°YmH«WMlT¥HIr^inrY' Bought with the income of the William C. Egleston Fund 19 SL D Southeast Corner of Fra Mauro's Map. From Santarem's Atlas. AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY of AMERICA VOLUME I By LEO WIENER PROFESSOR OF SLAVIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES AT HARVARD UNIVERSITY; AUTHOR OF "A COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS AND MEDIAEVAL DOCUMENTS." "CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARD A HISTORY OK ARABICO GOTHIC CULTURE." "HISTORY OP YIDDISH LITERATURE "HISTORY OF THE CONTEMPORARY RUSSIAN DRAMA." "ANTHOLOGY OF RUSSIAN LITERATURE." "INTERPRETA TION OF THE RUSSIAN PEOPLE;" TRANSLATOR OF THl WORKS OF TOLSTOY; CONTRIBUTOR TO GERMAN. RUSSIAN FRENCH. ENGLISH, AND AMERICAN PHILOLOGICAL PERIODICALS, ETC.. FTC. INNES & SONS 129-135 N. TWELFTH ST., PHILADELPHIA, PA. MCMXX Copyright, 1920, by Innes & Sons TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I. FOREWORD IX II. SOURCES QUOTED XI-XIX III. THE JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE AND THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 1- 54 IV. THE SECOND VOYAGE . 55-101 V. TOBACCO .... . 102-191 VI. THE BREAD ROOTS . 192-268 VII. WORD INDEX 270-283 VIII. SUBJECT INDEX . . . 284-290 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Opp. PAGE Southeast Corner of Fra Mauro's Map. From Santarem's Atlas Frontispiece Mappamondo of the British Museum of 1489. From Santarem's Atlas 26 Specimen Page of Columbus' Writing. From the Raccolta 38 Negro with Amulet on the Arm. From Hartmann's Nigritier 109 Indians Smoking Tobacco. From Thevet's Cosmographie 132 McGuire's Proof of Smoking in Mexico. From Kingsborough's Antiquities of Mexico 152 A Page from a Mexican Manuscript. From Kingsborough's An tiquities of Mexico, (Two Illustrations) 152 Peter Martyr's Beimeni. From Harrisse's Decouverte 165 Manati Pipe. From Squier's Ancient Monuments 168 Alligator Pipe. From Thruston's Antiquities of Tennessee 168 Crouching Figure Pipe. From Choris' Voyage Pittoresque 170 Tattoo Head. From Squier's Ancient Monuments 172 Tattoo Head. From Thruston's Antiquities of Tennessee 172 From Beatty's Human Leopards 173 From Binger's Du Niger 174 Indian Gorget from Etowah Mound. From Thruston's Antiquities of Tennessee 175 From Pritchett's Smokiana, (Two Illustrations) 176 From Belon's Observations 184 Manioc. From Thevet's Cosmographie 204 Sweet Potato. From Thevet's Cosmographie 263 FOREWORD While working on a Comparative Grammar of Ameri can Languages, I was confronted with a number of words which seemed to observe perfectly the phonetic laws, indicative of extreme old age, and yet were obviously introductions from Europe after the discovery of America. I intended to deal with this phenomenon in half a dozen pages, when it occurred to me that the cul tural influences of Europe upon the Indian languages needed a far more thorough examination than they had been subjected to. When I began my scrutiny, I was firmly convinced, as is the universal belief, that tobacco, manioc, yams, sweet potatoes and peanuts wen- bias ings bestowed upon the world by the Indians. A cursory study excluded the yams and the manioc Soon the peanuts followed in their wake. Next came the sweet potatoes, and at last the tobacco. It turned out that American archaeology was to a great extent built on sand. But the most painful discovery was in the line of Indian religion. Here everything turned out to be topsy-turvy. In this first volume I show that the Negroes have had a far greater influence upon American civilization than has heretofore been suspected. In the second volume I shall chiefly study the African fetiehism, which, even with the elaborate books on the subject, is wofully misunderstood, and I shall show by docu mentary evidence to what extraordinary extent the Indian medicine-man owes his evolution to the African medicine-man, who, in his turn, derives his wisdom from the popular Arabic medical science and religion. SOURCES QUOTED Acosta, J. de Adam, L. Adam, L. Ad-Dlnawarl.Alarchon, Fernando Alblrunl. Alcala. Altolaguirre y Duvale, A. de Andagoya, P. de Barbosa, Duarte Barr6, Nicholas Barret, P. Barros, J. de Battell, A. Bauhin, C. Bauhin, J. and Cherler, J. H. Beatty, K. J. Belon, P. Belon, P. Benton, P. A. Historia natural y moral de las Indias, publicada en Sevilla, Afio de 1590, 2 vols., Madrid 1894. Materiaux pour servir a l'etablissement d'une grammaire comparee des dialectes de la famille Caribe, Paris 1893, in Bibliotheque linguistique americaine, vol. XVII. Materiaux pour servir a l'etablissement d'une grammaire comparee des dialectes de la famille Tupi, Paris 1896, in Bibliotheque linguistique americaine, vol. XVIII. See Silberberg. The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, ed. by R. Hakluyt, vol. IX, Glasgow, New York 1904. See Saehau. See Lagarde. Crist6bal Col6n y Pablo del Pozzo Toscanelli, Madrid 1903. Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrarias Davila, trans, and ed. by C. R. Markham (The Hakluyt Society), London lSf',5. A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar in the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century, trans, by H. E. J. Stanley (The Hak luyt Society), London lsiili. Copie de quelques letres sur la navigation du Chevallier de Villegaignon es terres de l'Amerique oultre l'Aequinoctial, iusques soulz le tropique de Capricorne, Paris 155S. L'Afrique oceidentale, 2 vols., Paris ISSN. Decada primeira da Asia, Lisboa 162S. The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell of Leigh, ed. by E. G. Ravenstein (The Hakluyt Society), London 1901. n_ra£ Theatri Botanici Caspari Bauhini, Basileae Helvet. 1023. Historia plantarum universalis, vol. II, Ebroduni 1651. Human Leopards, London 1915. P. Bellonii Cenomani De admirabili operum anti- quorum et rerum suspiciendarum praestantia, Parisiis 1553. Les observations de plusieurs singularitez et choses memorables, trouvees en Grece, Asie, Iudee, Egypte, Arabie, et autres pays estranges, Paris 1554. Kanuri Readings, Oxford University Press 1911 xii AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Benzoni, Girolamo Bernaldez, Andres Biet, Antoine Biggar, H. P. Binger, Captain Blair, E. H. and Robertson, J. A. Blaquiere, E. Bleek, H. J. Bosman, W. Boyer, P. Breton, R. Brisson, M. J. Buchon, J. A. C. and Tastu, J. Historia Indiae Occidentalis, [Geneva] 1586. History of the New World, trans, and ed. by W. H. Smyth (The Hakluyt Society), London 1857. La Historia del Mondo Nuovo, Venetia 1572. Historia de los Reyes catolicos Dn. Fernando y Da. Isabel, in Bibliofilos andaluces, vol. I, Sevilla 1869. Voyage de la France equinoxiale en ITsle de Cayenne, Paris 1664. The Precursors of Jacques Carrier, Ottawa 1911. Du Niger au Golfe de Guinee, vol. II, Paris 1892. The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803, vols. Ill and V, Cleveland 1903. Letters from the Mediterranean, vol. II, London 1813. The Languages of Mosambique, London 1856. A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea, London 1721. Veritable relation de tout ce qui s'est fait et passe au voyage que Monsieur de Bretigny fit a l'Amerique Occidentale, Paris 1654. Dictionaire caraibe-frangois, Auxerre 1665. La regne animal, Paris 1756. Notice d'un atlas en langue Catalane, manuscrit de l'an 1375, in Notices et extraits des manu- scrits de la Bibliotheque du Roi, vol. XIV2, Paris 1841. Carrier, J. Bref recit et succincte narration de la navigation faite en MDXXXV et MDXXXVI par le Capitaine Jacques Carrier, ed. by M. D'Avezac, Paris 1863. Voyage de Jacques Carrier au Canada en 1534, ed. by H. Michelant, Paris 1865. Carvalho, H. A. Methodo pratico para fallar a lingua da Lunda, Dias de Lisboa 1890. Centenario do descobrimento da America; Memorias da Commissao Portugueza, Lisboa 1892. Champlain, S. de Oeuvres de Champlain, ed. by C.-H. Laverdiere, Quebec 1870. The Ancient Cities of the New World, trans, by J. Gonino and H. Conant, London 1887. Un voyage scientiflque a travers l'Afrique occiden tale, [Paris 1902]. Voyage pittoresque autour du monde, Paris 1822. The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon, trans, and ed. by C. R. Markham (The Hakluyt Society), London 1864. Coleccion de documentos ineditos. . . .de las antiguas posesiones espaiiolas de ultramar, Series II, vols. II and III, Madrid 1886-1887. Collection des ouvrages anciens concernant Madagascar, 7 vols., Paris 1903-1910. Charnay, D. Chevalier, A. Choris, L. Cieza de Leon SOURCES QUOTED xm Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555;, The, (The Hakluyt Society), London 1891. Crevaux, Sagot, Grammaires et vocabulaires Roucouyenne, Arrou- Adam. ague, Piapoco et d'autres langues de la Region des Guyanes, in Bibliotheque linguistique americaine, vol. VIII, Paris 1882. Cumont, Franz Textes et monuments figures relatifs aux mys- teres de Mithra, 2 vols., Bruxelles 1896- 1S99. Cuoq, J. A. Lexique de la langue iroquoise, Montreal 18s2. DeCandolle, A. Delafosse, M. Diaz del Castillo, B. Dictionnaire francais- Conakry 1906. Doutte, E. Dozy, R. and Engel- mann, W. H. Drake, Sir Francis Ducange. Geographie botanique raisonnee, vol. II, Paris, Geneve 1855. Vocabulaires comparatifs de plus de 60 langues ou dialectes paries a la C&te d'lvoire, Paris 1904. La conquista de Nueva Espana, vol. II, Paris, Buenos Aires [1912], in Biblioteca eeonomica de clasicos castellanos. malink6 et malinke-francais, par un Missionnaire, Magie et religion dans l'Afrique du Nord, Alger 1909. Glossaire des mots espagnols et portugais derives de l'arabe, Leyde, Paris 1SG9. The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, ed. by R. Hakluyt, vol. XI, Glasgow, New York, 1904. See Fletcher. Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis, ed. by Leopold Favre, Niort 1883- iss7. Ernst, A. On the Etymology of the Word Tobacco, in The American Anthropologist, Washington lsvi. Faidherbe, L. Federmann, Nikolaus Fernandes, Duarte Fischer, T. Flacourt, E. de Fletcher, F. Fontaneda. Freeman, R. A. Langues senegalaises, Paris 18*7. Indianische Historia, [Hagenaw] 1557, in K. Kliipfel, N. Federmanns und H. Stades Reisen in Sudamerica, Stuttgart 1S">9. Diario da navegacao de Pedro Lopes de Souza e Livro da viagem da Nao "Bretoa" ao Cabo Frio, Rio de Janeiro 1MS7. Fac-simile del mappamondo di Fra Mauro dell'an- no 1457, Venezia 1477. Histoire de la grande isle Madagascar, Paris 1661. The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (The Hakluyt Society), London 1S54. Memoir of Hernando de Escalante Fontaneda, respecting Florida, trans, from the Spanish by Buckingham Smith, Washington 1S54. Travels and Life in Ashanti and Jaman, West minster 1898. Fuentes para la historia de Castilla por los PP. Benedictmos de Silos, vol. II, Madrid, etc., 1907. xiv AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Gaffarel, P. Gaffarel, P. Galen. Garcilasso de la Vega. Godefroy, F. Goetz, G. Gomara, Lopez de Graff, E. G. Grant, Ch. Histoire du Bresil francais au seizieme siecle, Paris 1878. Les decouvreurs francais du XIVe au XVTe siecle, Paris 1888. Claudii Galeni opera omnia, in Medicorum grae- corum opera quae exstant, vol. XII, Lipsiae 1826. La Florida del' Inca, Madrid 1723. First Part of the Royal Commentaries of the Yncas, trans, and ed. by C. R. Markham (The Hakluyt Society), vol. II, London 1871. Dictionnaire de l'ancienne langue francaise, Paris 1881-1902. Corpus glossariorum latinorum. Historia de Mexico, Anvers 1554. Althochdeutscher Sprachschatz. The History of Mauritius, or the Isle de France, London 1801. Habler, K. Handbook of American Hariot, T. Harrisse, H. Harrisse, H. Hawkins, Sir John Hernandez, F. Hernandez, F. Herrera y Torde- sillas, A. de Hessels, J. H. Holland, P. Homburger, L. Hopkinson, E. Huttich, J. Der deutsche Kolumbus-brief, Strassburg 1900. Indians north of Mexico, vol. II, Washington 1910. A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia, London 1900. Decouverte et evolution cartographique de Terre- Neuve et des pays circonvoisins, Paris, London 1900. The Discovery of North America, Paris, London 1892. The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, ed. by R. Hakluyt, vol. X, Glasgow, New York 1904. Nova plantarum, animalium et mineralium mexi- canorum historia, Romae 1651. Cuatro libros de la naturaleza y virtudes medic- inales de las plantas y animales de la Nueva Espana, ed. by F. Ximenez, Morelia 1888. Historia general de los hechos de los castellanos en las islas i tierra firme del mar oceano, Madrid 1726-27. An Eighth-Century Latin-Anglo-Saxon Glossary, Cambridge 1890. The historie of the world. Commonly called, the Naturall historie of C. Plinius Secundus, London , 1601. Etude sur la phonetique historique du Bantou, Paris 1913. A Vocabulary of the Mandingo Language as Spoken in the Gambia, London [1912]. Novus orbis, Paris 1532. Ibn-al-Auwam. Le livre de l'agriculture d'lbn-al-Awam, trans. and ed. by J.-J. Clement-Mullet, vol. II, Paris 1866. SOURCES QUOTED xv Ibn-Batutah. Imperato, Ferrante Voyages d'lbn Batoutah, trans, and ed. by C. Defremery and B. R. Sanguinetti, vol. IV, Paris 1879. Historia naturale di Ferrante Imperato Neapoli- tano, Venetia 1672. Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, The: Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 1610-1791, vols. I and IV, Cleve land 1896, 1897. Josephus Flavius. De bello iudaico. Jumelle, H. Les cultures coloniales, vol. I, Paris 1901. Kabell, S. K. Kingsborough, E. K. KlUpfel, K. Koelle, S. W. Koelle, S. W. Krapf, L. Kretschmer, K. Lagarde, P. de Las Casas, Fray Bartolomi de Lery, J. de Letter of Columbus, Levinus Apollonius. Livre des merveilles der Lith and trans Lukach, H. C. Major, R. H. Major, R. H. Marcgraff, G. Marco Polo. America for Columbus, Ronne 1892. Antiquities of Mexico, vols. I and II, London 1830. N. Federmanns und H. Stades Reisen in Sudameri- ca, Stuttgart 1859. Outlines of aGrammar of the Vei Language.together with a Vei-English Vocabulary, London 1N53. Polyglotta Africana, London 1854. A Dictionary of the Suahili Language, London 1S82. Die Katalanische Weltkarte der Biblioteea Estense zu Modena, in Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde zu Berlin, vol. XXXII (1N97). Petri Hispani De lingua arabica libri duo, Gottin- gae 1883. Historia de las Indias, vols. I and V, Madrid 1S75, 1876. Histoire d'un voyage fait en la Terre du Bresil, autrement dite Amerique, Rochelle 157s. Histoire d'un voyage faict en la Terre du Bresil, ed. by P. Gaffarel, vol. II, Paris 1SS0. The (Lenox Library), New York 1N92. Levini Apollonii, Gandobrugani, Mittelburgensis, de Peruuiae, Regionis, inter Noui Orbis prouin- cias celeberrimae, inuentione, Antverpiae 1567. de I'lnde par le capitaine Bozorg, pub. by P. A. Van by L. Marcel Devic, Leide .NS3-1SS6. A Bibliography of Sierra Leone, Oxford 1910. India in the Fifteenth Century, London 1S57. Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, with other Original Documents, relating to his Four Voyages to the New World, London 1S70. Historia naturalis Brasiliae, Lugdun. Batavorum, Amstelodami 164S. Novus orbis regionum ac insularum veteribus in- cognitarum, Basileae 1537. Recueil de voyages et de memoires, publie par la Societe de Geographie, vol. I, Paris 1S24. II Milione di Marco Polo, testo di lingua del secolo decimoterzo, ed. by G. B. Baldelli Boni. 2 vols., Firenze 1S27. The Book of Marco Polo, trans, and ed. bv H. Yule, 2 vols., London 1S71. xvi AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Martius, K. F. P. Matthiolus, P. A. Glossaria linguarum brasiliensium, Erlangen 1863. Commentarii secundo aucti, Venetiis 1558. Commentarii, Venetiis 1565. Tractato de le piu marauegliose cose e piu not- abile, Venice 1491. Pipes and Smoking Customs of the American Aborigines, in Annual Report of the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution for 1897. Coleccion de documentos ineditos, relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion . . . . de America y Oceania, vol. XII, Madrid 1S69. Mexican and Central American Antiquities, Calendar Systems, and History, in Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 28, Washington 1904. Maundeville, Sir John McGuire, J. D. Mendoza, Luis Torres de Migeod, F. W. H. Molina, A. de Montoya, A. R. de Moorehead, W. K. Muratori, L. A. The Languages of West Africa, vol. I, London 1911. Vocabulario en lengua castellana y mexicana, Mexico 1571. Tesoro de la lengua guarani, Madrid 1639. The Stone Age in North America, vol. II, Boston and New York 1910. Rerum italicarum scriptores, vol. XV. Nieuhof, J. Gedenkweerdige Brasiliaense Zee- en Lantreize. Amsterdam 16S2. Nina-Rodrigues. L'ammisme fetichiste des negres de Bahia. Bahia 1900. Odoric de Pordenone. Olmos, A. de Oribasius. Oviedo y Valdes, Fernandez de Les voyages en Asie au XlVe siecle du bien heureux Frere Odoric de Pordenone. ed. bv H. Cordier, Paris 1891. Grammaire de la langue nahuatl ou mexicaine, published by R. Simeon, Paris 1S75. Oeuvres d'Oribase, ed. by Bussemaker and Darem- berg, vol. II, Paris 1S54. De la natural hystoria de las Indias, Toledo 1526. La historia general de las Indias, 1535. Historia general y natural de las Indias, 4 vols., Madrid 1S51-55. Libro secondo delle Indie occidentali, Vinegia 1534. Pare, A. Pelleprat, P. P. Peter Martyr. Pigafetta, A. Pigafetta, F. Platzmann, J. Oeuvres completes d'Ambroise Pare, ed. by J.-F. Malgaigne, vol. Ill, Paris 1S41. Introduction a la langue des Galibis, Paris 1655. De Orbe Novo: The Eight Decades of Peter Martyr d'Anghera, trans, and ed. by F. A. MacNutt, vol. I, New York and London 1912. Magellan's Voyage Around the World, trans, and ed. by J. A. Robertson, 2 vols., Cleveland 1906. Relatione del reame di Congo et delle circonvicine contrade, Roma 1591. Das Anonyme Worterbuch Tupi-Deutsch und Deutsch-Tupi, Leipzig 1901. SOURCES QUOTED xvn Pliny.Pritchett, R. T. Naturalis Historia. See Holland. Smokiana, London 1890. Raccolta di documenti e studi pubblicati dalla R. Commissione Colombiana pel quarto centenario dalla scoperta dell' America, parte I, vols. I, II and III, Roma 1892, parte III, vol. II, Roma 1893. Ramusio, G. B. Rauwolf, L. Reinisch, L. Richardson, J. Robinson, C. H. Rochefort, C. de Rodriguez-Ferrer, M. Rothery, G. C. Sachau, C. E. Sagard-Theodat, G. Sahagun, B. de Santarem, Vicomte de Sarnow, E. and TrUbenbach, K. Schuller, R. R. Schweinfurth, G. Sibree, James Silberberg, B. Simon, P. Skeat, W. W. and Blagden, C. O. Soares de Sousa, Gabriel Squier, E. G. and Davis, E. H. Stade, H. Delle navigationi et viaggi raccolto, 3 vols., Venetia 1588, 1583, 1565. Aigentliche Beschreibung der Raisz, 1583. Worterbuch der Bedauye-Sprache, Wien 1895. A new Malagasy-English Dictionary, Antana narivo 1885. Hausaland, London 1896. Histoire naturelle et morale des lies Antilles de l'Amerique, Roterdam 1665. Naturaleza y civilizacion de la grandiosa isla de Cuba, vol. I, Madrid 1876. The Amazons in Antiquity and Modern Times, London 1910. The Chronology of Ancient Nations, London 1879. Le grand voyage du pays des Hurons, Paris 1865. Histoire generale des choses de la Nouvelle- Espagne, par le R. P. Fray Bernardino de Sahagun, trans, and ed. by D. Jourdanet and R. Simeon, Paris 1880. Atlas, compose de mappemondes, de portulans, Paris 1842-53. Mundus Novus, Strassburg im Elsass 1903. El vocabulario araucano de 1642-1643, Santiago de Chile 1907. Im Herzen von Afrika, vol. I.Leipzig, London 1874. The Mammals of Madagascar, in the Antana narivo Annual, No. XIX. Das Pflanzenbuch des Aba Hanifa Ahmed ibn Da' fid ad-Dinawari, in Zeitschrift fiir Assyri ologie, vols. XXIV and XXV. Primera parte de las noticias historiales de las conquistas de tierra firme en las Indias Occi dentals, Cuenca 1627. Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula, vol. II, London 1906. Tratado descriptivo do Brasil em 15S7, Rio de Janeiro 1S79. Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, in Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. I, Washington 1818. N. Federmanns und H. Stades Reisen in Sud- america, 1529 bis 1555, ed. by K. Kliipfel, Stuttgart 1S59. The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse, trans, by A. Tootal (The Hakluyt Society), London 1874. xviii AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Stapleton, W. H. Steinen, K. von den Steinen, K. von den Steinthal, H. Stoll, O. Stoll, O. Strachey, W. Comparative Handbook of Congo Languages, Yakusu, Stanley Falls 1903. Die Bakairi-Sprache, Leipzig 1892. Unter den Naturvolkem Zentral-Brasiliens, Berlin 1894. Die Mande-Neger-Sprachen, Berlin 1867. Die Maya-Sprachen der Pokom-Gruppe, Wien 1888. Zur Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala, Zurich 1884. The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia, ed. by R. H. Major (The Hakluyt Society), London 1849. Tavera-Acosta, B. Ternaux-Compans, H. Thacher, J. B. Thevet, Andre Thevet, Andre Thiel, B. A. Thomas, C. Thomas, C. Thruston, G. P. 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Memoriales de Fray Toribio de Motolinia, manu- scrito de la coleccion del Senor Don Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta, published by Garcia Pimen- tel, Mejico, Paris, Madrid 1903. The Ban of the Bori, London [1914]. Histoire de la Nouvelle-France par Marc Lescarbot, vol. Ill, Paris 1866. Valdivia, Luiz de Vespucci, Amerigo Vignaud, H. Arte y gramatica general de la lengua que corre en todo el Reyno de Chile, Lima 1606. The Solderini Letter 1504 in Facsimile, in Vespucci Reprints, Texts and Studies, II, Princeton Univ. Press 1916. Toscanelli and Columbus, London 1902. SOURCES QUOTED xix Watt, George Welwitsch, F. Westermann, D. Westermann, D. White, J. Wieser, Fr. R. v. Wieser, Fr. R. v. A Dictionary of the Economic Products of India, vols. VI1, VI4, London, Calcutta 1892, 18rJ.3. Catalogue of the African Plants, vol. I3, London 1898. Die Sudansprachen, Hamburg 1911. Worterbuch der Ewe-Sprache, Berlin 1905. The Ancient History of the Maori, His Mythology and Traditions, 6 vols., Wellington 1SS7-1S90. Die Cosmographiae Introductio des Martin Wald- seemiiller (Ilacomilus; in Faksimiledruck, Strass burg 1907. Die Weltkarte des Albertin de Virga, aus dem Anfange des XV. Jahrhunderts, Innsbruck 1912. Yule, H. Yule, H. Cathay and the Way Thither (The Hakluyt Society), vol. II, London 1913. The Book of Marco Polo, 2 vols., London 1871. Zeitschrift fur afrikanische Sprachen, 1889. CHAPTER I. The Journal of the First Voyage and the First Letter of Columbus. The Journal of the First Voyage is clearly based on an account written by Columbus himself, but this account has been modified, enlarged, and, in spots, curtailed by some editor to such an extent that it is not always possible to reconstruct the original text by which to judge the veracity of Columbus. Nor is it possible to ascertain definitely the date of its com position, although it will appear from a study of the text that much of it, if not all, was already in existence when the First Letter appeared in 1493. On October 11, 1492, land was first sighted and "they came to a little island of the Lucayos, which in the lan guage of the Indians was called Gunnaharu".1 These are not the words of Columbus, as may be gathered from the clause "they came." Here, right at the very first discovery, we are confronted with one difficulty. How could Columbus or any one connected with him have known on October 11 or 12, for it was two o'clock A. M., that they had come to an archipelago, which, besides, bore the name of Lucayos? All the names given by Columbus to islands, harbors, rivers, etc., are intelligible and drawn from a previous nomen clature. Then, what is Lucayos? The word does not occur again in any of the writings of the first voyagers to America, and so is unquestionably a miswriting of some other word. 1 "Llegaron k una isleta de los Lucayos, que se llamava en lengua de Yndios Guanahani," Raccolta di documenti e studi pubblicati dalla R. Com missione Colombiana, Roma 1892, parte I, vol. I, p. 16. 2 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Columbus never for a moment doubted the fact that, by going west, he would reach China, Japan, and the islands of the Indian Ocean, and he carried with him mappamondos in which that part of the world was given in the extreme east. We do not know what map or maps he carried with him, but it must be emphasized at the start that the assumption that Paolo Toscanelli had in 1474 sent Columbus a chart accompanied by a letter to Ferdinando Martini, which has formed the subject of such heated controversy,1 is based on a series of blunders, such as are responsible for nearly all the nonsense contained in the writings connected with Columbus. We know from a large number of statements made by Columbus himself that one of his chief sources of geographical knowledge was Ptolemy. He wrote, in his Journal of the Third Voy age: "As your Highnesses know, only a short while ago no other land was known except what Ptolemy wrote about, and there was no one in my day who believed that it was possible to sail from Spain to the Indies".2 Had Columbus received any such inti mation from Toscanelli, he would have mentioned it as corroborative proof of his idea, with wliich, as he goes on to say, he pestered the court for seven years. He is even more specific about his obligation to Ptolemy, and expresses his individual theory as to the rotundity of the earth: "I had always read that the world, the earth and water, was spherical, and the authorities and experiences which Ptolemy and all the others who had written of this universe gave and proved by it, both by eclipses of the moon and by other demonstra tions,"3 etc. He accepted Ptolemy's calculation of 56% miles to the degree.4 ' H. Vignaud, Toscanelli and Columbus, London 1902, A. de Altolaguirre y Duvale, Cristdbal Colon y Pablo del Pozzo Toscanelli, Madrid 1903, etc. 2 Raccolta, parte I, vol. II, p. 22. 3 Ibid., p. 35. ' Ibid., p. 37. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 3 He particularly referred, in his Fourth Voyage, to the correction made in this respect by Ptolemy, which had proved to be correct from experience: "Ptolemy thought that he had well corrected Marinus, and now his writing is found to be very near the truth. Ptolemy placed Catigara twelve lines from the east, which he had placed above the Cape of St. Vincent, in Portugal, at two and one third degrees. Marinus established the earth and boundaries at 15 hnes. Marinus put down the equinoctial line in Ethiopia at more than 24 degrees, and now the Portuguese who sail there find it correct. Ptolemy says that the most southerly land is the first place, and does not go down more than 15% degrees. The world is small. The continent is six parts, and only the seventh is covered with water. Experience has shown it so and I wrote of it in other letters, with reference to Holy Writ, and the location of the terrestrial Paradise, which the Holy Church approves. I say that the world is not as large as people say, and that one degree of the equinoctial is 56% miles."1 This passage has not come down in Columbus' own handwriting, but from the usual abbreviation of Ptolomeus by Columbus as Phtolom, Pht, and of Marini as Marli, we may be quite sure that the two in some copy appeared as ptos and marTT, misread, the first as P. Tos(ca?iclli) and the second as Marti, that is, Martini. With the aid of Columbus' own statements a clever forger or an ignoramus, such, as we shall soon see, as composed the Journal of the First Voyage and the First Letter, concocted the Letter of Paolo Tos canelli to Martini, in place of Ptolemy's corrections of Marinus. It is true, Las Casas again and again refers to the map which "Paulus physicus" had sent 1 Ibid., p. 183 f. 4 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Columbus, and which he himself had seen,1 but this only proves that Las Casas, who was far from being a critical author, as we shall later see, had absolute faith in the statement of the forger that Toscanelli had sent Columbus a map, and that the one he had was that very map. As all the blunders in Columbus arise from mis- readings of words found in the Catalan, Fra Mauro's and Albertin de Virga's maps, it is most likely that he had one or more maps made up from these or similar mappamondos, and there is not the slightest need of invoking the aid of Toscanelli, who, outside of the spurious correspondence with Martini is not even known as a cartographer. Now, the Catalan map of 13752 has at the bottom a siren, over which is the following legend: "Mar de les tiles delles Indies hon son les especies; en la qual mar navega gran navilli de diverses gens. E son aci atrobades III natures de peix qui sappellen Sarenes: la una que es miga fembra e miga peix, et l'altre miga fembra e miga aucell." The Catalan map of the Biblioteca Estense of Modena, which is of the fifteenth century,3 has a fuller account of this sea: Mar de les indies en la quail a Sea of the Indies, in which lie moltis e diuerses illes en les quals se many divers islands, where all kinds fan tota manera de spezies hon of spices are produced. Here live abiten gens fort flaques de cor per people who are cowardly in battle. batalla. en aquella mar nauagan a On that sea navigate large ships of gran nauiles e diuerses gens, e son various nations. There are there asci atrobades tres natures de sire- three kinds of sirens, — one is half nes la vna es miga fimbra e mig pey woman, half fish, another is half laltra miga fimbra e mig ocell laltra woman, half bird, and the third is miga fimbra e mig cauall les quals half woman, half horse, that graze pasturen e de mangan per astes mars there and live on the fish of the sea e ancara daltres.4 and on other things. 1 Altolaguirre, op. cit., p. 384 ff. , l,J.;,A-,9- Buchon et J- Tastu (in Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque du Roi, Paris 1841), p. 138. 3K. Kretschmer, Die Katalanische Weltkarte der Biblioteca Estense zu Modena, in Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde zu Berlin, vol. XXXII (1897), p. 65 ff. 4 Ibid., p. 108. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 5 Columbus, who was very credulous, is reported to have seen three sirens on January 9, 1493. x Apparently the reference is to manatis, but it is significant that he is made to see three sirens, for the three kinds of sirens of the Catalan maps. If we write Illes de les Indies in Gothic type, in order to reproduce approximately the semiuncial writing of the maps, 3IIUH it itB HInoifB, the last word may easily be misread Lucaies, the word which appears in the Journal as the name of the archipelago, which on October 11 or 12 was not yet discovered. The first island Columbus saw, apparently at 2 A. M. of October 12, was called Guanahanl. It does not appear that Columbus used that name in his First Voyage,2 for, where his words are quoted, we hear only of the new name, San Salvador.3 In the First Letter, however, Columbus is made to say that he named the island San Salvador, which the Indians called Guanahanl.4 The many variations of the name in the Spanish Letter do not permit us to determine what the original spelling of the word may have been, because Guanahani is obviously normalized, to bring it in keep ing with the Latin form. We have fortunately a ( ! er m an translation of the Letter which will more than once prove of incalculable service to us. 1 "El dia passado, quando el almirante yva al rio del oro dixo que vido tres serenas, que salieron bien alto de la mar; pero no eran tan hermosas como las pintan, que en alguna manera tenian forma de hombre en la cara. dixo que otras vezes vido algunas en Guinea en la costa de la Manegueta," Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 93. ' "Los Yndios que consigo lleva, que tom6 en la ysla de Guanahani," October 28; "ciertos Yndios de Guanahanl que querian yr con el," October 30; "uno de los que consigo tra^a de Guanahani," November 2; "Yndios, que tra^a, que avfa tornado en Guanahani, que llam6 San Salvador," November 20. 3 Under October 14, 15, 19. * "Primeque earum 'Divi Salvatoris' nomen imposui, cuius fretus aurilio tam ad hanc quam ad ceteras alias pervenimus; eam vero Indi Guanahanin vocant," "los Indios la llaman Guanahanl (Guanaham, Guanabam, Guana- huni, Ghuanaham)," Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 121. 6 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA The German translation1 claims to have been made in 1497 from a Catalan version together with the Latin Letter, and it is clear that the Catalan prototype had many variations which are older than those found in the Spanish and Latin versions. Here we read: "Die erst die ich gefunde hab, habe ich geheissen diui saluatoris. Das ist zu tuetsch des gotlichen be- halters vn selig machers. zu einer gedechtnysz syner wunderlichez hohen maiestat die mir dar zu geholffen hat. vfi die von India heissent sie gwanahim." If we write this gwanahim in Gothic type in semiuncials and slightly reduce the height of the first stroke of the h, we see at a glance that we have here a misreading of giaua min., Java the Less, the very first island we strike in the map of Fra Mauro2 among the islands of the Indies. Here the island in the extreme east, hence to Columbus the first to be met with in the west, is marked Isola Giava minor, and to the right of it is the legend: "Giava minor isola fertilissima la qual a molti regni ed e circumdada da molte isole nele qual nasce le specie sotil et nela dita giava nasce zenzero e altre specie nobile in gran quantita e tute quele che nasce in questa e nele altre al tempo de recolte vien porta da a giava mazor e deli se despensa in tre parte una per zarione che baio latra per el mar de india a hormus zide e a la mecha e la terza per el mar de chataio da la parte de tramontana et in questa isola segondo el testimonio de queli che navegano questo mar el se vede el polo antarticho levado uno brazo." Columbus was not satisfied with the island, but decided on October 13 to leave the next day for the 1 K. Habler, Der deutsche Kolumbus-brief, Strassburg 1900. 2 T. Fisher, Facsimile del mappamondo di Fra Mauro dell' anno 1457, Venezia 1477, — but this is hardly legible. For the readings I use the repro duction in Santarem's Atlas, eomposi de mappemondes, de portulans, Paris 1842-53. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 7 southwest, where many told him there was land, that is, he decided to lose no time and go in search of Cipango. As he was not satisfied with the islands which he discovered the next few days, there being no great quantity of gold there, even though Fra Mauro marked to the southwest Capangu, he was unable to give them names, "as the Indians called them," and so was satisfied with "Sancta Maria de la Concepcion" and "Fernandina." For the time being we hear nothing more of Cipango, and on October 17 he writes: "I wanted to proceed to the south and southeast, because that region, as all those Indians say whom I am taking with me, and somebody else from whom I had signs of this part to the south, to that island which they call Samoet, where is the gold." The island he made for was just as disappointing as had been Cipango, and so "all these Indians returned to tell that this island was much smaller than the island of Samoet.'" On October 19 he reached a large island, "the large island which the people of San Salvador whom I brought with me called the island of Stwmete, and which I named 'Islabela'." It did not take Columbus long to see that Smnnete was not the rich island of gold he expected it to be, so he cautiously said that very day: "There is here no village, except further inland, where the men I am taking along say there is the king and much gold. In the morning I wish to go far enough ahead, so as to find the village, and see or converse with this king, who, according to the signs they make, rules all these neighboring islands, and is covered with much gold. But I do not pay much attention to what they say, because I do not understand them well, and because I think that they are so poor in gold that any small amount the king may have appears to them to be much. This I called 'Cabo Fermoso,' which, I think, is a 8 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA different island from Saometo, and there are other small ones between, and I do not care to see them in detail, because I could not do so in fifty years, because I want to discover as much as I can, in order to return, God willing, to Your Highnesses in April. The truth is that, if I find anywhere gold or spices in quantity, I shall stop there until I have of it as much as I can, and so all I do is to go and look for it." Having decided that Saometo was not worth the while, Colum bus foxily dropped the name on October 20, when we hear of it for the last time. On Fra Mauro's map we have, south of Capangu, which has temporarily proved a failure, the large island "Isola Siamotra over Tap- robana",1 with the legend "in questa se trova auro et altre nobilie." It needs no further discussion to prove that Columbus' Samoet, Saometo is no other than Siamotra. It is necessary here to direct the attention to Colum bus' whimsicalness in naming and renaming islands. We notice that on October 19 he named the island Islabela. There can be no doubt that that was his original name, for he says of the first cape he saw, "and here I called it 'Capo Hermoso,' which is in the west, and is beautiful, round, and very deep, without shoals outside. . . . This whole coast, and the part of the island which I saw is all like a beach, and the island is the most beautiful I ever saw, and if the other islands are very beautiful, this one is more so." And yet, on the next day Columbus is quoted as calling it Isabela, and as such it is mentioned again under No vember 20. In the First Letter we have the readings Isla bella, Isabela, Lisabetta, Hysabella. Here again the German translation shows that the original reading was Isla bella, for we read: "Die vierde hab ich geheissen die hubsche insel." And yet, in his Journal 1 H. Yule, The Book of Marco Polo, London 1871, vol. II, p. 23S. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 9 of the Second Voyage, Columbus is said to name the island "Ysabela, in memory of Queen Ysabel."1 On October 21 all is again changed: "I wanted here to fill all the ship vessels with water, so that, if the weather was favorable, I might sail around the island, in order to call on the king and find out whether I could get from him the gold which I hear he has, and then to set sail for another very large island, which I think must be Cipango, from the indications given me by the Indians whom I have with me, and which they call Colba, in which island, they say, there are ships and very many skilled mariners, and that other island which they call Bofio, which, they say, is also very great; and the other islands which are intermedi ate I shall see in passing, and if I find any signs of gold or spices, I shall determine what to do. I have. however, made up my mind to go to the mainland and the city of Quinsay, and present the letters your Highnesses have given me to the Great Khan, and ask for an answer, and return home with it." We may here state without circumlocution that Columbus lied every time he said that the Indians he had with him told him so and so. At most they could only have repeated the words which Columbus shouted at them, and it is clear that he asked them "Cipango'?" and they made some kind of attempt to repeat the word. What really happened was this. Columbus failed to find Cipango where he had first placed it. He looked on various maps, and found it variously located and more variously named. We have already heard of Fra Mauro's Capangu. Albertin de Virga2 called it "caparu siue iaua magna" and described it as "ysola caparuu soto lonperio dindia mazor soe seti rignami molto abitabili con pouolo 1 Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 161. 2F. R. v. Wieser, Die Weltkarte des Albertin de Virga, aus dem Anfange des XV. Jahrhunderts, Innsbruck 1912. 10 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA magno."1 The Italian MSS. of Marco Polo read Zipagu, Zipangu, Zibagum, Gunpangue,2 Gipangu.3 Caparun, Capangu must have gone through a form Cypangu, Cupangu, or something like it. The various readings are due to the marking of n by a long stroke over the word, Cupagu, which did not make it possible to determine where the n belonged. We do not know with what form of this Cipango Columbus pestered the Indians on his ship, but we know what they said, from an account preserved by Herrera, which is so circumstantial as to leave no doubt as to its authenticity and its presence in Colum bus' original account: "Since the Spaniards asked a great deal about gold of the Indians whom they carried with them on the ships, they answered Cuba- nacan, and they thought that they wanted to say 'the Great Khan,' and that this land was near the Land of Cathay, because they indicated four days' voyage. Martin Alonso Pincon said that it must be some great city which was four days' journey away, but they soon found out that Cubanacan was the province in the center of Cuba, because nacan meant as much as 'in the middle,' and that there were there gold mines."4 On October 23 Columbus wrote: "I should like to go to the island of Cuba, which, I think, must be Cipan go, according to the indications which these people give of its greatness and wealth, and I did not stop lIbid., p. 16. 2 G. B. Baldelli Boni, II Milione di Marco Polo, testo di lingua del secolo decimoterzo, Firenze 1827, vol. I, p. 151. 3 Ibid., vol. II, p. 361. 4 "Como los Castellanos preguntaban mucho por el Oro a los Indios, que llevaban en las Naves, respondian, Cubanacdn, i ellos pensaban, que querian decir, el Gran Can, i que debia de estar cerca la Tierra del Catayo, porque tambien senalaban a quatro jornadas. Martin Alonso Pincon decia, que debia de ser alguna Gran Ciudad, que estaba aquellas quatro jornadas de alii; pero no tardo mucho en saberse, que Cubanacdn era Provincia enmedio de Cuba, porque Nacdn significa tanto, como enmedio, i que alii havia Minas de Oro," 1.1.15, and Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 38. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 11 here any longer, nor sail around it, in order to go to the settlement, as I had intended, in order to meet the king or lord, so as not to be detained too long, since I see that there are here no gold mines, and to sail about these islands there is need of various winds, and it does not blow here as the men would like it to, and I must go where there are great advantages. I say, there is no reason for stopping, and good reason for going on and discovering much land, until I find one very profitable, although it is my understanding that this land is very rich in spices." On October 24 he continues: "This night, at midnight, I weighed the anchors at the island of Isabela near Cape del Isleo, which is in the north, where I was staying, in order to make for Cuba, which I heard from these men was very great and prosperous, and where there was gold and spices, and great ships, and merchants, and they told me that I must go west-south-west. And I think so myself, for I think it is as all those Indians of these islands told me by signs, and also the Indians whom I am carrying with me in my ships, for I do not understand their language, namely that it is the island of Qipango, of which they tell marvelous things, and in the spheres which I saw and in the drawings of the mappamondo it is in this neighborhood." As usual, Cuba was a will-o-the-wisp. After dis covering an island, he decided on October 30 that Cuba was still further away: "Having proceeded fifteen leagues, the Indians who were voyaging in the caravel Pinta said that back of this cape was a river, and from the river to Cuba were four days' sailing, and the captain of the Pinta said that he understood that this Cuba was a city, and that this land was a very large continent, which extended much to the north, and that the king of this land waged war with the Great Khan, whom they called cami, and his land or 12 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA city Saba (Fava), and many other names. The admiral decided to reach that river, and to send a present to the king of the land, and to send him the letter of the Bang and Queen, and for this he had a sailor who had gone to Guinea on the same business, and certain Indians of Guanahani, who wanted to go with him, if they would afterwards be returned to their land. As it seemed to the admiral, the equinoctial line was 42 degrees distant from the north, if the text from which I translated this is not corrupt; and he says that he must try to go to the Great Khan, who, he thought, was nearby, or to the city of Cathay, which is the city of the Great Khan, which, he says, is very great, as he was told before leaving Spain." On November 2 Columbus decided to send Rodrigo de Xerez and Luis de Torres, who had lived with the adelantado of Murcia and was a Jew and knew Hebrew and Chaldaic and some Arabic, to see the king of Cuba, in order to present the letters and find out all that was necessary. Naturally, a man who knew Arabic, and another who knew the language of Guinea, as we heard before, were especially adapted to hold con verse with the kings of the Indies. There can also be no doubt that many of the queer etymologies which we shall encounter really proceeded frdm these two eminent philologists, the Guinea sailor and the Jew Torres. We saw that Cipango produced some such form as Cupago, which led to Cubanacan. Somebody at once suggested that this must be Cublaycan "the Great Khan," "but they soon found out" that the etymology really meant "inside of Cuba," Herrera suggesting the division Cuba + nacan. In reality the division is Cubana + can, where can stands for Man- dingo konno "inside." Here obviously the Guinea ambassador suggested the etymology. Columbus at first accepted the first verdict and so wrote Colba, THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 13 for Cobla, as the name of the island, which he at once changed to Cuba. On October 30 we saw the Journal mention Cuba also as Saba or Fava. Although Columbus was still in search of Cipango, he really was making for a large island to the south, which several maps gave as Iaua, that is, Java, though Fra Mauro placed it to the north, where Japan should be. This Java, written Jana, was in the Catalan map of 1375 identified with Ceylon, while in the Modena Catalan map Iana is placed next to Ceylon. Odoric of Pordenone called it Fana.1 In the Journal we first meet it as Saba or Fava, and the description given of Cuba or Fava is identical with Odoric's, which says that it is a very large island, the second best in the world, and the Creat Khan of Cathay has often waged war with this king; and Marco Polo says that it is the greatest island in the world, and that the Great Khan could never take possession of this island.2 On December 5 the Journal suddenly speaks of "Cuba or Juana," t<> which Las Casas remarks: "It seems that here the Admiral called Cuba 'Juana'." We have nowhere any state ment that Columbus called it so, except in the First Letter, where it is most likely an afterthought, to bring it in line with Ferdinanda and Isabella, of which the latter is itself an afterthought. The forms Saba, Fava used in the Journal suggest that this Juana was originally Jana, again for Java. Disappointed in his search for the island of gold, Columbus on November 12 decided " to go to the island which the Indians he had with him called Baveque (Baheque), where, they say by signs, the people pick up the gold on the beach at night by candlelight and then beat it into rods with a hammer." As usual, 1 H. Cordier, Les voyages en Afie au XIV' siecle du bienheureux Frere Odoric de Pordenone, Paris 1891, p. 161 f. 1 Yule, op. cit., vol. II, p. 217. 14 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA this Baveque, also spelled Baneque, Vaneque, Veneque, proved a disappointment. Here we can study the manner in which errors become perpetuated and multiplied. Certain editions of Odoric, apparently of a later date, make reference to Bothonigo, Boteingo, Recemgo, Resengo,1 and the Ferari edition of Maunde- ville, published in 1491, similarly speaks of Botegon.2 This island is placed between Sumatra and Java, but nothing is said of it. It is apparently due to Nicolo Conti's or his source's story, which in Nicolo Conti runs as follows: "In una parte della sopradetta isola, che chiamano batech, gli habitatori mangiano carne humana, e stanno in continua guerra con i lor vicini. e gli fu detto che serbano le teste humane per un thesoro, perche preso che hanno rinimico, gli leuano la testa, e mangiata che hanno la carne, adoperano la crepa ouer osso per moneta, e quando vogliono com- prare alcuna mercantia danno due 6 tre teste all'in- contro d'essa mercantia secondo il suo valore, e colui che ha piu teste in casa, vien riputato per il piu ricco."3 It is clear that Batech here refers to the Bataks or Battas, who are headhunters, but the story that they use heads, or pieces of the skull for money is the result of a series of blunders, which we shall now investigate. Marco Polo tells of the cowries used in Carajan as follows: "Their money is such as I will tell you. They use for the purpose certain white porcelain shells that are found in the sea, such as are sometimes put on dogs' collars; and 80 of these porcelain shells pass for a single weight of silver, equivalent to two Venice groats, i.e. 24 piccoli. Also eight such weights 1 H. Cordier, op. cit., p. 159. 2 "Asai apresso questa isola e un altra la quale se chiama botego la quale e molto boa e de diuerse gete e perche uoledo parlare de tuto sarebe logissimo sermde. io no parlero di tute ma pigliaro le piu notabile," chap. CXXXVII. 3 Delle navigationi et viaggi raccolto da M. Gio. Batt. Ramusio, Venetia 1588, vol. I, fol. 339 e. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 15 of silver count equal to one such weight of gold."1 One Latin manuscript2 simply says: "Et expendunt pro moneta porcellanas albas quae inveniuntur in mare, et valent octuaginta porcellanae unum sagium de auro fino." The early sixteenth century Latin translation3 reads, "utuntur pro moneta lapillis quibusdam aureis et albis, qui in mari reperiuntur." Here the porcellanae "shells," have become gold stones. One Italian version4 has it: "egli spendono per moneta porcellane bianche che si truovano nel mare, e che se ne fanno le scodelle," where porcellane "shells" is eon- fused with porcelain from which bowls are made, while another version6 says, "spendono per moneta por cellane bianche, le quali si truovano al mare, e ne pongono anco al collo per ornamento," where the cowries are worn around the neck as an ornament. Speaking of the country of Locac, Marco Polo says:6 "In this kingdom too are gathered all the porcelain shells which are used for small change in all those regions, as I have told you before." One Latin version7 says the same: "ibi invenit unam provinciam quae vocatur Locheac, et de ista provincia vadunt omnes porcellanae unde fiunt monetae de illis contractis." The sixteenth century Latin edition^ reads: "utuntur incolae (Bocach) pro moneta glebis quibusdam aureis." Here the shells have been changed into golden clods, and Locach has become Bocach. In Conti Bocach, confused with the Bataks, produces Batech, and the headhunters are made to 1 Yule, op. cit., vol. II, p. 39. 2 Recue.il de voyages et de memoires, public par la Societe de Giographie, Paris 1824, vol. I, p. 402. 3Novus orbis regionum ac insularum veteribus incognitarum , Basileae 1537, p. 381. 4 II Milione, vol. I, p. 110 f. 3 Ibid., vol. II, p. 263. 1 Yule, op. cit., vol. II, p. 219. 7 Recueil, op. cit., vol. I, p. 442. " Novus orbis, p. 400. 16 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA use the skulls and parts of the skulls as money, through a confusion of Lat. testa "potsherd" and Ital. testa "head," because cowries are "shells," that is, bits resembling potsherds. Now, Marco Polo distinctly refers to porcellana as " Chinese porcelain: " " There is a town called Tyunju, where they make vessels of porcelain of all sizes, the finest that can be imagined."1 In Ramusio's version2 we are told that the earth for the porcelain is from mines. From all these confusions it appears that the porcelain is confused with gold, which is mined in a mine, obviously by candlelight, and is made into sherds or vessels. From this compound confusion we get the account in the Journal of gold mined by candlelight and beaten into rods, wliich is found at Babeque, Baneque, a phonetic descendant of Batech, Boeach, Locac. When this island, too, proved a failure, it was forgotten and is never mentioned again. On October 21 Columbus placed the island of Bofio next to Cuba. On November 1 he said of the people of Cuba that "they wage war with the Great Khan whom they call cavila, and the province Basan (Bafan), and they go about naked, like the rest." If we compare this with the statement under October 30, we see that cavila must be a corruption of caniba, while in the place of Fava, Saba, that is, of Java or Sumatra, we now hear of a province Basan, Bafan. On November 4 Bohio is mentioned in the Journal as a "place:" "He showed them gold and pearls, and certain old men said that in a place called Bohio there was an infinite quantity of them, and that they wore it at the neck, ears, arms, and legs, and they wore pearls also. He understood also that they said that there were large ships, and commerce, and all this to the 1 Yule, op. cit., vol. II, p. 186. 2 Ibid., p. 190. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 17 south-east. He understood that a distance away from there there were people with one eye, and others with dogs' snouts, who ate men and, when they caught one, they drank his blood and cut off his genitals." On November 13 the Journal was not yet sure that Cuba was distinct from Vosio, although the Indians claimed that it was. Indeed, on November 23 Bohio is still "a land or cape:" "After this cape there was another land or cape, which also stretched to the east, and which the Indians whom he carried with him called Bohio, which, they said, was very large, and that there were people in it with one eye in the forehead, and others called canibales, of whom they were appar ently very much afraid, and seeing that he was going that way they could not talk, because they ate them and they are a well armed people. The Admiral says that he believes there is something in it, but that, being armed, they must be a clever people (gente de raz6n), and he thinks that, having caught some of them who did not return home, they said they ate them. They thought the same of the Christians and of the Admiral, when they saw them in the beginning." Here we have the evolution of a myth, which will become imbedded in human thought, from its beginning on October 30 to its complete formulation on Novem ber 23 of the same year. 1. (October 30). They wage war with the Great Khan (cami), whose city is Fava. 2. (November 1). They wage war with the Great Khan (cavila), the province being Basan. 3. (November 23). Bohio is a place where can (bales live, who eat human flesh. All this has evolved from Marco Polo. Sumatra (or Java the Less, or Cipango, for all of these are con fused, not only in the old maps, but also in the mind of Columbus), according to Marco Polo consists of 18 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA eight kingdoms, of which Marco Polo claims to have visited only six.1 The first is Ferlec, where the hill people eat human flesh; the second is Basma, whose people are like beasts without laws or religion, and call themselves subjects of the Great Khan, although they pay him no tribute; then follow Samara, Dagroian. Lambri, Fansur. The city of the Great Khan is called Cambalu, Cambalech,2 etc. From these two facts follows the myth of the can nibals. In the Latin copy of Marco Polo, printed in 14S5, which Columbus owned and annotated,3 Basma appears as Bosnian.* This would be written by Columbus Bosan, or, if he read it Bosinan, it would be written Bosia or Bosian. Thus we get from it at once Basan and Bosio, and, if the stroke above the word crosses the long s, we also get Bofio. So far we have all three mainly as a province or place. These people, being subject to the Great Khan at Cambalu (this read as Canibalu), call the Great Khan Caniba, and, since they, like the people of Ferlec, are eaters of human flesh, the name of the city of the Great Khan is trans ferred to the people of whom they are afraid and who become the canibales. At the same time it must be remembered that on November 23 Columbus did not yet share the Cannibal myth with the men around him, and believed the canibales to be the clever people. On November 26 Columbus sighted an island which, he thought, was the one the Indians called Bohio. "All the people whom he has found up to the present are very much in fear of the people of Caniba or Canima, and they say that they live in this island of •Yule, op. cit., vol. II, p. 226 ff. 'Ibid., vol. I, p. 309, et passim. 3 Raccolta, parte I, vol. II, p. 446 ff. 4 Ibid., p. 464. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 19 Bohio, which must be very large, as it seemed to him, and he believes that they come and take them in their lands and houses, since they are very cowardly and know nothing of arms; and so it seems to him that the Indians whom he has with him do not settle near the seashore, because they are near to this land, and when they saw him take possession of the land, they could not speak, for they were afraid they would be eaten, and they could not get rid of the terror, and they said that they had only one eye and the face of a dog, and the Admiral thought that they were lying, and the Admiral thought that they must be sub ject to the Great Khan, since they captured them." On December 5 Columbus is made once more to reiterate his belief that the cannibals had a bad repu tation only because they were more clever than the rest: "Sailing this way he looked to the southeast and saw land, and it was a very great island, which, he said, he already had been informed by the Indians was called Bohio and was populated. Of these people the people of Cuba or Juana and of all these islands are in great fear, because they think that they eat men. The Indians told him other marvelous things by signs, but the Admiral said he did not believe them, except that the people of Bohio had more cleverness and better minds, and so they captured those who were very cowardly." On December 11 the Indians told Columbus "that the island of Bohio was larger than Juana, which they called Cuba, and that it was not surrounded by water, and he seems to imply that it is the mainland, which is behind this island of Espanola, which they call Caritaba and which is infinite; and so they are almost right for being very much afraid of the astute people, because all these islands live in great fear of the Caniba, 'and so he repeated as he had said before,' says he, 'that the 20 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Caniba are none other than the people of the Great Khan, who must be very near to this place, and there will be there ships, and they will come to capture them, and since they do not return they think that they have eaten them. Every day we understand better these Indians, and they us, though many a time we have been at cross purposes,' says the Admiral." At first Bohio was to have been the place of the Great Khan. When Columbus found himself disappointed, Bohio was at the same time supposed to be the island of Hispaniola, and not to be it, and the Caniba, the "clever" people, were put off further away. And all of a sudden Bohio is called Caritaba. But this is a mere miswriting for Caribata. On December 19 a province of Bohio or Hispaniola is called Caribata, and so a mountain is called Caribata. On December 26 we are specifically told that the province of Caribata was in Hispaniola, which they called Bohio. But Caribata is the Garibalu of the Catalan maps, an ancient city near Cambalu,1 and Kretschmer is quite right, when he regards this Garibalu as a mere phonetic variation of Cambalech.2 On the same December 26 the Caniba are by the Indians called Caribes, the Caribata having suggested the change of the consonant. Columbus promises the Indians that he will destroy the Caribs. On January 6, 1493, the Indians assured Columbus that there was a great deal of gold on His paniola, but that there was a great deal more at the island called Yamaye (Ymaye), "and the Admiral knew that towards the east there was an island where there were only women, and this, he said, he knew from a number of persons, and that this island of Hispaniola and the other island of Ymaye was near the mainland, ten days by canoe, which might be sixty or seventy 1 "Sapian que costa la ciutat de cambalec auia una ciutat antigament que auia nom garibalu," Kretschmer, op. cit., p. 192. 2 Ibid., p. 193. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 21 leagues, and that the people there were dressed." Yamaye, of course, is the rich island of Giava maior, of which it is an ill-disguised corruption, and the only reason for mentioning the island, was to find a new possible source of gold, if Hispaniola proved a failure. On January 13 Columbus still thought that there were Caribs, that is, cannibals, in Hispaniola, to which Las Casas remarked in the margin: "There were no Caribs and had never been any in Hispaniola." The Journal says: "The Admiral thought that that place must be inhabited by Caribs, who eat men, and that the gulf he had seen yesterday a distance away from the land must be a separate island. He asked of them about the Caribs, and pointed to the east from there to the place which he had seen the day before, as he was entering the bay; and the Indian told him that there was much gold there, pointing to the poop of the caravel, which was very large, meaning that the pieces were as large as that. He called the gold tu«b, and did not understand caona, as they called it in the first part of the island, nor nocay, as they called it at San Salvador. In Hispaniola they call copper or base gold tuob. Of the island of Malinino this Indian said that it was all inhabited by women without men, and that there was in it much tuob, which is gold or copper, and that it is still further to the east of Carib. He also told of the island of Goanin, where there was much tuob. The Admiral said that he had notice of this island from several persons. The Admiral also says that in the islands where he has been they are in great fear of Carib, and in some islands they called them Caniba, but in Hispaniola Carib, and that they must be a bold nation, since they go over all these islands and eat the people that they can catch. . . The people here about, says he, are ill inten- tioned, and he thought they were of the Carib and ate 22 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA men. . . and if they are not Caribs, at least they must be frontiersmen and of the same customs, and people without fear, and not like the others from the other islands, who are cowardly and without arms, and senseless." We shall return later to the balderdash contained in this account of January 13. Here it is only necessary to point out how the Journal wavers by calling the Caniba now cannibals and now brave men, with more sense than the rest of the islanders. But where are the Canibales or Caribesf So far they have vanished into the circumambient air. They are again some where else. Before sealing their fate, we must retrace our steps and study Columbus' wavering mind and credulity from his attested writings. In Columbus' Libro de las Profecias, which he wrote in 1502, we have some examples of his philological madness, which surpasses all belief. Hystoria he derives from "hystrion", which is "to see or know"; allegorice comes from "leon," which means "other," and gore, which is "to say, or speech."1 From a man with such scientific equipment almost anything in the way of topsy-turviness may be expected. He was certainly right when in his letter to the King and Queen he anticipated the just accusation: "It may be that Your Highnesses and all others who know me and to whom this writing may be shown, will secretly or publicly reprehend me with reprehensions of every kind, that I am not learned in letters, that I am a lay sailor, a man of the world, etc.; to these I answer what St. Matthew says, 'O Father, because thou hast hid these things from the wise and prudent, and hast revealed them unto babes.' "2 He was also right when he maintained that "for the execution of the emprise 1 Raccolta, parte I, vol. II, p. 76. 2 Ibid., p. 80. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 23 of the Indies neither reason, nor mathematics, nor mappamondos availed me."1 Although Columbus places Tarshish in Cilicia, he at the same time identifies it with an island.2 Similarly he quotes the gloss of Nicolao de Lyra to show that Ophir was a province of India.3 Then he goes on to prove that the island of Ophir is Tarshish,4 and immediately adds Chittim.b In February, 1502, Columbus boldly wrote to Pope Alexander VI,6 "This island is Tharsis, Cethya, Ophir, and Ophaz, and Qipanga, and we have called it Espanola." Thus there is no doubt left as to his pell mell method of identifying islands, even as Peter Martyr says, "insula hee Hispaniola, quam ipse Ophiram, de qua legitur Regum tertio, esse asseverat. "7 Columbus annotated a copy of Pliny, in which occurs the following passage: "Del ambra es cierto nascere in India soto tierra, he yo ne ho fato cavare in molti monti in la isola de Fcyti. vel de Ofir, vel de Cipango, a la quale habio posto nome Spagnola, y ne 6 trovato pieca grande como el capo, ma no tota chiara, salvo de chiaro y parda, y otra negra, y ve n'e asay."8 In the Inslilucion del mayor- azgo of 1498, but which has come down in a later copy, Columbus says "Hispaniola, which the Indians call Feiii and the Monicondos 'of Zipango'." There is something curious about this sentence, if not about the whole document. The Monicondos are the Mani- congos, or people of the Congo, and one does not see what they have to do with calling the island Zipango. However that may be, the date of the copy prevents 1 Ibid., p. S2. 2 Ibid., p. 149. 3 Ibid. 1 Ibid., p. 151. 3 "De insula Cethyn, quam dicunt esse Tharsis et Ophyr," ibid., p. 153. • Ibid., p. 164. 7 Ibid., vol. I, p. 233. 8 Ibid., vol. II, p. 472. » Ibid., vol. I, p. 304. 24 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA our adducing the form Feiti as one used by Columbus in 1498, but there can be no doubt of his having used it, sometime after his writing of the Book of Prophecies. It is clear that Columbus began with the form Ceti, which he probably found written Heti or Heiti. Indeed, Peter Martyr says: "The names imposed upon Hispaniola by its ancient inhabitants were, at first, Quizqueia, then Haiti, and this was not done merely by the arbitrary will of those who imposed them, but from the effect which they assumed for it. Quizqueia they call a large thing, like the which there is no greater. Quizqueia they interpret 'vastness' and the whole universe, just as the Greeks call Pan, because they thought that from its greatness it was the whole universe and that nothing else was warmed by the sun except this island and those adjacent to it: there fore they decided to call it Quizqueia. But Haiti means 'roughness' in their old language: and so they called the whole island Haiti, calling by metonymy the whole from the part, because this island in many places bristles with its rough mountains and horrible density of its forests, and valleys awful and dark from the high mountains, although it otherwise is very pleasant. . . . As we said, Quizqueia and Haiti are its old names. Many called the whole island Cipanga from the mountainous region, and the rich gold, just as we saw our poets call Italy Latium from its part. Be hold, just as our ancestors called Ausonia and Hesperia Italy, so they called it Quizqueia, Haiti, Cipanga."1 It is perfectly clear that Peter Martyr derived the three names, Haiti, Quizqueia, Cipanga, directly from Columbus' letter to Pope Alexander VI, Cethya changing to Haiti, and Ophyr y Ophaz to Quizqueia.2 Then ¦ ill. 7. 2 The province of Ornophay in Bernaldez's account of the Second Voyage {Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 250) is apparently another corruption of Ophir y Ophaz. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 25 Columbus improved on Haiti, and spelled it, as was his custom, in the old fashion, Feiti. Dr. Chanca, who went to the Indies with Columbus on the Second Voyage, said of his arrival in Hispaniola: "The part where we first arrived is called Hayti, and the province next this is called Xamand and the other Bohio, in which we are at the present time."1 We see here, as was already pointed out, that Bohio was originally identified as a province, that is, it was identical with Bosio and Basan of Columbus. Xamana is in the Journal of the Second Voyage called Samana.2 We have already seen that Bohio is derived from Bosman, Basman of Marco Polo's Sumatra. In the same way Samana is Marco Polo's Samara, a province of the same island. Under December 29, 1492, the editor of the Journal writes: "As the sun rose there came to the caravel a nephew of the king, a young man of good understanding and fair appearance, as the Admiral says, and, as the effort was always made to find out where the trold came from, he asked every one, for he already under stood some by signs, and so this youth told him that four days' voyage from there to the east there was an island which was called Guarionc, and others called Maricorix and Mayonic (Mayonis), and Futna. and Cybao, and Coroay, in which there was an infinite amount of gold." Las Casas:t writes Cuarionex, Macorix, Mayonis, and says: "In this it seems that the Admiral did not understand a thing the Indians said, because the places which they named were not islands in themselves, but provinces of this island and 1 J. B. Thacher, Christopher Columbus, His Life, His Work, His Remains, as revealed by Original Priiited and Manuscript Records, Xew York and London 1903, vol. II, p. 271. 2 "Y alii hizo echar en tierra un Yndio de los que tra, it is more likely that nebila is from Arab. ^LJ , a misreading of *LJ . In Columbus' Latin version of Marco Polo the islands are called insula Masculina and insula Feminea, and there is the statement, "in hoc mari est ambri copia magna." Columbus made the notes in the margin, "Duas insulas, masculia, femenina," and "ubi sit ambar copia."3 Yule is most likely right in identifying the substance with ambergris and not with amber,4 but the Marco Polo versions distinctly speak of amber, as which it was understood by Columbus, who, in his annotation to Pliny says: "Del ambra es cierto nascere in India soto tierra," and in the Italian account of the Second Voyage is made to speak of "minere di ambra."6 This ambra is mentioned by Columbus only after he identified it with the island of Carib, which, in his last despair, he placed somewhere to the east, in order to 1Op. cit, vol. II, p. 339. 2 Published by P. A. Van der Lith and translated into French by L. Marcel Devic, Leide 1883-6. 3 Raccolta, parte I, vol. II, p. 468. 4 The Latin version in the Recueil says: "Hie est copia de ambra pulcra et bona, quia in illo mari sunt cete grandia, in copia magna" (p. 468). 6 Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 209. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 31 keep the spirit of his men up on their homeward journey, after his failure to find any gold in quantity in the islands discovered by him. As usual, he was credulously making his change of front, because the gentle art of philology bore him out. The balderdash of January 13 becomes at once intelligible, if we con sider that he had two "learned" men with him, a sailor who had been to Guinea, and therefore was to be intrusted with a mission to the king of the Indies, and the Jew, Luis de Torres, who, on account of his knowledge of a little Arabic, was to be dispatched to the Great Khan on a similar mission. Under November 1 the Journal says that they, supposedly the Indians of Guanahani, called gold nucay. Under January 13 we are told that the people of San Salvador and the other islands called it nogay. No such word is recorded in Carib. It is the Arab. \jai nudar "pure gold," which on account of ^j, would be written in Spanish nugar, and be mistaken for nucai, nucai, as recorded in the Journal. But it was necessary to find new words for "gold," because the Indians did not understand nucay. The Arabic "scholar" suggested tuob, that is Arab. .__> S dzahab, which Alcala writes deheb, and which is found as teheb in the Arabic oases of Africa. The Guinea "scholar" suggested the Mandingo word for it, but before dis cussing this, we must determine the Negro words for "gold." There is no native Negro word for gold. Arab. < 4_£- sikkah "coin" produces1 Mekyibo esige, Akye, ¦ No attempt is made here to classify the linguistic groups, but only to trace the Arabic influence. 