YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Gift of Joseph Parker Esq.. 1886 THE WORKS HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. THE WORKS HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. VOLUME XXI. HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA. Vol. IV. 1840-1845. SAN FEANCISCO : A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 1886. Entered according to Act of Congress in the Tear 1886, by HUBERT H. BANCROFT, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. All Bights Reserved. ooifrrEi^Ts OF this volume. CHAPTER I. AITAKADO'S BULE — THE GRAHAM AFPAIB. 1840-1842. FAGE Govemor's PoUcy — Spirit of Foreigners — Fears and Buraors — Padre Real's Warning — In the Junta — Garner's Denunciation — The Horse race — Theories — Castro and VaUejo — ^A Foreign Plot — ^Diary of a Crazy Man — The Arrest — ^Documentary Record — Alvarado's Procla mation — In the South — Exaggerations and Falsehoods — ^Lists of Naraes — Arrest of Graham aud Morris — In Prison at Monterey- Thomas J. Famham — Trial — The Voyage — ^At Sta Birbara — At Tepio — Eflforts of British Consul Barron — Action of Govemment — Retum of NineteeuExUes — Castro's Trial in Mexico — The Dandide and St Louis at Monterey — Visit of the Curagoa — ^English Claims — Commodore Jones and the Amerioan Claims 1 CHAPTER II. 3BISSI0N AUNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIBS. 1836-1840. Condition of Missions in 1836 — Secularization — Acts of Authorities 1836- 8 — Chico's PoUcy — Secularization of Five Missions — ^New Missions Proposed — The Revolution aud its Effect — SpoUation — ^Alvarado's Efforts for Reform — Reglamento of 1839 — Hartnell as Visitador Gen eral — Reglamento of 1840 — Duran's Views — HartneU's Secoud Visita Resignation — Mission Statistics — Presideut aud Prefect — Ecclesias tical — Garcia Diego as Bishop — Stipends of Friars — Pious Fund — Indian Aflfairs — ^Troubles on the San Diego Frontier — Ranchos Plun dered — Sonoma Frontier — Vallejo's Policy — Fights aud Treaties— SmaU-pox — South of the Bay — Horse-thieves — The Chaguanosos — Seasons and Earthquakes ^2 CHAPTER III. COMMERCE, FINANCE, AND MARlTIMB AITAIRS. 1836-1840. General Remarks— Statistics of Trade — New Mexican Traders — Otter Skins— SmuggUng — Chico's Bando— Action of CaUfomia Congress — (vii) viii CONTENTS. PAGE Vessels of 1836 — Regulations — Hawaiian Trade — Cattle Driven to Oregon by Young — Edward's Diary — Vallejo's Plans — Fleet and Revenues of 1837 — Carrillo's Decree — Vessels and Statistics of 1838 — Otter-hunting — Captain Bancroft Killed by Indians — Silver for Duties — Coasting Trade to be Prohibited — Vessels of 1839 — Alva rado's Policy — Stearns as a Smuggler — Fleet of 1840 — 0£B,cers of Cus tom-house aud Coraisaria — Financial Administration — Distribution of Revenues — Alphabetical List of Vessels, 1836-40 79 CHAPTER rv. FOREIGN RELATIONS AND PIONEERS. 1836-1840. Foreign Influence in the Revolution — Interference as a Current Topic — Attitude of Different Classes — French Relations — Rumored Cession of Califomia to England — -Quotations from American Papers — Policy iu 1837-8— Horse-thieves— Restrictions of 1839-40— The Exiles— Pi oneers — Personal Items — Authorities — Statistics — Something about the Old Settlers — Their Character and Influence — Prominent Names —New-comers of 1836-40 — Most of Thera Transient Visitors — Irami gration — Annual Lists — Chronological Iteras — The Lausanne and her Passengers at Bodega 107 CHAPTER V. Sutter's fort — visits- and books. 