Moultrie. The walls
are of solid brick masonry, ten feet in thickness, and in height sixty feet
from the water line to the parapet.
They are pierced for three tiers of guns, numbering in all a hundred
and forty pieces, of all sizes. The upper tier, which is designed for mor
tars and twenty-four pounders, is unsheltered, but at such a height as to be
beyond the reach of danger from balls of a naval attack. The others are be
neath bomb-proof casements, the lowest tier consisting of heavy Paixhans
carrying forty-two pound shot, and the intermediate of ten-inch Colnmbiadsl
It is stated, in the Charleston papers, that of seventy-five heavy guns now
in the fort, only eleven of the Paixhans are fully mounted, nine of them
being directed towards Fort Moultrie, and one towards Castle Pinckney.
None of the Cohimbiads are in position. Four of the twenty-four pound
ers on the summit of the wall are mounted upon pivots, so as to sweep the
horizon. In addition to these weightier preparations for defence, the walls are
pierced everywhere for muskets, of which there are endless numbers ready
and loaded. The magazine is stocked with grape, cannister, and shell.
It contains seven hundred barrels of gunpowder. In his removal from
I

RANGE OF COLUMBIAD SHELL GUNS. H
Moultrie, Majjd*** Anderson carried with him all his stores 'and small-arms.
The place is amply provisioned for a siege of six months. Water is fur
nished by four large cisterns. With regard to the offensive abilities of,
the fort, its guns will sweep every point of the compass. Their range
averages three miles. EOET MOTH.TKIE
is an enclosed water-battery, having a front on the south, or water side
of about 300 feet, and a depth of about 240 feet. It is built with salient
and re-entering angles on all sides, and is admirably adapted for defence
either from the attack of a storming party or by regular approaches. The
outer and inner walls are of brick, capped with stone, and filled in with
earth, making a solid wall fifteen or sixteen feet in thickness. The height
of the wall, from the bottom of the ditch to the top of the parapet is
twenty feet. The ditch is from twelve to fifteen feet wide at the base
and fifteen feet deep. The nature of the soil would not seem to admit of
this depth being increased, quicksand having been reached in many places.
The counterscarp is substantially built of plank, and spread with turf!
The glacis is also finished. It is composed of sand, and covered with lay
ers of loam and turf, all of which is kept firmly in place by the addition
of sections of plank nailed to uprights sunk in the sand, and crossing each
other at right angles— making squares of about ten feet each. The pur
pose of the glacis, which is an inclined plane, is to expose an attacking
party to the fire of the guns — which are so placed as to sweep it from the
crest of the counterscarp to the edge of the beach. On the north side, all
the wooden gun cases have been placed close together on the ramparts,
apparently for the purpose of securing it against an escalade, but possibly
as a screen for a battery of heavy guns. Both bastionettes are armed
with a small carronade, and a howitzer pointed laterally so as to command
the whole intervening moat by a cross-fire.
CASTLE PmOKNET
is located on the southern extremity of a narrow slip of marsh land, which
extends in a northerly direction to Hog Island Channel. To the harbor
side the so called castle presents a circular front. It has never been con
sidered of much consequence as a fortress, although its proximity to the
city would give it importance, if properly armed and garrisoned. There
are about fifteen guns mounted on the parapet ; the majority, of them are
eighteen and twenty-four pounders. Some " Columbiads " are, however,
within the walls. There are also supplies of powder, shot and shell.
Range of Columbiad Shell G-uns.
The furthest range of a hundred-pound shell, even at an elevation of
thirty-five degrees given to the gun, is 4,828 yards, the time of flight be
ing thirty-five seconds. The great twelve-inch Columbiad, the largest gun
made, loaded with twenty-five pounds of powder, a shell of 172 pounds,
and the piece at an elevation of thirty -five degrees, has made a range of
only 5,409 yards, the projectile occupying thirty-two seconds in its flight.
By increasing the elevation to thirty-nine degrees, only one hundred yards
more" were gained in the range. From the same gun, with a charge of
powder twenty-eight pounds, a shell of 180 pounds, and an elevation of
thirty-five degrees, a range of 5,671 yards had been attained ; at an eleva
tion of thirty-nine degrees, a range of 5,761 yards, (three and a third
miles,) which is the greatest that has ever been accomplished by any gun
in our service. The flight occupied thirtyrsix seponds. Charleston is

12 MAJOR ANDERSON'S COUP DE KTAT.
therefore perfectly safe from the guns of Fort Sumter. If it were even
within the furthest range of those guns, the angle of elevation necessary
to accomplish such a distance is so extreme, that to hit the city would be
a matter of extreme uncertainty. The guns of Fort Sumter can only
be raised to an elevation of thirty-three degrees on account of the
asemates, and consequently could do no damage beyond about two
miles and a half.
A ten-inch Columbiad, at an elevation of thirty-three degrees, will
throw a shell about three miles. There are no such guns in barbette at
Fort Sumter, and if there are any casemate guns of that calibre, no such
elevation could be had. The upper surface of the, gun would strike against
the top of the embrasure at an elevation far short of thirty-three degrees.
Major Anderson was censured in some quarters for this movement, but
it will.be seen that he was vested with discretionary powers.
His orders from the Secretary of War were as follows : —
" Memorandum of verbal instructions to Major Anderson, 1st Artillery,
Commanding Fort Moultrie, South Carolina:
" You are aware of the great anxiety of the Secretary of War that a
collision of the troops with the people of this State shall be avoided, and
of his studied determination to pursue a course with reference to the mili
tary force and forts in this harbor which shall guard against such a col
lision. He has, therefore, carefully abstained from increasing the force at
this point, or taking any measures which might add to the present excited
state of the public mind, or which would throw any doubt on the confi
dence he feels that South Carolina will not. attempt by violence to obtain
possession ofthe public works, or interfere with their occupancy.
"But as the counsel and acts of rash and impulsive persons may possi
bly disappoint these expectations of the government, he deems it proper
that you should be prepared with instructions to meet so unhappy a con
tingency. He has, therefore, directed me verbally to give you such
instructions. " You are carefully to avoid every act which would needlessly tend to
provoke aggression, and for that reason you are riot, without necessity, to
take up any position which could be construed into the assumption of a
hostile attitude ; but you are to hold possession of the forts in this harbor,
and if attacked, you are to defend yourself to the last extremity.
"The smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy
more than one ofthe three forts,but an attack on, or attempt to take pos
session of either of them, will be regarded as an act of hostility, and you
may then put your command into either of them which you may deem
most proper, to increase its power of resistance. You are also authorized
to take similar steps, whenever you have tangible evidence of a design to
proceed to a hostile act. « j). P. Butler
"Assistant Adjutant-General."
" Foet Moultrie, S. O, December 11, 1860."
This movement on the part of Major Anderson led to the almpst im
mediate seizure of Fort Moultrie and Castle Pinckney by the Oharlesto-
nians. They had calculated, it seems, on taking Fort Sumter without re
sistance ; and as it commands Fort Moultrie, they would have reduced
that work, and taken Major Anderson and his command prisoners when
ever they chose. However, to console themselves, the people of Charles
ton resolved to occupy Castle Pinckney, a fort of minor importance. The
Charleston Mercury gives the following account of the movement :'
" On the 27th the rifle battalion, under command of Colonel J. J.

THE ATTACK ON THE STAR OF THE WEST. 13
Pettigrew, assembled promptly upon the citadel green. They were sub
stantially equipped in winter uniform, with blankets, knapsacks, and re
volvers. The battalion numbered some 150 men, and consisted of detach
ments from the Meagher Guards, the Carolina light infantry, and the
Washington light infantry. Shortly after four o'clock the word was given,
and the companies advanced in double quick time, without music, toward
the Cooper river. None of them, we believe, excepting the officers, were
aware of their destination. They embarked on the steamer Nina, which
immediately headed for Castle Pinckney, and the surmise soon became
confirmed that the destination of the command was to take possession of
that fortress. On nearing the fort, a number of men were observed on
the wharf, one of whom, in advance of the others, was observed holding
what appeared to be a paper in his hand. This was said to have been the
riot act. As soon as the Nina touched the wharf, the storming party
who had been detailed for that duty sprang ashore, and rushed round to
the rear of the fortress, where the gate is situated. This was found
closed, and a cry for storming ladders was soon answered by a detachment
bearing a dozen or more of them. These were instantly planted^ and un
der cover of the rifles of the battalion, the walls were esialaded and the
gates thrown open.
" On entering the fort it was found to be tenanted only by an officer of
engineers and a small party of laborers — none of whom made any resist
ance. The engineer officer was informed that he was at liberty to leave,
and remove his personal effects, and in a few minutes he set out in a boat
belonging to the fort, accompanied by four other men. From the direc
tion in which he steered, it is supposed that he went to Fort Moultrie.
" The flag of the Nina, consisting of a white star on a red ground,
was then hoisted amidst loud cheers ; and when our reporter left a strong
guard had been mounted, and preparations for garrisoning the fortress
were well advanced."
The revenue-cutter William Aikin was also surrendered by her com
mander, and taken possession of by the Charlestonians.
First Lieut. Underwood, second in command of the revenue-cutter
Aikin, states that Captain Coste, the commander of the cutter, was an
avowed secessionist some time before South Carolina decided to go out,
and agreed, when the State declared herself out of the Union, to resign,
and turn the vessel over to him, Lieutenant Underwood ; but instead of
doing so he visited Fort Sumter before Major Anderson took possession of
it, and examined it for several hours, and finally placed the cutter in such
a position as to leave her at low-water high and dry on land. While she
was thus situated the secessionists took possession of her, Captain Coste
being still in command, and Lieutenant Underwood, being his subordinate,
was of course powerless to act. Captain Coste then informed Lieutenant
Underwood that his services would not be required there any longer, and
he proceeded immediately to Washington, and reported the facts to Secre
tary Thomas. The Attack on the Star of the West.
While Major Anderson was in Fort Sumter, rumors were extensively
circulated that he was in want of reinforcements and food. Accordingly
on Saturday the 5th of January, the steamship Star of the West, Captain
James McGowan, was chartered by the United States government to con-

14 THE ATTACK ON THE STAR OF THE WEST.
vey two hundred and fifty troops to Fort Sumter. The official account of
the passage of the vessel and incidents of the trip, may best be given in
Captain McGowan's own language :
Capt. McGowan's Report.
Steamship Stae of the West, New Yoek, Saturday, Jan. 12, 1861.
M. 0. Roberts, Esq. — Sir : After leaving the wharf on the 5th inst.,
at 5 o'clock P. M., we proceeded down the Bay, where we hove to, and
took on board four officers and two hundred soldiers, with their arms,
ammunition, (fee, and then proceeded to sea, crossing the bar at Sandy
Hook at 9 P. M. Ndthing unusual took place during the passage, which
was a pleasant one for this season ofthe year.
We arrived at Charleston Bar at 1:30 A. M. on the 9th inst., but could
find no' guiding marks for the Bar, as the lights were all out. We pro
ceeded with caution, running very slow, and sounding, until abont 4 A. M.,
being then in 4J fathoms water, when we discovered a light through the
h'aze.which at that time covered the horizon. Concluding that the lights
were on Fort Sumter, after getting the bearings of it, *we steered to the
S. W. for the main ship-channel, where we hove to, to await daylight, our
lights having all been put out since 12 o'clock, to avoid being seen.
' As the day began to break, we discovered a steamer just in shore of
us, who, as soon as she saw us, burned one blue light and two red lights
as signals, and shortly after steamed over the bar and into the ship-chan- ,
nel. The soldiers were now all put below, and no one allowed on deck
except our own crew. As soon as there was light enough to see, we
crossed the bar-and proceeded on up the channel, (the outer bar buoy
having been taken away,) the steamer ahead of us sending off rockets, and
burning lights until after broad daylight, continuing on her course up
nearly two miles ahead of us. When we arrived about two miles from
Fort Moultrie, Fort Sumter being about the same distance, a masked bat
tery on Morris Island, where there was a red Palmetto flag flying, opened
fire upon us — distance, abont five-eighths of a mile. We had the Ameri
can flag flying at our flag-staff at the time, and soon after the first shot,
Twisted a large American Ensign at the fore. We continued on under the
fire of the battery for over ten minutes, several of the shots going clear
over us. One shot passed just clear of the pilot-house, another passed
between the smoke-stack and walking-beams of the engine, another struck
the ship just abaft the fore-rigging and stove in the planking, while an
other came within an ace of carrying away the rudder. At the same time
there was a movement of two' steamers from near Fort Moultrie, one of
them towing a schooner, (I presume an armed schooner,) with the inten
tion of cutting us off. Our position now became rather critical, as we
had to approach Fort Moultrie to within three-quarters of a mile before
we could keep away for Fort §umter. A steamer approaching us with an
armed schooner in tow, and the battery on the island firing at us all the
time, and having no cannon to defend ourselves from the attack of the
vessels, we concluded that, to avoid certain capture or destruction, we
would endeavor to get to sea. Consequently we wore round and steered
down the channel, the battery firing upon us until the shot fell short. As
it was now strong ebb tide, and the water having fallen some three feet,
we proceeded with caution, and crossed the bar safely at 8:50 A. M., and
continued on our course for this port, where we arrived this morning
after a boisterous passage. A steamer from Charleston followed us for
about three hours, watching our movements. (
In justice to the officers and crews of each department of the ship I
must add that their behavior, while under the fire of the battery, reflected
great credit on them.

THE ATTACK ON THE STAE OF THE WEST. 15
Mr. Brewer, the New York pilot, was of very great assistance to me
in helping to pilot the ship over Charleston Bar. and up and down the
channel. ,
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
John MoGowan, Captain.
In consequence of the firing upon this vessel, Major Anderson de
spatched a flag of truce ashore, when the following correspondence took
place : —
To his Excellency the Governor of South Carolina:
Sir — Two of your batteries fired this morning on an unarmed vessel
bearing the flag of my government. As I have not been notified that war
has been declared hy South Carolina against the United States, I cannot
but think this a hostile act committed without your sanction or authority.
Under that hope I refrain from opening a fire on your batteries. I have
the honor, therefore, respeotfully to ask whether the above-mentioned act
— one which, I believe, is without parallel in the history of our country,
or any other civilized government — was committed in obedience to your
instructions, and notify you, if it is not disclaimed, that I regard it as an
act of war. And I shall not, after reasonable time for the return of my
messenger, permit any vessel to pass within the range of the guns of my
fort. In order to save, as far as it is in my power, the shedding of blood,
I beg you will take due notification of my decision for the good of al! con
cerned. Hoping, however, your answer may justify a further continuance
of forbearance on my part,
I remain, respectfully, Robert Anderson.
Governor Pickens, after stating the position of South Carolina to the
United States, says, that any attempt to send United States troops into
Charleston harbor to reinforce the forts, would be regarded as an act of
of hostility; and in conclusion adds, that any attempt to reinforce the
troops at Fort Sumter, or to retake and resume possession of the forts
within the waters of South Carolina — which Major Anderson abandoned
after spiking the cannon and doing other damage — cannot be regarded
hy the authorities of the State as indicative of any other purpose than the
coercion of the State by the armed force of the government. Special
agents, therefore, have been off the bar to warn approaching vessels,
armed and unarmed, having troops to reinforce Fort Snnater aboard, not
to enter the harbor. Special orders have been given the commanders at
the forts not to fire on such vessels until a.shot. across their bows should
warn them of the prohibition of the State.
Under these circumstances, the Star of the West, it is understood, this
morning attempted to enter the harbor with troops,' after having been
notified she could not enter, and consequently she was fired into. The
act is perfectly justified by me. In regard, to your threat about vessels in
the harbor, it is only necessary for me to say you must be the judge of
your responsibility. Your position in the harbor has been tolerated by
the authorities of the State ; and while the act of which you complain is
in perfect consistency with the rights and duties of the State, it-is not per
ceived how far the conduct you propose to adopt can find a parallel in the
history of any country, or be reconciled with any other purpose than that
of your government imposing on the State the condition, of, a conquered
province. F* w- Pickens.
SECOND COMMUNICATION FROM MAJOR ANDEESON.
To his Excellency Cov. Pickens :
Sik— I have the honor to, acknowledge the receipt of your communica
tion, and say, th-jjt under the circumstances, I.ljave deemed it proper to

16 THE NATIONAL PLAG.
refer the whole matter to my government, and intend deferring the course
I indicated in my note this morning until the arrival from Washington of
such instructions as I may receive. I have the honor also to express the
hope that no obstructions will be placed in the way, and that you will do
me the favor of giving1 every facility for the departure and return of the
bearer, Lieut. T. Talbott, who is directed to make the journey.
Robert Anderson.
Gov. Pickens immediately granted the permission desired, and directed
Lieut. Talbott to have every facility and courtesy extended to him as
bearer of despatches to the United States government, both in going and
returning, The steamer Marion was seized on the 11th of January, but subse
quently returned to her owners.
South Carolina has necessarily occupied much of the space in this
work, as the events which led to the secession ofthe other seceding States,
could best be chronicled in their regular order. The following war tax
will show the expense incurred on the part of South Carolina in carrying
out this war with the Union.
Here are some of the items :
885,689 negroes, at $1.60  $617,102
3,421 free negroes, at $3,25  ,  11,118
Sales of goods $20,000,000, at 28 cents (this item is reduced $6,388,881) 56,000
Professions, 2,000,000, at $1.  20,000
Town lots and houses, $31,383,873, at 27 cents  84,601
Lands valued at $10,199,446, at $2  203,988
Capital of banks, $13,278,225, at 35 cents  50,457
Insurance premiums, $466,944, at 1J  „..  7,004
Gas stock, $706,700, at 45 cents  ..,  3,180
Total  ,  $1,053,450
To which add proposed taxation :
Carriages at $2.50, supposed $100,000  $25,000
Buggies, etc., at $1.25, supposed $100,000  13,500
Salaries and wages, at least $500,000, at $1  5 000
Interest on bonds, $1,000,000, at IJ,) '
Charleston returns; $300,000, j  15,000
Watches, estimated $20,000  ,  20 000
Interest on stocks owned by State and the bond of tax col
lector of Union  ,  ...... 13 4(50
Shipping, $700,000 at 35c  .'..'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. 2,450— $93,410
Aggregate  $1,146,860
The National Flag.
In the South Carolina Legislature, on the 22d, Mr. Rhett offered a
resolution which was adopted: That, from and after the passage of the
resolution, the national flag or ensign of South Carolina shall be blue
with a white Palmetto tree upright thereon, and a white crescent in the
comer. On the 29th of December, Secretary Floyd, of the War Department
resigned his position. He stated as a reason that the movement of Maior
Anderson in evacuating Fort Moultrie, and occupying Fort Sumter was
directly contrary to thespirit of assurances which had been given by him
(Floyd) to the authorities of South Carolina, that no chanfe shouM 1 be"
madeinthedisposihonof theGovei-nment forces in the foi^ficSs in
Charleston harbor, until the State Commissioners could arrived Wash"

THE SECESSION OE GEORGIA. 17
ington and have a hearing. As soon as the action of Major Anderson be
came known, the Commissioners oalled upon Secretary Floyd for explana
tions. Mr. Floyd disavowed the act, but the Commissioners would not
be satisfied with any thing short of the withdrawal of the troops from
Fort Sumter. This, it appears, Secretary Floyd was willing to agree to,
and he accordingly asked the permission of the President to issue the ne
cessary order. The cabinet had a very long discussion on the subject ;
but, finally, the weight of the Cabinet being against complying with the
demand of the Commissioners, Secretary Floyd felt himself called upon
to resign. On the 30th the Charlestonians seized the arsenal and arms therein,
and raised over that building and the post-office the Palmetto flag.
Governor Pickens had at that time appointed Hon. A. G. M'Grath
Secretary of State, Hon. D. F. Jamison Secretary of War, C. G. Mem-
minger Secretary of the Treasury, W. H. Harlee to regulate the Postal
department and the light-houses, and A. 0. Garlington Secretary of the
Interior. The Secession of Georgia.
Georgia, the fifth in the list of States seceding from the Union, has a
population of 1,082,797 ; the proportion of slaves being 467,461. It ex
tends 300 miles from North to South, and about 240 from East to West,
containing 58,000 square miles. Georgia is bounded North by North Caro
lina and Tennessee ; East by South Carolina (from which it is separated
by Savannah river) and the Atlantic ; South by Florida ; and West by
Alabama. The face of the country on the sea-coast is level and marshy,
and intersected by numerous rivers and creeks. The sea-coast is also bor
dered with islands, producing sea-island cotton and rice. The pine barrens
extend about 70 miles in the interior, beyond which the country is diver
sified with hill, dale, and mountain. The soil in the interior is generally
good, and well adapted to the cultivation of cotton, which is the staple
production. Rice and tobacco of excellent quality are raised in abundance.
Indian corn is also raised in all parts of the State. The principal fruits
are oranges, limes, figs, melons, citrons, and peaches. Of minerals found
in the State, the most important is gold. The climate is mild and pleasant
in winter, but the sea-coast is subject to fevers in summer and autumn.
The forests abound with excellent timber— in the South, pine, and in the
North, oak. The principal cities are Savannah, Augusta, Macon, Colum
bus, Athens, and Milledgeville, the seat of government. Georgia was
the' latest settled of the original 13 States. In 1732 the country was
granted by George II. to James Oglethorpe and others, who founded
Savannah, Feb. 1, 1733. In 1742 the Spaniards in Florida invaded the
colony unsuccessfully. In 1752 the Trustees surrendered the province to
the King, by whom Governors were appointed. In 1775 Georgia acceded
to the Union of the colonies. In 1777 the first State Constitution was
adopted. In 1778 Savannah was captured by the British, who held rt
until July 1782. Constitution of the United States adopted Jan. 2, 1788.
On the 19th of January, 1861, Georgia threw off her allegiance to the
American Union, and by a vote of 208 to 89 was declared free and inde
pendent.

18 CAPTURE OE THE AUGUSTA ARSENAL.
On the 2d of January, Forts Pulaski and Jackson, and the United
States arsenal at Savannah, were seized by the State troops, under the
direction of the Governor of the State.
the secession ordinance.
An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of Georgia and
other States united with her under the compact of Government entitled
the Constitution of the United States.
We, the people of the State of Georgia, in Convention assembled, do
declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained,, that the or
dinance adopted by the people of the State of Georgia in Convention in
1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States was assented to, rati
fied and adopted, and also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assem
bly ratifying and adopting amendments to the said Constitution, are hereby
repealed, rescinded and abrogated.
And we do further declare and ordain that the Union now subsisting
between the State of Georgia and other States, under the name of the.
United States, is hereby dissolved, and that the;State of Georgia is in full
possession and exercise of all those rights of sovereignty which belong and
appertain to a free and independent State.
Capture of the Augusta Arsenal.
The arsenal at Augusta, Georgia, surrendered to the State troops, was
until October last under the sole charge of Dr. J. M. Gait, who has been
twelve years in the service, and a guard of nine men. On account of the
impending troubles, Mayor Blodgett, of Augusta, with the advice of the
City Council, wrote to the then Secretary of War, Gen. Floyd, and stated
that the local authorities would not be held responsible for the govern
ment property there unless there was a reinforcement of United States
troops. Accordingly, Company E, Captain Arnold Elzy, then stationed
at Fort Smith, was ordered to repair, to the arsenal, which was occupied
by that corps in the latter part of October, who held it until the surrender.
The property is one of the best held by the Government in the interior of
any Southern State. The grounds comprise some seventy acres of the
most eligible and valuable land in the vicinity of Augusta. The buildings
are mostly of brick* large and commodious, and the barracks are in fine
order for the accommodation of troops. The parade ground is only
equalled on this continent by the Champ de Mars at Montreal, and is
flanked by fine groves of trees. There were on the premises, in October
a full battery of four pieces, six and twelve pounders, which, in 1850, was
part of Major Ronald's command, Company L, of the artillery. There
were also twenty thousand muskets and two thousand rifles. The muskets
wefe made in 1822, flint lpcks, and altered in 1840 to percussion The
rifles are designed for the Minie ball, and are in good order. The place
was bought for the United States in 1824, by Captain Payne. It was then
the property of Col. Henry Walker, a gentleman distinguished for political
and military service in Georgia. puuuuai

THE SECESSION OP ALABAMA. 19
The Secession of Alabama.
Alabama, the third in the list of States who have dissolved their
connection with the Federal Government, contains a population of 955,-
917, of whom 435,473 are slaves. It is bounded N. by Tennessee, E. by
Georgia, S. by Florida and the Gulf of Mexico, and W. by Mississippi.
Its area is 46,000 square miles, or 28,160,000 acres. Mobile is the princi
pal commercial port, and Tuscaloosa the capital ;*Montgomery is also a
thriving place.
Near the Gulf the country is low and swampy. Pine is the principal
timber growth. The centre is an elevated table land, the soil rich and
productive, the climate mild and healthy. The country is hilly and moun
tainous toward the North. Cotton is the chief production of the State.
Wheat, Indian corn, tobacco, rice, oats, and potatoes are also largely pro
duced. This State was originally included in the territorial limits of Georgia,
except the part which belonged to Florida. In 1802 Georgia ceded all
her territory west of Chattahooche river to the Mississippi river, to the
United States. In 1817 it was constituted the Mississippi Territory, and
Alabama continued a part of this territory until 1820, when it was admit
ted into the Union.
On the 3d of January, 1861, Fort Morgan and the (Mount Vernon)
United States arsenal at Mobile, were seized by the State troops.
On the 11th of January, the delegates to the Stiate Convention passed
the following ordinance of secession — yeas 61, nays 39 :
ordinance of secession.
An Ohdinanoe to dissolve the Union between the State of Alabama and
other States under the compact and style of the United States of
America.
Whereas, The election of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to
the office of President and Vice-President of the United States of America,
by a sectional party, avowedly hostile to the domestic institutions and peace
and security of the people of the State of Alabama, following upon the
heels of many and dangerous infractions of the Constitution of the United
States by many of the States and people of the Northern section, is a
political wrong of so insulting ahd menacing a character, as to justify the
people of the State of Alabama in the adoption of prompt and decided
measures for their future peace and security. ^
Therefore, be it declared and ordained by the people of the btate ot
Alabama, in Convention assembled, that the State of Alabama now with
draws from the Union known as the United States of America, and hence
forth ceases to be one of the said United States, and is, and of right ought
to be, a sovereign, independent State. « ,
Section 2. And be it further declared by the people of the; State of
Alabama, in Convention assembled, that all powers over the territories of
said State, and over the'people thereof, heretofore Relegated to the Gov
ernment ofthe United States of America, be, and they are hereby with
drawn from the said Government, and are hereby; resumed andvestedm
the people of the State of Alabama. ,*»*¦¦*, <. *
And as it is the desire and purpose of the people of Alabama to meet

20 THE DEFENCES OE MOBILE,
the slaveholding States of the South who approve of such purpose, in order
to frame a provisional or a permanent government upon the principles of
the Government of the United States, be it also resolved by the people of
Alabama in Convention assembled, that the people of the States of Dela
ware Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Georgia,
Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri,
be and they are hereby invited to meet the people of the State of Alabama,
by their Delegates in Convention, on the 4th day of February next, in
Montgomery, in the State of Alabama, for the purpose of consultation with
each other as to the most effectual mode of securing connected, harmonious
action, in whatever measures may be deemed most desirable for the com
mon peace and security.
And be it further resolved, That the President of this Convention be,
and he is hereby instructed to transmit forthwith a copy of the foregoing
preamble, ordinance, and resolutions to the Governors of the several States
named in the said resolutions.
Done by the people of Alabama, in Convention assembled, at Mont
gomery, this eleventh day of January, eighteen hundred and sixty-one.
The Defences of Mobile.
FORT MORGAN AND MOUNT VERNON ARSENAL.
At the time Louisiana was purchased from France, in 1803, Mobile
was claimed and held as a Spanish possession. The French claimed terri
tory to the Perdido river flowing into the Gulf of Mexico and Pensacola.
When we came into possession of Louisiana, we also claimed to the same
boundary, while the Spanish Government claimed to a line considerably
west of Mobile. The war of 1812 coming, the Spaniards continued in
possession until 1813, when the Fort Conde, the principal work in Mobile,
was surrendered to a force under Gen. Wilkinson, and our claim made
good to the Perdido. The Americans, on taking possession, not only
strengthened Fort Conde, but also manned the imperfect works at
Mobile Point, which measurably commanded the entrance to the harbor.
These were attacked in the autumn of 1814 by some British vessels of
war. On this locality has since been constructed Fort Morgan — one of
tbe strongest defensive works on the Gulf of Mexico. Fort Morgan alone
commands the chief entrance to the bay. Vessels of large draft cannot
pass over Dog Island bar, some miles below the city.
The arsenal taken possession of by Alabama militia is known as the
Mount Vernon Arsenal, and is situated thirty miles in the interior, north
of Mobile. It stands on a high hill, which rises some 400 or 500 feet
above the surrounding country. From the base of this hill to the city,
and, in fact, to the Gulf of Mexico, is almost a dead level. The soil is
sandy, and covered with an almost unbroken pitch pine forest, interspersed
with alluvial creeks, small farms, and with glades and swamps, bearing
magnolia trees, live oaks, and tangled thickets of undergrowth. The
present Mobile and Tennessee Railroad passes near Mount Vernon. The
view from the arsenal is magnificent, overlooking towards the Gulf an ap
parently interminable carpet of green, which is lost in dimness as it dis
appears at its junction with the distant horizon. The site was well chosen
as a safe depository of arms and other munitions of war for the defence of
New Orleans, Mobile, Pensacola, and the contiguous Gulf coast, and it ia
probably the strongest and best built arsenal to be found in the United
States. It contains a vast store of army equipments of all kinds.