32 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Ari, Adyukru, Neule, Ewe, Dahome, Agui, Asante, Fante, Tchi, Adampe, Hwida, Mahi sika, Alaguian aseke, Avikam asike, Abriui sege, Plaui seke,1 Ga shika, Orungu esika "gold." The Span, or Port, oro is responsible for Kanyop, Dsekiri oro, Akurakura oru, Pepel moro, Egba ude, Yagba ode, Dsumu oromini, Dsebu ire, lie ide, Gurma wura, Kiamba wuro, Sobo, Bini eromo, Egbele elumi, Kabenda wola, Mimboma wuolo, Ntere mulua, Kasandi, Lubalo wulo, Songo ulu, Wolof wurus, Tumbuktu, Barba wura, Boko wula, Salum wurus "gold." The Eng. gold produces Filham godi, Dewoi gul, Basa guli, Kra kori, Krebo guru "gold." But by far the largest number of Negro languages derive their "gold" word from Arab. J^j dinar. I shall arrange these words approximately in their phonetic order of transformation. We have Bornu, Karekare dinar, Mandara dindar, Pika zinaria, Hausa zinaria, dzinaria, Nupe dzinaria, Kupa zonaria, Esitako zanalia, Goali, Bode dzinalia, Puka zinalia, Ebe zanalia, Kamuku edzinaria. The Pul language, which has been of great influence on the Guinea languages, has kanyere "gold," from the dzinaria, zinaria of Hausa. Here this kanyere is used collectively in the apocopated form kanye, karle "gold," kaneje "trinkets." This kanye, but also a form which begins with an s,2 is represented in the Mande languages as follows: Mandingo sani, Kabunga sano, Toronka sanyu, Kan- kanka sanu, Bambara sannu, Kono kanine "gold," Mende, Vei kani "metal (gold or silver)." Other languages have similar forms, such as Biafada, Padsade sanu, Kisi kanie, Gadsaga kane. For our purposes 1 Chiefly from M. Delafosse, Vocabulaires comparatifs de plus de 60 langues ou dialectes paries d la Cote d'lvoire, Paris 1904, and S. W. Koelle, Polyglotta Africana, London 1S54. 2 S and k are interchangeable in the Mande languages (H. Steinthal, Die Mande-Neger-Sprachen, Berlin 1867, § 93). THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 33 the coast languages, especially Vei, which extends to the ocean, is most important. This Vei kani would form Span, guani, just as Vei, Malinke, Bambara, Mandingo kana "monitor, the African lizard" pro duced Span, iguana "the American lizard. M1 Herrera gives it as ybana (1.5.11), yguana (1.9.4), yuana (I. 1. 13, 4. 2), but nowhere is it mentioned as an Indian name. It is merely a transference of an animal from Africa, just as the names manati and danta were transferred from Africa to America by the early voyagers. In the Journal under January 13, "gold" is given as caona, while Goanin is an island where there is much gold. Las Casas wrote in the margin: "This Guanin was not an island, as I think, but that liase gold which, according to the Indians of Hispaniola, had an odor for which they valued it much, and this they called guanin." Similarly the Italian account of the First Voyage reads: "There were here pieces of guanin as large as half the caravel's poop."2 In Bernaldez's Journal of the Second Voyage we have the following account of guani: "The cacique wore on his neck a copper trinket from an island which is in this vicinity, which is called guani, which is very fine and appears to be gold of eight carats. It was made in the form of a fleur de lis, as large as a plate."3 We can see that the Journal of the First Voyage was edited or corrected after the text on which Bernaldez based his account of the Second Voyage was known, for in tho above passage "que se llama guani" may be taken 1 The dictionaries absurdly speak of a Haitian or Carib word from which Iguana is derived. Oviedo called it yuana {De la natural hystoria de las Indias, Toledo 1526, chap. VI). 2 Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 96. 3 "El cacique traia al pescueco unas joias de alanbre de una ysla que es en aquella comarca, que se llama 'guanl,' que es muy fino 6 tanto que parece oro de ocho quilates. hera de echura de una flor de lis, tamaiia como un platto," ibid., p. 263. 34 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA as referring to the island, hence the blunder under January 13, 1493. But this is not all. The quite natural statement in the Journal of the Second Voyage "tamaiia como un platto, of the size of a plate," has here, through the misunderstanding of the badly spelled platto, become popa, "the poop of a ship." In his Journal of the Third Voyage Columbus tells us that before starting for Hispaniola he was told by King Juan of Portugal that ships had come from the coast of Guinea with merchandise to the islands of the west,1 and so he decided first to go to Guinea "to verify on his way the opinion of King Don Juan, and he wanted to find out what the Indians of His paniola had told him, that there had come to it from the south and southeast Negro people, who brought those spear points made of a metal which they call guanin, of which he had sent to the king and queen for assaying, and which was found to have in thirty- two parts eighteen of gold, six of silver, and eight of copper."2 There is no escaping the fact that Columbus knew that the guani came from Guinea and that there had been merchants or voyagers in Hispaniola before him. This confirms the derivation of caona, guani from the Mande word for "gold." Philology was to help out, where facts failed. The Caribs did not exist where they should have been. It was, therefore, necessary to get some measure of relief from a study of the word Carib. All that seems to have happened on January 13, 1493. The "scholar" who suggested tuob for "gold," also must have known that Carib was derived from Arab. ^ X" kahrubah "amber." Presto! The Caribs were the people where amber was found, that is, on the Island of the Males, 1 Ibid., vol. II, p. 5. 2 Ibid., p. 6. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 35 which was next to the Island of the Women, and all it was necessary to do was to sail back home and find it. But here the editor of the Journal, following the series of blunders in the First Letter, as we shall present ly see, committed the atrocious blunder of confusing Span, ambar with alambre "copper," and so Columbus is made to say that copper was found in the Island of the Women and in Goanin, and on January 15 the Journal in the same breath says that there was a great deal of copper in Carib and Matinino, although a few lines further down we are told that there was no iron or other metal in the island.1 We can now pass to the study of the atrocious forgery known as the First Letter. In Columbus' letter referring to the First Voyage, which was printed in Latin and in Spanish in 1493, he says that the Caribs "had relations with the women of Matinino, which is the first island, voyaging from Spain to the Indies, and in it there are no men; they do not do any women's work and use bows and arrows, like the others, and they cover themselves with brass plates, of which they have a great number."2 It will appear from a variety of causes that the Latin letter, translated by Cosco, lies at the foundation of the Spanish Letter, as it has come down to us. There naturally existed a Spanish Letter before Cosco's translation was made, but this has hopelessly dis appeared, except for a translation into German, made in 1497, and specifically mentioned as made from the Catalan and Latin.3 Here we have a complete account of the island, which is practically identical, except for some blunders, with Marco Polo's story. 1 "AIM diz que no tenfan hierro ni otro metal que se oviese visto," ibid., vol. I, p. 98. 2 Ibid., p. 131. 1 K. 1 l&bler, Der deutsche Kolumbus-brief, Strassburg 1900. 36 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA The story in German is as follows: "Das synt die Kit die zu schaffen habe mit den wybern von mattiuia die do synt in der insel so mafl vszfert Spania gen india. in der selben ist kein man iiber all. nur allein wyber. vnd sie bruchen kein- erley wor dan die boge wie vor dar von gesagt ist. Ich mein es syent ouch die die do ptolomeus ouch heisst anthrophagi. vnd den namen haben sie ouch vsz der vrsach. wefl sie ouch menschen fleisch essent. vn todet ouch die menschen vnd roubent. vnd liget die insel nit wyt von d'insel da die synt die do schwencz hond. vn synt kriescher ltit dan die andern. wan sie bruchent ltitzel der vnkiischeit. Die inszel da die frowen yn sunt da mit sie zu schaffen hond als ptolomeus schribt hat zwey hundert myl lang und breyt. vnd zu iar eynmal so farent sie zfi iren manne. vrsach das sie enpfahen. Darnach ziehent sie wider heim. vnd bringent sie einen knaben so ziehent sie es sechs iar vnd schickent es dan von yn zu den manen. Ist es aber ein medlin so behaltent sie es by yn. vnnd die wyber synt geschickter zu kriegen vnd manescher dan and' frowen, wan sie pflegent selten unkiischeit." The German translator says in the colophon that he has added a passage from Ptolemy and the Cosmo graphy (marked with a), which was communicated to the king, before he sent to find out about it.1 The 1 "Getiietschet vsz der katilonischen zungen vnd vsz dem latin zu Ellm. Und ist etwas wa ein a steet dar zii gesetzet nach de vnd es Ptolomeus vnd die anderen meister der casmographi lerent vnd schribent. wan der es funden hat der schribet es ee vor dar von geschriben ist worden. vnd dem ktinig ouch darvo geseit ist worden. Ee das er gesandt ist worden dz zu erfaren." Only while reading the galley proof of this book did it dawn upon me that the specific statement in the German translation of the First Letter, that Ptolemy's correspondence to Marinus had been sent to the King of Spain by Columbus before his discovery of America, and that the King thereupon sent out Columbus to verify Ptolemy's contention, was a prima facie proof of the forgery of the Toscanelli-Marrini correspondence. "These are the people who deal with the women of Mattiuia, who are in the island as you go from Spain towards India. In it there is not a man, only women, and they do no work, except that they use bows and arrows, as was said. I believe they are those whom Ptolo meus calls anthrophagi, and they have this name for the reason that they eat human flesh, and they kill men and rob them. And the island lies not far from the island where are those who have tails. And they are more warlike than the rest, be cause they use little of unchastity. The island in which are the women with whom they have their dealings, as Ptolomeus writes, is two hundred miles long and wide, and once a year they go to their men, for the sake of conceiving. Then they go home again, and if they bear a boy, they keep him for six years and send him then from them to the men. But if it is a girl they keep her, and the women are more agile and more manly than other women, for they seldom practise unchastity." THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 37 passage referred to runs as follows: "Of the provinces and islands Ptolemy says that there are people there who have tails, and these islands are in the Indian Ocean toward midday three degrees beyond the middle circle of the heavens, called equinoctialis, and from Occi dent to orient to figure at one hundred and seventy-five degrees. Thus you may, if you wish, figure out how many miles it is and how broad, although I do not find the above-mentioned isle called, as by the Indians, Gwana him. But I understood that they lie in the breadth toward midday, like the now-mentioned province, and in length it extends toward the Orient, and I think that it does not lie far from the well-known island of Taprobana toward us, for of the same island the masters write just as he writes that he has discovered it."1 It is clear that the German translation, which drew chiefly on the lost Catalan version, added the passage in regard to the location of Guanahani from Columbus' account, previous to his sailing for America. Now, if we compare the story of the Island of Women in the German translation with that in the Latin and Spanish First Letter, we find it practically identical with it, except that we have the specific reference to Ptolemy as the source from which this is taken. The German translator obviously confused Columbus' ac count of the correspondence of Ptolemy with Marinus, which he referred to in his passage marked a, with Marco Polo's account of the Island of Women, which 1 "Von den prouintzen vnnd inszlen sagt ouch ptolomeus wie do lilt sind die schwencz hond. vnd ligent die inszlen in de indischen mor gen mittag dry grad gfinet dem mitlen ziirckel des hymels equi noctialis genant. vnd von Occident gen oriet zu rechnen hundert vnd fiinff vnd sybenczyg grad. dar durch wilt du so magst ouch wol rechne wie vii myl es sy vn wie wite vnd wie wol ich die vorgenantg insel besunder als sie die indischen heyssen gwanahim nit find al do geheyssen. Doch verna ich sie ligent in der breyte gen mittentag wie die yetz genat prouintz vnnd in lenge sendet sie sich basz gegenn Orient, vnnd vermeyn ouch wie sie nit wyt ligent vo der namhafftigen Insel taprobana dar vor nach gen vns her. wen vonde selben inszle schribet die meister glich wie er es schribt dz era erfare hab." 38 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA apparently was specifically mentioned by Columbus as taken from Polo, which the translator, or his source, took for Ptolo and read Ptolomeus. In the Latin First Letter the reading originally must have been, "hi sunt qui coeunt cum quibusdam feminis que sole insulam femininam, primam ex Hispania in Indiam traiicienti- bus, habitant." In speaking of the brass plate which these women wore, the word " laminis " is used. Several of the Spanish versions read this as launes, that is, laminis was written in the manuscript lainis, and the m stroke was neglected, causing merely the i to be read as u. Similarly, if insulam femininam be care lessly written insulamfeininam, and the lengthened m stroke be considered as crossing the / into a t and at the same time referring to an omission of m after la, we get the reading insula mteuninam or insula mateu- ninam, for the long stroke equally meant the omission of a vowel. Two copies of the Latin Letter actually have insula mateunin,1 and one needs only look at the facsimiles of Columbus' writing, in order to observe that my supposition is substantially correct. Often, when he leaves out any letters, especially m or n, he makes a long dash over the word, so that great caution must be used, to restore the right reading. Thus he writes "que_alla fueren sean rrepartidos por los dichos" as "q alia fuere sea rrepartdos por los dchs, "2 "compliendo con su mandamiento " as "eopliedo co su madamieto, "3 " voluntariamente " as "volutari- amete, "4 etc., etc. It is, therefore, clear that in Col umbus' or Cosco's MS. there stood "insulam feinina," which produced the Mateunin of the Latin, and the Matinino, Mattanino of the Spanish, and Mattiuia of 1 The Letter of Columbus (Lenox Library), New York 1892, p. 53. 2 Raccolta, parte I, vol. Ill, p. 1, 1. 15. 3 Ibid., p. 9, 1. 5. « Ibid., p. 10, 1. 4. 1 I . , »*yi .at' ev-y- v? / aT^h ,- 1 y...v -"^'^ i-.-y- e££y.~^kL. 1 c / ' -I <-/ , . <. / • fv,. K^'-. — «N_ C"*^ ^ l «-5__» /^ ,yoA _~ v-^-. ^ ._ -^ V>i.-, — ^g '^ , ^.^ . .>„ -; v* —v| . yHi'i!>« ivi' /V-» ^ , v "* "'>/V l '* ' * A-irin- -V -s' »1*^* cM~ ' **' ^ *s ' "N / > .^ t.--r.. w.-i v. -,*;¦> ^ .' .->.... ¦_.» / 'V "',;•> - ;/'" ' ' " A'O-s"* //./--.-^,^>i jrvj„>^v^ . •.•t"-"/ > ¦ <~> 1-,-v-v «- -A' <. ", ,<.-'i ,/.,.,_¦..•:,. .'. J.« ¦..¦;. •, .", ^A yjrw •.. . ../^-. .•_.._, , ^2& 2k Wv. ,-.,'1,: .•»... v*\ V.^, *-"> .j-r*- ' ./ .^ .-" \-.i 7 ...? ^ !—>•¦ >/v j-.ii .'_.v-'* l— , '.-W.*.. > ^>^.__n .^ »<. ,^^~^>) 7 t v — _ ' e- -.' ¦ — . - _A <=v , • I ¦ ¦""-'- -s^ ' *- -¦ c' _ .^r. " -&-T '•'-••T / S '• 7 - '\"5 ^ ^-C"1-*? "»*~"*3 ,. I.J»^.,rC fu \"V 2 --, X *. -^..^tr-. Specimen Pase of Columbus' Writing. From the Raccolta. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 39 the German Letters, to be further transformed to Masemitro, Mathinina, Matrimino, Matrino, etc.1 Columbus was anxious to verify Marco Polo's state ment in regard to Insula feminina, as we learn from the German translation of the First Letter. In the Latin and Spanish form of it the reference to Ptolomeus, that is, Polo, was omitted, because of the failure to prove the case. That it existed in the original draft and the Catalan form, from which the German trans lation was made, is shown by Bergamo's Chronicle, printed in 1503, where the account of the island of Mateniena or Matinie ends with the words, "as is the custom of the Amazons, the islanders of the Indies come to mate with them in the spring of the year,"2 where both the passage and the alternative Matinie, like the German Mattiuia, point to the Catalan original. Only a purblind person will assume that this island of Matinino existed as an Indian legend. There was no Indian who told Columbus such a story, and Las Casas correctly wrote in the margin of the Journal under January 16, 1493: "it was never proved after wards that there existed such women." If there is any lingering doubt left in anybody's mind as to the forgery of the First Letter, we shall make the matter clearer by the discussion of another item. Columbus says: "I have already said that I sailed 107 leagues along the coast in a direct line from west to east along the island of Juana, and from this distance I can say that this island is larger than Eng land and Scotland combined. Beyond these 107 leagues there are left on the west two provinces which I did not visit, one of which is called Avan (Anan, Anau, Nhan, Naan, Anahan), where the people with tails live, which provinces cannot be less long than 1 Ibid., vol. II, p. 555. 2 "Cum his ueluti amazonibus coheunt indi insulani tempore ueris," Thacher, op. cit., vol. II, p. 79. 40 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA 50 or 60 leagues, as I could understand from the Indians whom I have with me and who know these islands." Of course, Juana is Java (minor). In the Marco Polo edition annotated by Columbus it is given as Yana. After having told of six of its provinces, Marco Polo concludes: "Out of those eight kingdoms we have told you about six that lie at this side of the Island. I shall tell you nothing about the other two kingdoms, that are at the other side of the Island, for the said Messer Marco Polo never was there."1 The people with tails are mentioned with one of the six provinces, Lambri, just shortly before the statement of not having visited the last two. It will be observed that it is right after this passage that the German translation gives the passage from Ptolomeus, that is, from Polo, about the people with tails. This, then, leaves no doubt behind. Either Columbus was quoting Polo verbatim, and then the whole First Letter is based on a lie, or the letter was made up by someone else than Columbus, and then it is a forgery. These are the two horns of the dilemma. The island of Carib, in which only men live, appears in the First Letter as Quaris, Charis, Quarives, but it is not even mentioned in the German translation, another proof that the original letter of Columbus was far less apocryphal than the First Letter which has come down to us. German translation. First Letter. Vn ich hab nit funde noch miige Monstra aliqua non vidi: neque erfaren kein kriegischer noch mer- eorum alicubi habui cognitionem: discher volck. vsz genomen als ich excepta quadam insula Charis nun- von india hinyn bin gefare. dar yn cupata: quae secunda ex Hispania synt vsz der massen vast wilde Hit in Indiam transfretantibus existit die essent menschen fleisch. quam gens quaedam a finitimis habita ferocior incolit. Hi carne humana vescuntur. Yule, op. cit., vol. II, p. 242. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 41 Carib is a fiction, and no such name existed. "But, — Carib is an organic part of several American languages!" says the Americanologist, and eases his conscience as to the error he has helped to perpetuate. Here is what Karl von den Steinen says1 of the Bakairi kyarapa "stranger:" "It is ky-ara-pa 'not like us,' not one of our kind, outsiders. One naturally thinks, in con nection with it, of the famous k%araiba, which is to be derived from it, since, indeed, it corresponds to the real meaning of k%ardiba. But Ir/ardiba has long ago become an independent form, and this possible origin is removed from the linguistic feeling of the modern Bakairi." " K%ardiba Brazilian, Portuguese = Carib. With this word they designated only us, and no Indian tribe. I was pima k%ardiba 'chief of Caribs.' If Roquefort says: 'tant y a que nos sauvages Antillois aiment si fort ce nom-la qu'ils disent perpetuellement a nos gens: Toy Frangois, moy Caribe,' I am unable to see in it an original relation. The Tupis of the Kulisehu called us Karay and Karaib. The form kyaraiba can be explained from the Tupi only in an artificial manner, and such an attempt belongs in the field of Tupi-mania, which without a blush explains foreign tribal names from the Tupi. It is most plausible that the word picked up in the north during the period of discoveries was received from a Carib tribe and not from the Tupis, and was given currency by the discoverers."2 Yon den Steinen forgot that Columbus claimed to have received the word from non-Caribs, and that it referred to the Caribs: then how, in the name of common sense, can it be derived from the Carib and have the contradictory meaning "not like us?" 1 Die Bakairl-Sprache, Leipzig 1S92, p. IS. 2 Ibid., p. 61 f. 42 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA The word Carib is found among all the coastal Indian tribes, whether of Tupi or Carib origin. We have Guarani carai "astute, clever, a word with which they universally honored their wizards, and which they also applied to the Spaniards and most improperly to a Christian and holy things, but we do not use it in this sense."1 From this carai was formed Guarani card "agility, cleverness, curiosity," which is not found in Tupi. In Tupi2 we have cary'ba "white man, Portuguese," caraiba "astute," carybebe, carai- bebe "angel," and, as will be seen from the second volume of this work, the Caribs were by the Tupis considered to be enchanters. L. Adam3 records Abafieeme karat "master," Neengatu karai "angel," karaiba, kariwa "white man, " Camayura karaib "stran ger," Aueto karai "stranger," Abaneenga karaiba "blessed, white man." On the other hand we have R. Breton's4 statement for the Carib Callinago, in the women's language, Calliponam "the name of the Caribs, whom he, for his part, could not praise enough for their meekness," hence callinemeti "peaceable man," li-calli-nemene "his good ness." As the language treated by Breton is that of Guadeloupe and Haiti, we must assume that, after all, Columbus met Caribs in Hispaniola. Rochefort5 denied the derivation of these words from the Spanish ghost word, because he thought there were tribes in the interior, far removed from intercourse with the white man, who also called themselves Caraib. But this argument is useless, because for centuries there 1 A. R. [de Montoya], Tesoro de la lengua guarani, Madrid 1639. 2 J. Platzmann, Das Anonyme Worterbuch Tupi-Deutsch und Deutsch- Tupi, Leipzig 1901. 3 M aUriaux pour servir d l'etablissement d'une grammaire comparSe des dialectes de la famille Tupi, Paris 1896, in Bibliotheque linguistique americaine, vol. XVIII, p. 113. 4 Dictionaire caraibe-francois, Auxerre 1665, p. 105. 6 Histoire naturelle et morale des lies Antilles de I'Amerique, Roterdam 1665, p. 344 ff. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 43 has not been such a spot in the two Americas, even as there is no spot where the horse, the dog, and the cat, and a large variety of European vegetables and fruits have not penetrated. There is no escape from the fact that Cariba was a variation of Caniba, and that Caniba, Canibal was derived from Marco Polo's Cambalu, for which Columbus was seeking. There is another ghost word in the First Letter which must be ventilated, since it was the first "In dian" word to spread like wildfire throughout Europe. The Canoe. Under October 13, 1492, when land was first sighted, the Journal quotes the very words of Columbus: "They came to the ship with almadias, which are made from the trunk of a tree, like a long boat and all in one piece, and very wonderfully fashioned for the country, and large enough so that 40 or -lo men came in some of them, and others were smaller, some so small that only one man came in them. They rowed with a shovel like a baker's and go wonderfully well; and if they upset, then they all commence to swim and bail them out with gourds, which they carry."1 This account of the canoes, in which, it will be observed, the word canoas does not occur, sounds suspiciously like the older accounts of the Negroes' boats. A. da Mosto wrote many years before the discovery of Amer ica, though his account was published later: "Three almadias, which we call zoppoli, which are all cut out of a piece of large trees,"2 and immediately afterwards we are told that these almadias carried from twenty- 1 "Ellos vinieron & la nao con almadias, que son hechas del pie de un arbol como un barco luengo, y todo de un pedago, y labrado muy a mara- villa, segun la tierra, y grandes, en que en alguna venian .40. y .45. hombres, y otras mds pequenas, fasta a ver d'ellas en que venla un solo hombre. remavan con una pala como de fornero, y anda a maravilla, y, si se le trastorna, luego se echan todos a nadar, y la enderecan, y vazian con cala- bacas que traen ellos." 1 Ramusio, op. cit., vol. I, fol. 106 d. 44 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA five to thirty men. This Span, almadia, from Arab. ijull alma'diyah "ferry boat," is the usual one for the Negroes' canoe, and Columbus, who had been in Guinea, naturally applied it to the boats of the Indians. Not once, where Columbus is quoted ver batim, does he use any other word for "canoe" than almadia. The only exception seems, at the first read ing, to be the entry under December 17. "It blew that night strongly, the wind being east- north-east, but the sea did not change much, because the Isla de la Tortuga which is in front of it and makes a shelter for it, protected and guarded it. So he re mained there during that day. He sent some of the sailors to fish with nets. The Indians associated with the Christians a great deal and they brought them certain arrows belonging to the people of Caniba or the Canibales, and these arrows are made of spikes of canes and they use some httle sharp hardened sticks for them and they are very large. They showed the Christians two men who had lost some pieces of flesh from their bodies and made them understand that the Cannibals had eaten them by piece-meals. The Admiral did not believe it. He again sent certain Christians to the village, and by trading some worth less little glass beads they obtained some pieces of gold beaten into the form of a thin leaf. One Indian whom the Admiral took for the Governor of that Province and who was called Cacique, they ob served to have a piece of that gold leaf as. large as the hand and it appeared that he wished to trade it. He went away to his house and the others remained in the plaza and he caused that piece of gold to be broken into very small pieces, and bringing a piece at a time, he traded for it. After there was no more remaining, he said by signs that he had sent for more THE E1KST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 45 and the next day they would bring it to him. All these things, and their manner, and their customs, and meekness and counsel show them to be a more alert and intelligent people than the others he had found up to that time, says the Admiral. In the afternoon a canoe came there from the Isla de la Tortuga with all of forty men and on reaching the beach all the people of the village who were together seated themselves as a sign of peace, and some from the canoe, and then almost all came on land. The Cacique arose alone and with words which appeared to be threatening made them return to the canoe and threw them water and took stones from the beach and threw them in the water: and after all had very obediently placed themselves in the canoe and embarked, he took a stone and placed it in the hand of my Alguaeil whom I had sent on land with the Escribano and others to see if they could bring back anything valuable, that he might throw it, and the Alguaeil would not do _-o. That Cacique there showed very plainly that he favoured the Admiral. The canoe then went away and they said to the Admiral after its departure that in Tortuga there was more gold than in the island of Espaiiola because it is nearer Baneque. The Admiral said that he believed there were no mines of gold either in the Isla Espaiiola or Tortuga, but that they brought it from Baneque and that they bring a small quantity because they have nothing to give for it, and that country is so rich that it is not necessary for them to work much to sustain themselves or clothe themselves, as they go naked. And the Admiral believed that this was very near the fountain head and that our Lord was about to show him where the gold originates. He was informed that from there to Baneque it was four days' journey which must have been thirty or forty leagues, which he could make in one day of good wind." 46 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA "Vento aquella noehe reziamente viento lesnordeste; no se altero mucho la mar, porque lo estorva y escuda la ysla de la Tortuga, qu'esta frontera y haze abrigo. asi estuvo alii aqueste dia. embio a pescar los marineros con redes; holgaronse mucho con los christianos los Yndios, y truxeronles ciertas flechas de los de Canibato de los Canibales, y son de las espigas de canas, y enxierenles uno[s] palillos tostados y agudos, y son muy Iar gas. mostraronles dos hombres que les f alta van algunos pedacos de carne de su cuerpo, y hizieronles entender que los Canibales los avian comido a bocados. el almirante no lo creyo. torno a embiar giertos chris tianos a la poblaci6n, y a trueque de contezuelas de vidro rescataron algunos pedagos de oro labrado de hoja deligada. vieron a uno, que tuvo el almirante por governador de aquella provincia, que llamavan cagique, un pedago, tan grande como la mano, de aquella hoja de oro, y paregia que lo queria resgatar, el qual se fu6 a su casa, y los otros quedaron en la plaga, y 61 hazia hazer pedaguelos de aquella piega, y, trayendo cada vez un pedaguelo, resgatavalo. despues que no ovo mas, dixo por senas qu'el avia enbiado por mas, y que otro dia lo traerfan. estas cosas todas, y la manera d'ellos, y sus eostumbres y mansedumbre y consejo muestra de ser gente mas despierta y entendida que otros que hasta alii oviese hallado. dize el almirante: en la tarde vino alll una canoa de la isla de la Tortuga con bien quarenta hombres; y, en llegando a la playa, toda la gente del pueblo, qu'estava junta, se assentaron todos en serial de paz; y algunos de la canoa y quasi todos descendieron en tierra. el cagique se levanto solo, y con palabras, que paregian de amenazas, los hizo bolver a la canoa, y los echava agua, y tomava piedras de la playa, y las echava en el agua, y despues que ya todos con mucha obediengia se pusieron y enbarcaron en la canoa, el tomo una piedra, y la puso THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 47 en la mano a mi alguazil, para que la tyrase, al qual yo avia enbiado a tierra, y al escrivano y a otros, para ver si tra^an algo que aprovechase; y el alguazil no les quiso tyrar. alii mostro mucho aquel cagique que se favoregia con el almirante. la canoa se fue luego; y dixeron al almirante, despues de yda, que en la Tortuga avia mas oro que en la isla Espaiiola, porque es mas gerca de Baneque. dixo el almirante que creya que en aquella isla Espaiiola ni en la Tortuga oviese minas de oro, sino que lo trayan de Baneque, y que traen poco, porque no tiene[n] aquellos que dar por ello; y aquella tierra es tan gruessa que no a menester que trabajen mucho para sustentarse ni para vcstirse, como anden desnudos. y creya el almirante qu'estava muy gerca de la fuente, y que Nuestro Sefior le avia de mostrar donde nasce el oro. tenia nueva que de alii al Baneque avia quatro jornadas, que podrian ser. .XXX. 6 .XL. leguas, que en un dia de buen tiempo se podian andar." The Raccolta has obviously been misled by the clause "y la puso en la mano a mi alguazil, para que la tyrase, al qual yo avia enbiado a tierra," into the belief that everything from "dize el almirante" is quoted from Columbus, whereas it is clear that the reflection on the manners of the Indians, which pre cedes this "dize el almirante," does not proceed from the editor, but from Columbus. In the Latin First Letter the words scapha and birc.mi are used to trans late canoa. "Habet unaqueque insula multas scaphas solidi ligni, etsi angustas, longitudine tamen ac forma nostris biremibus similes, cursu autem velociores; reguntur remis tantummodo. harum quedam sunt magne, quedam parve, quedam in medio consistunt, plures tamen hire mi que remiget duodeviginti trans- tris maiores, cum quibus in omnes illas insulas, que innumere sunt, traiicitur, cumque iis suam merca- 48 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA turam exercent, et inter eos comertia fiunt. ahquas ego harum biremium seu scapharum vidi, que vehebant septuaginta et octuaginta remiges." "Habent pre- dicti biremium genera plurima, quibus in omnis in- dicas insulas traiiciunt, depredant, surripiunt quecun- que possunt." Had the Latin translator read canoa in his original, he could not possibly have avoided it. That there was no such word in the Catalan version also follows from the German translation, where we have schiff and not canoa: "Und sie habet in alien inszlen vii schiff die synt in der gestalt wie die schiff vo vier beneke etlich grosser vfi ouch etlich kleiner. vn synt vo eym eynige brett vnd holtz gemacht. Ufi ist nit zu gloube das sie so vast mit faret vo einer insel zu. der andere. vfi sie triebet ouch kouffmaschatz yn den inszlen vfi. fieret die kouffmaschatzung vff den selbige schiffen hyn vn her. Ufi ich hab ouch wol gesehen etliche schiff dar in synd gewesen zwentzyg oder acht vnd zwentzyg ma vnd yeglicher mit synem eygen ruder gefaren ist." "Ufi die selben habent vss den massen vii schiffung darmit sie farent in all inszlen hin vfi her. in india. vfi stelent vfi roubent. vnd todtent was sie ankomen miigent." It will be observed that the German version speaks of twenty to twenty-eight men in each boat, whieh is nearer to A. da Mosto's statement. We have already seen how blunders and misreadings were perpetuated in the Latin First Letter. We can now see how an additional blunder was transferred from the Latin to the Spanish First Letter. Scaphas was in the manuscript or in the Gothic text read as canoas, producing the ghost word which has gone down in history as the first Indian word to reach Europe. It swept Europe like wild fire. There is not a book or a letter which announced the discovery of America which did not contain this precious word canoa, as THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 49 a proof of this discovery, and in the Second Voyage Columbus may have used this word himself, but we have no "ipsissima verba" from bim. The word is found in many Carib languages. We have Chayma, Cumanagote canagua, canahua, Galibi, Cariniaco, Ouayana, Aparai canaua, canua, Carib, Macusi, Oponi canaoa, Carijona canaua-ya,1 Paravil- hana kanau a;2 but it is not in Bakairi, that "pure" Carib language of the interior, where we should expect it to be, if it were originally a Carib word. One may easily judge how dangerous it is to accept a word as Carib, simply because it is found in several Carib languages, from a discussion of "boat" and related words in them. Breton3 and Rochefort4 record Carib kanabire, Pelleprat6 gives Galibi canndbira "boat," and Rochefort rightly remarks, "cela vient sans doute de notre mot frangois," since it is ka + navire. Pelleprat gives Galibi patdche "barque, batteau," and this is Span. patache "guard boat." Breton has barca, which is from the Spanish; and corial of the Carib Arecuna and Macusi in British Guiana, recorded as couliala by Breton and as kuljara in Arawak, is unquestionably a corruption of Span, caravela. In the interior of the continent we have the native words, Bakairi pepi, which is recorded in Carib as biiieri, while Von den Steinen6 has Mehinaku, Kustenau, Waura itsd, Yaul- apiti irzra, Paressi kotto. Here is also given kanoa, which Von den Steinen rightly denominates as "Portu- 1 L. Adam, Materiaux pour servir d l'etablissement d'une grammaire eom- parie des dialectes de la famille Caribe, Paris 1893, p. 101. * K. F. P. Martius, Glossaria linguarum brasiliensium, Erlangen 1863, p. 227. * Dictionaire caraibe-francois, Auxerre 1665. * Histoire naturelle et morale des lies Antilles de VAmerique, Roterdam 1665. • Introduction d la langue des Galibis, Paris 1655. « Unter den Naturvolkem Zentral-Brasiliens, Berlin 1S94, p. 527 ff. 50 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA guese." This form itsd is widespread.1 We have Manao ytscha, Marauha yschaly, Uirina idd, Bare yschd, Cariay ytzd, Uaimuna ita, Tariaua, Baniva ita. Only at the coast do we find canoa, to which may be added Goajira anua, which is formed from Span. canoa, as arnero is formed from Span, earner o "ram." In order to make it clear with what rapidity Spanish words spread among the coast Indians and sometimes even in the interior, I shall quote here the words of Spanish origin in Galibi, Carib and Arawak, where the Indians speaking these languages have since the beginning of the seventeenth century ceased to be under Spanish influence, since the country they inhabit became a French possession. Span, aguja "needle." Galibi,2 Biet cacossa, acoussa, Pel. cacousa, Boy. caossa, acoussa. Carib3 acoucha. Arawak4 akussa "needle," akiis- san "to sew." Span, alambre "brass." Galibi, Pel. yoiiarapirou, Roch. tialapirou. Carib tialdpirou. Span, alfiler "pin." Galibi, Pel. alofle'rou, Roch. alopholer. Carib allopfoler. Araw. halpileru. Adam6 also gives Macusi arufuretu, Ouayana aruh- pereru, and draws attention to the phonetic permuta tions p, pf, f. But since these must have existed from 1 Martius, op. cit. 2 A. Biet, Voyage de la France equinoxiale, Paris 1664, P. Pelleprat, op. cit., P. Boyer, Veritable relation de tout ce qui s'est fait et pass6 au voyage que Monsieur de Bretigny fit d VAmerique Occidentale, Paris 1654, C. de Rochefort, op. cit. 3 R. Breton, op. cit. 4 Crevaux, Sagot, Adam, Grammaires et vocabulaires Roucouyenne, Arrouague, Piapoco, etc., Paris 1882, in Bibliotheque linguistique amiricaine, vol. VIII. 6 Matiriaux pour servir d l'etablissement d'une grammaire comparSe des dialectes de la famille Caribe, Paris 1893, in Bibliothdque linguistique amiri- caine, vol. XVII. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 51 the very beginning, phonetic permutations are of no value for the determination of the native origin of words. Span, arquebuz "gun." Galibi, Boy. aracabousa, Pel. aracaboussa, Biet ar- quabousa, Roch. rakdbouchou. Carib racabouchou. Araw. arrakabussa. Span, asno "ass." Galibi, Pel. mdsso. Span, azucar "sugar." Galibi, Boy. siccarou, carou, Roch. choucre. Carib sicarou, carou. Araw. sukaru. Here, as under alambre, aguja, we see how readily syllables, representing Carib personal pronouns, are added or subtracted, thus creating unrecognizable words. Span, batia "melon." Galibi, Roch. battia. Araw. pattia. Span, caballo "horse." Galibi, Boy. cauaye, Pel. cabdio, caudlle. Carib cabayo. Span, cadena "chain." Araw. karHna. Span, caja "box." Galibi, Boy. cassa "trunk." Span, camisa "shirt." Galibi, Boy. camisat "underwear," Pel. camicha "garment." Carib cdmicha "garment." Span, candela "candle." Galibi, Pel. coloUta. Span, canon "cannon." Galibi, Boy. kaloon. Carib calhon. Span, caracoles "snails, mussels." Galibi, Boy. caracoulis "copper trinkets," Roch. cacones "trifles, trinkets. 52 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Adam gives Carib calluculi, Accawai corrocori, Chay- ma, Cumanagote carcuriri, Cariniaco cureuco "trinkets, gold." To this may be added Roucouyenne caracouli "silver." The word caracol was used by the Spaniards in America for any small trinkets, hence "un collar de caracoles."1 Las Casas wrote: "Dabanle tambien joyas de oro, los que las tenian, para las orejas 6 narices 6 para los pechos, que llamaban caricuries en una lengua de las de por aquella tierra."2 Span, carta "card." Galibi, Boy. carata "letter, writing," Roch. calita, calata "paper," Biet calata "paper." Carib carta "paper, book." Span, casa "house." Galibi, Boy. caza "lodging." Span, clavo "nail." Galibi, Roch. crabou "iron." Carib crabou "iron." Span, cuchillo "knife." Galibi, Roch. cuchique. Span, culebra "snake." Galibi, Roch. couloubera. Span, espada "sword." Galibi, Roch. echoubara "sword," Pel. soubdra "sword," sibdrari "iron," Boy. ousipara, anchipara "sword," sipdraly "iron," Biet cachipara "sword." Araw. kdssipara "sword," sipardlli "iron." Span, machete "hatchet." Galibi, Boy. maceta "hatchet," monceta "scythe," Pel. manceta "scythe," Biet maceta "scythe." Span, metal "metal." Galibi, Roch. emetali "rock." Span, mucho "much." 1 L. T. de Mendoza, Coleccion de documentos ineditos, relativos al des cubrimiento, conquista y organizacion . . . .de Amirica y Oceania, Madrid 1869. vol. XII, p. 340. * Op. cit, vol. V, p. 537. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS 53 Galibi, Boy. mouche. Span, pelota "bullet." Galibi, Boy., Pel. piroto, Roch. piroti "lead." Span, pequeno "small." Galibi, Roch. pikenine "small child." Span, perro "dog." Galibi, Pel. pero. Span, pipa "keg." Galibi, Boy. pipa. Span, plata "silver." Galibi, Pel. ourata, ouraourdlou "silver," Roch. bouldla "gold, silver." Carib bouldlta, oulla-oullarou "silver." Araw. platla "silver, money." Span, plato "plate." (Jalibi, Boy. parapi, prapi, Pel. palahi, Roch. palapi. Carib balabi. Span, polvora "powder." Galibi, Boy. couroupara, Pel. bnurauboura, Roch. couroubara. Carib bourbrG. Araw. kulbara. Span, puerco "pig." Galibi, Boy. poingo, poinge, poniqui-, pinque "pm," Roch. bouirokou, coineoin "pig," Biet po'inga "pig," Pel. poinco "native wild boar." Carib bouirocou "pig," boinke "wild boar." Araw. porka "pig." Span, ratdn "rat." Calibi, Roch. karattoni, Pel. ratoni. Span, sapato "shoe." Galibi, Boy. sapato, Roch. sapata. Carib sapato. Araw. sapatu. Span, sombrero "hat." Galibi, Boy. sombraire. Pel. sombrero. Araw. sambuleru. Span, tijcras "scissors." 54 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Galibi, Boy. quereci, Roch. chirachi. Chirachi, that is, iiraii, is apocopated from tiSirah, that is, tiSeras. Span, timon "rudder." Araw. temona "rudder," attimdn "to ferry over." Span, tiro "piece or ordnance." Galibi, Boy., Pel. tirou "cannon." Span, vaca "cow." Galibi, Boy., Biet paca, Pel. vacca "beef." Carib bacachou "beef." Araw. baka. Span, vela "veil." Galibi, Boy., Roch. pira. Of these words camisa is mentioned by Columbus in 1493 as already in use among the Indians: "They came to the Christians without any fear and, touching the skirt or shirt, said jubon, camisa, to show that they knew the names of these things."1 After the First Letter the word canoa went like wildfire through Europe and was immediately brought back to America as an Indian word. The Indians, who had no com punction in accepting foreign words for native objects, such as culubera for "snake," meco for "monkey," gladly accepted canoa as the proper word for their canoes. But the word did not penetrate far beyond the coast, and in the interior it is found only spo radically. 1 Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 153. CHAPTER II. The Second Voyage. Before proceeding to the great concurrent forgery by Columbus and Ramon Pane, we may study the origin of the forgeries in the Journal of the First Voyage and the First Letter by means of some of the blunders perpetrated in the writings referring to the Second Voyage. For this Second Voyage we have not Columbus' own Itinerario, which is quoted by Bernaldez and Ferdinand Columbus. We shall be able to reconstruct certain passages in it from the use made of it by Ferdinand Columbus, Las Casas, Peter Martyr, and Bernaldez. Our purpose, however, is not to get at the correct text of Columbus, but to study the manner in which the errors were perpetuated and finally received the sanction of Columbus himself, who thus became a coadjutor in the forgeries. Of the weapons of the Indians Ferdinand Columbus says: "A mariner who landed there went with a gun to kill a bird or animal in the bush, and he found thirty persons with the weapons which they use, that is, lances and sticks, which they carry in place of swords and are by them called machane."1 Las Casas tells the same story, but is more specific about the shape of the weapons: "They had weapons, lances and arrows, and some like swords, resembling a spade up to the end, and from the end to the hilt they keep narrowing down, and they are not sharp but flat at the end. They are made of palm wood, because the palms have not the rough edges as in Spain, but are smooth and 1 Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 187. 56 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA are as hard and heavy as if they were made of bone or steel, and they cannot be harder: they call them macanas."1 Like canoa, this word rnacana spread immediately throughout Europe and America as a specifically Indian word. Peter Martyr wrote of the Indians of Darien: "Their weapons are not bows and poisonous arrows. . they generally fight hand to hand with long swords which they call macanas, and these are made of wood, since they have no iron."2 The word found its way into several of the Indian languages, and the absurdity of its Indian origin is proved by the fact that, while it is recorded in the Second Voyage as from Cuba, it is given in the earhest Peruvian dictionaries as makana, makana "wooden sword," hence makay "to fight, beat," and in Aymara mak- hana "a stick with an iron or bone point," but here no verb "to fight" has developed from it. The word backed in from its first use by Garcilasso de la Vega,3 the first historian of the Yncas, who committed more than one blunder by quoting from non-Peruvian sources. He says: "Then they were placed in rows, and a captain, being a master in the use of arms, came forward with a weapon hke a post, or rather a club used with two hands, which the Indians called macana, or else with a spear called chuqui.,1i Similarly Pedro de Cieza de Leon says of the Indians in the Cauca valley: "Their arms are darts, long lances of black palm, slings, and two-handed clubs, called macanas. "5 Cabeza de Vaca says of the Guaranis of La Plata: "The Indian considered the bravest among them now 1 Ibid. 2 II. 3. 3 C. R. Markham, First Part of the Royal Commentaries of the Yncas {The Hakluyt Society), London 1871, vol. II. 1 VI. 25, ibid., p. 171. s C. R. Markham, The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon {The Hakluyt Society), London 1864, p. 49. THE SECOND VOYAGE 57 takes a wooden sword in his hand, called in their language macana."1 The Chilean Vocabulary of 1642 has macane "club." As a matter of fact, macana is an old Spanish and Portuguese word, which is retained in Modern Port. maca,magan" club, mace, scepter," and which is recorded in Old Spanish as macana, mazana "knob" as early as the twelfth century.2 The word was taken out by Columbus from a Spanish or Portuguese translation of Marco Polo, where he tells of the Japanese that they could not be killed with iron weapons, because they had a charm sewed into their arms, and so had to be killed with wooden clubs. II Milione has here, "gli feciono ammazzare con mazze,"z and the French translation writes, "il les font amazer con maque."* Las Casas speaks of the parrots, "which they call guacamayos (guacamayas), which are as large as cocks, of many colors, and most of them are a little blue and white,"5 and again, "they found parrots, those large, colored ones, which we mentioned above under the name of guacamayas, which are hke cocks, although they have no large legs."6 The Italian version, by Ferdinand Columbus, in both cases omits the name, though in the first case the description is nearly the same. The addition may be entirely due to Las Casas, but it is interesting to note that guaca- mayo is most likely gotten from Nicolo Conti, who 1 The Conquest of the River Plate {The Hakluyt Society), London 1S91, p. 130. 2 "la corona de auro cum suas petras preciosas, et alia de argento cum sua macana exorata (1112)," Fuentes para la Historia de Castilla por los PP. Benedietinos de Silos, Madrid, etc., 1907, vol. II, p. 52, and Ducange gives Port, masana, macana for the thirteenth century. In all these it apparently has the meaning of knob-like ornamentation, hence they all, as well as OFrench mace, maque, are most likely developments of manzana, that is, LLat. matiana "apple." 3 Vol. I, p. 153. ' H. Cordier, op. cit., p. 186. <¦ Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 144. « Ibid., p. 226. 58 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA says: "In Bandan three kinds of parrots are found, some with red feathers and a yellow beak, and some partly coloured, which are called nori, that is, 'bril liant,' both kinds of the size of doves, also some white of the size of hens. These last are called cachi, which means more excellent: they excel in talking, imitating human speech in a wonderful manner, and even answer ing questions."1 Barbosa knows only of mire,2 obviously a cor ruption of nori, but Pigafetta says that in the Moluc cas "one also finds there parrots of various colors, and among the other varieties, some white ones called cathara, and some entirely red called nori. One of those red ones is worth one bahar of cloves, and that class speak with greater distinctness than the others."3 Ramusio writes cachi and nori.4 Thus it is pretty certain that guacamayo arose from a misreading of cachi nori, the two being taken as one. A similar blunder seems to be due to Las Casas in the case of guaminiquinajes. He says: "And they found much fish and those conies of the island which we call guaminiquinajes. "6 Herrera writes: " ani mates, llamados guadoquinaxes, maiores que liebres, i de mejor carne"6 and "las guadatinajas son como liebres."7 Oviedo calls the tailless animal guaca- bitinax: "la cabega tiene como un lechon, e el hogico 1 R. H. Major, India in the Fifteenth Century, London 1857, p. 17. The Italian reads: "Bandan nutrisce pappagalli di tre sorti, cio e una di rossi col becco giallo, l'altre di varij colori, i quali chiamano Noro che vuole inferir lucido, e ambe due le sorti sono della grandezza di colobi, la terza sono bianchi e grandi come galline chiamati Cachos, che vuol dire piu pregiati, per esser migliori de gli altri: perche imparano a parlar mirabilmente, e rispondono a quel che vien lor dimandato," Ramusio, vol. I, fol. 341 c. 2 Ramusio, op. cit., vol. I, fol. 319 f. 8 J. A. Robertson, Magellan's Voyage Around the World, by Antonio Pigafetta, Cleveland 1906, vol. II, p. 115. « Vol. I, fol. 368 a. 5 Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 179. • III. 10. 3. ' VIII. 4. 10. THE SECOND VOYAGE 59 como de conejo."1 Another animal of equal culinary value, which also resembles the coney, he caUs guab- iniquinax.2 Acosta3 calls a small coney-like animal guaditinajas, and Pedro Simon a little later knew them as guadatinajas} Thus we see that chronologically we have the development guaminiquinajes, guacabit- inax, guadaquinaxes, guadatinajes. Obviously only the first one needs an explanation. This is found in Ber- naldez's account of Columbus' First Voyage,5 where he says: "There were there no quadrupeds, nor could they see any animals in the islands such as are over there, except some small lap dogs, and in the fields some large rats, which they call hutias which they eat and are very savory, and they eat them as over there the conies, and they value them very much." "As over there the conies, como aed los couejos" produced guaminiquinajes, which was taken to be the name of the animal. That such is really the case is proved by another atrocious blunder in the Journal of the Second Voyage. The Italian version of the Second Voyage says that wherever Ojeda journeyed through the country, where the Indians already knew of the Christians, it happened that wherever the admiral passed there came said 1 Historia general y natural de las Indias, Madrid 1851, XII. 31. 2 Ibid., XII. 33. ' Historia natural y moral de las Indias, publicada en SeviUa, AHo de 150u, Madrid 1S9 I, vol. I, p. 436. 4 "Es un animal como diximos de la baclayra (mistake for b'ichira,, aunque algo diferente, es carne de monte buena," Primera parte de las Noticias historiales de las conquistas de tierra firme en las Indias Occidenta.es (Cuenca 1627), in the Vocabulary. 6 A. Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes catolicos Dn. Fernando y Da. Isabel, Sevilla 1S69, vol. I, in Bibliofilos andaluces. • "No habia res de cuatro pies, ni alimafia de las de aca pudieron ver en cuantas islas de esta vez descubrieron, salvo unos gozquillos chiquitos, y en los campos unos ratones grandlsimos, que llaman hutias que comen y son muy sabrosos, y c6menlo como acd los conejos, y en tai precio los tienen," ibid., p. 368. 60 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Indians into the streets, to receive him with presents.1 Earlier in the Journal the Spanish version of Las Casas says that on November 27 "there came a boat full of Indians, and it went up to the Admiral's ship, and they asked for him, saying almirante, almirante. And they received the answer that they could come in, and that he was there."2 Again, under August 23, 1494, that is, after the event first quoted, the same Spanish version writes: "There came to the ships a lord or cacique of this land, saying almirante, almirante, and other words. "3 There the ItaUan version simply says that he called the Admiral by his name.4 From all these it follows that the Spanish version of the first incident, which contains a supposedly Indian word for almirante, is based on a blunder. The Spanish version runs as follows: "Y porque . . abia enviado el almirante a Alonso de Hojeda, pocos dias abia, que viese aquella provingia, y la gente d'ella estaba ya avisada de la venida de los christianos, y supieron que el guamiquina de los christianos venia (' guamiquina' llamaban al sefior grande), por esta causa, por todos los pueblos que pasaban sallan a regibir al almirante y a sus christianos con grande alegria, trayendoles presentes de comida y de lo que tenian."5 Here 1 "Ora, perciochS, come si e detto, l'Ogieda havea gia caminato per quel paese, e pero gl'Indiani haveano gia notitia de' christiani, awenne che dovunque l'ammiraglio passava, venivano detti Indiani alle strade a riceverlo con presenti di cose da mangiare, e con alcuna quantita d'oro in granella, da lor raccolto, dopo che intesero che egli era venuto la per questa cagione," Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 170. 2 "A la entrada del puerto de la Navidad gurgi6 con los navios, mi£rcoles, 6. .27. de noviembre. hacia la media noche vino una canoa llena de Yndios, y lleg6 k la nao del almirante, y preguntaronle por 61, diziendo 'almirante, almirante'; respondieronles que entrasen, que alii estava. ellos no quisieron, hasta que el almirante se par6 al bordo de la nao; y . . luego entraron en la nao dos d'ellos, y ddnle sendas caratulas," ibid., p. 153 f. 3 "Sabado, .23. de agosto, vino a los navios un senor 6 cacique de aquella tierra, nombrando 'almirante, almirante,' y otras palabras," ibid., p. 196. 4 "Sabbato, a' .XXIII. di agosto, venne a' navigli un cacique, che chia- mava l'ammiraglio per suo nome, ed esprimeva altre cose," ibid. 5 Ibid., p. 170. THE SECOND VOYAGE 61 "and they knew that the guamiquina of the Christians had come (guamiquina they called a great lord)" arose from a marginal gloss to almirante: "como acd llamaban al senor grande," and here this como acd pro duced guamiquina, just as como acd los conejos pro duced guaminiquinajes. Apparently Columbus was not guilty of this ghost word. We can study the formation of another ghost word in a passage contained in Peter Martyr and Bernaldez, and, although this ghost word is not necessarily due to Columbus, the lie told in connection with it was published in 1504 in the Libretto, and Columbus never took the trouble to deny it. The Libretto passage runs as follows: "Afterwards they found farther onward some fishermen in certain of their boats of wood excavated like zopoli, who were fishing. In this manner they had a fish of a form unknown to us which has the body of an eel and larger: and upon the head it has a certain very tender skin which appears like a large purse. And this fish they drag, tied with a noose to the edge of the boat, because it cannot endure a breath of air. And when they see any large fish or snake, they loosen the noose and this fish at once darts like an arrow at the fish or at the snake, throwing over them this skin which he has upon his head; which he holds so firmly that they are not able to escape and he does not leave them if they are not taken from the water; but as soon as he feels the air he leaves his prey and the fishermen quickly seize it. And in the presence of our people they took four large calandre which they gave our people for a very delicate food."1 1 Thacher, op. cit., vol. II, p. 498, from the Italian on p. 469: "Trouarono dapoi piu auati alcuni pescadori I certe sue barche de uno legno cauo come zopoli ch pescauao. In qsto mo haueuao un pesce duna forma a noi incognita ch ha el corpo d aguilla: & mazor: & supra ala testa ha certa pelle tener- issima che par una borsa grade. Et qsto lo tieono ligato co una trezola ala spOda dela barcha p che el no po patir uista de aere: & cGe uedeo alchun pesce grade o bisia scudelera li lassao la trezola: & qllo subito corre como 62 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA This Libretto was based on Peter Martyr's First Decade, which, however, was published only in 1511. Here the story runs as follows: "Altero vero die piscatorum canoam a longe videns, ne nostris visis piscatores aufugerent, veritus, ut illos tacitis cymbis intercipiant imperat. illi autem intrepidi nostros ex pectant, audi novum genus piscationis. non aliter ac nos canibus gallicis per equora campi lepores insec- tamur, illi venatorio pisce pisces alios eapiebant. piscis erat forme nobis ignote, corpus eius anguille grandiori persimile, sed habens in occipite pellem tenacissimam, in modum magne crumene. hunc vinctum tenent in navis sponda funiculo, sed tantum demisso, quantum piscis intra aquam carine queat inherere; neque enim patitur ullo pacto aeris adspectum. viso autem aliquo pisce grandi, aut testudine, que ibi sunt magno scuto grandiores, piscem solvunt. ille quum se solutum sentit, sagitta velocius, piscem aut testudinem, qua extra conchile partem aliquam eductam teneat, adori- tur, pelleque ilia crumenaria iniecta, predam raptam ita tenaciter apprehendit, quod exolvere ipsam, eo vivo, nulla vis sufficiat, nisi extra aque marginem paulatim glomerato funiculo extrahatur; viso enim aeris fulgore, statim praedam deserit. preda igitur iam circa aque marginem evecta, in mare saltat piscatorum copia tanta, quanta ad predam sufficiat sustinendam, donee e navi comites eam apprehendant. preda in navim tracta, funiculi tantum solvunt, quantum vena- tor possit ad locum sue sedis intra aquam redire, ibique de preda ipsa per alium funiculum escas illi demittunt. piscem incole ' guaicanum,' nostri 'rever- sum ' appellant, quod versus venetur. quatuor testudines una saeta al pesce o ala biscia: butadoli adosso qlla pelle ch tien sopra la testa co laql tie tato sorte ch scapar no possono: & non li lassa si noi tiri for de laq: elql subito sentito laire lassa la preda. & li pescadori psto apiglare. Et I pntia de li nri psero .iiii. gran caladre. leqle donorono ali nfi p cibo dilicatissimo." THE SECOND VOYAGE 63 eo modo captas, que naviculam illis fere implebant, nostris dono dant."1 Bernaldez gives the identical story as follows: "El dia siguiente, estando el almirante en mucho deseo de aver lengua, bino una canoa a, caga de pezes, que ansi le llamaban ellos caza, que cazan con unos pezes otros, que traen atados unos peces por la cola con unos cordeles, y aquellos peces son de hechura de congrios y tienen la boca larga, toda llena de sosas, ansi como de pulpo, y son muy osados, como aca los urones, e, langandolos en el agua, ellos ban a pegarse a qualquier pege; d'estos en el agua non los desapeg- aran fasta que lo saquen fuera, antes morira, y es pege muy lijero, y desque se apegan tiran por el cordel muy luengo en que lo traen atado, y sacan cada vez uno, e tomanlo en llegando a la cunbre del agua, ansi que aquellos cagadores andavan muy desviados de las caravelas, y el almirante inbio las barcas armadas y con arte que no les fuyesen a tierra, y, llegados a ellos, los hablaron todos aquellos cagadores como corderos mansos sin malicia, como si toda su bida los ubiera visto, que se detubiesen con las varcas' porque tenian uno d'estos peges pegado en fondo a una grande tortuga, fasta que lo ubiesen recojido adentro en la canoa, y ansi lo ficieron, y despues toma- ron la canoa, y a ellos con quatro tortugas, y cada una tenia tres codos en luengo, e los truxeron a los navios al almirante; y alii aquellos le dieron nueva de toda aquella tierra y yslas, ye de su cacique, que estava alii muy cerca, que los avia enviado a cagar, y rogaron al almirante que se fuese alia, y que le harian gran fiesta, y dieronle todas quatro tortugas, y el les dio muchas cosas de las que llevava, con que fueron muv conten- tos."2 1 Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 248 f. 2 Ibid. 64 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Both stories are based on the Journal of the Second Voyage.1 "In un di questi canali videro una canoa di pescatori indiani, i quali con molta sicurta e quiete, senza far moto alcuno, aspettarono la barca, che andava alia volta loro; e poi, quando fu loro vicina, fecero segno che dovesse fermarsi un poco, finche finivano di pescare. il modo col quale essi pescano a' nostri parve tanto nuovo e strano, che si contentarono di compiacer loro; ed era questo. havevano legati con spaghi alcuni pesci alia coda, che da noi son detti 'pesci riversi'; i quali pesci vanno incontro agli altri pesci, e con certa asprezza, che han nella testa e scorre fino al mezo della schena, si attaccano cosi fortemente col piu vicin pesce, che, sentendo cid gl'Indiani, tirando il filo, tirano l'uno e l'altro ad un tratto. e fu una testuggine quella che i nostri videro allhora esser presa da quei pescatori, al collo della qual detto pesce s'era appic- cato; ove sogliono sempre appiccarsi, perciochesonsicuri, cosi, che il pesce, da lor preso, non li puo mordere. ed io ne ho veduti di attaccati cosi a grandissimi tiburoni. or, dopd che gl'Indiani della canoa hebbero finita la loro caccia della testuggine e di due altri pesci, che havevan presi prima, subito si accostarono alia barca con molta pace." According to these accounts the "pesci riversi" are supplied with some rough surfaces on their bodies against which the fish or turtles get caught. That this story in Ferdinand Columbus and Las Casas is older or based on an older original from which Ber naldez got his version, is proved from Bernaldez's "como aca los urones," which has no meaning, as there is no such word as urones, and which is the result of the misreading of tiburones "sharks," that, accord- 1 Ibid., p. 184. "En una d'estas ysletas vieron una canoa de Yndios que estaban pescando, los quales, viendo & los christianos que yban en la barca a ellos, se estuvieron seguros como si vieran k sus hermanos, y hizieronles sefias que se detuviesen. detuvi- eronse hasta que pescaron; y la pesqueria era que toman unos peges que se llaman 'revesos,' que los mayores seran como una sardina, los quales tienen en la barriga una aspereca, con la qual, dondequiera que se pegan, primero que se des- peguen los hazen pedagos. estos ataban de la cola un hilo delgado. luengo de giento y dogientas bragas, y vase el pege quasi por engima del agua 6 poco mas baxo. y, en Ue- gando que Uega adonde est&n las tortugas en el agua, pegansele en la concha baxa, y tiran del cordel y traen una tortuga que pesa quatro y ginco arrobas. lo mismo vemos quando se toman tiburones, que son unas bestias crueles, carnizeras, que comen hombres quando los hallan: que vienen muchos de los peges revesos, que dixe, en las barrigas de los tiburones pegados." THE SECOND VOYAGE 65 ing to the other two accounts, are caught by means of the same fish. It is not certain that the whole story was really told by Columbus, even though Columbus never denied it. What really happened is, in all probability, this. In Ferdinand Columbus' account of the Second Voyage the passage under discussion is preceded by the sentence: "Vedeansi medesimamente in queste isole corvi & grue come quelle di Spagna, & corvi marini, & infiniti uccelli piccioli, i quali cantavano soavissimamente." Corvi marini means "cormorant," and this suggested the story of the catching of fish with cormorants, as told in Odoric of Pordenone: " De ceste montaigne m'en alay XVIII journees jusques a un tres grant fleuve; en travers de ce fleuve a un grant pont d'en coste lequel je fus hostellez. Mon hoste me list bonne chiere, et pour moy esbatre li me demanda se je vouloie veoir tres bien peschier. Si me mena a ce pont Ik oil sa nef estoit. II avoit en sa nef trois questes l'une a un bout et l'autre a l'autre et la tierce au milieu, puis avoit en sa nev sur perches estans pluseurs plungons. Quant il voult peschier, il lia le col a ces plungons d'un petit filz affin qu'ilz ne peussent point mengier de ces poissons et dont les laissoit aler en l'eaue. Ces plung ons se mirent au fons et prirent de ces poissons tant que en bien petit d'eure ces III questes furent emplies. Adonc il leur dclia les colz et les remist en l'eaue aler paistre de ces poissons et quant ilz eurent assez mengie, il les reprenoit et mettoit en leurs lieux. De ces poissons je mengay tout mon saoul."1 In the Italian version of the story the plungon "diver" is changed into maragone "diver." "Part- endomi per altre xviii giornate passando cittadi e castella arrivai a un grande fiume ch ae un grande ponte a traverso sopra il fiume; e albergai in capo del 1 Op. cit., p. 266 f. 66 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA ponte. E l'oste, volendomi fare a piacere, mi disse, 'Vo tu venire a vedere pescare, vieni qui.' E menomi in sul ponte; quivi di sotto erano barche. E vidi maragoni in su pertiche; e l'uomo gli leg6 la bocca, ovvero la gola con filo, che non potessono mangiare de pesci. Poi puose tre gran ceste nella barca; poi isciolse i maragoni in quali si gitavano nell' aqua, e prendeano de' pesci, e metevagni nella barca, e tosto l'ebbero piene. Poi isciolsono i maragoni il filo ch'ave- ano legato a collo, emandavano nel fiume a pascergli."1 In the Latin version this maragone becomes mergos, from mergere "to dive." In the Italian edition of Ramusio marigione is a fish which is also called sea- calf, and the passage runs as follows: "E lo hostieri p darci piacere, ci disse, se noi voleuamo ueder pescare, e menocci al lato del ponte, doue il fiume era piu largo : la oue erano molte barche, & eracene una, che pescaua con un pesce, che loro chiamano marigione. E l'hoste ne haueua un'altro, e quello tolse, e teneualo con una corda messa in una bella collana: e ben vero che noi ne haueuamo ueduti ne' nostri paesi assai: e molti lo chiamano Veglio marino. Questa bestia hauea il muso, e '1 collo com' una volpe, & i piedi dauanti com' un cane, ma hauea le dita piu longhe, & i piedi di dietro com un' oca, e la coda col resto del busto come un pesce: quale l'hoste lo mando giu nel fiume: & egli cacciatosi dentro comincio a prendere di molto pesce con la bocca tutta via mettendolo nella barca. E giuro che in meno di due hore n'empi piu di dui cestoni : e similmente f ecero gli altri pescatori : quando poi non volean piu pescare, lasciauano la bestia nell' acqua, accioche andasse a pascerci: e quando era ben pasciuta, ritornaua ciascuna al suo pescatore, come cosa domestica."2 Here we have the whole trans- 1 Sir Henry Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither {The Hakluyt Society), London 1913, vol. II, p. 352. 