1836-1840. John A. Sutter's Early Life — Comes to California via Oregon, Honolulu, aud-Sitka — Reception at Monterey — Purchases on Credit — Trip up the Sacramento — Nueva Helvecia Founded — Relations with Sonoma — ^Annals of 1839-40 — Indian Polioy — Cattle, Beaver-skins, and Brandy — Sutter's Plans — Phelps' Visit — Recruits — Sutter a Mexican Citizen — BibUography of Foreign Visits — The Peacock — Ruschenber ger's Narrative — ^The Sulphur — Belcher's Narrative — Survey of the Sacramento — Slacum's Visit — The Venus — Petit-Thouars' Voyage Forbes on CaUfomia — The Ariemise — Laplace, Campagne — Phelps' Pore and Aft — Farnham's Life in CaUfornia — J. P. B. M 122 CHAPTER VI. THE RUSSIANS IN CALIFORNIA. 1831-1841. Yearly Vessels — Ri5sura^ — Report of 1831 — KhUbnikof's Mission Vic toria's Policy — Figueroa's Diplomacy — Vallejo's Mission to Ross Wrangell and Beechey — Annals of 1834-9— Kostromitinof Succeeded by Rotchef — Warehouse at Sauzalito — Wrangell's Plan of Extension — His ^failure in Mexico, 1836 — Resolve to Abandon Ross, 1838-9 CONTENTS. ix PAGE Proposed Sale to Hudson's Bay Company — Aflfair of the La-usanne, 1840 — Vallejo aud Kuprianof — Proposed Sale to Vallejo — Land and BuUdings — Absurd Instructions frora Mexico — Sale to Sutter — Con tract and Deed — No Land Purchased — Russian Title to Ross — The Muldrow Claim of Later Years — Departure of the Colonists — How the Debt was Paid, 1845-59 158 CHAPTER VII. POLITICAL AFFAIRS AND GENERAL CONDITION. 1841. Events of the Year — Small Part Played by CaUfomians — Apathy in Poli tics — A Season of Drought — At the Capital — Govemor Alvarado — Jiraeno Acting Ruler — No Session of the Junta Departaraental — No Excess of Government — Adrainistration of Justice — Mission Aflfairs — Continued Spoliation — Mofras' Statistics — Pueblo of San Juan de Argiiello — The Bishop's Arrival — Indian Affairs — A Tirae of Peace — Military Iteras — Alvarado and Vallejo — Polioy and Motives of the Coraandante General — Unfounded Charges — Action in Mexico — Recouoiliatiou— Castro or Prudon — Vallejo's Plans for Reforra 190 CHAPTER Vni. COMMERCIAL AND MAP.ITIME AFFAIRS — THE HUDSON'S BAT COMPANY — VISITS AND BOOKS. 1841. Trading Regulations — Coasting Trade Suspended aud Restored — New Mexican Caravan — SrauggUng — Vallejo's Plan — Otter-hunting — Whalers — List of Vessels — Statistics of Revenue — Financial Adrain istration — Hudson's Bay Company in California — Visit and Journal of Sir James Douglas — The Fur-hunters Licensed — Purchase of Live stock — Proposed Trading-post — Rae's Establishment at Yerba Buena —Visit of Sir George Simpson and Chief Factor McLoughlin — The Company and Sutter — Simpson to Vallejo — Map — Simpson's Narra tive — Quotations — Warner's Lecture on Califomia — Peirce's Visit and Journal 208 CHAPTER IX. suiter's fort — U. S. EXPLORING EXPEDITION — DUFLOT DE M0FR.iS. 1841-1849. Progress at New Helvetia — The Fort — Indians — Industries — Vioget's Map — Sutter's Land Grant — Visitors — Purchase of Ross — Views of Peirce and Sirapson — Sutter's Troubles — ^Debts — Trade and Trapping — Vallejo and Sutter — Threats of Revolt — Letter to Leese — U. S. Exploring Expedition — The Fleet — PubUshed Results — Operations in California — Ringgold on the Sacraraento — Emmons' Overland X CONTENTS. PAQB Trip from Oregon — ^Map — ^Wilkes' Narrative — Serious Defects — Quo tations — Duflot de Mofras — His Moveraents — His Experience at Monterey, Yerba Buena, aud Sonoraa — His Character — Book — Map . 226 CHAPTER X. FOREIGN RELATIONS ANO IMMIGRATION. 