SECESSION OE FLORIDA. 21

Secession of Florida.

Florida, the fourth of the retiring States, is about 400 miles in length,
by an average breadth of 140, containing 50,000 square miles. It is
bounded N. by Alabama and Georgia; E. by the Atlantic Ocean ; S. and
W. by the Gulf of Mexico. The population in 1860 was 145,694, of whom
63,809 were slaves.
The face of the country on the sea-coast is flat, sandy and barren ; in
the interior it is in many places fertile, with natural meadows, well
adapted to the culture of the sugar-cane. The leading productions are
cotton, rice, sugar, oranges, and many other fruits. The forests abound
with exceEent timber, particularly Uve oak. The climate is in general
healthy and delightful. St. Augustine, on the Atlantic coast, is a favorite
resort in the winter for invalids from the Northern States. The principal
towns are Pensacola, St. Augustine, and Tallahassee.
Florida was discovered in 1512, by Ponce de Leon, a Spaniard, and
was under the Spanish government Until 1763, when it was ceded to
Great Britain. It was re-ceded to Spain by the treaty of Paris, in 1783 ;
and in 1821 the United States obtained a cession from Spain of the whole
territory called East and West Florida, in consideration of claims for spo
liations upon the commerce of the former by the latter nation.
On the 11th of January, 1861, in convention assembled, by a vote of
62 to 7, Florida was declared a sovereign and independent nation.
The Appalachicola arsenal, in the Chattaprochus, was seized by the
Florida troops on the 6th of January, Fort McRae, at Pensacola, on the
10th, and Fort Barrancas and the navy yard at Pensacola on the 12th.
Captain Armstrong, in command of the navy yard, surrendered without
the slightest resistance.
The following is a list of the forts on the coast of Florida, with the
number of men that each requires for a war garrison ; also the number of
guns that each should have when completed: — Men. Guns.
Fort Marion, St. Augustine  100 25
Fort Taylor, Key West  1,000 185
Fort Jefferson, Tortugas  1,500 298
Fort Barrancas, Pensacola  550 49
Eedoubt, Pensacola   26
FortPickens, Pensacola  1,200 212
FortMcEea, Pensacola  ••• 650 151
The forts at Key West and Tortugas are said to be the strongest in the
world. They are the keys to the Gulf— every vessel crossing it passing
within sight of both. Fort Taylor has at present about sixty heavy guns
mounted. Fort Jefferson has not yet received its armament.
The Convention of delegates met at Tallahassee on the 3d of January,
to the number of 67. On the 7th, the following preamble and resolution
was passed, by 62 ayes ; 5 nays :—
Whereas, all hope of preserving the Union upon terms consistent with
the safety and honor of the slaveholding States has been finally dissipated

22 FLORIDA POETS.
by the recent indications of the .strength pf the anti-slavery sentiment of
the free States ; therefore, ' ¦ ' 1_ ';'f'. ' ,. ~, .
Be it resohed by the people of Florida in Convention assembled, inat it
is undoubtedly the right of the several States of the Union to withdraw
from the said Union at such time and for such cause, as in the opinion^ of
the, people of eaeh State, acting in their sovereign capacity, may be just
and proper ; and, in the opinion of this Convention, the existing causes are
such as to compel Florida to proceed to exercise that right.
; , ¦ ORDINANCE OF SECESSION.
We, the people of the State' of Florida, iri Convention assembled, do
solemnly ordain, publish and declare, that the State of Florida hereby
withdraws herself from the confederacy of the- States existing under the
name of the United States of America, and from the existing government
of the said States ; and that all political connection between her and. the
government of said States ought to be, and the same is hereby totally an
nulled, and said union of States dissolved; and the State of Florida is
hereby declared a sovereign and independent nation ; and that all ordi
nances heretofore adopted, in so far as they create or reorganize said
Union, are rescinded ; and all laws, or parts of laws in force in this State,
in so far as they recognized or assent to said Union, be and they are hereby
repealed; FORT MARION
Is situated at the extreme Southeastern part of Fernandina, while the
soldiers are garrisoned at the barracks, situated in the opposite portion,
and which was once the Convent of St. Francis. It is probably the old
est fortress in the United States, and is interesting as a relic of the style
of, ancient fortification, and for its association with events in the old Span
ish, English and Indian wars. The precise' year of, its construction is not
definitely known. It may have been commenced by the Spaniards in
1665, or not until many years later. It was named by them the Castle of
St. Mark, and was completed in 17&6. '¦ It was situated at the Northern
extremity of the town. It is built of stone ; its walls are about twenty-
one feet high, terminating in four bastioned angles, at the several cor
ners, each of which is surmounted with towers corresponding.. It is
casemated and bomb proof. The work is enclosed by a wide, deep ditch,
with perpendicular walls of masonry over which is thrown a bridge,
which was originally protected by a draw. The fort has a sea wall a
mile in length, built for the main purpose of a breakwater. The interior
of this old fortress is said to be full of dark gloomy retreats, and subter
ranean passages. Within the bastion- of • the , Northeast angle, far under
ground, is a dark, dungeonlike recess,- constructed of solid mason work.
This place was accidentally discovered soon after the work fell into the
hands of ,the American army. It was then walled up. As ty the history
of the place— whether it was once ah inquisitorial chamber, or the scene
of vengeance, there is, silence. :,
KEY WEST FORT.
Fort Taylor is a large, first-class fortification, commanding the harbor
Key- West and its entrance. It is complete except the barracks and a
tew platforms for the mounting of barbette ordnance: The officer in
command of this fort is Captain John'Brannan, of the First artillery
United States army, and he, with the force under his command, now
constitute the garrison. The fortress forms an irregular quadrangle, having
three channel curtains It is 300 yards off the beach, and on the south
west point of the Island, and stands in a depth of seven or twelve feet of

THE SECESSION OP MISSISSIPPI. 23
¦water. The foundation is granite, and the upper works are of brick.
The scarp walls have a solidity of eight feet, rising forty feet above the
water level. It is provided with three tiers — two of casement and one
for barbette — and mounts 120 eight and ten-inch Columbiad guns on the
seaward front, and 45 heavy pieces towards the beaoh.
The armament is mostly mounted and prepared to stand a siege. The
garrison are abundantly supplied with ammunition, provisions, fuel, water
and all other important stores. With the assistance of the navy this fort
can be defended against any force that may be rash enough to assail it.
It is regarded as the key of the Gulf.
Its only vulnerable point is from the land side, and to, breach this
shore front would require a force which would take weeks in preparation,
a navy to transport, use up half a million of treasure, and sacrifice ljun-
dreds of lives. The officer in command will, like Major Anderson, act
strictly on the defensive, and hold his position until ordered by the fede
ral authorities to deliver up to the demand of the State, or the Southern
confederacy. The officers at Fort Taylor are : —
Capt. John M. Brannan, commander ;
Capt. E. B. Hunt, engineer ;
1st Lieut. Alvan 0. Gilhelm ; 2d Lieut. Chas. H. Webber.
Capt. E. B. Hunt, engineer corps, in charge of the construction and
completion of the castle, has a force of 100 mechanics andlaborers in his
employment. Capt. Meigs has chartered the Whitney to transport a portion of the
8-inoh Columbiads from Fort Taylor to Fort Jefferson. Three guns
will be lightered to the ship, and the necessary ordnance will be supplied
from Fort Taylor magazines. ,

The Secession of Mississippi.
Mississippi, the second State in the order of secession, is 338 miles
in length, and 135 in breadth, containing 45,760 square miles, or
29,286,400 acres. The population in I860 was 887,158, of whom 479,607
were slaves. Bounded N. by Tennessee, E. by Alabama, S.. by the Gulf
of Mexico and Louisiana, W. by Pearl and' Mississippi rivers, which sepa
rate it from Louisiana and Arkansas, it has a sea-coast of about 70 miles,
with no harbor in this distance which admits large vessels. The State is
divided into 56 counties. The face of the cpuntry exhibits a diversified
surface of hills and valleys. The soil is generally fertile, producing cot
ton of a superior quality, rice, tobacco, Indian corn, wheat, rye, harley,
oats, potatoes, wool, wax, lumber, tar, pif-eh, turpentine, peaches, mel
ons, grapes, and a great variety of fruits and vegetables The palma
Chrfsti, which produces castor-oil, is also cultivated. The climate is mild
but variable. From October to June it is bland and delightful. During
part ofthe summer and autumn the people are subject to fevers, but gen
erally they enjoy good health. Tbe southern part of the State, for about
100 miles from the Gulf of Mexico, is a level country, covered, with fine
forests, cypress swamps, open prairies or inundated marshes Advancing
North the soU, in its natural condition, is covered with oak, hxekory, mag
nolia, sweet gum, ash, maple, poplar, pine and holly, with a vanety of
Le wood,.graPe vines, spice wood, &c. Jackson is the capital of the

24 THE SECESSION OP MISSISSIPPI.
State. Natchez is the principal commercial city, 300 miles above New
Orleans. Vicksburg, 106 miles above Natchez, is also a flourishing city.
In 1716 the French formed a settlement where Natchez now stands,
and laid claim to the country in the name of Louisiana. This colony was
massacred in 1729 by the Indians. In 1763 it was ceded to the British.
North of the 31st deg. of N. lat. was in the chartered limits of Georgia,
South of that it belonged to W. Florida, which was ceded to the United
States in 1798 by Spain. In 1800 this State, with Alabama, was consti
tuted a territory, under the name of the Mississippi Territory. In 1817,
Mississippi was separated from Alabama, and was admitted to the Union
as a sovereign State. The Constitution of the State was then adopted,
and amended in 1832. January 9, 1861, Mississippi, in convention by a
vote of 84 to 15, declared its independence, and dissolved its connection
with the Union.
The first step taken by the people of Mississippi towards secession
was on the 29th of December, when the State Senate passed the following
resolutions : —
Retohed, That the Governor be requested to appoint as many commis
sioners as in his judgment may be necessary, to visit each of the slave-
holding States, and designate the State or States to which each commis
sioner shall be commissioned; whose duty it shall be to inform them that.
this Legislature has passed an act calling a convention of the people of
this State to consider the present threatening relations of the Northern
and Southern sections ofthe confederacy, aggravated by the recent elec
tion of a President upon principles of hostility to the States of the South,
and to express the earnest hope of Mississippi, that those States will co
operate with her in the adoption of efficient measures for their common
defence and safety.
Resolved, That should any Southern State not have convened its Legis
lature, the commissioner to such State shall appeal to the Governor thereof
to call the Legislature together, in order that its co-operation be imme
diately secured.
In accordance with these resolutions, commissioners were appointed,
and performed their duty.
On the 9th of January the ordinance of secession was passed by the
Convention, by a vote of 84 to 15.
An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of Mississippi and
other States united with her under the compact entitled, " The Con
stitution of the United States of America."
The people of Mississippi, in Convention assembled, do ordain and de
clare, and it is hereby ordained and declared, as follows, to wit :
Section 1. That all the laws and ordinances by which the said State
of Mississippi became a member of the Federal Union of the United States
of America be,, and the same are hereby repealed, and that all obligations
on the part of said State or the people thereof, to observe the same be
withdrawn, and that the said State shall hereby resume the rights func
tions and powers which, by any of said laws and ordinances were conveved
to the Government ofthe said United States, and is absolved from all the
obligations restraints and duties incurred to the said Federal Union and
shall henceforth be a free, sovereign, and independent State. ' '
conSta^n of thk^t °f th9 f-1'8t Secti^n of the seventh arti«le of the
oonstitutwn of this State as requires members of the Legislature, and all

THE SECESSION OP LOUISIANA. 25
0?4°if rSfrle-gislative and JudiciilJ> t0 take an oath to support the Constitution
of the United States, be and the same is hereby abrogated and annulled.
Seo._ 3. That all rights acquired and vested under the Constitution of
the United States, or under any act of Congress passed in pursuance
thereof, or under any law of this State, and not incompatible with this
ordinance, shall remain in force, and have the same effect as if this ordi
nance had not been passed.
Seo. 4. That the people of the State of Mississippi hereby consent to
form a Federal Union with such of the States as have seceded or may
secede from the Union of the United States of America, upon the basis of
the present Constitution of the said United States, except such parts
thereof as embrace other portions than such seceding States.
Immediately steps were taken by Governor Pettus to fortify points
on the river, and compel all vessels coming from above to approach the
cities and pay wharfage.
On the 20th of January the fort at Ship Island, twelve miles from
Biloxi, was seized by the State troops.

The Secession of Louisiana.
Louisiana, the sixth of the Southern States in the order of secession,
is 250 miles from north to south, and varies in width from 100 to 300
miles in breadth. It is bounded N. by Arkansas and^ Mississippi ; E.
by Mississippi ; S. E. and E. by the Gulf of Mexico, and W. by Texas.
The area is 48,320 square miles, or 30,924,800 acres. The population in
1860 was 666,431, of whom 312,186 were slaves. The State is divided
into 38 parishes. The southern border consists either of sea marsh or vast
prairies, covering one-fifth of the surface of the State. Timbered lands
cover the border of the streams. For 30 miles about the mouths of the
Mississippi is a continued swamp covered with reeds. A sea marsh
extends inland for 20 or 30 miles along the border of the Gulf of Mexioo.
Back of this the land rises and constitutes the prairies. Many portions
of the country are annually overflowed by the Mississippi and its outlets ;
5,000,000 acres are thus rendered unfit for cultivation. Large quantities
of earth are deposited in this manner on the margin of the river, and
there the land is higher than in the rear of its banks. ' To prevent the
river from inundating the rear country, artificial embankments are raised
on the margin, styled the " Levee," extending from 140 to 180 miles.
The southern portion of the country is generally level, and is highly
productive in cotton, sugar, rice, Indian corn and indigo. The northern
portion is undulating, and has a heavy growth of white, red, and yellow
oak, hickory, black walnut, sassafras* poplar, and magnolia; 250,000
acres ofthe soil are adapted to the growth of sugar; 250,000 to rice, and
2,400,000 to cotton.
The climate is generally mild. In summer, the wet and marshy parts
are unhealthy, and New Orleans, the chief city, is often visited by the
yellow fever.
In 1682 this country was explored by La Salle, and named Louisiana,
in honor of Louis XIV. In 1699 a French settlement was begun at Ibber-
ville. M. Crozat, a man of wealth, monopolized the trade of the country

26 THE LOUISIANA PORTS.
for several years. In 1717 he transferred his interest to a chartered com
pany, who in 1731 resigned it to the crown, who in turn, in 1762, ceded
the country to Spain. In 1800 Spain reconveyed the' province to the
French, of whom it was purchased in 1803 by the United States for
$15,000,000, including, all the territory of the United States west of the
Mississippi. In 1812 Louisiana was admitted to the Union as a state. In
1814 the British attacked New Orleans, and were defeated January 8,
1815, hy the Americans under Gen. Jackson, with a loss of near 3000 in
killed, wounded, etc., on the side of the British, and half a dozen on the
part of the Americans. The Secession Convention met January 23, 1861,
and on the 25th, by a vote of 113 to 17, declared Louisiana a free and
sovereign republic.
On the 11th of January the United States Arsenal, at Baton Rouge,
and Forts Pike; St. Phillip, and Jackson, were seized by the State troops.
The following is the ordinance of secession :
An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of Louisiana
and the other States united with her, wider the compact entitled,
" The Constitution of the United States of America."
We, the people of the State of Louisiana, in Convention assembled, do
declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the ordi
nance passed by the State of 22d of November, 1807, whereby the Con
stitution of the United States of America, and the amendments of said
Constitution were adopted, and all the laws and ordinances by which
Louisiana became a member of the Federal Union,»be, and the same are
hereby repealed and abrogated, and the Union now Subsisting between
Louisiana and the other States, under the name of the United States of
America, is hereby dissolved.
We further declare and ordain, that the State of Louisiana hereby re
sumes the rights and powers heretofore delegated to the Government of
the United States of America, and its citizens are absolved from allegiance.
to the said Government, and she is in full possession of all the rights and
sovereignty that appertain to a free and independent State.
We further declare and ordain, that all rights acquired and vested un
der the Constitution of the United States, br any act of Congress, or treaty,
or under laws of this State not incompatible with this ordinance, shall re
main in force, and have the same effect as though this ordinance had not
passed. A resolution was reported to the Convention that the following be
added to the ordinance : •»
We, the people of Louisiana, recognize the right of free navigation of
the Mississippi River and tributaries, by all friendly States bordering
thereon ; we also recognize the right of the ingress and egress of the
mouths of the Mississippi by all friendly States and Powers, and hereby
declare our willingness to enter into stipulations to guarantee the exercise
of those rights. THE LOUISIANA FORTS.
The forts seized are Fort St. Phillip, Fort Jackson, Fort Pike, and Fort
Macomb, besides the arsenal at Baton Rouge. All the forts which pro
tect the State from invasion are in the hands of the State troops, except
Fort Livingston, situated on an island at the entrance of Barataria bay.
But this fortification is still in an unfinished state, although nearly $400,000

THE ACTION OP VIRGINIA. 27
have been expended upon it. It was, a year ago, without an armament,
and an expenditure of $60,000 was necessary to complete it.
The approach to New Orleans from the Gulf is commanded by the
four forts which we know have been seized by the State troops. Fort St.
Phillip and Fort Jackson are both on the Mississippi, a few miles above the
mouth, and nearly opposite to each other. They require about 600 men
each when completely garrisoned, and are capable, no doubt, of preventing
a most formidable force from ascending the- river. Fort St. Phillip mounts
124 guns, and Fort Jackson 150. The federal government has expended
upon the latter $837,608, and upon the former $258,734.
The approach to New Orleans, and therefore to the Mississippi by the
way of Lake Pontchartrain, is defended by Fort Pike and Fort Macomb.
The first, which is at the east end of the lake, commanding the entrance
from Mississippi Sound, was officially reported, a year ago, as in fine
order and in a good defensive condition. It was then intended to substi
tute four 8-inch Oolumbiads and seven 8-inch sea-coast howitzers for as
many 24-pounder guns. It mounts altogether 49 guns, and has cost the
government $473,000.
Fort Macomb is a little South of Fort Pike, at the Chef-Menteur pass,
which connects Lake Pontchartrain with Lake Borgne, the head of Mis
sissippi Sound. This also mounts 49 guns, and the same change was to
have been made last year in its armament as that proposed at Fort Pike.
Its cost has been $465,991. The full complement of men for both these
forts is 300 each. The Action of Virginia.
On the 7th of January Governor Letcher, of Virginia, delivered his
message to the Legislature. He renews his proposition in his last mes
sage for a convention of all the States, and says: It is monstrous to see a
government like ours destroyed, merely because men cannot agree about
a domestic institution. It becomes our State to be naindful of her own
interests. Disruption is inevitable, and if confederations are to be formed,
we must have the best guarantees before we can attach Virginia to
either. He condemns the hasty, action of South Carolina, which has
taken her Southern sisters by surprise. He would make no special re
ference to her course had he not been invited to do so by her late execu
tive, iri uncalled for references to Virginia. The non-slaveholding States
are chargeable for the present condition of affairs ; and if the Union is dis
rupted, upon them rests the solemn responsibility. He alludes at length
to their aggressions, and says they have the power to end the strife and
restore confidence. Will they do it? He awaits their response, not
Without apprehension.
The New Year.
The year one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one opened under un
favorable auspices for the safety of the country; and the "Happy New
Year," though fervently wished, it was feared would prove unhappy to
too many.
The Legislatures of several ofthe States convened by law at this time,
and from the messages of the governors there was generally breathed a
spirit of concession and kindly feeling North towards the South; and
South, a feeling of stubborn resistance to all entreaties for peace.
The question at issue was the supposed aggression on the part of the
North toward the South; the latter believing that a republican admin-

28

THE COMPROMISES.

istration would interfere by force with the "peculiar institution" of
slavery. The Compromises.
With a view of restoring confidence to the country and making peace}
Mr. Crittenden, on the 3d of January, offered his compromise to the com
mittee of thirty-three.
This plan is presented in connection with the well-known Missouri
compromise and the Bigler resolutions.

Missouri Compromise, 1820.
Seo. 8. That in all that territory
ceded by France to the United
States, under the name of Louis
iana, which lies north of thirty-six
degrees and tliirty minutes north
latitude, not included within the
limits of the State contemplated by
this act, slavery and involuntary
servitude, otherwise than in the
punishment of crimes whereof the
parties shall have been duly con
victed, shall be, and is hereby for
ever prohibited. Provided always,
that any person escaping into the
same, from whom labor or service
lawfully claimed, in any State or
territory of the United States, such
fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed,
and conveyed to the person claim
ing his or her labor, or service, as
aforesaid.

Crittenden Compromise, 1861.
1. In all the territories now or
hereafter acquired north of latitude
thirty-six degrees and thirty min
utes, slavery or involuntary servi
tude, except for the punishment of
crime, is prohibited; while in all
the territory south of that latitude,
slavery is here recognized as exist
ing, and shall not he interfered with
by Congress, but shall be protected
as property by all departments of
the territorial government during
its continuance. All the territory
north or south of said line, within
such boundaries as Congress may
prescribe, when it contains a popu
lation necessary for a member of
Congress, with a republican form of
government, shall be admitted into
the Union on an equality with the
original States, with or without
slavery, as the Constitution of the
state shall prescribe.
2. Congress shall have no power
to abolish slavery in the States per
mitting slavery.
3. Congress shall have no power
to abolish slavery in the District of
Columbia while it exists in Virginia
and Maryland, or either ; nor shall
Congress at any time prohibit the
officers of the government or mem
bers of Congress, whose duties re
quire them to live in the District
of Columbia, bringing slaves there,
and holding them as such.
4. Congress shall have no power
tp hinder the transportation of
slaves from one State to another,
whether by land, navigable rivers,
or sea.
5. Congress shall have power by
law to pay an owner who shall ap
ply, the full value for a fugitive

SPECIAL MESSAGE OP THE PRESIDENT. 29
slave in all cases when the marshal
is prevented from discharging his
duty by force or rescue made after
arrest. In all such cases the owner
shall have power to sue the county
in which such violence or rescue
was made, and the county shall
have the right to sue the individ
uals who committed the wrong, in
the same manner as the owner could
sue. 6. No further amendment or
amendments shall affect the preced
ing articles, and Congress shall
never have power to interfere with
slavery in the States where it is now
permitted.
The last resolution declares that the Southern States have a right to
the faithful execution of the laws for the recovery of slaves, and. such laws
ought not to be repealed or modified so as to impair their efficiency. AJ1
laws in conflict with the fugitive slave law it shall nbt be deemed improper
for Congress to ask the repeal of. The fugitive slave law ought to be so
altered as to make the fee of the commissioner equal, whether he decides
for or against the claimant, and the clause authorizing the person holding
the warrant to summon a posse comitatus to be so as to restrict it to cases
where violence or rescue is attempted. The laws for the suppression of
the African slave-trade ought to be effectually executed.
The following is the corresponding portion of Mr. Bigler's proposition :
Article 1. That territory held, or that may hereafter be acquired by
the United States, shall be divided by a line from east to west, on the
parallel of 30 degrees 30 minutes north latitude.
Art. 2. That in all the territory north of said line of latitude, involun
tary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, is prohibited ; and in all
territory south of said line, involuntary servitude, as it now exists in the
States south of Mason and Dixon's line, is hereby recognized, and shall be
sustained and protected by all the departments of the territorial govern
ments ; and when any territory north and south of said line, within such
boundaries as Congress may prescribe, shall contain the population requi
site for a member of Congress, according to the then federal ratio of rep
resentation of the people of the United States, it shall then be the duty of
Congress to admit such territory into the Union on terms of equality with
the original States. Special Message of the President.
Onj the '8th of January, the following Special Message was sent to
Congress by President Buchanan :
To the Senate and House of Representatives :
At the opening of your present session, I called your attention to the
dangers which threatened the existence of the Union. I expressed my
opinion freely concerning the original causes of these dangers, and recom
mended such measures as I believed would have the effect of tranquillizing
the country, saving it from the peril in which it had been needlessly and
most unfortunately thrown.
Those opinions and recommendations I do not propose now to repeat.
My own convictions upon the whole subject remain unchanged. The

30 SPECIAL MESSAGE OP THE PRESIDENT.
fact that a great calamity was impending over the nation, was even at
that time acknowleged by every intelligent, citizen. It had already made
itself felt throughout the length and breadth of the land. The necessary
consequences of the alarm thus produced were most deplorable. The im
ports fell off with a rapidity never known before, except in the time of
war, in the history, of our foreign commerce. The treasury was un
expectedly left without means which it had reasonably counted upon to
meet its public engagements.
Trade was paralyzed, manufactures were stopped, the best public
securities suddenly sunk in the market, every species of property depre
ciated more or less, and thousands of poor men who depended upon their
labor for their daily bread were turned out of employment. I deeply
regret that I am not able to give you information upon the state of the
Union which is more satisfactory than what I was theri obliged to com
municate. On the contrary, matters are still worse at present than they
then were. When Congress met, a strong hope pervaded the whole pub
lic mind that some amicable adjustment of the subject would be speedily
made by the Representatives of the States, which might restore peace
between tbe conflicting sections of the country. That hope has been
diminished by every hour of delay, and, as the prospect of a bloodless set
tlement fades away, the public distress becomes more and more aggravated.
As an evidence of this, it is only necessary to say that the Treasury notes
authorized by the act of the 17th of December last were advertised ac
cording to law, and that no responsible bidder offered to take any con
siderable sum at par at a lower rate of interest than 12 per cent. From
these facts, it appearsthat in a government organized like oui*s, domestic
strife, or even a well-grounded fear of civil hostilities, is more destructive
of public and private interests than the most formidable foreign war.
In my annual message I expressed the conviction, which I have long
deliberately held, and which recent reflection has only tended to deepen
and confirm, that no State has the right by its own act to secede from the
Union, or to throw off its federal obligation at pleasure. I also declared
my opinion to be that even if that right existed, and should be exercised
by any State of the cpnfederacy, the Executive Department of this Govr
eminent had no authority under the constitution to recognize it? validity
by acknowledging the independence of such State. This left me no alterna
tive as the chief executive officer under the Constitution of the United
States, but to collect the public revenue and protect the public property so
far as this might be practicable under existing laws. This is still my pur
pose.,, My province is to execute, not to make the laws. It belongs to
Congress exclusively to repeal, modify, or enlarge their provisions to meet
exigencies as they may occur. I possess no* dispensing power. I cer
tainly had no right to make aggressive war upon any State, and I am per
fectly- satisfied that the Constitution has wisely withheld that power even
from Congress.
The right and the duty to use military force defensively against
those who resist the Federal officers in the execution of their legal func
tions, and against those who assail the property of the Federal Govern
ment, is clear and undeniable. But the dangerous and hostile attitude of
the-States toward each other has already far transcended and cast into the
shade the ordinary executive duties already provided for by law, and has
assumed such vast and alarming proportions as to place the subject entirely
above and beyond executive control. The fact cannot be disguised that
weare in the midst of a great revolution. Therefore, I commend the
question to Congress as the only human tribunal, under Providence, pos-
sessing the power to meet the existing emergency. To them exclusively
belongs the power to declare war, or to authorize the employment of
military force in all cases contemplated by the Constitution, and they alone