2 Ibid., p. 189. THE SECOND VOYAGE 67 formation. Corvo marino has become Veglio marino, and the story is that of a catch by means of a fish. A marginal note, no doubt, read in Spanish "caza con un pez, fishing with a fish," where Bernaldez took caza to be the name of the fish, while Peter Martyr mis read caza as caia, and took caia con un as the gloss for "pez," producing the outlandish guaicanum as the name of the fish. But mergo was by him read as verso or reverso, producing another name for the same fish. It is significant that the passages referring to tiburones "sharks" are absent from the manuscripts of Ferdinand Columbus' and Las Casas' versions of the Second Voyage. This suggests the assumption that this passage, like those from which the previous ghost words were derived, were originally marginal glosses in Columbus' bad handwriting, which gave rise to the misreadings and misconceptions. Thus we cannot place any of the previous atrocities at Columbus' door, but there is one, which lies at the foundation of an enormous amount of misconceptions as regards Indian antiquity, which in the Journal of the Second Voyage is by Ferdinand Columbus definitely ascribed to him.1 "Idolatria, ne altra setta io non I have been unable to find with ho potuto comprendere in loro, them any idolatry or other sect, quantunque tutti i loro re, che son although all their kings, of whom molti, si nella Spagnuola, come in there are many, both in Hispaniola tutte le altre isole, e nella terra and in all the other islands and on ferma, habbiano una casa per cias- the mainland, have a house for each eun di loro, separata dalla popo- of them, separated from the people, latione, nella qual non e cosa alcuna, in which there is nothing except a eccetto alcune imagini di legname, few wooden images worked in relief lavorate in rilevo, che da lor son which by them are called cemi; in chiamate 'ccmi'; ne in quella lor this house of theirs no service is casa si lavora per altro effetto o rendered except to these cimi, by servitio che per questi cimi, per means of a certain ceremony and certa ceremonia e oratione, che prayer, which they render in them eglino vanno a fare in essa, come noi as we do in our churches. In this alle chiese. in questa casa hanno house they have a well finished table, una tavola ben lavorata, di forma of a round form, like a plate, rotonda, come un tagliere, nella on which there are certain powders Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 209 ff. 68 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA qual sono alcune polveri, che da lor son poste sopra la testa de' suddetti cimi, facendo certa cere monia; poi con una canna di due rami, che si mettono al naso, succi- ano questa polvere. le parole, che dicono, non le intende alcuno de' nostri. con la detta polvere vanno fuori di sentimento, diventando come ubriachi. pongono essi un nome alia detta statua, e credo che sia quel del padre, dell'avolo, o di ambidoi, percioche n'hanno piu di una, ed altri piu di .X., tutti in memoria, come ho detto gia, di alcun de' suoi antecessori. io ho ben sentito lodarne piu una che un' altra, e gli ho veduti haver piu divotione e far piu riverenza ad una che ad un' altra, come noi fac- ciam nelle processioni, quando fa mestiero. e si vantano i caciqui ed i popoli, gli uni con gl' altri, di haver miglior cimi. e, quando vanno a questi lor cimi, ed entrano nella casa, dove egli e, si guardano da' christiani, e non li lasciano en- trare in essa; anzi, se han sospetto della lor venuta, tolgono via il cimi, o i eimini, e gli ascondono ne' boschi, per paura che non siano lor tolti. e, quel ch'e piu da ridere, han fra loro in costume di rubbarsi i cimi l'uno all'altro. ed awenne che una volta, havendo essi sos petto di noi, entrarono con loro in detta casa i christiani; e di subito il cimi grido forte e parlo nella lingua loro. da che si scoperse, che era fabricato artificiosamente; percioche, essendo egli vuoto, ha- veano alia parte inferiore accom- modata una tromba, o zarabottana, la qual riusciva ad un lato oscuro della casa, coperto di foglie e di fronde, ove era una persona, che parlava quel che il cacique volea che ei dicesse, per quanto si pud far con una zarabottana. laonde i nostri, awedutisi di quel che poteva essere, diedero de' piedi al cimi, e trovarono esser quel c'ho narrate la qual cosa il cacique vedendo discoperta da' nostri, con which are by them placed on the heads of abovesaid cimi, while per forming certain ceremony; then with a reed of two branches which they place to the nose they inhale this powder. None of us understand the words which they say. With said powder they lose their consci ousness, becoming intoxicated. They give a name to said statue, and I think it is that of a father, or grand father, or both, for they have more than one, and some have more than ten, all of them in memory of some of their ancestors, as I have already said. I have heard them praise one more than another, and I have seen them have more devotion and do more reverence to one than to another, as we do in processions, when it is necessary. And the caciques and the people boast with each other of having a better cimi, and when they go to these their cimi, and enter into the house where it is, they keep away the Christians and do not let them enter; and if they suspect their coming, they take away the cimi or the eimini, and hide them in the woods, for fear that they will be taken away, and, what is most laughable, they have among themselves the custom of stealing each other's cimi. It happened one time when they had suspected us that some Christians entered with them into said house; and suddenly the cimi cried out aloud and spoke in their tongue, by which it was found out that it was made artificially, because it was empty and they had attached to the lower end a trumpet which went to a dark part of the house, covered with leaves and branches, where there was a person who spoke what ever the cacique wanted him to say, as much as may be said through a trumpet. Then our men, being sure what it was, kicked the cimi and found it to be as told. When the cacique saw that the thing was dis covered by us, he earnestly begged them not to say anything to his THE SECOND VOYAGE 69 grande instanza pregolli a non dir cosa alcuna agl'Indiani suoi sudditi, ne ad altri; pericioch6 con quella astutia egli teneva tutti in obedienza. questo possiamo noi dire che habbia alcun colore d'idolatria, almeno in quelli che non sanno il secreto e l'inganno de' lor caciqui; pioche credono che colui che parla sia il cimi, e tutti in general sono gl'in- gannati; e solo il cacique e quel, ch'e consapevole e copritore della lor falsa credulita, col mezo della quale tragge da' suoi popoli tutti quoi tributi che pare a lui. pari- mente, la maggior parte de' caciqui han tre pietre, nelle quali essi edi loro popoli hanno gran devotione. l'una dicono che giova alle biade ed a' legumi seminati; 1' altra al partorir delle donne senza doglie; e la terza giova per l'acqua e per lo sole, quando ne hanno bisogno. io mandai a Vostra Altezza tre di queste pietre con Antonio di Torres, ed altre tre ne ho da portar meco. medesimamente, quando questi In- diani moiono, fan le loro essequie in diversi modi; ed il modo, nel qual sepelisconsi i caciqui, e questo: aprono il cacique, e lo seccano al fuoco, accioche si conservi cosi intero. degli altri solamente pigliano la testa, altri sepeliscono in una grotta, e mettono lor sopra la testa una zucca di acqua, e del pane. altri abbruciano nella casa ove moiono; e, quando li veggono nell'es- tremo punto, non lascian loro finir la vita, ma gli strangolano; e cid si fa a' caciqui. altri gli cacciano fuori di casa, ed altri mettono in una hamaca, che e il loro letto di rete, e mettono loro acqua e pane dalla banda del capo, e li lascian soli, non tornando a vederli piu. alcuni ancora, che son gravemente ammalati, li menano al cacique, e egli dice loro se debbono strango- larli o no, facendo quel eh'ei com- manda. io mi son faticato per intendere che cosa credono, e se san dove vadano dopo morti; special- mente da Caunab6, il quale era il Indian subjects, nor to anybody else, because he kept them all in subjection with this piece of clever ness. We may say that there is some color of idolatry in this, at least in those who do not know the secret and deception of their caci ques, since they believe that it is the cimi that speaks, and all in general are deceived; it is only the cacique who knows and abets their false belief, by means of which he collects all the tribute which is due him. Similarly the greater part of the caciques have three stones to which they and their people show great devotion. They say that one of them is good for the sowed grain and vegetables, the other to make their women bear children without pain, and the third helps them with the water and sun, when they need them. I sent Your Highnesses three of these stones with Antonio de Torres, and I have three others to bring with mc. Similarly, when these Indians die, they bury their dead in various manners, and this is the way they bury their caciques: they open up the cacique's body, and dry it at the fire, so that it may be preserved whole. Of others they keep only the heads. Others they bury in a grotto, and they place over their heads a bowl of water and some bread. Others they burn in the house where they have died; and when they see them in their ex tremities, they do not let them live, but strangle them, and this is done to caciques. Others they drive out of their house, and others they place in a hammock, which is their bed of netting, and they place water and bread for them at the head, and leave them alone, and never return to see them. Others, again, who are severely ill, they take to the cacique, and he tells them whether they ought to strangle them or not, and they do what they are told. I have tried to understand what they believe, and if they know where they go after their death, especially from Cau- 70 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA principal re della Spagnuola, e nabd, who was the principal king of huomo di eta, e di gran sapere, e Hispaniola, and a man of advanced di acutissimo ingegno; ed esso, e age and great knowledge, and very gli altri rispondevano che vanno sharp judgment, and he and the ad una certa valle, la quale ogni others said that they went to a principal cacique crede che giaccia certain valley, which, all the caciques nel suo paese, affermando quivi believed, lay in his country, saying ritrovare i loro padri e tutti i loro that there were found their fathers antecessori, e che mangiano, e and all their ancestors, and that they hanno donne, e si danno a'piaceri eat and have women and give them- e solazzi, come piu copiosamente si selves over to pleasures and solaces, contiene nella seguente scrittura, as is more fully related in the follow- nella quale io commandai ad un fra ing writing, which I entrusted to Roman, che sapeva la loro lingua, a Fra Roman, who knew their lan- ch' ei raccogliesse tutti i lor riti, e guage, asking him to collect all le antichita; benche sono tante le their rites and antiquities. But favc*e, che non se ne puo trarre they are so many fairy tales, and altro frutto, se non che ciascun di no other result follows from them loro ha certo natural rispetto al than that every one of them has futuro, e tiene rimmortalita delle a certain respect for the future, and anime nostre." believes in the immortality of our souls. The enormous amount of balderdash contained in this passage can be discussed only in connection with the forgery of Columbus' coadjutor, Ramon Pane, but a few points of minor importance may be taken up separately. When the cacique Caunabo is first mentioned in the Journal of the Second Voyage, it says of him that he was the master of the mines.1 Simi larly, Peter Martyr speaks of him as the master of the mines.2 There obviously existed some cacique whose atrocities and death are accounted for in the Journal, but his name, Caunabo, is mere philological camouflage. The Libretto, which got its material from Peter Martyr, gives away the whole story, for here we have: "Our people understood also that there was a certain king in the mountains from whence the rivers came, who was called Cazichio Cannoba, that is to say, Lord of the House of Gold; boa meaning 'house,' 1 "Un cacique, chiamato Caunabo, il quale e signor delle minere," "un senor que se llamava Canabo, que senoreava las minas," ibid., p. 156. 2 "Ad Caunaboam deinde, Cibavorum montium, id est, auree regionis, dominum," ibid., p. 265. THE SECOND VOYAGE 71 canno, 'gold,' and Caziehio, 'king.'"1 We have already seen that caona, canna is the Mande word for "gold." Similarly boa is the same as Vei boi "hut, shed without walls, resting merely on posts." The word for "house" in the other Mande languages is given in Koelle2 as follows: Mandingo bong, Kabunga bungo, Toronka bo, Bambara bun, bong, etc. Similar forms are found outside of the Mande languages, and it is most likely that in all these we have a derivative of Arab. J7j baU "house," which is found in the African oases as beat, bet, bai. This boi, as recorded in Vei, lies at the foundation of bohio, buhio, the Spanish word for "Indian house," which, like so many such words, has found its way into Arawak as bahii.3 Similarly caziehio is the Mande, Bambara, Dyula kuntigi "chef ou general." This tigi "owner" is attached to the word of which a man is an owner or chief, hence dugu-tigi "chief of a village." Kun in kuntigi means "head," hence kuntigi "head chief." Unfortunately it is not possible to determine precisely the dialect of Mande from which the Cuinea " scholar" drew his etymologies, but since kun "head" is found as kan, ku in several of them, and t and s constantly change in Mande,4 there can be no doubt that kasigr was already found in Mande. Indeed, Steinthal 1 Thacher, op. cit., vol. II, p. 495, from the Italian on p. 466: "A li nostri (uisto questo) tornorono ad lo admirante per che hauea comandato sotto pena dela uita ch nisciuno facesse altro che descoprire. Intesero etiam che lera uno certo Reali monti; doue uenian li fiumi loqual chiamano Caziehio cannoba cioe signor dela casa de loro: boa uol dir casa: canno oro: & caziehio re." 2 Polyglotta Africana, London 1S54. « The Carib root for "house" is pata, a root which ultimately is related with the "house" words of Asia and Europe, hence also with Arab. baU, as I shall show in my Comparative Grammar of American Languages, which is in preparation. But here the bohio is a new importation from Africa, together with caona "gold," which found its way into Galibi as eaounage (Pelleprat) and kaouanam "alloy" (Rochefort). * H. Steinthal, Die Mande-Neger-Sprachen, Berlin 1S67, § 86 ip. 49). 72 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA records Soso kandzi1 "chief," which would presuppose kandzigi as a fuller form. That three words in juxta position should all turn out to be Mande words, still in use today in slightly changed forms, makes chance coincidence quite out of the question. Besides, the word for "gold" here given is found only sporadically in Galibi, for "house" only in Arawak, and for "chief" not at all. It is certainly beyond all probability that the personal name of the chief in whose province gold was found should have been "Lord of the Gold Mine." This name is just as much a ghost word as is that of the other chief, Guariones, which we have seen to be derived from the province, which itself is the result of the misreading of Vari omnes. We shall now take up Ramon Pane's account of the religion of the Indians.2 "I, Brother Roman, a poor hermit of the order of Saint Jerome, by command of the illustrious admiral and viceroy and governor of the islands and of the mainland of the Indies, write what I was able to learn and to find out about the behef and the idolatry of the Indians, and how they worship their gods, of which I shall treat in the present writing. "Everyone, in adoring the idols which are in the house, called by them eimini, observes a particular kind of superstition. They hold that he is immortal as if in heaven, and that no one can see him, and that he has a mother, and that he has no beginning, and this they call 'Iocahuuague Maorocon,' and his mother they call 'Atabei,' 'Iermaoguacar,' 'Apito,' and 'Zui- maco,' which are five names. All this is from the island of Hispaniola, because I know nothing of the other islands, not having ever seen them. They also know from what part they came, and where the sun and 1 Ibid., § 75 (p. 45). 2 Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, pp. 213-223. THE SECOND VOYAGE 73 moon had their origin, and how the sea was made, and where the dead go to. And they believe that the dead appear to them in the streets, if they walk alone, because, if many walk together, they do not appear to them. Their ancestors make them believe all that, because they cannot read or count more than ten. 1. "From which part the Indians came, and in what manner. " Hispaniola has a province called ' Caanau,' in which there is a mountain called 'Canta,' where there are two grottoes, one named 'Cacibagiagua,' and the other 'Amaiauua.' From Cacibagiagua came the greater part of the people that settled the island. Standing in this grotto they watched all night, one named '.Mar- ocael' being in charge. Having one day failed to cmne to the gate, they say the sun carried him off. Seeing that the sun had carried him off because he had not watched carefully they closed the gate, and thus he was transformed into a rock near the gate. They also say that others, who had gone out to lish, had been taken by the sun and became trees, called by them iobi, otherwise called 'myrobalans.' "The reason why Maroeael was watching was to find out in what part he was to send the people, but he stayed behind for his greater ill. 2. "How the men separated from the women. "It happened that one who was named 'Guagu- giona' told another named 'Ciadruuaua' to fetch some herb, called digo, with which they clean their bodies, when they wash themselves. He went early in the morning and the sun took him on the road, and he became a bird that sings in the morning like the nightingale and is called ' Giahuba Bagiael.' Guagu- giona, seeing that the man he had sent out to fetch the digo had not returned, decided to leave the grotto Cacibagiagua. 74 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA 3. "When Guagugiona saw that those whom he had sent to pick the digo with which to wash had not returned, he was angry and decided to leave, and he said to the women: 'Leave your husbands, and let us go to other countries, and let us carry with us enough joy; leave your children, and let us carry only the herbs with us, for we shall come for them later.' 4. " Guagugiona went away with all his women, and looked for other countries, and stopped at Matinino, where he suddenly left the women, and he went to another region, called 'Guanin,' and they had left the little children near a brook. Later, when hunger began to trouble them, they say they cried and called their mothers, who had departed, and their fathers could not assist their children, who were calling in hunger for their mothers, saying 'mama,' in order to say something, but in reality to ask for the breast. And, weeping like this, and asking for the breast, saying 'too, too,' as when one asks with great desire for a thing, they were transformed into small animals, resembling frogs, which are called tona, on account of the demand for the breast, and in this manner all men were left without their wives. 5. "The women once more went away from said is land of Hispaniola, which was formerly called 'Aiti,' and thus are the inhabitants thereof called; and these, and the other islands are called 'Bouhi.' And, since they have no writing nor letters, they cannot give a good account, as they understood it from their an cestors; and so they do not conform with what they say, nor is it possible to write in order what they tell. When Guahagiona, who carried off all the women, went away, he also took the wives of his cacique, who was called 'Anacacugia,' cheating him as he had cheated the others, and besides he was a brother-in- law of Guahagiona. Anacacuia, who went away with THE SECOND VOYAGE 75 him, entered the sea, and Guahagiona said to his brother-in-law, who was in the canoe: 'See what fine cobo is in the water,' which cobo was a sea snail. And while he was looking at the water, in order to see the cobo, Guahagiona, his brother-in-law, took him by his legs and threw him into the sea, and thus he carried off all the women, and left those of Matanino, where they say there are today none but women, and he went to another island, which is called 'Guanin,' and it is called so on account of what he carried away from it, when he went there. 6. "Guahagiona turned to said Canta, whither he had taken the women. "They say that when he was on the land where Guahagiona had gone, he saw that he had left on the sea a woman, with whom he had had much pleasure, and suddenly he looked for many bathing spots to wash himself in, because he was full of that plague which we call 'the French sickness.' At last she put him in a guanara, which means 'a place apart,' and he staying there was cured of the plague. Then she asked his permission to go her way, and he gave it to her. This woman was called 'Guabonito.' and (iua- hagiona changed his name, calling himself ever after wards 'Biberoci Guahagiona,' and the woman (iual- onito gave Biberoci Guahagiona many guanini and many cibe, that he should wear them tied to the arms, because in these countries the coleeibe are of stone which resemble much the marble, and they wear them tied to the arms and neck, and the guanini they wear in their ears, the holes being made when they are small, and they are of metal, like a florin. The beginning of these guanini, they say, were Guabonito, Albeborael, Guahagiona, and the father of Albeborael. Guahag iona remained in the land with his father, who was called 'Hiauna.' His son was called, for his father's 76 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA sake, 'Hia Guaili Guanin,' which means Hiauna's son, and from that time on he was called 'Guanin' and is so called today. And, since they have no letters, nor writing, they cannot tell these fables well, and I can not write them well, and so I think that he put first what should be last, and last what should be first. But everything I write is just told that way by them as I write it and thus I relate it as I understood it from the men of the country. 7. "How there were women a second time in said island of Aiti, now called Hispaniola. "They say that one day the men went to wash themselves and when they were in the water it rained much, and, as they were very anxious to have some women, and several times, when it rained, they had gone to look for the traces of their women and had not been able to get any news about them, except that on that day, as they were washing themselves, they say, they saw dropping from some trees, but holding on to the branches, a certain form of beings which were neither men nor women, nor had the nature of a male or female, whom they went to take. But these escaped as though they were eels. So they called two or three men by order of their cacique, because they could not take them, to watch them where they were, and to look for men who were caracaracol, because their hands were rough, so that they might hold them fast. They told the cacique that there were four, and so they brought four men who were caracaracoli; which cara caracol is a disease like the itch which makes the body very rough. When they had taken them, they coun seled among themselves how they could change them into women, since they had the nature of neither male nor female. 8. "How they found means to make women. "They looked for a bird which is called inriri, THE SECOND VOYAGE 77 anciently called inrire cahuuaial, which hollows the trees, and in our language is called woodpecker. And they took these women without the nature of a male or female, and tied their hands and feet, and brought the above-said bird and tied it to the body, and the bird, thinking that they were beams, began to do its accustomed work, pecking and slitting in the spots where is the nature of the women. In this manner, the Indians now say, they had their women, as the very old men tell, but I wrote in haste and did not have enough paper, and so I could not put in the right place what I transferred into another; but, with all that, I have not erred, because they believe it all, as I have written. Now we shall turn to what we should have placed first, that is, about their idea of the be ginning and origin of the sea. 9. "How they say the sea was made. "There was a man, called 'Giaia,' whose name they do not know. His son's name was 'Giaiael,' which means Giaia's son. This Giaiael wishing to kill his father, he sent him into exile, where he stayed four months, and then his father killed him and put his bones in a calabash and nailed it to the roof of his house, where it remained for some time. It happened that one day Giaia, wishing to see his son, said to his wife: 'I want to see my son,' and she was glad of it, and, bringing the calabash, she turned it upside down, in order to see the bones of her son. But from it came many large and small fish, and they, seeing that these bones were turned into fish, intended to eat them. One day, they say, when Giaia had gone to his conichi, which means farm, which was of his property, there came four sons of a woman, named 'Itiba Tahuuaua,' all of one womb and quadruplets. When this woman died in child birth, they cut her open and brought out the four sons, and the first they brought out was 78 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Caracaracol, which means 'covered with the itch,' which Caracaracol had the name the others had no name. 10. "When the quadruplets of Itiba Tahuuaua, who died in child birth, went to put together Giaia's calabash, where was his son Agiael, who was changed into fish, none of them had any desire to take it away, except Dimiuan Caracaracol, who opened it, and all had their fill of the fish, and, while they were eating, they saw that Giaia was coming from his farm, and they, wishing in a hurry to close the calabash, did not close it well, so that it fell on the ground and broke. They say there was so much water which came out of the calabash that it filled the whole earth, and with it a lot of fish escaped, and from this, they say, the sea had its beginning. They went away from there and found a man who was called 'Conel,' who was mute. 11. "The things experienced by the four brothers when they fled from Giaia. " The moment they came to the gate of Bassamanaco and saw that he carried cazzabi, they said: 'Ahiacauo Guarocoel,' which means: 'We know this our grand father.' At the same time Deminan Caracaracol, seeing his brothers in front of him, entered, to see whether he could get some cazzabi, which cazzabi is the bread which is eaten in the land. Caracaracol, having entered Aiamauaco's house, asked him for cazzabi, which is the above-said bread, and he put his hand to his nose and knocked his guanguaio from his shoulders, which guanguaio was full of cogioba which he had made that day, which cogioba is a certain powder which they occasionally take to purge them selves with and for other purposes, as you will later understand. This they take with a reed of half an arm's length, and they put one part to the nose and THE SECOND VOYAGE 79 the other into the powder, and thus they snuff it through the nose, and this makes them purge greatly. And thus he gave him this guanguaio for bread, and Cirtose (?) bread which he made, and he went away very much provoked, because they had asked him for it After this Caracaracol turned to his brothers and told them what had happened to him with Baiamanicoel, and about the stroke which he gave him with the guanguaio on the shoulder, and which was hurting him greatly. Then his brothers looked at his shoulder and saw that it was very much swollen. And this swelling grew so much that he was about to die. Then they tried to cut it out, but could not do so, and, taking a stone, they opened it, and there came a living roof, a woman. And thus they built their house and raised the roof. Of this I did not understand the rest, and what I have written is of little use. "And then they say that the sun and moon came out of a grotto which lies in the country of a cacique, called ' Maucia Tiuuel,' which grotto is called ' Giou- ouaua,' and they esteem it much, and have it all painted in their manner, without any figures, with many leaves and similar things. In this grotto stood two small eimini made of stone, of the size of half an arm, with hands tied, and it seemed that they were sweating. These eimini they esteemed greatly, and when it did not rain, they say, they went in to visit them, and it suddenly rained. And of these eimini one was by them called 'Boinaiel,' the other 'Maroio.' 12. "What they think of the roaming of the dead, and of what manner they are, and what they do. "They hold that there is a place to which the dead go, which is called 'Coaibai,' and it lies in a part of the island which is called 'Soraia.' The first who was in Coaibai, they say, was one who was called 'Machet- 80 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA aurie Guaiaua,' who was the master of said Coaibai, house and habitation of the dead. 13. "Of the shapes they say the dead have. "They say that in daytime they are shut up and at night they walk about, and that they eat a certain fruit which is called 'guabazza,' which has the flavor of ... . that in daytime they are . . . and at night they turn into fruit, and that they celebrate and go together with the living. To find them out they observe the following procedure, namely, they touch their paunches with the hand, and if they do not find the navel they say that it is operito, that is, 'dead,' because they say that the dead have no navel, and thus they are sometimes deceived, because they do not watch it, and they sometmes lie with a woman from Comboi, who do not exist at all, whereas they think they have them in their arms, because they suddenly disappear. This they believe up to this day. When the person is alive, they call the spirit goeiz, and when it is dead, they call it opia. They say that this goeiz appears frequently in the form of a man or woman, and they say that it has happened that one has tried to fight with it and that it disappeared, as soon as he came into his arms, and that the man put the arms somewhere else, as some tree to which he remained attached. And this is believed by all, small and great, and that it appears in the form of a father, mother, brothers, or relatives, and in other forms. The fruit which they say the dead eat is of the size of a quince. And the above-said dead do not appear in daytime, but always at night, hence a man risks only with the greatest fear to walk alone in the night. 14. "Whence they get it, and who keep's them in this faith. "There are some men who practise among them and are called bohuti, who do much cheating, as we THE SECOND VOYAGE 81 shall say further on, by making them beheve that they speak with them, and that they know all their deeds and secrets, and that, when they are sick, they take away their sickness, and thus they cheat them, for I have not seen with my own eyes, like the other things I told only that which I understood from the principal men, with whom I have conversed more than with others, for they believe these fables more surely than the others, just like the Moors they have their religion reduced to old songs, by which they are ruled, as the Moors by their writing. And when they want to sing their songs, they play a certain instrument which is called 'maiohauau,' which is of wood and concave, made strong and very fine, an arm and a half in length, and the place where it is played is made in the form of a horseshoer's tongs, and on the other side it resembles a club, then again it resembles a calabash with a long neck, and this instrument they play, and it makes such a noise that you can hear it one and a half leagues off. To this sound they sing their songs which they learn by heart, and they are played by principal men who have learned to play them from childhood, and to sing to it, according to their custom. Let us pass now to the discussion of many things in regard to other ceremonies and customs of the Gentiles. 15. "Of the observations of said Indian buhuitihu, and how they profess medicine and teach the people; and they are often deceived in their medical cures. "All or the major part of those of the island of Hispaniola have many eimini of various kinds, which have the bones of their fathers or mothers or relatives or ancestors, which are made of stone or of wood, and there are many of two sorts, some which speak and others which produce the things they eat, and others which make it to rain, and others which make the winds blow, which things are believed by those simple 82 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA ignorant men who make these idols, or, to speak more properly, these demons, since they have no knowledge of our holy faith. When one is sick, they take to him the buhuitihu, the above-said doctor. The doctor is supposed to keep fast like the sick man himself, and to look like the sick man, which he does in this manner, as you shall presently understand. It is necessary for him to purge himself just like the sick man, and to do so he takes a certain powder called cohoba, drawing it in through the nose, which intoxicates them in such a way that they do not know what happens to them, and so they say many extraordinary things, when they claim to be talking with the eimini, and that from them the disease has come. 16. "What said buhuitihu do. "When they go to call on a sick man, and before they leave their houses, they take some pine cones or crushed coal from the ashes and make their faces all black, in order to make the sick man beheve any thing they think about the disease, and then they take some small bones and a httle flesh, and wrap all this into something, so that it should not fall, and put it in their mouths, the sick man being already purged with the powder, as we have said. The doctor enters the sick man's house, sits down, and all are silent, and, if there are any children present, they tell them to go out, so that they may not interfere with their work as buhuitihu, and there remain in the house one or two of the most important ones, and standing thus alone, they take some herbs from the trinkets . . . large, and another herb, wrapped in an onion leaf, half a quarter in length. And one of these trinkets is the one which usually all pick, and, rubbing them with the hands, they knead it, and then they put it over night into the mouth, in order to vomit up what they have eaten, so that it should not hurt them. Then they THE SECOND VOYAGE 83 begin to sing the above-mentioned song, and, Light ing a press, they take the juice. This having been accomplished and having remained a while, the buhuit ihu arises, and walks up toward the sick man, who sits alone in the middle of the room, as has been said, and he turns him around twice, as he likes, and then he puts himself in front of him and seizes him by the leg, touches his calves and runs down to the feet. Then he pulls him suddenly, as though he wanted to carry something away. Then he goes to the door of the house, and closes the door, and says to him, ' Go to the mountain, or to the sea, or where you please,' and with a blow he turns him a second time, and puts the hands together and shuts the mouth, and his hands shake, as though he were very cold, and he blows into his hands, and he draws in the breath, as though sucking the marrow of a bone, and he sips at the sick man's neck, or stomach, or shoulders, or cheeks, or breasts, or belly, or many parts of the body. This done, they begin to cough, to look ugly, as though they had eaten something bitter, and spit on the hand, and take out, as we have said, what they put into the mouth at home or in the street, either a stone, or bone, or flesh, as was said, and, if it is some eatable, he says to the sick man: 'See, you have eaten this thing which has given you the disease from which you suffer. See, how I have taken it out of your body, for your cemi has put it into your body, because you did not pray to him, or did not build a temple for him, or did not give up some of your possessions.' And if it is a stone, he says: 'Keep it well.' And sometimes they are sure that these stones are good, and that they will help the women in childbirth, and they keep it carefully wrapped up in cotton, putting it into a small box, and they give it to eat of what they themselves eat, and the same they do to the eimini, which they 84 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA have in the house. Some festive days they bring much to eat, fish, meat, bread, or anything else, they put everything in the house of the cimiche, that the idol may eat of the same. The next day they take all the food to the house after the cimiche has eaten. And thus may God help them, as the cimiche eats this or that, since the said cimiche is a dead thing, made of stone or wood. 17. "How above-said medicine men are sometimes deceived. "When they have done the above things, and the sick man is about to die, if the dead person has many relatives, or is the lord of a castle and can resist said buhuitihu, which means 'doctor,' because those of small account do not care to contend with these doctors, the one who wants to do him harm, does this: he wishing to find out whether the sick man has died through the doctor's fault, or did not keep diet, as he commanded, they take an herb which is called 'gueio,' which has its leaves resembling the Sweet Basil, large and thick, which otherwise is called 'zaehon.' So, taking the juice of the leaf, they cut the dead man's nails and hair, which they have in front, and make powder between two stones, and mix it with the juice of above-said herb, and give the dead man to drink through the mouth or nose, and, doing this, they ask the dead man if the doctor was the cause of his death, or if it was the diet. This they ask him several times, until he speaks as clearly as though he were alive. Then he answers everything which they ask of him, saying that the buhuitihu did not observe the diet, or was the cause of his death this time; and they say that the doctor asks him if he is alive, and how he speaks so clearly: and he answers that he is dead, and when they know what they want, they put him back in the grave, from which they took him to find THE SECOND VOYAGE 85 out from him what we have said. They do this witch craft also in another way, in order to find out what they want. They take the dead man and make a great fire, like the one made by a charcoal burner, when he makes charcoal, and when the wood has become glow ing coal, they throw the corpse on that fire, and then they cover him with earth, just as the charcoal burner covers the coal, and there they leave him standing as long as they please, and, while it is standing there, they ask as said before. He answers that he knows nothing, and they ask him this ten times, and then he does not speak again. They ask him if he is dead, but he does not speak more than these ten times. 18. "How the dead man's relatives avenge them selves, after having received an answer by means of the drinking witchery. "Some day the relatives of the dead man come to gether and lie in wait for the above-said buhuitihu, and beat him so that they break his legs and arms and head. Thus they maul him and leave him for dead, and at night, they say, there come adders of various sorts, white, black, and green, and of many other colors, who lick the face and the whole body of the doctor who was left for dead, as we have said. He stays that way for two or three days, and while he stays that way, they say that the bones of the legs and of the arms come together and unite, and he gets up, and walks slowly, and goes home. And those who see him ask him, saying: 'Are you not dead?' But he says that the eimini came to his aid in the form of adders. And the dead man's relatives, very much angered because they thought they had vindicated the death of their relative, seeing him alive, are in despair and try to get him into their hands, in order to kill him, and, if they can get him again, they put out his eyes and break his testicles, because they say that 86 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA none of these doctors can die, no matter how much beating they have received, unless their testicles have been removed. "How they know what they wish from him whom they burn, and how they take their revenge. "When they open the fire, the smoke which comes from it rises, until they lose him from sight, and he shouts as he goes out of the furnace. He gets up a second time and goes to the house of the buhuitihu, the doctor, and suddenly this one, who has not kept diet, falls ill and is filled with wounds, and his whole body peels off. And thus they know by this sign that he had not been careful and therefore the sick man died. Then they try to kill him, as has been said before, but these are the witcheries which they usually do. 19. "How they make and keep the eimini of wood and of stone. ' ' The stone eimini are made in the following manner. When a man goes on a journey he says that he sees a tree that moves its roots, and the man stops in great terror and asks him who he is, and he answers : ' I am called bihuitihu, and it will tell you who I am.' And this man, coming to the above-said doctor, tells him what he has seen, and the wizard runs at once to see the tree, of which the other has told him, and sits down nearby, and makes it cogioba, as we have said above in the story of the four brothers. After doing the cogioba he gets up and tells him all his titles, as of a great lord, and asks him: 'Tell me who you are, and what you are doing here, and what you want of me, and why you have called me. Tell me if you want me to cut you, or if you want to go with me, or if I am to carry you or build you a house with a farm.' Then the tree, or cimiche, turned into an idol, or devil, answers him, telling him the shape into which he THE SECOND VOYAGE 87 wants to be made, and he cuts him and does as he is told. He builds him a house with a farm, and several times a year he makes him cogioba, which cogioba is for a prayer, and to make him gracious, and to ask and find out certain things from said cimi of what is good or bad, and to ask him for riches. And if they want to find out if they will carry off victory over their enemies, they enter a house in which there are none but the chief people, and their master is the first who begins to do the cogioba and goes to sleep. And while he does the cogioba, none of those who are in the company discuss matters, until the master has finished; but, when he has finished his prayer, he stays a while with bent head and with his arms on his knees. Then he raises his head, looking at the sky, and speaks. Then they all answer at once in a loud voice, and when they have all spoken and given thanks, he tells the dream which he has had, while he was intoxicated from the cogioba, which he snuffed through his nose, and went to his head, and he says that he has spoken with the cimi, and that they are to carry off a victory, and that their enemies will ilee. and that there will be a great mortality, or wars, or famine, or anything else, according to what he. who is intoxi cated, happens to say. Consider in what condition his brain is, for they say that they seem to see the houses upside down, and that men are walking with their feet towards the sky. And this cogioba they also do to their eimini of stone and of wood, as to the dead bodies, as we have said above. "The stone eimini are of diverse kind. There are some which the doctors say they get from the body, and the sick have those which are better for making the pregnant women have child labor. There are others which speak, which are of the shape of a large turnip with the leaves stretching on the ground and 88 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA long like a caper bush, which leaves for the most part have the form of elm leaves; others have three points, and they hold that they make the giuca grow. They have their roots resembling a radish. The leaves of the giutola have generally seven points, nor do I know what to compare it with, because I have seen none resembling it in Spain, nor any other country. The stalk of the giuca is a man's height. "We shall now speak of the belief which they have in regard to the idols and eimini, and the great decep tions which they receive from them. 20. "Of the cimi Bugia, and Aiba, which, they say, when there were wars, was burnt by them, and then, washing it with the juice of the giuca, there grew out again his arms, and his eyes, and his body. "The giuca was small, and with the above-said water and juice they washed it, that it might grow, and they affirm that it gave the infirmity to those who had made said cimi, because they had not brought any thing to eat of the giuca. This cimi was called 'Baid- rama,' and when anyone got ill, they called the buhu- itiu and asked him from whom the disease proceeded, and he answered that Baidrama had ordered it, be cause he had not sent him anything to eat by those who had charge of his house, and this, the buhuitiu said, the cimi Baidrama had told him. 21. "Of the cimi of Guamorete. "They say that when they made the house of Gua morete, who was a chief, they sent there a cimi which he had on top of his house, which cima was called 'Corocote,' and in the days when they had wars among them, the enemies of Guamorete burned the house, where said cimi Corocote was located. Then, they say, he got up and went away a long distance, the distance of a bow's shot, to a water, and they say that when he was on top of the house he descended at THE SECOND VOYAGE 89 night and lay with the women and that later Gua morete died, and that said cimi came into the hands of another cacique, and that he all the time lay with the women. And, they say, besides, that on his head grew two crowns, because they said: 'Since he has two crowns, he is certainly the son of Corocote,' and this they knew for sure. This cimi was owned later by another cacique, named ' Guatabanex,' and his place was called 'Giacaba.' 22. "Of another cimi which was called 'Opigiel- guouiran,' and it was owned by a chief called 'Cauau- aniouaua,' who had many subjects under him. "This cimi Opigielguouiran, they say, has four feet, like those of a dog, and he is of wood, and that many a time he walked out at night from the house to the woods. So they went to look for him and bring him home, and they tied him with ropes, but he returned to the woods, and, when the Christians arrived in said island of Hispaniola, they say, he escaped and went into a lagoon, and that they followed him in his tracks, but that they never saw him, nor do they know any thing else of him. As I have bought it, so I am selling it now. 23. "Of another cimi which is called "Guabancex.' "This cimi Guabancex was in the country of a great chief cacique, called ' Aumatex,' which cimi is a woman, and they say there are other two in her company, one is a herald, the other a gatherer and governor of the waters, and when Guabancex gets angry, they say, she puts the air and water into motion, and throws down the houses, and uproots the trees. They say that this cimi is a woman and is made of stones of this country, and the other two eimini, who are in her company, are called, the one, 'Guatauua,' and is a herald, who by command of Guabancex. orders all the other eimini of this province to help in making 90 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA much wind and water; and the other is called 'Coat- rischie,' who, they say, gathers the waters in the valley from the mountains, and then lets them go, in order to destroy the country, and that they hold for certain. 24. "What they think of another cimi, called 'Faraguuaol.' "This cimi belongs to a principal cacique of the is land of Hispaniola, and is an idol, and they attribute to him different names, and he was found in the following manner, as you shall understand. They say that one day, before the island was discovered in the past, they do not know at what time, as they were out hunting they found a certain animal, and they ran after it, and it escaped into a ditch, and, looking for it, they saw the trunk of a tree which seemed to be alive. Then the hunter, seeing it, ran to his master, who was a cacique and father of Guaraionel, and told him what they had seen. So they went there and found the thing as the hunter had said, and, taking this trunk, they built him a house. They say that he went away from this house several times, and went to the place where they had found him, not in the same place, but nearby, because the above-said master, or his son Guaraionel, who was sent to look for him, found him hidden, and that another time they tied him and put him in a bag. With all this, tied as he was, he went away as at first. And this these ignorant people con sider most certain. 25. "The things which two chief caciques of the island of Hispaniola are said to have told; one of them was called ' Cazziuaquel,' father of above-said Guarionel, the other, 'Gamanacoel.' "And that great lord, who, they say, is in heaven, about whom it says in the beginning of the book, that Caizzihu, who here did an abstinence, which THE SECOND VOYAGE 91 usually all of them do, for they are shut up six or seven days without eating anything, except the juice of herbs, with which they also wash themselves. When this time is past, they begin to eat something which gives them sustenance, and during the time that they have been without food, they say that, on account of the weakness which they feel in the body and in the head, they have seen something, which, perhaps, was desired by them, for all do this abstinence in honor of their eimini which they have, in order to know whether they will carry off a victory over their enemies or will acquire riches, or anything else which they desire. And they say that this cacique affirmed that he had spoken with Giocauuaghama, who had told him that whoever would remain alive after his death would enjoy his rule but a short time, because into their country would come a people in clothes, who would rule them and would kill them, and they would starve to death. But they thought at first that these were the Canibals, who, taking into consideration that they did nothing but rob and run, thought another people was meant by what the cimi had said. Therefore they now think that it was the admiral and the people whom he brought along. Now I want to tell what I have seen and lived through, when I and the other brothers went to Spain, and I, Fray Roman, poor hermit, remained and went to Maddalena to a fort, which was built by Christofer Columbus, the admiral, viceroy and governor of these islands, and of the main land of these Indies, by order of King Ferdinand and Queen Isabelle, our masters. So, when I was in this fort, in company with Artiago, its captain, by order of above-said governor Christofer Columbus, it pleased God to illumine with the light of the holy Catholic faith a whole house of the chief people of the above-said province of Maddalena, which province 92 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA was called 'Maroris,' and its master was called 'Guau- auoconel,' which means ' Guauanechin's son.' In the above-said house are his servants and favorites, who are surnamed 'Giahuuauarili,' and there were in all sixteen persons, all relatives, among whom were five brothers. One of them died, and the other four all received the water of holy baptism, and I think they died as martyrs, as may be seen by their death and constancy. The first who received death, or, rather, the water of holy baptism was an Indian, called ' Gua- ticaua,' who later was called 'John.' He was the first Christian who suffered cruel death, and it certainly seems to me that he died the martyr's death, because I have understood from some who were present at his death that he said: 'Dio Aboriadacha, Dio Abor- iadacha,' which means, 'I am a servant of God.' And thus died Antonio, his brother, and with him another, who said the same thing as he did. Of this house and people all were in my company, to do as I pleased. Those who are left alive and hve today are Christians, by the work of above-said Christofer Columbus, viceroy and governor of the Indies, and now there are many more Christians by the grace of God. "Now let us say what happened in the Island of Maddalena. "When I found myself again in above-said Madda lena, the said Admiral came to the succour of Ariaga and some Christians, who were besieged by enemies, the subjects of a chief cacique, called 'Caonabo.' This Admiral then told me that the province of Mad dalena Maroris had a different language from the rest, and that its language was not understood in the whole country, and that I should go to stay with another chief cacique, called 'Guarionex,' master of many people, whose language was understood in the whole land. Thus, by his command, I went to stay with THE SECOND VOYAGE 93 said Guarionex. And it is true that I said to the governor, Christofer Columbus, 'Sir, how does Your Excellency want me to go and stay with Guarionex, since I do not know any other language than that of the Maroris? Let Your Excellency give me permission to take along one of those of Nuhuirci,' who were Christians and knew both languages. He gave me the permission and told me to take him whom I like best. And God in his goodness gave me for company the best of the Indians, the one best versed in the Catholic religion, and then he took him from me. God be blessed that he gave him to me and that he took him from me, for I held him truly as a good son and brother, and it was Guaicauanu, who then was Christian and was called 'John.' I, poor hermit, will tell a few of the things which happened to us there, and how I and Guaiacauanu went away and went to Isabella, and there waited lor the admiral, until he would come from the aid given to Maddalena, and as soon as he came we went to where the governor had sent us to go in company of one, who was called John of Agiada, who was in charge of a fort, which the said governor, Christofer Columbus, had built half a league distant from this place, where we were to live. And the admiral commanded said John of Agiada to give us to eat of what was in the fort, which fort was called 'Conception.' So we remained with the cacique Garionex about two years, always instructing him in our holy faith and the habits of the Christians. At first he showed good will and gave hope of doing everything that we wished, and of wishing to be Christian, asking us to teach him the Lord's Prayer, the Ave Maria, and the Creed, and all the other prayers and things which belong to a Christian. And so he learned the Lord's Prayer, and the Ave ]Maria, and the Creed, and many people of his house learned the same 94 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA thing, and he said his prayers every morning, and ordered that those who were in his house should say them twice every day. But later he became mad and left his good intentions, through the influence of other chiefs of this land, who reproached him for paying attention to the law of the Christians, because the Christians were sad and held them from their land by force. They advised him not to pay any attention to anything of the Christians, and they plotted together to kill them; because they could not satisfy them, they had made up their minds never to do in their manner. Since he withdrew from his good intentions, and we, seeing that he was withdrawing and giving up what we had taught him, made up our minds to leave and to go where we could expect better results, teaching the Indians and instructing them in matters of holy faith, and so we went to another principal chief, who showed us good will, saying that he would become Christian, which cacique was called 'Mauiatue.' "How we departed to go to the country of said Mauiatue, that is, I, Fray Roman Pane, poor hermit, and Fray John the Burgundian of the order of San Francis, and John Matthew, the first who received the water of the holy baptism in the Island of His paniola. "On the second day, as we parted from the people and settlement of Guarionex, to go to the other cacique, called Mauiatue, the people of Guariones built a house near the house of prayer, where we left a few images, before which were to kneel and pray and console them selves the catecumens, that is, the mother, brothers, and relatives of said John Matthew, the first Chris tian, to whom other seven were joined. Then all of this house became Christians and remained in their good intentions, according to our faith, so that the whole of above-said house remained in charge of said THE SECOND VOYAGE 95 house of prayer and of some property, which I had built up and made them build, and, while they were in charge of said house, on the second day after our departure to above-said Mauiatue, six men came to the house of prayer, which said catecumens, of whom there were seven, had in charge, and, by order of Guarionex, told them that they should take the images which Fray Roman had left in charge of above-said catecumens, and should break and tear them, because Fray Roman and his companion had left, and they would not know who had done it. And so the six servants of Guarionex went there and found six children who were guarding said house of prayer, fearing what later happened, and the children, thus ordered, said that they did not want them to enter there, but they entered by force and carried off the images. 26. " What happened to the images, and the miracle which God did, to show his power. "Having come out of the house of prayer, they threw the images on the ground and covered it with dirt, and then made water upon them, saying, Now your fruits will be good and large,' and this they said, because they buried them in a field, saying that the fruit which was planted there would be good, and all this through malice. Which when it was seen by the children who were guarding said house of prayer, by order of above-said catecumens, they ran to their elders, who were on their farms, and said that the people of Guarionex had torn and insulted the images. When this was heard by them, they left off their work and ran weeping to tell it to Bartholomew Columbus, who was in this government for his brother, the admiral, who had gone back to Spain. This one, as heutenant of the viceroy and governor of the islands, brought suit against the evil doers, and having learned the truth, 96 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA had them publicly burnt. But, with all that, Guarinex and his subjects did not change their evil intention, which they had, of kilhng the Christians one day, when they were ordered to bring their tribute of gold, which they paid. But their conspiracy was found out, and so they were seized the very day they wished to execute their deed, and yet they persevered in their guilty efforts, and, putting them into execution, killed four men and John Matthew, the chief scribe, and Anthony, his brother, who had received the holy baptism, and ran to where they had hidden the images, and tore them to pieces. A few years later the owner of the farm went to dig up some agi, which are roots resembling turnips, and others resembling radishes, and in the place where the images had been buried there had grown two and three agi, as though one had been put in the middle of the other, in the form of a cross; nor was it possible for any man to find the cross, but the mother of Guarionex, who is the worst woman that I knew in these parts, found it, and she considered this to be a great miracle and said to the keeper of the fort of Conception: 'This miracle was shown by God where the pictures were found.' God knows why. "Let us say now how the first who received holy baptism became Christians and what should be done in order to make them all Christians. "Indeed, the island has great need of men, to punish the lords, when they deserve it, to teach the people the things of the holy Catholic faith, and to make them firm in it, because they cannot and do not know how to contradict, and I may say in truth, because I have labored to find it all out, as I am sure will be under stood from what we have said so far, and to a good understanding few words are sufficient. "So the first Christians were those of whom we have spoken above in the Island of Hispaniola, that is, THE SECOND VOYAGE 97 Giauauuariu, in whose house there were seventeen persons who all became Christians, by making them only know that there is one God, who has made all things, and created heaven and earth, without any thing else being discussed or given them to understand, for they were of easy faith. But with the others it is necessary to use force and reason, because we are not all of the same nature, since, if these had a good beginning and better end, they will not be like those who begin well and then will laugh at what has been taught them, for whom there is need of force and chastisement. "The first who received holy baptism in the island of Hispaniola, was John Matthew, who was baptised the day of the evangelist San Matthew in the year 1496, and then his whole house, where many Chris tians were made, and then there should be others who should teach and instruct them in the holy Catholic faith, and people who should restrain them, and if anyone should wish to know why I make this work so easy, I say, because I have seen the experience, and especially in a principal cacique, called ' Makuuiati- uire,' who has now been three years continuing in his good will, saying that he wanted to be Christian, and that he did not wish to have more than one wife, because they usually have two or three, and the chiefs have ten, fifteen, and twenty. "This is what I have been able to find out and to know regarding the customs and rites of the Indians of Hispaniola, through the diligence used by me, in which I do not claim any spiritual, nor temporal use. May our Lord, if this is for his joy and service, give me grace to be able to persevere, and, if it has to be different, may he deprive me of reason. "End of the work of the poor hermit Roman Pane." 98 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA In his Historia apologetica, written after 1527, Las Casas tells of Ramon Pane as follows: "The Admiral says that he had tried to find out if the people of this island had any religion which savored of pure idolatry, and that he could not understand it, and that for this reason he sent a Catalan who had taken the hermit's garb and was called Fray Ramon, a simple and well- intentioned man, who knew a little of the language of the Indians, to inquire as far as he could into the rites, religion, and antiquity of the people of this is land, and to put it all down in writing. This Fray Ramon investigated the matter as much as he could, according to the knowledge he had of the languages, of which there were three in this island. But he knew only one of these, which was spoken in the small province of Lower Magorix, and that one not perfectly, and of the universal language he did not know much more than the rest, although more than others, be cause nobody, neither cleric, nor monk, nor layman, knew any of them perfectly, except that there was a mariner from Palos or Moguer, who was called Cris tobal Rodriguez, the interpreter, and even he, I beheve, did not grasp completely the one he knew, which was the common language, even though no one knew it but he himself. And the absence of knowledge of the languages of this island was not due to the fact that they were very hard to learn, but because no ecclesi astic nor secular person cared in those days a whit to give instruction regarding God to these people, but only wanted to use them, so that they learned no more sentences of the languages than 'give bread,' 'go to the mines,' 'dig gold,' and such other as were needed for the service or pleasure of the Spaniards. Only this Fray Ramon, who had come to this island in the beginning with the Admiral, seemed to have found some zeal and good will, which he employed for the THE SECOND VOYAGE 99 purpose of giving the knowledge of God to these Indians, though, being a simple man, he could do nothing more than tell the Indians the Ave Maria and Lord's Prayer with a few sentences, such as that there was in heaven a God who was the creator of all things, which he im parted to them the best way that he could, with great trouble and confusion. There were also in this island two friars of Saint Francis, good laymen, whom I knew as well as Fray Ramon, and who were also possessed of good zeal, but who equally lacked the knowledge of the language. They were strangers, either Picards or Burgundians, the one being called Fray Juan the Red or Burgundian, the other, Fray Juan de Tisim. It is this Fray Ramon that the Admiral ordered to leave the province of Lower Macorix, the language of which he knew and which extended but a short way, and to go to the Vega and land where King Guarionex was ruling and where he could do more good, because there were there more people and the language was universal throughout the island, and so he did, and he stayed there two years and no more, and did there what he could, according to his small faculty, and with him was one of the two above-mentioned ecclesiastics of Saint Francis."1 In another place Las Casas speaks of Ramon as having arrived in America five years before him,2 which would place his arrival in 1497, or in the Third Voyage of Columbus; but this is an inadvertency of Las Casas, for Peter Martyr, in his 177th letter, dated June 13, 1497, 3 tells of Ramon's labors, and in this letter and the 180th letter of July 27, 1497, gives in substance the story related by him, so that Ramon must have arrived in America with Columbus on the Second Voyage, that is, in 1494. This is borne out 1 Historia de las Indias, Madrid 1S76, vol. V, p. 435 f. 2 Ibid., p. 473. » Thacher, op. cit., vol. I, p. 80. 100 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA by Ramon's own statement that he baptised the first Indian in MCCCCLXXXXVI. But this latter date in the only surviving Italian version of the account is unquestionably a mistake for MCCCCLXXXXIV, that is, 1494, since the first Christians were baptised while Ramon was in Maroris, and we have the specific statement that at the time of the writing of his account, which from Peter Martyr's testimony was before June 27, 1497, John had been a Christian for three years. However, the account which Columbus took with him to Spain, on his return in 1496, could not have contained the matter beginning in the 25th chapter with the words, "Now I want to tell," to the end of the story, because there is reference there to Bartholomew Col umbus, who was governing the island during the absence of his brother in Spain. The date of this part cannot be ascertained, but must be considerably later. Peter Martyr never utilized it, since his account in the Decades ends immediately before that part. Ramon Pane was, indeed, an ignorant person, and even the Italian translation does not admit of any sensible rendering of certain passages, and there is such variation in the spelling of the supposedly Indian words that they can be ascertained only approximately. We know nothing more of him than what is reported by Las Casas, but we may readily add that he was not only an ignorant person, but also a dupe of dis honest men, or himself a downright cheat, as will appear from what follows. Chapter 4 of Ramon Pane's story shows that he was well acquainted with the First Letter, since the name Matinino for the Women's Isle is by him used without any compunction. He speaks of Guanin as a region whither Guagugiona went after leaving the children at Matinino. Here the story of the children which the women kept, if they were girls, and sent THE SECOND VOYAGE 101 back to the men, if they were boys, has blossomed out into a whole fairy tale, but Guanin is due to the same source which in the Journal of the First Voyage produced the island of Guanin where there was much gold.1 Indeed, when Ramon Pane in the next chapter spoke of the island of Guanin, which was so called because of what he carried away from there, he showed conclusively that he knew that guanin meant "gold." In the next chapter Ramon speaks of Hispaniola's old name Aiti, while the islands are all called Bouhi. It is not possible to tell what the spelling of these words was in the original manuscript, but, as it is here, it shows the development of the words after the First Voyage, and may be due to a later time; and the same may be said of his use of the word canibali, which had already established itself. 1 See p. 33 f. CHAPTER III. TOBACCO. The Graeco-Roman medical science used a large number of glutinous substances in the healing of wounds. Plasters with which to draw the flesh to gether were made of fish-glue, myrrh, pitch, bitumen, and a large number of vegetable substances possessing astringent or adhesive qualities. For this reason £?6c viscus "bird-lime" and lyduoxblla gluten ex garo "fish- glue," were translated into Syriac by l-o»=>> debqa, from ^=? dbeq "he stuck to." We have also b^=? dubdqd "bird-lime, elm glue." We have Arab. r,^ dibq, (j yb dabuq "bird-lime, viscum." However, the Arabs borrowed the Syriac word dubdqd in the form of J.V_Js> tubbdq "a species of tree growing upon the moun tains of Mekkah, having long, slender, green leaves, which slip between the fingers when squeezed, apphed as a dressing to a fracture, which, remaining upon it, they consolidate; it is beneficial as an antidote against poisons, taken internally and applied as a dressing, and as a remedy for the mange, or scab, and the itch, and fevers of long continuance, and colic, and jaundice, and obstructions of the liver, and is very healing." It has been identified with the "ocimum agreste, eupator- ium, conyza," that is, with some strongly aromatic TOBACCO 103 flea-bane. The verbal root ; \* tabaqa means "he covered, put a flat thing on another," hence we have rjs tabaq "plate, flat basket, top of a table," etc. Odoric of Pordenone has a reference to the Arabic- cure by the means of a glutinous dressing in his chapter "On the Island of the Kingdom of Natem, which others call Panthen." He tells of an island near Fana, that is, Java, where certain reeds grow: "There is there another kind of reeds which are very large and tall and which are called cassay (casan, cassan, cansalle, casar, cassati). These reeds are not half as large and tall as the others, but they grow like grass, and their roots extend a league away. In these reeds there are precious stones which are of such a nature that if anyone carries them on his person, no iron can touch or harm them, and commonly the people of this country carry this stone upon their persons. And on account of the virtue of the stone they take their sons and cut a deep gash into their arms, and into this wound they place the stone, then they take a kind of powder and put it on the wound and it closes and soon heals up. This powder is made of some kind of fish. And by the virtue of these stones they are generally victorious on the sea, but their neighbors have taken notice of it. They have devised a remedy and fight them with lances and arrows without iron, because they know that the iron cannot hurt them. And because these people are not well armed, they often wound and kill them."1 An 1 "En ceste maniere de contree treuve on une maniere de roseaulz aussi grans comme grans arbres, et sont ces roseaulz si grans que ilz ont bien quarante audains de long. Une autre maniere de roseaux y a qui sont moult grant et hault et les nomme on la Cassay. Ces roseaulz ne sont mie si grant d'asses ne si hault comme les autres, mais ilz croissent dru comme herbe, et leurs racines se estendent bien une lieue loings. En ces roseaubc treuve on pierres precieuses qui sont de telle nature que qui conques les porte sur soy, fer ne le peut entamer ne blecier; et communement les gens 104 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Italian version specifies the "fishglue" more com pletely: "Here there grows a fish which has this nature, that when one takes this fish and breaks it into two parts, and one of these parts touches the other, the two are immediately spliced, as if nothing had happened. From this fish they make the powder, and this they carry when they go into battle, and they place it on their wounds, and they heal up at once."1 When I discussed the macana,2 I referred to the corresponding story in Marco Polo, but it is far more likely that it was taken out of Odoric of Pordenone, because here it is an integral part of the "stone" and "powder" story, both of which are mentioned in the passage in Columbus under discussion. Columbus speaks of three stones used as charms, which he has sent to Spain, and Ramon Pane says that stones were worn tied to the arm and neck.3 We shall return to these stones later. Here it must be pointed out that Columbus mentions them in connection with their religious ceremonies of the powder, just as the two are put in juxtaposition in Odoric. Odoric was obviously quoting, directly or indirectly, some Arabic source in which there was a juxtaposition de ce pays portent de ces pierres sur eulx. Et pour la vertu de la pierre, ilz prennent leurs fllz et leur taillent une plaie profonde au bras, et en celle plaie ils mettent celle pierre, puis prennent une maniere de poudre et la mettent sur la plaie et elle se reclot et encontinent est saine. Ceste poudre est faitte de je ne scay quel poisson. Et par la vertu de ces pierres, ils sont communement victorieu par mer, mais leurs voisins s'en sont pieca apergeu. Si se sont avise de remede et se combatent a eulx de lances et de sajettes sans fer, car ilz scevent que fer ne les peut grever. Et pour ce que ces gens ne sont point bien armez, les navrent-ilz et tuent souvent," Cordier, op. cit., p. 175 f. 1 "Quivi nasce un pesce ch'a cotale natura che quando altri pigliase questo pesce e ricideselo in piu parti e una di queste parti si racozi e tochi 1 altra incontinente si rapica insieme e saldasi come se mai non v'avesse avuto niente. Di questo pesce fanno seccare e fannone polvere, e portala con loro duunche vanno in battaglia, e pongosela i loro ferite e'ncontinente salda," Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, vol. II, p. 161 f., note. 2 P. 56 f. 3 Chap. 6. TOBACCO 105 °f 4_ _ya5 qasabah "reed, pipe," and JjLJ? tubbaq "the powder used in dressing wounds," which apparently even then was used for smoking, hence its relation to qasabah. Arab. i_«-*a9 qasabah is quoted corruptly as cassay, etc., but the tubbaq is not mentioned by name. Obviously Columbus had before him the same or a similar source from which Odoric was quoting, and, although he did not give any foreign words, he spoke of placing the powder on a round table, a redundant circumstance, which is due to the fact that the source from which Columbus quoted gave some philologi st cal speculation on ,j\ lj tubbaq, relating it to ;__U tabaq "plate, cover, table," etc. Though Columbus failed to give us any indication as to the Arabic origin of the story, Ramon Pane gave himself away by using the word cogioba, which, of course, is the Italian spelling of Arab, qasabah. However, he mistook it for the powder which is taken into the nose by means of a reed, for the purpose of purging1 and intoxica tion,2 instead of applying it, as others did, to wounds. Ramon Pane does not mention the reed as being forked, but gives us the important statement that the powder, which was used for purging, was inhaled through the nose, which is precisely the Arabic way of taking aro matic powders, and which is in Arabic called \? .. .. sa'ut. In the Graeco-Roman medicine the method of applying a sternutatory and the implement used for the purpose were known as ippc^ov errhinum. In ' Chap. 11. 2 Chaps. 15 and 19. 106 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Galen the sternutatory is simply called nrapfuxdu. The head-purging sternutatory of Heraclides of Taren tum is by him described as follows: " Aethiopic cumin, white pepper, soapwort, castor oil, cut and sift equal parts of each, place in a brass box; when needed, shake the box, bring it to the nose, while stirring the ingredients with the finger or even blowing it in through a reed."1 Galen gives a large number of other sternutatories, all of which contain strong aro matic plants, ginger, euphorbium, cassia, hyssop, carda- mum, myrrh, aloe, etc. Oribasius writes under the title of Ilepl ipphaiu: " Errhines are employed in the following manner: one takes a thin straight reed, six fingers long, which is so constructed that it will enter the nostril. The whole cavity of the reed is filled with the medicine. Either a reed or a copper tube may be used. When this is put in place, one blows through the other end than the one through wliich the medicine passes into the nose. As medicines are used triturated mustard, juice of cyclamen, red beet, triturated wild cucumbers, oil of cedar, or a similar substance."2 The noted Par6, in the sixteenth century, gave a long dis cussion of errhines or sternutatories, of which a few passages will be of interest to us: "Errhines are medicines for the nose, in order to purge the brain and extract its excrements through the nose, or to wash and detach those which adhere to the nose, as in the case of polyps, ozenes, and other nasal ulcers. These errhines are either liquid or dry or of emplastic consistency. These liquids which the Romans call caputpurgia are sometimes made from the juice of herbs, such as beets, cabbage, marjoram, pimpernel, hyssop, balm, or from their waters mixed 1 Claudii Galeni opera omnia, Lipsiae 1826, in Medicorum graecorum opera quae exstant, vol. XII, p. 583 f . 2 Bussemaker and Daremberg, Oeuvres d'Oribase, Paris 1854. vol. II, p. 187 f. TOBACCO 107 or cooked with wine, or some syrup, such as oxymel scylliticum, syrupus de hyssopo, syrupus rosatus, or mel anthosatum. Often they are made of powdered pepper, bartram, horehound, Roman nigella, castor- eum, myrrh, white hellebore, euphorbium, cyclamen, or other powders mixed in small quantity. . . . The dry errhines, which the Romans call sternutatoria, because they provoke sneezing, are made only of well triturated powders. The powders resemble those mentioned before, or are other aromatic substances, which are made and mixed in small quantities. . . The dry errhines must be blown into the nostrils with a feather tube or something similar."1 Holland, in his translation of Pliny, in 1601, gives in the vocabulary: "errhines be devises made like tents, sharper at one end than the other, to bee put up into the nose, either to cure some ulcer there, or to draw downe and void humors out of the head or to provoke sneesing."2 From all this it follows that the implement used for errhines was a small funnel, which would be represented as Y, and which Columbus, who apparently saw the illustration in a book, mistook for a forked reed. It was the thinner end which was inserted in the nose, and it is not practicable to devise a forked reed, in order to insert the fork into the nose. Certainly no such implement could have been used for smoking, as has been shown by experiment.3 The African Sudan owes its fetichism overwhelming ly to Arabic medicine and witchcraft, in spite of the denial of the fact by professional anthropologists, and this will be shown by a study of fetichism in its lin guistic aspects. We can trace the Arabic influence 1 J.