1841. Hopes and Plans of Foreign Nations — United States — ^Manifest Destiny — Wilkes and Warner — Foreign Opinions — British Projecta — Simp- sou's Views — ^Aspirations of France — Mofras on a Catholic Protecto rate — Sutter as a. Frenchman — Advantages of Yankee Methods — Beginning of Overland Immigration — Excitement in the Frontier States — Bartleson Party from Missouri — Bidwell's Diary — Narratives of Belden, Chiles, aud Hopper — Crossing the Desert and Sierra — ^List of Names — Arrival and Reception — Policy toward Foreigners — Vallejo's Acts — Dr Marsh — The Workman -Rowland Party from New Mexico — Wilson's Narrative — Rowland's List — Other Parties — Mrs Walker and Mrs Kelsey — List of New-comers for 1841 — litems about Old Settlers 256 CHAPTER XI. ALVAPvABO, VALLEJO, AND MICHELTORENA. 1842. Prudou at Monterey — Alvarado's Plots — Bustamante or Santa Anna — The Govemor's Despatches — Departure of the Comisionados Casta- fiares and Prudou — Too Late — Manuel Micheltorena Appointed Governor aud Coraandante General — His Instructions — Raising au Army of Convicts — The Joumey — Batallon Fijo — List of Officers — Arrival at San Diego — At Los Angeles — ^VaUejo Tums over the MU itary, Command — Alvarado Disappointed but Submissive — Proclama tion — Micheltorena Assumes the Govemorship at Angeles in De cember — Junta Departamental — Tribunal de Justicia — Discovery of Gold 281 CHAPTER XII. COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. 1842. EngUsh, French, and AmericauSchemes — Jones' Instructions The French Fleet— Engliah Fleet— Rumora of War— Cession of CaUfornias— Monroe Doctrine— The United States and Cyane at Monterey Cap ture of the Guipuzcoana — Joues' Positiou aud Motives Occupation aud Restoration of the Capital — Authoritiea in Manuscript and Print — Jones at Sau Francisco and Sonoma — Reports Arrival of the Dale and Yorktown — In the South — Micheltorena's Valor Mex- CONTENTS. xi PAGE ican Borabast — Reporta to Mexico — Clairas for Damages — The Tasso and Alert — Jonea at Los Angeles — Bocanegra-and Thompson in Mex ico — Webster and Almonte in Washington — In Congress — The Press — Joues Recalled 298 CHAPTER XIII. MISSIONS, COMMERCE, AND FOREIGNERS. 1842. Mission Management — Decree of Restoration — Durau and Alvarado — Local Items — Bishop Garcia Diego at Santa Bdrbara — Grand Episco pal Plans — The Pious Fund in Mexico — Santa Anna Takes It from the Bishop — ^Incorporated iu the National Treasury — The Result- Indian Aflfe,irs — No Hostilities and Few Rumors — Commercial aud Maritime Aflfairs — ^List of Vessels — Financial Items — Foreigners — List of Pioneers and Visitors for the Year — Part of the Bartleson Corapany Return Overland — Minor Items — New Mexican Immigra tion — Bibliography of 1842 — Robinson's Life in Califomia — Visit of the King's Orphan — Bidwell's Journey — Marsh's Letter to Jones — Peirce's Letter 330 CHAPTER XIV. micheltorena's BULE — POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 1843. The Govemor at Los Angeles — Financial Troubles — Warfare against Destitution — A Junta of Angelinos — Aid from Citizens, from Vallejo, and from Limantour — Symptoms of Controversy — Micheltorena with his Batallon Comes to Monterey — Reception — Ruraorsof Revolt — Grahara's Oflfer — Junta of Officers at Monterey — Prefectures Sup pressed — Absence of Records — Swearing of the Bases — ^Vote for Sauta Anna — Junta Departamental — Elections — Castanares for Congress — Indian Aflfairs — Expedition to Mendocino or Clear Lake— The Cho los at Angelea and Monterey — Exaggerated Accusations 350 CHAPTER XV. MISSIONS — COMMEECE — MARITIME AFFAIRS. 