SPECIAL MESSAGE OP THE PRESIDENT. 31
possess the power to remove all the grievances which might lead to war,
and to secure peace and union to this distracted country. On them, and
on them alone, rests the responsibility.
The Union is a sacred trust left by our Revolutionary fathers for their
descendants, and never did any other people inherit so rich a legacy. It
has rendered us prosperous in peace, and triumphant in war. The national
flag has floated in glory over every sea, and under its shadow American
citizens have found protection and respect in all lands beneath the sun.
If we descend to considerations of purely material interest, when, in the
history of all time, has a confederacy been bound together by such strong
ties of mutual interest ? Each portion of it is dependent upon all, and. all
upon each portion, for prosperity and domestic security. Free trade
throughout the world supplies the wants of one portion from the produc
tions of another, and scatters wealth everywhere. The great planting and
farming States require the aid of the commercial and navigating States to
send their productions to domestic and foreign markets, and furnish the
naval power to render their transportation secure against all hostile
attacks. Should the Union perish in the midst of the present excitement, we
have already had a sad foretaste of the universal suffering which would
•result from its destruction. The calamity would be severe in every por
tion of the Union, and would «be quite as great, to say the least, in the
Southern as in the Northern States.
The greatest aggravation of the evil, and that which would place us in
the most unfavorable light, both before the world and posterity, is, as I
am firmly convinced, that the secession movement has been chiefly based
upon misapprehension at the South of the sentiment of the majority in
several of the Northern States. Let the question be transferred from the
political assemblages to the ballot-box, and the people themselves would
speedily redress the serious grievances which the South have suffered.
But, in Heaven's name, let the trial be made before we plunge into an
armed conflict, upon the mere assumption that there is no other alterna
tive. Time is a great conservative power. Let us pause at the moment
ous point, and afford the people, both at the North and South, an oppor
tunity for reflection. Would that South Carolina had, been convinced of
this truth before her precipitate action. I therefore appeal through you
to the people of the country to declare in their might that the Union must
and shall be preserved by all constitutional means.
I most earnestly recommend that you devote yourselves to the question
how this can be accomplished in peace. All other questions, when com
pared with this, sink into insignificance. The present is no time for palli
atives. Prompt action is required. A, delay in Congress to prescribe or
recommend a distinct and practical proposition for conciliation, may drive
ns to a point from which it will be almost impossible to recede. A com
mon ground on which conciliation and harmony may be produced is surely
not unattainable. The proposition to compromise by letting the North
have exclusive control of the territory above a certain line, and to give
Southern institntions protection below that line, ought to receive universal
approbation. In itself, indeed, it may not be entirely satisfactory, but
when the alternative is between reasonable concession on both sides and
the destruction of the Union, it is an imputation on the patriotism of Con
gress to assert that its members will hesitate a moment. Even now the
danger is upon us.
In several States which have not yet seceded, the forts, arsenals, and
magazines of the United States have been seized. This is by far the most
serious step which has been taken since the commencement of the troubles.
This public property has long been left without garrisons and troops fbr
its protection, because no person doubted its security under the flag of the

32 SPECIAL MESSAGE OP THE PRESIDENT.
country in any State of the Union. Besides, our small army has scarcely
been sufficient to guard our remote frontiers against Indian incursions.
The seizure of this property, from all appearances, has been purely aggres
sive, and not in resistance to any attempt to coerce a State or States to
remain in the Union. At the beginning of these unhappy troubles, I de
termined that no act of mine should increase the excitement in either
section of the country.
If the political conflict were to end in civil war, it was my determined
purpose not to commence it, nor to furnish an excuse for it in any act of
this government. My opinion remains unchanged, that justice as well as
sound policy requires us still to seek a peaceful solution of the questions
at issue between the North and the South. Entertaining this conviction,
I refrained even from sending reinforcements to Major Anderson, who
commanded the forts of Charleston harbor, until an absolute necessity for
doing so should make itself apparent, lest it might be regarded as a menace
of military coercion, and thus furnish a provocation, or, at least, a pretext,
fbr an outbreak on the part of South Carolina. No necessity for these re
inforcements seemed to exist.
I was assured by distinguished, upright gentlemen of South Carolina,
that no attack on Major Anderson was intended^ but that, on the contrary,
it was the desire of the State authorities as much as it was my own, to
avoid the fatal consequences which must ftventually follow a military col
lision. And here I deem it proper to submit for your information copies
of a communication dated 28th December, 1860, addressed to me by R.
W. Barnwell, J. H. Adams, and James L. Orr, commissioners of South
Carolina, with the accompanying documents, and copies of my answer
thereto, dated December 81. In further explanation of Major Anderson's
removal from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, it is proper to state that after
my answer to the South Carolina Commissioners, the War Department
received a letter from that gallant officer, dated December 27, 1860, the
day after his movement, from which the following is an extract:
" I will add as my opinion that many things convinced me that the
authorities of the State designed to proceed to a hostile act, (evidently re
ferring to the order dated December 11, of the late Secretary of War.)
Under this impression, I could not hesitate that it was my solemn duty to
move my command from a fort which we could not probably have held
longer than 48 or 60 hours, to thjs one, where my power of resistance is
increased to a very great degree."
It will be recollected that the concluding part of the order was in the
following words : —
" The smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy
more than one ofthe three forts, but an attack on, or attempt to take pos
session of either one of them, will be regarded as an act of hostility, and
you may then put your command into either of them, which you may
deem most proper to increase its power of resistance. You are also au
thorized to take similar defensive steps whenever you have tangible evi
dence of a design to proceed to a hostile aot."
It is said that serious apprehensions are to some extent entertained in
which 1 do not share, that the peace of this District may be disturbed 'be-
?? !,^k* \°f.Ma-fc£ ?exi ,In an? event' tt win be m7 ^ty to preserve
it, and this duty shall be performed.
In conclusion, it may be permitted to me to remark, that I have often
warned my countrymen of the dangers which now surround us. This
may be the last time I shall refer to the subject officially. I feel that mv
whLv^tr fai*fQ)1^ though it may beJ imperfectl/performedfa^d
rhaflaUeitrmSpUintm%b/' * shaU carl7 to my" grave the consciousness
mat i at least meant well for my country.
Washington City, Jan. 8, 1861. (SiSned) JA*™ BUCHANAN.

THE MESSAGE OP GOVERNOR MORGAN. 33
Upon the reception of this message by the House of Representatives,
_ Mr. Howard, of Miohigan, moved that it be referred to a special com
mittee of five, with instructions to inquire whether any executive officers
of the United States have been or are now treating or holding communi
cation with any person or persons for the transfer of forts and otber prop
erty ; whether any demand for their surrender has been made, and by
whom, and what answer has been given ; whether any officer or officers
have entered into any pledge not to send reinforcements of troops to the
harbor of Charleston, and if so, when, where, and by whom, and on what
considerations. Whether the oustom-house, post-office, and arsenal at
Charleston have been seized, by whom held in possession ; whether any
revenue cutter has been seized ; and whether any efforts have been made to
recover it. The committee have power to send for persons and papers,
and report from time to time such facts as may be required by the na
tional honor, &c.
This was adopted by 133 ayes to 62 nays.
Message of Governor Morgan.
Governor Morgan, in his Message to the Legislature on the 2d of
January, made use of the following language with reference to the exist
ing troubles : —
What is especially wanted, both at the North and at the South, is not
only a cessation of hostile words and acts, but a complete restoration of
all those amicable and fraternal relations, which formerly existed in every
portion of the confederacy, and without which the Union ceased to con
fer its highest advantages.
No apprehension, however, need be entertained that the people of this
law-abiding State would, in any case, suffer their authorities or agents
in the States or Federal Government, to invade or impair any constitu
tional right or privilege of the slave States ; on the contrary, they stand
always as ready to guarantee those rights as to defend their own, and I
think it would be well for the Legislature to give such new and solemn
utterances to these convictions, as shall afford to the people of all the
Southern States the assurance that all the rights, under the Constitution
and the laws, are recognized, and will, on the part of the people of this
State, be respected and maintained inviolate.
I fully believe that if justice and moderation shall mark the conduct
of the loyal States, we shall safely pass the present crisis, as we have
passed many others, without loss of substantial rights or self-respect ; , foi
I am unwilling to admit that there are madmen, either at the North oi
South, sufficiently formidable in power or in numbers to destroy the
Union of the States; a Union which has been productive of inestimable
good; a Union in which all sections and parts have contributed, in di
verse though harmonious modes, to that common result of strength, sta
bility and happiness, manifest to every eye, in every direction, through
out the length and breadth of this extended land.
Every State can do something, and ought to do all that it can to averl
the threatened danger. Let New York set the example m this respect
Let her oppose no barrier; but on the contrary, let her representatives u
the Federal Legislature give their ready support to any settlement thai
shall be just and honorable to all, a settlement due alike to the chenshet
memories of the past, the mighty interests of the present and the myriad*
of the future. Let her stand in an attitude of hostility to none; but ex
tending the hand of fellowship to all, and living up to the strict letter o:
that great fundamental law, the living and the immortal bond of th<
3

34 GOVERNORS' MESSAGES."
union of the States, cordially unite with other members of the Confede
racy in .proclaiming and enforcing the determination- that the Constitution
shall be honored, and the union of the States shall be preserved.
Message of the Governor of Ohio.
Governor Dennison, of Ohio, in his message suggested the repeal of the
obnoxious features of the fugitive slave law, and the repeal of any per
sonal liberty bills subversive of the fugitive law would thus be secured ;
at the same time the Southern States should repeal their laws in contra-
vention of the constitutional right of citizens of free States, who cannot be
satisfied with less; and who will insist upon their constitutional rights in
every State and territory of this confederacy. These they cheerfully
accord to citizens of Southern States. Determined to do no wrong, they
will not contentedly submit to any wrong, and are unawed by their threats.
They demand the employment pf the, constitutional powers of the federal
government to maintain and preserve the Union. He rejected the whole
theory of State secession as a palpable violation of the constitution, and
could not consent to the exercise of any powerr unless under its sanc
tion. — The integrity of this Union — its oneness and individuality, must be
preserved. Message of the Governor of Illinois.
Governor Wood, of Illinois, in his message, said : —
" If grievances to any portion of our confederation have arisen within
the Union, let them be redressed withint the Union. If unconstitutional
laws, trenching upon the guaranteed rights of any of our sister States, have
found place upon our statute books, let them, be removed. If prejudice
and alienation toward any of our fellow-countrymen has fastened upon out
minds, let it be, dismissed and forgotten. Let us be just to ourselves and
each other, allowing neither threats to drive us from what we deem to
be our duty, nor pride of opinion prevent us from correcting wherein we
may have erred. He recommends that if Illinois has passed any laws
tending tp obstruct the operation of federal authority, or conflicting with
the constitutional rights of others, they may at once be repealed."
Views of the Governor of Maryland.
Governor Hicks, of Maryland, in reply to Judge Handy, commissionei
from Mississippi, said : —
The sentiments of the people are almost unanimous in favoi
of upholding and maintaining their rights under the Constitution.
They believe that their rights will yet be admitted and secured.
and not until it is certain they will be respected no longer — not until
every honorable, constitutional, and lawful effort to secure thein is
exhausted — will they consent to any efforts for a dissolution of the
Union. The people of Maryland are anxious that time should be
given and opportunity afforded for a fair and honorable adjustment of the
difficulties and grievances of which they, more than the people of anj
other State, have a right to complain.
_ He believes that a large majority of the people of the Union desire ar
adjustmentj and he thinks it will be promptly effected. Until the effori
is found vain, he cannot consent to, any precipitate revolutionary actioi
to aid in the dismemberment of the Union. When he* is satisfied tha
there is no hope of adjustment, and not until then, will he exercise am
power with which he is vested to afford even an opportunity for such i

GOVERNORS' MESSAGES.1 35
proceeding.^ Whatever powers he may have he will use only after full
consultation with the other border States, since we and they, in the event
of any dismemberment of the Union, will suffer more than all the others
combined. Message of the Governor of Massachusetts.
Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, after suggesting a repeal of the
Personal Liberty Bill, concluded as follows : —
Come what may, I believe that Massachusetts will do her duty. She will
stand by the incoming national Administration, as she has stood by the
past ones ; because her people will forever Btand by their country. The
records of her revolutionary history declare her capapity and her will to
expend money, sympathy and men to sustain the common cause.
Until we complete the work of rolling back this wave of rebellion
which threatens to ingulf the government, overthrow democratic institu
tions, subject the people to the rule Of a minority, if not of mere military
despotism, and in some communities to endanger the very existence of
civilized society, we cannot turn aside, and we will not turn back. It is
to those of our brethren in the disaffected States whose mouths are closed
by a temporary reign of terror, not less than to ourselves, that we owe
this labor, which, with the help of Providence, it is our duty to perform.
Message of the Governor of 'Wisconsin.
Governor Randall, of Wisconsin, in his message, said : —
Should the Legislature think the Personal Liberty Bill of Wisconsin
in conflict with the United States constitution, then it should be made tc
conform therewith, but no fear and no hope of a reward should induce a
free people to break down the, walls of their protection. We will make a
sacrifice of our feelings to conciliate, but no sacrifice of our principles.
The right of a State to secede can never be admitted. Once in the Union,
a State must remain until the Union is destroyed.
Message of the Governor of Missouri.
Governor Jackson, of Missouri, in his message; says: —
The destiny of the slaveholding States are identical, and that Mis
souri will best consult her own interests and the interests of the whole
country, by a timely declaration of her determination to stand by her sistei
slaveholding States, in whose wrongs she participates, and with whose
institutions and people she sympathizes. Missouri will remain in the
Union so long as there is a hope of maintaining the guarantees of the con
stitution. The Governor opposes coercion, and says that the project of maintain
ing the government by force,- may lead to a consolidated despotism, bul
never to a U^ion.
The Governor has hot abandoned all hope for the preservation of the
Unidn, but believes that by prudence and well-directed efforts ah adjust
ment alike honorable to both sections may be effected. He opposes Con
gressional compromises, and says that the South can rely only upon consti
tutional guarantees, and to effect this end, he advises the calling of a South
ern convention, to agree upon such amendments to the constitution as wil
secure the just rights of the South, and to submit them to the Northen
States also for their action. * •
The Governor advises tte calling of a State convention, to ascertain th<
will of the people on the subject.

36 RESOLUTIONS.
Message of the Governor of New Jersey.
Governor Olden, of New Jersey, in his message, said : —
It does not appear that the Legislature of New Jersey is at presen
called onto do any thing beyond what has been proposed, unless it maybi
to give some expression to her views. The people of this State beyond al
question stand as a unit in favor of the Union, and are prepared to defent
it, and to make all reasonable and proper concessions to insure its per
petuity. They also believe that the constitution as it is, affords protec-
tion to the rights of all. Cherishing the most friendly spirit towards theii
brethren of the South, they would be the last to interfere with theii
rights. We remember that they are burdened with the anxieties and deer.
responsibilities of an iustitution for the introduction of which they are no1
accountable, but which was entailed upon them, and for the abolition 01
which, the wisdom of man has failed to suggest a humane and feasible
plan, and which God, in his own good time and way, will bring abont ;
and also that they have been irritated by a continued system of inter
ference with their affairs, for the management of which they only are
responsible. That they have done and said much that was unwise and
uncalled for, and that serious counter charges could be readily made, is
certain; but they have enough of perplexity connected with their pecu
liar institution, to induce those not so burdened, to refrain from aggravat
ing their troubles.
Unwilling to abandon the cause, and clinging to the hope that the
committee of Congress, appointed for that purpose, will agree on measures
of compromise, we anxipusly' await the result. If it should appear that
their views cannot be harmonized, then I earnestly recommend (unless
some more approved plan is proposed) without delay you adopt a resolu
tion inviting all the States to appoint delegates, in such manner as can be
most speedily and satisfactorily done, who shall meet and endeavor to
agree upon terms by which our Union may be saved. We cannot believe
it possible that such a convention would fail to agree on terms acceptable
to a majority in all sections of the country, and these terms could be
presented to Congress as the united wish of the people of the States.
It is not for our own State that we plead ; with a genial climate, pro-
ductive_ soil, and favorable location, her people 'moral, industrious and
enterprising, New Jersey, whether alone or connected with others, can
take care of herself; but it is for that glorious Union, of which she is a
part, for the illustrious past, the hopeful future, the cause of freedom
everywhere, the claims of our children to the right of citizenship in the
noblest republic the world has ever seen, and for the example we afford
the nations of the earth. In the hand of God, who we confidently believe
will order all things according as we do put our trust in Him, we leave the
issue, praying that in mercy He would save us from ourselves.
Resolutions.
The following resolutions, presented in Congress and in the Legisla
ture of New York, are deemed of sufficient interest to be compiled with
this history :
Mr. h5baoe F. Clark, on the 9th of January, not Clark, Rep. N
a.., ottered the following as an amendment to the Crittenden resolu
tions :
Resohed, That the provisions of the constitution are ample for the
preservation of the Union, and the protection of all the material intereste
of the country; that it needs to be oheyed rather than amended, and an

RESOLUTIONS. 3
extrication from our present difficulties is to be looked for in strenuou
efforts to preserve and protect the publio property, and enforce the lawi
rather than in new guarantees for particular interests, or compromises, c
concessions to unreasonable demands.
Resolved, That all attempts to dissolve the Union, or overthrow th
constitution, with the expectation of constructing it anew, are dangeron
and illusory, and in the opinion of the Senate no reconstruction is practi
cable; and, therefore, to the maintenance of the existing Union and Coi
stitution should be directed all the energies of the government.
In the New„York State Legislature, on the 2d of January, Mr. Robk
son offered the following : —
Whereas, The government of the Territories has long been a disturl
ing element in our national councils, and has of late given rise to politic!
-divisions that appear to admit of no compromise, and to threaten th
integrity of the Union — one party insisting that the General Governmei
shall protect slavery in the Territories, and another that it shall prohib
it, and still another that it shall not interfere one way or the other.
And whereas, All parties loyal to the Constitution and Union, agre
that each State has the sole and exclusive power of determining its ow
domestic institutions. Therefore,
To the end that this impediment to our National harmony be foreve
removed, Resolved, (if the Senate concur,) That our Senators and Representative
in Congress oe requested to use their influence, after the admission <
Kansas as a State on her present application, to divide all the remainin
territory so as to form two States, to be admitted as States of this Unioi
so soon as the inhabitants thereof shall adopt State constitutions, Repul
lican in form.
Resolved, (if the Senate concur,) That these resolutions with the vot
of this Legislature thereon, be forthwith transmitted to the Governor <
this State, to our Senators and Representatives in Congress, aud to th
Governors of the several States of this Union.
On the 2d of January Mr. Spinola offered the following in the Nei
York Senate : —
Whereas, Treason, as defined by the Constitution of the United State*
exists in one of the States of the confederacy, and whereas it is the re
ligious as well as the patriotic duty of each State in its sovereign capacity
as well as that of each citizen, to make every necessary sacrifice for th
preservation of this union of States, as they were united by Washing
ton and his associates; and whereas the State of New York is now, as i
ever has been, and ever will be, unalterably and uncompromisingly i
favor of the Union as it is ; therefore
Resolved, (if the Assembly concur,) That the Governor be and hereby i
directed, in the name of the people of the State of New York, to tende
to the President of the United States the services of the militia of th
State; to be used in such manner and at such time as the President ma;
deem best, to preserve the Union and enforce the constitution and law
of the country. _. , , , ,. ;.
Resolved, That the committee on military affairs be, and are hereby di
rected to inquire into the condition, efficiency, and available strength c
the military force of the State, and to report to the Senate at the earlies
practicable day what legislation, if any, is necessary to render that brancl
of government fully effective for any emergency that may arise ; and i
requisite, that the said committee report a bill to raise $10,000,000 t
properly arm the State.
- On Thursday, January 3, the following resolutions were adopted as ex

38 RESOLUTIONS.
pressiye of the viewp and feelings of the committee pf thirty-three, bj
Mr. Beistow, of Kentucky :-— "
Resolved, That we recognize slavery, as now existing in fifteen of th<
United States by the usages and laws of those States, and we recognize n<
authority, legally, or otherwise, outside of a State where it so exists, to in
terfere with slaves or slavery in such States, in disregard of the rights o:
their owners, or the peace of society.
Resolved, That we recognize the justice and propriety of a faifibibl '.exe
cution of the constitution and "all" laws made in pursuance thereof, in
cluding those on the subject of fugitive slaves, or fugitives from service oi
labor, and discountenance all mobs or hindrances to the execution of sucl
laws, and that the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privi
leges and immunities of the citizens of the several States. .
Resolved, That we recognize no such conflicting elements in its com
position, or sufficient cause from any source for a dissolution of this gov
ernment ; that we were not sent here to destroy, but to sustain and har
monize the institutions of the country, and to see that equal justice is
done to all parts of the same, and finally to perpetuate its existence on
terms of equality and justice to all the States.
In the United States Senate, on the 2d January, Mr. Davis asked
leave to present a preamble and resolutions, which' was granted. They
are as follows : —
Whereas, By the 2d and 3d Articles of the Constitution, it is provided
that the militia shall be the security of.the States, and also indirectly
provided that a State may, in. time of peace, keep troops and ships of war ;
and by the 17th clause of the 1st Article, that the jurisdiction of the Fed
eral Government is limited ; therefore
Resolved, That upon the application of a State, either through a Con
vention or the Legislature, the Federal forces may be withdrawn, and
that the, President of the United States shall order the withdrawal of the
Federal garrison, and take needful security for the safety of the public
property remaining.
, Resolved, further, Whenever a State in Convention, lawfully assem
bled, shall enact that the safety of the State requires the keeping of troops
and ships of war, the President of the United States is hereby directed to
recognize the power of the State to do so, and by his proclamation give
"information to all the parties concerned.
Laid on the table and ordered to be printed.
The following resolutions were adopted by the New York Legisla
ture on the 11th of January, and copies thereof transmitted to the Pres
ident, and to the Governors of the several States : —
Whereas, The insurgent State of South Carolina, after seizing the post-
office custom house, money and fortifications of the Federal Government,
has, by firing into a vessel ordered by the Government to convey troops
and provision to Fort Sumter, virtually declared war ;
And whereas, The forts and property of the United States government in
treorgia, Alabama and Louisiana, have been unlawfully seized with hostile
intentions; ¦
And whereas, Their Senators in Congress avow and maintain their
treasonable acts ; therefore
ResoM,_(inte Senate concur,) That the Legislature of New York is
profoundly impressed with the value of the Union, and determined to
preserved unimpaired ; that it greets with joy the recent firm, dignified
and patriotic special message of the President of the United States and
whatevee Sn °^' ^T^ the 0hi?.f MaSUtrate of ^ °^ State,
wnatever aid. in men and money may be required to enable him to en-

ANOTHER MESSAGE PROM THE PRESIDENT. 39
forcethe laws, and uphold the authority of the Federal Government, and
that in the defence of the Union, which has conferred prosperity and
happiness upon the American people, renewing the pledge givenand re
deemed by our fathers, we are ready to devote our fortunes, our lives,
and our sacred honor.
Resolved, (if the Senate concur,) That the Union-loving citizens and
representatives of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Ken
tucky, Missouri and Tennessee, who labor with devoted courage and
patriotism to withhold their States from the vortex of secession, are enti
tled to the gratitude and admiration of the whole people.
Resolved, (if the Senate concur,) That the Governor be respectfully re
quested to forward forthwith, copies of the foregoing resolutions to the
President of the nation, and the Governors of all the States of the Union.
Another Message from the President.
On the 28th of January, the President communicated the following
Message to Congress : —
To the Senate and Souse of Representatives ofthe United States :
I deem it my duty to submit to Congress a series of resolutions adopted
by the Legislature of Virginia on the 19th inst., having in view the peace
ful settlement of the existing questions which now threaten the Union.
They were delivered to me on Thursday, the 24th inst., by Ex-President
Tyler, who has left his dignified and honored retirement in the hope that
he may render service to his country in this its hour of peril. These
resolutions, it will be perceived, extend an invitation to all States, whether
slaveholding or non-slaveholding, as are willing to unite with Virginia in
an earnest effort to adjust the present unhappy controversies in the spirit
in which the Constitution was originally formed, and consistently With
its principles, so as to afford to the people of the slaveholding States ade
quate security for their rights, to appoint commissioners to meet on the
4th day of February next, in the city of Washington, similar commis
sioners appointed by Virginia, to consider, and, if practicable, agree upon,
some suitable adjustment. I confess, I hail this movement on the part of
Virginia with great satisfaction. From the past history of this ancient
and renowned commonwealth, we have the fullest assurance that what
she has undertaken she will accomplish, if it can be done by able, en
lightened and persevering efforts. It is highly gratifying to know that
other patriotic States have appointed and are appointing Commissioners
to meet those of Virginia in council. When assembled they will consti
tute a body entitled, in an eminent degree, to the confidence of the coun
try. The General Assembly of Virginia" have also resolved " that Ex-
President John Ttlee is hereby appointed by the concurrent vote of each
branch of the General Assembly, a Commissioner to the President of the
United States, and Judge John Robertson is hereby appointed, by a like
vote, a Commissioner to the State of South Carolina, and the other States
that have seceded, or shall secede, with instructions respectfully to request
the President ofthe United States and the authorities of such States, to
agree to abstain, pending the proceedings contemplated by the action of
this General Assembly, from any and all acts calculated to produce a col
lision of arms between the States and the government of the United
States." However strong may be my desire to enter into such an agree
ment, I am convinced that I do not possess the power; Congress, and
Congress alone, under the war-making power, can exercise the discretion
of agreeing to abstain from any and all acts calculated to produce a colli
sion of arms between this and any other gbvernmgnt. It would therefore
be a usurpation for the Executive to attempt to restrain their hands by

40 CHARGES OP TREASON.
an agreement in regard to matters over which he has no constitutional
control. If he were thus to act they might pass laws which he should be
bound to obey, though in conflict with his agreement. Under existing
circumstances my present actual power is confined within narrow limits.
It is my duty at all times to defend and protect the public property within
the seceding States so far as may be practicable, and especially to employ
the constitutional means to protect the property of the United States, and
to preserve the public peace at this, the seat of the Federal Government.
If the seceding States abstain from any and all acts calculated to produce
a collision of arms, then the danger so much to be deprecated will no
longer exist. Defence and not aggression has been the policy of the ad
ministration from the beginning ; but whilst I can enter into no engage
ment such as that proposed, I cordially commend it to Congress, with much
confidence, that it will meet their approbation to abstain from passing
any law calculated to produce a collision of arms, pending the proceedings
contemplated by the General Assembly of Virginia. I am one of those
who will never despair of the Republic. I yet cherish the belief that the
American people will perpetuate the Union of the States on some terms
just and honorable for all sections of the country. I trust that the media
tion of Virginia may be the destined means, under the providence of God,
of accomplishing this inestimable benefit. Glorious as are the memories
of her past history, such an achievement both in relation to her own
fame and the welfare of the whole country, would surpass them all.
(Signed) James Buchanan.
Washington City, Jan. 28, 1861.
Charges of Treasbn.
On the 19th of January F. 0. Tread well, of New York, filed in the
United States Supreme Court at Washington, an affidavit, charging certain
persons with treason. The writ asked for was denied by Chief Justice
Taney. The complaint sets forth the following : —
That divers citizens, hereinafter named, of South Carolina and other
States of this Union, and other persons to the affirmant unknown, owing
allegiance to the United States of America, have conspired against the
Constitution and government thereof, and have committed the crimes of
misprision of treason, treason, and other high crimes and misdemeanors
against the peace, welfare and dignity of the said United States, and the
people thereof, and the Constitution and laws of the United States in such
case made and provided ; to wit :
James H. Hammond, J. W. Hayne, W. Porcher Miles, Milledge M
Bonham, William W. Boyce, James Chesnut, John McQueen, Lawrence
M. Keitt, John D. Ashmore, James L. On*, all of the State of South
Carolina; also, Jefferson Davis, Albert G. Brown, William Barksdale
John J. McRea, Jacob Thompson, Reuben Davis, Otho R. Singleton all
of the State of Mississippi; also, Judah P. Benjamin, Miles Taylor, John
Slidell, Thomas G. Davidson, John M. Landrum, all of the State of
Louisiana ; also, Robert Toombs, Peter E. Love, Thomas Hardeman ir
J. W. H. Underwood, John J. Jones, A. Iverson, Martin J. Crawford'
Lucius J. Gartrell, James Jackson, Howell Cobb, all of the State of
Georgia; also, Benjamin Fitzpatrick, James A. Stallworth, David CIod-
ton, George S. Houston, 0. C. Clay, jr., James L. Pugh, Sydenham
Moores W R. W. Cobb, Jabez L. M. Curry, all of the Stated Alabama;
also* D. L. Yulee, S. R. Mallory, George S. Hawkins, all of the State of
Florida; also, Lewis T. Wigfall, John R. Reagan, all of the State of
Texas; also, Joseph Lane,, of Oregon; also, James M. Mason Henrv A
Wise, Roger A Pryor, Robert M. T. Hunter, John R. Floyd, all ofthe
State of Virginia. J '

THE VALEDICTORY OP GOVERNOR GIST. 41

The Valedictory of Governor Gist.
On the 7th of December, 1860, Governor Gist, of South Carolina, deliv
ered the following Valedictory Message to the Legislature at Columbia :
Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Repeesentatives : —
Allow me in this, my last official communication, a parting word.
South Carolina, after many long years of earnest but fruitless efforts to
arrest the progress of fanaticism, and stay the hand of aggression upon her
rights by the Northern States of the confederacy ; after vain remon
strances, and the solemn assurance that a free people could never submit
to inequality and degradation, has at last determined, with unparalleled
unanimity, to sever the bonds that bind her to those States, and part com
pany with those that treat her citizens as aliens and enemies, rather than
as friends and brethren. The comparatively small star which represents
her on the national banner, and which has hitherto illumined the path of
the traveller in search of constitutional liberty, must henceforth quit its
appointed place, and shine only on a banner consecrated to equality and
justice and Southern rights. To permit it to remain longer in its present
association would only dim its lustre and ultimately quench its light. We
were told by our great statesman that the cords of the Union were snap
ping, one by one, and now the last is broken. Could he have lived to wit
ness our regeneration, he would feel himself amply rewarded for all his
toils and sacrifices, and would say, like Simeon of old, " Lord, now let-
test thou thy servant depart in peace." A few more days, and the act of
secession will be consummated by the solemn ordinance of a Convention
of the people, and the glad tidings will go forth with lightning speed to
every Southern State, to rejoice the hearts and cheer the drooping spirits
of millions anxiously awaiting the signal for a general deliverance. We
have progressed thus far with firm and even tread, with calmness and de
liberation, but with a constancy of purpose not to be shaken by danger or
suffering. A single pause, or the least vacillation, and all will be lost, How
ever anxious we may be for co-operation, or however certain we may be
of obtaining it, let us first move ourselves as the best means o,f effecting
that object, and, having forever closed the door from which we have
passed out ofthe Union, so that no insidious devices of the enemy or false
promises of pretended friends can avail to open it, then, and not until
then, may we safely seek co-operation, and unite with other States who
have resumed their sovereignty, and are prepared to form a more perfect
union, and share with us a common destiny. Every sentinel_ should re
main at his post, and not relax a fibre until the great work is complete,
the great battle fought, and a glorious victory achieved. The delay of the
Convention for a single week to pass the ordinance of secession will have
a blighting and chilling influence upon the action of the other Southern
States, and the opponents of the movement everywhere will be encour
aged to make another effort to rally their now disorganized and scattered
forces, to defeat our action and to stay our onward march. Fabius con
quered by delay ; and there are those of his school, though with a more
unworthy purpose, who, shrinking from an open and manly attack, use
this veil to hide their deformity, and from a masked battery discharge
their missiles. But I trust they will strike the 'armor of truth, and fall
harmless at our feet, and that by the 25th of December no flag but the
Palmetto will float over any part of South Carolina.
It only remains for me to request the appointment of a committee to ex
amine the accounts of the Executive Department, and to inform you that
I have no further communication to make.
Wm. H. Gist.