-F. Malgaigne, Oeuvres completes d'Ambroise Pare, Paris 1S41, vol III, p. 586 ff. 2 The historie of the world. Commonly called, the Naturall historie of C. Plinius Secundus, London 1601. ' A. Ernst, On the Etymology of the Word Tobacco, in The American Anthro pologist, vol. II (1889), p. 134. 108 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA from the Berber country down to the Congo and even beyond, wherever there have been Arabic colonies or merchants. At the present time we must determine the extent of Arabic medicine in the Sudan. We have Arab. AjuZ &fa', »U- sifa' "medical, curative treatment, medicine, remedy," and this, becoming confused with !_ sifr "book," has pro duced the "medicine" words throughout a large part of the Sudan. We find it in the Berber languages, Tuareg (Taitag, Ghat) asafar, pi. isefran, Zenaga eSafer, Redames asufar, Tachelhit asafar, pi. isufar, and in Soho Sefd', Afar asafar "medicine." Pul, which has come more closely into contact with Arabic and the Berber, has safara, pi. safaje "medicine, amulet," t'iafrowo, pi. safrobe "doctor," safrorde "hospital, and we have Hausa tsafi, zafi "magic."1 We also have Songay safari "medicine," safarikoy "doctor." The word is found sporadically throughout the Sudan. In the Mande languages, the confusion with Arab, sifr "book" is complete, for here we have Mande safe, sebe "writing, letter, paper,"2 Bambara sebe "writ ing, letter, amulet," Vai sewe "charm, amulet," con- 1 "Zafi, magic which is more or less for the sake of the whole community; tsafi is the worship of bori," A. J. N. Treamearne, The Ban of the Bori, London [1914], p. 448. Gidan tsafi "medicine-hut," ibid., p. 150. 2 "He was distinguished (as may be seen by referring to his portrait) by a row of Saffis wliich he wore as a fillet round his head. Saffi, I may explain, is the Mandingo name of a little case, usually of leather, containing a portion of the Koran or other sacred writing, which is almost invariably worn by the pious Mussulman in West Africa; it is usually provided with a plaited leather cord by which it is slung round the neck, like the Agnus Dei worn by a devout Roman Catholic, to which article indeed it is in many respects closely analogous. Primarily of course, the Saffi is a mark of the Mahom- medan faith, but among the superstitious and ignorant it degenerates into a mere charm or amulet, and as such is worn by pagans as well as Mussul mans, as in the case of our friend Koffi who worshipped his native fetish," R. A. Freeman, Travels and Life in Ashanii and Jaman, Westminster 1S98, p. 137 f. Negro with Amulet on the Arm. From Hartmamr s Xinritie TOBACCO 109 sisting of a strip of paper sewn into cloth and leather, and worn about the body as a safeguard against all sorts of misfortune, Soso seri "charm, amulet, medi cine, poison."1 But we have also Solima sena, Kise- kise sera, Gbandi, Toma sale, Gbese sare "medicine," in this same Mande group, and Landoro hahale, Mende hale, of the same family, are apparently developments o sale In the neighborhood of the Mande languages the same Arabic word is to be found. We have Gbari shigbe, shigwe "medicine, poison, charm," hence shig- beda, shigweda "doctor," Nupe shigbe, tshigbe "medi cine, poison," Kupa tsidbe, Esitako elsigbe, Musu shigbe, Basa tsibe, Ebe tsigwe, tigwea, Opanda esigwa, while the Wolof abdshabar, dshabar "doctor" has still more closely preserved the original safare, which is found in Pulo (Goburo) for "medicine," while "doctor" is jon-safare. It is interesting to observe that in the Arabic oasis of Adirar we have shafiu "doctor." There is another Arabic word which means "writing" that has become the Negro word for "poison, medi cine," proving once more the influence of Arabic medical amulets upon the Sudan. We have Arab. . }> dzabr "a piece of paper or skin upon which some thing is written." This also occurs as , ^ dabr. In this form it has an evil connotation, for dabara means "to try to hurt anyone," ; . j> dabrah "a turn of evil fortune," hence y_x, ma dbur "unfortunate." Hence Pul dabare "operation of magic, amulet," dabrude neddo "to work magic against one," dabo "magic," > Steinthal, op. cit., § 105 (p. 54). 110 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Hausa dabo "sorcery,"1 Kanuri debeli "bad medicine," Soninke dabare "poison," Bambara dabali "sorcery, expedient, means," dabalike "to poison, cast a spell or charm," Mande dabari "poison, means, expedient." I shall return to other "medicine" words later. What has been given shows conclusively the influence of Arabic medicine and witchcraft on the Sudan, especially in the Mande region. We can now pursue the study of the sovereign remedy, the tobacco plant, in the same localities. Arab. - ... ,_. hasrah "grief, regret" is found in Berber as hasra "pain, affliction, sorrow, regret," and is used, as in Berber, as an exclamation, ia hasra "alas," and in the northeast, in Soho, as hasar " to be in trouble, sorrow," shassar "to trouble, torment." This Arab. " ... -_.. confused with " \ „.. '¦>. hasar ah "damage, profanation," leads to Hausa asara, hasar a, hasari "loss, misfortune," and asara is also given as "snuff." Now it is a curious fact that over a large territory asara has at the same time the meaning of "trouble, sickness" and also "snuff." Thus we have Asante asra, asara "snuff," sra, sara "to stroke, rub, plaster." In Akra we have asra "snuff, a kind of fever, said to be the consequence of poisoning," similarly, Ewe asra, asra "fever," asra "snuff." Here we fortunately get an intermediate meaning, namely, asra "to be lacking, be in trouble," which is precisely the meaning of Arab. ej\_,.. '¦*¦ hasdrah. This shows that so far we have here the progressive meanings "to trouble, torment, torture, cause fever, rub, triturate, make snuff," and this leads 1 "Dabbo sometimes has a bad meaning, but is more often used for con juring," Treamearne, op. cit., p. 448. TOBACCO 111 to the conclusion that in Hausa sara "to bite, wound, calumniate, chop fine" we have the same development. Exactly the same relation is found in Mande sira "tobacco, to be sick," Bambara sira "tobacco, to filter honey in cooking," sirabla "to commit an injus tice," siramba "one who is afraid." Delafosse1 gives asara forms for "tobacco," Adyukru, Baule, Kulango, Agni asra, Soninke sira, Gbiu, Yoruba asara, Asante, Abron, Afema, Agni, Baule bosro, but here the material is too scant to admit of any comparison with "sick" words. Dagomba (in Tago) nasara "snuff" brings us back to asara, but Dahome azo "labor, trouble, tobac co," azo "sickness" once more proves the origin of the whole group, throughout the Sudan, from Arab. hasrah and g Av.^- hasarah. The Nicotiana tabacum grows wild in Africa,2 and t" so does the Nicotiana rustica.3 At the end of the sixteenth century it is recorded as in use among the Negroes,4 and an Arabic source speaks of it as in use in the middle of the ninth century of the hegira, which would be about the middle of the fifteenth century.5 This date, however, is not certain and needs verification. But what is certain, is that the two names for "tobacco" are derived from Arabic words, which shows conclusively that the use of the weed is in some way connected with the Arabic medi cine, for the first of these, taba, tawa, tama in the Mande languages and over a great part of the Sudan, • . is derived from Arab. Jj\ %, tubbaq "an aromatic plant 1 Op. cit. 2 F. Welwitsch, Catalogue of the African Plants, London 1S9S, vol. I3, p. 754. ' G. Schweinfurth, Im Herzen von Afrika, Leipzig, London 1S74, vol. I, P. 295. 4 Cap. Binger, Du Niger au Golfe de Guinie, Paris 1S92, vol. II, p. 364. s Ibid. 112 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA used for a styptic," while the second, for "snuff," is equally derived from an Arabic word, meaning "to crush." As the native African plant furnished quah ties for which styptics and errhines have been used before, it is not to be wondered at that it took the place of the plants which were exotics in Africa. But "the first place in the magic Mussulman pharmacopoea is occupied by the aromatic plants for burning, and there is no important ceremony, no serious invocation of the gins without specific indications as to what aromatic plant is to be burned."1 Hence, from the medical use of the ,j\__j9 tubbaq and the magical use of the aromatic plants there arose in Africa the habit of smok ing, which by the Arabs had earlier been in use in connection with hemp and opium. Hemp was used as a narcotic, apparently in smoking, from very early times. It is mentioned in the Vedas, and Herodotus says that the Scythians intoxicated themselves by inhaling its vapor. In Hindu its old name bhang is substituted by kusumba, as though from Sanskrit kusumbha "safflower," with which it has nothing whatever in common. However old the use of opium may be as a narcotic, it is certain that it was introduced into China in or before the fifteenth century by the Arabs, since Wang Hsi, who died in 1488, says that it was obtained in Arabia.2 Now this opium is named in Zanzibar kasumba, obviously from Arab. 2.^1 qasabah "reed, pipe," more com- * m monly <,\_^J qussabah, 4. ^ qa^lbah "pipe," since the reference is merely to the smoking of a nar- 1 E. Doutte, Magie et Religion dans I'Afrique du Nord, Alger 1909, p. 72. 2 G. Watt, A Dictionary of the Economic Products of India, London, Cal cutta 1892, vol. VI1, p. 28. TOBACCO 113 cotic plant. Indeed, while the Swahili of Zanzibar uses kashiba only in the sense of "barrel of a gun," the Luba of the Congo has kashiba ka twanga "pipe," and by considering kashiba as a noun of the ka- prefix class and transferring it into another, the mu- class, we get mushiba "tube, barrel of a gun, stem of a pipe," while in the Kimbundu of Angola we have mushiba "artery, nerve." From this Congo kashiba or Zanzibar kasumba comes the Tupi catimbao "pipe," the Port. cachimbo "pipe," cachimbar "to smoke." Tupi cat imbao produces the Tupi-Guarani root Umbo "smoke, incense," hence Guarani amotymbo "to smoke," Tupi motimbor "to burn incense," timboi "smoke." While these may all be purely new formations, it must not be forgotten that we have in the Congo region the form mushiba for kashiba, hence the whole formation may be originally African. This then removes Ramon Pane's cogioba from America and transfers it to an Arabic source. We shall now investigate the tobacco- smoking in America in its original sources. Neither Ramon Pane nor Columbus refers to the smoking of cogioba, but only to its use as an inhaled powder. In the Journal of the first Voyage Columbus says, under October 15, 1492, that an Indian brought him a piece of red earth, in the form of a powdered ball, and "some dry leaves, which must be highly appreci ated by them, because they had already presented that to me at San Salvador."1 As these are the words of Columbus, they must have been written down near the time of the discovery. As Columbus in the same con tinuous passage speaks of the island of Samoet, that is, Sumatra, it is possible that he draws on some Arabic 1 "Fall6 un hombre solo en una almadia, que se passava de la isla de Sancta Marfa 4 la Fernandina, y traya un poco de su pan, que serfa tanto como el pufio, y una calabaca de agua, y un pedaco de tierra bermeja, hecha en polvo y despues amassada, y unas hojas secas, que deve ser cosa muy apreciada entr'ellos, porque ya me truxeron en San Salvador d'ellas en presente," Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 21. 114 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA source, accessible to him through the Portuguese or Spanish, in which there was a description of the use of hemp, or hasheesh, in that island. This is the more likely, since the juxtaposition of the dry leaves and a ball of powdered earth is precisely what an Arabic source would have. "In Persia and Syria there exists the custom of making a paste of the blos soms of the female hemp plant, which has been tritur ated and mixed with hot ashes, to be formed into small balls."1 If, however, Columbus really saw what he describes, then there is only one conclusion possible, and that is that cogioba, the Arabic method of smoking, was known in America before its discovery by Colum bus. On November 6, 1492, the Journal records that two Spaniards reported that the Indians had a fire brand in their hands and leaves with which to take their incense, as was their habit.2 Las Casas tries to describe this taking of the incense as smoking of tobacco, while Ferdinand Columbus merely speaks of the burning of incense.3 Whichever this may be, the account is of no value, since the Spaniards also reported that they saw yams (mames) growing there, whereas these were introduced from Africa.4 Thus we have nothing in the account of Columbus' first two voyages which makes it sure that the smoking of tobacco was an Indian custom. Had smoking been universal in America soon after its discovery, Oviedo, who was anxious to give every thing remarkable in his De la natural hystoria de las Indias of 1526, would certainly have mentioned it. But we have only an account in his La historia general 1 F. Tiedemann, Geschichte des Tabaks, Frankfurt a.M. 1854, p. 401. 2 "Hallaron los dos christianos por el camino mucha gente, que atra- vesaba a sus pueblos, mugeres y hombres, con un tiz6n en la mano, yervas para tomar sus sahumerios que acostumbraban," Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 37. 3 Ibid., in footnote. 4 See chapter IV. TOBACCO 115 de las Indias of 1535: "The Indians of this island use, among other of their vices, one wliich is very bad, and that is smoking, which they call tabaco, in order to lose consciousness. And this they do with the smoke of a certain herb, which, as much as I could understand, is of the quahty of henbane, but not of the same form, from its appearance, because this herb is a weed of about four or five palms or less in height and has nar row, thick leaves, soft and hairy, and in its color it resembles somewhat the leaves of the ox-tongue or bugloss (as the herbalists and doctors call it). This herb, as I say, in some manner resembles henbane, which they take in the following manner: the caciques and chief men had some pipes of the size of half a foot or less, of the thickness of the small finger, and these pipes had two reeds corresponding to one, as here drawn, and all in one piece. And the two they placed in the nostrils and the other in the smoke and the herb which was burning; and these were very smooth and well-worked, and they burned the leaves of this herb twisted and wrapped in the manner in which the boys of the nobles make their smokes; and they placed the other part of the simple pipe in the herb which was burning; and they drew the breath and smoke two or three or more times, as much as they could endure, until they lost their senses 1'or a long time, stretched out on the ground, drunk and sleeping a very heavy- sleep. The Indians who did not get these pipes took their smoke through a reed, and this instrument with which they take the smoke or the reeds the Indians call tabaco, and not the herb or sleep which overtakes them (as some thought). This herb the Indians con sidered as something very precious, and they raised it in their gardens and fields for the sake of the above- mentioned effect, by which they gave to understand that this use of the herb and smoking was not only a 116 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA wholesome, but also a holy thing. And so, when the cacique or principal falls to the ground, his wives (of whom there are many) take him and place him in his bed, if he ordered them to do so before, but if he did not tell them so and provided for it at first, he means that they should leave him so until his intoxi cation or sleep has passed. I cannot understand what pleasure is taken in such an act, except the desire to drink [until faihng down on the back: but] I know that some Christians are already using it, especiaUy some who are affected by syphilis, because they say that they are thus transported that they do not feel the pain of their sickness, but it seems to me that this is nothing but being dead while ahve for anyone to do so: which I considered worse than the pain for which they excuse themselves, since they do not get well from it. At present many Negroes of those who are in this city and in the whole island have taken to the same custom, and they raise on the ranches and farms of their masters this herb for the above-said purpose, and they take them in the form of smoke, because they say that when they get through with their work and make these tabacos they are relieved of their tired feeling."1 1 "Usauan los indios desta isla entre otros sus vicios uno muy malo, que es tomar unas ahumadas, que ellos llaman tabaco, para salir de sentido: y esto hazian con el humo de cierta yerua, que alo que yo he podido entender, es de calidad del veleno; pero no de aquella hechura o forma ala vista: porque esta yerua es un tallo como quatro o cinco palmos, poco mas o menos de alto y con unas hojas anchas y gruessas y blandas y vellosas: y el verdor tira algo al color de las hojas de la lengua de buey o Buglosa: que llaman los erbolarios y medicos. Esta yerua que digo en el genero es muy semejante al Ueleno. La qual toman de aquesta manera. Los Caciques y honbres principales tenian unos palillos huecos: del tamano de un xeme o menos, de la grosseza del dedo menor de la mano. Y estos canutos tenian dos canones respondientes a uno, como aqui esta pintado y todo en una pieca. Y los dos ponian en las ventanas de las narizes, y el otro en el humo y yerua que ardia. Y estauan muy lisos y bien labrados, y quemauan las hojas de aquella yerua arrebujadas o embueltas de la manera que los pajes cortesanos suelen echar se ahumadas: y ponian la otra parte del canuto senzillo en la yerua que ardia: y tomauan el aliento y humo para si una y dos y tres y mas vezes quanto lo podian porfiar, hasta que quedauan sin sentido grande espacio tendidos en tierra, beodos o adormidos de un gTaue y muy pesado TOBACCO 117 Oviedo's account is a mixture of myth and truth. If he knew that tobacco was smoked through the mouth and not through the nose, and he must have known it, since he knew of white men and Negroes who smoked it, he could not have told of smoking with a forked reed through the nose, which has been shown to be an impossibility. Oviedo was bound by his authorities, Columbus, Ramon Pane, and Peter Martyr, who quoted the two, and so he had to repeat the impossible story of smoking through the nose and be coming intoxicated by tobacco. But he is cautious. He tells the whole thing in the past tense, claiming to follow an account of what was, and not what is. In his edition of 1547 he repeated the identical account, but in his later notes, which, however, were published only in the nineteenth century, he significantly cor rected his impossible story so as to make it conform with the truth. The sentence, "until falling down on the back: but," which is given in the above passage in brackets, is corrected so as to read: "which at fnvt they do by taking the smoke or tabaco, and some sueflo. E los Indios que no alcancauan aquellos palillos, tomauan aquel humo con unos Calamos o Canuelas de Carrizos. E aquel tai instrumento con que toman el humo, o alas Cafiuelas que es dicho llaman los Indios Tabaco: y no ala yerua o suefio que les toma (como pensauan algunos). Esta yerua tenian los Indios por cosa muy preciada, y la criauan en sus huertos y labran- 5as para el efecto que es dicho; dando se a entender que este tomar de aquella yerua y sahumerio no tan solo les era sana: pero muy sancta oo>a. Y assi como cue el Cacique o principal en tierra, toman le sus mugeres i que son muchas) y echan le en su cama, si el antes se lo ha mandado. Pero si no lo dixo y proveyo primero, no quiere sino que lo dexen assi, fasta que se le passe el vino y aquel adormescimiento. Yo no puedo penssar que plazer se saca de tai acto, sino es la gula de beuer [hasta dar de espaldas: pero] se que ya algunos Christianos lo usauan: en especial los que estauan tocados del mal de las Buas: porque dizen los tales que en aquel tiempo que estan assi trasportados: no sienten los dolores de su enfermedad. Y no me parece ques esso otra cosa sino estar muerto en vida el que tai haze: lo qual tengo por peor que el dolor de que se escusan, pues no sanan por esso. Al presente muchos Negros de los que estan en esta cibdad y en la ysla toda han tornado la misma coslumbre y crian en las haziendas y eredamientos de sus amos esta yerua para lo que es dicho. Y ellos toman las mesmas ahumadas, porque dizen que quando paran del trabajo e hazen estos Tabacos les quitan el cansancio," lib. V, cap. II. 118 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA drink so much of a certain wine which they make that, before they begin to smoke, they fall down drunk, but when they feel that they are full, they take this perfume. And many, however, without drinking too much, take the tabaco and do as has been said, namely, fall on the back or side on the ground, but without nausea, only hke a sleeping man."1 Here Oviedo admits that the account about getting drunk and losing consciousness is incorrect, since it is due to wine and not to tobacco, and with this collapses the whole of Columbus' story as regards the use of tobacco in America. But every Httle incident in the relation by Columbus and, through him, by Peter Martyr, became an organic part of the lives of the Indians, and the obvious fact that the Negroes and white men smoked is put in the background, in order to save the story in connection with the Indians. Before proceeding any further in the investigation of the use of tobacco in America, it is necessary to ascer tain two important facts, first, how rapidly did error become embedded in American history, and secondly, how rapidly did European and African cultural matters become disseminated among the Indians. We begin with maize, which is unquestionably of American origin, but the name of which is due to a misunderstanding. Soares de Sousa says, "In all of Brazil there is a native plant, wliich the Indians call ubatim (it should be abati), which is Guinea millet, and which in Portugal is called zaburro. . . The Portuguese plant this millet with which to feed the horses, cattle, chickens, goats, sheep, and pigs, and they provide it to the Guinea Negroes, who do not like it, although it is the best of 1 "Que primero hacen que tomen el humo 6 tabaco, y algunos beben tanto de cierto vino que ellos hacen, que antes que se zahumen caen borrachos; pero quando se sienten cargados 6 hartos, acuden a tai perfume. E muchos tambien, sin que beban demassiado, toman el tabaco, e hacen lo que es dicho hasta dar de espaldas 6 de costado en tierra, pero sin vascas, sino como hombre dormido," ed. 1851. TOBACCO 119 their land."1 In 1552, that is, nearly fifty years earlier, Jao de Barros described the Wolofs, among whom the people lived on milhos de maqaroca, "which we call zaburro,"2 but much earlier a Portuguese pilot des cribed the island of San Thomas in Africa, where "in the month of August they begin to sow the grain, which they call miglio zaburo, and in the West Indies mahiz, which is like white chick-pease, and is eaten in all the islands above-mentioned, and along all the coast of Africa, and forms the sustenance of its in habitants."3 "They eat this seed, . . and make of its flour bread, or, rather, cakes baked in the ashes."4 What is zaburro? In the Tchi language of the West Coast of Africa we have aburdw "maize," which is from aburo "European, American," and this from Oporto "Portugal," hence Aburo quiri " the white man's country, Europe, America," that is, "corn" is recog nized by the Negroes to be imported from America. We have, similarly, for "maize" Abron abro, Afema, Baule able, Dahome gbli, Ewe bli, etc. But far more interesting is the influence of Portuguese milho de macaroca, that is, "cob millet," on the African lan guages. Maqaroca is an old word, for it is recorded as Span. mazorca "the distaff with its flax" in Alcala, where it is also given as an Arabic word. Whatever its origin, it is older than the discovery of the New World, and it was very early applied to any plant which forms tufted ears, such as Guinea corn. Hence Columbus, 1 "Dfi-se outro mantimento, em todo o Brazil, natural da mesma terra, a que os indios chamam ubatim, que e o milho de Guine, que em Portugal chamam zaburro . . Plantam os Portuguezes este milho para matenca dos cavallos, e criacao das gallinhas e cabras, ovelhas e porcos; e aos negros de Guine o dao por fruta, os quaes o nao querem por mantimento sendo o melhor da sua terra," Tratado descriptiro do Brasil em 1SS7, Rio de Janeiro 1879, p. 1(12. 2 Decada primeirn dn Asia, Lisboa 1628, liv. Ill, cap. 8, fo 1.49 b. 3 Ramusio, vol. I, fol. 115 a. 4 Ibid., fol. 117 b. 120 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA in his Third Voyage, of 1498, said of maize "it is a seed which makes an ear like a maqorca, of which I brought some back and of which there is now a great quantity in Spain."1 H. J. Bleek2 records a Port. mazirri "maize," which is apparently the local East African word, and derived from maqaroca. We can now follow up Port, maqaroca in the African languages. Koelle3 records Bornu, Munio, Nguru, Ngodsin mdsarmi, Kanem mdzarmi, Pika da mdsali, Karekare dd masar, Doai mdsarbe, Kamuku limdsara, pi. amdsara, Isuwu mbdzi, Duala mbasi, Baseke mpodsu, Musentandu, Nyombe mdsa, Babuma mdsa, Kasands maza, Basunde sdngu, pi. masdngu, Angola desa, pi. mdsa, Lubalo mdsa leindele, Kandin ubora mdsar, damdsara, Tumbuktu mdsara hama, Mandara, Bagirmi mdsar, Hausa mdsara, Salum mdsara, Goburu baeri mdsar, Kano mazardi, pi. mazarddsi, TJndaza esdngu, pi. masdngu, Arabic at Adirar mdka, at Beran makdri, Sarar pumaidsi, mumbawo, Pepel bumddsa, bumbawa, Kanyop bumagi. To these must be added Arabic-Hassania, Soninke, Pular, Bambara maka, Wolof makande. Thus we see that the Port. maqaroca is found in West, Central, and East Africa, through the forms masara, masa, maidsi, maka. The latter, obviously the Arabicized form, occurs again in India in Hindustani makka, makai, and similarly throughout India,4 which shows that from Africa it was transferred to India; but we have also in Africa Kikongo mahindi, Swahili mahindi "Indian corn," which is of Arabic origin, and may refer to India or the West Indies. Port, maqaroca was originally applied to "Guinea corn," as may be seen from the few cases, mostly in 1 "Mahiz, que es una simiente que haze una espiga como una macorca, de que Ueve yo alia, y ay ya mucho en Castilla," Raccolta, parte I, vol. II, p. 32. 2 The Languages of Mosambique, London 1856, p. 91. ! Polyglotta Africana, London 1854. 4 See Watt, vol. VI*, p. 327. TOBACCO 121 Portuguese territory, where masa, or some such form, refers to Guinea corn. We have Bola bumad, Sarar pumad, Pepel bomddsa, Biafada mddya, Padsade mdha- dye, Kabundo mddso, Legba mesi, Kaure raise, Kiamba meze, but more particularly Musentandu mdsa moam- bdla, Lubalo mdsambdla, Songo, Kisama mdsa mam- bdla, Bidsogo nemai, nemadsi, Wun mmagx. Fortu nately we can show, by documentary evidence, that the Portuguese word for "Guinea corn" is older than for " maize." In the first place, the masa form for " Guinea corn" is exceptional. Over an enormous territory other words are used, especially at the Guinea coast, where the plant was first found by the Portuguese. In Pigafetta's account of the Kingdom of Congo,1 in 1591, we find mention of "mazza di Congo" and "mazza manputo" "maize," that is "Portugal grain."2 An drew Battell3 wrote about the same time: "They have four sorts of corn in Congo. The first is called Masanga, and it groweth upon a straw as big as a reed, and hath an ear a foot long, and is like hempseed. The second is called Masembala. This is of great increase, for of one kernel there springs four or five canes, which are ten foot high, and they bear half a pint of corn apiece. This grain is as big as tares, and very good. Thirdly, they have another that groweth low like grass, and is very like mustard-seed: and this is the best. They have also the great Guinea wheat, which they call Mas-impoto. This is the least esteemed." Three of the varieties mentioned by Battell were introduced from other continents, and only one, masembala, is our Guinea corn. From this it follows that mazza of Pigafetta is merely an abbreviation of Port, mazaroca "ear of Guinea corn, Guinea corn itself." ' Relatione del reame di Congo et delle circonvicine contrade, Roma 1591. ' Book II, chap. I, ibid., p. 40. 8 The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell of Leigh {The Hakluyt Society), London 1901, p. 67. 122 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA It is a curious fact that Columbus did not use the word maize before his Third Voyage, after which it becomes universal. He always referred to it as panizo "millet," the corresponding word to Port, "milho" or "milho de macaroca." It has generally been assumed that mahiz, maiz is a Carib word, but that is entirely out of the question. The Tupi forms abati, awati, awassi, avatsi, havatsi1 and the Carib forms anachi, anahi, anaze,2 especially Galibi awassi, Insular Carib awaSi,3 are unquestionably derivatives of awiS "maize plantation" of the Maya languages,4 which itself is a compound of au "to sow" and the Central American ix "maize." Maiz is not a corruption of the Carib forms, because it occurs in Breton's Dictionary side by side with awaSi, namely, mdrichi, aoudchi "bled d'Inde, autrement de Turquie." Wherever two words occur for the same thing, one is under suspicion. But maiz, in use by the Spaniards, spread over America, and many Carib tribes in the interior of South America have lost awa§i entirely, and keep only maiz; hence we have Mehinaku, Kustenau, Waura, Yaulapiti maiki, but Aueto, Camayura avatsi.5 In all the other Carib languages, not recorded in the sources above, the form awaSi prevails, but in Arawak we have, as in Insular Carib, marichi. This is the form imposed by the Spanish, from the Portuguese form for "Guinea corn," which itself is from Port, mazaroca or its Arabic equiva lent, as recorded in Alcala, and centuries older than the discovery of America. It must not be forgotten 1 L. Adam, Materiaux pour servir d Vitablissement d'une grammaire com- parSe des dialectes de la famille Tupi, Paris 1896, in Bibliothique linguistique americaine, vol. XVIII, p. 83. 2 L. Adam, MatSriaux pour servir d I'Stablissement d'une grammaire com paree des dialectes de la famille Caribe, Paris 1893, in Bibliothique linguistique americaine, vol. XVII, p. 93. 3 K. von den Steinen, Die Bakairi-Sprache, Leipzig 1892, p. 46. 4 O. Stoll, Die Maya-Sprachen der Pokom-Gruppe, Wien 1888, pt. I, p. 150. B K. von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvolkem ZeWtral-Brasiliens, Berlin 1894. TOBACCO 123 that "Guinea corn" was grown in Spain long before the discovery of maize, and the appellation maize for the "Indian corn" rests on a misunderstanding of a passage in Peter Martyr's First Decade: "Panem et ex frumento quodam panico, cuius est apud Insubres et Granatenses Hispanos maxima copia, non magno discrimine conficiunt. Est huius panicula longior spithama, in acutum tendens, lacerti fere crassitudine. Grana miro ordine a natura confixa, forma et corpore pisum legumen aemulantur: albent acerba: ubi matu- ruerunt, nigerrima efficiuntur: fracta, candore niuem exuperant: maizium, id frumenti genus appellant."1 This is translated by F. A. MacNutt:2 "The islanders also easily make bread with a kind of millet, similar to that which exists plenteously amongst the Milanese and Andalusians. This millet is a little more than a palm in length, ending in a point, and is about the thickness of the upper part of a man's arm. The grains are about the form and size of peas. While they are growing, they are white, but become black when ripe. When ground they are whiter than snow. This kind of grain is called maiz." The translation is absurd. Peter Martyr said before that the Indians made bread of yuca, "which they cut into pieces, mash and knead." Then he goes on to say: "They also make a bread, in somewhat the same manner (non magno discrimine), from a kind of millet, of which there is a great quantity in Milan and Andalusia. . . This grain is called maize." Peter Martyr mistook the Indian maize for the "Gui nea corn" (sorghum vulgare), and applied to it the name which was already current in Spain or Portugal. Now let us turn back to Columbus' statement in 1498: "Maize is a seed which makes an ear like a macorca, which I brought there and of which there is now a great • I. l. 2 De Orbe Novo.: The Eight Decades of Peter Martyr D'Anghera, New York and London 1912, vol. I, p. 64. 124 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA deal in Spain." It is perfectly clear that Columbus brought some mahiz to Spain, where it was growing before 1498. But from where did he bring it? Col umbus is talking of wine which the Indians brought and which he supposed was made of maize, etc. Col umbus knew that in Africa wine was made of "Guinea corn," and he supposed that the same was the case here. In his First Voyage Columbus says, under October 16, "I have no doubt that they sow and harvest millet (panizo) all the year," which shows conclusively that, if he saw maize in the West Indies, he mistook it for millet. On November 6 the Journal refers apparently to Columbus' statements of October 16 and November 4, and speaks of millet as eso mismo panizo, "that very millet," for which some later manu scripts add, "a grain which the Indians call maiz." But let us compare the two passages: Columbus. The Journal. Ella es isla muy verde y liana y La tierra muy fertil y muy labrada fertilissima, y no pongo duda que de aquellas mames y fexoes y habas todo el ano siembran panizo y cogen, muy diversas de las nuestras, eso y asi todas otras cosas, Oct. 16, mismo panizo, Nov. 6, Raccolta, Raccolta, pt. I, vol. I, p. 22 f. pt. I, vol. I, p. 37. Columbus did not say that he saw any maize; he simply surmised that Guinea corn grew there the year round. The editor of the Journal jumped to the con clusion that Columbus described maize "eso mismo panizo." When, therefore, Columbus in 1498 spoke of having taken mahiz "there, and there is now a great deal of it in Spain," he could have referred only to Guinea corn, which he had brought years before from Africa, and which, he had no doubt, also grew in the West Indies. Not until the Third Decade, that is, in 1511, did Peter Martyr distinguish between maize and Guinea corn, when he said "bread of maize, which TOBACCO 125 is like bread made of Milan millet."1 It is doubtful whether Columbus in 1498 knew the difference between millet and maize. When maize became actually known, the African name, from the Portuguese word for "Guinea corn," was firmly and ineradicably attached to it, and it even entered into the languages of the American Indians, who came more nearly under Spanish influence. Not an author dared after that to use any other word for maize, no matter of what country in America he wrote. Pigafetta, who set out in 1519 to circum navigate the world, gives maiz as the Tupi word for grain.2 How unreliable he is, is shown by the fact that he also says of them, "they live in certain long houses which they call boij, and sleep in cotton ham mocks called amache. . . They have boats called canoe "' The words are all from Peter Martyr and refer to Hispaniola, if to anything at all in America. What is interesting about them is that they were given to Pigafetta by the pilot, Johane Carnagio, or Carvalho, who had lived in that land for four years,4 and who apparently had introduced some words among the Tupis, as we shall later see. Pigafetta could not tear himself away from an older tradition, even when his information was not received from his pilot, hence he tells of the Tupis that "they make bread from the marrowy substance of trees, which is not very good, and is found between the wood and the bark and resembles buttermilk curds."5 This is identical with the description of the production of sago, as given by Odoric of Pordenone, and in no way refers to any bread obtained from a plant in Brazil. Pigafetta also 1 "Maizio pane, qui est uti paniceus Insuber," III. 3. 2 Robertson, op. cit., vol. I, p. 44. ' Ibid., p. 38. 4 Ibid., p. 40. » Ibid., p. 42. 126 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA calls the Indian king cacich,1 and near the Antarctic Pole he found people called Canibali.2 Cortes used the words maiz, canoa and cacique in 1519 as a matter of course in relation to things seen in Mexico, but he has not a word to say about tobacco. Not until after 1552 is there any distant reference to the smoking of tobacco in Mexico. Bernal Diaz del Castillo says that after Montezuma had partaken of his dinner he smoked liquid amber wrapped in leaves called tabaco, which put him to sleep.3 Gomara, who wrote his Conquista de Mexico in 1552 and fully des cribed Montezuma's repast in the chapter, "De la limpieza y majestad con que se servia Motezuma," has not a word to say about his smoking. And yet it would be surprising if at that time smoking had not been universal in Mexico, since Cortes brought Negroes with him to Mexico,4 and the Negroes, who were inveterate smokers, soon swarmed over Mexico and lorded it over the Indians.5 And yet, Fray Toribio 1 Ibid., p. 40. 2 Ibid., p. 46. 3 "Tambien le ponian en la mesa tres cafiutos muy pintados y dorados, y dentro traian liquidambar revuelto con unas yerbas que se dice tabaco y cuando acababa de comer, despues que le habian cantado y bailado, y alzada la mesa, tomaba el humo de uno de aquellos cafiutos, y muy poco, y con ello se dormia," La Conquista de Nueva Espana, Paris, Buenos Aires [1912?], vol. II, p. 34, in Biblioteca economica de cldsicos castellanos. 1 "Habia tambien doscientos islenos de Cuba para carga y servicio, ciertos negros y algunas indias," in chapter, "Los hombres y navios que Cortes llevo k la conquista." 6 "La cuarta plaga fue los calpixques 6 estancieros y negros; que luego que Ia tierra se repartio, los conquistadores pusieron en sus repartimientos y pueblos a ellos encomendados criados 6 negros para cobrar los tributos y para entender en granjerias, y estos residian y residen en los pueblos, y aunque por la mayor parte son labradores de Espana, aca en esta Nueva Espana se enseiiorean y mandan a los seiiores y principales naturales; y porque no querria escribir sus defectos, digo que me parece a los opresores egipcianos que afligian al pueblo de Israel, porque en todo les semeja en las obras y en el hacer de los ladrillos. Tambien son como las moscas gravisimas de la cuarta plaga de Egipto que agraviaba la casa de Faraon y de sus siervos: y de esta plaga fue corrompida la tierra: bien asi estos calpixques que digo agravian a los seiiores naturales y a todo el pueblo, y ansi se hacen servir y temer mks que si fuesen seiiores naturales, y nunca otra cosa hacen sino demandar, y nunca estan contentos a do estan y allegan: TOBACCO 127 de Motolinia, who complains of the presence of these Negroes soon after 1541, and who has carefully describ ed all the aromatic plants in use, especially Uquid amber, does not say a thing about tobacco, but says only that the Indians of New Spain wrap the Uquid amber in large leaves, apparently any kind of large leaves, and use it as perfume or cure diseases with it.1 This proves conclusively that tobacco was not common in Mexico in the middle of the sixteenth century. While maiz and tabaco were traveling merely as words over America, the banana plant itself spread with amazing rapidity throughout the two Americas. The Arabs introduced the banana into Spain, where it was cultivated in the twelfth century.2 Unquestion ably the banana was early known in Africa, even if it was not native there. In the Sudan and in the Congo we find, however, that the large variety becomes wide spread through Spanish or Portuguese influence, since corruptions of platano are found over a large terri tory. We have Mwi balanda, Agni, Guimini baranda, Abe, Afema, Agni bonda, Baule, Agni manda, Teui, todo lo enconan y corrompen, hediondos como carne dafiada de moscas por sus malos ejemplos; moscas en ser perezosos y no saber hacer nada sino mandar; zanganos que comen la miel que labran las abejas, esto es, que no les basta cuanto los pobres indios pueden dar, sino que siempre son importu- nos, como moscas gravisimos. En los afios primeros eran (tan) absolutos e3tos calpixques en maltratar los indios y en enviarlos cargados lejos tierra, y poni6ndolos en otros trabajos, de los cuales hartos murieron," Memoriales de Fray Toribio de Motolinia, published by Garcia Pimentel, Mejico, Paris, Madrid 1903, cap. 2, p. 22 f. 1 "Aqui en estos montes se hallan arboles de pimienta: difieren de la de Malabar, que no requema tanto ni es tan fina, pero es pimienta natural mas doncel que la otra. Tambien hay canela: la canela es mas blanca y mas gordilla. Hay muchas montanas de drboles de liquedambar: son hermosos 6rboles y muchos de ellos muy altos: tiene la hoja como hoja de yedra: el licor que de ellos sacan se llama liquedambar. los indios lo llaman xuchi 6 cozotlh {xuchiocozotlh) : es suave en olor y medicinable: es virtud y precioso entre los indios. Los indios de la Xueva Espana mezelanlo con su mesma corteza para lo cuajar, que no lo quieren liquido, y hacen unos panes envueltos en unas hojas grandes: usan de ello para olores, y tambien curan con ello algunas enfermedades," ibid., cap. 56, p. 158. '-' Le Livre de V Agriculture d' Ibn-al-Awam, edited by J. Clement-Mullet, vol. II, p. 3(iS. 128 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Mande banana, Zema, Afema bana, etc. The small variety, known as "plantain," spread from India east ward to the Congo, hence northward, as the hnguistic development shows. Sanskrit kadali, which is also found in several Dravidian languages, and as kela, kala, kula in modern Hindu languages, for the banana, occurs as akondro in Malagassy, whence comes Swahili mkungu, Bangi lo-komo, Lolo ngunda, Poto ingunda, Kongo di-kondo, pi. man-kondo, etc. From the Bantu languages it goes north, among the Negro languages, and we get Ewe akadu, Tchi kwadu, Ga akwadu, Yoruba oggyedeh, Dahome kokwe, Goua mgogo, Meky- ibo, Abure, Kyama koko. These latter languages are on the Guinea Coast, and many of these form their plural of names by prefixes.1 The most common prefix seems to be some form of ma. We find, how ever, a large number of Guinea Coast languages dis playing a b prefix, whether this has a plural value or not. We found this in bosro for the usual asara or sara "snuff." Thus we should expect a form bakoko for koko somewhere, but unfortunately the material is scant on the word "banana." Indeed, Kongo makondo would be expected somewhere in its neighborhood to produce the form bakoko. One gets a good idea of how rapidly plants become aecUmated from Oviedo's account of the cassia and banana. In the edition of 15352 he says that there were native cassia in these islands, but that the Span iards had introduced, apparently from Africa or Asia, the cultivated kind, which had multiplied enormously, and every ship returning to Spain carried barrels full of cassia. The first tree in the island was in the monastery of San Francisco, in the city of De la Vega. In the edition of 1526 Oviedo tells of the egg plants ' F. W. H. Migeod, The Languages of West Africa, London 1911, vol. I, p. 180. 2 Lib. VIII, cap. I. TOBACCO 129 that were brought from Spain, that they had become as natural to the soil as Guinea was to the Negroes.1 Indeed, in the last edition Oviedo said that there was no use bringing egg plant seeds to America, because they were as natural to America as Guinea was to Negroes, and far better than those that grew in Spain.2 In the edition of 1526 he also speaks of the banana as follows: "There are some plants which the Chris tians call platanos." Then follows their description, and then, "they are not native to these parts, but the first were brought from Spain, and they have multi plied to such an extent that it is a marvel to see their abundance in these islands, and on the mainland, wherever there are settlements of Christians."3 In the edition of 1535 he mentions the several varieties which developed out of the banana or plantain, for he seems to describe both, and of their origin he says, "They are not native to these parts, nor do they know their name. . These were brought from the Great Canaries in the year 1516 by the Reverend Fray Thomas de Berlanga of the Order of Preachers to this city of San Domingo, and from here they have spread to the other settlements of this island and in all the other settlements of the Christians, and were taken to the mainland, and everywhere else, and they have done very well, and there is not a man in these parts, the owner of a ranch, who has not a great lot of 1 "Calabacas y verenjenas de EspaSa ay muchas que se han hecho d' la simiente delas que se lleuaron de Espafia pero las verenjenas acertaron en su tierra y es les tan natural como alos negros Guinea," cap. LXXX, fol. xlij a. 2 "Verenjenas: destas no es menester traer mas simiente dellas, porque aca les es tan natural, e a su prop6ssito esta tierra, como a los negros la Guinea, porque aca se hacen muy mejor que en Espafia, y un pie de verenjena tura dos e tres 6 mas afios, dando siempre verenjenas, e las unas estan pequefias 6 las otras mayores 6 otras estan en flor. Yo he visto algunos pies de verenjenas muy mas altos que la comun estatura de un hombre. En fin se hacen mejor que en parte alguna de Espafia," edition of 1851, vol. I, p. 373. '¦' Fol. xliij a. 130 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA them. I think in my ranch there are four thousand of them, and there are larger ranches than mine. . . As I said, the first were brought from the Great Canaries, and I saw them here in the Monastery of San Fran cisco in 1520." In less than twenty years they had become universal in America. We turn to their name in the Indian languages, and shall take them in the order of their phonetic proximity to platano. We have Arawak prdttana, platena, Piapoco paratuna, GaUbi paratanon, parantana, Bara parana, Oyampi palanu, Manao, Bar6, Araicu banala, Uirina panala, Culino banara, Passe, Cocamas, Pebas pdnara, Coeruna banaura, Roueouyenne paruru, Cari- jona balulu, paru, Galibi balulura, paru, paluru, Car- iniaca palulu, Piaroa paruru.1 These languages of the northern part of South America show how Span. platano has led to the universal word banana. GaUbi baccuccu, which refers to the smaU bananas, and which is found as Oyapock baco, Oyampi bacome, Tupi pacoba, Apiacas pacowa, Puri bahoh, Coroada bacoeng, is ob viously due to African ba-koko, which, as we have already seen, refers to the plantain. In the other Indian lan guages there is a great variety of words for "banana," which are not derived from platano. According to that myopic philology which judges only from phonetic precedence, the universahty of banana words in the Carib-Tupi languages would be a prima facie proof of the existence of the plant in America before the sepa ration of the Caribs from the Tupis, wliich was prob ably many milleniums before the Christian era, whereas we know absolutely that the first bananas were intro- 1 B. Tavera-Acosta {En el Sur, Ciudad-Bolivar 1907, p. 47) adds the following: Caruzana parana, Yabarana padurru, Maco pdlulu, Puinabe toolpalot, Maquiritare pddurm, Uajibo prdtano, Yabitero jardtan, Cuiba balaiuna, Baria pdnara, Saliba pldtuna, Mandauaca parana, Tamanaco paruru, Otomaco paruru, Ayamau prolan, Macusi baluru, Uuaicura banana, Mirripu tiparantan, Campi parianti, Chontaquiro parianta, Conobo paranta, Antis parianti, Cocaima panara. TOBACCO 131 duced into the New World in 1516, and that in 1535 the fruit was one of the most common ones of tropical and sub-tropical America. It is interesting to read of the controversy between Humboldt and the botanists as to the antiquity of the banana in America. When Humboldt was worsted in his argument, he tried to prove the presence of the banana in America before its discovery from the fact that Tamanaco paruru, Maypuri arata were native words.1 We have already seen that paruru is derived from platana, and Maypuri arata is unquestionably a corruption of pratana. De Candolle decided against Humboldt, and to do so he had to insist that Carcil- asso, who said that the banana was cultivated in Peru before the conquest, was mistaken. Thus it appears that the banana, imported into America in 1516, was very abundant in the islands and on the mainland in 1526, and universal in 153."t. But articles of vice, such as tobacco, wine, etc., have the tendency to spread even more rapidly than articles of food. The havoc played by liquor among savages immediately after their contact with the white man is too well established to need any documentary proof. But such proof, fortunately, is abundant in the caM- of the consumption of tobacco by the Indians. We first turn to its use in Brazil. Thevet, who passed the year 1555 in Brazil, was the first to give a description of the tobacco and its use. According to him the plant, called petun by the Indians, was rolled up and smoked just Uke a cigar, and this is borne out by the picture which he gave of Indians picking the leaves and smoking. The Indian men, sometimes also the women, draw in the smoke through the mouth and emit it through the nose, 1 A. De Candolle, Geographic botanique raisonnfe, Paris, Geneve 1S55, vol. II, p. 922. 132 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA "wliich attracts and distils the superfluous humors of the brain." The Christians had acquired the habit, although at first it caused them uneasiness. The sav ages use the leaves of the plant in diseases, especiaUy in case of wounds and ulcers.1 Lery tried to pick 1 "Auant que se mettre en chemin, ils ont vne herbe fort singuliere, qu'ils appellet Petun, laquelle est tres-vtille a plusieurs choses. Ils la cueillent auec soing, et la mettet seicher dans leurs logettes: et en vsent en ceste sorte. Elle estant seiche, ils en enuelopent quelque quatit6 dans vne fueille de Palmier, fort grande, en faisans vn roulleau de la longueur d'vne chandelle: puis mettans le feu par vn bout, en hument la fumee par la bouche, et la rendent par le nez, a cause qu'elle attire et fait distiller les humeurs superflus du cerueau: et mesmement fait passer la soif et faim pour quelque temps, qui est cause qu'ils en vsent ordinairement: mesmes en parlant auec vous, ils en tirent la fumee, et puis parlent et recommencent ainsi plus de deux cens fois, tenans telle contenance: et leur est de grand seruice mesmes allans a la guerre, pour obuier aux vapeurs et autres incomoditez qui pour- roient se presenter par les chemins, les femmes en vsent aussi, mais peu souuent. Or si l'on prend de ceste fumee plus que de raison, elle enteste et enyure, ne plus ne moins que font les fumees de quelque fort vin, a celuy qui le tire ionguement. Les Chrestiens qui sont pardela, en sont friands, iafoit qu'au commencement l'vsage n'en est point sans danger, pource qu'auant qu'on y soit accoustum6, elle cause grandes sueurs et foiblesses, iusques a vous faire tomber an syncope, ainsi que i'ay experiments en moymesme. Ie me puis vanter auoir este le premier en France, qui a apporte la graine de ceste plante, et pareillement semee, et nome ladite plante, l'herbe Angoumoisine. Depuis vn quidam, qui ne feit iamais le voyage, quelque dix ans apres que ie fus de retour de ce pais, luy donna son nom. Ce sont folies de me vouloir faire accroire, que les Sauuages en leurs maladies se seruent des fueilles de ceste plante (comme quelques vns ont descrit): et principalement ceux qui ont playes et ulceres: Car elle n'a autre vertu ou efficace, sinon ce que ie vous ay dit. Dauantage, ie suis esbahy d'autres qui recitent auoir deux sortes de Petun, scauoir masle et femelle, comme parauenture se pourroient trouuer autres Simples, mesme quelques arbres fruictiers, comme sont les Palmiers, ou ie ne doute qu'il n'y ait masle, et femelle. Mais quat au Petun, c'est vne chose mal entendue a eux. Et ne fault mettre icy en admiratio, que l'vne plante soit plus haulte, ne les fueilles plus larges les vnes que les autres: comme si la graine des Choulx et Porec, semee en vn mesme iardin, et Horties qui viennent sans semer, ne croissoiet les unes plus grosses que les autres. Outre plus, ils ont mis en auant, que de mon herbe Angoulmoisine, par distillation d'Alebic, l'on en peult tirer de l'eau (ce que ie ne veux nier) aussi bien que de toutes autres herbes du monde: mais d'en tirer de l'huile, c'est se moquer. Et ne sgache Empiriques, Alchemistes, tireurs de quinte escence, ou Antimonies, qui me le peussent faire accroire. Et un certain Italien qui a si curieusement escrit de la propriete de ceste herbe, raconte la plus lourde bourde de tout le monde, et monstre bien qu'il ne voyagea iamais, asseurans le Lecteur que ladite herbe de Petun seiche, soustient (au pays de la Floride, dont elle a este apportee) ces pauures Barbares quatre iours sans manger, en receuant la vapeur d'icelle par le nez, estant sur un rechault. I'ay honte de lire tels discours, veu qu'il n'y eut iamais home soubs le ciel, qui ait veu vne seule TOBACCO 133 a quarrel with Thevet on the real value of petun, but he substantially gave the same account of it, except that he had not seen any women smoking it.1 Stade plante de Petun a 'la Floride, ny mille lieues a la ronde. Somme, les Sauuages, auec lesquels i'ay long temps conuerse, n'vsent ne appliquent ceste herbe Pelunienne, a autre chose, que pour les effets cy dessus declarez, et de laquelle vous voyez cy dessus le pourtraict au naturel," A. Thevet, La Cosmographie Universelle, Paris 1575, liu. XXI, vol. II, fol. 926 f. "Autre singularity d'une herbe, qu'ils nomment en leur langue Petun, laquelle ils portent ordinairement auec eux, pour ce qu'ils l'estiment merueilleusement proffitable a plusieurs choses. Elle ressemble a notre buglosse. Or ils cueillent sogneusement ceste herbe et la font seicher k l'ombre dans leurs petites cabannes. La maniere d'en user est telle. Ils enueloppent, estant seiche, quelque quantite de ceste herbe en une fueille de palmier, qui est fort grande, et la rollent comme de la longueur d'une chandelle, puis mettent le feu par un bout, et en recoiuent la fumee par le nez, et par la bouche. Elle est fort salubre, disent ils, pour faire distiller et consumer les humeurs superflues du cerueau. Dauantage prise en ceste fago fait passer la faim et la soif pour quelque temps. Parquoy ils en usent ordinairement, mesmes quand ils tiennent quelque propos entre eux, ils tirent ceste fumee, et puis parlent: ce qu'ils font coustumierement et successiuement l'un apres l'autre en guerre, ou elle se trouue trescomode. Les femmes n'en usent aucuncment. Vray est, que si l'on prend trop de ceste fumee ou parfun, elle enteste et enyure, comme le fumet d'un fort vin. Les Chrestiens est ans auiourd'huy par dela sont deuenus merueilleusement frians de cesle herbe et parfun: combien qu'au commencement l'usage n'est sans danger auant que Ton y soit accoustume: car ceste fum6e cause sueurs et foiblesses, iuscjues a tomber en quelque syncope: ce que i'ay experiments en moymesme. Kt n'est tant estrage qu'il semble, car il se trouue assSs d'autres fruits qui ofTensent le cerveau, combien qu'ils soyent delicats et bons a manger," A. Thevet, Les singularitez de la France Antarctique, ed. by P. Gaffarel, Paris 1S7S, p. 157 ff. 1 "Pour l'esgard des simples, que ceste terre du Bresil produit, il y en a un entre les autres que nos Toiioupinambaoulls, nomment Petun, lequel croist de la facon et un peu plus haut que nostre grande ozeille, a les fueilles assez semblables, mais encore plus approchantes de celles de consolida niaior. Ceste herbe, a cause de la singuliere vertu que vous entendrez qu'elle a, est en grande estime entre les sauvages: et voici comme ils en usent. Apres qu'ils 1'ont cueillie, et par petites poignees pendue et fait sechcr en leurs maisons, en prenant quatre ou cinq fueilles, lesqueUes ils enveloppent dans une autre grande fueille d'arbre, en facon de cornet d'espice: mettans lors le feu par le petit bout, et le mettant ainsi un peu allume dans leurs bouches, ils en tirent en ceste facon la fumee, laquelle, combien qu'elle leur ressorte par leurs narines et leurs levres trouees, ne laisse pas neantmoins de tellement les sustanter, que principalement s'ils vont a la guerre, et que la necessite les presse, ils seront trois ou quatre iours sans se nourrir d'autre chose. Vray est qu'ils en usent encor pour un autre esgard: car parceque cela leur fait distiller les humeurs superflues du cerveau, vous ne verriez gueres nos Bresiliens sans avoir, non seulement chascun un cornet de ceste herbe pendu au col, mais aussi a toutes les minutes: et parlant a vous, cela leur servant de contenance, ils en hument la fumee, laquelle, comme i'ay dit (eux reserrans soudain la bouche) leur ressort par le nez et par les levres 134 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA mentions, in 1559, bittin, with which the soothsayers fumigated their tammaraka, that is, rattle.1 Soares, in 1587, describes the smoking of tobacco, which the Indians call petume, in an identical manner.2 It is here, in Brazil, that we get consistently the correct story of the plant, which is used as a styptic in wounds and, like an errhine, to purge the head, that e is, we get precisely the description of the Arab. JjL. \p tubbaq. (But Stade brings it in connection with the wizard's rattle, the tammaraka, and this is already mentioned in Pigafetta as itanmaraca "bell,"3 from ita "stone" and maraca "rattle;" but this, in its turn, is nothing but Port, matraca "rattle." If the very wizard rattle is of Portuguese origin, how much more must petume be of Portuguese origin! This word is f endues comme d'un encensoir: et n'en est pas la senteur mal plaisante. Cependant ie n'en ay point veu user aux femmes, et ne scay la raison pourquoy: mais bien diray-ie qu'ayant moy-mesme experiments ceste fumee de Petun, i'ay senti qu'elle rassasie et garde bien d'avoir faim. Au reste, combien qu'on appelle maintenant par deca la Nicotiane, ou herbe a la royne Petun, tant s'en faut toutesfois que ce soit de celuy dont ie parte, qu'au contraire, outre que ces deux plantes n'ont rien de commun, ny en forme ny en propriete, et qu'aussi l'auteur de la Maison Rustique, liv. 2, chap. 79, afferme que la Nicotiane (laquelle dit-il retient ce nom de monsieur Nicot, qui premier l'envoya de Portugal en France) a estS apportee de la Floride, distante de plus de mil lieues de nostre terre du Bresil (car toute la zone Torride est entre deux) encore y a-il que quelque recherche que i'aye faite en plusieurs iardins, oil Ton se vantoit d'avoir du Petun, isuques a present, ie n'en ay point veu en nostre France. Et a fin que celui qui nous a de nouveau fait feste de son angoumoise, qu'il dit estre vray Petun, ne pense pas que i'ygnore ce qu'il en a escrit: si le naturel du simple dont il fait mention ressemble au pourtrait qu'il en fait faire en sa Cosmographie, i'en di autant que de la Nicotiane; tellement qu'en ce cas ie ne lui concede pas ce qu'il pretend: assavoir qu'il ait este le premier qui a apportS de la graine de Petun en France: ou aussi a cause du froit, i'estime que mal- aisement ce simple pourroit croistre," J. de Lei-y, Histoire d'un voyage faict en la Terre du BrSsil, ed. by P. Gaffarel, Paris 1880, vol. II, p. 23 ff. 1 "Wann sie dann alle bey einander sein, so nimpt er dann ein iedern sein Tammaraka sonderlich und bereuchert es mit kraude, welchs sie Bittin nennen," K. Kliipfel, iV. Federmanns und H. Stades Reisen in Siidamerica, 1529 bis 1556, Stuttgart 1859, p. 183. 2 Op. cit., cap. 164. 3 Robertson, op. cit., vol. I, p. 44. TOBACCO 135 universal in the Tupi languages. Adam1 gives Guarani petym, Abaneeme pety, Barbosa petema, Brazilian pytyma, Chaff anj on pitima, EmeriUon petime, Oyampi petun, and yet it will be shown that these are mere corruptions of a Portuguese word. We have already seen that the Arabic word which leads to tobacco, derives its origin from its glutinous quality. The corresponding Low Latin word for a substance of glutinous quality is bitumen. We have the glosses2 "betumen guttae, alii piculam, ahi resinam dicunt, lutum." The eighth century Anelo-Saxon glosses' have "bitumen liim," while the OHGerman glosses4 read "lim gluten, viscus bitumen," so that there is not the slightest doubt that bitumen was used for any sticky mass. Hence we have OFrench betun "mud," OSpan. betun "wax, pitch," Port, brtume "any pasty substance." At the end of the fifteenth century the Arabic influence in medicine was not yet extinct in Portugal and Spain, and if the Arab. ,J\ t> tubbaq passed into their languages in all its different signifi cances connected with that aromatic plant, then betume must have acquired the same various meanings It is this word which was taken by the Portuguese. with the tobacco plant, to Brazil, at the same time that Portuguese matraca entered into Tupi. The latter fact happened before 1519, possibly through that very pilot who accompanied Pigafetta on his Voyage around the World. Hence tobacco was known there before 1519. In 1534 Jacques Cartier made his first voyage to Canada. In the description of this voyage5 he has 1 Maliriaux pour servir d I'itablissement d'une grammaire comparie des dialectes de la famille Tupi, Paris 1896, p. 127. 2 Goetz, Corpus glossariorum latinorum. * Hessels, An Eighth-Century Latin-Anglo-Saxon Glossary, Cambridge 1890. ' Graff, Althochdnitscher Sprachschatz. ' H. Michelant, Voyage de Jaques Cartier au Canada en 1534, Paris lS^S. 136 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA not a word to say about the use of tobacco among the Canadian Indians, but in the account of his second voyage, made in 1535 and 1536, and pubUshed in 1545, he says: "They have also an herb which they gather in the summer for the winter and wliich they esteem greatly and which only men use in the following fashion. They dry it in the sun, and wear it about their necks in a small leather pouch, with a stone or wooden pipe; then, at any hour they crush said herb to powder, and put it into one end of the pipe, then place a piece of charcoal on it and suck through the other end, and when the body fills with smoke it passes through the mouth and the nostrils as through a stove pipe, and they say that this keeps them well and warm, and they never go without said things. We have tried said smoke, and, after we put it into our mouth, it felt as though we had put powdered pepper upon it, so hot was it."1 There would seem to be no escape from the fact that tobacco was in common use in Canada before 1535. As the "Nicotiana tabacum" is not native there, it must have been brought from a distance, but there are so many inaccuracies in C artier' s book that nothing positive can be said of his account of tobacco. According to him, tobacco is smoked only in the winter to keep the Indians warm. At the 1 "Hz ont aussi une herbe de quoy ilz font grand amastz l'este durand pour l'yuer. Laquelle ilz estiment fort et en vsent les hommes seulement en facon que ensuit. Ilz la font seicher au soleil, et la portet a leur col en vne petite peau de beste eu lieu de sac, auec vng cornet de pierre ou de boys: puis a toute heure font pouldre de ladicte herbe, et la mettet en l'ung des boutz dudict cornet, puis mettent vng charbon de feu dessus, et sussent par l'autre bout, tant qu'ilz s'emplet le corps de fumee, tellement qu'elle leur sort par la bouche, et par les nazilles, coe par vng tuyau de cheminee: et disent que cela les tient sains et chauldement, et ne vont iamais sans auoir sesdictes choses. Nous auons esprouuS ladicte fumee, apres laquelle auoir mis dedas nostre bouche, semble y auoir mis de la pouldre de poyure tat est chaulde," M. D'Avezac, Bref recit et succincte narration de la navigation faile en MDXXXV et MDXXXVI par le Capitaine Jacques Cartier, Paris 1863, fol. 31a. TOBACCO 137 same time he mentions figs,1 cloves, and cinnamon,2 oranges, almonds, and apples,3 as known to the Indians and possessing Indian names. If they knew these European and Asiatic plants, there is no wonder that they also knew tobacco, especially since Canada had been visited by French voyagers before.4 But there is one circumstance which casts a doubt on the whole story. Of the Indians he says that the people live in the community of possessions very much as do the Brazilians,6 and of the maize which they raise he says that it is the same as the maize that grows in Brazil.' As there exists no printed account of Brazil of as early a date as 1545, when Cartier's book was pub lished, the reference, if taken from books, can only be to Pigafetta or Vespucci, but from neither could he have gotten the name "Brazil" or the fact that the maize of Canada was identical with that of Brazil. Obviously, Cartier, like so many Frenchmen lief ore him, had been to Brazil, and it is impossible to tell whether Cartier is describing the Brazilian or the Canadian custom of smoking. In 1545 smoking had become fairly universal in America, and Benzoni, who visited Central America from 1541 to 1556, wrote as follows: "In this island, as also in other provinces of these new countries, then- are some bushes, not very large, like reeds, that pro duce a leaf in shape like that of the walnut, though rather larger, which (where it is used) is held in great esteem by the natives, and very much prized by the slaves whom the Spaniards have brought from Ethi opia. When these leaves are in season, they pick them, tie them up in bundles, and suspend them near 1 Ibid., fol. 47 b. 1 Ibid., fol. 4S b. ' Ibid., fol. 34 b. ' Ibid., in the Introduction, especially fol. VII ff. » Ibid., fol. 30 b. 'Ibid., fol. 31 a. 138 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA their fire-place till they are very dry; and when they wish to use them, they take a leaf of their grain (maize) and putting one of the others into it, they roll them round tight together; then they set fire to one end, and putting the other end into the mouth, they draw their breath up through it, wherefore the smoke goes into the mouth, the throat, the head, and they retain it as long as they can, for they find a pleasure in it, and so much do they fill themselves with this cruel smoke, that they lose their reason. And there are some who take so much of it that they fall down as if they were dead, and remain the greater part of the day or night stupified. Some men are found who are content with imbibing only enough of this smoke to make them giddy, and no more. See what a pestif erous and wicked poison from the devil this must be. It has happened to me several times that, going through the provinces of Guatemala and Nicaragua, I have entered the house of an Indian who had taken this herb, which in the Mexican language is called tobacco, and immediately perceiving the sharp fetid smell of this truly diabolical and stinking smoke, I was obliged to go away in haste, and seek some other place. In La Espaiiola and the other islands, when their doctors wanted to cure a sick man, they went to the place where they were to administer the smoke, and when he was thoroughly intoxicated by it, the cure was mostly effected. On returning to his senses he told a thousand stories, of his having been at the council of the gods and other high visions."1 It is 1 W. H. Smyth, History of the New World, by Girolamo Benzoni {The Hakluyt Society) , London 1 857, p. 80 ff. , from the Italian version : "In questa Isola, come in alcune altre Prouincie di questi nuoui paesi, vi sono certi arboscelli, non troppo grandi, a modo di canne, che producono vna foglia di forma, come quella della noce, perd piu tosto maggiore, della quale da' paesani (doue si costuma) e tenuta in grandissima stima, e da gli schiaui pregiata assai, i quali danno condotti gli Spagnuoli d'Etiopia. Essendo adunque queste foglie di stagione, le colgono, et legate in mazzi, doue fanno fuoco le sospendano, sin' a tanto che siano ben secche, e quando le vogliano TOBACCO 139 clear, however, that in this description, in which the words tabaco and bocchiti are used, Benzoni repeats the information from Oviedo and other earher writers, and repeats the statement that the Negroes were very much addicted to the use of the tobacco. In 1539 Ferdinand de Soto knew nothing of smoking among the Indians of North America.1 Nor does Laudoniere, in 1564, nor John Ribault, in 1565, nor De Gourgues, in 1567, know anything about smoking in P'lorida.2 But Sir John Hawkins went in 1564 to Florida, and in a region where the French had settled the Indians were using tobacco: "The Floridians when they travell, have a kinde of herbe dried, who with a cane and an earthen cup in the end, with fire, and the dried herbs put together, doe sucke thorow the cane the smoke thereof, which smoke satisfieth usare pigliano vna foglia di spiga del lor grano, e mettendoui dentro vna di quelle altre, le auolgono come vn cannone insieme, poi da vn lato v'appiccano fuoco, e tenendo l'altra parte in bocca tirano il fiato a loro, onde quel fumo vk in bocca, in gola, e nella testa, e quanto posson tolerare, lo sopportano hauendone piacere, e tanto s'empieno di questo fumo crudele, che vanno fuori del sentimento: e vi sono di quegli, che tanto forzatamente lo pigliano, che cadono in terra, come se fossero morti, e quiui stanno la maggior parte del giorno storditi, 6 della notte. Se ne trouano di quegli, che si contentano bere di questo fumo, tanto che la testa vadi attorno, e non piu. Vedete che pestifero, e maluagio veleno del diauolo e questo. A me e accaduto spesse volte andando per la prouincia di Guattimalla, e Nicaragua, entrare in casa di qualche Indiano, che presa haueua quest'erba, che in lingua Mesicana e chiamata labacco, e subito sentito il fetore acuto di questo veramente diabolico, e puzzolente fumo, era forzato a partirmi con gran prestezza, ed andare in altro loco. Nell' Isola Spagnuola, ed in tutte l'altre, quando i lor medici voleuano curare qualche infermo, andauano nel luogo dou' egli staua a darli il fumo, e quando era bene imbriacato era fatta la maggior cura; poi ritornando in se diceua mille materie, di essere stato al concilio de gli Dei, passando visioni alte," La historia del Mondo Xuoro, Venetia 1572, lib. I, fol. 54 ff. 1 "Ferdinand de Soto, in 1539, entered Florida on the west coast, and, crossing the Alabama, Tombigbee, and Black Warrior rivers, reached the Mississippi north of the Arkansas, though he does not appear to refer to the smoking habit. The inference drawn is negative, it is true, but had the natives smoked to the extent which they did a hundred years later all over the continent it can hardly be supposed that there would not have been reference to it," J. D. McGuire, Pipes and Smoking Customs of the American Aborigines, in Annual Report of the Board of Regents of the S mithsonian Institution, for 1S97, p. 411. -Ibid., p. 412. 140 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA their hunger, and therwith they live foure or five dayes without meat or drinke, and this all the French men used for this purpose: yet do they holde opinion withall, that it causeth water and fleame to void from their stomacks."1 It is impossible to assert that the Frenchmen learned the habit of smoking from the Floridians, since Europeans in America were addicted to this habit at least thirty years earlier. It is not at all surprising that the Mande taba, tama, tawa "tobacco," which is found in Africa over an enormous territory,2 should be equally widespread in America. Von den Steinen3 quotes Bakairi tawe, tawi, Cumanagote tamo, Chayma caguay, Palmella tama, Galibi, Akawai tamoui, Carijona taumouinto, Macusi, Arecuna, Tamanaeo kauwai, kawai, Paravil- hana kauvai "tobacco," Chayma tamo "cigar," Pimen- teira tamitze "pipe." But we find the same root in the languages of North America. In the Algonquian languages it is found as Micmac tamawa, tomahoue, "tobacco, " tomakan "pipe," Abnakiwdawan " tobacco," udame "he smokes," Natick wuttamauog "tobacco," wuttamagon "pipe," Chippeway assema " tobacco, snuff." But the word is not merely common to the Algonquian languages. The root tam, sem is found in Choctaw hakchuma, hakchumak "tobacco," in which hak is the article, attached to a large number of nouns. What is more remarkable: it is early found on the Pacific Coast of the United States. In 1540 Fernando Alar- chon, who visited the Pacific Coast, found there Indians who "carry certaine little long bagges about 1 R. Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Dis coveries of the English Nation, Glasgow, New York 1904, vol. X, p. 57. 