1843. Anticipation of a Change — Policy of Govemor aud Padres — Micheltorena'a Decree Restoring the Missions to the Friara — ^Motivea — 'The Change Eflfected — ^Miaaion Lands — Missionary Personnel and Officials — -The Bishop aud his Financial Troubles — Tithes — ^Garci'a Diego and Vallejo — Patroness of the Diocese — Friars not to be PoUticians — Scandal Prevented — Commercial Regulations — Smuggling — ^Fear of Losing the Boston Trade — ^Whalers — Minor Items — Custom-house Officials — Finance — Falling-off of Revenuea — Liat of Vessels 368 xu CONTENTS. CHAPTER XVI. FOREIGN EELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION. 1843. PAGE Mexican Eflforts to Prevent American Immigration — Almonte's Letter — Santa Anna's Order— A Diplomatic Controversy— Thompson and Booanegra — English Scheraes of Colonization — WyUie to HartneU— Forbes' Plan— Larkin and Forbes, Consuls of U. S. and England. — Foreigners Kindly Treated in Calfornia — Sutter's Establishraent— False Pretensions— Immigrants of the Year — Hastings Company- Troubles with Indians — Chiles-Walker Corapany — A New Route — ¦ Narratives— Names— Stephen Smith and his Steara-engine — Hasn tings' Book — Ignorance, Prejudice, and Deception — List of Pioneers of 1843 379 CHAPTER XVII. MICHELTOEBNA'S rule — POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 1844. Economy — Abrego and Pico Sent to Mazatlan — Aid frora Vallejo, Larkin, and Liraantour — Ruraors of Revolt — Arrest of Alvarado— A New General Expected — Rising of the Cholos — Arrest of Castanares — ¦ War with the United States — Preparations for Defence — MiUtia Organized — Larkin's Letters — Indian Affairs — Presidio on the Sau Joaquiu — Junta Departaraental — Candidates for Governor — The Cap ital — Monterey and Angeles — Santa In^s as a Compromise — Casta nares in Mexico — His Book — Warning against Foreigners — No Re sults — General View of Micheltorena's Character aud Administra tion 401 CHAPTER XVIII. MISSIONS AND BISHOPRIC — TRADE AND FINANCE. 1844. Duran's Report on Southem Missions — Local Items — Lost Sheep- Padres and Vallejo — Secularization of Sau Luis Obispo — Grant of Lands to the Church — Authorized Sale of Mission Estates to Meet War Ex-^ penses — Bishopric — Ecclesiastical Seminary at Santa Infe — Pastoral Visit to the North — Coraraercial Regulations — Retail Trade — Protec tion of the Boston Merchants — Whalers Allowed to Trade — Yerba Buena and Sauzalito — Revenue Officers — Sau Francisco and Santa BArbara — Financial Aflfairs — List of Vessels on the Coast in 1844. . . 421 CHAPTER XIX. IMMIGRATION AND FOREIGN EELATIONS. 1844. John 0. Fremont— His Early Life— First Expedition, 1842-3— Report — Second Trip, 1843-4 — The Overland Iraraigrant Route to Oregon — CONTENTS. PAGE From Oregon to California — Across the Sierra by a New Route — Return East — Frdraont's Book — Map — Value of Fremont's Survey • — Prejudice of Pioneers — telsey Company of Iraraigrants — Naraes — The Bale Affair — Stevens' Corapany — List — The First Wagons — By the Truckee Route — Foreign Relations — Sutter'a Aflfairs — Annexa tion Soheraea — U. S. Conaulate — Engliah Colonization — WylUe and Hartnell — Hudson's Bay Company — Wandering Sketches — Alpha betical List of Pioneers 434 CHAPTER XX. EEVOLUTION AGAINST MICHELTORENA. 1844. PreUminary Rfeum^ — Motives of the Rebels — Peeling against the Ba- tallou^Plots aud Warnings — Pronunciaraiento of the Canada de Sau Miguel — The Governor's Proclamation — Campaign of Laguna Seea, or Santa Teresa — Narratives — ^The Treaty — Castro at Mission Sau 3os6 — Micheltorena's Proclamation and Reports — His Treachery — Resolves to Break the Treaty — Aflfairs in the South — Rising at Santa Barbara — Policy and Motives of the Foreignera — Sutter's Contract — Preparationa at New Helvetia — Vallejo's Protests — Occurrences at Sau Fraucisco — Weber's Arrest 455 CHAPTER XXI. EXPULSION OF GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. 