42 GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT.
Clinching the Nail..
On the 28th of January the Legislature of South Carolina adopted the
following : —
• Resolved, unanimously, That the General Assembly of South Carolina
tender to the Legislature of the State of Virginia their acknowledgments
of the friendly motives which inspired the mission intrusted to the Hon.
Judge Robertson, her commissioner. Adopted unanimously.
Resolved, unanimously, That candor, which is due to the long-continued
sympathy and respect which has subsisted between Virginia and South
Carolina, induces this Assembly to declare with frankness, that they do not
deem it advisable to initiate negotiations when they have no desire or in
tention to promote the ultimate object in view — that object • being, as
declared in the resolution of the Virginia Legislature, the procurement of
amendments or new guarantees to the Constitution; of the United States.
Adopted unanimously.
Resolved, unanimously, That the separation of South Carolina from the
Federal Union is final/and that she has no further interests in the Con
stitution of the United States, and that the only appropriate negotiations
between her and the Federal Government are as to their mutual relations
as foreign states. Adopted unanimously.
Resolved, unanimously^ That this Assembly further owe it to the
friendly relations with the State of Virginia, to declare that they have no-
confidence in the Federal Government of the United States; that the most
solemn pledges of that Government have been disregarded; that, under
the pretence of preserving property, hostile troops have been attempted
to be introduced into one of the fortresses of this State, concealed in the
hold of a vessel of commerce, with a view to subjugate the people of
South Carolina, and that even since the authorities at Washington have
been informed of the present mediation of Virginia, a < vessel- of- war has
been sent to the South with troops and munitions of war concentrated on
the soil of Virginia. Adopted unanimously.
_ Resolved, unanimously, That in' these circumstances this Assembly
with renewed assurance of cordial respect and esteem forthe people of
Virginia, and high consideration for her commissioner, decline entering
into the negotiations proposed by, both branches of the Virginia Legisla
ture. Adopted unanimously. General "Winfield Scott.
Every American heart beats proudly at the name of General Winfield
Scott, so brave in the field, so wise in council, so true a patriot and so
loyal to the Constitution and the Union.
An unbribeable, honest soldier, who is quick to see, and prompt to
act, and with the courage of a lion in him. We trust that his military
services may,never be required in defence of the Union, against any foe
But if it should ever be necessary to defend the country against an enemy'
here is the man— American to the backbone of him, who will do it or
die. Winfield Soot* was born the 13th June, 1786, near Petersburg in
Virginia. His descent may be traced from a Scottish gentleman of the
Lowlands, who, with his elder, brother, was engaged in the Rebellion of
General Scott's history is well known, and the part he played in the
great drama of 1812, and in the Mexican war, was only equalled br th.
greatest generals of ancient and modern times. , ,.- H^u*-Jr™
Dr.CMnning thus speaks of his Indian mission to the Cherokees 'in

RESIGNATION OP SECRETARY THOMPSON. 43
1838 : " To this distinguished man belongs the rare honor of uniting with
military energy and daring, the spirit X){ a philanthropist. His exploits in
the field, which have placed him in the first rankof our soldiers, have
been obscured by the purer and more lasting glory of a pacificator, and of
a friend of mankind. In the whole history of the intercourse of civilized
with barbarous or half-civilized communities, we doubt whether a brighter
page can be found than that whioh records his agency in the removal of
the Cherokees. In his recent mission to the disturbed borders of our
country, he has succeeded, not so much by policy as by the nobleness and
generosity of his character, by moral influences, by the earnest conviction
with which he has enforced on all with whom he had to do, the obliga
tions of patriotism, justice, humanity and religion. It would not be easy
to find among us a man who has won a purer fame. And I am happy to
offer this tribute because I would do something, no matter how littlei *°
hasten the time when the spirit of Christian humanity shall be accounted
an essential attribute and the brightest ornament of a public man."
In November, 1846, he sailed for Brazos San Jago, to superintend the
expedition against Vera Cruz. The object of obtaining Vera Cruz was the
establishment of a shorter route to the City of Mexico.
His modesty and unpresuming disposition made him refuse the offer
of the Secretaryship of War, after the ratification of peace in 1815. He
accepted, however, a diplomatic mission to Europe, in the service of his
country, and received for his admirable execution of it the thanks of the
President. On his return, he took the seaboard command* making his
headquarters in New York. In March, 1817, he married Miss Maria
Mayo, daughter of John Mayo, Esq., of Richmond, Va. During the last
twenty years he has lived in comparative seclusion, although as Com
mander-in-Chief of the American forces, he has had plenty of employ
ment. His activity at the present time, and his anxiety to prevent a
bloody war between the North and South, the firm resolve to be pre
pared for it, and to devote his last days as well as his early years to his
country's service, to maintain its honor and dignity both at home and
abroad, have met with the approval and gratitude of every American
citizen, who cares more for his country than for his party.
Resignation of Secretary Thompson.
On the. 8th of January James Thompson, Secretary of the Interior,
tendered his resignation to the President accompanied, by the following
note: — Washington, Jan. 8.
Sib : It it with extreme regret I have just learned that additional
troops have been ordered to Charleston. This subject has been fre
quently discussed in cabinet councils ; and when on Monday night, Dec.
31, ult., the orders for reinforcements to Fort Sumter were countermand
ed, I distinctly understood from you that no order of the kind would be
made without being previously considered and decidedin cabinet, It is
true that on Wednesday, Jan. . 2, this subject was again discussed in
cabinet ;¦ but certainly no conclusion was reached, and the War Depart
ment was not justified in ordering reinforcements without something
more than was then said. I learn, however, this morning, for the first
time, that the steamer Star bf the. West sailed from New York last Satur
day night with 250 men, under Lieut. Bartlett, bound for Fort Sumter.
Under these circumstances I feel myself bound to resign my commission,
as one of your constitutional advisers, into your hands.
With high respect, your obedient servant, J. Thompson.
His Excellency James Buchanan, President of the United States.

44 SKETCH OF MAJOR ANDERSON.

Sketch of Major Anderson.

Major Robert Anderson was born in Kentucky, in September, 1805,
and is now in his 56th year. He is about five feet nine inches in height;
his figure is well set and soldierly; his hair is thin and turning to iron
gray; his complexion swarthy; his eye dark and intelligent; his nose
prominent and well formed. A stranger would read in his air aud ap
pearance determination, and an exaction of what was due to him. He is
always agreeable and gentlemanly, firm and dignified. On the 1st of July,
1821, he entered the Military Academy at West Point, whence he gradu
ated July 1, 1825, taking a high position in a large class, composed of such
men as Alexander Dallas Baohe, Col. Benjamin Huger, Col. Francis Taylor,
Col. Charles F. Smith, and others who have been distinguished as well in
civil life as in the line of their profession. His first commission was that
of brevet Second Lieut, of the Second Artillery, July 1, 1825, and he was
subsequently promoted Second Lieut, in tlie Third regiment, dating from
the same day. From May to October, 1832, he was acting Inspector
General ofthe Illinois Volunteers, in the Black Hawk war; and it is here
worthy of note that our President elect, Mr. Linooln, was one of the cap
tains of those troops. In June, 1833, he was promoted First Lieut., and
between 1835 and 1837 was Assistant Instructor and Inspector at the
U. S. Military Academy. In 1838 he became Aid-de-oamp to Major-Gen
eral Scott, and in the following year published " Instruction for Field Ar
tillery, Horse and Foot, arranged for the service of the United States,"
which has been highly approved of. For gallantry and successful conduct
in the war against the Florida Indians, he received the brevet of Captain,
bearing date April 2, 1838. Jnly 7, 1838, he became Assistant Adjutant
General, with the rank of Captain, which he relinquished subsequently to
being promoted to a captaincy in his regiment, October, 1841. In March,
1847, he was with the Third regiment of artillery in the army of General
Soott, and took part in the siege of Vera Cruz — being one of the officers
to whom was entrusted, by General Bankhead, the command of the bat
teries. This duty he performed with signal skill and gallantry, and he
continued with the army until its triumphal entry into the city of Mexico,
in September following. During the operations in the valley of Mexico,
lie was attached to the brigade of General Garland, which formed a part
of General Worth's division. In the attack on El Molino del Rey, on the
8th of September, where he was wounded very severely, his conduct was
the theme of especial praise on the part of his superior officers. Captain
Burke, his immediate commander, in his despatch of September 9, says:
— " Captain Robert Anderson (acting field officer) behaved with great he
roism on this occasion. Even after receiving a severe and painful wound,
he continued at the head of the column, regardless of pain and self-preser
vation, and setting a handsome example to his men, of coolness, energy,
and courage." General Garland speaks of him as being, with " some few
others, the very first to enter the strong position of El Molino," and adds
that " Brevet Major Buchanan, Fourth infantry ; Captain Anderson, Third
artillery, and Lieut. Sedgwick, Second artillery, appear to have been par
ticularly distinguished for their gallant defence of the captured works."
In addition to this testimony to his bearing on that occasion we have that
of General Worth, who particularly directed the attention of the Com
mander-in-Chief to the part he had taken in the action. "For gallant
and meritorious conduct in the battle of Molino del Rey " he was promot
ed to the brevet rank of Major, dating from September 8, 1847. October
5, 1857, he was promoted to the position of Major of the First artillery
which he now holds. '

FORTIFICATIONS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES.

45

Gov. Pickens, of South Carolina.
Governor Pickens comes of good revolutionary stock. His grand
father, General Pickens, commanded the American forces at the battle of
the Cowpens. His father, Colonel Pickens, held a military command in
the war of 1812, though it is not known that he was ever engaged in ac
tive service. The present Governor, Francis W. Pickens, was born in
South Carolina about fifty years ago, and has been some twenty years in
public life.
He took an active part in the nullification movement in 1832, and was
one ofthe most ardent champions of actual resistance by arms. In 1835
he was sent to Congress, where he represented one of the South Carolina
districts for ten years. He was offered the mission to England by Presi
dent Polk, and the mission to France by President Tyler : he declined
these, but accepted from President Buchanan the mission to Russia, which
he filled until recently. On his return home he was elected, as the world
knows, first Governor of the independent State of South Carolina.

Fortifications in the Southern States.
Subjoined is a list of fortifications, taken from Col. Totten's report
made to Congress a few years ago, giving the cost of each, and the num
ber of guns they severally mount:
Table of Navy Yards and Principal Forts South of Mason and Dixon's Line,
showing the position, cost, and strength of each.

Where located.

Fort McHenry, Baltimore 
•Fort Carroll, Baltimore 
Fort Delaware, Delaware river, Del 
Fort Madison, Annapolis, Md 
Fort Severn, Maryland 
Fort Washington, Potomac river  ., 
Fort Monroe, Old Point Comfort, Va 
Fort Calhoun, Hampton Roads, Norfolk. 
Fort Macon, Beaufort, N. C 
Fort Johnson, Cape Fear, Wilmington, N. C, 
Fort Caswell, Oak Island, N. C 
Fort Sumter, Charleston, S. C 
Castle Pinckney, Charleston, S. C 
Fort Moultrie, Charleston, S. C 
Fort Pulaski, Savannah, Ga 
Fort Jackson, Savannah, Ga 
Fort Marion, St. Augustine, Fla. 
Fort Taylor, Key West 
Fort Jefferson, Tortugas 
Fort Barrancas, Pensacola 
Redoubt, Pensacola 
Fort Pickens, Pensacola 
Fort McRee, Pensacola 
Fort Morgan, Mobile 
Fort St. Phillip, mouth of Mississippi river 
Fort Jackson, mouth of Mississippi river. 
Fort Pike, Rigolets, La 
Fort Macomb, Chef Menteur, La. 
Fort Livingston, Barrataria Bay, La 
* Incomplete,

Cost

Men. •$

$146,000 135,000

350800

539,000

750

15,000 6,000

150 60

575,000
2,400,000 1,664,000 .
460,000 5,000

400
2,4501,120 300 60

571,000677,000 43,000

400 650 100

75,000
923,000

300800

80,000

70

51,000

100

1,000 1,500 250

315,000 109,000

759,000
384,000
1,212,000

1,260 650700

143,000
817,000

600
600

472,000
447,000342,000

300300
300

Guns. 74
159
151 3114 88
371224 61 10
81
146 25
54
150 14
25
185
298 49 26
212 151132
124
150 49
' 4952

46

P0R*TIPICATI0NS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES.

In addition to these are, incomplete works at Ship Island, Mississippi
River; Georgetown, S. O; Port Royal Roads, S. C. ; Tybee Islands,
Savannah ;r Galveston, Brazos, Santiago and Matagorda Bay, Texas. The
guns which were lately stopped at Pittsburg were designed for those at
Galveston and Ship Island. '
Hampton Roads is the great naval depot station and rendezvous of the
Southern coasts,
Pensacola is very strong, and the only good harbor for vessels of war,
and the only naval depot on the Gulf. The fortresses of Key West and
Tortugas, on the;southern point' of Florida, are among the most powerful
in the world; and every vessel that crosses the Gulf passes withm* sight
of both. The Worth Carolina forts seized on the 8th of January were subse
quently restored, by the Governor.
The following table shows the location, cost, war garrison, and the
number of guns in the forts seized :—

Where located.

-Men.

Guns.

Fort Macon, Beaufort, N. C 
Fort Johnson, Wilmington, N. C...
Fort Caswell, Oak Island, N. 0 
Castle Pinckney, Charleston, S. C. .
Fort Moultrie, Charleston, S. C 
Fort PiilasH, Savannah, Ga  ,.
Fort Jackson, Savannah, Ga 
Fort Barrancas, Pensacola 
Fort McRee, Pensacola 
Fort Morgan, Mobile 
Fort St. Philip,' mouth Mississippi.,
Fort Jackson, mouth Mississippi...
Fort Pike, Rigolets, La 
Fort Macoro.b, Chef Monieur, La...

$460,000 5,000
571,000 43,000 75,000
923,000 80,000
315,000384*000
1,212,000 143,000 817,000
472,000 447,000

300 60
400 300
300 800 70
250 650 700
600600
300300

51 10
81
25
54
150 1449
151 132 124150 49 49

Totals  ••::¦¦—  ••  $5,947,000

5,430 1,099

The fort at Smith's Island, Mississippi, is incomplete, and has no
armament.

the fortifications at pensacola.
' ¦ Pensacola Bay has rare properties as a harbor, It is now accessible to
frigates. The bar is near the coast, -and. th« channel across it short and
easily passed. The harbor is- perfectly -land-locked, and the roadstead
very capacious. There are excellent positions within for repairing build
ing and launching vessels, and for docks and dock-yards in healthy situa
tions. The supply of good water is abundant. These properties in
connection with* the position of the harbor, as regards the coast have' in
duced the Government to select it as a Naval station, and a place of
rendezvous and repair. The upper arms of Pensacola Bay receive the
Yellow Water of Pea River, Middle River, and Escambia River eleven
miles from the Gulf. '
SANTA EOSA ISLANB.
Santa. Rosa Island is situated .east by north-west by south fourtfeeri
leagues, and completely shuts out Pensacola from the sea. It is so low
that the sea in a gale washes its top..., It is not more than one-fourth of a
mile wide. The west point of this island is at the mouth of Pensacola
Bay. The latter is not over one and a quarter miles wide

FORTIFICATIONS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 4?

FOET PICKENS.
The principal means of defence to the mouth of Pensacola Bay and the
Naval station is Fort Pickens. This fort is a first-class bastioned fort,
built of New York granite, and situated on low ground on the east point
of Santa Rosa Island. Its walls are forty-five feet in height by twelve
feet in thickness ; it is embrasured for two tiers of guns, which are placed
under bomb-proof casemates, besides having one tier of guns en ba/nbette.
The guns from this fort radiate to every point of the horizon, with flank
and enfilading fire at every angle of approach. * The work was commenced
in 1828 and finished in 1853. It cost the Federal Government nearly one
million of dollars. When on a war footing its garrison consists of 1,260
soldiers. Its armament, only a portion of which is within its walls, con
sists of: Guns.
42-pounder iron guns  63
32-ponnder iron guns  17
34-ponnder iron guns  49
16-pounder iron guns  5
12-pounder iron guns  :  13
Brass field pieces  6
Brass flank howitzers  20
Heavy 8-inch howitzers  13
13-inch mortar  1
Heavy 10-inch mortars.  4
Light 8-inch mortars  4
16-inch stone mortars  4
Cohorn mortars  5
Total armament  210
The fire from this work completely covers the navy yard, and in case
the latter is held by the Federal authorities, it would not hold out long
against Fort Pickens. The bar on the exterior of the Bay is three miles
distant, and beyond that there are no facilities for a hostile fleet to lie in
safety. All the forts in Pensacola Bay are ere this garrisoned by Alabama
troops, who were invited there by the Governor of Florida.
FOET MOBAE.
This fortification is situated on Foster's Bank, and guards the west
side of the mouth of Pensacola Bay. It is a bastioned fort, built of brick
masonry, with walls 12 feet in thickness. It is embrasured for two tiers
of guns, under bomb-proof casemates, and has one tier en barbette. Its
armament consists of 150 guns, and in time of war requires a garrison of
650 men. The work cost the Government about $400,000,. Its guns.
radiate at every point of the horizon. It is a very effective work. The,
full armament of the fort is not complete, but a sufficient number of guns
are in battery to make a very good defence in conjunction with Fort
Pickens. Below this fort is a water battery, which mounts some eight
or ten guns. The interior of Fort McRae is provided with the necessary
shot furnaces, officers' and soldiers' quarters, magazines, &c.
FOET BAEEANOAB
is on the north of Pensacola Bay, and directly fronting the entrance to its
induth. The work is erected on the site of an old Spanish f6rt. The fort
is a bastioned work, built of heavy masonry, and mounts 49 guns, and id.
time of war requires a garrison of 250 men. Armament of the work is
fully mounted, and its magazines are in good order. In the rear of the
fort is a redoubt, which is auxiliary to Fort Barrancas. Some extensive

48 FORTIFICATIONS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES.
repairs have recently been completed on this redoubt, and the flanking
howitzers of scarp and counterscarp can be mounted with very little
labor. THE EEINFOEOEMENT OF THE TOETT/GAS FOET.
The steamship Joseph Whitney, Loveland, arrived at Fort Jefferson,
Tortugas, the 18th Jan., with Major Arnold's company of artillery from
Fort Winthrop, Boston harbor. Major A.'s command will garrison Fort
Jefferson. Captain M. Meigs, engineer corps, has charge of the construc
tion of the fortifications, while Major Arnold is the military commander
only. Captain Meigs will now be able to hold the work against any but a
regular besieging force. Fort Jefferson covers the entire surface of Gar
den Key, and has an area of thirteen and a half acres. Although not
armed, it is completely closed, and cannot be surprised by an escalading
party. The first and second tiers (casemated) are pierced for over three
hundred and fifty guns. A wide ditch, communicating with the sea,
surrounds the entire work, and this is protected by a counterscrap of
great strength. The guns of the fort command the inner harbor. The
outer anchorage is beyond the reach of the heaviest guns. Fort Jefferson,
when completed, will mount four hundred and fifty guns, and will require
a garrison of one thousand men.
The Commandant at Fort Pickens.
Lieutenant Adam J. Slemmer comes of good revolutionary stock.
Both his grandfathers were soldiers in the Revolution, and did good ser
vice in New Jersey. They were natives of Philadelphia. Lieut. Slemmer
is a native of Montgomery County, Penn. He graduated at West Point
in 1850, and was assigned to duty in the First Artillery, and ordered to
Florida to hold the Seminole Indians in check ; was there promoted, and
ordered to San^Diego, California, and from thence sent to Fort Yuma, a
sandy, barren, and one of the most undesirable posts in the country. Being
again promoted, he was ordered to Fort Moultrie, Charleston harbor.
After being there a short time he was invited by Mr. Bache, Superintend
ent of the Coast Survey, to enter that service, which was accepted, and
duty assigned. His name was, therefore, sent by the Superintendent to the
proper bureau, the Secretary of which being absent at the time, it was
laid upon the desk. Before his return, however, the Superintendent of
the West Point Academy made application to the Secretary of War for
the appointment of Lieut. Slemmer as a teacher in that institution, which
duty was assigned him. Having served the regular term (four years) in
that capacity, the greater part of the time as Teacher of Mathematics, he
was again ordered to Fort Moultrie, and subsequently transferred to the
Pensacola statioD, and put in command of that post, which consists of the
barracks, Fort Barrancas, Fort McRae and Fort Pickens. At the com
mencement of the difficulties he occupied the barracks, and taking the
same precaution as Major Anderson, he sought the strongest fort and re
moved his command to Fort Pickens.

INTEKESTING SKETCHES,
STATISTICS, ETC.

The Dream of John C. Calhoun.
It may not be considered inappropriate by some — although it may by
others — to produce at this time the narrative of a vision, which it ip said
Mr. John 0. Calhoun had some years ago : — it was written by Mr. James
A. Scoville, for many years the private secretary of that distinguished
statesman :
The other morning, at the breakfast table, our friend, the Hon. John
C. Calhoun, seemed very much troubled and out of spirits. You know he
is altogether a venerable man, with a hard Scotch-Irish face, softened in
its expression, around the mouth, by a sort of sad smile, which won the
hearts of all who conversed with him, His hair is now snow white. He
is tall, slim, and angular. He reminds you very much of Old Hickory.
That he is honest, no one doubts ; he has sacrificed to his fatalism his
brightest hopes of political advancement — has offered upon the shrine pf
that necessity which he worships all that can excite ambition — even the
Presidency of the United States.
But to my story : The other morning at the breakfast table, when I,
an unobserved spectator, happened to be present, Calhoun was observed
to gaze frequently at his right hand, and brush his left in a hurried and
excited manner. He did it so often that it excited attention. At length
one of the persons composing the breakfast party — his name, I think, is
Toombs, and he is a member of Congress from Georgia — took upon him
self to ask the occasion of Mr. Calhoun's inquietude.
" Does your hand pain you ? " he asked of Mr. Calhoun.
To this Mr. Calhoun replied, in rather a flurried manner. " Pshaw, it
is nothing. Only a dream I had last night, and which makes me see, per
petually, a large black spot, like an ink blotch, upon the back of my right
hand. An optical illusion, I suppose."
Of course, these words excited the curiosity of the company, but no
one ventured to beg the details of this singular dream, until Mr. Toombs
asked quietly : —
" What is your dream like ? I am not very superstitious about dreams,
but sometimes they have a great deal of truth about them."
" But this was such a peculiarly absurd dream," said Mr. Calhoun,
again brushing the back of his right hand ; " however, if it does not in
trude too much on the time of our friends, I will relate it to you."
Of course the company were profuse in their expressions of anxiety
i

50 THE DREAM OP JOHN C. CALHOUN.
to know all about the dream. In his singularly sweet voice Mr. Oalhonn
related it.
At a late hour last night, as I was sitting in my room, engaged in
writing, I was astonished at the entrance of a visitor who entered, and,
without a woi-d, took a seat opposite me at the table. This surprised me,
as I had given particular orders to the servant that I should, on no ac
count, be disturbed. The manner in which the intruder entered, so per
fectly self-possessed, taking his seat opposite me without a word, as though
my room and all within it belonged to him, excited in me as much sur
prise as indignation. As I raised my head to look at his features, over
the top of my shaded lamp, I discovered that he was wrapped in a thin
cloak, which effectually concealed both his face and features from view ;
and, as I raised my head, he spoke — '¦
" What are you writing, Senator from South Carolina ? "
I did not think of his impertinence at first, but answered him volun
tarily :
" I am writing a plan for the dissolution of the American Union."
(You all know, gentlemen, that I am expected to produce a plan in the
event of certain contingencies.)
To this the intruder replied, in the coolest manner possible :
" Senator from South Carolina, will you allow me to look at your right
hand ? "
He arose, the cloak fell, and I beheld his face. Gentlemen, the sight
of that face struck me like a clap of thunder. It was the face of a dead
man, whom extraordinary events had called back to life. The features
were those of General George Washington! — yes, gentlemen, the intruder
was none other than General George Washington. He was dressed in the
Revolutionary costume, such as you see in the Patent Office.
Hon. Mr. Calhoun paused, apparently much agitated. His agitation, I
need not tell you, was shared by the company. At length Mr. Toombs
broke the embarrassing pause :
" Well, what was the issue of this scene? "
Mr. Calhoun resumed :
The intruder, as I have said, rose and asked to look at my right hand.
As though I had no power to refuse, I extended it. The truth is I felt a
¦strange thrill pervade me at his touch ; he grasped it and held it near the
light, thus giving me time to examine every feature. It was the face of
Washington. Gentlemen, I shuddered as I beheld the horrible dead-olive
of that visage. After holding my hand a moment, he looked at me stead
fastly and said in a quiet way :
"And with this right hand you would sign your name to a paper de
claring the Union dissolved ? "
I answered in the affirmative, " Yes, if a certain contingency arises, I
will sign my name to the declaration of dissolution." But that moment a
black blotch appeared upon the back of my hand — an inky blotch, which
I seem to see now — "What is that?" said I, alarmed, I know not why
at the blotch upon my hand.
" That," said he, dropping my hand, " is the mark by which Benedict
Arnold is known in the next world."
He said no more, gentlemen, but drew from beneath his cloak an ob
ject which he laid upon the table ; laid it upon the very paper upon which
I was writing; the object, gentlemen, was a skeleton.
" There," said he, " there are the bones of Isaac Hayne, who was hung
at Charleston by the British. He gave his life to establish this Union.
When you put your name to the declaration of a dissolution why you
may as well have the bones of Isaac Hnyne before you. He was a South
Carolinian ; so are you. But there was no blotch on his hand ! "
With these words the intruder left the room. I started back with the

THE NAVY OF THE UNITED STATES. 51
contact with the dead man's bones, and awoke. Overworn with labor, I
had fallen asleep and been dreaming. Was it not a singular dream ?
All the company answered in the affirmative, and Toombs muttered
" singular — very singular," and, at the same time, looking curiously at the
back of his right hand, while Mr. Calhoun placed his head between his
hands, and seemed buried in thought.