2 "Die Monbuttu, welche gleichfalls nur den virginischen T aback culti- viren und den Bauerntaback ebenso wenig zu kennen scheinen als die Niamniam, nennen ihn E-Tobu. Bei den iibrigen Volkern dieses Theils von Centralafrika drehen sich alle Namen um die Wurzelsilbe tab, tabba, labdiht, lorn," Schweinfurth, op. cit., vol. I, p. 278 f. 3 Die Bakairi-Sprache. TOBACCO 141 an hand broade tyed to their left arme, wliich serve them also in stead of brasers for their bowes, full of the powder of a certaine herbe, whereof they make a certaine beverage."1 It is not certain that Alarchon here described the tobacco, but Sir Francis Drake, in 1579, says that in latitude 38° the same Indians "brought with them feathers and bags of tobacco for presents."2 F. Fletcher, who described the same voyage, and whose book was published in 1628,3 gives a much fuller account, and mentions tobacco on three different occasions. In latitude 48° an Indian came who "brought a little basket made of rushes, and filled with an herbe which they called tabdh."' A few days later some Indians "came now the second time unto us, bringing with them, as before had been done, feathers and bagges of lobdh for presents, or rather indeed for sacrifices, upon this perswasion that we were gods."6 Again a few days later there came Indians who brought "a bagge of the herbe tabdh."6 That tabaco, first mentioned in Hispaniola, should have found its way so far to the northwest, in addition to the rest of the continent, is a prima facie proof that the dist i- bution of tobacco follows from its first appearance under Arabic influence, from Ouinea to all countries where Spanish, Portuguese, and French sailors navi gated via Guinea or after having taken part in Ouinea expeditions. Hariot, in 1587, described the tobacco plant as it grew in Virginia, where the Indians called it uppdwoc: "There is an herbe which is sowed a part by it selfe 1 R. Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, etc., Glasgow, New York 1904, vol. IX, p. 2S5. 2 Ibid., vol. XI, p. 119. 8 The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake {The Hakluyt Society), London 1854. 'Ibid., p. 119. 'Ibid., p. 122. * Ibid., pp. 125 and 126. 142 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA and is called by the inhabitants uppdwoc: In the West Indies it hath diuers names, according to the seuerall places and countries where it groweth and is vsed: The Spaniardes generally call it Tobacco. The leaues thereof being dried and brought into powder: they vse to take the fume or smoke thereof by sucking it through pipes made of claie into their stomacke and heade; from whence it purge th superfluous fleame and other grosse humors, openeth all the pores and passages of the body: by which meanes the vse thereof, not only preserueth the body from obstruc tions; but also if any be, so that they haue not beene of too long continuance, in short time breaketh them: whereby their bodies are notably preserued in health, and know not many greeuous diseases wherewithall wee in England are oftentimes afflicted. This Vppowoc is of so precious estimation amongest the, that they thinke their gods are maruelously delighted therwith: Wherupon sometime they make hallowed fires and cast some of the pouder therein for a sacrifice: being in a storme vppon the waters, to pacifie their gods, they cast some vp into the aire and into the water: so a weare for fish being newly set vp, they cast some therein and into the aire: also after an escape of danger, they cast some into the aire likewise: but all done with strange gestures, stamping, somtime dauncing, clap ping of hands, holding vp of hands, and staring vp into the heaues, vttering therewithal and chattering strange words and noises. We our selues during the time we were there vsed to suck it after their maner, as also since our returne, and haue found manie rare and wonderful experiments of the vertues thereof; of which the relation woulde require a volume by it selfe: the vse of it by so manie of late, men and women of great calhng as else, and some learned Phisitions TOBACCO 143 also, is sufficient witnes."1 Strachey calls the tobacco by the Indian name apooke: "There is here great store of tobacco, which the salvages call apooke; howbeit yt is not of the best kynd, yt is but poore and weake, and of a byting tast, yt growes not fully a yard above ground, bearing a little yellowe flower, like to hennebane, the leaves are short and thick, somewhat round at the upper end; whereas the best tobacco of Trynidado and the Oronoque is large, sharpe, and growing two or three yardes from the ground, bearing a flower of the bredth of our bell- flowers in England: the salvages here dry the leaves of this apooke over the fier, and sometymes in the sun, and crumble yt into poulder, stalks, leaves, and all, taking the same in pipes of earth, which very ingen iously they can make. We observe that those Indians which have one, two, or more women, take much, but such as yet have no appropriate woman take little or none at all."2 One need only look at the juxtaposition of tobacco — apooke to convince oneself that the second is an apocopation of the first, the t- appearing as a pronominal suffix. While in the Dictionarie of the Indian Language attached to this work we have, "tobacco vhpooc, tobacco pipe vhpoocan," in which various attempts are made to represent the b, which is lacking in many Indian languages and is absent from the Dictionarie, while a "tobacco bag" is utta- mancoih, where the tam- of the other languages is actually preserved. Now it is remarkable that the word for "pipe" is found all along the coast and away into Canada independently from linguistic affiU- ations. We have, from vhpoocan in Virginia, Delaware hopoacan "pipe," hence hupal "smoke," ju hopottam 1 A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia, London 1900, p. 30 ff. * R. H. Major, The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia {The Hakluyt Society), London 1849, p. 121 f. 144 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA "let us smoke," Natick hopuonck, uhpuonck, Chippe- way opwdgan, Montagnais shpuagan, Cree ospwdgan "pipe, calumet." It is also interesting to observe that in Canada the word for "to smoke" is derived from the French petuner, which itself is from the Brazilian term. We have Montagnais pituan, Cree pittwdw "he smokes." But petun for "tobacco" was invariably used by the French in Canada, since it was generally imported from Brazil, both for the Frenchmen and the Indians of Canada.1 Early in the seventeenth century ships brought to Canada "all the merchandise which these Gentlemen use in trading with the Savages; that is to say, the cloaks, blankets, nightcaps, hats, shirts, sheets, hatchets, iron arrowheads, bodkins, swords, picks to break the ice in Winter, knives, kettles, prunes, raisins, Indian corn, peas, crackers or 6ea biscuits, and tobacco; and what is necessary for the sustenance of the French in this country besides."2 The mention of prunes, raisins, and pease as articles of importation makes it clear that the mention by Jacques Cartier of Canada words for prunes, raisins, oranges, almonds, apples, figs, cinnamon and cloves3 indicates an intercourse between the Indians and 1 "Et noz Francois qui les ont hantS sont pour la pluspart tellement affollez de cette yvrongnerie de petun qu'ils ne s'en scauroient passer non plus que du boire et du manger, et a cela dependent de bon argent, car le bon Petun qui vient du Bresil coute quelquefois vn ecu la livre," E. Tross, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France par Marc Lescarbot, Paris 1866, vol. Ill, p. 811. 2 "Ces deux nauires apportent toutes les marchandises que ces Messieurs traictent auec les Sauuages, c'est a scauoir des capaux, des couuertures, bonnets de nuict, chapeaux, chemises, draps, haches, fers de fleches, aleines, espees, des tranches pour rompre la glace en Hyuer, des coutteaux, des chaudieres, pruneaux, raisins, du bled d'Inde, des pois, du biscuit, ou de la galette, et du petun; et outre ce qui est necessaire pour le viure des Francois, qui demeuret en ce pais la, en eschange ils emportent des peaux d'orignac, de loup ceruier, de regnard, de loutre, et quelquefois il s'en rencontre de noires, de mattre, de blaireau, et de rat musqu6; mais principalement de Castor, qui est le plus grand de leur gain," R. G. Thwaites, The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents: Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 1610-1791, Cleveland 1897, vol. IV, p. 206 f. 3 D'Avezac, op. cit, fois. 34 and 47. TOBACCO 145 Europeans previous to 1534, wliich, indeed, is well established.1 Therefore the use of BraziUan to bacco, which led to the cultivation of Nicotiana rustica in Canada, must also be older than the date of Cartier's visit, and the petun words in the north may be exceedingly old. The Tionontates, a tribe related to the Hurons, were called "Nation du Petun," presumably because they raised tobacco for barter,2 though Champlain only speaks of their raising maize.3 None of the Huron tribes have any word for "tobacco," but simply use the word for "smoke" for it, such as Huron ayentaque, testena, tisdenda "tobacco," ayettaya "I smoke," all from a root yen, just as Onondaga ojenqua "tobacco," Iroquois kienkwaks "to chew tobacco," kaienkwiio "good tobacco," kaicnkwaro- wanen "great smoke" proceed from oienkwa " tobacco," oienkwara "smoke," apparently from the same root yen "smoke." This total absence among the Hurons, who were the first to cultivate tobacco, for a word for the plant is sufficient evidence that it did not become known to them until its introduction for smoking. It is hard to tell where the Tionontates got their tobacco originally, but Sagard4 tells in his book, originally published in 1632, that the Epicerinys, who wintered in the country of the Hurons, often told him of a certain nation where they went every year, not farther than a moon and a half by land and water, whither there came to barter by sea in wooden boats a certain people, carrying all kinds of merchan dise, such as hatchets, made hke partridge tails, socks 1 P. Gaffarel, Les dtcouvreurs francais du XIV* au XVI* sidcle, Paris 1888, p. 117 ff., and H. P. Biggar, The Precursors of Jacques Cartier, Ottawa 1911. 1 The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, vol. I, p. 22. * Oeuvres de Champlain, edited by C.-H. Laverdiere, Quebec 1870, pp. 545, 930. 4 G. Sagard-Theodat, Le Grand Voyage du Pays de Hurons, Paris 1865, vol. I, p. 75. 146 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA with the shoes attached, which were as supple as gloves and many other things which they exchanged for pelts. Sagard thought that the people must have come from the West, but it is just as likely that some country on the Gulf of Mexico is meant. In any case, we have a relation of the Hurons with Europeans directly or indirectly, which must have begun very early. It will be observed that the people who told Sagard about this are called Epicerinys, apparently from the French epicerie "spices," that is, "the people who bring the spices." This throws an entirely new hght on Jacques Cartier's list of words, in which Indian names for tropical fruits are given, especially since we have the specific statement by Cartier that the Indians told him that a month's journey away there was the country where these fruits could be obtained. Thus we get the important conclusion that the Hurons were before the middle of the sixteenth century in some relation, apparently commercial, with Europeans on the Gulf of Mexico, where alone they could obtain oranges, cinnamon and cloves. We can easily under stand, therefore, why the words for "tobacco" and "pipe" should have traveled up to Canada from Florida and Virginia, while the word for "smoke," from French petun, was sporadically given the Indians by the early French traders. In Mexico we find in 1547 yetl "incense."1 Molina, in his Vocabulario of 1571, 2 does not record the word, but only gives picietl "an herb like henbane, which is medicinal." In less than twenty-five years the mean ing has passed from "incense" to "herb," through a compounding with pic, given as derived from piciliui "to make small," although yetl is not at all recorded. 1 A. de Olmos, Grammaire de la langue nahuatl ou mexicaine, published by R. Simeon, Paris 1875, p. 22. 2 A. de Molina, Vocabulario en lengua castellana y mexicano, Mexico 1571. TOBACCO 147 This yetl is ostensibly derived from a root iya "to smell (badly), stink," which produces iyaya "to smell badly," iyelli "the breaking of wind," au-iaya, au- iyaya "to exhale a perfume," iyaua "to burn incense, to offer as a sacrifice." This root iya is unquestionably a development of the root ihio, found in ihiotl "breath, respiration, evaporation," hence ihio "spiritual, that which breathes." However this may be, yetl refers to "perfume, incense" in general, in which sense it is given by Olmos, and we know from Fray Toribio, who wrote after 1541, that the Mexicans used copal1 for incense, while the people equally enjoyed liquid amber.2 Lopez de Gomara wrote:3 "They perfume the idols with herbs, flowers, powders and resin, but the best and most common smoke is the one they call copalli, which is like incense and is of two kinds, one is wrinkled, which they call xolochcopalli ; in Mexico it is soft, in the cold country it is very likely hard; it likes to grow in hot countries and to deteriorate in cold countries. The other is the gum of copalqua- huitl, which is so good that many Spaniards esteem it like myrrh. They wound the tree and even without wounding it distils drop by drop a white liquid which soon coagulates, and from this they make something that resembles cakes of transparent soap. This is their perfect odor in sacrifices and an esteemed offering to the gods." Gomara, no more than Toribio, has one word to say about tobacco in any form whatsoever. The amazing rapidity with which the Mexicans adopted European methods of manufacture and Euro pean customs has been the subject of a great deal of comment among Spanish writers. Ten years after the 1 "All! le ofrecian muchas veces copalli que es el incienso de esta tierra," op. cit., p. 86; "otros ofrecen copalli, que es incienso de esta tierra," ibid., p. 97; also p. 129. 1 Ibid., p. 158. * Historia de Mexico, Anvers 1554, fol. 324. 148 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA conquest of Mexico Bishop Zumarraga wrote: "This country is very thickly settled, and the inhabitants are very clever : they imitate at once everything which is brought to them from Spain, without having ever learned how to manufacture it."1 In 1536 Indian children were instructed in Latin and in the sciences, and sixty of these entered college.2 But the most interesting account of the marvelous progress made by the Mexicans is given by Fray Toribio. They learned to read and write Spanish and Latin, to sing plain chants, to paint in colors in the European fashion, as well as Flemish painters, to cast bells, to tan hides, to build houses with the plumb and Une, to weave cloth of the finest kind, in fact, to do any work per formed by Spanish artisans.3 In 1576 Sahagun told of all kinds of Indian artisans, among them of those who sold tobacco pipes: "He who sells tobacco pipes at first cuts the reeds, cleans them of their leaves and pohshes them carefully. Then he carefully pulverizes some coal, which he dampens in order to bore with it through the reeds. Some he adorns with paintings, others he gilds, or he makes them without any embelhshment, all united, very long, blackened with coal or whitened with chalk which is put upon them, when they are not glistening with gold with which they are covered. Some of these tubes have hidden paintings which appear only as the fire develops them. Some are marbled, others have paintings representing flowers, fishes, eagles, etc. The common ones and the most poorly made are manu factured in order to be sold in the market. They easily lose the carbon with which they are covered. There is a great variety of pipes, which are made with 1 H. Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, relations et memoires originaux, vol. XVI, Second recueil de pieces sur le Mexique, Paris 1840, p. 72, and again, p. 77. 2 Ibid., p. 265 f . 3 Op. cit., part I, caps. 59 and 60. TOBACCO 149 all kinds of pulverized aromatic herbs which are mixed together and are used to bore with just as other aro matic substances, the bitumen called chapopotli, certain mushrooms, the rose called poyomaili, and others. What is chapopotli? Chapopotli is a bitumen which comes from the sea and wliich resembles Castille pitch when it is brittle. The waves of the sea throw it up, generally on certain days, during the increase of the moon. It floats on the waves like a thick piece of cloth, and the people by the sea pick it up. This chapopotli is odoriferous and very much esteemed by the women. When it is thrown on the fire, its odor is borne far away."1 There is nothing new under the sun: Meerschaum pipes were manufactured by the Mexicans in 1576! If there were pipes, there were also merchants who sold picietl: "He who sells picietl, dampens the leaves, mixing them with a little chalk, then he rubs the mixture very much with his hands. Some make the picietl with native incense. Placed in the mouth, it produces vertigo and intoxicates. It helps the digestion and is good for driving away fatigue."2 "For a cold or catarrh of the nose one takes the herb called in Mexican yecuxo- lon or picietl. One smells the green or powdered leaves or rubs it in with the finger inside the mouth, in order that the humors may be expelled. One must keep from eating or drinking cold things and keep away from the air, the cold or the sun."3 "The disease of the glands of the neck are treated by lancing the swelling with a small knife. After extracting the matter to the root, one applies to it powdered picietl, mixed with an herb called yietl and salt, all very hot."4 1 D. Jourdanet and R. Simeon, Histoire generale des choses de la Nouvelle- Espagne, par le R. P. Fray Bernardino de Sahagun, Paris 1880, p. 630. 2 Ibid., p. 633. ' Ibid., p. 646. 4 Ibid., p. 64S. 150 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Sahagun is confused on the plant called yietl, for in another place he speaks of yietl as "pipes."1 In Ximenez's translation of Hernandez,2 of the year 1615, the word yetl is not used, but in the edition of 16513 we read "picielt seu yelt," where the two are confused. In another place of the first edition4 we read: "Llaman tauacos en la ysla Espaiiola a ciertos pedacos huecos de cana, de palmo y medio de largo, que por defuera estan vntados con polbo de carbon, y por dentro llenos de tauaco, liquidambar (6 xochi ocotzotl)," where the second edition5 reads : " Tabacos vocant, arundinum caua perforataque fragmenta; ses- quidodrantem longa, puluere carbonum extrinsecus illita, intrinsecus vero yelt, liquidambra, xochicocotl . . . referta." Thus it is seen that yetl is given as equal to "pipes, tobacco, some other kind of herb." This is due to the fact that yetl was merely a back formation from picyetl and had no especial meaning, unless it meant, as in Olmos, "incense." Picyetl itself is an un-Mexican formation, for pic- does not occur in any other word whatsoever. We have only piciliui "to crush, triturate," and piciyetl is some Spanish attempt to form a word from this piciliui, for in the Maya languages may "tobacco" is derived from Maya may-ah "to triturate." It is even possible that pic yetl is a mere Nahuatl transformation of Maya ppicil "that which is triturated." Besides, the use to which the picyetl is put in curing colds and catarrh is identical with the European method of treating the same diseases, which precedes the Ameri can method by hundreds of years, and is identical with 1 Ibid., p. 36. 2 Cuatro Libros de la naturaleza y virtudes medicinales de las plantas y animates de la Nueva Espana, Morelia 1888, p. 136. 3 Nova plantarum, animalium et mineralium mexicanorum historia. Romae 1651, p. 173. 4 P. 245. BP. 312. TOBACCO 151 the similar use of errhines in Arabic medicine. We find in Sahagun the mention of a temple dedicated to a Nahuatl divinity, in which the priest, called tlaqolquacu- illi, carried a calabash full of picietl. This priest did not permit any person to enter who carried into the temple any uncleanliness.1 There cannot be the slightest doubt that this temple was established after the arrival of the Spaniards, for the tlaqolquacuilli is derived from tlaqolli "uncleanliness," quaitl "the head," and cui "to take," and means "he who takes the uncleanliness away from the head," which refers to the European method of cleaning the head by the use of a ster nutatory; and we have seen that the picietl was also called in Mexican yecuxoton, which means "sternu tatory," from ecuxoa "to sneeze." McGuire, in his elaborate essay on the tobacco pipes,2 quotes Cyrus Thomas as an authority that a certain picture in The Manuscript Troano, representing a person with a pipe in his mouth, is that of a man smoking. As the figure is apparently identical with that on the Palenque altar, which represents "the Maya rain god, Tlaloc, blowing the winds from his mouth,"3 there is nothing by which we can prove that the pipe is a tobacco pipe, or that the person is smoking. In both the smoke radiates in two directions, as if blown, whereas in smoking the radiation would be from the mouth, and not from the end of the pipe. Indeed, D. Charnay4 says: "The slab represents an old man, clothed in a tiger's skin, blowing out air." McGuire quotes two figures from Kingsborough's Antiquities of Mexico,6 which are supposed to be smoking.6 If that is true, then the first figure 1 Op. cit., p. 192. 'Op. cit., p. 371. • Ibid., p. 364. 4 The Ancient Cities of the New World, London 18S7, p. 217. » Vol. II. • McGuire, op. cit., p. 374. 152 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA represented must be smoking with the chin, and the second from a club, as anyone may convince himself by looking at the representations.1 But let us assume, by a stretch of imagination, that in spite of the Spanish explanation of the manuscript in question, which refers to fighting with clubs and not to smoking, the persons really are smoking. What trust can there be placed in Aztec manuscripts, of which one was made in 1553, and the other contains events as late as 1562? The first of these, a manuscript preserved in the Vatican, apparently made under the direction of A. Theuet, whose name is given at the beginning, several times refers to the tribute in copal and liquid amber for incense,2 but never mentions tobacco. From page 136 on it contains a series of vivid repre sentations of events since the arrival of the Spaniards, on page 139 there is a picture of a Christian church, and on page 142, a Negro hanging from the gallows. The second manuscript, the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, has a similar series of events, and the Negro on the gallows is given on page 31. The Spanish explanation of this event reads as follows: "In this year 1537 the 1 McGuire has an amazing capacity for blundering. In that encyclopedic work of American archaeology, Handbook of American Indians north of Mexico, published by the Smithsonian Institution (Washington 1910, vol. II, p. 768), McGuire says: "Diego Columbus in his will dated May 2, 1523, made a legacy to a tobacco merchant of Lisbon, showing how rapidly traffic in the new panacea sprang up." McGuire fished this information out of Thacher {op. cit., vol. I, p. 561) : "We find the following item in the second Will of Diego Columbus, executed May 2, 1523, wherein he makes a legacy to a tobacco merchant of Lisbon showing that there must have been then trafficking in that weed which to one half the world comes as a panacea and to the other half as an abomination: A Antonio, tobaco mercador, ginoves, que solia biber en Lisbon, etc., To Antonio, tobacco merchant, etc." If Thacher had studied Spanish, he would have known that "tobaco mercador" is an impossible Spanish combination. As a matter of fact, the will, exe cuted September 8, 1523, reads, "A Antonioto Baco, m. .r. co ginobes" {Raccolta, parte I, vol. Ill, p. 207), and this Raccolta was published before either McGuire or Thacher wrote down their statements. It would be well, if this were the worst of sins in American archaeology! 2 Vol. I, plate 37: "copale blanca para sahumerios," 38: "copale bianco refinado, pellas de copale por refinar," 39: "cestillas de copale bianco, pellas de copale por refinar," 47: "cien ollas 6 cantaras de liquid-ambar fino." McGuire's Proof of Sniokin;.; in Mexico. From Kingsborough': Antiquities of Mexico. TOBACCO 153 Negroes wanted to rise in the city of Mexico, and the instigators of this rebellion were hanged." Antonio de Mendoza, the first viceroy of Mexico, wrote of this uprising as follows: "The twenty-fourth of last September I was told that the Negroes had elected a king and had resolved to kill all the Span iards. All the country was to rise and the Indians were also in the plot: I did not put any faith in it, because it was a Negro who denounced this conspiracy to me; however, to assure myself of the truth, I ordered some of my servants to go out that evening and mingle with the Indians, so as not to be recog nized by them, and to observe if anything suspicious was going on, for I did not wish to be taken by sur prise if by any chance the fact was true. Indeed I picked up in this way some threads of the conspiracy. I immediately had the one arrested whom the Negroes had chosen for their king and the chief conspirators. I immediately told the Spaniards in the mines and in the country to be on their guard and to keep an eye on the Negroes. Those who were arrested confessed their participation. About two dozen of them in the city and in the mine of Amatepec, whither I had sent Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, were quartered. The Indians brought me the soiled bodies of four Negroes and of one Negress, because I had ordered them brought dead or alive. Thus everything was pacified. We tried to find out to what extent the Indians had taken part in the conspiracy, but nothing has so far been discovered, although it is very probable that they knew all about it and that they would have joined the Negroes, if these had been successful."1 This passage shows that in Mexico there was a close relation between the Indians and the Negroes, as in Hispaniola and elsewhere. But of the Negroes and Indians of 1 Ternaux-Compans, op. cit., p. 256 ff. 154 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA the neighboring Guatemala and Nicaragua, Benzoni said that they were addicted to the use of tobacco. However, most of his account is merely a repetition of what Peter Martyr said of the use of tobacco in Hispaniola, but there can be little doubt that the habit came up in Mexico from the south, where Spaniards had been settled since the very beginning of the six teenth century. The presence and familiarity of the Negroes with the Indians of Mexico in 1537, suggests a new explanation of the term yetl for "tobacco, incense, pipe." The derivation from iya "to smell" is merely popular etymology, since the word was rare and did not get into Molina's dictionary. The very variability of meaning presupposes an un-Mexican origin. We shall trace the fate of the Mandingo word for "tobacco" along the northern coast of South America. The Mande (Malinke) form is more nearly dyamba. This explains at once the forms recorded chiefly in South America by Martius,1 such as: Guipinavi dema, Tariana iema, Maypures jema, Guahiba sema, Caveri scema, Piapoco tchemi, Atorai in Guiana schama, Baniva djeema, eeli, eri, Chavantes waari, oali, ouani, Acroamirim uari, Cherentes oaanijeu, quanyeu, Arawak yaari, yeury, yoli, Carib iouli. Indeed, Martius him self noticed the resemblance of these words to diamba of the country of Guey on the Gambia in Africa. Baniva eeli, eri, Chavantes waari, oali, Acroamirim uari, Arawak yaari, yeury, yuli, Carib iouli, Goajira yulli, yiiri, yiire, are, however, not corruptions of the other forms, but are due to a confusion with the Man- dingo duli "smoke," which in Bambara means "to bacco." We have Kisekise turi, Tene tefure, Gbandi, Landoro ndure, Mende nduli, luli, Gbese dulu, Toma duli "smoke." Hence we have in Carib and Arawak 1 Op. cit., p. 424 f. TOBACCO 155 the taba and iouli words side by side for " tobacco." But the Negroes and Indians of Hispaniola were those who were the first to carry the article and the words to all the countries about them. We can observe the phonetic de terioration of Mandingo duli in geographical sequence. In Hispaniola and the islands it is iouli; on the north shore of South America we have Arawak yuli, yeury, yaari; further to the west we get Goajira yulli, yiiri, yiire; in the interior this develops to eeli, eri, wari, oali, etc. We have no means of determining what the form was in Darien and Nicaragua, where the Spaniards and Negroes settled early, but we do know that tabaco became universal there, for we have, in Costa Rica,1 Bribri davd, Chirripo, Tucurrique dodh, Boruca duah, Terraba dovdh, Guatuso tuah. Since the Negroes poured into Mexico from the islands in 1520 and later, they naturally carried with them the tobacco and the name for it, and so it is not unlikely that the vague Mexican yetl is merely an attempt to reproduce the yuli of the islands in all the acceptations connected with the smoking of tobacco. It is necessary here to point out the important part the Negroes have played in transferring European and African ideas to the Indians, hence I give here a list of the Negroes mentioned by early writers for the first half of the sixteenth century. The information, where not otherwise referred to, is obtained from Herrera. 1501. Negro slaves, born under Christian rule, are permitted to enter the colonies of America. 1503. Ovando, the governor of Hispaniola, procured a prohibition of the importation of Negroes to Hispaniola, because they fled to the Indians and taught them bad manners, and they could never be apprehended. 1 B. A. Thiel, Apuntes lexieograficos de las lenguas y dialectos de los Indio de Costa-Rica, San Jos6 de Costa-Rica 1SS2. 156 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA 1506. Many Negroes were introduced from Guinea, because the work of one Negro was worth more than that of four Indians. 1518. It is to be observed that anciently there was no sugar except at Valencia and then in Granada, whence it was taken to the Canaries, and from there to the Indies: this gave rise to the need of employing Negroes in the sugar mills, and this roused the Portuguese to the desire to go to Guinea in search of them, and as the levy was large the duties increased, and the king applied them to the building of the Alcazar at Madrid and at Toledo. The Negroes of His paniola proved the statement that if it were not for the hanging of the Negroes they would never die, for no one had ever seen a disease taking them off: and thus the Negroes found in Hispaniola their own country, where they flour ished like oranges which are more native there than in Guinea; but when they were placed in the sugar mills they began to die from the drinks made from the sugar cane, and they quit work ing and fled, whenever they could, in squads and started rebellions and committed murders. 1520. A Negro in Narvaez's army of occupation in Mexico spread the contagion of small-pox, with which he was taken, to the Indians of Mexico, causing a terrible plague. 1521. It was ordered that the Negro slaves should not be employed on errands, because it was known that they were prejudicious to the Indians. 1522. Many Negroes in Hispaniola rose in rebelUon in the sugar plantations, when they began to discontinue the Indians. Twenty from the Admiral's mill, uniting with twenty others who spoke the same language, fled and killed some TOBACCO 157 Christians with whom they fell in. The Admiral went in search of the Negroes. He knew that they were nine leagues away, in the ranch of Melchior de Castro, where they killed a Spaniard and sacked the house. One Negro there rose with twelve Indian slaves and killed nine Christians in other parts. After much trouble and fighting, the Negroes were apprehended five days later and the major part of them was hanged.1 1523. Many Negro slaves fled to the Zapoteca and walked rebelliously through the country, putting up many crosses and claiming to be Christians; but getting tired of living without subjection, they slowly pacified themselves and the major ity returned to their masters. Lorenzo de Carre- bod received the permission to send 4000 Negro slaves, men and women, to the Indies within eight years. The order was revoked for one per mitting him to take 1500, of which number H00 were for Fernandina, 500 for San Juan, 300 for Jamaica, 500 for Castilla del Oro. 1524. Pizarro landed at Orejon with a Negro, who attracted great attention from the Indians. 1527. There was an uprising of the Indians and Ne groes of Fernandina. Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca describes Narvaez's expedition in this year to Florida, in which there was also a Negro. The greater part of the company perished, but Alvar Nunez and the Negro survived and reached Mexico after many years. 1528. Negroes were not allowed to go from Hispaniola to Cuba, because they escaped. 1 531. Negroes born in America were found to be better laborers than those brought from Guinea. 1 A full account of this rebellion is found in Oviedo (last edition), vol. I, p. 108 ff. 158 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA 1532. Avendano gathered together some soldiers in the island of San Juan, to take to Antonio Sedeno; but he found some difficulty, because the Caribs of the neighboring islands gave him much trouble. At the same time the king had sent the force of two ships to make war on the Caribs and to restrain them, to keep them from committing outrages in the island. It was the general opinion that the troubles of this island were caused by Negro slaves, Wolofs and Ber- berisci, and so the king was asked not to send any more. 1533. The Wolofs of San Juan were declared to be haughty, disobedient, rebelUous, and incorrigi ble, and could not be taken to any part of the Indies without express permission. 1540. In Quivira, of Mexico, there was a Negro who had taken holy ecclesiastic orders. 1542. There were established at Guamanga three brotherhoods of the True Cross of Spaniards, one of Indians, and one of Negroes. 1548. An uprising of Negroes took place in San Pedro, of Honduras. These references are sufficient to show the close relationship which existed between the Negroes and Indians, and that the Negroes were by far the more active and more restive under restraint, hence more likely to affect the Indians, than the Indians were to affect the Negroes. We shall later see how the Negroes, mingling their fetichism with a light veneer of Chris tianity, affected the religious conceptions of the Indians. Here it is sufficient to point out the important fact that in Mexico the Negroes pretended to be Christians as early as 1523, only three years after the Conquest, that in 1540 a Negro had taken holy orders, and so, most likely, was active among Indians, and that in TOBACCO 159 1542 there was at least one holy brotherhood of In dians and one of Negroes in Mexico. Negro languages and beliefs have persisted until the present time in America. Ewe is still spoken in Sur inam, or at least it forms a considerable part of the structure of the Creole dialect spoken there,1 and Yoruba fetichism is rampant at Bahia.2 Far more interesting is the case of the Black Caribs, who in 1796 were transferred by the English from St. Vincent to Roatan, a small island near the coast of Honduras, whence they have spread to Guatemala and British Honduras. These are Negroes, who have mixed with Caribs and have adopted their language.3 This at once leads us to the conclusion that in Hispaniola, where the Negroes came so early in contact with the Arawaks, and, possibly, Caribs, whom they ultimately superseded, the Arawak and Carib must have been strongly impregnated with Negro words from the very start, hence the Mandingo "tobacco" words in both. But we have a better proof of the influence which the Negroes there exerted from the beginning, in the fact that nearly all the "Indian" words in Ramon Pane's account are Mandingo. Of course, these words may have been received by him from a Mandingo Negro, but since several of them entered the Arawak, the effect remains the same. In chapter 4 Ramon Pane tells of the transformation of children into frogs, who were called tona, because they asked for the breast, "saying too, too, as when one asks with a great desire for a thing." But toto, tdtd is the Mande word for "frog," according to E. 1 D. Westermann, Wiirterbuch der Ewe-Sprache, Berlin 1905, 1 Theil, p. 12* f. 2 Nina-Rodrigues, L'animisme fetich ist e des nigres de Bahia, Bahia 1900. * Otto Stoll, Zur Ethnographic der Republik Guatemala, Zurich 1SS4, p. 29 ff. 160 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA HopMnson,1 while in another dialect2 it is toti, tori. Koelle gives Kabunga toto, Mandingo, Toronka, Dsa- lunka, Kankanka todi, Kono turi. In chapter 5 Ramon Pane mentions cobo "a sea snail." In the Malinke dictionary we have kobo "nom d'un insecte coleoptere." In chapter 7 caracaracol is "a disease Uke the itch which makes the body very rough." One at once recognizes the terrible West African itch, known in English as crawcraw or crowcrow. We find this word in a large number of languages in the Western Sudan. We have Hausa kaikai "itching pain, the itch, crow- crow, a disease very common on the West coast of Africa," Vai kerikeri "the common itch," Asante keka "to itch," Gbari gyegye "the itch." As the Arabic name for the itch is 4__> ^ garab, while ^ ^. garib is "to itch," it is most likely that all these Sudan words are ultimately derived from the Arabic. In any case, the medical term crawcraw and the localisation of the disease in West Africa puts the origin of Ramon Pane's caracaracol beyond any doubt. In chapter 8 the woodpecker is called inriri, anciently called inrire cahuuaial. One is never sure of the spelling of words in the Italian text of Ramon Pane, since, when a word occurs several times, it is variously spelled. But this much is certain: the word inriri is an abbre viation of a longer word. Now the woodpecker is called in Mandingo yirokonkonna, literally "wood pecker." The first part of the word, that is, "tree," is in Malinke iri, dyiri, and Koelle records Mano yiri, Gio giri, Gbandi nguri, Kisekise wuri, etc. 1 A Vocabulary of the Mandingo Language as Spoken in the Gambia, London [1912]. 2 Dictionnaire francais-malinM et malinki-francais, par un Missionnaire, Conakry 1906. TOBACCO 161 In chapter 9 conico is "farm." This word is used by Oviedo and Las Casas1 for "plantation," and seems to have been universal in the islands. It is Mandingo kunko "farm," Bambara kungo "brush a distance away from the village, farm," Dyala kongo, kongo "plantation." The words connected with religion will be discussed in the second volume. What is given here is sufficient to show the dependence of Ramon Pane's account on a Mandingo source. The Negroes made common cause with the Indians, and we have constant references to the flight of the Negroes and Indians into the woods. Of course, most of these fugitives remained in the islands, but the wide distribution of the Arawaks, both on the continent of South America and in what was called Florida, indicates that forcible migrations took place from the islands into the regions still un known to the discoverers. Herrera tells of a colony of Arawaks from Cuba in Florida as follows: "Ponce de Leon went in search of the Fountain of Bimini, and of a River in Florida, following in this the statement of the Indians in Cuba and of others in Hispaniola, who said that bathing in it, or in the Fountain, old men became young; and it was true that many Indians of Cuba, being sure that such a river existed, passed over a few years before the discovery of this island by the Spaniards to the country of Florida, in search of it, and there they remained and formed a settlement, and the descendants of these Cuban Indians live there up to this day. This reputation which moved them to enter into Florida, has moved all the kings and caciques of this region to inquire seriously which river it might be that did such good work as to turn old men into youths; and there was not a river or brook in the 1 "Esta labranza, en el lenguaje de los indios desta isla, se Uamaba coniico," Las Casus, op. ci'., vol. V, p. 307. 162 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA whole of Florida up to the lagoons and swamps where they did not bathe, and some persist up to the present in the search of this mystery, many thinking in vain that this river is the Jordan, at the Point of Saint Helena, without considering that it was Spaniards who so named the river in the year 1520, when the country of Chicora was discovered."1 Herrera got this account chiefly from the story of Escalante Fontaneda written after 1551, for on the manuscript of this story there are notes in Herrera's hand.2 "The Jordan that is talked of, is a super stition of the Indians of Cuba, which they hold to because it is their creed, not because there is such a river. Juan Ponz de Leon, giving heed to the tale of the Indians of Cuba and Santo Domingo, went to Florida in search of the River Jordan, that he might have some enterprise on foot, or that he might earn greater fame than he already possessed and close his life — which is the most probable supposition; or, if not for these objects, then that he might become young from bathing in such a stream. This thought was of itself proof that all must have been fiction that was told by the Indians of Cuba and its whole neigh borhood, who, to satisfy their tradition, said that the Jordan was in Florida; to which at least I can say, that while I was a captive there, I bathed in many streams, but to my misfortune I never came upon the river. Anciently, many Indians from Cuba entered the ports of the Province of Carlos in search of it; and the father of King Carlos, whose name was Senquene, stopped those persons, and made a settlement of them, the descendants of whom remain to this day. And the same objects that they who left their country came in 1 Historia general de los hechos de los castellanos en las islas i tierra firme del mar oceano, Madrid 1726-7, I. 9. 12. 2 Memoir of Hernando de Escalante Fontaneda, respecting Florida, trans lated from the Spanish by Buckingham Smith, Washington 1854. TOBACCO 163 quest of in the River Jordan, the kings and caciques of Florida, although savages, took information of and sought after, as though they had been a more pohte people, that they might see what river that could be which did such good work, even to the turning of aged men and women back to their youth. So earnestly did they engage in the pursuit, that there remained not a river nor a brook in all Florida, not even lakes and ponds, in which they did not bathe; and to this day they persist in seeking that water, and never are satisfied. In the attainment of the promises of their faith, those of Cuba determined, for such was their vow, to venture their lives on that sea; and it ended in all that numerous people who went over to Carlos forming a settlement: but to this day youth and age find alike that they are mocked, and many have destroyed themselves. It is cause for merriment, that Juan Ponz de Leon went to Florida to find the River Jordan."1 Fontaneda's account is obviously the older one, and it does not take much ingenuity to observe that the Indians, newly converted to Christianity and carried away by religious fervor and possibly under the in fluence of oppression at home, set forth to find the Christian River Jordan, in which it was only necessary to be immersed, in order to come out rejuvenated as Christians. Fontaneda says that "the substance of the Indians of Cuba and Honduras who were lost while in search of the River Jordan, and who came well off, were taken by Carlos, and by the chiefs of Ais and Jeaga,"2 which shows that the River Jordan was the subject of a quest to the Arawaks some time in the beginning of the sixteenth century. Herrera says that a River Jordan existed in Florida and was 1 Ibid., p. 17 f. 2 Ibid., p. 24. 164 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA so called in 1520 by the Spaniards. Oviedo says that AyUon set out in 1526 from Puerto de Plata to Florida, landing near a river, "which they call River Jordan, which is to the east of the province of Florida, on the mainland, 150 leagues away: the mouth of the river is thirty-three and two-thirds degrees from the equi noctial line."1 Garcilasso de la Vega, writing at about the same time, ventured the remark that the river was so called because the mariner who first saw it was so called.2 But Fontaneda tells us specifically that the River Jordan was sought by the Indians of Cuba and of Florida, and Herrera, no doubt, had good reason to believe that the search was older than the expedition of Ponce de Leon in 1512. Peter Martyr, in his Second Decade, written in 1514 and first published in 1516, says: "Among these countries, about three hundred and twenty-five leagues from Hispaniola, those who have explored its interior say that there is an island, by the name of Boiuca, otherwise Agnaneo, with a perennial fount so noble that old men drinking its water become young," "Inter quas ad lequas ab Hispaniola quinque ac XX supra tercentum unam esse insulam fabulantur, qui eam explorarunt ad intima, nomine Boiuca, alias Agnaneo, fonte pereni, adeo nobilem, ut eius fontis aqua epota senes reiu- uenescant."3 Peter Martyr must have gotten this information from some work, possibly of Columbus himself, in which Columbus was quoting D'Ailly's account of the River Jordan. D'Ailly says: "Iordanis, Indie fluvius, a duobus fontibus nominatur quorum unus vocatur Jor alter Dan." In the edition annotated by Colum bus himself, the marginal note reads, "Fluvius Jor- 1 Lib. XXXVII, cap. I, edition of 1851, vol. Ill, p. 627 f. 2 La Florida del' Inca, Madrid 1723, lib. I, cap. II, p. 4. 3 II. 10. ^t^-ft Peter Martyr's Beimeni. From Harrisse's Dceouverte. TOBACCO 165 danus, fontes."1 If we write in the crabbed marginal writing of Columbus "vo.Jor alter Dan," we can easily see how this may be misread "boiuc alias Agnan," which never occur again. Indeed, in a map attached to Peter Martyr's Decade of 1511 there is a coast line north of Cuba, with the reading isla de beimeni parte.2 Obviously the cartographer had be fore him the reading fonte pereni. The first he read as parte, and, taking the line above e for an m after r, which he read as i, he got beimeni. In Pineda's map of 15193 the reading is: "La Florida, que decian Bimini que descubrio Juan Ponce." In 1512 the letters patent granted to Ponce de Leon read Beniny} Thus we see that the same reading produced Bimini, which Peter Martyr never used, and Boiuca and Ag naneo, which no one else used. It is possible to ascertain what led Peter Martyr and his cartographer to the introduction of the River Jordan. By the treaty of Tordesillas, in 1494, the line of demarcation between the Spanish and Portu guese colonial possessions was to be drawn 370 leagues to the west of Cape Verde.6 The Pope, in his First Bull of the previous year, gave the new lands dis covered and to be discovered to the King and Queen of Spain on condition that the Catholic faith should be propagated among the savages. Amerigo Vespucci, in his lying account of his First Voyage, garbled this matter in a most atrocious manner. Speaking of a region somewhere in the Gulf of Mexico, he says: "This land is within the Torrid Zone directly below the parallel described by the Tropic of Cancer, where the pole of the horizon rises 23 degrees in the end of 1 Raccolta, parte I, vol. II, p. 403. * H. Harrisse, Dicouverte et Evolution Cartographique de Terre-Xeuve et des Pays Circonvoisins, Paris, London 1900, p. 78. ' Ibid., p. 79. * H. Harrisse, The Discovery of North America, Paris, London 1892, p. 135. • Thacher, op. cit., vol. II, p. 187 ff. 166 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA the second clime. There came to see us there many people and they marveled at the sight of us and our whiteness, and they asked us whence we came, and we gave them to understand that we came from heaven, in order to see the world, and they believed it. In this land we placed the fountain of baptism (il fonte del baptesimo), and an endless number of people were baptized. And they called us in their language Caraibs, which means 'men of great wisdom.' We left this port, and this province is called Lariab (Paria), and we navigated along this coast, always in sight of land, towards the north west for 870 leagues."1 Wald- seemuller's Latin translation, of about the same time, has the better readings, hence is based on an older copy, now lost. Here the 870 leagues are written " DCCCLXX leucas," which unquestionably arose from CCCLXX of the Treaty of Tordesillas, even as the establishment of the fountain of baptism refers to the Pope's demand of the Christianization of the Indians. Similarly, the reference to coming from heaven and being called Caraibs, that is, wise men, is based on Columbus' statements in the First Voyage, while Paria is taken from his Third Voyage. It is this "fountain of baptism," which gave rise to the "fonte perenni" of Peter Martyr, the "Isla de Beimeni" of his cartog rapher, and the story of the River Jordan, whose position in Asia is given precisely by Oviedo, when he locates it at 33%° north. There is no likelihood that the Indians knew of Bimini before the search for it by Ponce de Leon, but immediately afterwards it became an object of uni versal inquiry by the Indians, who, as Fontaneda tells us, took it to be the River Jordan. The cartographers localised it in 1527 on the east of Florida,2 but as 1 Raccolta, parte III, vol. II, p. 150. 2 Harrisse, Dicouverte, p. 97. TOBACCO 167 Fontaneda lived in Florida after that date, it is clear that in the mind of the Indians it was not yet dis covered. The Indians received their information of the river from the Spaniards, but it spread throughout Florida, that is, throughout a great part of what is now the United States, and we can see at once why Jacques Cartier should have met Indians among the Hurons of the North who traveled to Florida, where they saw the tropical fruit of which they spoke. These Hurons passed in a south-easterly direction, most likely through Iroquoian territory, down to Florida, where the Iroquoian Cherokee were settled, and there met the white men, from whom they got their fruit and their tobacco. This latter fact is emphasized by the presence of tobacco pipes of a similar make in the mounds of the so-called moundbuilders, whose operations extended from Florida to the country of the Hurons. Whether the Huron-Iroquois moved from the north towards the south, or vice versa,1 it is certain that the tobacco- pipes of that region, as found in the mounds, represent chiefly the two types, known as monitor and straight based forms, indicating a common origin. In McGuire's maps,2 the monitor pipe is found in the whole Atlantic region down to South Carolina, and as far west as Missouri, while the southern mound type3 extends from Florida to North Carolina and Tennessee. Similarly the curved-base mound type4 is found in the region of the Great Lakes, and as far east as Virginia. Whatever the differences of these pipes may be, they all have in common a flat base, and, in case of ornamentation, generally represent animals. 1 See C. Thomas, The Cherokees in Pre-Columbian Times, New York 1890, p. 87 ff. 1 Op. cit., plate 4. 3 Ibid., plate 3. 4 Ibid., plate 1. 168 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA McGuire admits that "the finding so commonly in remains of the mound period objects of European manufacture raises the suspicion, almost amounting to a conviction, that the pipes were contemporaneous with the early whites, probably the French."1 The greater part of the sculptured monitor pipes found in the mounds represent animals. Among these there are seven pipes which represent the manati, an animal not found north of Florida.2 "The sculptures of this animal are in the same style and of like material with the others found in the mounds. One of them is of red porphyry, filled with small white and light blue granules."3 Another pipe, delicately carved from compact limestone, represents a toucan, "a tropical bird, and one not known to exist anywhere within the limits of the United States."4 A pottery fragment, either from a vessel or a pipe, taken from a mound in Butler County, Ohio, is an unmistakable representa tion of the Brazilian toucan.6 A stone pipe from Davidson County, Tennessee, has a fine representa tion of a Florida alligator,6 and other pipes in imi tation of alligators were found in the Ohio mounds.7 All these prove beyond a shadow of a doubt that, although native pipes must have existed in the mounds, all those of finer workmanship, which confessedly resemble the pipes representing the manati, came from somewhere in the south or from beyond the sea. They are not clumsy representations of native animals, but carefully designed sculptures by someone acquainted 1 Ibid., p. 524. 2 E. G. Squier and E. H. Davis, Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, in Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. I, Washington 1848, p. 251. 3 Ibid., p. 254. * Ibid., p. 260. 6 Ibid. 8 G. P. Thruston, The Antiquities of Tennessee and the Adjacent States, Cincinnati 1890, p. 207 f. 7 Ibid., p. 208. flljlpll ::'i'-''l ¦id s& • ' ~ *=- ^^V"' ' •'V!{,« •¦'ikiWilhiii _V_»^ -?~^jgS -~ -~-*wi_ji__3S SU m ^MM^ift|Sf^s " ¦•m ¦^uL-fs^L.^^^^w^^.--.- ¦ - ¦ =^j Manati Pipe. From Squier's Ancient Monuments. Alligator Pipe. From Thruston's Antiquities of Tennessee. TOBACCO 169 with European methods. This is the more likely, since many copper and silver crosses have been un earthed in these mounds.1 To this must be added the fact that two pipes have excellent sculptures of the elephant,2 and "that the objects wrought by their artistic skill reveal no less certainly their famil iarity with animals of southern and even tropical latitudes, and the materials employed in their manu facture include mica of the Alleghenies, obsidian of Mexico, and jade and porphyry, derived probably from the same region or from others still farther south."3 McGuire, however, contends that "these views will, however, meet with little agreement in America, for there appears absolutely no proof of any southern influence affecting the work on the American mound- builders' pipes."4 We shall soon see that we have ample proof of such a contact. The human form is frequently represented on the mound pipes, either the head alone being given or a man crouching, with head turned back. Among the first, Squier reproduces one of which the workmanship "is unsurpassed by any specimen of ancient American art which has fallen under the notice of the authors, not excepting the best productions of Mexico and Peru."6 One of the finest crouching figures is that of the bowl of a long pipe, to judge from the large orifice. It is deposited in the museum of the Historical Society of New York, but its history is unknown.6 The front and side views are given in Choris' Voyage pittoresque.7 It is unmistakably the representation 1 Squier and Davis, op. cit., p. 208. See also Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 309, 710 ff. 2 McGuire, op. cit., p. 523. 3 Ibid., p. 524. * Ibid. » Op. cit., p. 246. 8 Ibid., p. 249 f. ' Voyage pittoresque autour du Monde, Paris 1S22, table X, under Port San-Francisco. 170 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA of a Negro. The thick lips and broad nose are well defined. Besides, the compound bracelets, five on the wrist, six on the upper part of the arm, and four on the calf of the leg, are such as are found only in Africa and in Mexico. The headgear consists of whirl figures on the right and left and a tuft in the middle. The whole seems to be a kind of hood, of which the flaps come over the neck. Now, it is a remarkable coinci dence that the great majority of the heads, although representing Caucasian or Indian faces, have just such hoods with a tuft in the middle. This is the case with the finely chiseled head mentioned above, and in other heads, represented by Squier,1 where the bowl obht- erates the tuft in the middle, there still are left the two knots at the side. The same is true of a crouching figure, of which Squier says: " The posture is the same, but the limbs are barely indicated. The head however is better carved and is more characteristic. It will be observed that it is also distinguished by a Une bounding the face, and has similar markings extending from the eyes. A large serpent is folded around the neck, the head and tail resting together upon the breast of the figure. The head is surmounted by a knot, resembhng the scalp lock of the Indians. It is carved from a compact red sandstone, and is six inches in greatest length by five inches in height, with a broad flat base. It was found on the banks of Paint creek, one mile distant from the city of ChilUcothe. It is also adapted as a pipe. Several other articles, closely resembling these two, have been found at various points on the surface, but none have been taken from the mounds. Both in the character of their material and style of workmanship they sustain a close relationship to certain 'stone idols', as they have been termed, found, for the most part, in the States of Tennessee and Miss- 1 Op. cit., p. 244 ff. > * TOBACCO 171 issippi. One of these 'idols' was discovered some years since, in ploughing upon the Grave creek Flats in Virginia. It represents a human figure in a squatting attitude, with its elbows drawn back and its hands resting upon its knees. It is thirteen inches high by six inches and a half broad. In material and work manship it is identical with the articles last described, and, like Fig. 148, is distinguished by a crown-tuft or 'scalp-lock.' There are two orifices communicating with each other in its back. It was probably designed to serve as a pipe. A stone 'idol,' destitute however of orifices, was found not long since near the mouth of the Scioto river. It represents a human figure in a squatting attitude, the arms clasped around the knees, upon which the chin is resting. This is the common position of the North American Indians, when seat ed around the fires in their wigwams. It seems most likely that these rough sculptures have a comparatively recent date, and are the remains of the tribes found in possession of the country by the whites."1 The same tufts appear on figurines in the mounds of Tennessee. "The square crown or ornament rising to a point in a series of layers on the large light head in the frontispiece was a favorite head dress of the Stone Grave race. We have not observed it on the pottery heads from other sections. It was, doubtless, copied from the fashions of the times, in the Cumber land valley, and is not unlike some of the modern conceits of the white race."2 A terra cotta head, from a cemetery near Nashville, is distinctly that of a Negress.3 "The head of a large image of marble or crystalline limestone, illustrated in Figure 25, was found by Mr. H. L. Johnson, in 1887, in a mound on the Wallace farm, near Clarksville, Tennessee. The 1 Ibid., p. 248 f. 1 Thruston, op. cit., p. 100. See also plate opposite p. 102 and frontispiece. 1 Ibid., p. 98. 172 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA head had been broken from its body. The latter could not be found, though diligent search was made for it. The face was also considerably injured. The outUne, of the head show very clearly the flattened or vertical occiput, a distinguishing characteristic of the crania of the Stone Grave race, the transverse or parietal diameter being fully as great as the longitudinal. The features of the face are of heavy Ethiopian cast, somewhat similar to those of the dark image in Plate III."1 The topknot is represented on an exceedingly large number of figurines, whether on pipes or pottery. In fact, it is the predominating feature in the Tennessee pottery.2 But what is still more characteristic is the striation on the faces of the mound figures. A stone head, apparently of a Negro, in the Johnson collection of Nashville3 has lines running from the nose down ward, which may be intended to represent wrinkles. But the Riggs Face Bowl4 has four ridges running from the nose to the ear and one under the chin, which cannot be mistaken for wrinkles. A Qi shaped striation runs from the eye downwards in a crouch ing figure of a pipe from Miami County, Ohio,5 and precisely the same striation is found in another crouching human form, and in this case the head is surmounted by a knot.6 More complex striation is found on several heads having side knots,7 while gorgets from Missouri mounds have either an M striation about the mouth8 or parallel lines.9 1 Ibid., p. 105. 2 Ibid., pp. 93, 98, 100, 106, 107, 109, 110, 112, 138, 142, 143, 152, 154, 167. See also W. K. Moorehead, The Stone Age in North America, Boston and New York 1910, vol. II, p. 285. 3 Thruston, op. cit., p. 104. 4 Ibid., p. 94. 5 Squier, op. cit., p. 247. 6 Ibid., p. 248. 7 Ibid., p. 244. 8 Thruston, op. cit., pp. 340, 342. 9 Ibid., p. 350. Tattoo Head. From Siuiicr- Ancicnl Monuments. Tattoo Head. From Thruston's Antiquities of Tennessee. From Beatty's Human Leopards. TOBACCO 173 The development of the topknot from the headdress of Choris' Negro is unmistakable. Absolutely the same arrangement of three topknots may still be seen on the heads of women of the Sierra Leone Hinterland.1 But the striation is precisely that of the Negroes of West Africa. The Krus tattoo a blue stripe down the middle of the forehead; the Yorubas tattoo a blue line down the center of the forehead to the root of the nose; but the "plain incised marks are much the most common forms of cutaneous embellishment to be found in West Africa, and like the other classes of marks, are used either to indicate the tribe to which the individual belongs or to set forth some fact connected with his position in his family or his status as a slave. In some cases, however, the markings appear to be entirely ornamental in character, and these are generally situ ated upon the trunk or limbs, the face-marks having, I think, invariably some special significance. Examples of incised face-marks are to be found among the Accras (a small cross on each cheek under the eye, sometimes tattooed), the Fan tis (three short lines on each cheek), the Moshis (five long lines on each side of the face, reaching nearly from the forehead to the chin, and a line slanting down from the ala of the nose on each side), the Dagombas (very similar to the Moshis), and the Cruinsis (three long lines on either side of the face). The Ashantis alone among the peoples of the Gold Coast region have no marks of any kind. Among the Ang-laws (or Awoonas) it is customary to distinguish certain members of the family by characteristic face-marks — the elder of twins, for instance, being distinguished by an oblique line passing downwards from the ala of the nose — and I believe this custom exists in other tribes. The incised marks denoting the condition of a slave vary 1 K. J. Beatty, Human Leopards, London 1915, picture facing p. 83. 174 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA considerably, and they are often so numerous and extensive as to produce extreme disfigurement. Among the Gruinsi slaves a common form is a series of three broad lines radiating from the outer angle of each eye, in addition to the ordinary lines on the cheek."1 Binger2 has given elaborate tattooing tables for a large number of African tribes, and the Mande striations are identical with the American. We now turn to Mexico. But few pipes are recorded from there.3 "The whole construction has something remarkably modern about it." One of these pipes is supposed to represent "a Christian cacique in Spanish eostume." "It is this last figure which suggests the idea that in all three pieces we have fantastic images of recent date." We are, however, far more fortunate in regard to terra-cotta masks which Charnay4 picked up on the site of the Pyramid of the Sun at Teotihuacan. Charnay had already quoted Torquemada to the effect that even at his late date, in the eighteenth century, Mexican temples were in use, which leads him to remark that "the ruins are not so ancient as some writers have maintained; but that temples and palaces were extant at the time of the Conquest, and that pyramids were repaired by the successive occupants of the soil, even during the wars which a displacement of races naturally entailed."5 It is, therefore, not to be wondered at that among the masks he picked up there was "a Negro, whose thick lips, flat nose, and woolen hair proclaim his African origin." In the plates which he gives, there are several that are unmistakably 1 R. A. Freeman, Travels and Life in Ashanti and Jaman, Westminster 1898, p. 424 ff. 2 Op. cit., vol. II, pp. 408-411. 'Mexican and Central American Antiquities, Calendar Systems, and History, in Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 88, Washington 1904, p. 101 ff. * The Ancient Cities of the New World, trans, by J. Gonino and H. Conant, London 1887, p. 132 f. 6 Ibid., p. 130. TATOUAGES >P^ EAM/LLES KIP1RGA ^ ') si f N /" FAM/LLES FALAFALLA TAGOUANO EAM/LLES MA/VDE ET SAMOKHO 7 # teJ SoTvranke Mando Dioula do Kon{ >:s^ Y\ \ "J EAM/LLES SI EN E- RE ^ <. i-.- .-* \i ~ r y ^S, - .; v. !f V> Les Snine-Re *//t fW'oru; oni Ic.r memes (.'.rM.-.'w .vJ // a/i>u/cnc (tw Irois rate. li ".'<,'_/:. Ll^iiii-j- _.- _*_, w/iir /_.¦..* series FAM/LLES ZAZERE Appczrenlcs aujr fi/A/uztfi: £n\rirons dc hon*} "> FAM/LLES KOMONO, DOKHOS/E, TIEEO. X^J Ce LzL'Uijpe est a-'—Tu,.-? .* pUi.jicii.rs irzbz^s Komorio, -:_.• .¦.r&j" Moro-vi y-vr t7i sont imc //iic/ztm I on I czJspic tous From Binger's Du Xuicr. Indian Gorget from Etowah Mound. From Thruston's Antiquities of Tennessee. TOBACCO 175 Negroes. One of these has woolen hair and two side knots. Another has a head adornment with three excrescences, and still another has a knot with a rosette design. A granite figure, representing the head of a Negro with cross striation on the face, is also reported from Vera Cruz.1 On the other hand, it has long ago been observed that the gorgets of North America have unmistakable resemblances to Aztec picture writing, but are con siderably modernized in form.2 The very bracelets, armbands and anklets, which appear on Choris' Negro and in the gorgets of the Etowah Mound of Georgia,3 are identical with similar adornments in old Mexican monuments. How are these facts to be reconciled? We have already seen that Negroes were present in Mexico in 1523, that soon after 1541 Mexicans were manufacturing anything the Europeans produced, and that in 1576 Mexicans produced a variety of pipes. There can be no doubt that Negroes smoked from their first appearance in Mexico and that Mexicans were associating themselves with Negroes from the very beginning. It can now be shown that the Negroes were not only addicted to smoking in the sixteenth century in America, but that in Africa they were cited as inveterate smokers from pipes in the very beginning of the seventeenth century. William Finch, who visited Sierra Leone in 1607, wrote:4 "Tobacco is planted about every mans house, which seemeth halfe their food: the boll of their Tobacco-pipe is very large, and stands right upward, made of clay well burnt in the fire. In the lower end thereof they thrust in a small hollow cane, a foot and a halfe long, thorow which they sucke it, 1 S. K. Kabell, America fdr Columbus, R6nne 1892, p. 235. 2 Thruston, op. cit., p. 350 ff. 1 Ibid., p. 342. * H. C. Lukach, A Bibliography of Sierra Leone, Oxford 1910, p. 39. 176 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA both men and women drinking the most part down, each man carrying in his snap-sacke a small purse (called Tuffio) full of Tobacco, and his pipes. The women doe the like in their wrappers, carrying a Pipe in their hands. Unto their Tobacco they adde nothing but rather take from it: for I have seene them strayning forth the juyce of the leaves, being greene and fresh, before they cut and drie it (making signes that other wise it would make them drunke) thus doe they shread it small, and drie it on a sherd upon the coles." The pipe is of the same kind as the Dahomey calumet, given by R. T. Pritchett.1 Precisely the same account is given by Bosman a hundred years later: "This country produces none of those green Herbs common in Europe, except Tarragon and Tobacco; of both which here is great Plenty, especially of the last, which stinks so abominably, that it is impossible for one that is even not very nice to continue near the Negroes when they smoak this devilish Weed; which yet agrees very well with them. Some of them have Pipes made of Reeds, which are about six Foot long; to the End of which is fixed a Stone or Earthen Bowl, so large that they cram in two or three Handfuls of Tobacco; which pipe thus filled, they without ceasing can easily smoak out; and they are not put to hold their Pipe, for being so long, it rests on the Ground. All the Inland Negroes take this Tobacco, but those who live amongst us, and daily converse with the Europeans, have Portugueze, or rather Brasil Tobacco; which, tho' a little better, yet stinks to a great degree. Both the Male and Female of the Negroes, are so very fond of this Tobacco, that they will part with the very last Penny which should buy them Bread, and suffer Hunger rather than be without it; which so enhances the Price, that for a Portugueze Fathom, which is much less than one Pound 1 Smokiana, London 1890. ^fr\lCA vr. Co a ^»v d 1AGOS. \ n ASV^ANTEE ^ ' /t>> ftwusrt y*\ost.\»t<\. t_* \.??i Cou^ From Pritchett's Smokiana. ^AHOMEV- ¦w- y\F?x\c/\ V \ ^v. ¦ . - \v .. f ' ^ } v > l D C.AV-. ¦ L .'. vn ER UlGS.R From Pritchett's S":,.:i:,i//,i TOBACCO 177 of this Trash, they will give five ShilUngs, or a Gold Quarter of a Jacobus. Let us therefore rather praise those Smoakers (my good Friend) who take the noble Spanish or Virginia Tobacco; but as for those stupid Wretches who content themselves with the Amorsfort Weed, I heartily wish, as a Punishment of their de praved Taste, that during their Lives they may never smoak better than our Negroes, and Brasil on Sundays and Holidays; yet under Condition they be obUged to keep Company with each other, and be banish'd the Company of genteel Smoakers: But this by the way only."1 ' Pritchett some time ago remarked the amazing similarity of the Guinea pipes with those of the North American Indians. Unfortunately, only the few illus trations of African pipes which are given by him are accessible for comparison. We have here two Ashantee flat pipes, one of them having for ornamentation a bird looking back at the bowl:2 "The light colored red clay of the Ashantee pipes is very striking, and the form of the bowls still more so. There is a decidedly classical character about them, as if started from Roman lamps and Pompeian ideas and then supphed to their colonies." We have also a long Dahomey calumet pipe, with hair tuft adornment:3 "the hanging tufts are of Red Indian character." As the Negroes are mentioned as smokers in the very beginning of the sixteenth century in the New World, there can be little doubt that the pipe was equally introduced by them into America, and that the Arawaks and Negroes carried it north, to Florida, together with the tobacco. Here it took a northern direction to the Huron country, because at about the same time the 1 A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea, London 1721, p. 286 f. 'Op. cit., p. 31. > Ibid., p. 33. 