1845. The Governor Breaks the Treaty of Santa Teresa — Foreign Interference — Fears of Californians — Sutter Joina Micheltorena at Salinas — Cap ture of Manuel Castro— Alvarado and Castro March South, Fol lowed by Micheltorena and Sutter — Capture of the Garrison at Ange lea — Conversion of the Abajeuos — Negotiations at Santa Birbara — The Campaign of San Buenaventura — Campaign of Cahuenga — With drawal of the Foreigners — Capture of Sutter — A Bloodless Battle — Defeat of Micheltorena — ^Treaty — Pico Governor, and Castro Coraan dante General — Micheltorena and the Batallon Sent Away — ^His Later Career— Affairs in the North— Sutter at Horae 484 CHAPTER XXII. RULE OF PICO AND CASTRO. 1845. Pico and Caatro in Command — Los Angeles the Capital — Sessiona of As sembly — Expediente againat Micheltorena — Prisoners' Revolt — Junta de Guerra at Monterey — Acta of Mexican Governraent — Eflforts of Castanares^Iniestra's Expedition— A Fiasco— Hijar's Mission— J. M. Castanares Sent to Mexico — Proposals for Governor— Supreme Court xiv CONTENTS. PAOB — Conatitutional Reforras — Prefectures Restored — Vote for Presi dent — Jones and Larkin — Castillero's Mission — ^Military Organiza tion — September Revolt at Angeles — Elections — Alvarado for Con gress — Varela Revolt at Angelea — CarriUo Exiled — Flores Revolt at Santa Birbara — ^Indian Affairs — Contract with Gantt and Marsh — Local Items 518 CHAPTER XXIII. The MISSIONS — commerce and finance. 1845. Secularization to be Completed — Pico's Polioy — Chronological Develop ments Viewa of Preaident Duran — Bandos of April, May, and Octo ber — Preparations and Inventoriea — ^Debta — Pico's Regulationa for Sale and Renting of the Miasions — Three Establishmeuta Sold — Four Rented — Eccleaiastioal Affaira — Pious Fund — Commerce — Foreign Goods — A New Clasa of Smuggling — Whalers — Cuatom-houae — Al varado as Administrator — Minor Ports — Treasury — Abrego and Valle — Financial Difficulties and Statistics— Castro and Pico — The Star of tlie Wed Wrecked — Distribution of Debt and Revenue — ^List of Vessela, 1841-46 546 CHAPTER XXIV. IMMIGEANT COMPANIES AND PIONEERS. 1845. Overland Immigration — New Mexicana — The McMahon-Clyman Com pany from Oregon in July — Clyman's Diary — Oregon Train of 1845 — Palmer's Journal— Cooke's Scenes — Californian Agenta at Fort Hall The Swasey-Todd Company — Sublette and his Men — ^The Grigsby- Ide Corapany — ^Naraes — Woraen and Children — Recollections of Miss Ide— Statements of Knight, Gregson, Dewell, ElUott, and Tustin — Fremont's Third Expedition— Over the Sierra by Two Routes in De ceraber — A Blunder — Kings River aud Kern River — Bibliography — The Hastinga-Semple Company— A Narrow Escape- Pioneers and Visitors of 1845 gyi CHAPTER XXV. FOREIGN RELATIONS. 1845. Foreign Conaulates— Larkin, Leidesdorff, Forbes, Gasquet, aud LataiUade — British Schemes— Nothiug but Suspicions— Hudson's Bay Com pany—Suicide of Rae— Schemes of the United States— Buchanan to Larkin — Plans of Marsh and Weber — Impending War — Arrest of Sraith— Orders from Mexico— Pico's Proclamations— MUitary Prep arations — Kind Treatment of Immigranta — Mexican Orders for Ex- CONTENTS. XV FAGS pulsion of Americans — Castro Perraits Thera to Remain — Affairs on the Sacramento — Sutter's Welcome to New-comers — The Russians Want their Pay — Sutter Wishes to Sell out — Diary of New Helve tia 589 CHAPTER XXVI. LOCAL ANNALS OF THB SOUTH. 1841-1845. Populatiou — San Diego — Last of the Presidial Company — Municipal Af fairs — Ranchoa — Miaaion San Diego — San Luis Rey — Padre Ibarra — Wasting-away of the Estates — San Juan Capiatrano — Pueblo of Sau Juau de Arguello — Sau Dieguito, Sau Pascual, aud Las Flores — Loa Angeles District — Statistics — City and Suburbs — Local Eventa — Pre fecture and Muuicipal Govemment — Crirainal Record — Ranchos — San Pedro— Sau Gabriel — Decadence under Majordoraos — Sau Ber nardino — Agua Manaa — San Fernando — Mission Rented — Santa Birbara District — Presidio and Town — Sub-prefect and Jueces de Paz — Ranchos — Mission — Inventories and Renting— San Buenaven tura — Santa In& — Padre Moreno — The College — Purisima — Padre AbeUa — SmaU-pox — Ruin and Sale 617 CHAPTER xxvn. LOCAL ANNALS OF THE NORTH. 