The Navy of the United States.
THE HOME SQT/ADEON.
The following list of these and other vessels ofthe Navy now in active
service, will be interesting : —
Brooklyn, first-class steam-sloop, 25 guns, Capt. W. S. Walker, now at
Hampton Roads.
Crusader, third-class screw-steamer, 8 guns, Lieut.-commanding J. N.
Maffit, at Mobile Bay, Jan. 6.
Falmouth, store sailing ship, Lieut.-commanding Charles Thomas,
moored at Aspinwall.
Mohawi, third-class screw-steamer, 5 guns, Lieut.-commanding T. A. M.
Craven, cruising off Cuba and Key West.
Macedonian, first-class sailing-sloop, 22 guns, Capt. James Glynn, sailed
from Portsmouth Jan. 13, probably for the Gulf.
Pawnee, third-class screw-steamer, 4 guns, Com. S. C. Rowan, at Phil
adelphia, repairing engines.
Pocahontas, second-class screw-sloop, 5 guns, Com. S. H. Hazzard, at
Vera Cruz, Dec. 23.
Powhatan, first-class steam-sloop (paddles), 11 guns, Capt. Samuel
Mercer, Vera Cruz, Dec. 23.
Sabine, sailing-frigate, 50 guns, Capt. H. A. Adams, at Sacrificios,
V. C, Dec. 23.
St. Louis, first-class sailing-sloop, 20 guns. Com. Charles H. Poor, Sac
rificios, V. O, Dec. 23.
Supply, store-ship, 4 guns, Com. Henry Waller, sailed from Pensacola
Jan. 12, for Vera Cruz.
Wyandotte, third-class screw-steamer, Lieut.-commanding O. H. Berry-
man, off Pensacola, Jan. 10.
The other vessels are distributed as follows : —
Mediteeeanean Sqt/adbon. — The Iroquois, Release, Richmond, and
Susquehanna. Brazil Squadbon. — Congress, Pulaski, and Seminole.
Afeioan Squadbon.- — Constellation, Mohican, Mystic, Portsmouth, Re
lief, San Jacinto, Sumter, and Saratoga.
Pacific Sqtjadeon. — Cyane, Fredonia, Lancaster, Levant (missing),
Narraganset, St. Marys, Saranac, Wyoming, and Warren.
East India Squadron.— Dacotah, Hartford, John Adams, Saginaw,
and Vandalia.
On Special Seevioe. — The Constitution at Annapolis, the Niagara
last at Hong Kong, and Pensacola fitting out at Washington Navy Yard.
EECENT EESIGKATIONS FEOM THE NAVY.
Cap tain.— Victor M. Randolph, Virginia.
Commanders. — H. C. Hartstene, South Carolina ; T. W. Brent, Florida ;
E. Farrand, New Jersey.
Lieutenants. — T. P. Pelot, South Carolina; James H. North, South Car
olina; John M. Stribling, South Carolina; R. T. Chapman, Alabama;
Francis B.-Renshaw, Tennessee; J. R. Eggleston, Mississippi; George E.

52 HIS FIRST SURRENDER.
Law5, Indiana ; J. R. Hamilton, South Carolina ; Robert Selden, Virginia ;
A. F. Worsley, South Carolina; Thomas B. Huger, South Carolina.
Surgeon. — W. A. W. Scotewood, Virginia. •
Passed Assistant Surgeon. — A. M. Lynach, South Carolina.
Assistant Surgeon.— 0. E. Lining, South Carolina.
Pay-master. — W. W. J. Kelly, Florida.
Masters.— John Pearson, Florida; T. B. Mills, Alabama.
Midshipmen.— John T. Walker, South Carolina; S. S. Gregory, North
Carolina; John Gemball, South Carolina; W. W. Wilkinson, South Caro
lina; E. C. Merriman, New York; J. E. Holcombe, Georgia; H. L. Hill;
Robert Flourney. Georgia; William E. Yancey, Alabama; John R. Price,
Alabama; S. G.' Stone, Alabama; J. G. Baldwin; Napoleon J. Smith,
Alabama ; F. M. Roby, Mississippi ; Wm. F. Robinson, Alabama ; Robert
E. Fonte, Tennessee ; R. H. Bacot, South Carolina.
Engineer. — E. S. Boynton, Connecticut.
Navy Agent. — B. D. Heriot, South Carolina.
Naval Store Keeper. — S. C. Gonzales, Florida.
His First Surrender.
A Tallahassee correspondent of the Jacksonville Southern Confederacy
gives the following account of the capture of a United States arsenal :
" About seven o'clock on the morning of the 6th inst., the arsenal at
Appalachicola, at the mouth of the Chattahoochee river, was besieged by
the troops of the State of Florida. In consequence of the weakness of the
command an entrance was gained. Mr. Powell, who has been in the
service of the United States since 1840, and had command of the place,
acted in a gallant manner. After the troops had entered, he faced the
line and thus addressed them :
" ' Officers and Soldiebb : Five minutes ago I was the commander of
this arsenal; but, in consequence of the' weakness of my command, I am
obliged to surrender, an act which I have hitherto never had to do during
my whole military career.. If I had a force equal to or even half the
strength of your own, I'll be damned if you would ever had entered that
gate until you walked over my dead body. ¦ You see that I have hut three
men. These are laborers, and cannot contend against you. Take my
sword, Captain Jones ! '
" Captain Jones of the Young Guard of Quincy received Mr. Powell's
sword, and then returned it to him and addressed him as follows:
" ' My dear Sir ! Take your sword ! You are too brave a man to
d isarm ! '
" The whole command then gave three cheers for the gallant Powell."
Captain Abner Doubleday,
second in command at Fort Sumter, was born at Balston Spa New York
in 1819, entered West Point in 1838, and graduated in 1842. ' He served
gallantly in Mexioo and Florida till 1858, when he was sent to Fort
Moultrie. Capt. Vm, S. "Walker, of the Brooklyn.
The United States sloop-of-war, Brooklyn, is commanded by Captain
Wm. S. Walker, who is a native of New Hampshire. He entered the navy
as, a midshipman at twenty years of age, and has reached his present posi
tion by regular promotion. He commanded the Saratoga in the Japan
expedition, and during the war with Mexico commanded a gun-boat but
was not called into active service. He is about sixty years of a«**a' and
is highly esteemed by those who know him. He is a brave and gallant

DISTRIBUTION OP ARMS AMONG THE SLAVE STATES.

53

officer, and one of the best disciplinarians in the navy. Two of his chil
dren live in Boston. The Duties on Sugar.
The amount of duties paid on sugars imported into this country, to
protect the interests of Louisiana, has averaged more than seven millions
per annum for the last five years, and during the decade closed have
amounted fully to fifty-seven millions of dollars. Iij 1860 the value of
sugar imported was $28,931,100, the duty on which (twenty-four per
cent.) amounted to $6,943,664. Of the total consumption of sugar in this
country, it is estimated that forty per cent, is the product of the Louisiana
plantations. The capital invested in these is probably not less than thirty
millions of dollars, and may exceed that figure considerably. During the
last quarter of a century the sugar product of that State must have reach
ed the sum of $250,000,000.
Distribution of Arms among the Slave States.
On the 30th of December, 1859, an order was received from the War
Department, directing the transfer of 115,000 muskets from the Spring
field, Mass., and Watervliet, N. Y., arsenals, to different arsenals at the
South. Orders were given, in' obedience to these instructions, on the 30th
of May, 1860, and the arms were removed during the past spring, from
and to the places as follows :
From Springfield Armory, 65,000 percussion muskets, caliber 69-100ths
of an inch.
From Watertown Arsenal, 6,000 percussion rifles, caliber 54-100ths of
an inch. From Watervliet Arsenal, 4,000 percussion rifles, caliber 54-100ths of
an inch. Of which there were sent as follows :

Charleston. (S. C.) arsenal.,
North Carolina arsenal 
Augusta (Ga.) arsenal 
Mount Vernon, Ala 
Baton Rouse, La 

Percussion

Altered

Percussion

Muskets.

Muskets.

Kifles.

9,280

5,720

2,000

15,408

9,520

2,000

12,380

7,620

2,000

9,280

5,720

2,000

18,520

11,420

2,000

The arms thus transferred which were at the Charleston Arsenal, the
Mount Vernon Arsenal, and the Baton Rouge Arsenal, have been seized
by the authorities of the several States of South Carolina, Alabama, and
Louisiana, and are no longer in possession of the Ordnance Department.
Those stored at the Augusta Arsenal and at North Carolina are still in
charge of the officers of this Department.
In addition to the foregoing, there have been transfers from the armo
ries to different arsenals, as the exigencies of the service demanded, for
immediate issues to the army and to the States, under the act of April,
231,808, and which I infer are not intended to be embraced in the call of
the House of Representatives. Thirty-six Thirty.
The reader who is curious to know exactly where runs this oft-men
tioned line, will get a clear idea of it by taking the map and tracing it as
follows: It commences at the point on the Atlantic coast, where the
dividing line between Virginia and North Carolina commences; passes
along the line dividing those States; along the line between Tennessee
and Kentucky ; along the line between the States of Missouri and,Arkan-

54

POPULATION OF THE SOUTHERN STATES.

sas, thence through the Territory of the Cherokee nation, through New
Mexico, striking the Eastern boundary of the State of California, a short
distance south of the Middle, striking the Pacific a short distance south
of Monterey Bay. On the south of that line there are about 300,000
square miles, including Indian reservations, while on the north there are
about 1,300,000 square miles. Of the 300,000 square miles south of 36
30' there is not the slightest probability that there could be carved out
more than one slave State. All New Mexico, comprising about 210,000
square miles, would never become slave territory, from the fact that it is
not adapted to slave labor. It produces neither cotton nor oane.
Population of the Southern States.

Free.

Slaves.

Total.

South Carolina..

Florida!.Alabama 
Georgia 
Louisiana 
Texas 
Arkansas 
North Carolina.,
Missouri.., 
Kentucky 
Tennessee 
Virginia 

308,186 407,551 81,885
520,444 615,336 354,245
415,099331,710679,065
1,085,590 933,707859,528
1,097,373

407,185479,6,07 63,809
435,473
467,461 312,186 184,956109,065
328,477 115,619225,902 287,012
495,826

715,371887,158145,694
955,917
1,082,797 666,431600,955
440,775
1,088,3421,201,2091,159,6091,146,540 1,593,199

Total of thirteen states  7,691,519

3,912,478

11,603,997

The Debts ofthe Seceding States.
The following is a statement of the debt of the states which have at
the present time withdrawn from the Union :
South Carolina  ".  $6,192,743
Florida  158,000
Georgia  3,354,750
Alabama  5,098,000
* Mississippi  7,271,707
Louisiana  10,701,642
A New Fugitive Slave Law.
In the Senate, on Saturday, January 26, Mr. Douglas introduced the
following bill, amendatory of and supplemental to the acts of the 12th of
February, 1793, and the 12th of September, 1850, in respect to the rendi
tion of fugitives from.justice and service: —
Sec. 1 provides that the demand by a Governor of a State or territory
for the surrender of a fugitive from justice shall be made upon a judge of
any federal court in the State or territory where the fugitive has , taken
refuge, instead of being made on the Governor, as by the act of 1793
which was rendered nugatory by the decision of the Supreme Court of
the United States in the case of Prigg vs. Pennsylvania. It is also pro
vided that the words " treason, felony, and other crimes " shall be con
strued to include all offences committed within and against the State or
territory making the demand, whether the act charged were criminal or
not inithe State where the fugitive was found.
i Sec. 2. provides for giving the fugitive slave a jury trialin the State
r territory from which he fled.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN ON THE CRISIS. 55
Sec. 3 provides that when, through violence or intimidation, a fugitive
slave shall not be recovered, the owner may bring suit for and recover the
value in the Court of Claims, the amount to be paid from the United
States Treasury, the solicitor thereof to bring suit, in the name of the
United States, against the county, city, or municipality, where the re
covery was prevented, for the amount paid for such fugitive.
Sec. 4 repeals all offensive parts of the act of 1850 in respect to the
harboring and protecting fugitives, and to the fees paid in case of rendi
tion, and other obnoxious features.
Sec. 5 repeals all laws inconsistent with this enactment.
The bill was read twice, by unanimous consent, and referred to the
judiciary committee.
The above bill was submitted to Mr. Crittenden and other distinguished
Senators, all of whom concur in its provisions.
Benjamin Franklin on the Crisis of 1787.
The following curious letter from Benjamin Franklin forms part of the
correspondence which passed between Franklin, Dr. Hartley, Charles
James Fox and the Earl of Shelburne, known as the Hartley correspond
ence: "Passt, September, 6th, 1783.
" My dear Friend : Enclosed is my letter to Mr. Fox. I beg you would
assure him that my expressions of esteem for him are not mere professions ;
I really think him a great man, and I could not think so if I did not be
lieve he was at bottom and would prove himself a good one. Guard him
against mistaken notions of the American people. You have deceived
yourselves too long with vain expectations of reaping advantage from our
little discontents. We are more thoroughly an enlightened people with
respect to our political interests, than, perhaps, any other under heaven.
Every man among us reads, and is so easy in his circumstance as to have
leisure for conversations of improvement and for acquiring information.
Our domestic misunderstandings, when we have them, are of small extent,
though monstrously magnified by your microscopic newspapers. He who
judges from them that we are at the point of falling into anarchy, or re
turning to the obedience of Britain, is like one who, being shown some
spots on the sun, should fancy that the whole disc would soon be over
spread by them, and that there would be an end of daylight. The great
body of intelligence among our people surrounds and overpowers our
petty dissensions, as the sun's great mass of fire diminishes and destroys
his spots. Do not, therefore, any longer delay the evacuation of New
York in the vain hope of a new revolution in your favor, if such a hope
has indeed had any effect in causing that delay. It is now nine months
since that evacuation was promised. You expect, with reason, that the
people of New York should do your merchants justice in the payment of
their old debts. Consider the injustice you do them in keeping them so
long out of their habitations, and out of their business, by which they
might have been enabled to make payment. There is no truth more clear
to me than this, that the great interest of our two countries is a thorough
reconciliation. Restraints on the freedom of commerce and intercourse
between us can afford no advantage equivalent to the mischief they will
do by keeping up ill-humor, and promoting a total alienation. Let you
and I my dear friend, do our best towards securing and advancing that
reconciliation. We can do nothing that in a dying hour will afford us
more solid satisfaction.
'• I wish you a prosperous journey and a happy sight of your friends.
Believe me ever, with sincere and great esteem, yours affectionately,
" To D. Hartley, Esq. B. Fkanklin."

56" PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICATION PROCLAMATION.

President Jackson's Nullification Proclamation.
We present that portion of this important state paper, which discusses
the subject of secession as understood by President Jackson at the time of
the nullification troubles in South Carolina in 1832 : —
This right to secede is deduced from the nature of the Constitution,
which they say is a compact between sovereign States, who -have pre
served their whole sovereignty, and therefore are subject to no superior;
that because they made the compact, they can break it when in their
opinion it has been departed from by the other States. Fallacious as this
course of reasoning is, it enlists State pride, and finds advocates in the
honest prejudices of those who have not studied the nature of our govern
ment sufficiently to see the radical error on which it rests.
The people of the United States formed the Constitution, acting
through the State legislatures, in making the compact, to meet and discuss
its provisions, and acting in separate conventions when they ratified those
provisions ; but the terms used in its construction, show it to be a govern
ment in which the people of' all the States collectively are represented.
We are one people in the choice of the President and Vice-President.
Here the States have no other agency than to direct the mode in which
the votes shallbe given. The candidates having the majority of all the
votes are chosen. The electors of a majority of States may have given
their votes for one candidate, and yet another may be chosen. The
people, then, and not the States, are represented in the Executive branch.
In the House of Representatives there is this difference, that the people
of one State do not, as in the case of President and Vice-President, all
vote for all the members, each State electing only its own representatives.
But this creates no material distinction. When chosen, they are all repre
sentatives ofthe United States, not representatives of the particular State
from which they come. They are paid by the United States, not by the
State ; nor are they accountable to it foi* any act done in performance of
their legislative functions ; and however they may in practice, as it is
their duty to do, consult and prefer the interests of their particular con
stituents when they come in conflict with any other partial or local inter
est, yet it is their first and highest duty, as representatives of the United
States, to promote the general good.
The Constitution of the United States then forms a government, not a
league ; and whether it be formed by compact between the States, or in
any other manner, its character is the same. It is a government in which
all the people are represented, which operates directly on the people indi
vidually, not upon the States ; they retained all the power they did not
grant. But each State having expressly parted with so many powers as to
constitute jointly with the other States a single nation, cannot from that
period possess any right to secede, because such secession does not break
a league, but destroys the unity of a nation, aud any injury to that unity
is not only a breach which would result from the contravention of a com
pact, but it is an offence against the whole Union. To say that any State
may at pleasure secede from the Union, is to say that the United States are
not a nation ; because it would be a solecism to contend that any part of
a nation might dissolve its connection with the other parts, to their injury
or ruin, without committing any offence. Secession, like any other revo
lutionary act, may be morally justified by the extremity of oppression ¦
but to call it a constitutional right, is confounding the meaning of terms'
and can only be done through gross error, or to deceive those who are
willing to assert a right, but would pause before they made a revolution
or incur the penalties consequent upon a failure.

PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NOTIFICATION PROCLAMATION. 57
^-"*«,ni!i"<Acr*-?^r^sK
sanction or penalty fpr its breach, or it may not. If it contains no Zc
tion, it may be broken with no other consequence Ln ZaTS*TS
have a sanction, then the breach incurs the designated oHmplifd penalty
i±an amoral Z11 lnd^etDation?' generaSy, has no sancto othj
man a moral one ; or if it should contain a penalty, as there is no common
hafa^^on11110' b6 enf°*rCe1: „A SO^nLnt, ok the con rary °aTays
fcl-ffi «' PT °r lmpllf; Md' in our case> St is h^ necessarily
implied and expressly given. An attempt by force of arms to destrov a
government is an offence, by whatever ineans the constitutional compact
may have been formed; and such government has the right, by the law of
self-defence, to pass acts for punishing the offender, unless that right is
modified, restrained or resumed by the constitutional act. In our system
although it is modified in the case of treason, yet authority is expressly
given to pass all laws necessary to carry its powers into effect, and under
this grant provision has been made for punishing acts which obstruct the
due administration of the laws.
It would seem superfluous to add any thing to show the nature of that
union which connects us; but as erroneous opinions on this subject are the
foundation of doctrines the most destructive to our peace, I must give some
further development to my views on this subiect. No one, fellow-citi
zens, has a higher reverence for the reserved rights ofthe States, than the
magistrate who now addresses you. No one would make greater personal
sacrifices, or official exertions, to defend them from violation ; hut equal
care must be taken to prevent on their part an improper interference with,
or resumption of, the rights they have vested in the nation. The line has
not been so distinctly drawn as to avoid doubts in some cases of the exer
cise of power. Men of the best intentions and soundest views may differ
in their construction of some parts of the Constitution; but there are
others on which dispassionate reflection can leave no doubt. Of this na
ture appears to be the assumed right of secession. It rests, as we have
seen, on the alleged undivided sovereignty of the States, and of their hav
ing formed in this sovereign capacity a compact, which is called the Con
stitution, from which, because they made it, they have the right to secede.
Both of these positions are erroneous, and some of the arguments to
prove them so have been anticipated.
The States severally have not retained their entire sovereignty. It has
been shown that in becoming parts of a nation, not members of a league,
they surrendered many of their essential parts of sovereignty. The
right to make treaties, declare war, levy taxes, exercise exclusive judicial
and legislative powers, were all functions of sovereign power. The
States, then, for all these important purposes, were no longer sovereign.
The allegiance of their citizens was transferred in the first instance to
the government of the United States; they became American citizens,
and owed obedience to the Constitution of the United States, and to laws
made in conformity with the powers vested in Congress. This last po
sition has not been and cannot be denied. How, then, can that State be
said to be sovereign and independent whose citizens owe obedience to
laws pot made by it, and whose magistrates are sworn to disregard those
laws, when they come in conflict with those passed by another? What
shows conclusively that the States cannot be said to have reserved an
undivided sovereignty, is, that they expressly ceded, the right to punish
treason, not treason against their separate power, bnt treason against the
United States. Treason is an offence against sovereignty, arid sovereignty
must reside with the power to punish it. But the reserved rights of

58 PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICATION PROCLAMATION.
the States are not less sacred because they have, for their common in
terest made the general government the depository of these powers.
The unity of our political character (as has been shown for another
purpose) commenced with its very existence. Under the royal govern
ment we had no separate character, our opposition to its oppression be
gan as united colonies. We were the United States under the confed
eration, and the name was perpetuated and the Union rendered more
perfect by the Federal Constitution. In none of these stages did we
consider ourselves in any other light than as forming one nation. _ Trea
ties and alliances were made in the name of all. Troops were raised for
the joint defence. How then, with all these proofs, that under all changes
of our position we had, for designated purposes and with defined powers,
created national governments — how is it, that the most perfect of these
several modes of union should now be considered as a mere league, that
may be dissolved at pleasure ? It is from an abuse of terms. _ Compact
is used as synonymous with league, although the true term is not em
ployed, because it would at once show the fallacy of the reasoning. It
would not do to say that our Constitution was only a league, but, it is
labored to prove it a compact, (which, in one sense it is,) and then to
argue that as a league is a compaet, every compact between nations must
of course be a league, and that from such an engagement every sovereign
power has a right to secede. Bnt it has been shown, that in this sense
the States are not sovereign, and that even if they were, and the national
Constitution had been formed by compact, there would be no right in any
one State to exonerate itself from the obligation.
So obvious are the reasons which forbid this secession, that it is
necessary only to allude to them. The Union was formed for the benefit
of all. It was produced by mutual sacrifice of interest ahd opinions.
Can those sacrifices be recalled ? Can the States, who magnanimously
surrendered their title to the territories of the West, recall the grant?
Will the inhabitants of the inland States agree to pay^the duties that may
be imposed without their assent by those on the Atlantic or the Gulf, for
their own benefit? Shall there be a free port in one State, and enormous
duties in another ? No one believes that any right exists in a single State
to involve all the others in these and countless other evils, contrary to
engagements solemnly made. Every one must see that the other States,
in self-defence, must oppose it at all hazards.
These are the alternatives that are presented by the convention: A
repeal of all the acts for raising revenue, leaving the government' without
the means of support ; or an acquiescence in the dissolution of our Union by
the secession of one of its members. When the first was proposed, it was
known that it could not be listened to for a moment. It was known if
force was applied to oppose the execution of the laws, that it must be re
pelled by force — that Congress could not, without involving itself in dis
grace and the country in ruin, accede to the proposition ; and yet if this
is not done in a given day, or if any attempt is made to execute the laws,
the State is, by the ordinance, declared to be out of the Union. The
majority of a convention assembled for the purpose, have dictated these
terms, or rather this rejection of all terms, in the name of the people of
South Carolina. It is true that the governor of the State speaks of the
submission of their grievances to a convention of all the States ; which he
says they "sincerely and anxiously seek and desire." Yet this obvious
and constitutional mode of obtaining the sense of the other States on the
construction of the federal compact, and amending it, if necessary, has
never been attempted by those who have urged the State on to this
destructive measure. Tlie State might have proposed the call for a gene
ral convention to the other States ; and Congress, if a sufficient number
of them concurred, must have called it. But the first magistrate of South

PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICATION PROCLAMATION. 59
Carolina, when he expressed a hope that, "on a review by Congress and
the functionaries of the general government of the merits of the con
troversy, such a convention will be accorded to them, must have known
that neither Congress nor any functionary in the general government has
authority to call such a convention, unless it be demanded by two-thirds
of the States. This suggestion, then, is another instance of the reckless
inattention to tho provisions of the Constitution with which this crisis
has been madly hurried on ; or of the attempt to persuade the people that
a constitutional remedy has been sought and refused. If the legislature
of bouth Carolina " anxiously desire " a general convention to consider
their complaints, why have they not made application for it in the way
the Constitution points out ? The assertion that they " earnestly seek "
it is completely negatived by the omission.
_ This, then, is the position in which we stand. A small majority ofthe
citizens of one State in the Union have elected delegates to a State con
vention : that convention has ordained that all the revenue laws of the
United States must be repealed, or that they are ho longer a member of
the Union. The governor of that State has recommended to the legisla
ture the raising of an army to carry the secession into effect, and that he
may be empowered to give clearances to vessels in the name of the State.
No act of violent opposition to the laws has yet been committed, but such
a state of things is hourly apprehended, and it is the intent of this instru
ment to pboolaim, not only that the duty imposed on me by the Constitu
tion " to take care that the laws be faithfully executed," shall be per
formed to the extent of the powers already vested in me by law, or of
such others as the wisdom of Congress shall devise and intrust to me for
that purpose ; but to warn the citizens of South Carolina, who have been
deluded into an opposition to the laws, of the danger they will incur by
obedience to the illegal and disorganizing ordinance of the convention —
to exhort those who have refused to support it, to persevere in their de
termination to uphold the Constitution and laws of their country, and to
point out to all the perilous situation into which the good people of that
State have been led, and that the course they are urged to pursue is one
of ruin and disgrace to the very State whose rights they affect to support.
Fellow-citizens of my native State ! — let me not only admonish you,
as the first magistrate of our common country, not to incur the penalty
of its laws, but use the influence that a father would over his children
whom he saw rushing to a certain ruin. In that paternal language, with
that paternal feeling, let me tell you, my countrymen, that you are deluded
hy men who are either deceived themselves or wish to deceive you. Mark
under what pretences you have been led on to the brink of insurrection
and treason on which you stand. First a diminution of the value of your
staple commodity, lowered by over production in other quarters, and the
consequent diminution in the value of your lands, were the sole effect of
the tariff laws. The effect of those laws was confessedly injurious, but
the evil was greatly exaggerated by the unfounded theory you were
taught to believe, that its burthens were in proportion to your exports,
not to your consumption of imported articles. Your pride was roused by
the assertions that a submission to these laws was a state of vassalage,
and that resistance to them was equal, in patriotic merit, to the opposi
tion our fathers offered to the oppressive laws of Great Britain. You
were told that this opposition might be peaceable — might be constitution
ally made — that you might enjoy all the advantages of the Union and
bear none of its burthens. Eloquent appeals to your passions, to your
State pride, to your native courage, to your sense of real injury, were
used to prepare you for the period when the mask which concealed the
hideous features of disunion should be taken off. It fell, and you were
made- to look with complacency on objects which not long since you