178 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA French adventurers who came up the St. Lawrence before Jacques Cartier also carried with them the tradition of tobacco from Brazil. However, the chief path of dissemination was from the South up, because French petun remained sporadic in Canada, while tabaco, as we have seen, spread upwards from the south. But the monitor pipe, that is, the pipe with a flat, curved base, is of American origin, due to the substi tution of the tobacco pipe for the Negro amulet. To the Negro amulet I shall return when I speak of the origin of the medicine man. Here it is enough to refer to Ramon Pane's cibe and colecibe (chapter 6), which are of stone, resembling marble, and which are worn around the neck or on the arm, and the guanini, which are worn in the ear. It has already been shown that both cibe and guanini are Mandingo words, and that cibe refers to the amulets worn on the arm. But a stone amulet must be curved and flat to adapt it elf to the arm. When the Negroes and Arawaks came to Florida, they naturally brought with them the new amulet par excellence, the tobacco pipe, hence the ne cessity of making it in the form of a cibe, with the bowl of the pipe in the middle of the base. The almost exclusive use of animal subjects, including the elephant, for the ornamentation is distinctly African in origin, and thus the date of the mounds in which the tobacco pipes have been found is beyond a shadow of a doubt posterior to the appearance of Negroes or of white men acquainted with Guinea, and this can at best be forty years earlier than the so-called discovery of America by Columbus. The presence of obsidian in Ohio mounds has been a puzzle to anthropologists. "This mineral is a volcanic product, and occurs, so far as known, no nearer than Mexico, where it is found in abundance. It is also found in Peru, and was extensively used by the ancient TOBACCO 179 inhabitants of both countries, for cutting and warhke implements. They also, notwithstanding its obstinacy and fragility, worked it elegantly into mirrors, orna mental rings, and masks. Some specimens have been discovered in the mounds of Tennessee, which were doubtless obtained from the same source with those found on the Ohio. All the specimens discovered are glassy black, subtranslucent, and break with a clear conchoidal fracture. According to Humboldt, the mountains of Jacul or Cerro Gordo, on the route be tween Vera Cruz and the city of Mexico, furnished the celebrated itzli quarries or mines of the ancient Mexi cans; the locality is still known as El Cerro de los Nabijas, the Mountain of Knives. This is believed to be the nearest point of its occurrence."1 This makes it clear that objects from Mexico in some way reached Florida and the country to the north of it. But we have Fontaneda's statement that a large number of ships from Mexico were stranded in Florida, and a large number of articles of Mexican manufacture found their way to the caciques of Florida.2 "The King of Ais and the King of Jeaga are poor Indians, as respects the earth; for there are no lands of silver or of gold where they are; and, in short, they are rich only by the sea, from the vessels that have been lost well laden with these metals, as was the ease with the trans port in which Farfan and the mulatto owner were; with the vessel of the Vizcaino, in which came Anton Granado, who was a passenger, and was captured; and with the vessel of which Juan Christoval was master and captain, lost in the year '51, when the Indians murdered Don Martin de Guzman, the Captain Hernando de Andino, Procurador of the Province of Popayan, and Juan Ortiz de Zarate, Distributor of 1 Squier, op. cit., p. 285 f. > Other wrecks are recorded by Hawkins. See Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 712 f. 180 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Santa Martha; and there came in her also two sons of Alonzo de Mena, with an uncle, all of them rich. He that brought least was I, but with all I brought twenty- five thousand dollars in pure gold; for my father and mother remained in Carthagena, where they were comenderos, and served His Majesty in those parts of Peru, and afterwards in the city of Carthagena, where they settled, and I and a brother were born. Thence they sent us to Spain to be educated; when we were wrecked on Florida, as I have stated. Other vessels have been lost; among them the armada, of which it was said the son of Pedro Melendez was General; for the Indians took a Spaniard that reached the shore whom they found famishing, and I afterwards saw him; also one Juan Rodriguez, a native of Nicaragua, spoke with him. He told us that he came from New Spain, and was going to Castile; that the General was a son of Pedro Melendez, the Asturian; that he came as a sailor in another vessel; and that the people of neither knew anything of what had befallen the other, until the Indians armed themselves to go to the coast of Ais, when he saw them go and return with great wealth, in bars of silver and gold, and bags of reals, and much clothing."1 "I desire to speak of the riches found by the Indians of Ais, which perhaps were as much as a million of dollars, or over, in bars of silver, in gold, and in articles of jewelry made by the hands of Mexican Indians, which the passengers were bringing with them. These things Carlos divided with the caciques of Ais, Jeaga, Guacata, Mayajuaci, and Mayaca, and he took what appeared to him weU, or the best part. These vessels, and the wreck of the others mentioned, and of caravels, with the substance of the Indians of Cuba and Honduras who were lost while in search of the River Jordan, and who came well 1 Op. cit., p. 21 f. TOBACCO 181 off, were taken by Carlos, and by the chiefs of Ais and Jeaga. The Indians of the Islands of Guarungunve are rich; but, in the way that I have stated, from the sea, not from the land."1 There can be little doubt that the fine gorgets of the Etowah and other mounds of Georgia owe their origin to the salvaged "jewelry made by the hands of Mexican Indians," and there can be no more doubt that the exquisite pipes representing tropical animals have found their way into North America in the same manner, although, of course, many may have been introduced in the regular way by traders. But it can be shown that the manufacture of pipes in Mexico is posterior to the manufacture of pipes in Europe, where they were unquestionably at first supplied to the African trade. After telling us that chapopotli is "meerschaum," Sahagun goes on to say: "There are two kinds of this bitumen. One of these is mixed with the matter which is introduced into the fragrant pipes. The other forms a kind of pitch, which the women call tzictli."'- Then he goes on to explain at great length the chewing of gum, which is now known under the name of chicle, and adds that while the chewing of tzictli is good for the head, the chewing of the gum made from chapopotli produces headache.3 Ximenez, who published a Spanish version of Hernandez in 1615, 4 says: "The chapopotli is a kind of mineral which is reddish black and which the ancients called Indian bitumen and which shines with a purple color and emits a heavy odor like rue or trefoil or asphaltum, and has the same qualities. It originates in the sea and comes as a liquid to these shores of New Spain, and is found in mines, 1 Ibid., p. 23 f. 2 Op. cit.. p. 630. 'Ibid., p. 631. ' Op. cit., p. 2711 182 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA some pieces very large, sometimes two or three spans long, and is sold in the markets at a very low price, because there is such an abundance of it on the shores of New Spain. The Mexican women buy it, in order to chew it, and they keep it in their mouths with especial pleasure, because it cleanses and comforts the teeth, and renders them white." Unfortunately there is no meerschaum to be found any nearer than Spain and IMorocco. The Latin edition of Hernandez, pubUshed in 1651, runs as foUows: "Minerale quoddam est Chapopotli ex atro fuluescens, ab antiquis bitumen Iudaicum nuncupatum. Purpureo siquidem colore splendet, ac TrifoUj, As- phaltitidis, Rutaeue, grauem quendam odorem spirat, et eisde facultatibus pollet. SeptemtrionaU scaturit oceano, et Uquidum fluens statim in huius Hispaniae nouae Uttora decurrit. In laminas cogitur, bina passuum milUaria quandoque longas; crassas vero, duas, tresue (vbi sors tuUt) spithamas. ViU (tanta est eius in his regionibus copia) venditur precio. Vtuntur eo muheres Mexicanae eommanso, ae passim non sine voluptate quadam ore retento, ad extergendos, et nitori antiquo restituendos dentes."1 To this Fabius Columna Lynceus has a note: "De Succini, et Bituminis generatione, varietate, natura, splendore, colore, piscatu, tempore, modo, et loco, atque herbis marinis in ipso vigentibus usu medico vide GoebelUum, Bellonium ac Ferdinandum Imperatum in sua his toria naturali itaUca lingua NeapoU impressa Ub. 14. cap. 5. usque ad 9. et Franciscum Imperatum eius filium in Ub. de FossiUbus."2 Ferrante Imperato wrote his Historia naturale in 1599. 3 He describes a substance, pissasphaltho, in almost the same terms 1 Op. cit., p. 336. 2 Ibid., p. 895. 3 1 can only quote from the second edition: Historia naturale di Ferrante Imperato Napolitano, Venetia 1672, p. 357 f. TOBACCO 183 which Sahagun used in connection with chapopotli. He quotes Belon, who wrote half a century earher, to the effect that a kind of bitumen judaicum called pissasphalto, a word composed of "pitch" and "bitu men," on account of its odor, is found near Ragusa, where it is used to caulk ships. It resembles gagates, but lacks its transparency. It is sold in Venice in large bulk at a very low price, and as it is very dry and has not the proper fluidity for use, it is liquefied with grease or oil, or something similar. A like substance is found near the Italian shores. It has neither the sweet odor nor transparency of amber, but has a purplish black color (purpureggia nel nero). Belon, whose book ap peared in 1553, 1 tells of the liquid bitumen found in Naples, then mentions the "aspalatus," called by some "asphaltum," which has the odor of trifolium asphalt- ites.2 Pissasphaltum, which is confused with asphal tum, is a mineral used in caulking. It is found near Ragusa, whence it is sent to Venice and Ancona. It is sold at a very low price, and it may be seen in large bulk in any naval stores in Venice.3 There can be little doubt that the chapopotli of Saha gun is a Mexican corruption of asphallo or pissasphalto. The reference to trifolium asphaltitcs (in the margin in Belon), to the purplish black color, and to the great cheapness in the market is identical in all three, and if Sahagun tells the truth that this material was used for pipes in Mexico, it could have been imported only from Spain, Italy, or Ragusa, and Sahagun is giving us the important information that such meerschaum pipes were already in use in Europe. Indeed, Belon, who traveled in Turkey in the years 1546-49, and whose 1 P. Bellonii Cenomani De admirabili operum antiquorum et rerum sus- piciendarum praestantia, Parisiis 1553. 2 Ibid., fol. 42 a. * "Pissasphaltum vilissimo precio venditur, ut in naualibus officinis passim Venetiis in glebas maximas coactum videre licet," ibid., fol. 42 b. 184 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA book1 appeared in 1554, gives us the pictures of two pipes, which he found for sale in a mercer's shop, where he also found opium. Unfortunately he did not know their use, having apparently been misled by some jester, who told him a story about them that is worthy of Rabelais or Ramon Pane.2 There can be no doubt that what he reproduced in his book are the first pipes mentioned in Europe, which was thirty years earlier than their mention by Sahagun. This, in connection with the fact that meerschaum was exported from the Dalmatian litoral or from Spain to Mexico, points to the manufacture of pipes in Mexico from foreign material. The original pipes were, no doubt, intended for the African trade, and the Mexicans, who manu factured these pipes, naturally reproduced the Negro heads and the Mandingo totems, manatis, elephants, frogs, serpents, alligators, and birds, in the bowls of these pipes, because the specimens which they imitated had the same. Binger3 gives the following tenne (totem, fetich) for some of the Mandes. The Mande proper have the manati as their good and bad genius. The Samanke have the elephant, the Samokho, the snake, the Bambara, the crocodile; others have the snake, the panther, etc., From all this follows the inevitable conclusion that the tobacco pipe in America began its career as a Mandingo amulet, and that the tradition once established persevered at a time when the totem and amulet had lost their original meaning. It is now possible to show that the Iroquois word for "tobacco" is Arawak or Carib, that is, ultimately of Mandingo, origin. Jacques Cartier's printed vocab ulary has no words for "tobacco," but "smoke" is given as quea. The manuscripts add: "Ils appellent 1 Les observations de plusieurs singularitez et choses memorables, trouvees en Grece, Asie, ludee, Egypte, Arabie, et autres pays estranges, Paris 1554. 2 Ibid., Book III, chap. 11. 3 Op. cit., vol. II, p. 375 ff. Lacanelleponr le-? nuil.s. Il^ont des pet ita ca ndles fai Elcs de buys, oh on trouue en *icnte chc\ h'sniercicr>tex~ prrfjhv'.iitf.v eies pour fer.iie.iu pet its enf.:nts, qui font creufes Zy- cro- chesparyn da bouts,& ne fat pis plus gros qu>n dcigr, ne tongues que fix. Lebout/ecncbe fett a mettre le membre du petit en far. Inn en f.uetde deux fortes, I'Mn pour Us majles, <& I' autre pour lei f.-melles. Cetuy des m.ijl.s efl en rmi, de telle figure. L'autre qui eslpour la femelle, efl long,fpi"oir c ft que le ,, boutfoit yui- La candle pour les femel.es. ^ ^ ^ en longueur, comme mon- flrt cefle autre figure. Qtu ne /fturoit la mn mere comme titles iipl'liqucntjrouucroit difficult e 'dc f 'entendre. C'efl que qunnd ilr From Hdon's Obsen -alious. TOBACCO 185 lherbe de quoy ilz usent en leurs cornetz durant lyver quiecta."1 This word is apparently derived from quea "smoke." The language of the Hochelaga is Iroquoian.2 But in Sagard the Huron words for "tobacco" and "smoke" are derived from a root ye or yen, and the same is true in Onondaga. Sagard gives in Huron for "smoke" a word of which the base seems to be oussata. It would, therefore, appear that ye, yen in the Iroquoian languages is an inno vation, which has proceeded from the south, with the introduction of tobacco from the Arawaks or Caribs, their iouli, yari, yeury giving rise to yen. This is the more probable, since the Siouan Biloxi along the Gulf of Mexico has yani "tobacco." We have still a few terms for "tobacco" which must be accounted for. In Araueanian we have pulhem "tobacco," putemn "to smoke, to burn," puthen "to be burnt," puthon, puchon "to smoke, burn incense," pUchocan, puthocan "to make a smoke fire." As Chile was a part of the Province of Rio de la Plata, the Guarani-Tupi word for "tobacco" and its derivatives naturally were transferred to the west. How univer sally such foreign words were incorporated in Arau eanian may be seen from the presence of macanc "clava ferrea" in the Vocabulary of 1642. 3 This early vocabulary has wictum "fumus," and vilun is even now "smoke" and "to smoke." The earliest Araueanian vocabulary, of 1606,4 has already ptcm "tobacco," pten "to burn," vitun "smoke." There can be little doubt that all these words are derived from puthum "tobacco," even as Guarani pcty means "tobacco" and apetyii "to smoke." 1 Op. cit., fol. 65 b. 2 J. A. Cuoq, Lexique de la langue iroquoise, Montreal 1SS2, p. 183 ff. 5 R. R. Schuller, El vocabulario araucano de 1642-S, Santiago de Chile 1907, p. 10. 4 Luiz de Valdivia, Arte y gramatica general de la lengua que corre en todo el Reyno de Chile, Lima 1606. 186 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Garcilasso de la Vega says that "the Indians (of Peru) made great use of the herb of plants wliich they call sayri, and the Spaniards tobacco. They apphed the powder to their noses to clear the head. There has been much experience of the virtues of this plant in Spain, and it has been caUed the sacred herb."1 It is clear that Garcilasso knew nothing more of to bacco than what was known to European medicine. In another place he says, "Of the plant which the Spaniards call tobacco, and the Indians sayri, we shall speak in the other part,"2 but he never said anything further about the plant, no doubt because he could get no more information than what already had been known for more than fifty years. Sayri sounds very much Uke sira, the Negro word for "snuff." This is most Ukely the etymology of the word, since we are informed by Herrera that in the early part of the sixteenth century a load of shipwrecked Negroes had landed in Peru, where they formed a settlement with the Indians.3 We can now make a resume of the material so far disclosed and get at some chronological order in the distribution of tobacco in America in the sixteenth century. Neither Columbus nor any contemporary writer ever saw the Indians smoke. They all fell back on the account by Columbus, based on a book source, that the powdered tobacco was snuffed through a forked pipe. Even as late as 1535 Oviedo was all at sea about the tobacco. Being bound by his earher authorities, he repeated the absurd story of inhaling the tobacco through a forked pipe, but reahty taught him that the 1 C. R. Markham, First Part of the Royal Commentaries of the Yncas (The Hakluyt Society), London 1871, lib. II, cap. 25. 2 Ibid., lib. VIII, cap. 15. 3 "Los Qubrimi&s, quatro Rios antes del Portete, adonde los Negros que se salveron de un Navio, que did al traves, se juntaron con los Indios, i han hecho un Pueblo," Description, cap. XVII, op. cit., vol. I, p. 38. TOBACCO 187 tobacco was smoked, so he corrected the absurd story to one even more absurd, that it was the smoke that was so inhaled. He was only correct when he added that the Negroes, who were addicted to the vice, raised tobacco, in order to take it in the form of smoke. Only many years later was he able to correct the misstate ment, inherited from Columbus, that tobacco intoxi cated, by adding that it was only after drinking wine that tobacco was indulged in, when intoxication followed. The confusion in Oviedo's mind is also illustrated by the fact that in 1535 he specifically called tabaco "the reed through which tobacco was taken," while later he just as specifically referred to tabaco as "smoke." And yet it is clear, from the reference to the Negroes' smoking in 1535, that the vice had already begun to spread. In the same year Jacques Cartier saw Indians in Canada smoke a pipe. If he did not quote a custom which he knew from Brazil, even as he refers to Brazil on other occasions, we have here the first direct refer ence to smoking among the Indians. But we have also the direct information as to the intercourse of the Hurons of the north with the people along the Gulf of Mexico, which, according to the statement made by an Indian, was a moon's journey away. Here we strike a fruitful subject for discussion. Florida, dimly known before, was opened up to ad venturers by Ponce de Leon's search for Bimini, the fountain of youth, in 1511. The island of Bimini and the fountain of youth are due to a misunderstanding of the map of Western Asia and of the River Jordan as a region north of Cuba. Not only the white men, but also Indians began the search for the River Jordan, where they could jump in and come out rejuvenated. The story took possession of the Indians of the eastern part of America, and for at least half a century they 188 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA journeyed to Florida and Georgia in search of that wonderful fountain. Fontaneda, who was captured by Florida Indians in 1551 and Uved among them for seven teen years, has given us a graphic story of this Utopian search, to which all the caciques of Florida, that is, of North America, were addicted. It was not, however, the misunderstanding of the Christian mystery of baptism that was the chief cause of this southward migration. The eastern shore of Florida and Georgia saw many wrecks of ships which left Mexico and other countries along the Gulf of Mexi co, and the Florida Indians became enormously en riched with gold and copper trinkets intended for the Europeans. It is here that the Indians of Canada, who had come in contact with Breton fishermen ever since 1506, and later with French traders under Cartier, could barter their furs for the much coveted trinkets, during the absence of French traders from their shores. Besides, the River Jordan myth had sent a stream of Arawak or Carib Indians from Cuba into Florida, and these brought with them the newly acquired vice of smoking, which, according to Oviedo, was already well estabUshed in 1535. White men had constantly been making encroachments into Florida. Ponce de Leon, AyUon, Cabeza de Vaca, De Soto have left themselves or through others circumstantial accounts of their predatory expeditions. But there was also a constant stream of traders and adventurers who reached the shores of Florida unobtrusively, and who brought the spices and wares that the Hurons of the north told Cartier about, and who have left no account of their successful ventures, in order not to attract attention. These traders were all addicted to smoking, as we are informed by Hawkins in 1564. Hence the Hurons, or at least one tribe of them, carried back home, not only the habit of smoking,but also the method TOBACCO 189 of raising tobacco, which became to them, as to the traders in Florida, a medium of exchange. Wherever the white man traded, he left the tobacco and the vice after him. In 1540 the Indians of the Northwest, where ships landed on their way to the East Indies, were already addicted to smoking, carrying the tobacco and the pipe in a bag tied to their arms just as the Canadian Indians carried them tied to their necks, in each case in imitation of the African amulet, as which the tobacco served the Mandingo Negroes, the first to come to the shores of America. Indeed, throughout the greater part of America, exclusively the Mande words for tobacco have produced Indian words for the weed, even in the north west, where it is given as tabah. It is now well established that the mounds of the moundbuilders are not of great antiquity.1 What has so far kept the archaeologists from definitely associating these mounds with Europeans, has been the presence in the mounds of the distinctive type of mound pipes, which have been supposed to be related with the pre-Columbian custom of smoking in America, and the presence of Mexican antiquities, which were supposed to link these mounds with the pre-Columbian Aztec past. Now that a study of Fray Toribio, Sahagun, and Fontaneda on the one hand, and of the African origin of the habit of smoking from the Arabic errhines has been undertaken, the very last vestige of a pre- Columbian existence of the mounds disappears, and the suspicion of Cyrus Thomas that the Europeans had something to do with the erection of the mounds is proved beyond a shadow of a doubt. These mounds were fortifications which the traders, whether Whites or Indians, erected all the way up from Florida to the 1 Cyrus Thomas, Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, Washington 1S94, p. XLVI. 190 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Huron country, in order to vouchsafe the trade which was established in the beginning of the sixteenth century, before the arrival of Cartier, between Canada and the south. That this tendency to build forts and stockades proceeded from the Antilles, whence the Arawaks had come in the beginning of the sixteenth century, is proved by the presence of similar works in Cuba.1 These are found in the most abandoned and least-explored part of the island,2 and there can be little doubt that they were locations of fugitive Negro and Indian stock ades, precisely such as were in use in Africa. It is not possible to prove the direct participation of the Negroes in the fortifications of the North American Indians, but as the civilizing influence on the Indians to a great extent proceeded from Cuba over Florida towards the Huron country in the north, the solution of the question of the moundbuilders is to be looked for in the per petuation of Arawak or Carib methods, acquired from the Negroes, as well attested by Ovando's complaint in 1503 that the Negroes spoiled the manners of the Indians, and transferred to the white traders, who not only adopted the methods of the Indians, but frequently lived among the Indians as part of them, especially in Brazil, where we have ample documentary evidence of the fact. Later, when I shall deal with the transference of African fetichism to the Indians of South and North America, this fact will become amazingly clear and conclusive. In Brazil, as in the Antilles, the tobacco is similarly mentioned in connection with fetichism, but here we have a definite and circumstantial account of the smoking of cigars in 1555. The name petun, from Port. betume, is a translation of the Arabic term which has produced tabaco. The French traders, at the end of the 1 M. Rodriguez-Ferrer, Naturaleza y civilization de la grandiosa isla de Cuba, Madrid 1876, vol. I, chap. IV. 2 Ibid., p. 186. TOBACCO 191 sixteenth century, carried the word and the BraziUan brand of tobacco to Canada, and petun became im bedded in several Indian languages. The older Huron word for "tobacco" is derived from the Carib yuli, which itself is from a Mandingo word. Thus, while the Carib and Arawak influence is apparent in the direction from Florida to the Huron country, the Brazilian influence proceeds up the St. Lawrence. The whole Atlantic triangle included between these two converging lines was left uninfluenced by these two streams, and here neither Carib nor Brazilian words for "tobacco," nor the moundbuilders' craft have been found. Here the "tobacco" words proceeded north ward from Virginia, where the oldest form of the word is an abbreviated Span, tabaco or Fr. tabac. As time proceeded, the various streams overlapped, but even at this late day the cultural monuments are distinctly marked, in archaeology and in language, and the chronological data furnished by Columbus, Oviedo, Las Casas, Ponce de Leon, Jacques Cartier, Fontaneda, and the other early discoverers, bear out in every par ticular the patent fact that tobacco, the Negro's vice and solace, has played an enormous part in the civili zation of the North American Indian, along the geographical trails trodden by the early trappers, coureurs de bois, and traders. CHAPTER IV. The Bread Roots. On the fourth of November, 1492, Columbus entered into his logbook the following statement: "These lands are very fertile, and are full of mames, which are Uke carrots and have the flavor of chestnuts."1 This logbook has not come down to us, except as worked up into a Journal of the First Voyage, and preserved to us, both in Las Casas' Historia, and in a manuscript belonging to Las Casas. In the margin of the latter, Las Casas, in the middle of the sixteenth century, wrote against mames "los ajes 6 batatas son estos."2 Just above this marginal note Las Casas rightly accused the author of the Journal and, with him, Columbus, of two blunders. Against the state ment of the Indians that cinnamon and pepper grew nearby, Las Casas wrote, "the Indians must have lied." To the statement that Bohio was the name of a place, Las Casas wrote, "the Admiral must have mis understood them." This illustrates the unreliabiUty of Columbus and his editor as to things Columbus saw and heard on that fourth of November. When Las Casas identified the mames of Columbus as ajes or batatas, either one or the other, or both, made a mistake. The mames, from what follows below, are unquestionably the "yams" (Dioscorea), whereas the 1 "Estas tierras son muy fertiles, ellos las tienen llenas de mames, que son como canahorias, que tienen sabor de castanas," Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 35. 2 Ibid. THE BREAD ROOTS 193 ajes and batatas are sweet potatoes (Ipomaea), and, according to Oviedo, who wrote thirty years later, the yams were an African plant; hence there is a confusion at the very start, which becomes worse as we proceed. On December 16, 1492, the editor of the Journal describes the ajes on the island of Tortuga as follows: "They have planted in their fields ajes, which are Uttle branches, which they plant, and at the bottom of these grow roots, like carrots, which serve for bread, and they grate them and knead them and make bread of them, and afterward they plant the same little branch again in another place and it again produces four or five roots, which are very savoury, and taste just like chestnuts; these here are the largest and best he had seen anywhere, for, says he, they are also found in Guinea; those found here were as thick as the leg."1 Here everything is topsy-turvy. Bread was never made of sweet potatoes, nor can it be made, because they contain too much sugar. Hence Columbus is describing what is impossible. Besides, if Columbus saw these plants in Guinea, and there is no reason to doubt his statement, then he must be describing the manioc, from which bread is really made, and in that case manioc is an African plant. But the de scription of the planting of the ajes exactly corresponds to the planting of sweet potatoes, and if he saw these in Africa, Africa must also have had sweet potatoes before the discovery of America. But, on the other hand, if the roots were the size of a leg, then they could have been only yams or manioc roots, and 1 "Tienen sembrado en ellas ajes, que son unos ramillos, que plantan, y al pie d'ellos nacen unas raizes como canahorias, que sirven por pan, y rallan y amassan y hazen pan d'ellas; y despues toman a plantar el mismo ramillo en otra parte, y torna a dar quatro y cinco de aquellas raizes, que son muy sabrosas, proprio gusto de castanas; aqui las ay las mas gordas y buenas que avia visto en ninguna [tierra], porque tambien diz que de aquellas avia en Guinea; las de aquel lugar eran tan gordas como la pierna," ibid., p. 65. 194 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Columbus did not see any sweet potatoes in the West Indies. Whichever way we take it, Columbus was drawing on his imagination, and no conclusion what soever can be made as to what Columbus saw on December 16, 1492. On December 21, 1492, Columbus saw at San Thomas "men and women running hither and thither to bring him bread made of niames, which they call ajes, which is very white and good,"1 and, in the words of Columbus, "the women were the first to come and give thanks to heaven, and they brought us what they had, especially things to eat, bread of ajes."2 Here we have again the impossible statements that ajes are "yams," and that bread was made of them. We can, however, see how all these impossible state ments arose. If the Indians brought Columbus bread, it must have been maize bread, but the mistake was made by him, because on December 13 he sent out some Spaniards to an Indian settlement nearby, "where every one brought them something to eat, namely bread of niamas, which are certain roots as large as turnips, which they sow and raise in all these lands and live on ; and they make of it bread, and cook and bake them, and they taste like chestnuts, and anybody eating them would take them for chestnuts."3 It is unquestionably the report brought to Columbus by sailors, who had, like himself, visited the coast of Guinea, that made him generalize and assume for certain 1 "Los unos corrian de acd y los otros de all& & nos traer pan que hacen de niames, 4 qu'ellos llaman ajes, qu'es muy bianco y bueno," ibid., p. 72. 2 "Y ay muy lindos cuerpos de mugeres, y ellas las primeras que venian & dar gracias al gielo, y traer quanto tenian, en especial cosas de comer, pan de ajes," ibid. And, again, on Jan. 15, 1493, Indians came with bread and ajes (ibid., p. 98). 3 "Dixeron los christianos que despues que ya estavan sin temor, yvan todos k sus casas, y cada uno les traya de lo que tenia de comer, que es pan de niamas, que son unas raizes como rabanos grandes que nacen, que siembran y nacen y plantan en todas estas tierras, y es su vida; y hazen d'ellas pan, y cuezen y asan, y tienen sabor proprio de castanas, y no ay quien no crea, comi6ndolas, que no sean castanas," ibid., p. 62. THE BREAD ROOTS 195 that all the bread he saw anywhere in the West Indies was made from yams, sweet potatoes, or manioc. We do not know the date of the writing of the Journal, but Columbus' logbook must have become public property immediately after his return from America, for there is not a word about niames or ajes in Columbus' First Letter, whereas Peter Martyr knew all about it on September 13, 1493. "He found men content with nature, naked, consuming native foods, and bread of roots; certain plants, the joints of which are frequent, are covered over in the ground for certain periods of time, from each joint of which grow round- shaped things like a pear or gourd. These they dig out when ripe as we do turnips and radishes, dry them in the sun, break them open, grind them into flour, crush them, cook and eat them. They call these vegetables by the name of Agies."1 The next year Syllacio wrote: "The production of this island which excels all others is what they call asses; they are very like turnips of a tapering shape, except that they grow somewhat larger, like pumpkins. It must not be omitted that these asses have different tastes according to the manner in which they are prepared. When eaten raw, as in salads, they have the taste of parsnips; when roasted, that of chestnuts; when sodden with pork, that of squashes; when sprinkled with juice of almonds, nothing can taste more delicious, or is eaten with greater avidity. These esculents afford 1 J. B. Thacher, op. tit., vol. I, p. 56, from the Latin original on p. 55: "Homines reperit natura contentos, nudos, cibis depastos natiuis, et pane radicali, ex Spitamalibus quibusdam fructetis internodiis plenis, quae ipsi terra suis contegunt temporibus, ex quorum internodiis singulis, singuh turgescunt globi, in piri, aut cucurbitulae similitudinem. Hos maturos, uti nos rapas, et rafanos eruunt, ad solem siccant, scindunt, terunt in farinam, pinsunt, coquunt, comedunt, vocant hos globos agies." And again, on the same day: radicali quodam pane gens ilia vescitur" (ibid., p. 57); and later, Jan. 10, 1495, "radicali patriae illius pane vesci malunt nostri, quam tritico, quod sapidi sit gustus, faciliusque stomacho concoquant; utrumque sunt experti" (ibid., p. 72). 196 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA an excellent material for the exercise of the cuUnary art, and are well adapted for use in eating houses and taverns. They furnish an agreeable variety of dishes very palatable on account of their savoury taste. You might compare them, for their good properties, to the manna gathered by the Israelites; i. e., the Syrian dew. And, since they do not injure the body, nor oppress the stomach, they are prescribed, as wholesome food for invalids and the sick by the physicians appointed by the government to accompany the fleet. Seeds have been brought over to Spain, that our part of the world may be supplied with these prolific and many flavoured vegetables."1 In the same year Dr. Chanca went out with Columbus on his second voyage. He, too, in a letter written some time later, described the ages: "They all came loaded with ages, a sort of turnip, very excellent for food, which we dressed in various ways. This food was so nutritious as to prove a great support to all of us after the pri vations we endured when at sea, which in truth were more severe than ever were suffered by man; and as we could not tell what weather it would please God to send us on our voyage, we were obhged to Umit our selves most rigorously with regard to food, in order that, at all events, we might at least have the means of supporting Ufe; this age the Caribbees call nabi, 1 Ibid., vol. II, p. 249, from the Latin original on p. 229: "Fructus in ea maxime inter caeteros praestabiles Asses nominant, napis persimiles figurae teretis: nisi quod paulo in maius excreuerint ut pepones. Illud non subti- cendum quod sapores reddant varios: si vices mutaueris diuersa experire. Cruda degustata ut in acetariis solemus: pastinachas referunt: tosta cas- taneas: cum suilla carne elixa cucurbitas edere te credes. Quibus si amig- dalinum lac inieceris: nihil gustaueris mollius: nihil voraueris gulosius. In omnes artes culinarum ususque popinarios aptissima fercula: varietate iocunda: sapiditate gratissima: ut iudaeorum mana idest rorem syriacum arbitreris. Cunque intima corporis non laedant neque ullo accepto incom- modo ventrem grauent: inedicorum consilio qui regio salario deducuntur: aegrotis et male affectis exhibentur salubrit er. Quorum semina faecunda et multisapida ne in nostro orbe desiderarentur: in hispaniam translata sunt." THE BREAD ROOTS 197 and the Indians hage."1 Here we notice that ages, according to him, is not the Indian name, but that the Indians call it hage, the Caribs nabi. Dr. Chanca at least did not confound the age with the maize, for he distinctly mentioned that the bread of the Indians was made from a plant which was between an herb and a grass, which was not the age: "Their food consists of bread, made of the roots of a vegetable which is between a tree and a vegetable, and the age, which I have already described as being like the turnip, and very good food."2 Here we are on safer ground. We at last know that the Indian bread was made of a grass-like tree, and that age was another plant. But we also see dis tinctly that the Indian name hage for the sweet potatoes is an imitation of age, which apparently is not Indian. Amerigo Vespucci, in the Soderini letter of 1504, ventured on a fuller statement, by saying, "They have no seed of wheat, nor other grains, and for their common use and diet they use the root of a tree, of which they make flour, and it is tolerably good, and they call it iucaA and another which they call eazabi, and another, ignami."3 The Magliabecana MS., an eighteenth 1 "Todos vfenen cargados de ages, que son como nabos, muy excelente manjar, de los cuales facemos aca muchas maneras de manjares en cualquier manera; es tanto cordial manjar que nos tiene a todos muy consolados, porque de verdad la vida que se trajo por la mar ha seido la mas estrecha que nunca hombres pasaron, € fue ansi necesario porque no sabiamos que tiempo nos haria, 6 cuanto permitirfa Dios que estoviesemos en el camino; ansi que fue cordura estrecharnos, porque cualquier tiempo que viniera pudieramos conservar la vida. Rescatan el oro 6 mantenimientos e todo lo que traen por cabos de agujetas, por cuentas, por alfileres, por pedasos de escudillas 6 de plateles. A este age llaman los de Caribi nabi, k los indios hage," R. H. Major, Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, with other Original Documents, relating to his Four Voyages to the New World (The Hakluyt Society), London 1870, p. 63 f. 2 "El mantenimiento suyo es pan hecho de raices de una yerba que es entre drbol 6 yerba, 6 el age, de que ya tengo dicho que es como nabos, que es muy buen mantenimiento," ibid., p. 68. 3 "Non tengono semente di grano ne daltre biade: ed alloro comune uso e mangiare usano una radice duno arbore dellaquale fanno farina ed assai buona e la chiamano Iuca ed altre che la chiamano Cazabi ed altre Ignami," The Soderini Letter 1504 in Facsimile, in Vespucci Reprints, Texts and Studies, II, Princeton University Press 1916, p. 9. 198 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA century copy of a 1505 original, reads car abi for cazabi. In the Latin translation by Waldseemuller (Ilacomilus), which appeared in 1507, we have instead chambi, and we are told that iucha, chambi, and ygnami are names for the same root.1 Whichever way we read it, the statement is wrong. If three separate roots are in tended, we have cazabi as a root, whereas it is the flour from the root of the yuca. If we take the second reading, igname and yuca are the same, which is again impossible. In the Epistola Alberici De novo mundo, of possibly the year 1504, we have no name given at all for the roots.2 Here yuca occurs for the first time. Fragoso, a botanist of the sixteenth century, gives yuca as a Peruvian plant,3 whereas in 1504 Peru was not yet discovered. Obviously Vespucci could not have ob tained the word from Peru, and the Peruvian word, if not the plant itself, is not native. This is corrob orated by Garcilasso de la Vega, who describes all the roots in use in Peru, but has nothing to say about the yuca} It is also noteworthy that Garcilasso says, "all the names which the Spaniards give to the fruits and vegetables of Peru belong to the language of the Antilles; they have been adopted by the Spaniards, and therefore we speak of them as Spanish words."5 1 "Omni farris granorumque aliorum semine carent. Communis vero eorum pastus siue victus arborea radix quedam est quam in farrinam satis bonam comminuunt et hanc radicem quidam eorum iucha alij chambi alij vero ygnami vocitant," Fr. R. v. Wieser, Die Cosmographiae Introductio des Martin Waldseemuller (Ilacomilus) in Faksimiledruck, Strassburg 1907, p. 57. 2 "Gignuntur et ibi innumerabilia genera herbarum et radicum: ex quibus panem conficiunt, et optima pulmentaria," E. Sarnow and K. Triibenbach, Mundus Novus, Strassburg im Elsass 1903. 3 nira| Theatri Botanici Caspari Bauhini, Basileae Helvet. 1623, p. 91. 4 "Of the vegetables that they grow beneath the ground," Book VIII, chap. 10. 6 Ibid., in C. R. Markham, First Part of the Royal Commentaries of the Yncas (The Hakluyt Society), London 1871, vol. II, p. 360. THE BREAD ROOTS 199 Andagoya,1 writing in the middle of the sixteenth century, says that in some provinces of Peru there were to be found yucas,2 which he also mentions in Central America3 and Bogota.4 This shows that yuca was a general name, used by the Spaniards, of a plant whose presence in America before its dis covery is by no means certain. Nor is it certain that Andagoya saw yucas in Peru, for Garcilasso does not know them. He simply added yucas, because every body since the days of Vespucci spoke of yucas. This is proved by the fact that Andagoya mentions in the same passages melons in Central America, cows and sheep in Bogota, all of which were introduced from Spain; hence the yuca in some of the places in Peru and elsewhere could have been introduced in like manner. Similarly, Cieza de Leon, in 1553, said of Peru: "In these valleys the Indians sow maize, which is reaped twice in the year and yields abundantly. In some parts they grow yucas, which are useful for making bread and liquor, when there is want of maize. They also raise sweet potatoes, the taste of which is almost the same as that of chestnuts, besides potatoes, beans, and other vegetables."6 But he also mentions the grape vine, fig-trees and pomegranates, all of which were imported, and Levinus Apollonius, writing but thirteen years later, distinctly says that the Peruvians were also using those vegetables and roots which the Spaniards had introduced.6 Thus we have as yet 1 C. R. Markham, Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrarias Darila (The Hakluyt Society), London 1865. 2 "In all the provinces of this government they have these provisions, and in some of them they also have aji and yucas," ibid., p. 74 f. 3 "A very fine land abounding in supplies of maize, aji, melons different from those here, grapes, and yucas," ibid., p. 29. 1 "The food of the people consists of maize and yucas," ibid., p. 84. <¦ C. R. Markham, The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon (The Hakluyt Society), London 1864, p. 233 f. ' "Elixo pistoque frumento et ferina vescuntur, quam ad diuturnum succi- diarum usum veluti apud nos cardum, petasones et farcimina solent, fumo condurant, praeterea siccatis piscibus, et diuersis radicum olerumque 200 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA no proof that the yucas were known in Peru before the arrival of the Spaniards. In 1504 there was pubUshed the Libretto, which Peter Martyr declared in 1516 to have been stolen from a manuscript copy of his First Decade, which, however, was not published until 1511. This Libretto and the Paesi nuovamente retrovati, which appeared in 1507 and reprinted the Libretto, have no mention whatso ever of yuca or cazabi, but the ages appear there, as in the earlier references.1 Similarly there is no refer ence whatsoever to yuca in Columbus' account of bis Second Voyage, but Fernando Colombo's Historie, written many years later, contains in this account an insertion in regard to the yuca.2 We can now study the growth of the information conveyed by Peter Martyr in regard to yams, sweet potatoes, and manioc. In the First Decade, which appeared in 1511, Peter Martyr was able to combine the statement made by Vespucci that yuca was a root from which bread was made, and the statement of Dr. Chanca that the plant from which bread was made was different from the ages, which were eaten cooked. He also knew that the root of the yuca was poisonous.3 In the Second Decade, wliich appeared in 1516, he gave the information that batatas grew wild and that generibus, et ijs denique omnibus quae postea Hispani intulere," De Peruviae Inventione, Antverpiae 1567, fol. 29 a. 1 "I homini de quella isola usano in locho de pane certe radice de grandeza: et forma de nauoni alquanto dolce chome castagne fresche: elqual chiamano Ages," Thacher, op. cit., vol. II, p. 459. 2 "Maizium tamen et iuccam agesque isti colunt, uti diximus in His paniola fieri," Raccolta, parte I, vol. I, p. 260. 3 "Radicibus ij mites, nostris napis et magnitudine et forma, sed gustu dulci, castaneae tenerae adhuc similibus, ad cibum utuntur. Has, ages vocant ipsi. Est et aliud radicis genus, quam iuccam appellant, ex hac et panem conficiunt. Agibus vero magis assis aut elixis utuntur, quam ad usum conficiendi panis. Iuccam vero sectam et compressam, succosa namque est, pinsunt, et in placentas coquunt. Sed mirum hoc: aconito lethaliorem esse aiunt iuccae succum, qui epotus, ilico perimit: panem autem ex eius massa, sapidum et salubrem esse omnes experti sunt," Decade I, book I. THE BREAD ROOTS 201 they were also grown in gardens, and that they could be eaten raw.1 The sweet potato, however, is not found in the wild state and cannot be eaten raw. In the Third Decade, which appeared together with the Second Decade, Peter Martyr, foreseeing that the Europeans would have to eat the yuca, gave a complete account of its planting and of the compression of the dried yuca into bricks, like our cheese, which is then called cazabbo. Here he again says that ages and batatas were used as fruits and not as bread. He also makes the blunder of stating that maize is used only when there is a lack of yuca,2 the fact being universally that it is yuca which takes the place of maize, when this has failed. At the same time he gives the names of a large variety of ages, such as guanaguax, guaraguei, zazauei, squiuete, tunna, hobo, atibunieix, aniguamar, guaccaracca.3 Even if it were possible to identify these as Carib words, we should not be able to assert that they are the expressions for native plants, any more than we could assume that the name "Early Rose" proved that potatoes are native to England. With the new varieties come the new names, and these cannot be used as an argument for the origin of the plant itself. The first really great natural history of America is that by Oviedo,4 which appeared in 1520. Oviedo speaks from personal knowledge, having lived a long 1 "Effodiunt etiam e tellure suapte natura nascentes radices, indigenae Batatas appellant, quas ut vidi, Insubres napos existimaui, aut magna terrae tubera. Quocunque modo condiantur assae vel elixae, nulli crustulo, aut alio cuiuis edulio cedunt dulcorata mollitie: cutis aliquanto tenacior quam tuberibus aut napis, terreique coloris, caro candidissima. Seruntur etiam et coluntur in bortis, uti de iucca diximus in Decade prima. Comeduntur et crudae. Viridis castaneae gustum cruda imitatur, est tamen dulcior," Decade II, book IX. 2 "Diximus habere frumenti genus quoddam, panico fere simile, sed grandi- oribus granis nobilius. Id in farinam contusum, vi lapidum manu actorum pinsunt, iucca deficiente: estque vulgarior panis," Decade III, book V. 3 Decade III, book IX. * De la natural hystoria de las Indias, Toledo 1526. 202 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA time in America, and, although he perpetuates a con siderable number of errors, due to imperfect informa tion, he never wilfully mystifies. In order that one may comprehend the enormous changes that had taken place in America since its discovery, that is, in less than thirty-five years, we must listen to what he has to say about the imported animals and plants: "All the other animals which exist here were brought from Spain, of which I do not need to speak, since they were brought from there, and all I have to do is to note the great amount of them to which they have increased, both the cattle and others, but especially the cows, of whom there are so many that there are many proprietors who have from one to two thousand heads, and some even more than three and four thousand, and even as high as eight thousand . . . Simi larly, there are many flocks of sheep, and pigs in great quantity, and many of them, as well as the cattle, have become wild."1 Oviedo wrote in 1526 that there were certain plants called ajes, others called batatas, which were planted from slips, and that the ajes were dark blue and the batatas darker.2 In the edition of 1535 he said, "In this island and in all the other islands, and on the mainland, at least in the places which the Christians have conquered and settled, there is a plant which is called ajes. . . As they cost very little and grow quickly, there are many who give nothing else to eat to their Indians and Negroes but this and meat and fish, 1 Cap. II, fol. iiij b. 2 "Ay otras plantas que se llaman Ajes y otras que se llaman Batatas y las vnas y las otras se siembran d' la propria rama la qual y las hojas tienen quasi como correhuela o yedra tendidas por tierra y no tan gruessa como la yedra la hoja: y debaxo de tierra nascen vnas macorcas como nauos o canahorias: los ajes tiran a vn color como entre morado azul y las batatas mas pardas: y assadas son excelente y cordial fruta assi los ajes como las batatas: pero las batatas son mejores," cap. LXXX, fol. xlj b. THE BREAD ROOTS 203 and thus it is in all the settlements."1 The batatas he describes as being of better taste than the ajes, and, in his opinion, the two are different varieties of the same plant. From the manner of the planting of the ajes and batatas it is clear that Oviedo is describing the sweet potato, for yams are not propagated from the branches, but from the root. At the end of book VII in the last edition, unpublished until the nineteenth century, we find a description of the yams, of which Oviedo says, "Name is a foreign fruit and not native to these Indies, having been brought to this Hispan iola and to other parts of these Indies. It came with "Nesta ysla espaiiola y en todas las otras yslas y tierra firme alo menos en lo que hasta agora los christianos han sojuzgado en ellas y poblado ay vna planta que se llama ajes: los quales queren parescer alos nabos grandes d'espaiia: pero estos ajes son mayores por la mayor parte. Crianse debaxo d' tierra y hazen encima d' tierra vna rama a manera d' correhuela pero mas gruessa. La qual con sus hojas y rama cubre toda la superficie d' la tierra do esta sembrada: la hechura d' ia hoja es como la d' la con-ehuela o quasi yeora o panela: con vnas venas delgadas y los astilejosde que penden sus hojas luengos. All tiempo que se han de sembrar los ajes hazen la tierra montones por sus lifios como se dixo en el capitulo d' la yuca antes deste. Y en cada monton ponen cinco o seys tallos de aquesta rama hincados en el monton con sus hojas: y luego prenden y se encepa: y por encima d' la tierra como he dicho se estiende y la cubre toda: y debaxo en las rayzes que haze echa i-l fruto: que son estos ajes. Los quales estan sazonados desde a tres: y a quatro: ya cinco: y a seys meses los mas tardios: pero en esto segun la tierra donde se ponen es buena o flaca: assi responde el fruto mas tarde o temprano: pero no passan d' seys meses en estar para cojer los ajes: aun que sean los mas vagarosos o tardios: y quando son sazonados con un acadon descubren el monton y sacan diez y doze y quinze y veynte y mas y menos ajes los quales son buen mantenimiento y muy ordinario aca para la gente de trabajo: y como son de menos costa y tiempo muchos ay que no dan otro manjar a sus indios y negros sino este y carne o pescado: y assi en todas las haziendas y heredamientos ay muchos montones y hacas destos ajes: los quales cozidos son muy buenos: y asados tienen algo mejor sabor: pero d' la vna o d' la otra manera tienen sabor d' castanas muy buenas: y es muy gentil fruta para los christianos: porque como no la comen por principal ni ordinario manjar sino de quando en quando sabe mejor: assados y con vino son muy cordiales de noche sobre mesa: y en la olla son buenos: y hazen las mugeres d' castilla buenos potajes y aun fruta de sarten destos ajes: y tai que aun que fuesse fuera d' indias la aurian por buena. Son de buena digestion aun que algo ventosos: ay los tan grandes que pesan algunos dellos dos y tres y quatro libras o mas: y como he dicho generalmente son mayores que los nabos de Castilla: por defuera tienen vna corteza blanca y otros la tienen leonada y mas grossezuela que la delos nabos y cortandolo assi crudo parece nabo en la carne o fructo suyo," lib. VII, cap. Ill, fol. lxxiiij a. 204 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA that evil lot of Negroes, and it has taken very well, and is profitable and good sustenance for the Negroes, of whom there is a greater number than is necessary, on account of their rebellions. These nnames look like ajes, but they are not, and generally are larger than ajes. They cut them in pieces, and plant them a hand's distance under ground, and they grow. Thus came the first, and they have increased greatly in the islands where Christians have settled, and also on the main land, and they are a good sustenance."1 The yams were obviously as common as the sweet potatoes, and like these they were used as food for the Negroes. Both seemed native to the soil, but we shall later see that Oviedo had good reason to know that the yams came from Africa, whereas he did not find in his sources any reference to sweet potatoes. We shall also see that age is originally the name of the yam, and not of the sweet potato, and that throughout the world the two were confused, and the same name served for both. Hence we have nothing in Oviedo to warrant the conclusion that the sweet potato was a native of America. We find a mention of yuca in all the early voyages to Brazil. It is noteworthy that a number of these voyages were made by men who first visited the coast of Guinea and by accident or purpose were carried across the Atlantic. The very first of these, Alvares Cabral, was in 1500 carried by winds from Africa to 1 "Name es una fructa extrangera e no natural de aquestas Indias, la qual se ha traydo a esta nuestra Isla Espaiiola e a otras partes destas Indias: e vino con esta mala casta de los negros, 6 hase fecho muy bien, 6 es prove- chosa e buen mantenimiento para los negros, de los quales hay mas de los que algunos avrien menester, por sus rebeliones. Estos nnames quieren parescer ajes; pero no son tales, 6 son mayores que ajes comunmente. C6rtanlos i. pedagos, e siembran soterrdndolos un palmo debaxo de tierra, e nascen; 6 assi vinieron los primeros, e despues de la planta e rama que hacen, se han multiplicado mucho en las islas que hay pobladas de chripsti- anos, 6 assi mismo en la Tierra-Firme; e es buen mantenimiento," op. tit., vol. I, p. 286. Manioc. From Thevet's Cosinogra/'hic. THE BREAD ROOTS 205 Brazil, but there is a possibility that the Dieppe sailor Cousin had discovered Brazil in a sirmlar way twelve years earlier.1 There certainly were many voyages to Brazil immediately after 1500, of which no account is given,2 and in 1503 Gonneville and other Frenchmen landed in South America, in order to load there their ships with brazil wood, cottons, monkeys, parrots, and other things.3 French intercourse with the Indians of Brazil began at once and continued uninterruptedly, but none of the early voyagers re ported having seen yams or manioc in the newly discovered country. In 1518 there was published in Paris Eusebi Caesariensis Chronicon cum additionibus Prosperi et Mathiae Palmerii,* in which an account was given of seven Indians who had been brought to Rouen with their boats, wearing apparel, and arms. Of these it said that they ate dried meat, and drank water, and knew neither bread, wine, nor money. This may be somewhat of an exaggeration, but about 1535 Parmentier described the Indians of Brazil, which he had visited, and said of them that they ate beans, carrots, millet,5 and had nothing whatsoever to say about yuca or ages. That by millet he meant maize is proved from the fact that he tells of their making an intoxicating drink from this millet. It is incon ceivable that he would have omitted mentioning yuca and ages, which by 1535 were in everybody's mouth. While numerous Frenchmen visited Brazil in the beginning of the sixteenth century and traded exten sively with the natives, Portuguese were similarly carried from Africa to Brazil. The earhest account 'P. Gaffarel, Histoire du Brisil francais au seiziemc siicle, Paris 1878, p. Iff. 2 Ibid., p. 18 ff. 3 Ibid., p. 23. * Ibid., p. 58. 3 Ramusio, op. cit., vol. Ill, fol. 426 b. 206 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA of such a voyage is by Duarte Fernandes,1 and this does not tell anything of the native plants, but contains an interesting list of animals taken back to Portugal, parrots, cats, and three macaos,2 that is, monkeys. I purposely emphasize "monkeys," because this gives us an opportunity of ascertaining the rapidity with which foreign words were adopted by the natives even for native commodities, if these formed a subject of commerce. In the first place, Varnhagen, the editor of the voy age, makes the mistake of considering the large number of "cats" as maracayas, that is, as "fehces pardales," whereas in reality they are monkeys, for in the begin ning of the sixteenth century monkeys were generaUy known under the name of gatos monillos, as which they are described by Oviedo. Wild cats were not a subject of exportation, while monkeys were. In 1526 Oviedo mentions the large number of longtailed mon keys which were exported to Spain.3 In the ItaUan translation of Oviedo, made in 1534, these monkeys are called gatti mammoni} which are mentioned as gatti maymones as early as 1302. B Acosta, on the other hand, mentions these monkeys as micos or monos.* I have treated the whole question of "mon key" names in an article entitled Mopuoj, for Voll- moller's Romanische Forschungen, of wliich I read the proof in 1915, but with whose fate during the war I am unacquainted. Hoping that it may have appeared, I shall quote from it only as much as is necessary for our present discussion. Span, mono is very old, for, in 1 Diario da navegacao de Pedro Lopes de Souza e Livro da viagem, da Nao "Bretoa" ao Cabo Frio, Rio de Janeiro 1867. 2 Ibid., p. 108. 3 "Cada dia se traen a Espana," op. cit., fol. xxiij b. 4 Libro secondo delle Indie occidental^ Vinegia 1534, cap. XXV, fol. 28 b. 6 In the Chronicon estense and in Muratori, vol. XV, p. 348. • "De los Micos, o Monos de Indias," Historia natural y moral de las Indias, Seuilla 1590, lib. IV, cap. 39. THE BREAD ROOTS 207 the form monnekin, it is found already in J. de Condi's Li dis d1 entendement, "A Monnekin, le fil Martin, Le singe, qui bien sot latin, Et qui estoit clers couronnez, Estoit li offices dounez D'escrire a court." We have seen that monkeys were known as cats, but we have the very old French tom-cat names mar- gut, marcou, which are found dialectically in AUier macot, Vosges morcot, mouarcot, Norman marcau, Centre macaud, Berry macau, machau, etc., hence also the Fr. magot, Wallon and Picard magaiot, Champagne magui "monkey." We have also the Spanish eat names mizo, micho, Ital. micia, mucia, etc., from which we get the good Span, mico "monkey," as recorded by Acosta. It is most likely that Portuguese macao for "monkey," as recorded in Fernandes, is nothing but the French Norman word for "cat" or "monkey," since the French sailors from Normandy were the first to trade in Brazil. To illustrate the manner in which the monkey words have traveled, I first give the whole list of Fernandes: "It. ho capytam tres papagayos e dous toys e hu gato e sam p. todos hj pegas 6 It. ho espruam hu papagayo 1 It. ho mestre dous gatos e hu cagoym e sam p. todos iij pegas 3 It. ho pylloto dous gatos e b cagoys e tres papa gayos e biiij toys e sam p. todos xbiij pegas 18 It. domjngos sera carpemteyro tres macaos e dous gatos e sam p. todos b pecas 5 It. Juramj despemseyro b gatos e b cagoys e iiij papagayos e biiij toys e sam por todos xxhj pegas -3 It. amdre a0 hu gato e hu gagoym 2 It. njgollao Royz marynheyro tres gatos e hu cagoym iij pegas 3 It. fernam galleguo marynheyro hu papagayo 1 208 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA It. allu.° anes marynheyro hu papagayo 1 It. allu.° Royz marynheyro hu papagayo 1 It. ho comtramestre hu toym 1 It. dyoguo frz. grumete dous gagoys It. Jom ferador grumete hu papagayo e hu toym 2 It. p.° Jorge grumete hu gagoym 1 It. fernamdo page hu toym forom."1 First as to gagoy, gagoym. G. Soares de Sousa2 described the saguins as small hairy monkeys, which were kept as pets in the houses. Martius records in the Tupi languages, sagui juru tinga, in Portuguese "macaquinho de cara branca," the hapale leucocephala; sagui-merim, the hapale penicillata; saguin-ogu or sagui-piranga, the hapale rosalia; saguin pixuna, the simia callithrix; sahu, sad, sau, the simia callithrix personata; sai, sahy, gahy, the simia macaco, cebus fatuellus; sai-taid, sai-taud, the simia cebus flavus. It would seem, therefore, that there cannot be the slightest doubt that gagoy, gagoym is a Tupi word. Yet that is far from the truth. The Tupi-Guarani dictionaries record no word sai, sao, but eai for "mon key," and this is corroborated by Lery and Marcgraff, who write correctly eai. Just as Martius erred in writing gai for eai, so Marcgraff wrote cagui for gagui, for which he gave a picture,3 and which he compared with the Kongo pongi. Lery not only described the marmoset, which the savages call sagouin} but he also knew that the controversy between the poet Sagon and Marot brought the sagouin into poetry,5 which was some time in the thirties of the sixteenth century. This shows how rapidly the word gagoy spread into 1 Op. cit., p. 108 f. 2 Tratado descriptivo do Brasil em 1587, Rio de Janeiro 1879, p. 233. 3 Historia naturalis Brasiliae, Lugdun. Batavorum, Amstelodami 1648, p. 227. 4 Histoire d'un voyage fait en la Terre du Bresil, autrement dite Amerique, Rochelle 1578, chap. X. 6 See Godefroy, sub sagouin. THE BREAD ROOTS 209 Europe, on account of its forming an important object of importation. Before monkeys were brought from America, they were imported from Africa, and, as Marcgraff's constant references testify, chiefly from the Congo and Guinea. In the Congo country we find the name for "monkey" Portuguese bugio, in Lunda buji, pugi.1 Whether the Portuguese is original and refers to Bugia in the north of Africa, or Lunda buji is original, I do not wish to discuss here. Whatever it may be, it illustrates the interrelation between Western Africa and the Portuguese in matters of trade. Similarly, the Portuguese "monkey" name gagouim is found in Dahome ziwu (i. e. ziwun) "any longtailed monkey," Akwapim soa "a species of mon key," also "small." Sua, sue "small" is universal over a large territory in Guinea, and that is unquestionably the underlying meaning for the species of monkey under discussion. There cannot be the slightest doubt that the Guinea appellation was brought to Brazil in 1511, even as macao, mico, mono, European words, have traveled the same way. Martius records Galibi makaque "white monkey,' Tupi macaca, macaco "monkey," mono "monkey," mono-miri qui "simia ateles hypoxanthus," mono juru tykur "Macaco bosca d'agoa, callithrix brunnea,' mico "cebus fatuellus." Mono we may dismiss at once as the European origin is obvious. Mico is recorded in Carib, by Breton, as mccu, while "cat" is mechu As cats were introduced into America from Spain,2 the first being mentioned only in 1535, 3 it is obvious that mechu is simply Span, micho. Similarly, mico "monkey" is the Spanish name. As to macaco, this word is found wherever the Portuguese traded. Marc- 1 H. A. Dias de Carvalho, Methodo pratico para fallar a lingua da Lunda, Lisboa 1890, p. 347. 2 Herrera, op. cit., I. 1. 5. 3 Ibid., V. 7. 9. 210 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA graff1 says of the eercopithecus angolensis, "in Congo vocatur macaquo." The word is not found in any Bantu language, except in Eambundu, which was under Portuguese influence. The Portuguese also carried the word to Madagascar, where it is found as maki, macouco in European writers, such as Brisson,2 and as maka in Richardson's Malagassy Dictionary, but in the very full account of the lemurs of Madagascar by James Sibree3 there is not one which even distantly bears such a name. About the year 1558 we get several accounts in which the manioc is mentioned in Brazil. In Nicholas Barrels account of Villegaignon's expedition,4 published in 1558, we read, "This country produces only millet, which in our language is called Sarracin corn, of which they make wine with a root which they call maniel, which has a leaf like paeonia mas, and I thought that it was it. It grows into a tree of the height of an alder; of this they make a soft flour, which is as good as bread."6 We observe here that manioc, wliich the author calls maniel, is only a secondary food, maize apparently forming the chief sustenance. As Ville- gaignon also mentions sugar cane, oranges, lemons, and citrons as growing in Brazil, there is no way of ascertaining whether maniel was any more native than the other fruits. Leiy, who was in Brazil shortly afterwards, in 1578 described the two roots maniot lOp. cit, p. 227. 2 La regne animal, Paris 1756. 3 The Mammals of Madagascar, chap. IV, The True Lemurs, in the Anta- nanarivo Annual, No. XIX, vol. V, p. 279 ff. 4 Copiede quelques letres sur la navigation du Cheuallier de Villegaignon es terres de VAmerique oultre VAequinoctial, iusques soubz le tropique de Capri- come, Paris 1558. 6 "La terre ne produict que du Mil, que Ion appelle en nostre pais bled sarrazin, duquel ilz font du vin auec vne racine qu'ils appellent Maniel, qui a la fueille de Paeonia mas: & pensois veritablement que s'en fut. Elle vient en arbre de la haulteur du Sambucus. D'icelle ils font de la farine molle, qui est autant bonne que du pain," ibid., p. C 2 b. THE BREAD ROOTS 211 and aypi in full,1 but that does not help us, in the first place, because Peter Martyr described it before then, in 1511, and because the variation of the word, maniot, like Villegaignon's maniel, casts a suspicion on its being native. Thevet, in 1558, called the plant manihot,2 which he said grew from the Straits of Magellan to Florida and Canada.3 In 1557 there appeared Federmann's Journeys to South America, which were made from 1529 to 1532.4 This is of particular interest to us on account of an article of manufacture in America, which will be dis cussed in volume II. Here I shall only mention that it deals with the German colonization scheme of Welser, for whom Federmann made explorations in the in terior of Venezuela. Among other things he mentions the use of maize by the Indians,5 but not a word is said about manioc. One cannot, of course, assert that the Indians did not have it, but the omission is certainly strange. Hans Stade6 visited Brazil in and after 154S. He, too, went by the way of Madeira and the coast of Africa. After eighty-four days at sea he reached Brazil at Marin, where the Portuguese had established a settlement. The governor of the land asked the ship's crew to occupy the settlement called Garasu. The force that went to the aid of the settlement con sisted of ninety Christians and thirty Moors and Brazilian slaves, who belonged to the inhabitants.7 1 Op. cit., chap. IX. 2 Les singularitez de la France Antarctique, autrement nommie Amenque, Anvers 1558, fol. Ilia. 8 Ibid., fol. Ill b. 4 Indianische Historia, [Hagenaw] 1557, in K. Kliipfel, N. Federmanns und H. Stades Reisen in Sildamerica, Stuttgart 1859. 6 "Mahys das ist ihr korn," ibid., p. 44; "im hausz uff vier pfeilern, und dreier manner hoch stunde, darinn sie ihr korn oder Mahys pflegen zuhaben, ibid., p. 74. 8 K. Kliipfel, op. cit. 7 "Darneben dreissig Moren und Prasilianische schlaven, welche der einwoner eigen waren," cap. Ill, ibid., p. 103. 212 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA The thirty Moors were apparently Negroes, who were the Brazilian slaves of the inhabitants. The food of the besieged settlement soon ran out, "for it is in that country the custom to fetch fresh roots every day or every other day, and to make meal or cakes thereof."1 After the siege, the ship proceeded, having taken in water and mandioca meal for food.2 So far we have heard only of manioc as used by the Portuguese. After a while the ship returned to Portugal, suffering from scarcity of food, and to each of them "daily was given one small cup of water, and a little Brazilian root meal."3 In 1549 Stade sailed again, this time by Cape Verde and Guinea. The ship anchored at the island of San Thomas, where the Portuguese Uved "with many black Moors, who are their slaves."4 Then the ship arrived in Brazil, at St. Catherine's harbor, where they found a Spaniard. "Then he asked us whence we came. We said that we were the king's ships from Spain, and we purposed saihng to the Rio de Platta, also that there were more ships on the way, and we hoped (if it pleased God) that they would also soon arrive, for here we intended to meet. Then he declared himself well pleased and thanked God, for he had three years previously been in the province of Rio de Platta and had been sent from the place called La Soncion, held by the Spaniards, down to the coast, which is some three hundred miles journey, in order to induce the tribe known as Carios, and who are friends of the Spaniards, to plant roots called mandioca, so that the ships might there again (if it happened that they were in want) obtain provisions from the savages. Such had been the orders of the captain who took the 1 Ibid., cap. IV. I use the translation of A. Tootal, The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse (The Hakluyt Society), London 1S74, p. 22. 2 Ibid., p. 24. 3 Ibid., cap. V, p. 25. 1 Ibid., cap. VI, p. 27. THE BREAD ROOTS 213 last news to Spain; he was named Captain Salaser, and had also returned with the next ship."1 It will be observed here that a Spaniard had been sent up from La Plata, some 1200 miles, to ask the friendly Carios to plant roots called mandioca for the Europeans wrecked on the coast. A little distance away they found a Biscayan living among the Indians.2 Still further down the coast, two leagues opposite the Island of San Vincente, they found a Portuguese settle ment.3 At San Vincente they found an ingenio, that is, a sugar plantation. In the neighborhood of Brikioka, another Portuguese settlement, they found Indians who made wine out of maize and manioc* Not far from this place, Stade was captured by the Indians, and was taken thirty leagues down the coast. Here "we ran up on a beach which borders the sea, and close to it were their women in the plantations of the root which they call mandioka."b These Indians were in constant relations to the Europeans, and a Frenchman was living only four leagues away.6 In 1554 "during the fifth month of my stay with them, there arrived another ship from the island of S. Vincent, for the Portuguese are accustomed to sail well armed to their enemy's country, and to barter with them, giving them knives and reaping hooks (hepen) for mandioca meal, of which the same savages there have much in various places, and the Portuguese, who have many slaves for sugar cultivation, procure this meal, wherewith to feed these same."7 Again we see that the Indians planted manioc for the sake of the Portuguese, icho fed it to their Negro slaves. In chapter X of the Second 1 Ibid., cap. IX, p. 35 f. 2 Ibid., cap. X, p. 37. 'Ibid., cap. XIII, p. 42. 4 Ibid., cap. XVII, p. 49. 6 Ibid., cap. XXI, p. 59. 6 Ibid., cap. XXVI, p. 67. ' Ibid., cap. XXXVIII, p. SS. 214 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Part Stade describes the manner of planting the manioc, to which the English annotator has the foot note, " This is the modern Brazilian style of cultivation, and it remarkably resembles that of Unyamwezi;"1 that is, the resemblance to the African method of planting is observed. We see from this whole account that manioc was raised chiefly for the sake of the Portuguese and, so far as we know, only in the neighborhood of European settlements, where there were also Negro slaves. Again we find at Las Reyes, on the River La Plata, Indians who lived in friendly relations with the Spaniards, raising maize and manioc;2 and another German, Ulrich Schmidt von Straubingen,3 in 1567, found the same Carios whom Stade had described, planting "mandeochade, padades, mandeoch parpie, mandioch mandapore," etc.4 By no means all Indians raised manioc, as may be seen from the fact that a special expedition had to be set on foot "to find Indians who had manioc and Turkish corn."5 But by that time, even as in 1555, manioc was quite universally planted, and nothing can be deduced as to its frequency in 1500. The same Indians raised geese and chickens,6 and these were importations from Europe. Very few writers on Brazil mention the sweet po tatoes. In 1519 Pigafetta claimed to have received batatas from the natives in Brazil;7 but as he talks in 1 Ibid., p. 130. 2 The Commentaries of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca (1555), in The Conquest of the River Plate (15S5-1555) (The Hakluyt Society), London 1891, pp. 118. 155, 199. 3 Voyage of Ulrich Schmidt to the Rivers La Plata and Paraguai, ibid. 4 Ibid., pp. 14, 19. 6 Ibid., p. 37. 'Ibid., pp. 15, 19, 63, 66, 68, 118, 168. 