1841-1845. Population of the North and of CaUfomia — Monterey District — ^Events at the Capital — Military Iteraa — Prefecture — Municipal Affairs — List of Ranchos — Sau Cirlos — San Luis Obisbo — ^A New Pueblo — Sale of Ex-raissiou Property — Sau Miguel — Sau Antonio — Soledad^ — San Juan de Castro — Santa Cruz — Villa de Branciforte — San Fran cisco District — Popnlation — Events — Pueblo Mattera — Sub-prefect ure — Military — Growth of Yerba Buena— New Cuatom-houae — Land Grants in the North — Miasion Dolores — San Rafael — Solano— Pue blo of Sonona — Ross aud Bodega — New Helvetia — Sau Jos6 Mission —Padres Muro, Gutierrez, aud Quijas — Sauta Clara — Padre Mercado —Pueblo of Sau 3os6 649 PioNEEB Register and Index. ' Ibanez ' to ' Quivey ' 688 HISTOEY OF OALIFORKIA. CHAPTER L ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. 1840-1842. Governor's Policy— Spirit of Foreigners — ^Feaes and Rumors — Padee Real's Warning — In the Junta — Gaeneb's Denunciation — The Horse-race — Theories — Casteo and Vallejo — A Foreign Plot- Diary op a Crazy Man — The Arrest — Documentary Record — Alva rado's Proclamation — In the South — Exaggerations and False hoods — Lists of Names — Arrest of Graham and Morris — In Prison AT Monterey—Thomas J. Farnham — Trial — The Voyage— At Sta BARBARA — At Tepic — Efforts of British Consul Baebon — Action of Government — Return of Nineteen Exiles — Castro's Trial in Mex ico — The 'DanaVde' and 'St Louis' at Monterey — Visit of the ' CUEA90A ' — English Claims — Commodore Jones and the American Claims. We have now reached a period in the annals of California when the doings of foreigners become a more important element than those of natives or Mexi cans, though the territorial ownership of the latter was not yet disputed. Indeed, matters pertaining directly or indirectly to the subject of foreign rela tions fill two thirds of the space in this volume, which brings the country's history in all its phases down to 1845. Though the preceding volume brought politi cal annals down to 1840, the chronological limits assigned to this volume are 1836-45, since several chapters are devoted to developments of earlier date than 1840, one on the Russian establishment reaching back to 1831. This overlapping, as already explained, Vol. rv. 1 2 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAJVI AFFAIR. is unavoidable, except by the sacrifice of symmetrical subject-grouping; and in this instance it will prove obviously a convenience to the reader by throwing, to gether a large amount of matter pertaining to foreign affairs, and preliminary to a narrative of the so-called conquest of 1846-8, to be given in another volume. The Pioneer Register is continued in this volume, to be completed in the next. The arrest and exile of Isaac Graham and his com panions in 1840 belong properly to the subject of foreign relations, to be treated separately for this as for preceding periods; but as the narrative is much too long to be included in the chapter on that general subject for 1836-40, and as the topic is one of the most prominent in the annals of the year, I prefer to present it here in a separate chapter, the last of seven devoted to the political history of the half-decade, before proceeding to consider general institutionary matters of the same period. The Graham affair is one which presents unusual difficulties to the historian. It is now, and probably will ever be, impossible to give a version