60 PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICATION PROCLAMATION
would have regarded with horror. Look back to the arts which have
brought you to this state— look forward to the consequences to which it
must inevitably lead! Look back to what was first told you as an in
ducement to enter into this dangerous course. The great political truth
was repeated to you, that you had the revolutionary right of resisting all
laws that were palpably unconstitutional and intolerably oppressive— -it
was added that the right to nullify a law rested on the same principle,
hut that it was a peaceable remedy 1 Tbis character which was given to
it, made you receive with too much confidence the assertions that were
made of the unconstitutionality of the law, and its oppressive effects.
Mark, my fellow-citizens, that by the admission of your leaders the un
constitutionality must be palpable, or it will justify neither resistance nor
nullification ! What is the meaning of the word palpable in the sense in
which it is here used ?— that which is apparent to every one, that which
no man of ordinary intellect will fail to perceive. Is the unconstitution
ality of these laws of that description ? Let those among your leaders
who once approved and advocated the principles of protective duties,
answer the question ; and let them choose whether they will be considered
as incapable, then, of perceiving that which must have beeu apparent to
every man of common understanding, or as imposing upon our confidence
and endeavoring to mislead you now. In either case, they are unsafe
guides in the perilous path they urge you to tread. Ponder well on this
circumstance, and you will know how to appreciate the exaggerated, lan
guage they address to you. ^hey are not champions of liberty emulating
the fame of our Revolutionary fathers, nor are you an oppressed people,
contending, as they repeat to you, against worse than colonial vassalage.
You are free members of a flourishing and happy Union. There is no
settled design to oppress you. You have, indeed, felt the unequal opera
tion of laws which may have been unwisely, not unconstitutionally passed;
but that inequality must necessarily be removed. At the very moment
when you were madly urged on to the unfortunate course you have begun,
a change in public opinion has commenced. The nearly approaching pay
ment of the public debt, and the consequent necessity of a diminution of
duties, had already caused a considerable reduction, and that, too, on some.
articles of general consumption in your State. The importance of this
change was underrated,, and you were authoritatively told that no further
alleviation of your bqrftiens was to be expected, at the very time when
the condition of the country imperiously demanded such a modification of
the duties as should reduce them to a just and equitable scale. But, as
apprehensive of the effect of this change in allaying your discontents, you
were precipitated into a fearful state in which you now find yourselves.
I have urged you to look back to the means that were used to hurry
you on to the position you have now assumed, and forward to the conse
quences it will produce. Something more is necessary. Contemplate
the condition of that country of which you still form an important part ;
consider its government uniting in one bond of common interest and
general protection so many different States — giving to all their inhabit
ants the proud title of Amebioan citizen — protecting their commerce —
securing their literature and arts — facilitating their intercommunication —
defending their frontiers— and making their name respected in the re
motest parts of the earth ! Consider the extent of its territory, its in
creasing and happy population, its advance in arts, which render life
agreeable, and the sciences which elevate the mind ! See education
spreading the lights of religion, morality, and general information into
every cottage in this wide extent of our territories and States ! Behold it
as the asylum where the wretched and the oppressed find a refuge and
support! Look on this picture of happiness and honor, and say, we, too
aee citizens of America — Carolina is one of those proud States her

PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICATION PROCLAMATION. 61
arms have defended — her best blood has cemented this happy Union!
And then add, if you can, without horror and remorse, this happy Union
we will dissolve — this picture of peace and prosperity we will deface —
this free intercourse we will interrupt — these fertile fields we will deluge
with blood — the protection of that glorious flag we renounce — the very
name of Americans we discard. And for what, mistaken men ! for
what do you throw away these inestimable blessings — for what would
you exchange your share in the advantages and honor of the Union ? For
the dream of a separate independence— a dream interrupted by bloody
conflicts with your neighbors, and a vile dependence on a foreign power.
If your leaders could succeed in establishing a separation, what would be
your situation? Are you united at home — are you free from the appre
hension of civil discord, with all its fearful consequences? Do our neigh
boring republics, every day suffering some new revolution or contending
with some new insurrection — do they excite your envy ? But the dictates
of a high duty oblige me solemnly to announce that you cannot succeed.
The laws of the United States must be executed. I have no discretionary
power on the subject — my duty is emphatically pronounced in the con
stitution. Those who told yon that you might peaceably prevent their
execution, deceived you — they could not have been deceived themselves.
They know that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execution
of the laws, and they know that such opposition must be repelled. Their
object is disunion ; bnt be not deceived by names ; disunion, by armed
force, is treason. Are you really ready to incur its guilt ? If you are,
on the head of the instigators of the act be the dreadful consequences —
on their heads be the dishonor, but on yours may fall the punishment — on
your unhappy State will inevitably fall all the evils of the conflict you force
upon the government of your country. It cannot accede to the mad
project of disunion of which you would be the first victims — its first
magistrate cannot, if he would, avoid the performance of his duty— the
consequence must he fearful for you, distressing to your fellow-citizens
here, and to the friends of good government throughout the world.
Its enemies have beheld our prosperity with a vexation they could
not conceal — it was a standing refutation of their slavish doctrines,
and they will point to our discord with the triumph of malignant joy.
It is yet in your power to disappoint them. There is yet time to
show that the descendants of the Pinckneys, the Sumters, the Rut-
ledges, and of the thousand other names which adorn the pages of
your revolutionary history, will not abandon that Union to support
which so many of them fought and bled and died. I adjure you, as
yon honor their memory — as you love the cause of freedom, to which
they dedicated their lives — as you prize the peace of your country, the
lives of its best citizens, and your own fair fame, to retrace your steps.
Snatch from the archives of your State the disorganizing edict of its
convention— bid its members to re-assemble and promulgate the de
cided expressions of your will to remain in the path which alone can
conduct you to safety, prosperity and honor— tell them that compared to
disunion, all other evils are light, because that brings with it an ac
cumulation of all— declare that you will never take the field unless
the star-spangled banner of your country shall float oyer you— that
vou will not be stigmatized when dead, and dishonored and scorned
while you live, as the authors of the first attack on the Constitution
of your country!— its destroyers you cannot be. You may disturb its
peace— you may interrupt the course of its prosperity— you may cloud
its reputation for stability— but its tranquillity will be restored, its
prosperity will return, and the stain upon its national character will
be transferred and remain an eternal blot on the memory of those who
caused the disorder.

62 A REMINISCENCE.
Fellow-citizens of the United States ! the threat of unhallowed dis
union — the names of those, once respected, by whom it is uttered— the
array of military force to support it— denote the approach of a crisis in
our affairs on which the continuance of our unexampled prosperity, our
political existence, and perhaps that of all free government, may depend.
The conjuncture demanded a free, a full and explicit enunciation, not only
of my intentions, but of my principles of action ; and as the claim was as
serted of a right by, a State to annul the laws of the Union, and even to
secede from it at pleasure, a frank exposition of my opinions in relation to
the origin and form of our government, and the construction I give to
the instrument by which it was created, seemed to be proper. Having
the fullest confidence in the justness of the legal and constitutional opinion
of my duties which has been expressed, I rely with equal confidence on
your undivided support in my determination to execute the laws — to pre
serve the Union by all constitutional means — to arrest, if possible, by-
moderate but firm measures, the necessity of a recourse to force; and, if
it be the will of Heaven that the recurrence of its primeval curse on man
for the shedding of a brother's blood should fall upon our land, that, it be
not called down by any offensive act on the part of the United States. ,
Fellow-citizens ! the momentous case is before you. On your undi
vided support of your government depends the decision of the great ques
tion it involves, whether your sacred Union will be preserved, and the
blessing it secures to us as one people shall be perpetuated. No one can
doubt that the unanimity with which that decision will be expressed, will
be such as to inspire new confidence in republican institutions, and that
the prudence, the wisdom, and the courage which it will bring to their
defence, will transmit them unimpaired and invigorated to our children.
May the Great Ruler of nations grant that the signal blessings with
which he has favored ours, may not, by the madness of party, or personal
ambition, be disregarded and lost, and may His wise providence bring
those who have produced this crisis, to see the folly, before they feel the
misery, of civil strife, and inspire a returning veneration for that Union,
which, if we may dare to penetrate His designs, He has chosen as the
only means of attaining the high destinies to which we may reasonably
aspire.
In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be
hereunto affixed, having signed the same with my hand.
Done at the city of Washington, this 10th day of December, in the
year ot our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-two, and of
the Independence of the United States the fifty-seventh. Andeew Jackson.
A Reminiscence.
The following able editoral article is selected from tho New York
Commercial Advertiser of January 30th : —
The attempt to indoctrinate the Southern mind with the belief that
the Government of Great Britain has latent sympathies with the disnnion-
ists of the South, and will be prompt to recognize the independence of
either the separate seceding States or a Southern Confederacy, should the
seceding States be able to form one, brings up a reminiscence of interest
A. little more than two years ago, a letter was copied into the Commercial
Advertiser from the Boston Daily Advertiser, the editor of that highly
reliable journal endorsing the writer thereof as a gentleman who was in a
position to know that of which he wrote. The letter in question referred
to the sudden recall of Lord Napier, the British Minister at Washington

A REMINISCENCE. 63
and was dated " London, December 10th, 1858." It showed very clearly
that the reason for that recall was Lord Napier's own sympathy with
slavery and slaveholders, and particularly the offensive manner in which
he made himself an advocate of the Lecompton Constitution fraud. In
establishing the fact that this was the real cause of Lord Napier's recall,
the writer of the letter made the following statements : —
" It is necessary, in order to understand the position of things, to go
back some fourteen years, to the days of Mr. Calhoun. At that time
the plan of dissolution of the Union, and the formation of a great slave-
holding power, was presented here by friends of Mr. Calhoun, and some
words then attributed to Lord Aberdeen — perhaps incautiously uttered
by him — are supposed to have given rise to the hopes of British sym
pathy, in which Southern politicians have so frequently indulged.
" At various times these projects have been broached to members of the
British Government, and especially in 1851, when a, strong deputation of
Southern disunionists was in London, seeking for aid and comfort from
Great Britain. At that time Mr. Abbot Lawrence was American Minister,
and enjoyed to an unusual degree the confidence of the British Ministers.
The projects of the disunionists, presented to Lord Palmerston, then Secre
tary for Foreign Affairs, were by him brought to the knowledge of Mr.
Lawrence, and the Southern embassy, disheartened by the coolness which
its disunion scheme encountered — and also by the fate of the Lopez expe
dition to Cuba — returned discomfited to the United States.
" These schemes were not however abandoned, and various attempts
have been made here to win favor for them ; while the men interested in
them have sought to produce the belief in the United States that the sen
timent of hostility to the extension of slavery, so dear to the popular heart
of Great Britain, was not shared by the government. During the last
winter, Mr. Mason of Virginia, on the floor of the Senate, stated as a fact,
that the British Government had changed its opinion on this great ques
tion. Any thing said in so grave a body as the United States Senate at
tracts attention, though probably not much importance would have been
attached to the declarations of Mr. Mason, had it not been for the known
intimacy between him and Lord Napier. An early occasion was taken by
the British Government to contradict the assertions of Mr. Mason ;_ the
Duke of Argyle declaring that he was instructed by Her Majesty's Minis
ters so to do.
********
" The recall of Lord Napier will, it is believed, show that the British
Government has no part with those who are seeking, to break up the American
Union — that it wishes, as the British people do, to see that Union pros
perous and happy, and that its sympathies are with the men of pure
character and noble views, who are laboring to revive the sound doctrines
of Washington, Jefferson and Franklin, upon the question of slavery, and
to emancipate their country from the slave-holding minority which has so
long exclusively controlled its policy."
There is no"t a shadow of reason to suppose that the views of the
British Government on the subject of the Union of these States have un
dergone any change since the time referred to in the above quotation,
when the Duke of Argyle, in the name of Her Majesty's Ministers, pub
licly declared that they had no sympathy with the disunionists, and would
listen to no proposals from them ; or if there is any change, the occupant
ofthe throne in England is likely to entertain more than ever the most
friendly sentiments towards the United States. Nor would it surprise us,
(since so wide a currency has been given to the report that England and
France stand ready to recognize the independence of the seceding States,
whether the Government at AVashington does or does not,) if some mem
ber of the Cabinet as soon as Parliament assembles, or the Queen herself,

64

TRADE AND SHIPPING OP SOUTHERN PORTS.

in the royal speech, should give an emphatic denial of any such «no°n-
• ditional purpose. Were it supposable that the seceding States should ul
timately and practically assert and demonstrate their independent sover
eignty; and that sovereignty were recognized by the United States,
probably France and England, out of national courtesy, would add their
recognition ; but that either would hold out the hand of fellowship to
provinces or States still in revolt against the United States, is one of the
wildest and silliest dreams ever indulged in.
Upon the revelations made in this letter we thus commented at the
time of its publication :
" Some of these [allegations of treason] are too general to be tangible,
but one at least is specific enough to be received without disputeif the
writer of the letter is truthful, and is capable of being disproved if it is
untrue. It is distinctly said that in 1851 a strong deputation of Southern
disunionists were in London, presented their projects to Lord Palmerston,
who, being on very friendly terms with the American Minister, Mr.
Abbott Lawrence, laid the matter before him, aud the disunion embassy,
discouraged, returned home. If Mr. Lawrence received such information
from Lord Palmerston, he doubtless communicated it to the State Depart
ment at Washington, with the names of the Southern deputation, &c. It
might be well that the country should know who these men were. Will
no member of Congress call for the documents? "
If some member of Congress had then acted upon our suggestion, the
treason that has now borne such fatal fruit might probably have been
nipped in the bud. We should imagine, however, that it cannot raise the
secessionists in the estimation of any American citizen to learn that, as far
back as two years ago, they were treasonably and secretly endeavoring to
obtain aid and comfort from the co-operation of a foreign power, whose
rule on this continent it cost our fathers so much suffering and blood and
treasure to overthrow.
Trade and Shipping of the Ports in Southern States for
the Year Ending June 30, 1859.

Ports.

Charleston, S. C. .
Georgetown, S. C.
Savannah, Ga 
Brunswick, Ga....
St. Mary's, Ga 
Pensacola, Fla. ...
St. Marks, Fla. ...
St. Johns, Fla 
Apalachicola, Fla,
Key West, Fla 
Fernandina, Fla. .
Mobile, Ala 
Pearl River, Miss.
New Orleans, La.
Teche, La 

Registered

Enrolled

Total

Tonnage.

Tonnage.

Tonnage.

36,496

25,087

61,583

487

496

984

25,086

12,757

37,843

1,478

—

1,478

966

320

1,356

2,545

2,704

5,249

306

612

918

914

2,450

3,364

1,479

1,213

2,693

5,885

1,756

7,641

335

—

335

22,935

22,886

52,821

—

3,194

3,934

128,435

86,982

215,417

359

4,204

4,563

During the fiscal year ending the 30th June, 1858, the American and
foreign tonnage and number of vessels which entered the above ports,
including those of Texas, were as follows :-i-

TRADE AND SHIPPING OP SOUTHERN PORTS.

65

Cotton States.

Vessels.

Tonnage.

Crews.

227200
1,129 290288 39
395
2,567

149,415 99,156
758,371 58,638 42,735 17,728
153,834

8,7263,111
20,679 2,346

9,418 1,392
5,400
Total 
1,254,882
40,086
Of the above, the following statement gives the proportion of American
vessels, tonnage, and crews, in the States named below : —
Cotton States.
Vessels.
Tonnage.
Crews.
179 175
798244
220 32
225
1,873
114,937 71,831
583,340 60,887 39,141 14.252
106,693
2,750
2,029
15,485
Florida 
1,8791,542
385
3,538
L,070,220
31,064
The value of exports and imports at the ports in the above States was
as follows for the years named : —
Exports. Imports.
1858  $141,267,372
1859  171,618,814
1858  $23,165,457
1859  29,124,638
Total  $312,886,186 Total  $52,230,096
The ports most prominent for their value of exports were New Orleans,
Mobile, Savannah, and Charleston. For the year ending June 30, 1859,
they stood as follows : — Exports Dom. Prod. imports.
New Orleans  $100,890,689 18,349,516
Mobile  28,933,652 788,164
Savannah  15,372,696 624,899
Charleston  17,902,194 1,438,535
Total  $163,099,031 21,200,814
 21,200,814
Excess of exports over imports  $141,898,217
The total value of exports from the United States for the year
ending June 30, 1859, of all kinds of foreign and domestic
produce, with bullion and specie, amounted to 
Value of domestic produce from the four ports above 
$338,768,130 163,099,031
Balance  $175,669,109
It is proper to remark that the enrolled tonnage of the United States
embraces coasting liners, river and other craft, and hence can clear from
the above ports under the mere formal State or United States clearances.
A larsre portion of the registered tonnage of those ports embraces foreign
vessels which can also leave without difficulty, as the flag protects the
property, which cannot be molested except in case of actual war and the
66 DOES NOT VICTORIA OWN SOUTH CAROLINA?
embargo or closing of the ports, of which due notice must be served on
neutral governments.
. The only trouble which can ' be apprehended, will be with American
vessels departing to foreign ports,, and which it is claimed by some per
sons cannot leave without a United States clearance.
The Sentiment in Baltimore.
At a largely attended Union meeting in Baltimore, on January 10, the
following resolutions were passed : —
Resolved, That the present condition of our country demands of all who
love her, a spirit of fairness} candor, conciliation, concession, and self-
sacrifice, and that we hail with thankful and hopeful hearts the patriotic
efforts now being made in Congress for a settlement, as we trust, forever,
of the dangerous questions at issue, on some constitutional, just and equit
able principle, and that such of our statesmen and States, whether of the
North or of the South, as may contribute most to this holy end, will chal
lenge the highest (place in the affections ofthe country; and those who
may refuse to lend their aid to this holy purpose may justly expect, as they
will be sure to receive, the condemnation and reprobation of the present
as well as future ages.
Resolved, That various Northern States have passed laws, usually call
ed "personal liberty laws," which we believe to be in violation of the
Constitution of the United States, of acts of Congress passed pursuant
thereto, and of the sacred obligations which those States owe to the com
mon country; and that we appeal to the constitutional duty, patriotism,
honor, justice, and the brotherhood of the people of those States respect
ively, to repeal those laws, and by every way and means in their power,
to put down the aggressions of their people on the peculiar institutions
,'of the Southern States, as the only way to remove the well-founded dis
content and complaints of their brethren of the Southern States, and which,
if not removed, may prove fatal to our Union, as well as to all those vital
interests which ought to bind us together as one people.
Does not Victoria own South Carolina?
The Toronto Daily Globe raises a new issue in the discussion of the
locus standi of the seceding State of South Carolina :
Suppose that this (a dissolution of the Union) is consummated, some
curious questions will arise with regard to the national standing ofthe
seceding States. Great Britain has recognized the national independence
of the United States. But does that necessarily involve the recognition
of the nationality of South^ Carolina, for example, when she ceases to
form a part of the Union? Her colonial relations to Great Britain only
ceased in virtue of her being merged in the United States, whose inde
pendent nationality was recognized by the mother country. When she
ceases, then, to form part of that nationality, does she not, by the law of
nations, revert to her former position of colonial dependence on Great
Britain ? "
, In the year 1729 the British government, for the sum of £17,500,
purchased the Carolinas from a company of merchants. When no longer
under the mgis of the American flag, will they not again in the nature of
things become the property of Great Britain ? England may find it worth
her while to produce her old title-rdeeds to the cotton producing territories
in the South. Her manufactures form so important an element to the
well-being of her people, that it is not convenient for her to be dependent
on foreigners for her cotton supplies. Moreover, in the interests of
humanity, it would be well that the Southern as well as the Northern

THE NEW ORLEANS MARINE HOSPITAL. 67
¦SS5u0nT»°^-t¥8 TtineJnt .h?M be Bntish. Slavery would not longexist
l™ *, AKSh la\ aSd wuh a free republic in the centre ofthe continent
bounded North and South by free British colonies, the future of North
America might be looked to by the friends of human progress With the
most cheering anticipations.
The New Orleans Marine Hospital.
The following is the correspondence between the CoUector of the Port
ot New Orleans and Secretary of the Treasury Dix :—
a 5'.01!leCTT0llaoCh wr/tes' Jan* 14:~"I l^™ the honor to inform you
that the United States barracks below the city have been taken possession
ot in the name of the State of Louisiana, as will'appear by the enclosed
communication from 0. M. Bradford, a captain in the Louisiana infantry.
1 shall take steps to remove the invalids, if necessary, at an early date
and with due reference to economy;"
• Secretary Dix replied by telegraph on the 27th :—" Apply to the
Governor of Louisiana to revoke Capt. Bradford's order, and remonstrate
with the Governor against the inhumanity of turning the sick out of the
hospital. If he refuses to interfere, have them removed under the care
of the resident surgeon, and do all in your power to provide for their
comfort." The following is Secretary Dix's letter to the Collector of New Orleans
dated 28th:— '
Sib: — I did not receive until the 26th inst., yours of the 14th, inform
ing me that the United States barracks below the city of New Orleans,
which have for several months been occupied as a marine hospital, have
been taken possession of in the name of the State of Louisiana. I found1
enclosed a copy of the letter by Capt. Bradford, of the 1st Louisiana in
fantry, advising you that he had taken possession of the barracks; that
they would" be required for the Louisiana troops now being enlisted,"
and requesting you to immediately remove those patients who are con
valescent, and, as soon as in the opinion of the resident surgeon it may be
practicable and humane, those also who are now confined to their beds.
He also states that the barracks contained 216 invalid and convalescent
patients. On this transaction as an outrage to the public authority, I
have no comment to make, but I cannot believe that a proceeding so dis
cordant with the character ofthe people of the United States, and so re
volting to the civilization of the age, has had the sanction of the Governor
of Louisiana. I sent a telegraph despatch to you yesterday, desiring you to
remonstrate with him against the inhumanity of Captain Bradford's order,
and to ask him to revoke it. But if he should decline to interfere, I in
struct you in regard to the removal and treatment of the sick, and in that
I trust you will carry out my direction; not merely with "economy,"
but with a careful regard to their helpless condition. The barracks, it
seems, were taken possession of on the 11th inst. Captain Bradford's
letter is dated the 13th, and yours the 14th, though I had no information
on the subject until the 26th. I infer from the newspaper paragraph yon
enclosed, which telegraph advices in regard to the subject-matter show to
be of a later date than your letter, tbat the letter was not despatched
until the 21st or 23d inst. I hope I am mistaken, and that the cause of
the delay is to be found in some unexplained interruption of the mail.
I should otherwise have great reason to be dissatisfied that the infor
mation was not more promptly communicated. From the tone of the
newspaper paragraph you enclosed, and from the seizure of the barracks
in violation of the usage of humanity, which in open war between eon-

68 A NATIONAL LTTANT.
tending nations, and even in the most revengeful civil conflicts between
kindred races, have always been held sacred from disturbance, as edifices
dedicated to the care and comfort of the sick, I fear that no public prop
erty is likely to be respected. You will therefore have no more money
expended on the revenue cutter Washington, now hauled up for repairs,
until I can have assurance that she will not be seized as soon as she is
refitted, and taken into the service of those who are seeking to break up
the Union and overthrow the authority of the Federal Government,"
Secretary Dix, in reply to his telegraphic despatch, received the fol
lowing reply from Collector Hatch :
"New Oeleans, Monday, January 28, 1861. 1
" Maeine Hospital. )
"Affair satisfactorily arranged. Barracks retained. See my letter
of 21st." Secretary Holt and Governor Ellis.
Gov. Ellis, of North Carolina, in a letter to the President, informing.
him of the surrender of the United States forts in that State, says : —
Your Excellency will pardon me for asking whether the United States
forts will be garrisoned with United States troops during your adminis
tration ?
To this letter Secretary Holt responded as follows : —
In reply to your inquiry, whether it is the purpose of the President to
garrison the forts of North Carolina during his administration^ I am di
rected to say that they, in common with the other forts, arsenals, and
public property of the United States, are in the charge of the President,
and that if assailed, no matter from what quarter or under what pretext,
it is his duty to protect them by all the means which the law has placed
at his disposal. It is not his purpose to garrison the forts to which you
refer at present, because he considers them entirely safe, as heretofore,
under the shelter of the law-abiding* sentiment for which the people of
North Carolina have ever been distinguished. Should they, however,
be attacked or menaced, with danger of being seized and taken from the
possession of the United States, he could not escape from his constitu
tional obligation to defend and preserve them. The very satisfactory and
patriotic assurances given by your excellency, justify him, however, in
entertaining the confident expectation that no such contingency will arise.
A National Litany.
From men of perverse minds and corrupt principles : Good Lord de
liver us.
From fanatical and malignant agitators : Good Lord deliver us.
Frpm the rash and reckless, whose purposes are incendiary : Good
Lord deliver us.
From men who trade in politics from motives of self-aggrandizement:
Good Lord deliver us.
From all wily, subtle, and mischievous counsels: Good Lord de-
Hmer us.
From all mal-administration of government : Good Lord deliver us.
From proud, boastful and ungodly leaders : Good Lord deliver us. '
From the disruption and destruction of our Kepublic : Good Lord de
liver us.
From all who thoughtlessly excite discord and feud : Good Lord de
liver ut.
From insurrection, rebellion and treason : Good deliver us.