7 "Do ue pigliassemo gra refrescho de galine batate pigne molte dolci fruto in vero piu gentil que sia carne de anta como vaca canne dolci et altre cose infinite q lascio p non essere plixo p vno amo da pescare o vno cortello dauano 5. ho 6. galinne p vno petine uno paro de occati p vno spequio ho vna f orfice tanto pesce q hauerebe bastato a X homini p vno sonaglio o vna THE BREAD ROOTS 215 the same breath of boii, amache,1 and maiz,2 as Brazilian words, although they were used by Columbus for the Caribs, and tells of having received from the Indians sugar cane,3 which was imported into America from Africa, it follows that either Pigafetta did not get any batatas, or, if he got them, they were as little native to the soil as was sugar cane. Pigafetta also found batatas in the islands of the Ladrones, in Borneo, and in the Maluchos,4 and if this be correct, the batatas are more likely an Asiatic plant. But if the Asiatic batatas are yams, then what are the Brazil batatas? Thus Pigafetta gives us no answer at all. It is significant that Soares de Sousa, in 1587, identified the batatas with yams, as he distinctly says that they are planted from the roots, and not from the slips, as in the Antilles.5 He also mentions carazes and mangarazes, as roots similar to the batatas and planted in the same way. If this is the case, then the batatas of Pigafetta are also yams, and if he really got them in Brazil in 1519, the African yams must have been es tablished there before that time. Similarly, Lery calls the batatas by their native name, hetich, and, from the fact that they are planted from pieces of the root, it is clear that he is describing the yams.6 Thus stringa vno cesto de batate queste batate sonno al mangiare como castagnie et longo como napi," J. A. Robertson, Magellan's Voyage Around the World, by Antonio Pigafetta, Cleveland 1906, vol. I, p. 36. 1 Ibid., p. 38. 2 Ibid., p. 44. 3 Ibid., p. 36. 4 Ibid., p. 94, vol. II, pp. 20, 110. 6 Op. cit., cap. XLIV. • "Quant aux racines outre celles de Maniot et d'Aypi, desquelles comme i'ay dit au neufieme chapitre les Sauuages font de la farine, ils en ont encores d'autres qu'ils appellent Hetich, lesqueUes non suelement croissent en aussi grande abondance en leur terre que font les raues en Limosin, ou en Sauoye, mais aussi il s'en treuue communement d'aussi grosses que les deux poingts et tongues d'un pied et demy plus ou moins. Et combien que les voyant arrachees hors de terre on iugeast de prime face a la semblance, qu'eUes fussent toute d'une sorte: tant y a neantmoins d'autant qu'en ciusant les unes deuenans viollettes comme certaines Pastenades de ce pays, les autres iaunes comme Coins, et les troisiemes blancheastres, i'ay opinion qu'il y 216 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA we are once more confronted with the fact that the most important foodstuff of the Brazilian natives must be of African origin. II. Pliny says:1 "Among the varieties of the bulb, too, there is the plant known in Egypt by the name of aron. In size it is very nearly as large as the squill, with a leaf like that of lapathum, and a straight stalk a couple of cubits in length, and the thickness of a walking-stick: the root of it is of a milder nature, so much so, indeed, as to admit of being eaten raw." Aron, of course, is the Greek form of what should appear in Egyptian as aru or aro. Unfortunately the botany of Egypt is very imperfectly recorded, and it is not possible to identify many of the terms; but we have a plant aru, or, as Erman writes, i$ara>, which has after it the plant sign of the lotus, and so is most likely the aron of the Greeks and Romans. Pliny mentions two other varieties of arum, the dracunculus, Gr. dracontion, wliich is used against snake bites,2 and aris, or arisarum, wliich also grows in Egypt, and which has the miraculous property of destroying any female animal with whose generative en a de trois especes. Mais quoy qu'il en soit ie vous puis asseurer que quand elles sont cuites aux cendres, principalement celles qui iaunissent, qu'elles ne sont pas moins bonnes a manger que les meilleures Poires que nous puissions auoir. Quant a leurs fueilles, lesqueUes traisnent sur terre comme Hedera terrestris, elles sont fort semblables a celles de Cocombres, ou des plus larges Espinars qui se puissent trouuer par deca: non pas toutes- fois qu'elles soyent si vertes, car quant a la couleur elles tirent plus a celles de Vitis Alba. Au reste parce qu'elles ne portent point de graines, les femmes Sauuages, qui sont soigneuses au possible de les multiplier, pour ce faire ne font autre chose (oeuure merueilleuse en 1' Agriculture) sinon d'en couper par petites pieces, comme on fait icy les Carotes pour faire salades: et semans cela par les champs elles ont au bout de quelques temps autant de grosses racines d'Helich quelles ont seme de petits morceaux. Toutesfois parce que c'est la plus grande manne de ceste terre du Bresil, et qu'allans par pays on ne voit presques autre chose, ie croy qu'elles viennent aussi pour la pluspart sans main mettre," op. cit., ed. of 1578, p. 214 ff. 1 XIX. 96. 2 XXIV. 149. THE BREAD ROOTS 217 organ it comes in contact.1 We have also in Assyria a plant lam ere "the plant used as a love philter," which is derived from eru "to become pregnant, con ceive." There is also aru "germ, sprout," which either refers to the same, or to a similar plant. We meet with the name and the plant once more in Arabic, where the name undoubtedly is of Greek origin. Ibn-al-Auwam,2 writing in the twelfth century in Spain, says: "According to Abu'l-Khair, the arum ( oJJl al-luf) is the same as the sarakhah. There is one kind with a large root from which rises a stalk marked like the skin of a serpent. This is known under the name ar\anisa or dragition (i. e. dracontion), which, according to Ibn-Obeid-al-Bakri, means 'drag on's eye.' According to Ibn-al-Fasel the arum root is planted in August in the garden borders or little frequented spots. It is treated in the same manner as a rose-bush. According to Abu'l-Khair there is one kind which is called ariin. In Barbary it is called ayerbd. It produces a stalk about a span high, it has the form of a pestle; it is of purple color; its fruitage is saffron yellow; its foot is of average thickness. One reads in the Nabataean Agriculture: The arum (/«/) is a wild plant which the inhabitants of Babylon culti vate in their gardens. It has a thick white root which in the cultivated state has no acridity at all, or very little of it. The wild species is much more acrid. It has a long white speckled leaf, but often the leaf has no spots. The length of the stalk is a little more than a span; its color is that of the sweet violet; it is round and thick; it produces a small fruit which some ancient writers believed to be a kind of colocassia(?). Accord- 'XXIV. 151. = J.-J. Clement-Mullet, Le Livre de V Agriculture d'Ibn-al-Awam, Pans 1866, vol. II, chap. XXVIII, art. XIII, p. 306 ff. 218 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA ing to the Nabataean Agriculture they cook the root, which is eaten with all kinds of seasoning and spices and herbs; in this case it is a good food. They also eat the leaves, which are seasoned with vinegar and cooked. They also cook the foot of the stalk and the leaves with different culinary preparations. From the root of the arum bread is prepared in the following manner: it is dried, broken in pieces, and reduced to flour, either the root alone, or by adding the leaf, flower, and stalk, only when the root and fruit are used without the other parts of the plant, the bread is better and more nourishing. This arum (luf) resembles the plant called draqintun (dracontion) , which likes shady, cold, and moist places, where the sun cannot reach it and the trees and everything else forms a shade. Its leaf resembles that of the dragon- wort, with this difference, that the leaves are spotted with white and that it is much larger than its congener. Its stalk grows without knots or divisions. It has spots of yellow, red, green, white, violet and serpentine. This plant resembles a large cane of two cubits or a little more in size. Its fruitage resembles a bunch of grapes: when it begins to appear it is green; after a short time it becomes yellow, partly of a very dark, and partly of a lighter shade. The root is large, round, covered by a thick shell; it is eaten after being prepared as mentioned before. This plant grows abundantly and spontaneously in places where the sun shines a little during the day. The arum does not suffer at all from prolonged presence of water on the root, because it is a plant which by nature is protected from rotting. According to the Nabataean Agricul ture the root is added to the fruit, the whole is dried, peeled, and ground up, and one gets a bread wliich is eaten with fat, butter, or jam; it is nourishing and of good quality; it needs no other preparation but THE BREAD ROOTS 219 slow baking. The root is taken up in the month of haziran (June), and at the end of May; the seed is collected earlier. This root must not be used as food without being ground, because in the grinding it loses its acridity, which disappears only under the pestle or the grindstone." In a chapter in which Ibn-al-Auwam treats of the preparation of fruits and roots, "which, according to the Nabataean Agriculture, may produce a bread that can be eaten in case of need and when other food is lacking,"1 there is mention also of arum. "Know well, says the Nabataean Agriculture, that all these cultivated or wild plants, either in their entirety, or in their fruits, or in their roots only, have a bad taste, which makes men to reject them as food, such as bitterness, acidity, stypticity, sourness, and excess of salt and such like, all these bad tastes, we say, can be removed by a stay of twenty-four hours in fresh water. This water is renewed several times, at least twice, then the product is boiled twice in another water, which has to be changed each time, operating in about the same manner as before." The two passages are of great importance from many standpoints. The arum is called "the crier." Ibn-Baitar calls it thus,2 because, according to the common opinion in Spain, this plant emits cries on the day of the 'ansarah (June 24, Pentecost, birth of John the Baptist), which is the Mihrigan ( jU- ^_ ), and he who hears the cry dies that very day. Ibn-al-Auwam says, in the Calendar,3 that in the month of June is the Mihriddn, called 'ansarah. Mihriddn is even now in use in Persian in the sense of "autumnal equinox, 1 Chap. XXIX, art. XIII. 2 Ibid., p. 306, note. 3 Ibid., p. 428. 220 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA autumn." Albiruni1 says that on the sixteenth of September the Persians celebrated the Mihrigan, which he etymologized wrongly to mean "the love of the spirit." "The Persian theologians have derived vari ous symbohc interpretations from these days. So they consider Mihrigan as a sign of resurrection and the end of the world, because at Mihrigan that which grows reaches its perfection and has no more material for further growth, and because animals cease from sexual intercourse."2 This Mihrigan is the "feast of Mithra," which was widely celebrated in Armenia, Cappadocia, and elsewhere.3 What is interesting for our purposes is the fact that it was connected with the end of the crops and the sexual season. We learn from Ibn-al-Auwam and Ibn-Baitar that this Mihrigan was transferred from September 6 to June 24, the birth of John the Baptist. This makes it clear that we are here deahng, not with the original Persian Mithraic myth, but with a Christian trans ference to Saint John's day, which naturaUy made it necessary to alter the relation to the end of the crops and the sexual season. That we are really concerned with a Christian holiday is shown from the fact that it was celebrated in Spain by Spaniards and Arabians alike.4 But who could it have been that introduced the changed feast to the Mohammedans and Chris tians? This could have happened only through the Nestorian Syrians who had scattered as far as China and came to Spain with the Arabs, and who transferred many an Eastern myth and story to the West. It is only in this way that can be explained the extraordi nary fact that the mandrake, which was connected with 1 C. E. Sachau, The Chronology of Ancient Nations, London 1S79, p. 207 ff 2 Ibid., p. 208. ' F. Cumont, Tex.es et monuments figuris relatifs aux mysteres de Mithra, Bruxelles 1896-1899, vol. II, p. 6, vol. I, p. 230. 4 R. Dozy and W. H. Engelmann, Glossaire des mots espagnols et portugais derives de I'arabe, Leyde, Paris 1869, p. 136. THE BREAD ROOTS 221 the Mithra worship, received an addition and trans formation from China, by infusing into it the Chinese philological speculation connected with the arum. The mandrake is called in Latin mandragora. All we know of it in antiquity is contained in the description given of it by Pliny: "Some persons, too, were in the habit of employing mandragora for diseases of the eyes; but more recently, the use of it for such a purpose has been abandoned. It is a well-ascertained fact, however, that the root, beaten up with rose oil and wine, is curative of defluxions of the eyes and pains in those organs; and, indeed, the juice of this plant still forms an ingredient in many medicaments for the eyes. Some persons give it the name of 'circaeon.' There are two varieties, the white mandragora, which is gener ally thought to be the male plant, and the black, which is considered to be the female. It has a leaf narrower than that of the lettuce, a hairy stem, and a double or triple root, black without and white within, soft and fleshy, and nearly a cubit in length. Both kinds bear a fruit about the size of a hazel-nut, enclosing a seed resembling the pips of a pear in appearance. The name given to the white plant by some persons is 'arsen,' by others 'morion,' and by others again, 'hippophlomos.' The leaves of it are white, while those of the other one are broader, and similar to those of garden lapathum in appearance. Persons, when about to gather this plant, take every precaution not to have the wind blowing in their face; and, after tracing three circles round it with a sword, turn towards the west and dig it up. The juice is extracted both from the fruit and from the stalk, the top being first removed; also from the root, which is punctured for the purpose, or else a decoction is made of it. The filaments, too, of the root are made use of, and it is sometimes cut up into segments and kept in wine. It is not the man- 222 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA dragora of every country that will yield a juice, but where it does, it is about vintage time that it is col lected; it has in all cases a powerful odour, that of the root and fruit the most so. The fruit is gathered when ripe, and dried in the shade; and the juice, when extracted, is left to thicken in the sun. The same is the case, too, with the juice of the root, which is extracted either by pounding it or by boiUng it down to one third in red wine. The leaves are best kept in brine; indeed, when fresh, the juice of them is a baneful poison, and these noxious properties are far from being entirely removed, even when they are preserved in brine. The very odour of them is highly oppressive to the head, although there are countries in which the fruit is eaten. Persons ignorant of its properties are apt to be struck dumb by the odour of this plant when in excess, and too strong a dose of the juice is productive of fatal effects. Administered in doses proportioned to the strength of the patient, this juice has a narcotic effect; a middling dose being one cyathus. It is given, too, for injuries inflicted by serpents, and before incisions or punctures are made in the body, in order to ensure insensibiUty to the pain."1 To this must be added what Josephus Flavius has to say about it: "In the ravine which surrounds the city on the north side, there is a certain place caUed Baaras, which produces a root of the same name as it self. Its colour is like that of fire, and towards evening it sends out a ray like lightning, and is not easily taken by such as approach it and wish to take it, but recedes from their hands, and is not stationary until either a woman's urine or menstruous blood be poured upon it; nay, even then it is certain death to those that touch it, unless one take and hang the root itself down from the hand, and so carry it away. It is also taken another 'XXV. 117-150. THE BREAD ROOTS 223 way without danger, namely, as follows. Persons dig quite round it, till the hidden part of the root is very small; they then tie a dog to it, and when the dog starts to follow the person that tied him, the root is easily plucked up; but the dog dies immediately, as if a victim instead of the man that would take the plant away. Nor after this need any one be afraid of taking it into his hands. Yet after all this risk in getting it, it is only sought after on account of one property it has, that if it be only brought to sick persons, it quickly drives away those who are called demons (who are no other than the spirits of the wicked) that enter into men that are alive, and kill them, unless they can obtain some help against them."1 It is clear from the two accounts that the highly poisonous quality of the root caused the exaggerated accounts of the danger of digging it up. It is also clear that mandragora is a corruption of an Avestan word of which the first part is mithra, since in Persian mihr means both "mandrake" and "sun," that is, "Mithra." Since the mandrake was distinctly connected in an tiquity with love philters and was supposed to be in some way favorable to the sexual process, the mandrake is called in the Bible "'l^ dudai, which is etymo- logically connected with TH dod "love." Similarly Pers. mihr also means "friendship, love," and the original meaning of mandragora must have been "love wort." This is brought out in the Persian explanation of the Mihrigan, which brings an end to the sexual relation of the animals, hence the mandrake must in some way have been connected with the celebration of the autumnal equinox, when no mandrake, which was sacred to Mithra, could be touched. Whatever the real significance of the mandrake may have been, we 1 De bello iudaico, VII. 6, 3. 224 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA have not a trace in antiquity of the mediaeval con ception that the mandrake shrieked when touched. This idea did not arise until the confusion of the arum with the mandrake, after the seventh century of our era. When the Nestorians transferred the Mihriddn from September to June, there was no sense in taking over the mandrake, which ripens and loses its stalk in September. It was necessary to find a plant which ripened in June, and we have already seen that the arum roots were taken up in June. Now we have Chinese £L yu "to flourish, the taro, also applied to other edible tubers." This ideogram is, according to the Chinese etymology, derived from JftH1 "plant" and P^f "moaning sound." The first part, represented in yu as -Vs , need not detain us, since it is merely the de nominative "plant." The second, which represents the sound, is a pictorial contraction of P :f hsii "to sigh sor rowfully, an interjection alas! dear me! pooh!" As the Chinese etymology indicates, there must have originally been a word which stood nearer to the latter in sound than to the first. This is shown conclusively by the pro nunciation hsii for this very word, in the sense of "great," i. e. "flourishing," when it has the same tone. The old pronunciation is given as wu. The various varieties of tuberous plants which resemble the arum aquaticum are formed in Chinese from this yu and some specifying word. Thus "taro" is given as yii teu. Annamese da vu for the same "taro" indicates that there was also a Chinese word which sounded approximately ta wu. We see at a glance that we have here Polynesian taro, hence wu must go further back to a sound ru, that is, to aru, with which we began. The Nestorians added the etymology of the Chinese word for arum to the mythology of the mandrake and THE BREAD ROOTS 225 transferred it to the arum. The story, as it now spread in Spain and the rest of Europe from the Syrians, has led to some startling results. Here I wish only to mention that OHG. alruna "mandrake" proves that the Arab j. . V\ al-'arun "arum" was transferred by the Germans to the more popular mandrake. Chinese wu, yii, or whatever the dialect forms of the word for "arum, edible root" may have been, occur in most of the Polynesian, Melanesian and Malay languages as the generic word for "edible root, more especially yams." We have Malay ubi, Javanese uwi, wi, Sundanese huwi, Madurese obi, uwi, Alfur, Tontem- boa uwi, Gorontalu wiwi, New Guinea (the Four Rajas) wili, Busand ube, Tobelore ubi, Malagassy ubi, ovi, Kayan uvi, Sikayana ufi, New Caledonia ubi, New Ireland u, Efate uwi, Fiji uvi, Motu uhe, Samoan, Tongan ufi, Tahitian, Maori, Hawaian, Mangarevan, Paumotan uhi, Mangaian ui, Sulu ubi, Tagalog, Bisaya obi. We see that uwi is found over an enormous territory, from the Philippine Islands to Australia, and to Madagascar. In Madagascar yams are mentioned by nearly all the travelers, from 1506 on,1 hence they must have existed there before the discovery of America. We have descriptions of several varieties which were culti vated there in 1604, 2 and we hear also of a variety which grew wild in the forest.3 Watt4 tries to dispose of the statement that there are no Sanskrit names for the yams, and mentions danddlu (Dioscorea alata), maohvdlu (D. aculeata), pinddlu (D. globosa), and raktdlu (D. purpurea). 1 Collection des ouvrages anciens concernant Madagascar, Paris 1903, vol. I, pp. 33, 38, 41, 50, 54, 117, 127, 138, 153, 156, 457. 2 Ibid., vol. VTI, p. 171 f. ' Ibid., vol. IV, p. 297 f. 4 A Dictionary of the Economic Products of India, London, Calcutta 1890. 226 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Unfortunately these occur only in very late diction aries, not earlier than the sixteenth century. It seems pretty clear from Watt's discussion that wild growing varieties of yams occur in India and that dlu, aru (in the modern dialects) were not applied to the colocassia nor the amorphophallus campanulatus, but only to some tuberous roots resembling the dioscorea or identical with it. It is hard to tell where the aru, dlu came from in India, but from its universal occurrence in Africa, it would seem most likely that it is of Arabic origin, because •«,! 'drum is used in Arabic as a generic name for "edible roots." <*J j' a™m> £»jj^ 'arumah is given by the Arabic dictionaries as "the root-stock, or rhizoma, the part from which branch off the Jj« c, 'urilq, or roots properly so called." It naturally would be appUed to a root like a carrot or yam, hence the Arabic dic tionary says of the carrot: "a certain root, Su_j_^ 'arumah, which is eaten." A more usual word for a yam-like root is 4__>- dambah, recorded since the eleventh century in dictionaries, hence unquestionably of Arabic origin. The dictionaries say of this word: "every kind of plant, or every kind of tree in general that produces new leaves in the spring; a name given to many plants, all of them JUx. 'uruq; so called because less than large trees and higher than those THE BREAD ROOTS 227 that have no root-stock ( i» » «\ 'arumah) in the earth; of the kind of which the root remains in the winter while the branches perish; herbage of which the root is deep in the earth." Mere fragments of the botanical works of the Arabs have come down to us. Fortun ately we have a passage in Ad-Dinawari's Book of Plants,1 written in the ninth or tenth century, in which the botanical term gambah is explained: "What grows up from the root but belongs to those plants whose stalk dies down is called i_>- gambah, be cause it differs from a tree whose trunk and roots are perennial and so form an intermediary ( i->. dam bah) between the two."2 We have the Arabic root ,_„_>¦ danaba "he led him by his side," from wliich comes ,_^>. damb "tho side, the armpit extending to the ? * flank," from which we get Ital. gamba, HY. jnmtw, etc.. and Ad-Dlnawarl" tries to etymologize gambah "root," by saying that it was standing aside between the per ishable and permanent roots, but the etymology is forced and impossible. There can be little doubt that Arab. £j>. arose from a misreading of Syr. l-3^ 'emle, which means "grape" and was used for the expression of bulbous roots. We have Syr. P>'1 <*sn^ 'embai zar'a "mandrake," lit. "earth tuber." The etymology is of ' B. Silberberg, Das Pflanzenbuch des Abu, Hanifa Ahmed ibn Da'ud ad- Dinawarl, in Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. XXIV, p. 225 ff., vol. XXV, p. 39 ff. 2 Ibid., vol. XXV, p. 64. 228 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA little consequence to our purpose. What is important is that since the tenth century, at least, Arab. _L>- dambah * * referred to bulbous roots. If we consider that the Nabataean Agriculture in the ninth century directed the attention to the use of roots as food in time of famine, and that Ibn-al-Auwam in the twelfth century gave precise instruction how to make bread from the root of the arum and similar plants, we can easily see of what importance this practical science must have been to the Arabs who traversed the Sahara, in order to reach the Guinea coast and beyond. Not only were there frequent caravan connections between the Western Sudan and the Arabian north, but the greater part of the Niger region fell under some kind of influence of Islamism, and Arabic words can be traced in the most distant Negro and Bantu languages. Without the edible roots it would have been well nigh impossible to travel for months through desert country, and the occasional gardens in the oases were of doubtful value after the season of ripening and in times of drouth, whereas the roots that stay in the ground may be rehed upon at any time. No wonder, then, that we find throughout the greater part of Africa direct evidences, not neces sarily of the discovery and first exploitation of root plants, but certainly of the intrinsic Arabic influence upon Negro agriculture. The Arab. <,.>¦ dambah is found in the French Sudan as diambi, niambi, gnambi, niami, the name of a wild growing Dioscorea.1 We have also Mandingo nyambo (Mende ngawl), Malinke nyeme ku, ku nyambi "wild growing yam," Bambara niambi, diambere, 1 A. Chevalier, Vn voyage seientifique d travers I'Afrique occidentals, [Paris 1902], p. 96. THE BREAD ROOTS 229 Wolof nyambi. Thus we see that the Arab, dambah is found only in the region of Guinea and the West ern Sudan, in the Mandingo languages and in Wolof, where Arabic influence was paramount. In the rest of Africa other appellations prevail. When Columbus spoke of niames which were larger than those in Guinea, he was quoting a Guinea name, as we see from the above. We have ample evidence that igname was used by the early voyagers, not as a name for "yams," but for any edible roots, such as savages were supposed to live on. Pero Vaz de Caminha, in a letter of May 1, 1500, described Cabral's discovery of Brazil, and under April 30 he wrote: "They do not work nor plant, and there is here neither ox nor cow, nor goat, nor sheep, nor chicken, nor any other animal on which men usually live; nor do they eat anything but inhame, of which there is here a great quantity, and the seeds and fruits of trees which grow here and which the trees shed, and yet they are as well and healthy as those of us who eat wheat and vegetables."1 It is clear that if the Indians did not work nor plant, they could not have lived on yams, of which no variety, certainly none that grew wild, existed in Brazil. Ca minha simply used inhame in the general sense of "edible roots," which tells us absolutely nothing about the food of the Indians. Pedro Alvares, in the same year, voyaged around Africa to India, and in describing the region of Cape Verde he says that the people there eat a root called igname, "which is the bread which they eat."2 As 1 "Eies nom lauram nem criam nem ha aquy boy nem vaca nem cabra nem ovelha nem galinha nem outra nenhuiia alimarea que custumada seja ao viuer dos homees nem comen senom dese inhame que aquy ha muito e desa semente e fruitos que a tera e as aruores de sy lancam, e com isto andam taaes e tam rrijos e tam nedeos que o nom somo nos tanto com quanto trigo e legumes comemos," Centenario do descobrimento da America; Memorias da CommissHo Porlugueza, Lisboa 1892, p. 77. 2 Ramusio, op. cit., vol. I, fol. 121 f. 230 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA bread is not made from yams, igname here refers to all edible roots. A Uttle later a Portuguese pUot described Saint Thomas in Africa, and of the food of the Negroes there he said: "The root which by the Indians of Hispaniola is called batata, the Negroes of Saint Thomas call igname, and they plant it as the chief article of sustenance; it has a black color, that is, in the skin, but inside it is white and of the size of a large turnip with many branches; it tastes like chestnuts, but much better, and it is much more tender; they eat it roasted in the ashes and also boiled; they are substantial and satisfy Uke bread; they have no quality, that is, they are neither cold nor warm; they are easy of digestion and are considered wholesome. There are several varieties of these roots, that is, igname cicorero, which are used by the ships which come to Saint Thomas to take on sugar for clothing and carry off a great quantity of them by the sea, and they stay fresh for many months, and sometimes a year will pass before they spoil. There are three other sorts of above mentioned ignames, that is, of Benim, of Manicongo, and a third that are yeUow; but they do not last so long. The Benim igname is more delicate to the taste than any other. The Negroes plant a lot of them, because the ships take off a lot. This is the way they plant them: the roots are cut into sUces, and in each they leave a bit of the black skin; this slice is planted where the earth has been worked with a hoe, that is, where the grass has been removed, and nearby they put in a long stick. It produces a leaf resembhng in form and brilliancy that of the citron, but smaller and thinner. It takes five months for the plant to ripen, and when the roots are ready to be taken up, they find out by the sticks around which are the igname leaves and which are all dry. If it were not for the sticks the roots could not be found, on account THE BREAD ROOTS 231 of the thick growth of leaves all around; but. seeing the sticks, they dig around them, and they find that one root has produced four or five large roots, which are dug up and put in a hill to dry in the sun and the wind for a few days, when they are ripe and properly seasoned."1 We learn from this full account of the yams that they were planted from Guinea to the Congo, and that they were not only the food of the Negroes, but were exported extensively in ships, that is. that they were as much a necessity to the white man as to the Negro. Moreover, if the pilot is not mistaken in identifying the batata of Hispaniola with the igname, the batata was not only a sweet potato, as assumed by Oviedo, but also a yam. If the pilot was mistaken, we have still the fact that sweet potatoes and yams were mistaken for each other. Another worse mis take is recorded by Duarte Barbosa,2 who in 1514 said that in the Island of San Lorenzo, of the east coast of Africa, "their principal food is roots, which they sow, and it is called ynamc, and in the Indies of Spain it is called maize." A little earber the continu- ator of Cadamosto told of having received in 1500 from the Negroes "a certain root which is called igname, from which their bread is made and which the Arabs also use,"3 confusing ignames with the manioc. From all these accounts, however, it is clear that it was originally in Guinea that the word was employed by Spanish and Portuguese navigators, and that it was loosely used for any edible roots used by the Negroes and forming a subject of commerce for the ships which touched on the African shores. 'Ibid., fol. 117 e. ,,,._. • H. E. J. Stanley, A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar in the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century (The Hakluyt Society), London 1866, p. 14. 3 J. Huttich, Novus orbis, Paris 1532, cap. LXV, p. 57. 232 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA In Guinea to the south of the Wolofs and Mandingos the words for "yam" are generally derived from one which must have sounded very much like aru. M. De- lafosse gives the following forms for igname on the Ivory Coast in the neighborhood of Asante: Asante odye, Abron edye, Zema elite, Afema eliie, ediie, Baule duo. Koelle gives Ekamtulufu elu, Udom elu, pi. belu. These two languages are from Sierra Leone, and the plural of the Udom form helps us to classify a large number of forms over an enormous territory, but, before doing so, we must observe that a variant form enu, pi. benu, is recorded near Udom, in Mbofon. Therefore we have in Vei, where KoeUe locates dyambi as the name of the wild growing Dioscorea, the com pound sinabeli, in which beli is apparently a plural. In his Vei Grammar1 Koelle writes dsambi for the first and sina beri for the second. Similarly a com pound is to be suspected in Tene urebili "yam," which is in the same region. This is made a certainty in the light of Bambara diambere, by the side of niambi, and of Malinke nyeme ku, in which ku is apparently the original word for "yam" in the Mandingo languages. We also have, in the same neighborhood, Gbandi mbulei, Landoro mbole, mboe, Mende mbole, Gbese bele, Torna boe, Gio ble, Okuloma buru, Nki bero, KambaU muro, Alege berui, Udso bulu. The most interesting of all forms of this type is Kanuri, Bornu berma, because the ending -ma occurs also in the "yam" words in Filham ekdma, Goali siama, Puka dsiama, Pika ntsumo, nzumo, Baseke yoma, pi. bioma, Kiriman mu-tsdma, Nkele dydma, pi. bioma, all of which go back to Arab, 'arumah "root." The belu forms, as a singular, have found their way into the Moko languages of Sierra Leone, namely, Isuwu, Diwala mba, and into the Fula languages of 1 S. W. Koelle, Outlines of a Grammar of the Vei Language, London 1853. THE BREAD ROOTS 233 Upper Nile, A-Sandeh mbala, mbarra, Dyur (ShiUuk) baddo, Bongo motto. As these languages are related to Bornu, where the word is berma, and to Fula, where it is, as in Hausa, dauea, it is clear that no orig inal word for "yam" existed, but that it was borrowed from other tribes, according to proximity. But more especially have the belu forms found their way into the Bantu languages of the Congo. Koelle records Kabenda, Mimboma, Musentandu, Mutsaya, Nyombe, Basunde mbala. Nearly all of them form the plural zimbala, or a form like it, and thus Vei sinabeli is either the form from which the Kongo words have been formed, or vice versa. Fortunately we can verify the Bantu forms from more recent and fuller grammars. From these it appears that there is no uniform word for "yam" in the Bantu languages, and that only on the West Coast, that is, in the region which stood in relation to the Arabs, are there mbala words for "yam" or "sweet potato," as in Kongo, Fiote, and Viii. When we consider, besides, that the Fula tribes of the Upper Nile migrated there within a century or so from the West Coast, it appears clearly that the mbala words are all derived from the West, from an original Negro ba- plural of elu. We thus arrive at the conclusion that the Niger valley is the dis tributing region of the words of this type for "yam" and, in all likelihood, of the yam itself as a cultivated plant, due to the agricultural activity of the Arabs. The enu variety of the word is not widely distributed. We have Timne anai, Bulom and, Sobo one, Bini inya, Mbofon enu, pi. benu, Limba ne, pi. neni, Opanda, Egbirama enu. By far the most common, and most widely distributed variation from aru, is the one that appears as transformations of adu, where d is a cerebral d. But before discussing this most common group, it is necessary to point out, as was done in America 234 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA in the case of "banana," that a wide distribution of a term, may, contrary to philological speculation, be the result of a late importation. For this purpose I shall choose the words for "rice," which in Koelle's Polyglotta africana immediately precedes "yam." Two great groups are discernible in the two hundred languages quoted by Koelle. One is derived from a root maro or mora. I shall quote these languages approximately in the order of the phonetic changes this original root has undergone. In the Arabic Beran we have two varieties of rice, maro and lurdsu. We have also Pulo, Nalu, Gadsaga, Kaure, Baga maro, Fulup, Filham emdno, Sarar, Pepel ornano, Bola omanam, Kanyopi umani, Biafada womdno, Padsade pamano, Bidsogo dman, Wun boman, Banyun mdnu, Madenga, Bambara malo, Soso malla, Hwida, Mahi mdliku, Kisi malon, Gbese moron, Dewoi, Basa mo, Gbe moso, Anfue emoli, Dahome mdliku, Mose mui, Dselana muri, Guresa mite, Koama mxrin, Bagbalan mlren, Kasm muiru, mlru, Yula miru, Ekamtulufu amorante, Udom amordmog, Asante emo, Barba mo, Boko mole, Tumbuktu mo, etc. The second group is in all likelihood all borrowed directly from Hausa Sinkafa, since the Hausas have traded in all the territory where similar words are recorded. We have Yagba slkafa, Eki dslnkapa, Oworo dslkapa, He sinkafa, Igala ddsikapa, etc., etc. In the Congo region there are only derivatives of Portuguese arroz, namely, Kabenda, Mimboma, Musentandu, Kasands, Basunde, Lubalo loso, Angola los, etc. In Yoruba we have both mo and sinekafa, and similarly, Gurma emuri and sinkafa. L. Krapf x throws a hght on the first of these two varieties. In Swahih we have mora, pi. miora, "a bag in which an inferior kind of rice exported from 1 A Dictionary of the Suahili Language, London 1SS2, under mora and gunia. THE BREAD ROOTS 235 India is packed; this rice is mixed up with dirt, Uttle stones, etc." And again: " gunia is a kind of bag made in India of hemp to hold rice; this kind of rice the Arabs call mora; in the opinion of the SuahiU it is bad rice." That mora or maro is, indeed, an Arabic term is proved by Arab-Hassania and Soninke maro "rice,"1 which is in the Western Sudan. We see, then, that the first group of words for "rice" is derived from an Arab, mora, whatever its origin, for a poor variety of rice, which, apparently, found its way to the Guinea Coast. We should, therefore, expect the second variety, expressed in Hausa as Sinkafa, to be winnowed or cleaned rice. Indeed, we have Swahili singwa "to be rubbed, scoured, cleaned," svgua "to rub hard," etc., which explains the second variety. But Swahili singwa is as little Bantu as Hau^a Sinkafa can be referred to a Hausa root. They all come from a corrupted Arabic word, as may be seen in Bedauye senhafa, a Barka participial form of nehaf "pure, clean," which L. Reinisch2 considers to be a by-form of nehas, which he compares with Arab. — ^ ; nasuha, but that is extremely doubtful. We most likely have here a North African participial form from Arab. . . . nazafa "to purify, cleanse." As the Hausas extended their commercial enterprises from Barka to the Western Sudan, it is not to be wondered at that the North African term should have found such wide extension. Now that we have discovered the origin of the "cleaned rice" from Barka, we can show that the "unclean rice" is derived similarly from the Bedauye language. Here we have dra "fruit, seed," a Hamitie root repre- 1 L. Faidherbe, Langues senigalaises, Paris 1S87. * Wbrterbuch der Bedauye-Sprache, Wien 1895, p. 182. 236 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA sented in Egyptian i^aro, "plant" that is, the very root which we have seen to lead in the Assyrian to aru "plant," hence to our arum, and this produces me-are, me-dri "food, sorghum vulgar e," which is found in Nubian mare, male "durra corn, sorghum, bread." In Bilin we have similarly ar "corn, wheat, any pro duct like durra or sorghum, and the same word is used for "corn" in Agua, Chamir, Ouara and other Semitic languages of Africa. It is clear, therefore, that Bedauye meari, Nubian mare, universal African mara, etc., represent the chief food, which, in our case, is rice. There is a strange stray root, saka, found in unrelated languages all over the west coast of Africa, which, like the Swahili sugua, siga "to rub hard," means "to shake, put in disorder," or else, "rice." Thus we have Pul (Fulah) sakkude "to put topsy-turvy," Ewe saka, sakasaka "disorderly," Akra sakasaka "dis orderly," Yoruba sakasaka "hay, groundnut leaves, dried provender," Asante saka, sakasaka "disorder, confused, scattered," saka-mo "to sow rice," Sotho (in the Transvaal) sakasakana to get into disorder," Grabwa, Neule, Alaguian, Awikam, Adyukru saka "rice." These words occur only in the neighborhood of old Portuguese and Spanish trading posts, and the meaning "hay, groundnut leaves, dried provender" in Yoruba, as well as the form sakkude in Pul, at once suggest that we have here Port, sacudir "to shake up," sacudo "violent, hasty," that is, that saka represents, as in the case of Hausa sinkafa, the winnowed rice, as opposed to mora "unclean rice." Thus we have throughout Africa two sources for all the rice words, the Arabic, distributed by the Hausas, and the Por tuguese, along the western coast, whether in Bantu or Negro country. We return to our adu. In Ewe we have ade, which is dialectically adze. Koelle records Aku, Ota, Egba, THE BREAD ROOTS 237 Yoruba, EM, Oworo Idsu, Idsesa esu, Yagba, Dsumu, Ife, Ondo iqu, Isoama, Isiele, Aro idsi, Abadsa dsi and ghi, Nupe edsi, Kupa Itsi, Esitako Idsi, etc. The forms may be greatly increased from the modern dictionaries. What is given suffices to show how we get at the te, do and ku forms from adu. We have already found Abadsa dsi and ghi side by side. We have similarly Dewoi, Basa, Kra si, and in the related Krebo ki, in Adampe, Anfue ete, Dahome te. Bola katoh, pi. itoh, Sarar katok, pi. itok, Pepel kitok, pi. Uok show that the root is approximately ito. In Biafada wuladqo, pi. maladso, Padsade maradso we have similarly a root adso. About Bornu do prevails. We have Munio, Nguru, Kanem, Karekare, Bagirmi, Hausa doya; and Anan edla, Akurakura edog show that edo, ado are the underlying roots. In Mandingo ku prevails, which is also found scattered over a large territory, including Kongo kwa; but if we compare Undaza dkua, pi. bekua, with Murundo lo, pi. ben, Ndob dsian, pi. bedqian, Nkele dyoma, pi. bioma, Mfut kedlen, pi. bedlen, Ntere kckoa, pi. bekoa, there can be little doubt left that we are dealing here with a root kua for doya of the north. The correspondence of k and s may be shown in a large number of African languages, but it will suffice to refer to the Mande languages, that is, Mandingo, where this is a very common occurrence.1 Thus we arrive at the amazing uniformity, in spite of phonetic variations, of the "yam" words, as derived from an original aru. The question is here whether we are deaUng with an exceedingly old Egyptian aru, or a later Arabic form. The first seems improbable, as the ancient aru refers throughout the known world of antiquity to the "arum" or "colocassia," whereas in the derivatives of aru, aruma in Africa, and aru in 1 H. Steinthal, Die Mande-Neger-Sprachen, Berlin 1867, p. 51. 238 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA India we are deaUng exclusively with the "yam." When we consider that aru is not even recorded in the old Hindu literature, it becomes more than probable that the Niger valley in Africa is the original region of the "cultivated yam," from which the roots were carried throughout Africa and by the Arabs to India and the East Indies. In Africa the hnguistic departure from aru or alu spreads and grows from the Gold Coast, and this group does not reach the East Coast or the South at all. Had the group proceeded from Egypt, the departure would have gone the other way. Indeed, we have a proof that in Zanzibar and the opposite shore the importation was from Madagascar. Here we have kiazi, pi. viazi "sweet potato," while kiazi kikuu is "yam." This kiazi is a back formation from the plural viazi, which itself is from Malagassy ovihazo "sweet potato," from ovi "yam" and hazo "tree," but the latter is merely a popular etymology for the West African adze, adze "yam, sweet potato." It appears, therefore, that the SwahiUs did not get their words for "yam" and "sweet potato" until the latter was introduced into Madagascar. Outside of the Arabic and Portuguese and Spanish trade routes we have hardly any records of the yams, and certainly no words which belong to our group. Thus it is quite certain that the cultivation of the yams was the result of the need experienced by the Arab traders in obtaining in Africa permanent suppUes of easily raised food, as suggested by the Arabian agricultural works which go back to the eighth century. The yams were taken to Asia, or native wild growing varieties were cultivated in Asia by the Arabs some time before the sixteenth century, possibly as early as the eighth or ninth century. But the case is quite different with the sweet potatoes. The evidence of the Asiatic languages is for a very late introduction, THE BREAD ROOTS 239 that is, after the beginning of the Spanish and Por tuguese voyages to Asia. The "sweet potato" is called in Malay ubi jawa, that is, it is supposed to be a native of Java, but in Javanese it is kastela, in Amboy ubi kastela, that is, "Castillian yam." This excludes Indo-Polynesia as the native home of the sweet potato. We have, however, another interesting word for sweet potato in Indo-Polynesia. We have for the Ipomoea chrysorrhiza Samoan umala, Tahitian umara, uara, uala, Hawaian uwala, Tongan, Wagap (New Cale donia), Futuna kumala, Marquesan kumaa, Mangare- van, Easter Islands, Maori, Fiji kumara. In several of these islands the plant is especially referred to as lately introduced, and we have long mythological accounts of the boats in which the kumara was brought to New Zealand;1 but here chronology fails us completely, although there is no doubt as to the late importation of the sweet potato into Indo-Polynesia. To make matters worse, at Quito in Peru the sweet potato is called cumar.2 It is clear that in all these eases we have an importation of the sweet potato from a region where its name should approximately be kumara, and there cannot be the slightest doubt that it was imported into Asia by the Spaniards or Portuguese from the Congo, where we have Kongo kwa kiambala, Kikongo kikwa kimbala. We have already seen that both kwa and mbala are derived from the Guinea Coast aru, alu, and that both are used indiscriminately in the Congo region for "sweet potato" and "yam," but in the Congo region "sweet potato" is generally a develop- 1 J. White, The Ancient History of the Maori, His Mythology and Traditions, Wellington 1887-88, vol. Ill, p. 97 ff., vol. IV, p. 3 ff. 2 C. R. Markham, The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon (The Hakluyt Society), London 1864, p. 234. 240 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA ment of "yam." Thus, in the interior of the Congo we find: Gmbwaga ba "yam" bande "sweet potato Gbanziri ba badoro Ifumu kwa llbala Gbea goro bado while further in the interior we have a bad form for "yam," A-Sandeh mbala, mbarra, Dyur baddo, Bongo motto. But the word which gave kumara was just as well applied to some imported varieties of the "yam," for the two are constantly confused, even in the Congo, and we have Fr. cambar in Mauritius1 and Mada gascar2 chiefly for the "Dioscorea alata".3 -But it is precisely the Dioscorea alata which in the interior of Africa (as well as at the West Coast) is called mbarra, as in A-Sandeh. It is, therefore, not an accident if in India we get BengaU kamalu "Dioscorea alata" and kummara in Telugu for "Dioscorea aculeata." We now turn to the manioc in Africa. In the Arabian oases the Arab. Singular Plural Kabenda yaka maydka Mimboma iyaka maydka Musentandu didko madioko Mutsaya leyaka maydka Nyombe diyaka maydka Basunde dloko madioko Kongo edioko madioko Kikongo dioko madioko Fiote i iaka ma iaka Thus it appears that the yoka forms are restricted in the north to the neighborhood of Sierra Leone, whence they apparently were carried by the Portuguese to the Congo. But there are a considerable number of corrupted forms of yoka in the north, such as Isioma, Aru idsidku, Mbofia giaku, Sobo mddaka, Bini maddka, Okuloma dseagp, Nupe dsikoya, Kupa esitako, Ebe Itsikoya, Egvira-Hima odsoka, Banyun dsonko, Nalu mdndiog, Landoma tandloro, pi. mandloro, Pepel ke- mandlok, pi. imandlok, Biafada budloka, pi. madldka, Pepal kemandlok, pi. imandlok, Sarar putok, pi. muntok, Matatan mondeoko, Wun mandedgo, some of which may be late importations, even as Portuguese farinha occurs as a name for the manioc in Kiriman fallnya, pi. vefalinya, Dahome felle, Mahi farla, Nyamban mfdda. In Madagascar manioc is mentioned in the sixteenth century1 as mungo, now mangahazo, un questionably some corruption of Portuguese mandioca, but SwahiU mahogo, hogo, mhogo would indicate a borrowing from a Negro word, possibly across the continent. That the Guinea words and even the Congo 1 Collection des ouvrages anciens concernant Madagascar, vol. I, p. 101. THE BREAD ROOTS 243 words for "manioc" are older than those of Brazil will appear later, from a study of the various Brazihan products of the manioc. In some localities in Africa there are recorded karasa forms for "manioc," Bornu, Munio karasa, Kanuri kardse, karasa, Teda karasu, Udom elu nkarara, Kandin kaldsa; but there seems to be some mistake about this, since P. A. Benton1 gives karase "leaves of a plant used as a vegetablo," which he identifies as Hausa yakua, which is given as a plant resembling a mallow. Possibly the name was also transferred to the manioc, for in Central Africa the leaves of the manioc were used in the preparation of a sain-e similar lo the ono made of yakua.2 We shall meet with this word later. III. De Candolle3 says of the manioc: "The Abb6 Raynal propagated an error when he said that the manioc had been brought to America from Africa. Robert Brown affirmed the opposite in IMS, however without giving any proof, and since then Moreau de Jounes, Humboldt, and A. de Saint-Hilaire have insisted on the American origin. It is hard to doubt it. Indeed: 1) The two kinds of manioc had been culti vated by the natives of Brazil, Guiana, and the warm parts of Mexico before the arrival of the white man; 2) this cultivation was very common in the Antilles in the sixteenth century ; 3) it is even now more common in the New World than in the Old; 4) it was imported into the Isle of Bourbon, within the memory of man, by the Governor de la Bourdonnais, and in India it is still an object of curiosity; 5) there is a mass of vari eties and of native names in America, which does not 1 Kanuri Readings, Oxford University Press 1911. 2 Zeitschrift fiir afrikanische Sprachen, 1SS9, p. 6S. 3 Op. cit., vol. II, p. S16 ff. 244 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA seem to be the case in Africa; 6) the manioc genus has not less than forty-six kinds in Brazil alone, nearly all of them spontaneous, but no indigenous species has been found in tropical Africa. It is true, it is difficult to understand how the Negroes of the coast of Guinea and of the Congo have received the manioc; but all the botanical and historical probabihties militate in favor of an importation from the New World." De Candolle goes on to say that apparently no native manioc, the parent of the cultivated ones, has been found in Brazil. If the first point is proved fallacious and contrary to fact, the rest are of no value whatsoever. Stade has a chapter: "What their bread is, how their fruits are called, how they plant them, and pre pare them to be eaten. In those places where they intend to plant they cut down trees, and leave them for about three months to dry, then they Ught fire among them and burn them. After this they plant their roots between the trunks, from which the former derive support; they are called Mandioka, which is a tree about a fathom in height, giving out three roots. When they want to eat of the roots, they pull up the tree, and break off the roots; then they break off twigs from the stem, and stick them again into the earth. These put forth roots, and in three months become so large as to be eatable. They prepare these roots in three different ways. Firstly, they rub them upon a stone, into small crumbs, and then they press off the juice with a thing made of hollow palm trees, called Tippiti, in such manner, that it becomes dry; after wards they rub it through a sieve; and, lastly, they bake, with the meal, thin cakes. The utensil in which they dry and bake the meal is of burnt clay, shaped like a large dish. They also take the roots fresh, and put them in water, leaving them to rot therein; then THE BREAD ROOTS 245 they remove them and place them above the fire in the smoke, allowing them to dry. The root thus dried they call Keinrima, and it keeps a long time. When they want to use it, they pound it in a mortar made of wood, when it becomes white Uke corn-flour, there from they make cakes called Byyw. They also take rotten mandioka before they dry it, and mix it with the dry and the green. From this they prepare and dry out a meal, which lasts fully a year, and which can be eaten as it is. They call this meal Vy-than. They also make meal from fish and flesh, and do it in this way: they roast the flesh or fish above the fire in the smoke, and they allow it to become quite dry; then they pull it to pieces, dry it once again on the fire in pots called Yueppaun. Thereupon they pound it small in a wooden mortar, and they pass it through a sieve, reducing it in such a manner to powder. This lasts a long time; for they have not the custom of salting fish and meal. Such meal they eat with the root-meal, and it tastes pretty well."1 It has already been remarked that the burning of the woods is identical with that practised at Unyam- wezi. But it is the very basis of African agriculture, - and we have already seen that mandioka is a Bantu plural of jjoj±o, the very word which Vespucci gave for some indefinite place in America. The root which has been rotting in water and then is dried, is by Stade called keinrima. Soares says, similarly, that carima is the manioc soaked in water and dried over 1 IL 10- 2 "II commence son travail a l'aide du feu. C'est ce grand defricheur qu'il envoie en avant sonder la foret epaisse, dont il n'aime guere a troubler les ombres. Vers la fin de la saison seche, les lueurs rougefitres s'en repan- dent sur la campagne, eclairant la nuit gabonaise, comme nos feux a la Saint-Jean d'ete: ce sont les plantations qui se deblaient," P. Barret, L'Afrique octidentale, Paris ISSS, vol. II, p. 212. Of the cultivation of the manioc he says: "Pendant la saison seche, le feu est mis a la brousse, les troncs depouilles par la flamme sont coupes," etc., ibid., vol. I. p. 343. 246 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA a fire.1 The same is told by Nieuhof,2 who calls it kaarima. In Kongo the root peeled fresh and dried in the sun is caUed kela, while in Angola we have karima for it. The word comes originally from the Guinea Coast. We have Ewe agbeli-mo "manioc crushed raw," from agbeli "manioc" and mo "dough." Another word for "manioc flour " is gali, hence we could also have gali-mo for "manioc crushed after it was made wet." Gali is distinctly African, since we find it in Hausa gari "flour," where it seems to be a contrac tion of Pul tonde gauri "flour of millet." Hence karima is unquestionably African, and its origin is to be sought in Guinea. Nieuhof says that the manioc which has been soaked four or five days in water, before being turned into kaarima, is called puba, mandiopuba, or maniopuba. The Brazilians call it "farinha d'agua," the Tupis, ui puba. It is also vulgarly known as fuba. When the manioc is beaten into flour, it is called in Kongo mfumfu, which is caUed on the markets mfuba, in the Angola fuba. Mfuba is obviously a corruption of mfumfu, but this is a good African word for just such a preparation of food. We have Asante fufu "a common food of the Negroes, prepared of yams or plantains, which, after having been cut into pieces and boiled, are then pounded in a wooden mortar till they have become a tough doughy mass, which, in the shape of a round lump, is put into the soup and eaten with it," Akra fufu "a favorite food of the natives, a dough of mashed_yams, cassada or plantains, eaten in soup," Dahome fufu "plat indigene a base de mais, de poisson et d'huile de polme," Ewe fufu "round, doughhke dumplings of boiled yams, manioc, taro, or pisang," etc. In all these words we have derivatives of fufu 1 Op. tit, II. 41. 2 Gedenkweerdige Brasiliaense Zee- en Lanlreize, Amsterdam 16S2. p. 199. THE BREAD ROOTS 247 "white," found over an enormous territory.1 Thus it is clear that Tupi puba, which does not exist except in the combinations mandiopuba, ui puba, is an African word. The cakes made of manioc flour are by Stade caUed^ byyw. Soares calls them beiju,2 Nieuhof, beju. This is from Kongo mvwiyi "a plant with broad lanceolate leaves, often used in tying up the manioc pudding, < which is then boiled or baked in the oven." This is ap parently the same as Kikongo mvuya, mviya "excellent reed grass from which baskets are made." The pudding orpap itself is by Nieuhof called mingau-pomonga. Stade calls the thin pap mingau,z Lery calls it mingant.* This is Kikongo mungodia "cassava pudding." 4- The vythan of Stade is by Lery given as ouy-entan;b Nieuhof calls it viaia or vicica, in Portuguese, "farinha seca, farinha de guerra." Soares devotes a whole chapter to the "farinha de guerra",6 which was used not only in wars and expeditions, but as ship's bread by the Portuguese. This is the most interesting of all the preparations of the manioc, not only because it is also in use in war expeditions, but because the name, which Stade writes vythan, is the Kongo vita "war." The root beta "to strike, beat, make war" is not only found in most, if not all, of the Bantu languages,7 but also over an enormous Negro terri tory, as may be seen in KoeUe under "war." Here, 1 D. Westermann, Die Sudansprachen, Hamburg 1911, p. 1S2, and M. Delafosse, Vocabulaires comparatifs, Paris 1904, pp. 27, 52, s2, 121, 154, 206. 239. 2 Op. cit., II. 42. 'Op. cit., II. 11. 'Op. cit., ed. of 1578, cap. IX, p. 134. 6 "Ouy entan, de laquelle, parce qu'elle se garde mieux, ils portent quand ils vont a la guere," ibid., p. 133. •II. 42. ' L. Homburger, Etude sur la phondtique historique du Bantou, Paris 1913, Tableau 24, W. H. Stapleton, Comparative Handbook of Congo Languages, Yakusu, Stanley Falls 1903, p. 303 sub war, p. 270 sub beat. Add to these: Ovambo oita, Herreo ovita, Luba mvita, Bemba ifita, Wisa vita, Swahili vita, Kinyika viha "war," Sindebele beta, Yao ku-wita, Kkundi kuka-wita. etc., etc. 248 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA then, we have an African word of unquestionable antiquity, and the last of the Brazilian words connected with the manioc turns out to be from the Congo. From this vythan or vita, the Tupis formed their ui, vi "mandioca flour." What we call "tapioca" is in Nieuhof given as Tupi tipioja, tipioka, tipiabica. Nieuhof explains it as the settling of the juice of manioc, which has been left standing for two hours. The flour made from this is called tipiocui. As cui, the Tupi word for "sand" is also used for ui "flour," we get a combination of which the first part is tipi or tipio. This is Kongo ndiba "pudding made of manioc meal stirred into boiling water." Soares unconsciously gives us the proof that the manioc was planted only by Indians who had come under the white man's influence. He tells us that the manioc was planted by the Tupinambas, but at the same time he informs us that some years before Bahia was founded, which was in 1549, Frenchmen used to come to Brazil to trade with the Indians, and that from them there was left a large number of bastards.1 The Tupinaes, who spoke the same language as the Tupinambas, also planted manioc, and so did the Amoipiras. But the Tapuias, the oldest tribe along the coast, which was driven inwards by the Tupin ambas, did not plant manioc.2 Thus we get the con firmation of Stade's statement that the Indians along the coast were requested by the white men to culti vate the manioc, ostensibly for the white man's pur pose. The Indians learned the cultivation of the manioc from the Congo Negroes, whom the Portu guese brought in, hence the large number of Kongo words which found their way into Brazil. 1 Op. cit., II. 177. 2 Ibid., II. 184. THE BREAD ROOTS 249 The great quantity of preparations from manioc makes it hard to classify the many appellations by which the manioc is known among the Indians. But it is possible to show that a considerable number of these are derived from cazabi, the word so early associ ated with the manioc, or, more correctly, from cazada, the Portuguese word for it. We have already seen that there is a confusion from the very beginning, in Amerigo Vespucci, as to what cazabi was. It was some kind of flour, but it was not certain whether it was the flour made from the manioc. There can be little doubt that Vespucci knew the Arabic term _ ^l qaqab "millet:" "The cassob seed, so little known in European countries, constitutes in Tripoli the most nutritive flour imaginable, and forms a principal part of the people's diet; it is contained in a spike about 3 inches in length, and as many in circumference; this grows on top of a reed, which seldom exceeds 3 feet in height; the seed is about the size of a large partridge shot, and of a light lead color; it is very abundant in general."1 He extended it to include flour made of the manioc. The word entered the Spanish and Portuguese as cagabe, cagada, and the latter has produced some curious Indian words. We have Cumanagote, Core, Paria cazet, cachite, Mapayo tzede "the sweet manioc." Just as Span, espada produced Carib sipara, so cagada has produced Roucouyenne cachiri, Bakairi ki%ere, Pimenteira uutschoro, kitscherc, Macusi kuiscra, Ipuru- coto, Macusi qmsse", Cumanagote tichere, kichere, Carib Mere, Paravilhana kdle, Maquiritare chere, Yaba- rana tzere, Masacara cachii, caii, Camacan cahatschi- eihih, kahutje, Jucuna cachi, Arawak kalli. Similarly Tupi and Portuguese beiju are responsible for Puri 1 E. Blaquiere, Letters from the Mediterranean, London 1813 ,vol. II, p. 39. 250 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA bihuh, Coroado bifu. Paravilhana kble explains Waura, Mehinaku, Kustenau ulei, Yaulapiti ula, Trumai oie, Bororo yureo, Carijona, Roucouyenne uru, Apalai ueyu, Trio ui, Guarauna aru, Cariniaca arepa, Galibi ereba, Carib aleiba. One can almost follow geograph ically the deterioration of the word from original cagada, apparently upwards, from Brazil. Yuca, which is mentioned by all the early writers, has left no trace behind. This would seem to indicate that, in spite of the very elaborate explanation of the manioc by Oviedo and the reference to yuca by Colum bus and the other writers, the manioc did not become so popular on the islands as the sweet potato and that it worked its way up from Brazil, where it was cultivated chiefly for the sake of possible castaways on the shore, in all probability even before the voyage of Cabral in 1500, in fact, before the discovery of America by Columbus. The authors who used the word yuca were describing the plant as known in West Africa, where yoka or similar words had long been in use. It is only in Brazil that the Kongo madioko took root. Schmidt mentions in the middle of the sixteenth century mandeoch parpie, mandioch mandapore.1 An other time he writes mandeochade, mandeochparpij, mandepore. These are obviously all developments of mandioc, of which the last syllable becomes obliterated, to give place to a compound. This process has con siderably advanced towards the end of the century, when Soares2 gives the varieties mandioca, mani- pocamirim, manaibussit, manaitinga; hence we get the root mandi-, mani-, to which ok is added to express the root of the manioc, and yb, to express the stalk, but the two are not kept apart in all the languages that have borrowed the word. However, the Guarani 'The Conquest of the River Plate. (The. Hakluyt Society), London 1891, pp. 14, 19. 2 Op. cit.. II. 37. THE BREAD ROOTS 251 dictionary of 16391 corrects the misunderstandings of Schmidt and Soares, and shows that there is but one word mandioca, from which all are derived. It gives the varieties mandidg ete (apparently Schmidt's mandeo- chade), mandidg poropi (obviously Schmidt's mandeoch parpie), etc., in which the second part can in some cases be identified as a Tupi word, such as ete "good." In some compounds mandioc contracts to mandio. But for the tree we have mandil iba, for the leaf mandii hoba, iba being the Tupi word for "tree," and mandio contracting to mandii on account of the following vowel. In this place it will be proper to show that the peanuts, for which an American origin has been claimed, were equally imported from Africa. In Brazil Schmidt frequently mentions manduis or manducs, "which resemble hazel-nuts,"2 while Cabeza de Vaca calls them mandubis, mandubies, which "are Uke hazel nuts or chufas, and grow near the ground."3 Soares calls them amendois} and extols their good taste. The Guarani dictionary of 1639 translates Guarani mand ubi by Span, mani, a word which Acosta quoted already in 1590.5 The origin of the peanut is wrapped in obscurity, because it is from the start confused with a number of tuberous roots, especially with the cypervs escu- lentus. Bauhin6 was unable to harmonize the various descriptions of the cyperus esculentus. because of the divergent description of the plant and its tubers. Whatever the ground nuts were which were then to be found in cultivation, it is clear that they did not 1 A. R. de Montoya, Tesoro de la lengua guarani, Madrid 1039. 2 Op. cit., p. 37. See also pp. 25, 40, 41. 8 Ibid., p. 155. See also pp. 118, 199. 4 Op. cit., II. 47. 6 Op. cit., lib. IV, cap. XVIII. 0 J. Bauhin and J. H. Cherler, Historia plantarum universalis, Ebroduni 1651, vol. II, p. 504 ff. 252 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA all belong to the same species, and that it was chiefly Italy where the ground nuts were to be found. But the various ItaUan appellations show that the names are derived from an Arabic source. In Italy we find the names dolcichino, dolzolino, bacicci, babbagigi, in Sicily, cabbasisa for the "cyperus esculentus." The first two are mere translations of Arab. JbJdJ! .. >• habulladzldz, Uterally, "the nut of sweetness," which is applied to both the rush-nut and peanut. Another form in Arabic, corrupted from or giving rise to JbJjj) , >¦ habulladzldz, is jjjjl ^_>- habu'l'aziz, or •. -c. ^^. hab'aziz, which produces Sicilian cabbasisa and the corrupted Ital. bacicci, babbagigi. As ,•, -c. ___^_. hab 'aziz occurs already in Ibn-Baitar, the precedence of the Arabic word is established, even though it may have originally referred only to the "cyperus esculentus." However, when we turn to Africa, it may be shown that over a vast territory the Arabic appellation spread southward as the name for "peanut," showing con clusively that the peanut must be an Arabic impor tation into Africa, and as the Negro word, derived from this Arabic source, lies at the basis of the Brazil word for the same plant, it is clear that it must have been imported from Africa into Brazil. Where did the Arabs get the plant? That is hard to answer, but it would seem that •, -c, K_^. hab'aziz is based on some misreading of the Chinese term for "peanut." In Chinese we have Mandarin lo hwa THE BREAD ROOTS 253 shang, literally "the plant which scatters the flowers," which would have been rendered in Arabic as ^ J la'azang, but which, by reading ri as y> , would lead to (habu)i! azlz. This is merely a suggestion, which should be investigated.1 It has only a distant bearing on our question. The Arab. (habulla)dzldz is appar ently responsible for dzudzdru, plural of dzurddzu "pea nut" in the Adirar oasis. In the Beran oasis this dzurddzu, dzudzdru becomes gertere, plural gerte. In Pul we have tigdre, plural tigddze, the latter unquestion ably a development of Adirar dzurddzu, since r and g, as we shall soon see, are interchangeable. Similarly, gerte is a development of dzurddzu, since dz and t, dz and g are interchangeable in many of the African languages. That the Pul forms are derived from the Arabic is shown by the dialectic variations. By the side of tigddze, we have Goburu, Kano biridzi, which produce a singular mbiriu, while Salum has gerte. The gerte forms are found in Hausa gedda, Bagirmi gcdddzi, Gadsaga, Soninke, Wolof, Arab-Hassania gerte. That Bagirmi gedadzi arose from a form gcrddzi, is proved by the neighboring Bornu koldzi, Doai kokorokodzi, Buduma koldzlan, Kasm, Yula golesi. It is generally assumed that Hausa gudzia, the name of a variety of peanut, is derived from Arab. jj>- 6quz "nut," but it is more likely that it is a mere variation of Bornu koldzi. We have also Nupe gusa, Esitako, Ebe gusia, Kupa busoa, Bode gudzedoa, Basa igosi, Kamuku agodzia, Kambali agusia. 1 Malay kachang china "peanut," literally, "Chinese bean," seems to indicate that the peanut became known from China. 254 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA All the preceding forms are of interest only as showing the successive disintegration of the original word, as we proceed southward. For our purposes the Mandingo forms and those derived from them, are alone of im portance. Pul tigddze, which on the one hand deterio rates into Alaguian ngate, Asante nkatye, Afema ngate, Gbin kare, Degba gdtye, and, still worse, into Ewe, Adampe, Anful azi, Dahome aze, produces Malinke tiga, Mandingo tia, Dzalunka lira, tika, Bambara tigo, lira, Gbese teran, Torna tera, Gbe diri, deri. This tiga, tira produces in the languages that have a ma- plural, Biafada ntla, plural mantia, Eariman nduwe, plural manduwe. Of course, since ma means "much" in the Mandingo and other similar languages, the forms matiga, matia would be possible in Mandingo. A large number of African languages have the latter plurahzed form: Isuwu matowi, Ngoten metowo, Melon Nhalenwe metdwe, Muntu manduwi, Matatan mandwtue,Tumbuktu mantire, matira, Penin matdbo. Muntu, Kiriman, and Matatan are in East Africa, near Mozambique, where we have also Tette mandwe, QuelUmane nduwe, plural manduwe, Mozambique manduwe. All these are appar ently Portuguese importations, since the other Bantu languages have totally different words. But the Port. mandubi, for which Soares, with a leaning to amendoa "almond," writes amendois, is itself a borrowing from the Western Sudan, and here Biafada mantia indicates that Span, mani, recorded by Acosta and in the Guarani dictionary, is not a contraction of mandubi, but a Guinea word. The modern Kongo does not seem to have a word from this root, meaning "peanut," but there is etubu, plural matubu "voandzeia subterranea," which is a plant that resembles the peanut very closely, and this is, most likely, derived from the older word for "peanut." THE BREAD ROOTS 255 The peanut was known to Ibn-Batutah one hundred and fifty years before the discovery of America under the name which it still bears through a great part of the Sudan. "The natives of Malli (the Mandingo country) take out of the ground certain grains which look like beans ( J^i/wi) ; they fry them and eat them, and they have the savor of fried chick peas. Sometimes they grind these grains, in order to make of them a kind of round spongy cake, which they fry with garti; thus they call a fruit resembling a prune, which is very sweet but injurious to white men who eat of it. They crush its nuts and extract from them an oil which serves the people of this country for several purposes. Such are, among others: 1) to be used in the kitchen; 2) to furnish light in the lamps; 3) to be used in frying of cakes, as mentioned before; 4) to rub their bodies with; 5) to be used, after mixing it with an earth found in this country, with which to plaster their houses, as elsewhere this is done with mortar."1 The garti, of course, is the gerte of the Sudan, and refers to the peanut used in the extraction of the oil. The ful, used for the making of a cake, is most certainly another kind of peanut, since fill assuddn "the Sudanese bean" is still the name for "peanut" in Morocco, and we have also Arab. (Wadai)/ui "peanut," from which, apparent ly, are derived Udom mfili, plural afili, Ekamtulufu mfirikam, Mbofon mflri, plural afiri "peanut." Ibn-al-Auwam has a chapter which runs as follows: "The cultivation of hab-az-zclim. which, according to Abu'l-Khair or others, is the falfal as-Silddn. It is a seed which resembles the bean; it is sweet and soft as long as it is fresh; in drying it assumes a sweeter savor and also greater consistency. Abu'l-Khair says 1 C. Defremery and B. R. Sanguinetti, Voyages d'Ibn Batoutah, Paris 1S79, vol. IV, p. 392 f. 256 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA that hght, open soil, which is sandy and friable, and easy to cultivate and dress, is particularly adapted for this plant, but that it repels heavy vearth, on account of its adhesion and bad nature. The seed of the falfal as-Sudan is planted in April, Uke the bean, in prepared frames with well rotted manure, softened by water and brought to a good condition. The seed is set out in hnes, and between each bean a space of two fingers is left. For ten frames a Uttle more than a rotl (366 grains) of the seed is used. The plant is watered twice a week, because the hab-az-zelim cannot stand much water. They plant also the hab-az-zelim on the elevated balks between the frames and on those which border the irrigation canals, and it thrives there well. If, before planting the seed, it is left for a whole night in the water, it germinates more rapidly. The hab-az- zelim is harvested in October. This is done by wetting the earth in which it is planted, and, when the earth is sufficiently soft, the plant is seized by the leaves and is pulled out with all the roots. It is shaken in the sun, and the small tubers are gathered. The hab-az-zelim increases considerably the flow of the spermatic fluid; it is also used in aphrodisiac preparations." As the "cyperus esculentus" grows in moist ground, and, on account of its size, must be planted further away than two fingers' length from each other, it is clear that the plant here described is not the "cyperus esculentus," as generally assumed. The name falfal as- Sudan is obviously a mistake, for the plant in no way resembles the Sudan pepper. It should be ful as-Sudan "Sudan bean," as which it is still known. The excellent sixteenth century botanist, Rauwolf,1 described the plant as follows: "In the drug stores of their bazaars one finds two kinds of roots, of wliich 1 Leonharti Rauwolfen, der Artzney Doctorn, vnd bestelten Medici zu Augspurg, Aigentliche Beschreibung der Raisz, 1583, p. 63. THE BREAD ROOTS 257 one is rather round, to be considered equal to the dulcigni of the Venetians, which at Verona, where they grow, (as learned Matthiolus shows) are called thrasi. A large number of these are brought from Egypt to Tripoli, to be eaten there, especiaUy in the month of June, and are sold under the name of habel assis and altzis. As they are to be compared in name and quality with the granis altzelem of the Arabs, they are to be considered equal with them, although Rhazes counts them among the fruits." If Rhazes, who Uved in the beginning of the tenth century, classed the altzelem as a fruit, it could not have been anything but a peanut, which, therefore, was already known in the tenth century. As a matter of fact, the habu'l-zalam is the "cyperus esculentus," while the habu'l-aziz is the "peanut," and Ibn-al-Auwam, like so many others, confused the two. Arab. J J zalam comes from Coptic 5alm "reed, stalk," and this is related to Gr. xflUa/ioc, etc. In Arabic zalam assumed the meaning "talk idly, make trifling, speak thoughtlessly." We have also Coptic dzoiif "reed, rush, papyrus," and this has produced Span, chufa "cyperus esculentus, rush-nut," and chufar "to brag, make fun of." These two etymologies prove conclusively that the common cyperus, given by the early botanists as "cyperus rotundus," was cultivated in Egypt, and that "cyperus esculentus" of Linne is identical with "cyperus syriaca, rotunda" of J. Bauhin.1 This is borne out, not only by the specific statement of Linne, but also by the story of the plant in earlier botanies. Indeed, Ibn-al-Auwam, who used the word habu'l- zalam for "peanut," none the less knew that there was also another plant, the "cyperus esculentus," which has tuberous roots. "In time of necessity 1 Op. tit., vol. II, p. 502. 258 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA bread may be made from the cyperus (-X*~ su'd), a plant which grows spontaneously in the plains and inundated soils, and which is never cultivated. It has a narrower leaf than the Babylonian leek; it rises to the height of an ell or a little more; the stalk does not stand straight. The roots extend into the ground; they form tubers which resemble olives; some are long and others round; the first are more numerous; they have an aromatic odor, but are exceedingly styptic and tart, and this quality is communicated to all substances with which they are mixed."1 Here Ibn-al-Auwam describes two varieties of cyperus, the "longus" and the "rotundus" of the sixteenth century botanists, the latter having been later renamed by Linne as "esculentus." Curiously enough, Alcala,2 in the sixteenth century, gives "juncia avellanada cudde," and "chufas specie de juncia hdbbe zulem habit zulem," which shows that the original meaning of zalam was preserved in Spain. Matthiolus, in his Commentarii of 15583 gives a picture of the cyperus, and, after describing it, mentions that in Spain it is called iuncia de olor or iuncia avel lanada, and in France souchet. In connection with " ornithogalus " he describes a plant trasi as follows: "In connection with the exceUence of the sweet or nithogalus roots I am reminded of those which grow near Verona and nowhere else in Italy, so far as I know, and are called trasi, which more nearly resemble chestnuts in taste. . . These trasi are little tubers which in form resemble very closely silk cocoons which shrivel up in a hot bath, when the women pick off the silk. . . The plant germinates in the spring and has 1 Op. cit, vol. II, p. 364 f. 2 P. de Lagarde, Petri Hispani De lingua arabica libri duo, Gottingae 1883. 3 Petri Andreae Matthioli Senensis Commentarii secundo audi, Venetiis 1558, p. 22. THE BREAD ROOTS 259 in the summer leaves resembling fodder, and the trasi cling to its roots."1 Matthiolus knew of the plant only from hearsay, and drew a picture of it consisting of a bundle of tubers with a stemless sheaf of blades above them. He did not identify the plant with the cyperus, but could not think of any other leaves for it than those of the cyperus. It is clear from the description that he had before him peanuts, whose shells, indeed, resemble withered cocoons. The name trasi is found in Venetian as trazea "sweet," and so is another rendering of Arab. JjJU ladzldz. In the greatly increased edition of the Commentarii of 15652 we have a somewhat longer account of the trasi. Here it is stated that the trasi resembles in leafage the cyperus, and that Franciscus Calzolarius of Verona had sent him the plant. The adjoining picture makes the plant above the ground identical with the "cyperus rotundus," as described by him before. J. Bauhin rightly remarked that he did not describe the plant from autopsy.3 The botanists of the sixteenth and later centuries confused these peanuts with the rush-nuts, and created the picture of a non-existing trasi, which resembled the "cyperus rotundus." And yet this plant bears in Bauhin, as in older authorities, the Spanish name of iuncia avellanada, as before. Either this trasi is identi cal with the "cyperus rotundus" or else it is the "arachis hypogaea." Nothing else is possible. The chufa of the Spaniards is, however, identical with the "cyperus rotundus," by Linn6 renamed "cyperus esculentus." Although the peanuts were apparently • Ibid., p. 303. 1 Petri Andreae Matthioli Senensis Medici Commentarii, Venetiis 1565, p. 542 f . » Op. cit, p. 505. 260 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA not extensively cultivated in Europe and were every where confused with the rush-nuts, it is clear that they were known in Europe in the sixteenth century, as they had been to the Arabs in the fourteenth, and were akeady cited by them in the twelfth century. In any case, the peanuts were known in Europe many centuries before the discovery of America. It is clear from the history of the word in Africa and its geographical phonetic evolution that the peanut traveled south across the Sahara, and that the manduwe forms are good Negro words, which have nothing what soever to do with the BraziUan mandubi, except that the latter is derived from the first. Whatever the original home of the peanut may be, it was transferred from Africa to Brazil, and from there it slowly made its way north, where "peanut" words are found only at a late period. Span, cacahuete "peanut" is derived from Nahuatl (tlal)cacauatl, literally "earth cocoa bean," which, however, is not recorded in the early Mexican dictionaries. In the United States we find the words goobers and pinders for "peanuts." Both are from the Kongo languages. We have Mimboma, Musentandu, Basunde nguba, pi. zinguba, Ngola lungoba, pi. singoba, Pangela olonguba, Lubalo lunguba, pi. minguba, Kongo nguba "peanut." Tette zindwe "peanut" would indicate that zinguba is derived from a form zinduwe, itself a variation of manduwe, so that ultimately we have here the same word as before. In the regions close to where we have the matowe, manduwe forms we find Orungu mbenda, mpenda, Param menzo, Baseke mbenda, Kabenda mpinda, pi. mpindaz, Mbamba penda, pi. mpenda, Kanyika kabent, pi. tuwent, Ntere lepena, pi. mpena, Mutsaya lewene, pi. pene, Nyombe pinda, pi. tsipinda, Kongo, Fiote mpinda "peanut." Param menzo, Kabenda mpindaz show that we have here an original mandzo THE BREAD ROOTS 261 for mantowo, in which the plural ma- is becoming ob literated as part of the word. That this is really the case, is shown by the fact that nzo has in some cases survived as a separate word. We have Babuma dedzu, pi. ndzu, Bumbete lendzo, pi. ndzo, Kasands londz, pi. sondz "peanut." We have also Nkele rambenda, pi. mbenda, Mfut kendiu, pi. bendiu "peanut," which show with what ease prefixes become incorporated in African languages, in order to form the basis of new words. However this may be, the American goober and pinder show that the Negroes brought with them the knowledge of the peanut from Africa and did not acquire it here. It is not necessary to prove that the yam "dioscorea" is not a native of America, since Oviedo knew as much in his day; yet there is a deep-seated conviction that the sweet potato is of American origin. But it can be proved, beyond any possibility of cavil, that the sweet potato was cultivated in Asia before the discovery of America. Pigafetta1 gives "a wonderfully accurate" Malay vocabulary, which he collected in 1520. Here we find batate gumbili radice como raui vbi. We have already seen that ubi is the Malay word for edible roots, more especially yams. Pigafetta spoke of having received batatas in Brazil in 1519. If he was telhng the truth, he could have received there only sweet potatoes. But gumbili is obviously of the same root as kumbara, kumbala "sweet potato," which has already been discussed.2 It is even now used in the Malay languages for plants resembling the sweet potato. We have Sundanese kumeli, gumeli "name of a lowly 1 Op. cit, vol. II, p. 120. 2 See p. 239 f . 262 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA plant with crenulated leaves, which is planted and produces a small potato, plectranthus tuberosus, also the Irish potato" and Gajoosch gembulu "sweet potato;" but more commonly the Malay name for the sweet potato is ubi Java "the yam of Java." From where soever the sweet potato was introduced into the Malay peninsula, it was there before 1520, and it is a physical impossibiUty for the sweet potato to have reached there before 1520 from America, because Magellan, whose voyage Pigafetta described, was the first one to have touched at America before reaching the East Indies. If it was introduced only shortly before that date, it must have been carried to the Malay peninsula from Africa. Indeed, when we turn to the appellations of the sweet potato and yam in America, we find nothing but African forms. Here as there the two are confounded, and chiefly those names have survived which Dr. Chanca mentioned in 1494. He called the plant he described, apparently the sweet potato, both nabi and hage. We see that the first is a phonetic variation of Wolof nyambi, etc., "yam," while the second, which unquestionably was at first an Italian form, hence sounds hadzhe or hatche, is similarly a variation of an African form for "yam" or "sweet potato." Von den Steinen1 records in the Carib languages, Bakairi nawi, nawe, Carijona nahake, Carib namouin, Paria inname, Roucouyenne appi, Tamanaco mappoi, nati "yam," Bakairi nahoto, Galibi napi, mabi, Palmella napihe, Chayma, Cumanagote mapuey, Carib mabi, Paravil- hana maporu "sweet potato." Adam also gives Ouayana napi, Aparai naopo "yam," and Ouayana, Apari napi "sweet potato." All these are obvious developments of nabi, which may be further pursued in Nahuqua aniza, Trumai mani. 1 Die Bakairi-Sprache, p. 52. Sweet Potato. From Thevet's Cosmographie. THE BREAD ROOTS 263 The great confusion of nomenclature and identifica tion of species in Brazil shows conclusively that neither yam nor sweet potato were at home there. Hans Stade1 says: "There are also roots, which they call jettiki, of pleasant taste. When they plant them they cut small pieces, which are placed in the earth: these then grow, and spread over the ground, Uke hop trees, throwing off many roots." This, like Thevet's2 and Lery's description of the hetich, refers to the yam and not to the sweet potato. And yet, A veto yeto, Camayura yetuk, Apinages, Carabos yotn, Abafieeme jeiy, Oyampi jetik, Emerillon zetik, Brazilian jetyka, refer to the sweet potato. Hence it must be assumed that the early writers were mistaken as to the manner of its planting, or else hetich referred to both plants. Soares3 calls all roots batatas, as do also Schmidt and Cabeza de Vaca. But Soares adds that in Bahia there were larger roots than batatas, which the Indians called carazes, which were planted like batatas, that is, by cutting up the root. These carazes are eaten like inhames, but are of better taste. It is clear, however, that he has in mind one of the many var ieties of yams. The Guarani dictionary throws a bght upon the word. Here we have yeti "batata," and there are mentioned nearly twenty varieties of it, yeti apiieru, yeti carapa, etc. This yeti is Thevet's hetich, from Chanca's hage, pronounced hadzhe or hatche. The Indians found it necessary to distinguish the yam, which was cut up for cultivation, from the sweet potato, which was planted from the sbp. Hence they called it caragi "cut in pieces," that is, the yam was called yeti caragi. This caragi gave Soares' caraz "yam," but the word has survived only in the shorter form cara, which is the usual expression for "yam," 1 Op. tit, II. 36. 2 La cosmographie universelle, vol. II, p. 921. 'Op. cit, II. 44. 264 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA and is already found in the Guarani dictionary of 1639. It is, however, possible that we have here an African karasa "manioc."1 The most instructive name for "sweet potato" is found in Mexico. Molina gives in his dictionary "batata, fruta conocida, camotli." The word was known to Sahagun2 and to Acosta,3 and very soon led to Span, camote, which was introduced into Peru and the Philippine Islands. But it can be shown that it is derived from a word in the Philippine Islands, which existed before the discovery of America. The PhiUppine Islands were first discovered by Magellan in 1521. After that, the expeditions to these Islands were started from New Spain in America, hence the close relationship of some matters between the two countries. Villalobos' voyage in 1542 and 1543 did not leave us any document from wliich we can learn anything about yams and sweet potatoes in the Is lands, but the next great expedition of Legazpi, which was started in 1559, proves beyond a shadow of a doubt that both yams and sweet potatoes were known in the Islands before that date, in fact, long before the discovery of America. In January, 1565, Legazpi records that on the island of Guam, in the Ladrones, they had large names and small batatas} Similarly, he mentions names and batatas further west and in the Island of Negros.5 Another report of the same expedition refers to the "yams" and "sweet potatoes" at Guam as "raizes, roots."6 But we have also the exphcit statement that in the Philippine Islands the roots, which are Uke 1 See p. 243. 2 Op. cit, pp. 519, 537, 735, 736. 3 C. Bauhin, op. cit, p. 91. 4 Colectidn de documentos ineditos . . de las antiguos posesiones espaHolas de ultramar, Madrid 1886, Serie 2, vol. II, p. 392. 6 Ibid., pp. 400, 401, 412, vol. Ill, p. 32. » Ibid., vol. Ill, p. 227. THE BREAD ROOTS 265 batatas, are called oropisa and camotes. The Spanish reads "unas rayzes quasi como patatas que Uaman oropisa, names y camotes."1 We are told that one of the manuscripts has not the word names,2 which is an intrusion. That oropisa is a native word is proved by olopai " a kind of yam " in the Solomon Islands. Camote is similarly a native Philippine word which means "root." We have Panayana gamot, Sulu gamut, Bisaya gamot, gamoy, Bontoc, Igorote lamot, Bagob ramot, Pampanga yamut. It is found even in those Malay languages where the root ubi has disappeared, in Bugi, Makassar lame, Nias lama, Gajo lumbu "any tuberous plant, yam, sweet potato." In Japanese it is represented by imo "taro, yam, potato." As there was no European colonization or settlement in the Philippines or in Guam before Legazpi, it is clear that the yams and sweet potatoes were already culti vated there before the arrival of the Spaniards, hence must go back to a source anterior to the discovery of America, even as Pigafetta described both the yam and the sweet potato in the East Indies more than forty years before the colonization of the Philippine Islands. The Chinese ideograms for Japanese imo are yu "taro" or shu "tuber," hence imo is not borrowed from the Chinese, for in that case the two syllables would be represented by two characters. Hence the sweet potato is not an importation from China to these islands. The universal reference in the Malay languages to the sweet potato as the "Java yam" would indicate that it came from the west. We have already seen that in Java the sweet potato is known as kastela "Castillian yam." Corrupted or abbreviated forms of this are found in Semang katelah, tela', tila', Besisi telak, tila', hlla', Mentra tllak, tila', Beduanda slla', sllak, Mon 1 Ibid., p. 236. 2 E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson, The Philippine Islands, H93-180S, Cleveland 1903, vol. Ill, p. 190 note, and p. 202. 266 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA seld ' ' sweet potato. ' ' x There seems, therefore, no escape from the conclusion that the Philippine camote and the Malay "root" words, lame, gamot, lamot, ramot, etc., are developments of Span, name, just as Javanese kastela has produced the telak, tilak forms. But name has its origin on the Guinea Coast, and so the sweet potato must have been imported into Asia from Africa. However, while kastela points to a Spanish or Portu guese importation into Java, the words derived from name may have found their way into Asia at an earher date, through the Arabs; that is, the words may not be derived from Span, name, but from Arab. £j>» dambah "root," which would explain the many vari ations in the Philippine languages and the meaning "root." This seems the more plausible, since the Malay languages, where we found occasionally words beginning with I for "sweet potato," have incidentally preserved the other meaning of Arab. ^S>- t/anb, <*U>- danbah . • • • "flank of the body, thigh," namely, lambung, which is found in Malay, Tobabatok and Gajo, and the variants, Javanese lambhung, Busang lekpeh, Ton- tembo lamet. This Malay word, with the highly spe cialized meaning which is identical with the Arabic, is restricted to but a few languages, and is unquestion ably a borrowed word. The Malay, which has not developed the meaning "root, tuber, sweet potato" from it, none the less has evolved the meaning "swell ing," which is also localized, and is not found in other Malay languages, namely, lambong "swelling up, bounding up, darting up, expansive, swelling." This word may, however, not be connected with the previous 1 W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden, Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula London 1906, vol. II, p. 762 f. THE BREAD ROOTS 267 one, because we have Tagalog hambog, Sulu lubag "to swell," which would indicate a native Malay origin. However this may be, it is clear that Nahuatl camotli is based on Span, camote, and not vice versa, and Span, camote is derived from a Philippine word for "root," since the sweet potato was cultivated in the Philippines before the arrival of the Spaniards, even as it was found in the Moluccas in 1521 with a native word for it. Camotli is as little Nahuatl as camote is Peruvian. And yet, the dictionary of 1571 already has a derivation from camotli, namely camotic "soft and tender, like a sweet potato." Hernandez, who does not give camotli or quauhcamotli, has a plant "batata purgativa," which he renders by cacamotic tlanoquilonis. Apparently camotli was not yet fully established as a name when he gave this appellation to the purgative yam, for cacamotic is a reduplicated camotic "soft as a sweet potato." Even as late as 1582 camotes are spoken of as the Philippine name of a sweet potato like the San Domingo batata: "rayges como batatas de sancto domingo que llaman camotes."1 Had the writer had in mind the name of the sweet potato in Mexico, he would not have gone out of his way to compare it with the San Domingo sweet potato, "which it resembled." We can now arrange the results of our investigation in a geographical and chronological order. The Arabs fostered, if they did not actually create, in Africa the agriculture connected with the bread roots, manioc, yam, and sweet potato. The first was of extraordinary importance to those who in their travels had to depend on a staple food. Hence, when the Guinea voyagers were wafted across to Brazil, which, in all probabiUty. happened before the so-called discovery of America by Columbus, they at once set out to teach the friendly natives the art of planting and preparing the manioc, 1 Blair and Robertson, op. cit., vol. V, p. 44. 268 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA primarily in order to aid those who had suffered ship wreck on the shores of America. From Brazil the manioc spread in all directions. As the greater number of words connected with the manioc are of Kongo origin, the chief effort must be due to the Portuguese and cannot precede the discovery of America by many years. The yam, in all probabiUty, is of Asiatic origin. Its cultivation in Asia is lost in antiquity, though it does not seem to have been known in India until very late. The yams may also have been native to Africa. They were certainly cultivated there before the arrival of the Europeans, and their introduction from Africa into America is based on emphatic and incontrovertible proofs, not the least of which is the derivation of most of the American words for it from African originals. The same linguistic affinity, combined with Pigafetta's definite reference to sweet potatoes in the Moluccas and the specific statements of the early voyagers to the Philippines in regard to these roots, are conclusive proof that Guinea was the distributing center of the sweet potatoes to America and, at an earlier time, to Asia. But here the distribution was considerably later than that of the yams. In America the sweet potatoes spread north and south from the Antilles, where they may have preceded the so-called discovery of America by a few decades, and only by a few decades, since the linguistic affinity of its names to their designation in Guinea and on the Gold Coast excludes their existence in America before the arrival of the Portuguese and Spaniards in Africa, which was less than half a century before the discovery of America. WORD INDEX abali, Tupi, 118, 122. abdshabar, Wolof, 109. able, Afema, 119. o6ro, Abron, 119. aburo, Tchi, 119. abicrdw, Tchi, 119. acoucha, Carib, 50. acoussa, Galibi, 50. ode, Ewe, 236. adze, Ewe, 236. afill, Udom, 255. afiri, Mbofon, 255. agbede, Adampe, 241. agbeli, Ewe, 241. agbelimo, Ewe, 246. agberi, Adampe, 241. agi, Taino, 96, 196 f. agies, Taino, i95. agodzia, Kamuku, 253. aguja, Spanish, 50. agusia, Kambali, 253. ajes, Spanish, 192 f . ajes, Taino, 202. akadu, Ewe, 128. akondro, Malagassy, 128. akua, Undaza, 237. akussa, Arawak, 50. akiissan, Arawak, 50. akwadu, Ga, 128. alambre, Spanish, 35, 50. aleiba, Carib, 250. alfiler, Spanish, 50. allopfoler, Carib, 50. almadia, Spanish, 43 f . alma'diyah, Arabic, 44. aloflirou, Galibi, 50. alopholer, Galibi, 50. dlou, Ngodsin, 241. alruna, OHGerman, 225. altzelem, Arabic, 257. altzis, Arabic, 257. Slug, Ngodsin, 241. amache, Taino, 125, 215. ambar, Spanish, 35. amendoa, Portuguese, 254. amendoi, Portuguese, 251, 254. amoramog, Udom, 234. amorante, Ekamtulufu, 234. amotymbo, Guarani, 113. anachi, Carib, 122. anahi, Carib, 122. anai, Timne, 233. anaze, Carib, 122. anchipara, Galibi, 52. anei, Bulom, 233. aniza, Nahuqua, 262. 'ansarah, Arabic, 219. anua, Goajira, 50. aoiidchi, Carib, 122. apety'A, Guarani, 185. apooke, in Virginia, 143. appi, Roucouyenne, 262. ar, Bilin, 236. ara, Bedauye, 235. aracabousa, Galibi, 51. aracaboOssa, Galibi, 51. arag, Bedauye, 240. arata, Maypuri, 131. arepa, Cariniaca, 250. ans, Latin, 216. arog, Udom, 241. aroganti, Mbofon, 241. aron, Latin, 216. arou, Doai, 241. arquabousa, Galibi, 51. arquebus, Spanish, 51. arrakabussa, Arawak, 51. artanisa, Arabic, 217. aru, Assyrian, 217. aru, Egyptian, 216. aru, Guarauna, 250. arufuretu, Macusi, 50. arug, Arabic (Adirar), 240. arug, Arabic (Beran), 240. arugidem, Doai, 241. aruhpereru, Ouayana, 50. arum, Latin, 216. 'drum, Arabic, 226. 'arumah, Arabic, 226, 232. arun, Arabic, 217, 225. asafar, Afar, 108. asara, Hausa, 1 io. aseke, Alaguian, 32. asike, Avikam, 32. WORD INDEX 271 n no, Spanish, 51. asra, Akra, 1 10. asra, Ewe, 110. assema, Chippeway, 140. asses, Taino, 195. asufar, Redames, 108. altimdn, Arawak, 54. au, Maya, 122. au-iaya, Nahuatl, 147. avatsi, Aueto, 122. awaii, Carib, 122. awassi, Galibi, 122. awaii, Tupi, 122. awii, Maya, 122. ayentaque, Huron, 1 45. ayerbd, Berber, 217. ayettaya, Huron, 145. aybka, Baga, 241. aypi, Brazilian, 211. aze, Dahome, 254. azi, Ewe, 254. azo, azo, Dahome, 111. azucar, Spanish, 51. ba, Gmbwaga, 240. babbagigi, Italian, 252. bacachou, Carib, 54. baccuccu, Galibi, 130. bacicci, Italian, 252. baco, Oyapock, 130. bacoeng, Coroada, 130. barome, Oyampi, 130. baddo, Dyur, 233, 240. bado, Gbea, 240. badoro, Gbanziri, 240. baeri mdsar, Goburu, 120. bahii, Arawak, 71. bahoh, Puri, 130. bai, Arabic (dial.), 71. bai(, Arabic, 71. baka, Arawak, 54. balabi, Carib, 53. balanda, Mwi, 127. balatuna, Cuiba, 130. balulu, Carijona, 130. balulnra, Galibi, 130. balnru, Macusi, 130. bona, Zema, 12S. banaku, Mandingo, 241. banala, Manao, 130. banana, Teui, 12S. banangu, Kankanka, 241. bananku, Malinke, 241. banara, Culino, 130. ban&ura, Coeruna, 130. bande, Gmbwaga, 240. bandugu, Bambara, 241. banta nyambi, Padsade, 241. bantornyambo, Kabunga, 241. bantara, Malinke, 241. baranda, Agni, 127. barca, Carib, 49. batanga, Landoro, 241. batata, Spanish, 192 f., 214 f. batia, Spanish, 51. batlia, Galibi, 51. bayangu, Toronka, 211. beat, Arabic (dial.), 71. bede, Alaguian, 241. btiju, Portuguese, Tupi, 249. btiju, Tupi, 247. beju, Tupi, 217. bele, Gbese, 232. belu, Udom, 232. bende, Gbanyan, 241. bendin, Mfut, 261. bcr,r>d, Kanuri, 232. bero, N'ki, 232. berui, Alege, 232. bet, Arabic (dial.), 71. beta, Bantu, 247. belume, Portuguese, 135. betumen, LLatin, 135. betun, OFrench, 135. bhang, Hindu, U2. bifu, Coroado, 250. bihuh, Puri, 250. bihuitihu, Taino, so. biridzi, Goburu, 253. bittin, Tupi, 134. bitumen, LLatin, 135. biileri, Carib, 49. ble, Gio, 232. bli. Ewe, 119. bo, Toronka, 71. 60a, Taino, 70 f. boe, Toma, 232. bohio, Taino, 71, 192. bohuti, Taino, $0. boi, Vei, 71. boii, Taino, 125, 215. boinki, Carib, 53. bomddsa, Pepel, 121. boman, Wun, 234. bonda, Abe, 127. bong, Bambara, 71. bosro, Asante, 111. 272 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA bouirocou, Carib, 53. bouirokou, Galibi, 53. bouldta, Galibi, 53. bouldtta, Carib, 53. bourbri, Carib, 53. bourouboura, Galibi, 53. bugio, Portuguese, 209. buhio, Taino, 71. buhuitihu, Taino, 81 ff. buji, Lunda, 209. bulu, Udso, 232. b-dmdd, Bola, 121. bumddsa, Pepel, 120. b-umagi, Kanyop, 120. bumbawa, Pepel, 120. bun, Bambara, 71. bungo, Kabunga, 71. buru, Okuloma, 232. busoa, Kupa, 253. byyw, Tupi, 245, 247. cdb&io, Galibi, 51. caballo, Spanish, 51. cabayo, Carib, 51. cabbasisa, Sicilian, 252. cacabe, Spanish, 249. cacada, Spanish, 249. cacahuete, Spanish, 260. cacamotic, Nahuatl, 267. cacauatl, Nahuatl, 260. cachi, Bandan, 58. cachi, Jucuna, 249. cachimbar, Portuguese, 113. cachimbo, Portuguese, 113. cachipara, Galibi, 52. cachiri, Roucouyenne, 249. cachite, Paria, 249. cachil, Masacara, 249. cacones, Galibi, 51. cacossa, Galibi, 50. cacousa, Galibi, 50. cadena, Spanish, 51. fagoy, Portuguese, 207 f. Cagoym, Portuguese, 207 f. eahatschieihih, Camacan, 249. cahy, Tupi, 208. eai, Tupi, 208. caja, Spanish, 51. calata, Galibi, 52. ealhon, Carib, 51. calita, Galibi, 52. callinago, Carib, 42. callinimeti, Carib, 42. calllponam, Carib, 42. ealluculi, Carib, 52. lalm, Coptic, 257. cambar, French (in Mauritius), 240. camicha, Galibi, 51. cdmicha, Carib, 51. camisa, Spanish, 51, 54. camisat, Galibi, 51. camote, Spanish, 264 f., 267. camotic, Nahuatl, 267. camotli, Nahuatl, 264. canagua, canahua, Cumanagote, 49. canaoa, Carib, 49. canaua, canua, Galibi, 49. canaua-ya, Carijona, 49. candela, Spanish, 51. canndbira, Galibi, 49. canno, Taino, 71. canoa, Taino, 47 ff. canon, Spanish, 51. caona, Taino, 21, 33, 71. caossa, Galibi, 50. eaounage, Galibi, 71. card, Guarani, 42. eara, Tupi, 263. caracaracol, Taino, 76, 78, 160. caragi, Guarani, 263. caracoles, Spanish, 51. caracouli, Roucouyenne, 52. caracoulis, Galibi, 51. carai, Guarani, 42. caraiba, Tupi, 42. caraibebi, Tupi, 42. carata, Galibi, 52. caravela, Spanish, 49. caraz, Brazilian, 263. carcuriri, Chayma, 52. carib, Taino, 41. caricuries, Taino, 52. carima, Brazilian, 245. carou, Carib, 51. carta, Spanish, 52. carta, Carib, 52. cary'ba, Tupi, 42. carybebS, Tupi, 42. casa, Spanish, 52. cassa, Galibi, 51. cassay, Javanese, 103. cathara, Moluccan, 58. catimbao, Tupi, 113. can, Masacara, 249. caudlle, Galibi, 51. cauaye, Galibi, 51. caunabo, Taino, 70. WORD INDEX 273 caza, Galibi, 52. caza, Taino, 63. cazabbo, Taino, 201. cazabi, Taino, 197 f., 249. cazada, Portuguese, 249. cazet, Cumanagote, 249. caziehio, Taino, 70 f. cazzabi, Taino, 78. cemi, Taino, 83. chambi, Taino, 198. chapopotli, Nahuatl, 149, 181 ff. chere, Maquiritare, 249. chicle, English, 181. chirachi, Galibi, 54. choucre, Galibi, 51. chufa, Spanish, 251, 257. chufar, Spanish, 257. cibe, Taino, 75. cimi, Taino, 67 ff., 88 ff. cimiche, Taino, 84. eimini, Taino, 72, 79, 81 ff. clavo, Spanish, 52. cobo, Taino, 75, 160. cogioba, Taino, 78, 86 f., 105, 113. cohoba, Taino, 82. coineoin, Galibi, 53. colecibe, Taino, 75. cololita, Galibi, 51. conichi, Taino, 77. conico, Taino, 161. conuco, Taino, 161. copalli, Nahuatl, 147. corial, Carib, 49. corrocori, Accawai, 52. corvus marinus, LLatin, 65. couliala, Carib, 49. couloubSra, Galibi, 52. couroubara, Galibi, 53. couroupara, Galibi, 53. crabou, Galibi, 52. crdbou, Carib, 52. crawcraw, English, 160. cuchillo, Spanish, 52. cuchique, Galibi, 52. cudde, Arabic, 258. culebra, Spanish, 52. cumar, Peruvian, 239. cureuco, Cariniaco, 52. dabali, Bambara, 1 10. dabalike, Bambara, 110. dabara, Arabic, 109. dabare, Soninke, 110. dabari, Mande, 110. dabo, Hausa, 110. dabr, Arabic, 109. dabrah, Arabic, 109. dabrude neddo, Pul, 109. ddbuq, Arabic, 102. ddmdsara, Kandin, 120. dandalu, Sanskrit, 225. danta, Taino, 33. dauea, Fula, 233. davd, Bribri, 155. da vu, Annamese, 224. dbeq, Syriac, 102. debeli, Kanuri, 110. debqd, Syriac, 102. dedzu, Babuma, 261. deheb, Arabic, 31. dema, Guipinavi, 154. deri, Gbe, 251. disa, Angola, 120. diambere, Bambara, 228. diambi, Sudanese, 22H. dibq, Arabic, 102. di-kondo, Kongo, 128. dinar, Arabic, 32. dinar, Bornu, 32. dindar, Mandara, 32. dioko, Basunde, 242. dioko, Kikongo, 242. dioko, Musentandu, 242. diri, Gbe, 254. diydka, Nyombe, 242. djeema, Baniva, 154. dodh, Chirripo, 155. d6d, Hebrew, 223. dolcichino, Italian, 252. dolzolino, Italian, 252. dovdh, Terraba, 155. doya, Munio, 237. dragition, Arabic, 217. draqintun, Arabic, 218. d$ambi, Vei, 232. dseagp, Okuloma, 242. dshabar, Wolof, 109. d?t, Abadsa, 237. dfidma, Puka, 232. dsian, Ndob, 237. d^sikapa, Oworo, 234. d^ikoya, Nupe, 242. dsinkapa, Eki, 234. d$okdi, Kisekise, 241. dsonko, Banyun, 242. duah, Boruca, 155. dubdqd, Syriac, 102. 274 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA dudai, Hebrew, 223. dugu-tigi, Dyula, 71. dultigni, Italian, 257. duli, Mandingo, 154. dulu, Gbese, 154. duo, Baule, 232. dyamba, Mande, 154. dyiri, Malinke, 160. dyoma, Nkele, 232, 237. dzabr, Arabic, 109. dzahab, Arabic, 31. dzinalia, Goali, 32. dzinaria, Hausa, 32. dzouf, Coptic, 257. dzudzdru, Arabic (Adirar), 253. dzurddzu, Arabic (Adirar), 253. echoubara, Galibi, 52. edia, Anan, 237. edioko, Kongo, 242. edog, Akurakura, 237. edsi, Nupe, 237. ediie, Afema, 232. edye, Abron, 232. edzinaria, Kamuku, 32. eeli, Baniva, 154. ekama, Filham, 232. elu, Ekamtulufu, 232. elu akarara, Udom, 243. eliie, Zema, 232. elumi, Egbele, 32. emdno, Fulup, 234. 'embai zar'a, Syriac, 227. 'embe, Syriac, 227. emitali, GaUbi, 52. emo, Asante, 234. emoli, Anfue, 234. emuri, Gurma, 234. enu, Mbofon, 233. enu, Opanda, 233. eo, Murundo, 237. ereba, Galibi, 250. eri, Baniva, 154. erig, Arabic (Wadai), 240. eromo, Sobo, 32. errhinum, Latin, 105. ippivov, Greek, 105. eru, Assyrian, 217. eSafer, Zenaga, 108. esdngu, Undaza, 120. esige, Mekyibo, 31. esigwa, Opanda, 109. esika, Orungu, 32. esitako, Kupa, 242. espada, Spanish, 52,|249. esu, Idsesa, 237. ete, Anfue, 237. etobu, Monbuttu, 140. etsigbe, Esitako, 109. etubu, Kongo, 254. falfal as-Sudan, Arabic, 255 f. fdllnya, Kiriman, 242. faria, Mahi, 242. farinha, Portuguese, 242. fede, Ari, 241. felie, Dahome, 242. fuba, Angola, 246. fuba, Brazilian, 246. fufu, Asante, 246. ful, Arabic, 255. gali, Ewe, 246. gamb, Arabic, 227. gamba, Italian, 227. gambah, Arabic, 226 ff. gamot, Panayana, 265. gamoy, Bisaya, 265. gamut, Sulu, 265. {janaba, Arabic, 227. ganb, Arabic, 266. tjanbah, Arabic, 266. {jarab, Arabic, 160. gari, Hausa, 246. garti, Arabic, 255. gatos monillos, Spanish, 206. gatti mammoni, Italian, 206. gatti maymones, LLatin, 206. gdlye, Degba, 254. {jauz, Arabic, 253. gbedi, Tafile, 241. gbende, Guimini, 241. gbli, Dahome, 119. gedadzi, Bagirmi, 253. gedda, Hausa, 253. gembulu, Gajoosch, 262. gerte, Arabic (Beran), 253. gertere, Arabic (Beran), 253. ghi, Abadsa, 237. gidku, Mbofia, 242. girt, Gio, 160. giuca, Taino, 88. giutola, Taino, 88. gluten ex garo, Latin, 102. gnambi, Sudanese, 228. WORD INDEX 275 godi, Filham, 32. goeiz, Taino, 80. gold, English, 32. golesi, Kasm, 253. goobers, English, 260. goro, Gbea, 240. guabiniquinax, Taino, 59. guacabitinax, Taino, 58. guacamayo, Taino, 57. guadatinajes, Taino, 58 f. guadoquinaxes, Taino, 58. guaicanum, Taino, 62, 67. guaminiquinajes, Taino, 58 f . guamiquina, Taino, 60 f . guani, Spanish, 33. guanin, Taino, 74 f., 100 f. gudzedoa. Bode, 253. gudzia, Hausa, 253. gul, Dewoi, 32. guli, Basa, 32. gumbili, Malay, 261. gumeli, Sundanese, 261. guru, Krebo, 32. gusa, Nupe, 253. gusia, Ebe, 253. gyegye, Gbari, 160. hab'aziz, Arabic, 252. hab-az-zelim, Arabic, 255 f . hdbbe zulem, Arabic, 258. habel assis, Arabic, 257. habit zulem, Arabic, 258. habu'l'aziz, Arabic, 252, 257. habulladzldz, Arabic, 252. habu'l-zalam, Arabic, 257. hage, Taino, 197, 262 f. hcihale, Landoro, 109. hakchuma, Choctaw, 140. hale. Mende, 109. halpileru, Arawak, 50. hambog, Tagalog, 267. hasar, Saho, 110. hasara, Hausa, 1 10. hasdrah, Arabic, 1 10 f . hasari, Hausa, 110. hasra, Berber, 110. hasrah, Arabic, 1 10. havatsi, Tupi, 122. hetich, Brazilian, 215, 263. hila', Besisi, 265. hogo, Swahili, 242. hopoacan, Delaware, 143. hopottam, Delaware, 143. hopuonck, Natick, 144. hsii, Chinese, 224. hupal, Delaware, 143. huwi, Sundar_e:-e, 225. ia hasra, Berber, 1 10. l\9wK6\\a, Greek, 102. ide, lie, 32. idsi, Esitako, 237. idfitiku, Isioma, 2 12. idsu, Aku, 217. iema, Tariana, 151. i^aru, Egyptian, 216, 236. igname, Italian, 220 f. iyname, Taino, 107 f. i'jOsi, Basa, 253. iguana, Spanish, 33. ihioil, Nahuatl, 1 17 t iaka, Fiote, 242. imo, Japam-se, 265. ingunda. Polo, 12V inhame, Portuguese, 229. inname, Paria, 262. inriri, Taino, 76, 160. inya, Bini, 233. iouli, Carib, 154. ire, Dsebu, 32. iri, Malinke, li 0. irira, Yaulapiti, 40 ixtt, Yagba, 237. ita, Barjva, 50. Ua, Tupi, 134. ilanmaraca, Tupi, 13 1. itsd, Mehinaku, 10 Usi, Kupa, 237. itsikoya, Ebe, 2 12. iuca, Taino, 107 f. iucha, Taino, 19 v iuncia avellanada, Spanish, 25S. ix, Nahuatl, 122. I&s, Greek, 102. iya, Nahuatl, 147, 154. iydka, Mimboma, 212. iyelli, Nahuatl, 147. jambe, French, 227. jardtan, Yabitero, 130. jema, Maypures, 15 4. jetik, Oyampi, 263. jettiki, Brazilian, 203. jety, Abaneeme, 263. jetyko, Brazilian, 263. 276 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA jon-safare, Pulo, 109. jubon, Spanish, 54. kaarima, Brazilian, 246. kabent, Kanyika, 260. kachang china, Malay, 253. kadali, Sanskrit, 128. kahrubah, Arabic, 34. kahutje, Camacan, 249. kaienkwarowanen, Iroquois, 145. kaienkwiio, Iroquois, 145. kaikai, Hausa, i60. K&Kaiu>i, Greek, 257. kaldsa, Kandin, 243. kalli, Arawak, 249. kaloon, Galibi, 51. kamalu, Bengali, 240. kana, Mandingo, 33. kanabire, Carib, 49. kanau d, Paravilhana, 49. kandzi, Soso. 72. kane, Gadsaga, 32. kane, kaneje, Pul, 32. kani, Mende, 32. kanie, Kisi, 32. kanine, Kono, 32. kanoa, Paressi, 49. kanyere, Pul, 32. kaouanam, Galibi, 71. karai, Abaneeme, 42. karai, Aueto, 42. karalb, Camayurd, 42. karaiba, Abaneenga, 42. karaiba, kariwa, Nedngatu, 42. karasa, African, 264. karasa, Bornu, 243. kardse, Kanuri, 243. karasu, Teda, 243. karattoni, Galibi, 53. karay, Tupi, 41. kare, Gbin, 254. karena, Arawak, 51. karima, Angola, 246. kashiba, Swahili, 113. kashiba ka twanga, Luba, 113. kdssipara, Arawak, 52. kastela, Javanese, 239, 265. kasumba, Swahili, 113. katelah, Semang, 265. katoh, Bola, 237. katok, Sarar, 237. kauvai, Paravilhana, 140. kawai, Macusi, 140. kxardiba, Bakairi, 41. kxarapa, Bakairi, 41. kedipn, Mfut, 237. keinrima, Brazilian, 245. keka, Asante, 160. kekoa, Ntere, 237. kela, etc., Hindu, 128. kela, Kongo, 246. kemandiok, Pepel, 242. kendiu, Mfut, 261. kerikeri, Vai, 160. ki, Krebo, 237. kiazi, Swahili, 238. kichere, Cumanagote, 249. kixere, Bakairi, 249. kienkwaks, Iroquois, 145. kiere, Carib, 249. kikwa kimbala, Kikongo, 239. kitok, Pepel, 237. kitschere, Pimenteira, 249. kobo, Malinke, 160. kodsirogo, Koro, 241. koko, Mekyibo, 128. kokorokodzi, Doai, 253. kokwe, Dahome, 128. koldzi, Bornu, 253. koldzian, Buduma, 253. kble, Paravilhana, 250. kongo, Dyala, 161. konno, Mandingo, 12. kori, Kra, 32. kotto, Paressi, 49. ku, Mandingo, 237. kuisera, Macusi, 249. kulbara, Arawak, 53. kuljara, Arawak, 49. kumaa, Marquesan, 239. kumala, Tongan, 239. kumara, Maori, 239. kumeli, Sundanese, 261. kummara, Telugu, 240. kun, Mande, 71. kungo, Bambara, 161. kunko, Mandingo, 161. kuntigi, Mande, 71. ku nyambi, Malinke, 228. kusumba, Hindu, 112. kusumbhd, Sanskrit, 112. kwa, Kongo, 237. kwa, Ifumu, 240. kwa kiambala, Kongo, 239. kwadu, Tchi, 128. WORD INDEX 277 ladzldz, Arabic, 259. lama, Nias, 265. lambhung, Javanese, 266. lambong, Malay, 266. lambung, Malay, 266. lame, Bugi, 265. lamet, Tontembo, 266. lamot, Bontoc, 265. lekpeh, Busang, 266. lendzo, Bumbete, 261. lepena, Ntere, 260. lewene, Mutsaya, 260. leydka, Mutsaya, 242. libala, Ifumu, 240. li-calll-nemene, Carib, 42. limdsara, Kamuku, 120. logo, Hausa, 241. lo hwa shang, Chinese, 252. lo-komo, Bangi, 128. londz, Kasands, 261. Ids, Angola, 234. loso, Kabenda, 234. lubag, Sulu, 267. luf, Arabic, 217 f. lull, Mende, 154. lumbu, Gajo, 265. lungoba, Ngola, 260. lunguba, Lubalo, 260. lurdsu, Arabic (Beran), 234. mabi, Galibi, 262. maca, macan, Portuguese, 57. macaca, Tupi, 209. macana, mazana, OSpanish, 57. macana, Taino, 56, 104. macane, Araueanian, 57. macao, Portuguese, 207. macaquo, Kongo, 210. macaroca, Portuguese, 119 f. macaud, French, 207. maceta, Galibi, 52. machane, Taino, 55. machau, Berry, 207. machete, Spanish, 52. macot, French (dial.), 207. macouco, Malagassy, 210. mddaka, Sobo, 242. madbur, Arabic, 109. madioko, Kongo, 242, 250. madioko, Musentandu, 242. mddso, Kabundo, 121. mddya, Biafada, 121. magaiot, Wallon, 207. magot, French, 207. magui, Champagne, 207. mdhadye, Padsade, 121. mahindi, Kikongo, 120. mahiz, Taino, 119. mahogo, Swahili, 242. ma iaka, Fiote, 242. maiki, Mehinaku, 122. maiz, Taino, 215. maize, Taino, 118 ff. mdka, makdri, Arabic (dial.), 120. makana, makana, Peruvian, 56. makande, Wolof, 120. makaque, Galibi, 209. makay, Peruvian, 56. makhafla, Aymara, 56. maki, Malagassy, 210. makka, makai, Hindustani, 120. makoko, Kongo, 128. male, Nubian, 236. mdliku, Hwida, 234. malla, Soso, 234. malo, Bambara, 234. mdlon, Kisi, 234. mames, Taino, 192. mammoni, Italian, 206. manaibussii, Tupi, 250. manaitinga, Tupi, 250. manaku, Toma, 241. manan, Gbese, 241. manati, Spanish, 33. manceta, Galibi, 52. manda, Baule, 127. mandeoch, Brazilian, 214, 250. mandeochade, Brazilian, 214, 250. mandeogo, Wun, 242. mandil hoba, Guarani, 251. mandil Iba, Guarani, 251. mandioca, Brazilian, 212. mandioca, Tupi, 250. mandidg, Guarani, 251. mandidg, Nalu, 242. mandiopuba, Tupi, 246. mandragora, Latin, 221. mandubi, Tupi, 251. mandubi, Portuguese, 254. mandui, Tupi, 251. manduwe, Matatan, 253. manduu'i, Muntu, 253. mandwe, Tette, 254. mangahazo, Malagassy, 242. mani, Spanish, 254. mani, Trumai, 262. maniel, Brazilian, 210. 278 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA manihot, maniot, Brazilian, 210 f. maniopuba, Tupi, 246. manipocamirim, Tupi, 250. mantia, Biafada, 254. mdntire, Tumbuktu, 254. mdnu, Banyun, 234. maporu, Paravilhana, 262. mappoi, Tamanaco, 262. mapuey, Chayma, 262. maque, OFrench, 57. maraca, Tupi, 134. mdrddso, Padsade, 237. maragone, Oltalian, 65 f . marcau, Norman, 207. marcou, OFrench, 207. mare, Nubian, 236. margut, OFrench, 207. mdrichi, Carib, 122. marigione, Oltalian, 66. maro, Arabic (Beran), 234. maro, Arab-Hassania, 235. maro, Pulo, 234. mdsa, Angola, 120. mdsa, Babuma, 120. mdsa leindele, Lubalo, 120. mdsa mambdla, Songo, 121. mdsambdla, Lubalo, 121. mdsa moambdla, Musentandu, 121. masanga, Kongo, 121. masdngu, Basunde, 120. mdsar, Mandara, 120. mdsdrd, Hausa, 120. mdsara hama, Tumbuktu, 120. mdsarbe, Doai, 120. mdsdrmi, Bornu, 120. masembala, Kongo, 121. mdsso, Galibi, 51. malira, Tumbuktu, 254. matobo, Penin, 254. matdwi, Isuwu, 254. matraca, Portuguese, 134. matubu, Kongo, 254. may, Maya, 150. may-ah, Maya, 150. maydka, Kabenda, 242. maymones, LLatin, 206. mdza, Kasands, 120. mazarddsi, Kano, 120. mazardi, Kano, 120. mdzarmi, Kanem, 120. mazirri, Portuguese, 120. mazorca, Spanish, 119. mazza, Italian, 57. mazza, Portuguese, 121. mba, Isuwu, 232. mbala, A-Sandeh, 233, 240. mbala, Kabenda, 233. mbarra, A-Sandeh, 233, 240. mbdsi, Duala, 120. mbdzi, Isuwu, 120. mbenda, Baseke, 260. mbiriu, Goburu, 253. mbole, Mende, 232. mbong, Jaunda, 241. mbulei, Gbandi, 232. me-dre, me-dri, Bedauye, 236. mechu, Carib, 209. mecu, Carib, 209. menzo, Param, 260. mesi, Legba, 121. metal, Spanish, 52. metdwe, Melon Nhalenwe, 254. metowo, Ngoten, 254. meze, Kiamba, 121. mfdda, Nyamban, 242. mfili, Udom, 255. mflri, Mbofon, 255. mfirikam, Ekamtulufu, 255. mfuba, Kongo, 246. mfumfu, Kongo, 246. mgogo, Goua, 128. mhogo, Swahili, 242. micho, Spanish, 207, 209. micia, Italian, 207. mico, Spanish, 206 f. mico, Tupi, 209. miglio zaburo, Italian, 119. mihr, Persian, 223. mihrigan, Persian, 219 f. milhos de macaroca, Portuguese, 119. mingant, Tupi, 247. mingau, Tupi, 247. mingau-pomonga, Tupi, 247. minguba, Lubalo, 260. mire, Bandan, 5S. miren, Bagbalan, 234. mlrin, Koama, 234. mini, Yula, 234. mise, Kaure, 121. mizo, Spanish, 207. mkungu, Swahili, 128. mmagi, Wun, 121. mo, Dewoi, 234. mo, Tumbuktu, 234. mole, Boko, 234. mdliku, Dahome, 234. monceta, Galibi, 52. mondeoko, Matatan, 242. WORD INDEX 279 monillos, Spanish, 206. monnekin, OFrench, 207. mono, Spanish, 206. mono-miri qui, Tupi, 209. mora, Swahili, 235. morcot, French (dial.), 207. moro, Pepel, 32. moron, Gbese, 234. mdso, Gbe, 234. motimbdr, Tupi, 113. molto, Bongo, 233, 240. mouarcot, French (dial.), 207. mouche, Galibi, 53. mpena, Ntere, 260. mpenda, Orungu, 260. mpinda, Kabenda, 260. mpddsu, Baseke, 120. mucho, Spanish, 52. mucia, Italian, 207. mue, Guresa, 234. mui, Mose, 234. mulru, Kasm, 234. mulua, Ntere, 32. mumbawo, Sarar, 120. mungo, Malagassy, 242. mungodia, Kikongo, 247. muntdk, Sarar, 242. muri, Dselana, 234. muro, Kambali, 232. mushiba, Kimbundu, 113. mu-tsdma, Kiriman, 232. mviya, Kikongo, 247. mvuya, Kikongo, 247. mvwiyi, Kongo, 247. nabi, Carib, 196 f., 262. nabilah, Arabic, 30. nahake, Carijona, 262. nahoto, Bakairi, 262. namouin, Carib, 262. naopo, Aparai, 262. napi, Galibi, 262. napihe, Palmella, 262. nasaha, Arabic, 235. nasara, Dagomba, 111. nati, Tamanaco, 262. nawi, Bakairi, 262. nazafa, Arabic, 235. nbondo, Duala, 241. ndiba, Kongo, 248. ndog, Ekamtulufu, 241. nduli, Mende, 154. ndure, Gbandi, 154. nduwe, Quellimane, 254. ndzo, Bumbete, 261. ndzu, Babuma, 261. ne, Limba, 233. nehas, Bedauye, 235. nemai, nemddsi, Bidsogo, 121. Ugate, Alaguian, 254. ngaun, Mende, 228. nguba, Kongo, 260. ngunda, Lolo, 128. nguri, Gbandi, 160. niamai:, niames, Taino, 194 f. niambi, niami, Sudanese, 228. nkalye, Asante, 254. nnames, Tair.o, 204. nocay, Tair.o, 21, 31. nori, Bandan, 58. nlla, Biafada, 254. nlsunio, Pika, 232. nucay. Taino, 31. nudar, Arabic, 31. nyambi, Wolof, 220, 262. nyambo, Mandingo, 228. nyeme ku, Malinke, 228. nzumo, Pika, 232. oaanijeu, Cberentes, 154. oali, Chavantes, 154. obankye, Asante, 241. obi, Madurese, 225. obi, Tagalog, 225. ode, Yagba. 32. ddsikapo, Igala, 234. ddsoka, Egvira-Hima, 242. odye, Asante, 232. oggyedeh, Yoruba, 128. oienkwa, Iroquois, 145. oie, Trumai, 250. olonguba, Pangela, 260. olopai, Solomon Islands,5265. oman, Fidsogo, 234. omanam. Bola. 234. ornano, Sarar, 234. one, Sobo, 233. operito, Taino. 80. opia, Taino, »>0. oporto, Portuguese, 119. opwdgan, Chippeway. 144. oro, Spanish, 32. oro, Kanyop, 32. oromini, Dsumu, 32. oropisa, Phihppine Islands, 265. oru, Akurakura, 32. 280 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA ospwdgan, Cree, 144. ouani, Chavantes, 154. oulla-oullarou, Carib, 53. ouraourdlou, Galibi, 53. ourata, Galibi, 53. ousipara, Galibi, 52. oussata, Huron, 185. ouy-entan, Tupi, 247. ovi, Malagassy, 225. ovihazo, Malagassy, 238. paca, Galibi, 54. pacoba, Tupi, 130. pacowa, Apiacas, 130. padurru, Yabarana, 130. palabi, Galibi, 53. palanu, Oyampi, 130. palapi, Galibi, 53. palulu, Cariniaca, 130. pdlulu, Maco, 130. paluru, Galibi, 130. pamano, Padsade, 234. panala, Uirina, 130. pdnara, Baria, 130. panara, Cocaima, 130. panizo, Spanish, 122, 124. parana, Bara, 130. paranta, Conobo, 130. parantana, Galibi, 130. parapi, Galibi, 53. paratanon, Galibi, 130. paratuna, Piapoco, 130. parianta, Chontaquiro, 130. parianti, Campi, 130. paru, Carijona, 130. paruru, Roucouyenne, 130. patache, Spanish, 49. patdche, Galibi, 49. pallia, Arawak, 51. pelota, Spanish, 53. penda, Mbamba, 260. pene, Mutsaya, 260. pepi, Bakairi, 49. pequeno, Spanish, 53. pero, Galibi, 53. perro, Spanish, 53. petema, Barbosa, 135. petime, Emerillon, 135. petume, Tupi, 134 f. petun, Oyampi, 135. petun, Tupi, 131. petuner, French, 144. peiy, AbaneSme, 135. pety, Guarani, 185. petym, Guarani, 135. picietl, Nahuatl, 146, 149 ff. piciliui, Nahuatl, 146, 150. pikenine, Galibi, 53. pinda, Nyombe, 260. pinddlu, Sanskrit, 225. pinders, English, 260. pinque, Galibi, 53. pipa, Spanish, 53. pipa, Galibi, 53. pira, Galibi, 54. pirotS, Galibi, 53. piroto, Galibi, 53. pitima, Chaffanjon, 135. pittwdw, Cree, 144. pituan, Montagnais, 144. plata, Spanish, 53. platano, Spanish, 127, 129. platena, Arawak, 130. plato, Spanish, 53. platta, Arawak, 53. pldtuna, Saliba, 130. plungon, OFrench, 65. poinco, Galibi, 53. poinga, Galibi, 53. poinge, Galibi, 53. poingo, Galibi, 53. polvora, Spanish, 53. pongi, Kongo, 208. ponique, Galibi, 53. porka, Arawak, 53. ppicil, Maya, 150. prapi, Galibi, 53. prolan, Ayamau, 130. prdtano, Uajibo, 130. prdttana, Arawak, 130. TTa.pni.Kbv, Greek, 106. ptem, Araueanian, 185. puba, Tupi, 246. puchon, Araueanian, 185. puerco, Spanish. 53. pugi, Lunda, 209. ptimdd, Sarar, 121. pumaidsi, Sarar, 120. putemn, Araueanian, 185. puthem, puthen, Araueanian. 185. puihocan, Araueanian. 185. putok, Sarar, 242. pytyma, Brazilian, 135. qasab, Arabic, 249. qa$abah, Arabic, 105, 112. WORD INDEX 281 qasslbah, Arabic, 112. quanyeu, Cherentes, 154. quauhcamotli, Nahuatl. 267. quea, Iroquois, 184 f. quereci, Galibi, 54. quissi, Macusi, 249. qussdbah, Arabic, 112. racabouchou, Carib, 51. rakdbouchou, Galibi, 51. raktalu, Sanskrit, 225. rambenda, Nkele, 261. ramot, Bagob, 265. ratbn, Spanish, 53. ratoni, Galibi, 53. reversum, Low Latin, 62. reveso, Spanish, 64. riverso, Italian, 64. rogo, Hausa, 241. rdgdhi, Kano, 241. rozia, Hausa, 241. ruga, Arabic (Soa), 240. eacudir, Portuguese, 236. sacudo, Portuguese. 236. safdra, Pul, 108. safari, Songay, 108. safarikoy, Songay, 108. safe, Mande, 108. safrdbe, Pul, 108. safrorde, Pul, 108. sagouin, OFrench, 208. sagui, Tupi, 208. saguin, Portuguese, 208. sahu, sad, Tupi, 208. sahy, sai, Tupi, 208. saka, Asante, 236. sakamo, Asante, 236. sakasaka, Akra, 236. sakasakana, Sotho, 236. sakkude, Pul, 236. sale, Gbandi, 109. Sam ere, Assyrian, 217. sambuleru, Arawak, 53. sdngu, Basunde, 120. sani, Mandingo, 32. sannu, Bambara, 32. sono, Kabunga, 32. sanu, Biafada, 32. sanyu, Toronka, 32. sapata, Galibi, 53. sapato, Spanish, 53. sapato, Carib, 53. sapatu, Arawak, 53. sara, Asante, 110. tarakhah, Arabic, 217. tare, Gbese, 109. sa'ut, Arabic, 105. sayri, Peruvian, 186. scema, Caveri, 154. schama, Atorai, 154. sebe, Mande, 108. sebe, Bambara, 108. iefd', Soho, 108. segi, Abriui, 32. seki, Plaui, 32. seld, Mon, 266. sema, Guahiba, 154. sena, Solima, 109. senhafa, Bedauye, 235. sera, Kisekise, 109. seri, Soso, 109. sewe, Vai, 108. shafiu, Arabic (dial.), 109. shassar, Soho, 1 10. shigbe, shigwe, Gbari, 109. shigbeda, shigweda, Gbari, 109. shika, Ga, 32. shpuagan, Montagnais, 144. shu, Chinese, 265. si, Dewoi, 237. sidma, Goali, 232. sibdrari, Galibi, 52. sicarou, Carib, 51. siccarou, Galibi, 51. sifd', Ufa', Arabic, 108. sifr, Arabic, 108. siga, Swahili, 236. sika, Akye, Ari, etc., 32. flkafa, Yagba, 234. sikkah, Arabic, 31. slla', Beduanda, 265. silak, Beduanda, 265. sinabfli, Vei, 232. sinekafa, Yoruba, 234. singoba, Ngola, 260. singwa, Swahili, 235. sinkafa, Gurma, 234. sinkafa, Ife, 234. Sinkafa, Hausa, 234. sipara, Carib, 249. sipardlli, Arawak, 52. sipdraly, Galibi, 52. sira, Mande, 111. si ra bla. Bambara, 111. siramba, Bambara, 111. soa, Akwapim, 209. sombraire, Galibi, 53. 282 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA sombrero, Spanish, 53. sombrero, Galibi, 53. sondz, Kasands, 261. soubdra, Galibi, 52. sra, Asante, 110. sud, Arabic, 258. sugua, Swahili, 235 f. sukaru, Arawak, 51. taba, Mande, 140. tabaco, Taino, 115, 117 f., 138 f., 150. tabah, in North West, 141. labaq, Arabic, 103, 105. tabaqa, Arabic, 103. tama, Mande, 140. tamawa, Micmac, 140. tamitze, Pimenteira, 140. tammaraka, Tupi, 134. tamo, Cumanagote, 140. tamoui, Galibi, 140. tandloro, Landoma, 242. tdnga, Mende, 241. taro, Polynesian, 224. taumouinto, Carijona, 140. tawa, Mande, 140. tawe, Bakairi, 140. tchemi, Piapoco, 154. te, Dahome, 237. tefure, Tene, 154. teheb, Arabic, 31. tela', Semang, 265. telak, Besisi, 265. temona, Arawak, 54. tera, Toma, 254. teran, Gbese, 254. testena, Huron, 145. thrasi, Italian, 257. tia, Mandingo, 254. t'iafrowo, Pul, 108. lialapirou, Galibi, 50. tialdvirou, Carib, 50. tiburones, LLatin, 64, 67. tichere, Cumanagote, 249. tiga, Malinke, 254. tigddze, Pul, 253. tigdre, Pul, 253. tigi, Dyula, 71. tigo, Bambara, 254. tiqwea, Ebe, 109. tijeras, Spanish, 53. tila', Semang, 265. Mak, Mentra, 265. timboi, Tupi, 113. limon, Spanish, 54. tiparantan, Mirripu, 130. tipiabica, Tupi, 248. tipiocui, Tupi, 248. tipioja, Tupi, 248. tipioka, Tupi, 248. tira, Dzalunka, 254. tiro, Spanish, 54. tirou, Galibi, 54. tisdenda, Huron, 145. tlacolquacuilli, Nahuatl, 151. tlalcacauatl. Nahuatl, 260. tobdh, in North West, 141. todi, Toronka, 160. tomahoue, Micmac. 140. tomakan, Micmac, 140. tona, Taino, 74, 159. tonde gauri, Pul, 246. too too, Taino, 74, 159. tootpalot, Puinabe, 130. toti, Malinke, 160. toto, Mande, 159. trasi, Italian, 258 f. trazea, Italian, 259. tsafi, Hausa, 108. tshigbe, Nupe, 109. tsibe, Basa, 109. tsidbe, Kupa, 109. tsigwe, Ebe, 109. tsipinda, Nyombe, 260. tuah, Guatuso, 155. tubbaq, Arabic, 102, 105, 111. tuob, Taino, 21, 31. turi, Kisekise, i54. turi, Kono, 160. tuwent, Kanyika, 260. tzede, Mapayo, 249. tzere, Yabarana, 249. tzictli, Nahuatl, 181. u, New Ireland, 225. uala, Tahitian, 239. uara, Tahitian, 239. uari, Acroamirim, 154. ubatim, Tupi, 118. ube, Busand, 225. ubi, Malay, 225, 261. ubi jawa, Malay, 239. ubi kastela, Amboy, 239. ubdra mdsar, Kandin, 120. udaman, Abnaki, 140. udame, Abnaki, i40. ude, Egba, 32. ueyu, Apalai, 250. vfi, Sikayana, 225. WORD INDEX 283 uhe, Motu, 225. uhi, Tahitian, 225. uhpooc, in Virginia, 143. uhpuonck, Natick, 144. ui, Mangaian, 225. ui, Tupi, 248. vi, Trio, 250. ui puba, Tupi, 246. vh, Yaulapiti, 250. ulri, Waura, 250. ulu, Songo, 32. umala, Samoan, 239. umdni, Kanyopi, 234. umara, Tahitian, 239. uppdwoc, in Virginia, 141 f. urebili, Tene, 232. urones, 63 f. uru, Carijona, 250. 'uruq, Arabic, 226, 240. ultamancoih, in Virginia, 143. Uutschoro, Pimenteira, 249. uvi, Kayan, 225. uwala, Hawaian, 239. uwi, Javanese, 225. vaca, Spanish, 54. vacca, Galibi, 54. vede, Abi, 241. veglio marino, Oltalian, 66. vela, Spanish, 54. vi, Tupi, 248. viata, Tupi, 217. viazi, Swahili, 238. vicica, Tupi, 217. triscus, Latin, 102. vita, Kongo, 247. vilnn, Araueanian, 185. vythan, Tupi, 245, 247. waari, Chavantes, 154. »('., Javanese, 225. wietum, Araueanian, 185. wili, New Guinea, 225. wiwi, Gorontalu, 225. wola, Kabenda, 32. womdno, Biafada, 234. wu, Chinese, 225. tenia, Boko, 32. uulddso, Biafada, 237. nnlo, Kasandi, 32. wuolo, Mimboma, 32. wura, Tumbuktu, 32. wuri, Kisekise, 160. wuro, Kiamba, 32. wurus, Wolof, 32. wuttamagon, Natick, 140. wuttamduog, Natick, 140. xolochcopalli, Nahuatl, 147. yaari, Arawak, 154. ydka, Kabenda, 242. yakua, Hausa, 243. yamut, Pampanga, 265. yani, Biloxi, 185. ybana, Taino, 33. yecuxoton, Nahuatl, 149, 151. yeke, Mampa, 241. yeti, Guarani, 263. yetl, Nahuatl, 146 f., 150, 154. yeto, Aveto, 263. yetiik, Camayura, 263. yeury, Arawak, 154. ygnami, Taino, 108. yguana, Taino, 33. yietl, Nahuatl, 140 f. yiri, Mano, 160. yirokonkonna, Mandingo, 160. yoka, Bulom, 241. ydkdi, Kisekise, 211. yoma, Baseke, 232. yoto, Apinages, 263. yo.tarapirou, Galibi, 50. yschti, Bare, .">() yschaly, Marauha, ."0. y'scho, Manao, 50. ylzd, Cariay, 50 yii. Chinese, 221, 265. yuana. Taino, 33. yuca. Taino, 108 ff. yuli, Arawak, 154. y iilii. Goajira, 151. yureo, Bororo, 250. yiiri, Goajira. 154. yii teu, Chinese, 224. zaburro, Portuguese, llv zofi. Hausa, 10s. zalam, Arabic, 257. zanalia, Esitako, 32. zetik. Emerillon, 263. zimbdla. Kabenda, 233. zinalia, Puka, 32. ziiwria, Hausa, 32. zindwe. Tette. 260. zinguba, Mimboma. 260. j. .nfi, Dahome, 209. zonaria, Kupa, 32. SUBJECT INDEX Agnaneo, 164. Agriculture, in America like that in Africa, 214; in Africa and Amer ica, 245. Ai.i=Haiti, 101. Alarchon and tobacco, 140 f . Alligator represented on pipe, 168. Amazons, 28. Amber in Island of Women, 30. America visited before Columhus, 34. Amerigo Vespucci, and the Fountain of Baptism, 165 f.; and yuca, 197. Amulets, in Odoric and Columbus, 103 f.; and pipes, 178, 184. Andagoya and yuca, 199. Animal representations on pipes, 168 f.; totems of Mandingos, 184. Apianus and Island of Women, 30. Apooke in Virginia, 143. Arabic influence in the Sudan, 228. Arawaks in Florida, 161 f. Arum, history of, 216 ff.; in Naba taean Agriculture, 217 ff.; and its mythology, 223 f . Avan, 39. Bafan, see Basan. Baheque, see Baveque. Banana, the plantain introduced from the East into Africa, 127; introduced into Spain in twelfth century, 127; its history in Amer ica, 127 ff.; first brought to Amer ica in 1516, 129. , Baneque, see Baveque. , Basan, 16; and Bosio follow from the same word, 18. Basma, province of Sumatra, 18. Bataks, see Batech. Batatas and Peter Martyr, 200 f . Batech, island of, and headhunters, 14. Baveque, island of, 13; origin of name, 16. Beimeni in Peter Martyr's map, 165. Belon and tobacco pipes in Turkey, 183 f. Beniny for Bimini, 165. Benzoni and tobacco, 137 f. Bergamo's Chronicle and the Island of Women, 39. Bernal Diaz del Castillo and tobacco, 126. Bimini, 161. Boceach, 26; see Batech. Boeach, in Nicolo Conti, confused with Bataks, 15. Bofio, 9; see Bohio. Bohio, the island, 16 ff.; a land or cape, 17; a province of His paniola, 25; derived from Bosnian of Marco Polo, 18, 25. Boiuca, 164. Bosman, in Marco Polo, is Basma, 18. Botegon, the island of, 14. Bottingo, see Botegon. Bothonigo, see Botegon. Brazil, and the manioc, 204 ff.; known before Cabral, 205; the Indians of, 205; the manioc in, 210 f., 243 f. BraziUan tobacco in Canada, 144 f. Brazilians, Indians in Canada com pared to, 137; had no yams, 229. Bread, from the interior of a tree' identical in Pigafetta and Odoric 125; of the Indians, 194; made of maize, 197; from roots, 193 ff., 228. Cacich in Pigafetta, 126. Cambalech, Cambalu, city of Great Khan, 18. Cami, the Great Khan, 11. Can, in Cubanacan, is the Mandingo konno "within," 12. Canada, and tobacco, 136 f.; tropi cal fruit in, in the sixteenth cen tury, 137; Indians in, compared to Brazilians, 137; importations from Europe to, in sixteenth cen tury, 144. SUBJECT INDEX 285 Caniba, the Great Khan, 18; people of, 18 ff.; and Carib, 20. Canibales, thought by Columbus to be a clever people, 17 ff.; origin of, explained, 18; derived from Marco Polo's Cambalu, 43; and Ramon Pane, 101; in Pigafetta, 126. Canima=Caniba, 18. Canoa, the word never used by Columbus, 44 ff.; not in Bakairi, 49. Canoe, 43 ff. Capangu and Cipango, 7. Caparu is Cipango in Albertin de Virga, 9. Caracaracol, in Ramon Pane, 76, 78; explained, 160. Carib, island of, 27, 40. Cariba, a variation of Caniba, 43. Caribes, so first called, 20; where located at first, 21; a ghost word, 41; Negro, 159. Caritaba, 19; is Bohio, a misreading for Caribata, 20. Cartier, and tobacco, 136 f.; ac quainted with Brazil, 137. Cassia in America, 128. Catalan maps, the, 4; and Island of Women, 29. Cathay, supposed by Columbus to be near, 12. Caunabo a ghost word, 70. Cavila, the Great Khan, 16. Central America, tobacco in, in the sixteenth century, 137 f. Cethya, 23 ; see Chittim. Ceylon and Java, 13. Chanca, Dr., mentions Hayti as a province, 25; and sweet potatoes, 196 f. Chapopotli, 181 ff. Charis, 40. Chicle, 181. Chittim is Tarshish, according to Columbus, 23. Cibao, see Cybao. Cibavi, 27; see Cybao. Cieza de Leon and the yuca, 199. Ciguavi monies, 27 ; see Cibavi. Cipangi montes, 27. Cipango, in search of, 7 ; placed else where by Columbus, 9; various forms of this word, 10; identified with Cuba, 10. Cisbao, 27; see Cybao. Cogioba, see Tobacco. Colba, name of Cuba, 9; for Cuba, explained, 12 f. Columbus, convinced of discovery of China, 2; his whimsicalness in changing names of places, 8; not truthful, 9; his credulity and wavering, 22 ff.; identifies Tar shish with Chittim, Ophir, Ophaz, Cipango, and Hispaniola, 23; his annotation to Pliny, 30; his Second Voyage, 55 ff.; his ac count of the cimi, 67 ff.; brought maize to Spain, 120; his unreli ability, 102. Conti, Nicolo, and Batech, 14. Copal, 147; as tribute, 152. Copper in Carib and Matinino a blunder, 35. Cormorant myth, 65 f. Coroay, an island, 25. Cortes and words from Peter Martyr, 126. Cowries, 1 1 f. Coylum is possibly Coroay, 26. Cuba, identified with Cipango, 10 f ; and Cubanacan, 10, 12; name ex plained, 12 f.; named Juana, 13, 10. Cubanacan, province of Cuba, 10; the form explained, 12. Cybao, an island, 25; is Cipango, 27. Cyperus esculentus, confused with peanut, 256; general confusion concerning it, 257; described by Ibn-al-Auwam, 257 f. Dagroian, province of Sumatra, IS. D'Ailly and the River Jordan, 164. De Candolle's opinion about manioc, 243 f. Drake and tobacco, 141. Duarte Fernandez and Brazil, 206. Eggplant in America, 128 f. Elephant represented on pipes, 169. Epicerinys, 145 f. Errhine, see Tobacco. Etowah mound and wrecks of Mexi can ships, 1S1. European fruits early introduced into America, 199. 286 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Fana in Odoric of Pordenone=Java, 13. Fansur, province of Sumatra, 18; see Fuma. Farfur, in Marco Polo, produces Fuma in Columbus, 26. Fava, 12; name for Cuba, 13; is Java, 13. Feiti=Feyti, 23. Female Island, 27 ff.; see Matinino. Femenina, 30; see Matinino. Femnarum regio in Catalan map, 29; see Matinino. Ferlec, province of Sumatra, 18. Fetichism in Africa due to Arabic medicine, 107 ff. Feyli, Columbus' name for Hispa niola, 23. First Letter of Columbus, 1 ff.; German translation of, 5 ff., 36 f.; German translation of, and Charis, 40; German translation of, has not the word canoa, 48. First Voyage, Journal of the, 1 ff. Fletcher and tobacco, 141. Florida, and tobacco, 139 f.; re ceives articles of manufacture from Mexico, 179 f. Fontaneda, and the Fountain of Youth, 162 f.; his account of wrecks near Florida, 179 ff. Forked reed, see Tobacco. Fountain of Youth, see Bimini. Fragoso and the yuca, 198. Fra Mauro, his map, 4; and Java, 13; and Island of Women, 29 f. Frenchmen smoking in the sixteenth century, 139 f. Fuma, an island, 25; in Columbus is Farfur of Marco Polo, 26. Galen and sternutatories, 106. Garcilasso and the yuca, 198. Garibalu of the Catalan maps is Cambalu, 20. Geese and chickens raised by Indians in sixteenth century, 214. Ghost words, see Caunabo, Guana hani, Guarionex, etc. Goanin, island of, 21; how it arose, 33. Gold, mined by candle-light, 13, 16; various names of, 21; in the African languages, 31 f. Gonneville in Brazil, 205. Gorgets in North America of Mexican origin, 175. Great Khan, the, and cami, 1 1 ; called Cavila, 16; of Cambalu, 18. Guam and sweet potatoes, 264 f . Guanahani, first seen, 5; spelled gwanahim in German translation of First Letter, 6; a misreading of giaua min., 6. Guanin, explained, 3 3 f . ; in Bernaldez, 33; and Ramon Pane, 100 f. Guarione, an island, 25. Guarionex, from Far omnes in Marco Polo, 26; the king, so named from Guarione, the island, 26. Guinea corn, 123 f. ; see Maize. Gunpangue, see Qipango. Gwanahim=Gua.na.ham, 6, 37. Haiti, of Peter Martyr, 24; from Cethya, 24; and Ramon Pane, 101. Harioi and tobacco, 141 f. Hasheesh, possibly meant by Colum bus, and not tobacco, 113 f. Hawkins and tobacco, 139 f. Hayti, a province, 25. Heads used as money, origin of myth explained, 14 ff. Hemp as a narcotic, 112. Hernandez and his description of meerschaum, 181 f. Herrera, and Cipango, 10; and the Fountain of Youth, 161 f. Hispaniola, is Tarshish, etc., 23; provinces of, 25. Holland and errhines, 107. Human form represented on pipes, 169 ff. Humboldt, and the banana, 131; and the manioc, 243. Hurons trading with people along the Gulf of Mexico, 146. Ibn-al-Auwam, and Arabic agricul ture, 217 ff.; and peanuts, 255 f.; and the cyperus esculentus, 257 f . Ibn-Balutah mentions peanuts, 255. Imperato and his description of meerschaum, 182 f. Indians, did not tell Columbus what he claims they did, 9; and Neg- SUBJECT INDEX 287 roes associated together, 153 f.; planted manioc for white man, 212 f.; in sixteenth century raised geese and chickens, 214. Islabela, 8; renamed Isabela, 8. Island of Women, in Marco Polo, 28 ff.; on Map of 1489, 30. Itch, see Caracaracol. J dna= Java, 13. Java, the Less, and Guanahani, 6; where placed by geographers, 13. Jordan, River, in Florida, 161 ff.; why so called, 164; and D'Ailly, 164; how introduced into Florida, 165. Josephus Flavius and the mandrake, 222 f. Juana, is Cuba, 13; again mentioned by Columbus, 39. Lambri, province of Sumatra, 18. Las Casas, and Toscanelli, 3 f.; and the Island of Women, 30; his opinion of Ramon Pane, OS f. Lery, and tobacco, 132 f.; and manioc, 210. Libretto of 1504 mentions ages, 200. Liquid amber, in Mexico, 126 f., 147; as tribute, 152. Locheac, 15; see Batech. Lucayos a miswriting of Indias, 1 ff. Luis de Torres, a Jewish scholar em ployed by Columbus, 12, 31. Maabar, in Marco Polo, produces Macoris, 26. Madagascar and yams, 225. Magla, 29; see Matinino. Maize, history of the word, 118 ff.; the word not used by Columbus before his Third Voyage, 122; a misunderstanding of Peter Martyr, 123; that is, millet, brought to Spain by Columbus, 123 f.; that is, millet, growing in Spain, 124; first used for Indian corn by Peter Martyr in 1511, 124 f. Major (India), in Marco Polo, pro duces Mayonis, 26. Male Island, 28 ff.; see Carib. Manati, mistaken for siren, 5; rep resented on pipes, 168. Mandrake, and Mithra worship, 220 f. ; and Josephus Flavius, 222 f.; its etymology, 223. Manioc, seen by Columbus in Africa, 193; mentioned in Brazil by Amerigo Vespucci, 197 f.; not found in Peru, 108; mentioned in Brazil, 204 f., 210 f.; not men tioned by Federmann, 211; men tioned by Stade, 212; planted in Brazil for white men, 212 f.; food for Negroes, 213; its lingu istic history in Africa, 240 ff.; in Brazil, 243 f.; planted only by friendly Indians in Brazil, 218*; words for, in America, 210 ff. Mappamondo.*, used by Columbus, 1; of 1480, 26. Marco Polo, and Java, 13; and cow ries, 14 f.; and porcelain, 15 f.; and the cannibals, Is; and Basma, IS; errors from misreading, 26; confused with Ptolemy, 37 f.; and the two provinces oi Java not visited by him, 39. Maricorix, an island, 25 f. Marinus, see Toscamlli. Maroris in Ramon Pane Mari corix, 26. Martini, a misreading of Maril, 3; see Toscanelli. Masculia, 30; see Carib island. Masemitro, 30. Mutenicna, 39. Mateunin, a misreading of Feminin, 38. Mathinina, 39. Matinie, 30. Matinino, the Island of Women, first sighted, 27; and Ramon Pane, 74, 100; see Mateunin. Malrimino, 39. Matrino, 39. Matianino, 38. Matthiolus and the peanuts, 258 f. Mattiuia = Matinino, 36, 38. Maunderillc and Botegon, 14. Mayonie, an island, 25. Mayonis, see Mayonie. McGuire and tobacco, 151 f. Medicine, Arabic, and African fe tichism, 107 ff. Meerschaum, pipes of, in Mexico, 149; in Mexico, 181 ff. 288 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA Men, Island of, 28 ff. Mexican ships stranded in Florida, 179 f. Mexicans, rapidity with which they adopted European methods, 147 ff. Mexico and tobacco, 147. Millet, see Maize. Mithra, and the arum, 219 ff.; and the mandrake, 220 f . Moabar, 26; see Maabar. Monicondos, mentioned by Colum bus, 23. Monitor pipes, 167 ff.; originally amulets, 178. Monkeys, philological history of, 206 ff. Moundbuilders and pipes, 167 ff. Nabataean Agriculture and arum, 217 ff. Nacan, see Cubanacan. Nebila, 29 f.; see Matinino. Negro faces represented in Mexican sculpture, 174 f. Negro languages in America, 159. Negro words in Ramon Pane, 159 ff. Negroes, smoking in the fifteenth century, 111; smoking early in the sixteenth century, 116; in Mexico, 126 f.; in rebellion in Mexico, in 1537, 152 f.; smoking in Guate mala early in the sixteenth century, 153 f. ; and Indians associated to gether, 153; in America in six teenth century, 155 ff.; Christians, 158; represented on pipes and pottery, 169 ff.; inveterate smok ers, 175 ff.; introduced smoking into America, 177; form settle ment in Peru, 186; in America fed on sweet potatoes, 202; imported yams to America, 203 f . ; in Brazil in the sixteenth century, 212; fed on manioc in Brazil, 213; brought peanuts to America, 260 f . Nestorians and the mandrake, 220. Nicotiana rustica in Canada, 145. Nicotiana tabacum, see Tobacco. Obsidian in mounds of Mexican origin, 178 f. Odoric of Pordenone, and Java, 13; and Bothonigo, 14. Ophaz is identified by Columbus with Hispaniola, 23. Ophir is Tarshish, according to Columbus, 23. Opium as a narcotic, 112. Ornophay, a corruption of Ophir y Ophay, 24. Oviedo, and the smoking of tobacco, 114 ff.; and yams, 193; his relia bility, 201 f.; and sweet potatoes, 202 ff. Pare and errhines, 106 f. Parrots, 57 f. Peanuts, history of, 251 ff.; men tioned by Ibn-Batutah, 255; mentioned by Ibn-al-Auwam, 255 f.; confused with cyperus escu lentus, 256 ff.; and Matthiolus, 258 f.; introduced into Brazil from Africa, 260. Peru, early introduction of Spanish words into, 198. Peter Martyr, identifies Ophir with Hispaniola, 23; and Ramon Pane, 99 f.; and maize, 124 f.; his Indian words in Pigafetta, 125; and the Fountain of Youth, 164; and sweet potatoes, 200 f.; and the manioc, 201. Philippine Islands, expeditions from Mexico to, 264. Philology, myopic, 130. Pigafetta, and maize, 125; and Tupi words, 134; and sweet potatoes, 214 f.; and the Malay vocabulary, 261. Pissasphalto, 182 f. Pitch, see Meerschaum. Pliny, and errhines, 107; and arum, 216; and mandrake, 221 f. Ponce de Leon and the Fountain of Youth, 161 ff. Porcelain, Chinese, in Marco Polo, 16. Ptolemy, chief source of Columbus' knowledge of geography, 2; and the German translation of the First Letter, 36 ff. Quaris, 40. Quarives, 40. Quizqueia, of Peter Martyr, 24; corruption of Ophyr y Ophaz, 24. SUBJECT INDEX 289 Ramon Pane, and Maroris, 26; his account of the religion of the In dians, 72 ff.; as judged by Las Casas, 98 f.; and Peter Martyr, 99; knew the First Letter of Columbus, 100; and Negro words, 159 ff. Rapidity with which new things spread in America, 128 ff. Rauwolf and peanuts, 256 f. Recemgo, see Botegon. Resengo, see Botegon. Rice, in the African languages, 234 ff . Rodrigo de Xerez, a Guinea interpre ter, 12, 31. Roots, in Arabic, 226 ff. Ruins in Mexico not as ancient as supposed, 174. Saba, see Fava. Saffi, amulet, 108. Sagard and tobacco, 145 f. Sagon, 208. Sahagun and tobacco, 14S ff. Samana, province of Hispaniola, 25; is Marco Polo's Samara, 25. Samara, province of Sumatra, 18. Samoet, island of, 7. San Salvador, see Guanahani. Saomete = Samoet; is Siamotra of Fra Mauro's map, 8. Second Voyage of Columbus, 55 ff. Siamotra of Fra Mauro is Samoet, Saomete of Columbus, 8. Siren, in the Catalan maps, 1; seen by Columbus, 5. Smoking, see Tobacco. Sousa and tobacco, 134. Spanish words in Peru, 198. Stade, and tobacco, 133 1.; and manioc, 212; and manioc in Brazil, 244 f. Sternutatory, see Tobacco. Strachey and tobacco, 143. Slrialions, on faces of figurines, 172; on faces among Negroes, 173 f. Sumatra, divided into eight king doms, 17 f.; see Siamotra. Sweet potatoes, history of, in America, 192 ff.; how planted, 193; and bread made of them, 193; and Negroes, 202; in the Moluccas and Lad rones, 215; and Pigafetta, 214 f.; in Asia, 238 f.; history of, 261 ff.; in Asia before discovery of America, 261; words for, in America, 262; in Philippine Islands and Guam, 264 f.; in Asia imported from Africa, 266. Syllacio and sweet potatoes, 195 f. Tabaco, see Tobacco. Tailed men in Marco Polo and the First Letter, 40. Taino, the native language of His paniola, not understood by the Spaniards, 08 f . ; words in Benzoni, 139; words in Brazil, 215. Taprobana, 8. Tarshish, identified by Columbus with an island, 23. Tharsis, 23; see Tarshish. Thevet and tobacco, 131; and the manioc, 211. Tionontates, the tobacco nation, 145. Tobacco, possible account of it by Columbus, 67 f.; a generic name for "styptic," 102; history of, 102 ff.; the styptic in Odoric, 103; as an errhine, 105 ff.; and forked reed, its origin, 107; words for, and "trouble," 110 f.; the asara words for, in the Sudan, 111; mentioned in Africa in the fifteenth century, 111; grows wild in Africa, 111; smoking of, due to magical use of aromatic plants, lllf.; origin of the word cogioba ex- plained,112f. ; cogioba not smoked, 113 f. ; leaves of, presented to Columbus, 113; the taking of incense not necessarily smoking, 114; smoking of, mentioned by Oviedo only in 1535, 115 f.; smoked by Negroes early in the sixteenth century, 116; smoking does not intoxicate, 117 f.; in Mexico, 126 f.; its mention in Brazil in the sixteenth century, 131 ff.; LLat. bitumen used for it, 135; in Canada in the six teenth century, 136 f.; in Central America, 137 f.; in Florida in the sixteenth century, 139 f.; words for, among North American In dians, 140; in the extreme north- 290 AFRICA AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA west, 140 f.; in Virginia, 141 ff.; imported into Canada from Brazil, 144; raised by Tionontates, 145; not mentioned by Fray Toribio or Gomara, 147; in Mexico, 146 f. ; mentioned in detail by Sahagun, 148 f.; in Mexico in the sixteenth century, 149; used in Mexican temple, 151; smoking of, not represented in Mexican monuments, 151 f.; words for, in Chile and Peru, 185 f.; resume^ of its history, 186 ff. Tobacco pipes, manufactured by Mexicans, 149; in Mexico, 149 f.; and McGuire, 151; and the Moundbuilders, 167 ff.; with rep resentations of animals and the human figure, 168 ff.; in Mexico, 175; in Africa like those in America, 177; in Turkey in the sixteenth century, 183 f. Topknot on heads of pipe figures, 170 ff. Toscanelli, P., his letter to Columbus a forgery, 2 ff.; a misreading of ptos, 3. Toucan represented on pipes, 168. Trasi, a ghost plant, 259. Troano, Manuscript, and smoking, 151. Tuob explained, 31, 34. Turkey and tobacco pipes, 183 f. Tzictli, 181. Vaneque, see Baveque. Var omnes, see Guarionex. Varnhagen and monkeys, 206. Van, 26; see Guarionex. Veneque, see Baveque. Villegaignon mentions maniel, 211. Virga, Albertin de, his map, 4 ; writes caparu for Cipango, 9. Virginia and tobacco, 141 ff. Vosio, see Bohio. Witchcraft, African, 107 ff. Women, Island of, 20 f., 27 ff.; see Matinino. Writing used as amulet, 107 ff. Xamana, a province of Hispaniola, 25; see Samana. Yamaye, Jamaica, 20; is Java major, 21. Yams, introduced from Africa, 114. 193; history of, in America, 192 ff.; not mentioned in First Letter, 195; introduced from Africa, 204; in Madagascar, 225; general name for edible roots, 229 f.; in Africa, 230 f.; in the African languages, 232 ff. Yana of Marco Polo is Java, 40. Yuca, see Manioc. Zibagum, see Qipango. Zipangu, see Qipango. 'ALE UNI/EPSIT. LIBRAHY 3 9002 01327 1797 ¦,¦¦:¦' '¦-'¦¦¦:, ';