A FORT RETAKEN. 69
From those who disregard their best civil and political blessings:
Good Lord deliver us.
From fratricidal war and bloodshed : Good Lord deliver us.
From the gloom which overspreads our once fair and happy country :
Good Lord deliver us.
From anarchy, and unlawful uprisings of the people : Good Lord de
liver us.
From alienations of brethren, and bitter hate : Good Lord deliver us.
From indiscretion, precipitation and madness : Good Lord deliver us.
From a transition from high prosperity to deep adversity : Good Lord
deliver us.
Send us rulers who will rule in the meekness of wisdom : Hear us,
good Lord.
Defeat the counsels of all unprincipled Ahithophels : Hear us, good
Lord. Counteract the devices of those who fear thee not: Hear us, good
Lord. Lay bare and expose the plans of ambitious and deceitful men : Hear
us, good Lord.
Contemn the hypocritical, who work mischief under the garb of reli
gion : Hear us, good Lord.
Restore peace to our country, and brotherly concord: Hear us,
good Lord.
May the prayers of the righteous prevail with thee : Hear us, good
Lord. Quiet the minds of the people, and dispose them to trust to thy guid
ance : Hear us, good Lord.
Amidst the perplexities of the wise, and the ravings of the foolish:
Appear for us, good Lord.
Deliver us from worldliness, ingratitude, and hardness of heart : Hear
us, good Iiord.
Cement the bonds of national union, and restore amity : Hear us,
good Lord.
Preserve thy church amidst the national npheavings : Hear us, good
From this land may the gospel still go forth to all peoples : Hear us,
May joy come back to our tabernacles and sacred altars : Hear us,
Though undeserving of thy mercy, may thy mercy be nevertheless
continued: Hear us, good Lord. _ ,
Let there be no longer a dominance to passion, prejudice and obsti
nacy : Hear us, good Lord. , . ,
Then will we praise thee 'for deliverance, and trust in thee as our
euide: We will praise and trust thee, good Lord. _
And then when the storm has been hushed, and peace and plenty shall
again visit every portion of our country : We will shout hallelujah to thee,
0 Lord ! A Fort Retaken.
The Washington (N. 0.) Dispatch says :—
Fort Neale, a Eevolutionary earthwork, near this town, was taken
possession of on Saturday night last, the 19th, and on Sunday morning
the community was intensely excited at the report that the Palmetto
flat wa™ fly hig high above the ramparts, and had been nailed to the flag
staff This ouVaie was borne in silence during the_ sacred hours of the
Sabbath day and night, but early on Monday morning our citizens were

70 SCOTT'S AGENCY IN SUPPRESSING NULLIFICATION.
startled by the report of cannon, fired in quick succession. On inquiry, it
was ascertained that a company of jolly tars had recaptured the fort, shot
down the Palmetto flag, trampled it in the dust, and run up the stars and
stripes in its place. Forthwith the national ensign was floating in the
breeze from every mast-head in the port, and we had general rejoicing on
the occasion. ¦
General Scott's Agency in suppressing Nullification
in South Carolina, in 1832.
General Scott had scarcely returned from the scenes of Indian wars
and Indian treaties in the West, when he was called to mingle with others
on the Southern border, which threatened far more danger to the peace
and safety of.the American Union. He arrived at New York in October,
1832, and had been with his family but a day or two, when he was
ordered to Washington to receive a new mission and a. new trust. After
a conference with the President and cabinet, on the difficulties which had
arisen in South Carolina, he was dispatched in that direction on a busi
ness of the greatest delicacy and importance, and with powers requiring
the exercise of the highest discretion. ,
This difficulty was the attempt to nullify the revenue laws of the
United States, by the action of a single State,, South Carolina. This
theory, and the events which followed its assertion in that State, are com
monly called "nullification." It is necessary to give the reader a candid
statement of the facts and events in this singular portion of American his
tory, in* order that tbe precise situation ¦ of the country, when General
Scott arrived at Charleston, its internal dangers, apd the part he had Jin.
quieting those difficulties, may. be fairly understood. In this, there is no
need of inquiring into motives, and little chance of error ; for the parts of
the several actors were performed in public, recorded by the public press,"
and sent upon the winds by the voices of a thousand witnesses. It was
not so, however, with the part of General Scott; for his duties, were con
fidential. They were required to be performed with silence and delicacy.
Hence, however much might depend upon his discretion, the mere fact of
its exercise afforded little that was tangible and expressive to the pen of
history. Yet we shall see, that his position and conduct there exercised
a controlling influence over the event, and contributed mainly to the
peaceful termination of the controversy.
The excitement which terminated in what was called "nullification,"
commenced in consequence of the passage of the tariff act of 1828. That
act raised the revenue duties levied on the importation of foreign goods
higher than any previous revenue act ofthe United States. It was passed'
avowedly for the protection of American industry. ' It was resisted by
nearly all the representatives of the cotton-planting States, on the ground
that it was injurious to their interests and contrary to the Constitution of
the United States. They argued, that the greater the duties, the less the
importations ; and that the less the importations, the less would be the
exportations ; because foreign nations would have less ability to purchase
They deemed it unconstitutional, because they said it was unequal taxa
tion. This was the substance of the argument by which a majority of the
citizens of South Carolina arrived at a belief, that the tarff-act was both
injurious to them, and unconstitutional. On this belief they proceeded
to resist the act by public meetings and inflammatory resolves, and finally
to advance and carry out the' doctrines of nullification.
The tariff-act of 1828 was passed on the 15th of May of that year and
from that time henceforward for more than four years, a continual excite
ment was kept up in the extreme Southern States, especially South Caro-

SCOTT'S AGENCY IN SUPPRESSING NULLIFICATION. 71
lina and Georgia. In South Carolina, however, the most ultra measures
were proposed, and there the question was brought to a direct issue, and
bloodshed, even, only averted by the great caution of the public officers,
and the milder temperament of Congress.
The following address to the people of South Carolina, exhibits the
temper of the public mind at that time.
" What course is left us to pursue ? If we have the common pride of
men, or the determination of freemen, we must resist the imposition of
this tariff. We stand committed. To be stationary is impossible. We
must either retrograde in dishonor and in shame, and receive the con
tempt and scorn of our brethren superadded to our wrongs, and their
system of oppression strengthened by our toleration ; or we must ' by
opposing, end them.'
"In advising an attitude of open resistance to the laws of the Union,
we deem it due to the occasion, and that we may not be misunderstood^
distinctly but briefly to state, without argument, our constitutional faith.'
For it is ,not enough that imposts laid for the protection of domestic
manufactures are oppressive, and transfer in their operation millions of
our property to northern capitalists. If we have given our bond, let
them take our blood. Those who resist these imposts must deem them
unconstitutional, and the principle is abandoned by the payment of one
cent as much as ten millions."
Such were the strains by which South Carolina was called to believe
herself deeply injured, her feelings outraged, and her rights violated.
" But how," says the orator, " are we to interpose for the purpose of
arresting the progress of the evil ? " To this he replies — " A nullification,
then, of the unauthorized act, is the rightful remedy."
Mr. John C. Calhoun, in a letter dated "Fort Hill, 30th of July,
1832," declared that nullification was a peaceful remedy, and necessary to
the preservation of other powers.
"The ungrounded fear," said he, "that the right of a State to inter
pose in order to protect her reserved powers against the encroachments of
the General Government, would lead to disunion, is rapidly vanishing,
and as it disappears, it will be seen that so far from endangering, the right
is essential to the preservation of our system, as essential as the right of
suffrage itself.
" Thus thinking, I have entire confidence that the time will come
when our doctrine, which has been so freely denounced as traitorous and
rebellious, will be hailed as being the great conservative principle of our
admirable system of government, and when those who have so firmly
maintained it under so many trials, will be ranked among the great bene
factors of the country."
The doctrine of " State interposition " against the General Government,
is here defended as an essential right, and the future approbation of the
people confidently expected.
To understand the exact state of things in South Carolina, at that
time, and the conflict likely to ensue between the majority in the State
supporting nullification by the State power, and the General Government
executing the laws, with a minority in South Carolina supporting it, we
must review two or three other important movements.
The doctrines of Mr. McDuffie, Major Hamilton, Mr. Calhoun, and
other leaders of the nullification party, were as strongly opposed by other
distinguished men in South Carolina.
Judge Smith, formerly United States Senator, in an address to the
people of Spartanburg district, thus writes:— "To say you can resist the
General Government, and remain in the Union, and be at peace, is a per
fect delusion, calculated only to hoodwink an honest community, until

72. SCOTT'S AGENCY IN SUPPRESSING NULLIFICATION.
they shall have advanced too far to retrace their steps; which they must
do, and do with disgrace and humiliation, or enter upon a bloody conflict
with the General Government. For the General Government cannot bow-
its sovereignty to the mandates of South Carolina, while the Union is
worth preserving. And be assured, it will not bow to the mandate of
any State, while the sovereign people believe that a confederated govern
ment is calculated to promote their peace, their honor, and their safety."
It is seen that the political ideas inculcated in the extract last quoted,
are directly opposed to those stated in the former extract from the letter
of Mr. Calhoun. The latter assumes the supremacy of the Union, the
former that of tlie State, under the name ofj State interposition. Hence,
in the controversy which ensued, the party of the majority was known as
the nullification party, and that of the minority as the Union party.
The controversy between the two parties in South Carolina was even
more excited than that between the State and the General Government.
This was the condition of things when, in October, 1832, the Legislature
passed an act providing for the " calling of a convention of the p.eople " of
that State. The object of this convention in the terms of the act, was
"to take into consideration the several acts of the Congress of the United
States, imposing duties on foreign imports for the protection of domestic
manufactures, or for other unauthorized objects; to determine on the
character thereof, and to devise the means of redress."
The convention elected according to this statute, assembled at Colum
bia, the seat of government, on the 19th of November, 1832. The con
vention being assembled, enacted an "ordinance," whose title was "to
provide for arresting the operation of certain acts' of the Congress of the
United States, purporting to be taxes laying duties and imposts on the im
portation of foreign commodities."
On the final passage of the ordinance the word "nullify" was sub
stituted for " arresting." ,
This ordinance assumed to nullify the laws of the United States, to
prevent the operation of the courts, and finally, to place all officers under
oath to obey only the ordinance, and the laws made to give it effect.
The 2d section pronounced the tariff acts of 1828 and 1832 " null, void,
and no law, nor binding upon the State, its officers, or citizens."
The 3d section declared it unlawful " for any of the constituted
authorities, whether of the State or the United States, to enforce payment
of the duties imposed by said acts, within the limits of the State."
The 4th section ordered that no case of law or equity decided in that
State, wherein was drawn in question the validity of that ordinance, or
of any act of the Legislature passed to give it effect, should be appealed to
the Supreme Court of the United States, or regarded if appealed.
Section 5th required that every one who held an office of honor, trust,
or profit, civil or military, should take an oath to obey only this ordinance,
and the laws of the Legislature passed in consequence of it.
The 6th section declared that if the General Government should employ
force to carry into effect its laws, or endeavor to coerce the State, by
shutting up its ports, that South Carolina would consider the Union dis
solved, and would " proceed to org&nize a separate government."
This was the state of things in South Carolina, and in the Union when
on tho 10th of December, 1832, General Jackson issued his proclamation'
exhorting all persons to obey the laws, denouncing the ordinance of South'
Carolina, and giving a very clear exposition of the principles and powers
of the General Government. This proclamation was written with great
ability, and coming from the most popular man in the United States ex
ercising the functions of chief magistrate, and taking part, with that love
op union which, in all times and all circumstances, has been an element

SCOTT'S AGENCY IN SUPPRESSING NULLIFICATION. 73
in American character, the proclamation was universally read, and almost
universally received with approbation and applause. The Legislature of
South Carolina answered in an appeal to the people of that State.
Just before this point in history, General Scott had been called, in the
exercise of his military functions, to perforin a part, not very conspicuous
to the public eye, but most important in its consequences to the Union
and the future welfare of the Eepublic. What part that was will be shown
by the unimpeachable testimony of authentic facts.
On the 18th of November, 1832, a confidential order was issued from
the War Department to General Scott. The order, after expressing the
President's solicitude as to affairs in South Carolina, a hope from the
intelligence of the people, and a fear lest some rash attempt should be
made against the forts of the United States in the harbor of Charleston,
proceeds to say : —
" The possibility of such a measure furnishes sufficient reason for guard
ing against it, and the President is therefore anxious that the situation
and means of defence of these fortifications should be inspected by an
officer of experience, who could also estimate and provide for any dangers
to which they may he exposed. He has full confidence in- your judgment
and discretion, and it is his wish that you repair immediately to Charleston,
and examine every thing connected with the fortifications. You are at
liberty to take such measures, either by strengthening these defences, or
by reinforcing these garrisons with troops drawn from any other posts,
as you may think prudence and a just precaution require.
" Your duty will be one of great importance, and of great delicacy.
You will consult fully and freely with the Collector of the port of Charles
ton, and with the District Attorney of South Carolina, and jou will take
no step, except what relates to the immediate defence and security of the
posts, without their order and concurrence. The execution of the laws
will be enforced through the civil authority, and by the mode pointed out
by the acts of Congress. Should, unfortunately, a crisis arise, when the
ordinary power in the hands of the civil officers shall not be sufficient for
this purpose, the President shall determine the course tp be taken, and the
measures to be adopted. Till, therefore, you are otherwise instructed,
you will act in obedience to the legal requisitions of the proper civil
officers of the United States. '
" I will thank you to communicate to me, freely and confidentially, upon
every topic on which you may deem it important for the Government to
receive information. " Very respectfully, Your obedient servant,
Lewis Cass."
" Major General Winfield Scott."
General Scott arrived in Charleston on the 28th of November, just
two days after the passage of the ordinance. All was excitement. He
found the people of Charleston divided into two parties, nearly equal
in point of numbers, and each exasperated towards the other.
It was as important that he should not, by his presence or his acts,
increase the excitement of the public mind, already too much inflamed,
thus precipitating rash measures on the part of South Carolina, as it was
that, in the last resort, he should maintain the supremacy of the laws held
to be constitutional by every department of the Federal Government and
alike binding on all the States. This duty he was resolved to execute at
every hazard to himself, but with all possible courtesy and kindness com
patible with that paramount object. In this his heart's warm filing wm,
that the disaffected might be soothed, and South Carolina held in affec
tionate harmony with her sister States.

74 SCOTT'S AGENCY IN SUPPRESSING NULLIFICATION.
If history be not silent on the events which then occurred, or on the
part taken by distinguished citizens of South Carolina, still less should it
omit a just tesimony to tlie forbearance and prudence of the general and
troops of the United States employed on so delicate and dangerous a
service. The officers and men of the army and navy bore themselves with the
meekness and solemnity proper to so grave and unusual a duty. In no
instance did they indulge in any display, except on the 22d of February.
Then rockets blazing through the skies, and guns sounding over the
waters told that, as Americans, they remembered and blessed the anni
versary of that day, which gave birth to the fathee of the oountby
and the Union.* On other occasions, every individual in that service,
though firm in his allegiance, and resolved to do his duty, evinced by his
deportment how painful that duty might become. Scott gave both the pre
cept and the example. Many officers, like himself, had frequent occasion
to visit the city. Boats' crews were constantly passing and repassing. It
was agreed among the officers, and enjoined on the men, to give way to
everybody, and not even to resent an indignity, should one be offered;
but to look on Carolinians as their fellow-countrymen, whom all were
anxious to reclaim from an unhappy delusion. These rules of forbearance
were absolutely necessary, because any soldier or sailor, in a drunken en
counter, might have brought on all the evils of a bloody affray.
Just at the period of the utmost anxiety, when all hearts were anxious
lest the morrow should bring forth civil conflict, a fire was seen from Fort
Monltrie, at twilight, rising from Charleston, rapidly spreading and threat
ening the city with destruction. General Scott happened to be the first
who perceived the conflagration, and with great promptness called for vol
unteers to hasten to the assistance of the inhabitants. All the officers
and men were eager for the service, and with the exception of a mere
guard, all were dispatched in boats, and without arms, to subdue the new
and dreadful enemy. Each detachment was directed to report itself to
some city officer, and to ask for employment. A detached officer preceded
to explain the object of this sudden intrusion. Captain Ringgold, of the
army, since promoted, and subsequently slain on the battle-field of Palo
Altot who commanded a detachment, rushed up to the intendant, (Mayor,)
and begged to be put to work. A citizen standing by at once claimed his
assistance to save a sugar-refinery, then in imminent danger. " Do you
hear that ? " said Captain Ringgold to his men : " we will go to the death for
the sugar!" This was an allusion to the famous threat of Governor
Hamilton, in respect to his importation of that article, before the boxes
had arrived, that " they would go to tlie death for the sugar." It may be
added, that the detachment instantly repaired to the spot, and the refinery
was saved. Nor was the good-humored quotation lost on the hundreds
who heard it.
The navy was not behind the army in this act of neighborly kindness.
Both were early at the scene of distress. And all, after distinguishing
themselves for zeal and energy, returned as sober and as orderly as they
went, notwithstanding refreshments had been profusely handed round by
the citizens.
It is not extravagant to say, that this timely movement, so well con
ceived and so handsomely executed, overcame much of the excitement and
prejudice existing against the United States, here represented by their
soldiers and sailors. These men threw themselves, unexpected and un
armed, in tbe midst of a population strongly excited against them- and by
saving a city from fire, powerfully contributed to save the Union from the
greater horrors of civil war. The effect was immediate on the spot, and
was soon spread to other parts of the State. It was one of those acts bet-

SCOTT'S AGENCY IN SUPPRESSING NULLIFICATION. 75
ter adapted to soothe the asperities of feeling, than would' have been any
degree of courage, or success, in the forcible maintenance of the law.
At this distance of time, the part performed by Scott may not seem of
great importance. But he who thinks so should recollect, that history is
obliged to trace the greatest events oftentimes to very small causes ; and
that such a part as Scott's at Charleston, though having neither the crim
son glare of battle, nor the extraordinary skill of some artful act of diplo
macy, may nevertheless have been the hinge of a crisis, and therefore
more important than many battles. It is the handling of a delicate sub
ject whioh makes it difficult, far more than the settlement of a question
of exact right or wrong.
Of the part which Scott bore in the pacification of the South, we shall
here give the words of Mr. Watkins Leigh, of Virginia, who stood high in
the confidence of all parties, whose evidence is unimpeachable, and who
had ample opportunities of observing all that was done. He says : —
" I was at Charleston when he (Scott) arrived and assumed the com
mand, which he did without any parade or fuss. No one who had not an
opportunity of observing on the spot the excitement that existed, can have
an adequate conception of the delicacy of the trust. General Scott had a
large acquaintance with the people of Charleston ; he was their friend ;
but his situation was such that many, the great majority of thetn, looked
upon him as a public enemy. What his orders were, I cannot undertake
to tell you, nor have I any means of knowing but from his conduct, which,
I take it for granted, conformed with them. ,He thought, as I thought,
that the first drop of blood shed in civil war, — in civii war between tho
United States and one of the States, would prove an immedicable wound,
which would end in a change of our institutions. He was resolved, if it
was possible, to prevent a resort to arms ; and nothing could have been
more judicious than his conduct. Far from being prone to take offence,
he kept his temper under the strictest guard, and was most careful to
avoid giving occasion for offence ; yet he held himself ready to act, if it
should become necessary, and he let that be distinctly understood. He
sought the society of the leading nullifiers, and was in their society as
much as they would let him be, but he took care never to say a word to
them on the subject of political differences ; he treated them as a friend.
From the beginning to the end, his conduct was as conciliatory as it was
firm and sincere, evincing that he knew his duty, and was resolved to"
perform it, and yet that his principal object and purpose was peace. He
was perfectly successful, when the least imprudence might have resulted
in a serious collision."
We subjoin extracts from a letter from Major-General Scott to a dis
tinguished leader and friend, a member ofthe South Carolina Legislature,
then in session at Columbia, in order to show the spirit and temper in
which he discharged the delicate duties assigned hiin.
"Savannah, Dec. 14th, 1882.
" Mt Deab Sie,— You have an excellent memory to remind tne, after
so long an interval, of my promise to visit you when next on a tour to the
South, and I owe you an apology for not earlier acknowledging your kind
letter. It was handed to me just as I was about to leave Charleston, and
I have been since too constantly in motion (to Augusta, and back here)
to allow me to write. , ...»
" As to the ' speculations ' at Columbia relative to the object ot my
visit to Charleston at this moment,' I can only say, that I am on that very
tour, and about the very time, mentioned by me when I last had the
pleasure of seeing you. On what evil days have we fallen, my good friend,
when so common-place an event gives rise to conjecture or speculation !
I can truly assure you, that no one has felt more wretched than your

76 SCOTT'S AGENCY IN SUPPRESSING NULLIFICATION.
humble correspondent, since an unhappy controversy began to assume^ a
serious aspect. I have always entertained a high admiration for the his
tory and character of South Carolina, and accident or good fortune has
thrown me into intimacy, and even friendship, with almost every leader
of the two parties which now divide and agitate the State. Would^ to
God they were again united, as during the late war, when her federalists
vied with her republicans in the career of patriotism and glory, and when
her Legislature came powerfully to the aid of the Union. Well, the ma
jority among you have taken a stand, and those days of general harmony
may never return. What an awful position for South Carolina, as well as
for the other States! * * * * . * *
" I cannot follow out the long, dark shades of the picture that presents
itself to my fears. I will hope, nevertheless, for the best. But I turn my
eyes back, and, good God ! what do I behold? Impatient South Carolina
could not wait — she has taken a leap, and is already a foreign nation;
and the great names of Washington, Franklin, Jefferson, and Greene, no
longer compatriot with yours, or those of Laurens, Moultrie, Pinckney,
and Marion with mine !
" But the evil, supposing the separation to have been peaceable, would
not 'stop there. When one member shall withdraw, the whole arch of
the Union will tumble in. Out of the broken fragments new combina
tions will arise. We should probably have, instead of one, three confede
racies — a northern, southern, and western reunion ; and transmontane
Virginia, your native country, not belonging to the South, but torn off by
the general West. I turn with horror from the picture I have only
sketched. I have said it is dark ; let but one drop of blood be spilt upon
the canvas, and it becomes ' one red.'
" ' Lands intersected by a narrow frith
Abhor each other. Mountains interposed
Make enemies of nations, which had else,
Like kindred drops, been mingled into one.'
" But you and my other South Carolina friends have taken your re
spective sides, and I must follow out mine.
" You have probably heard of the arrival of two or three companies
at Charleston in the last six weeks, and you may hear that as manv more
have followed. There is nothing inconsistent with the President's meW.
sage in these movements. The iutention simply is, that the -forts in the
harbor shall not be wrested from the Uuited States. I believe it is not
apprehended tbat the State authorities contemplate any attack, at least in
the present condition of things, on these posts ; but I know it has been
feared that some unauthorized multitude, under sudden excitement, might
attempt to seize them. The President, I presume, will stand on the de
fensive — thinking it better to discourage than tp invite an attack  better
to prevent than to repel one, in order to gain time for wisdom and mod
eration to exert themselves in the capitol at Washington, and in the
state-house at Columbia. From humane considerations like these the
posts in question have been, and probably will be slightly reinforced. I
state what I partly know, and what I partly conjecture, in order that the
case which I see is provided for in one of your bills, may not be sup
posed to have actually occurred. If I were possessed of an important
secret of the Government, my honor certainly would not allow me to dis
close it; but there is in the foregoing neither secrecy nor deception My
ruling1 wish is, that neither party take a rash step, that might put all heal
ing powers at defiance. It is, doubtless, merely intended to hold the posts
for the present. A few companies are incapable of effecting any further
object. The engineer, also, is going on, steadily, but slowly, in erecting

THE LAW OF TREASON. 77
the new work on the site of Fort Johnson, (long since projected for the
defence of the harbor,) the foundation of which is but just laid. When
finished, some years hence, I trust it may long be regarded, both by South
Carolina and the other States, as one of the bulwarks of our common
coast. " There is nothing in this letter intended to be confidential, nor intended
for the public press. When I commenced it I only designed giving utter
ance to private sentiments, unconnected with public eveuts ; but my heart
being filled with grief on account of the latter, my pen has run a little in
to that distress. Let us, however, hope for more cheering times. Yet, be
this as it may, and whether our duties be several or common, I shall al
ways have a place in my bosom for the private affections, and that I may
ever stand in the old relation to you, is the sincere wish of your friend,
"Winfield Scott."
The Law of Treason.
On the 14th of January Judge Smalley, of the U. S. Circuit Court for
the southern district of New York, delivered the following important
charge to the Grand Jury :
Gentlemen of the Geand Juby — The Court has requested your at
tendance this morning in order to call your attention, and give you some
instructions in relation to crimes which have long been unknown in our
hitherto peaceful and happy country, which for more than fifty years the
federal Courts have not been called upon to investigate, and which are
therefore very imperfectly understood in the community. Yet one of
them is the highest crime known to the law in any civilized country. It
is that of high treason. Recent painful events make it the duty of the
Court to define to you what constitutes the offence, and also what consti
tutes the lesser crime of misprison of treason, that you may inquire
whether either have been committed by any person or persons within the
jurisdiction of this Court, and if you are satisfied that either have, that
they may be presented to the Court to be dealt with according to law.
And also that those who desire to be good and true citizens may be
forewarned, and not ignorantly and unwittingly be led into the commis
sion of any acts in violatipn of the laws of their country, which would
make them guilty of either of those offences. It is unnecessary at this
time to enter into an elaborate disquisition of the law of treason. The
Constitution ofthe United States clearly defines in what it consists. The
third section of the third article provides, " that treason against the United
States shall consist only in levying war aginst them, or in adhering to
their enemies, giving them aid and comfort." Again, the same section
provides that " the Congress shall have power to declare the punishment
of treason." ¦¦
In pursuance of the power thus conferred, Congress passed an act,
which was approved April 30, 1790, which provided in section one, "that
if any person or persons owing allegiance to the United States of America,
shall levy war against them, or shall adhere to their enemies, giving them
aid and comfort within the United States or elsewhere, and shall be thereof
convicted, on confession in open court or on the testimony of two witnesses
to the same overt act of treason, whereof he or they shall stand indicted,
such person or persons shall be adjudged guilty of treason against the
United States, and shall suffer death." 
Sec 2 That if any person or persons having knowledge of the com
mission ofany ofthe treasons aforesaid, shall conceal, and not, as soon as
may be disclose and make known the same to the President of the

78 THE LAW OP TREASON.
United States, or some one of the Judges thereof, or to the President or
Governor of a particular State, or some one of the Judges or Justices
thereof, such person or persons, on conviction, shall be adjudged guilty of
misprision of treason, and shall be imprisoned not exceeding seven years,
and fined not exceeding one thousand dollars."
It is said that war — civil war — exists in portions of the Union. That
persons owing allegiance to the United States have confederated to
gether, and with arms, by force and intimidation, have prevented the
execution ofthe constitutional acts of Congress, have forcibly seized upon
and hold a custom-house and post-office,1 forts, arsenals,' vessels, and other
property belonging to the United States, and have actually fired upon ves
sels hearing the United States flag, and carrying United States troops.
This is a usurpation of the authority ofthe Federal Government ; it is
high treason, by levying war. Either one of these acts will constitute high
treason. There can be no doubt of it.
The fact that any or all engaged in the commission of these outrageous
acts, acted under the pretended authority of the Legislature, or a conven
tion of the people of any State, or of the officers appointed thereby, or act
ing thereunder, does not change nor affect the criminal character of the
act. No man or body of men can throw off their allegiance to, their Govern
ment in that way. Nor can any State, or the people of any State, acting
in any capacity whatever, absolve any person therefrom.
Neither South Carolina hor any other State can authorize, or legally
protect citizens of the other States in levying war against their Govern
ment, any more than can the Queen of Great Britain or the Emperor of
Franee. If any such power is assumed, it is without right, and the deluded in
dividual who acts under it, is none the less guilty of treason, and liable to
be punished therefor. That the slaveholding States have just cause of
complaints against some of their sister States, is lamentably too true;'
that the Legislatures of several States have passed acts which are in direct
conflict with one of the plainest provisions of the Constitution of the
United States, which acts were intended to deprive the slaveholding States
of rights expressly guaranteed to, and important to them, is well known.
This is greatly to be regretted ; and it is hoped and believed that the
sober second thought of the people of those States will induce them to do
justice to themselves as well as to their Southern brethren, and evince
their loyalty to the Constitution and Union, by wiping all such acts from
their statute books.
But the fact that some ofthe States have passed unconstitutional acts,
can afford no justification for rebellion and civil war, or a breaking up of
our Federal Union, which was formed by the patriotism and wisdom, con
ciliation and compromise of our fathers, in which our prosperity as a peo
ple has been unparalleled in the history of nations.
Such legislative acts, however, are not laws. Being in violation of the
Constitution of the United States, they are mere nullities, and all who at
tempt to enforce them are themselves violators of the law, and oan be, and
in some instances, have been punished as such.
What overt acts, then, constitute treason? A mere conspiracy to sub
vert by force the Government, however flagitious the crime may be, is not
treason. To conspire to levy war, and actually levying war, are distinct
offences. If a body of people conspire and meditate an insurrection to resist or
oppose the laws of the United States by force, they are only guilty of a
high misdemeanor ; but if they proceed to carry such intentibn into exe
cution by force, they are guilty of treason by levying war.

THE LAW OP TREASON. 79
In the language of Chief Justice Marshall — "It is not the intention of
the Court to say that no individual can be guilty of this crime who has
not appeared in arms against his country.
" On the contrary, if war be actually levied— that is, if a body of men
be actually assembled for the purpose of effecting, by force, a treasonable
purpose, all those who perform any part, however minute, or however re
mote from the scene of action, and who are actually leagued in the gen
eral conspiracy, are to be considered as traitors."
As the Court have already said to you, the combination and assem
blage of a body of men with the design of seizing, and the actual seizing of
the forts and other public property in and near Charleston, South Caro
lina, and in some other States, is a levying of war against the United
States. Consequently, any and every person who engages therein, is by the
law regarded as ievying war against the United States ; and all who ad
here to them are to be regarded as enemies, and all who give them aid and
comfort in South Carolina or New York, or in any other portion of the
United States or elsewhere, come within the express provisions of the 1st
section of the act of 30th April, 1790, and are guilty of treason.
What amounts to adhering to, and giving aid and comfort to our ene
mies, it is somewhat difficult in all cases to define ; but certain it is, that
furnishing them with arms, or munitions of war, vessels, or other means
of transportation, or any materials which will aid the traitors in carrying
ont their traitorous purposes, with a knowledge that they are intended for
such purposes, or inciting and encouraging others to engage in or aid the
traitors in any way, does come within the provisions of the act. And it
is immaterial whether such acts are induced by sympathy with the rebel
lion, hostility to the government, or a desire for gain.
Under the second section of the act of 1790, all who have any knowl
edge of any such acts of treason, and do not, as soon as possible, make it
known in the manner therein prescribed, are guilty of misprision of trea
son, and subject to the punishment therefor.
Your inquiries must be confined to offences committed within the ju
risdiction of this Court — that is, within the southern district of New York,
and upon the high seas. Although there may be a questiou, whether the
jurisdiction of the Court, in such cases, is not more extended, you will, for
the present, confine your investigations to the limits prescribed. Within
this limit, it is your right and your duty to inquire whether any person or
persons have been, according to the principles of law laid down by the
Court, guilty of treason or misprision of treason ; and if you are satisfied
that either of these offences have been committed, to faithfully and fear
lessly present the offenders, that they may be punished.
It is the duty, and it will unquestionably be the desire of all good and
true citizens, to do, in their respective spheres, every thing in their power
to suppress rebellion, expose treason, and bring traitors to justice.
Wb»n the Grand Jury were in the other day, one of the members of
your body submitted certain questions to the. Court, which I shall now
proceed to answer. " First. Whether it is the duty of tbe Grand Jury to
inquire into violations of the law which may be incidentally brought to
their knowledge, and which have not been presented by the District At
torney, and which he had no knowledge of." In reply to that, the Court
would say, gentlemen, that you are not necessarily confined to offences to
which your attention may be called by the prosecuting officer.
If any one of you have reason to believe that any' of the laws of the
Federal Government have been violated, you are at liberty to inquire into
the matter, whether or not your attention has been called to it by the
District Attorney. Unquestionably you have a right to make the mvesti-

80 THE VIRGINIA COMMISSIONERS.
gation. The second inquiry is, "Whether it is expected of the Jury to
examine into the detention of felons and witnesses as to their safety, treat
ment, and comfort, and as to whether any persons are kept an unwarrant
able time before trial."
The third inquiry is, " Whether it is expected that the Grand Jury
would present such defects in the practice in the Custom House as render
it easy for the clearance of vessels for the slave trade." With respeetto
that, gentlemen, it may be well to consider for a-moraent what is the ju
risdiction of the federal courts. First, then, they can only inquire into the
violations of the federal laws. The federal courts have no common law
criminal jurisdiction, and they therefore have no jurisdiction over offences
that are not created by the Constitution, or some act of Congress under
the Constitution.
I understand that it is the duty of the Grand Jury to inquire into all
matters that are brought before their notice by the prosecuting officer.
That is well understood. It is well known that English Grand Jurors have
oftentimes, and probably it is a part of the common law of England, in
quired into such matters ; but the Court is not aware of any statute of
the Constitution, or of any practice in federal courts which would make it
the duty of Grand Juries to inquire into and investigate matters embodied
in either of these questions.
The Court does not intend to say that you may not make such inquiry,
but then it is outside of your judicial duties, and if you make a report to
the Court, I have no power to act, and can do nothing more than file it
with the records of the Court ; and therefore it cannot be regardrd as the
duty of Grand Juries in federal courts to make these inquiries.
You will now retire, gentlemen, and proceed with the business before
you.

The Virginia Commissioners.
Eminent men whom Virginia has appointed to meet Commissioners
from the States at Washington. EX-PKESIDENT JOHN TYLEE
Was born in Charles City county, Virginia, in 1790 ; was elected to the
legislature at the age of twenty-one, and subsequently was sent to Con
gress from his district. In 1826 he was chosen Governor ofthe State; was
then elected to the United States Senate. In 1840 he was elected Vice-
President of the United States. The death of General Harrison raised
him to the chief magistracy of the Republic. His term of office expired in
1845, since which time he has been living in retirement on his estate in
Charles City county. HON. WILLIAM O. EIVES
Was born in Nelson county, Virginia, 1793 ; was aide-de-camp in 1814 and
1815 with a body of militia and volunteers called out for the defence of
Virginia; was several times elected to the legislature from his native
county, Albemarle; served for three successive terms as representative
in Congress, commencing in 1823. In 1829 he was appointed by President
Jackson Minister to France. On his return in 1832, he was elected Sen
ator in Congress, and resigned in 1834; was re-elected in 1835 and
served until 1845. In 1849 he was a second time appointed Minister to
France, and returned in 1853, when he finally retired from political life.
He resides in the county of Albemarle.

HON. D. F. JAMIESON. 81
JUDGE JOHN W. BEOOKENBEOTJGH
Was born in Richmond, Virginia, about the year 1804, and removed to
liockbndge county in 1836. He is an accomplished lawyer, and was ap
pointed Judge of the United States Court for the Western District of
Virginia, by President Polk, in 1846, which office he still holds.
HON. GEOEGE W. SUMMEKS
Was born in Fairfax county, Virginia. He represented Kanawha county
in the Legislature several years, and served two terms in Congress, com
mencing in 1841. He was a member of the convention of 1850, which
framed the present constitution of Virginia. In 1851 he was the Whig
candidate for Governor. In May, 1852, he was elected Judge of the 18th
Circuit, and having served in that capacity for six years, he resigned his
office July 1st, 1858. HON. JAMES A. SEDDON
Is a Virginian of acknowledged abilities, whose public career has been
confined to a service of two terms in Congress, , as representative from
the Metropolitan district, viz. : in 1845-47. and 1849-51. He is about
fifty years of age.

Hon. D. F. Jamieson
Was born some fifty-two years ago in Orangeburg district, South Carolina.
His ancestors, a few generations back, were Scotch and German. Some
of them acquired a local distinction as partisan leaders in the Revolution.
Mr. Jamieson inherited from his parents a handsome property, enough for
independence. He is a graduate of South Carolina CoUege. Shortly after
leaving college he was admitted to the bar, but soon retired from practice.
He was then elected to the State Legislature, and continued to be returned
to his seat, year after year. He for many years held the commission of
Brigadier-General in the- State service, and had command of a splendid
brigade of cavalry, in which branch of the military service he took delight.
In literature Mr. Jamieson has an honestly earned, though necessarily
limited reputation. For the past three years his. attention has been en
gaged upon a work, entitled " A History of the Life and Times of Bertrand
de Guesclin," the well-known hero of France, and in his day the best
representative of its chivalry.
In 1860 Mr. Jamieson removed from Orangeburg to Barnwell district,
and became the next-door neighbor of the distinguished Southern poet,
historian, and novelist, W. Gilmore Simms. On the 6th day of December
last the people of Barnwell elected him to.be their- representative in the
sovereign convention of South Carolina. Mr. Jamieson was chosen presi
dent of that memorable body, and now holds the position of Secretary of
War to the Palmetto Republic.
Mr., or, as he is more commonly called, General Jamieson, is a cotton
planter, and has a fine estate of two thousand acres, worked by some
seventy negroes. As a man he is gentle, unaffected, and earnest. From
an extensive course of reading he possesses resources which make him
quite at home in all topics of literature, politics, and sociology. He has a
clear vigorous, and comprehensive mind; bufj, lacking m brilliancy, his
logic seldom calls for aid to the faculties of fancy and imagination. _ With
morals unstained by reproach, with a character guiltless of blemish, no
man is more highly esteemed by all who know him than General D. F.
Jamieson. 6

82 COMPROMISE MEASURES.
Compromise Measures.
THE BOEDEE STATE PLAN.
The plan of settlement proposed by Mr. Etheridge, of Tennessee, is
known as the " Border State Plan." It is as follows :
First. — Congress shall have no power to regulate or control, within the
States, the relations established or recognized by the law of any State re
specting persons held to service or labor.
Second. — Congress shall have no power to interfere with or abolish
Slavery in the navy yards, arsenals, forts or other places ceded to the
United States ; nor the relations recognized by the laws of any State within
which such places are situated, respecting persons held to service or labor.
Third.— Congress shall have no power to interfere with or abolish the
relations recognized by the laws of the District of Columbia respecting
persons held to service or labor, without the consent of the States of
Maryland and Virginia, and also the consent of the inhabitants of said
District, and without making just compensation in the premises.
Fourth. — Congress shall have no power to prohibit the removal or
transportation from one State to another of persons held to service or
labor. Fifth. — The immigration or importation from abroad of persons held to
service or labor, for life or for a term of years, or of persons intended to
be so held and carried to any of the States or Territories belonging to the
United States, is perpetually prohibited, and Congress shall pass all laws
necessary to make said prohibition effective.
Sixth. — No territory beyond the present limits of the Territories of the
United States shall hereafter be acquired or annexed to the United States,
unless the same be done by the concurrent vote of two-thirds of both
Houses of Congress; or the same be acquired by treaty by a vote of two-
thirds of the Senate.
Seventh. — The second section of the fourth article of the Constitution
shall be so amended as to read as follows : Persons oharged with any State
offence, felony, or particular crime against any of the said States, who
shall escape from justice, and who shall be found in another State, shall,
on demand of the Exeoutive authority of the State from which he fled, be
delivered up or be returned to the State having jurisdiction of the crime
of which he is charged.
Eighth. — The first section of the second article of the Constitution
shall be so amended as to provide as follows: Each State shall appoint
by its Legislature two electors of President and Vice-President of the
United States, and an additional number of such electors, equal to the whole
number of members from each State in the House of Representatives,
shall be respectively chosen by the voters of each Congressional district
into which the State is divided. MB. OOEWIN'S PLAN.
The plan of settlement proposed by Mr. Corwin, chairman of the
committee of thirty-three, is the immediate admission of New Mexico as
a State, Mr. C. assuming that, as Slavery is already established in the ter
ritory, it will be recognized in the Constitution of the new State It is
also proposed to amend the fugitive slave law, so as to relieve citizens from
service in capturing fugitive slaves, <fcc. It is also recommended that States
pass laws to suppress publications intended to promote slave insurrec
tions, &c. ME. EOBINSON'S PLAN.
Whereas, The government of the Territories has long been a disturbing

« MAJOR ANDERSON'S EXPLANATION. 83
element in our national councils, and has of late given rise to political di
visions that appear to admit of no compromise, and to threaten the integ
rity of the Union — one party insisting that the General Government shall
protect Slavery in the Territories, another that it shall prohibit, and still
another that it shall not interfere in any way or the other; and whereas
all parties loyal to the Constitution and Union, agree that each State has
the sole and exclusive power of determining its own domestic institutions ;
therefore, to the end that this impediment to our national harmony be
forever removed ;
Resolved, (if the Senate concur,) That our Senators and Representa
tives in Congress be requested to use their influence, after the admission
of Kansas as a State on her present application, to divide all the remain
ing territory so as to form two States, to be admitted as States of this
Union, as soon as the inhabitants thereof shall adopt State Constitutions,
Republican in form.
Resolved, (if the Senate concur,) That these resolutions, with the voice
of the Legislature thereon, be forthwith transmitted by the Governor of
this State to our Senators and Representatives in Congress; and to the
Governors ofthe several States of this Union.
A Game of Euchre.
South Carolina and James Buchanan against Major Anderson and
General Scott.
South Carolina deals and turns up the Ten of Spades (niggers)— Gen.
Scott passes — James Buchanan, having the best Bower, assists South
Carolina. They play, and the old General, having a good hand, draws
James Buchanan's best Bower, and takes three tricks. He euchres him.
Major Anderson now deals and turns up Hearts — James Buchanan
passes — Major Anderson turns down Hearts, reluctantly — Buchanan
passes again — Gen. Scott passes again — South Carolina passes — Major
Anderson makes Clubs trumps and plays it alone. The hand is played —
the Major makes a march, and James Buchanan and South Carolina are
skunked. Programme of the Southern Congress.
The programme laid down for the Southern Congress is this : — First, a
provisional government ; second, treaties with the United States and
" other foreign" countries ; third, decisive legislation in regard to the negro ;
and fourthly, decision as to what States shall constitute the Confederacy.
In this latter subject all concur that no free State shall be admitted, and
if any State shall afterwards abolish slavery she shall be excluded from the
Confederacy. Major Anderson's Explanation.
The following letter from Major Anderson, explains the circumstances
that prevented the succor of the Star of the West when she attempted to
enter the harbor of Charleston : Fort Situtf.b, Jan. 11, 1861.
Whether a bloodless separation can now be effected after her (South
Carolina) foolishly firing upon a vessel bearing our flag, the other day, I
think very doubtful. I was sorely tempted to open my battery, but, per
haps fortunately for the chance of having matters settled without blood
shed I could not have touched the battery that opened upon her, and my
defences were just then in such a condition that I could not have opened the
war. I am now nearly ready. The people have supposed that this work

84 CAPTURED FORTS. •
was ready, to be defended when I came in. It was far from it, and it
would take me, even now one week's hard work to have it in a complete
state. My command is only about one-eighth of what it should be in
time of war— but, though small in number, I feel strong in the confidence
that Providence will guard and guide me safely through any danger that
may threaten. Yours, sincerely,

ROBEET ANDEESON.

Captured Forts,

Thus far seized by order of the Governors of the States in which they are
respectively located:
Fortifications — Location. Guna. Cost,
Fort Pulaski, Savannah  150 $923,859
Fort Jackson, "  ±... 14 125,000
Fort Morgan, Mobile  132 1,212,556
Fort Gaines "  89 20,000
Fort Macon, Beaufort, N. C  51 460,000
Fort Caswell, Oak Island, N. C  87 571,231
Fort Moultrie, Charleston  54 75,301
Castle Pinckney, Charleston  25 43,809
Fort St. Philip, Louisiana  124 203,734
Fort Jackson, Louisiana  150 817,608
FortPike, "  49 472,901
Fort MoComV "  49 477,000
Fort Livingston "  52 842,000
Fort MoEea, Florida  151 384,000
Fort Barrancas, "  49 315,000
Redoubt, "  26 100,000
Total  1262 $6,512,089
The following are still in the hands of the Washington authorities : —
Fort McHenry, Baltimore, Md. ; Fort Washington on the Potomac, Md. ;
Fort Monroe, at Old Point Comfort, Va. ; Fort Sumter, Charleston Harbor,
S. O. ; Key West Barracks, Key West, Fla. ; Fort Pickens, Pensacola,
Fla. ; Fort Marion, St. Augustine, Fla.

CONSTITUTION
OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

Feamkd by Convention of Delegates feom Few Hampshire, Massa
chusetts, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, New Jeesey,
Mabyland, Vieqinia, North Caeolina, South Caeolina, and Geor
gia, at Philadelphia, September 17th, 1787.
_ We, the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect
union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the com
mon defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of lib
erty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitu
tion for the United States of America.
ARTICLE I.
Section 1.
1. All Legislative powers herein granted, shall be vested in a Congress
of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Rep
resentatives. ¦ Section 2.
1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen
every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in
each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most
numerous branch of the State Legislature.
2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to
rhe age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United
States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in
which he shall be chosen.
3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among tbe
several States which may be included within this Union, according to
their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the
whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term
of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons.
The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first
meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subse
quent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The
number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand,
but each State shall have at least one Representative ; and until such
enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled
to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plan
tations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylva
nia eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five,
South Carolina five, and Georgia three.
4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the
Executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacan
cies. 5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other
officers ; and shall have the sole power of impeachment.

86 constitution op the united states op america.
Section 3.
1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators
from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years ; and each
Senator shall have one vote. *.,-..
2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first
election, they shall be divided, as equally as may be, into three classes. The
seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of
the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year,
and the third class at the expiration of the sixth year ; so that one-
third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by
resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature* of any
State, the Executive thereof may make temporary appointments until
the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies.
3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained the age
of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United Spates, and
who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he
shall be chosen.
4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the
Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided.
5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro
tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise
the office of President of the United States.
6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments.
When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When
the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justioe shall preside ;
and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds
of the members present.
7. Judgment, in cases of impeachment, shall not extend further than
to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of
honor, trust, or profit, under the United States ; but the party convicted
shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment*
and punishment, aocording to law. Section 4.
1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and
Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature there
of; but the Congress may, at any time, by law, make or alter such regula
tions, except as to the places of choosing Senators.
2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such
meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by
law appoint a different day. Section 5.
1. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifi
cations of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a
quorum to do business ; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to
day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members,
in such manner and under such penalties as each House may provide.
2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its
members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds,
expel a member.
3 Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and, from time to
time, publish the same, excepting such parts as may, in their judgment,
require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the members of either House,
on any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered
on the journal.
4. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the
consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other
place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.

constitution of the united states of america. 87
Section 6.
1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for
their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the
United States. They shall, in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach
of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the ses
sion of their respective Houses, and in going to, and returning from, the
same ; and for any speech or debate, in either House, they shall not be ques
tioned in any other place.
2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he
was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the
United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof
shall have been increased, during such time ; and no person holding any
office under the United States, shall be a member of either House during
his continuance in office. Section 7.
1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Represen
tatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments, as on
other bills.
2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives
and the Senate shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President
ofthe United States. If he approve, he shall sign it; but if not, he shall
return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall have
originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal,
and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds
of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together
with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise
be reconsidered, and, if approved by two-thirds of that House, it
shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both Houses
shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the per
sons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each
House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President
within ten days (Sunday excepted) after it shall have been presented to
him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless
the Congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return, in which case it
shall not be a law.
3. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence ofthe Sen
ate and House of Representatives may be necessary, (except on a question
of adjournment,) shall be presented to the President of the United States ;
and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or, being
disapproved by him, shall be re passed by two-thirds of the Senate and
House of Representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed
in the case of a bill. Section 8.
The Congress shall have power —
1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the
debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare, of the
United States; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform
throughout the United States : _
2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States :
3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several
States, and with the Indian tribes :
4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on
the subject of bankruptcies, throughout the United States :
5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coiu, and
fix the standard of weights and measures :

SB CONSTITUTION OP THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA.
6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and
current coin of the United States :
7. To establish post offices and post roads :
8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing, for
limited times, to] authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their re
spective writings and discoveries :
9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court :
10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high
seas, and offences against the law of nations :
11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make
rules concerning captures on land and water :
12. To raise and support armies; but no appropriation of money to
that use shall be for a longer term than two years :
13. To provide and maintain a navy :
14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and
naval forces :
15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the
Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions :
16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia,
and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service
of the United States, reserving to the States respectively the appointment
of the officers, and the authority of training the militia, according to the
discipline prescribed by Congress :
17. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such
district (riot exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular
States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of government of
the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased
by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same shall be,
for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other need
ful buildings : And
18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying
into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this
Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any depart
ment or officer thereof. Section 9.
1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States,
now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the
Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight ; but a
tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dol
lars for each person.
2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended,
unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may re
quire it.
3. No bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, shall be passed.
4. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid unless in proportion
to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.
5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State.
No preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce or revenue,
to the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound
to or from one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.
6. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of
appropriations made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the
receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time
to time. 7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States ; and no
person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the
consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title
of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.

conititution of the united states of america. 89
Section 10.
1. No State Bhall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant
letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit ; make
any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass
any hill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of
contracts ; or grant any title of nobility.
2. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any imposts or
duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary
for executing its inspection laws ; and the net produce of all duties and
imposts laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the
treasury of the United States ; and all such laws shall be subject to the
revision and control of the Congress. No State shall, without the con
sent of Congress, lay any duty on tonnage, keep troops or ships of war
in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with anotherState
or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in
such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.

ARTICLE II.
Section 1. .
1. The Executive power shall he vested in a President of the United
States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years,
and together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elect
ed as follows :
2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof
may direct, a number of electors; equal to the whole number of Senators
and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress;
but no Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of trust or
profit under the United States shall be appointed an elector.
3. [Annulled. See Amendments, Art. 12.]
4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and
the day on which they shall give their votes, which day shall be the same
throughout the United States.
5. No person, except a natural-born citizen, or a citizen Of the United
States at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to
the office of President : neither shall any person be eligible to that office
who shall not have attained the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen
years a resident within the United States.
6. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death,
resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said of
fice, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may
bylaw provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability
both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall
then act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly, until the dis
ability be removed, or a President elected.
7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a com
pensation, which shall be neither increased nor diminished during the
period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive
within that period any other emolument from the United States or any of
8." Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the
following oath or affirmation : — '¦.„,.-,. „
9. "I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the
office' of President of the United StnV=.'' uk& will, to the best of my abil
ity preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States."

90 constitution of the united states of america.
Section 2.
1. The President shall be commander-in-chief of > the army and' navy
of the United States, and of the militia of the several States, when called
into the actual service of the United States; he may .require the opinion,
in writing, of the principal officers in each of the executive departments,
upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices,^ and he
shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the
United States, except in cases of impeaohment.
2. He shall have power, by and with the advice > and consent of the
Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present con
cur ; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent ofthe
Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, judges
of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose
appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be
established by law ; but the Congress may by law vest the appointment
of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in
the courts of law, or in the heads of departments.
3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may
happen, during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions, which
shall expire at the end of their next session.
Section 3.
1. He shall, from time to time, give to tho Congress information of
the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such meas
ures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordi
nary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in case of
disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment,
he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper ; he shall re
ceive ambassadors and other public ministers ; he shall take care that
the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of
the United States. Section 4.
1. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United
States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction
of treason, bribery, or other high crimes or misdemeanors. .
ARTICLE III.
Section 1.
The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Su-:
preme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time
to time ordain and establish. The judges both of the Supreme and in
ferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at
stated times, receive for their services a compensation, which shall not
be diminished during their continuance in office.
Section 2.
1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity,
arising under this constitution, the laws of the United States, and trea
ties made, or which shall be made, under their authority; to all cases
affecting ambassadors, either public ministers and consuls; to all cases
of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to: controversies to which the
United States shall be a party; to controversies between two Or more
States, between a State and citizens of another State, between citizens
of different States, between citizens of the same State claiming lands

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 91
under grants of different' States, and between a State, or the citizens
there, and foreign States* citizens, or subjeots.
2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and con
suls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court
shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned,
the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and
fact, with such exceptions and under such regulations, as the Congress
shall make.
, 3» The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by
jury ; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall
have been committed ; but when not committed within any State, the
trial shall be at such place, or places, as the Congress may by law have
directed. Section 3.
1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying
war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and
comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testimony
of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court.
2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of trea
son, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or for
feiture, except during the life of the person attainted.
ARTICLE IV.
Section 1.
1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts,
records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress
may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records,
and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof.
Section 2.
1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and
immunities of citizens in the several States.
2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime,
who shaU flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on de
mand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be de
livered up to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime.
3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regula
tion therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be deliv
ered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.
Section 3.
1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union, but
no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any
other State ; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more
States, or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislature of the
States concerned, as well as of the Congress.
2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful
rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging
to the United States ; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed
as to prejudice any claims of the United States or of any particular State.
Section 4.
1. The United States shall guarantee to every State in the Union a re
publican form of government, and sh-ill protect each of them against

92 AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION.
invasion, and, on application of the Legislature, or of the executive, (when
the Legislature cannot be convened,) against domestic violence.
ARTICLE V.
The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it neces
sary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application
of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a conven
tion for proposing amendments, which in either case shall be valid to all
intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the
Legislatures of three-fourths, of the several States, or by conventions in
three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be
proposed by the Congress; provided that no amendment which maybe
made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, shall in any
manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first
article; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its
equal suffrage in the Senate. ARTICLE VI.
1. All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the
adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States
under this Constitution as under the confederation.
2. This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be
made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made,
under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of
the land ; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby ; any
thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the contrary notwith
standing. 3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the mem
bers of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial offi
cers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound
by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution ; but no religious test
shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under
the United States. ARTICLE VU.
The ratifications of the conventions, of nine States shall he sufficient
for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying
the same.

AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION.

ARTICLE I.

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion
or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of
speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble,
ana to petition the government for a redress of grievances.

AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 93
ARTICLE II.
A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State,
the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.
ARTICLE III.
No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house, without
the consent of the owner ; nor, in time of war, but in a manner to be
prescribed by law. ARTICLE IV.
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers,
and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be vio
lated ; and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by
oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched,
and the persons or things to be seized.
ARTICLE V.
No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous
crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in
cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual
service, in time of war, or public danger; nor shall any person be subject,
for the same offence, to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall
be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a witness against himself, nor be
deprived of life, liberty, or property* without due process of law ; nor
shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.
ARTICLE VI.
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a
speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district
wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have
been previously ascertained by law ; and to be informed of the nature
and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against
him ; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor ;
and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence.
ARTICLE VII.
In suits at common law, where the value in controversy exceeds
twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved ; and no fact,
tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United
States, than according to the rules of the common law.
ARTICLE VHI.
Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor
cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.
ARTICLE IX.
The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be con
strued to deny or disparage others retained by the people.
ARTICLE X.
The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution,
nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively,
or to the people.

94 AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION.
ARTICLE XI.
The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to ex
tend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one
of the United States by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects
of any foreign State.
ARTICLE XH. ;
1. The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by bal
lot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be
an inhabitant of the same State with themselves; they shall name in
their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the
person voted for as Vice-President ; and they shall make distinct lists of
all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-
President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall
sign, and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat of the government of
the United States, directed to the President of the Senate ; the President
of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Repre
sentatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ;
the person having the greatest number of votes .for President shall be the
President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors
appointed ; and if no person have such majority, then, from the persons
having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those
voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose im
mediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the
votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having
one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or mem
bers from two- thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be
necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not
choose a President, whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them,
before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President
shall act as President, as in case of the death, or other constitutional dis
ability, of the President.
2. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President
shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole
number of electors appointed ; and if no person have a majority, then
from the two highest numbers on the list the Senate shall choose the
Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of
the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall
be necessary to a choice.
3. Bnt no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President
shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States.
ARTICLE XIH.
If any citizen of the United States shall accept, claim, receive, pr re
tain any title of nobility or honor, or shall without the consent of Con
gress, accept or retain any present, pension, office, or emolument of any
kind whatever, from any emperor, king, prince, or foreign power, such
person shall cease to be a citizen of the United States, and shall be in
capable of holding any office of trust or profit under them, or either of
them. '

CONTENTS.

Introduction, . . . . 3
The Primary Cause, . . .4
Secession of South Carolina, . . 4
Ordinance of Secession of S. C, . 6
Declaration of Independence of S. C, 7
Effects of Secession, . . .9
Major Anderson's Coup de Etat, . 10
Forts of South Carolina, . . .10
Eange of Columbiad Shell Guns, . 11
Major Anderson's Instructions, . 12
Attack on the Star of the West, . 14
Correspondence between Anderson
and Gov. Pickens, . . .15
South Carolina War Tax, . .16
Resignation of Secretary Floyd, . 16
Secession of Georgia, . . .17
Capture of the Augusta Arsenal, . 18
Secession of Alabama, . . .19
Defences of Mobile, . . .20
Secession of Florida, . . .21
Fortifications of Florida, . . 22
Secession of Mississippi, . . .23
Secession of Louisiana, . . .25
Fortifications of Louisiana, . . 26
The action of Virginia, . . .27
The New Year, . . . .27
Crittenden, Missouri, aud Bigler
Compromises, . . . .28
Special Message of President Bu
chanan,  29
Message of Governor Morgan, . 33
Miscellaneous Messages, . . .34
Congressional and State Resolutions, 36
President Buchanan's second Special
Message, . . . .39
Charges of Treason, . . .40
Valedictory of Governor Gist, . . 41
Clinching the Nail, . . . .42
Sketch of General Scott, . . 42
Resignation of Secretary Thompson, 43
Sketch of Major Anderson, . . 44
Sketeh of Gov. Pickens of S. C, . 45

Fortifications in the Southern States, 45
Sketch of Lieut. A. J. Slemmer, . 48
Dream of John C. Calhoun, . . 49
Navy of the United States, . . 51
Resignations from the U. S. Navy, . 51
Sketch of Captain Walker of the
Brooklyn, . . . .52
Louisiana Sugar Duties, . . .63
Distribution of Arms among the
Slave States, . . . .53
"Thirty-Six Thirty," . . .53
Population of the Southern States, . 54
Debts of the Seceding States, . . 54
New Fugitive Slave Law, . . 54
Benjamin Franklin on the Crisis of
1783, . . . . .55
President Jackson's Nullification Pro
clamation, . . . .56
The British Government on Seces
sion, . . . , . 62
Trade and Shipping of Southern
Ports,  64
The Sentiment in Baltimore, . . 66
Does not Victoria own S. Carolina ? 66
The New Orleans Marine Hospital, 67
Secretary Holt and Gov. Ellis, . 68
A National Litany, . . . 68!
A Fort Retaken, . . . .69
Gen. Scott's Agency in Suppressing
Nullification in South Carolina
in 1832, . . . . .70
The Law of Treason, . . .77
The Virginia Commissioners, . . 80
Hon. D. F. Jamieson, . . .81
Compromise Measures, . . .82
A Game of Euchre, . . .83
Programme of the Southern Con
gress, . . . • .83
Major Anderson's Explanation, . 83
Captured Forts, . . . .84
Constitution of the United_ States, . 85
Amendments to the Constitution, . 92

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