that can be regarded as accurate in every particular. Much false testimony is before me on both sides respecting cer tain phases of the matter; while on other phases the record, if accurate, is unsatisfactory. The version beet known to the world is the partisan one published by Farnham, Wilkes, Hastings, and others who have followed those writers — a version grossly exaggerated, to say the least, against the Californians and in behalf of the American settlers. A statement much more moderate and just in tone, if somewhat less detailed in matter, is that of Alfred Robinson, reproduced in substance by Tuthill. The narrative of Duflot de Mofras is favorable to the Californians, and has been followed by Gleeson and one or two other writers. My material from the archives and other orio-inal .sources is plentiful, and I am in a position to correct VIEWS OF THE SETTLERS. 3 many erroneous statements made by others, and to throw new light on the subject generally, even if I cannot clear away all uncertainty respecting it. The number of foreign residents was considerably increased in these years, and many of the new-comers were men of a turbulent and undesirable class, being for the most part deserters from vessels on the coast. During the troubles of 1886-8, the government had been unable to enforce the restrictions required by the laws; indeed, Governor Alvarado could not consist ently oppress a class of men who had done so much to put him in power, even if he could afford to make enemies of any in those troublous times. Many who exercised a sort of leadership over the foreigners were not satisfied with the results of the revolution, or with their failure to make of California another Texas; while Texan history served also on the other hand as a warning to the Californian authorities. The for eigners, lawless and boisterous by nature and educa tion, regarding all Spaniards as of an inferior and despicable race, took advantage of existing circum stances to become not only independent in their actions and annoyingly familiar in manner,^ but loud, boast- 1 'I was insulted,' said Alvarado to Alfred Robinson, Life in Cal, 179-84, 'at every turn by the drunken followers of Graham; and when waUdng in the garden, they would come to its wall aud call to me in terms of the greatest famiUarity: "Ho! Bautista, come here, I want to speak to you;" Bautista here, Bautista there, and Bautista everywhere.' Any one farailiar with the spirit of English and American sojourners in a foreign land, and with their opiniona of all that is Spanish since the days of Sir Francis Drake, may easily imagine the airs put on by these fellows. Famham, Life in Oal, 66, etc., writes as follows: 'Alvarado became suspicious of the foreignera who had aided him in the revolution, and sought every raeans of annoying thera. They might depose him as they had done Echeandia. Aud if vengeance were always a certaiu consequent of injustice, he reasoned well. The vagabond had prom ised, in the day of his need, to bestow lauds on those who had saved his neck and raised him to power. This he found it convenient to forget. Like Spaniards of all ages and countries, after having been well served by his friends, he rewarded them with the most heartless ingratitude. ' ' Another cause of the general feeling against the Americans and Britons in California was the fact that the seuoritas, the dear ladies, iu tho plenitude of their taste and sympathy for foreigners, preferred them as husbands. Heuce JosS Castro was heard to declare a little before the arrest, that such indignities could not be borne by CastiUan blood; " for a Calif orniau cavaliero cannot woo a seno rita if opposed in his suit by au American sailor, aud theae heretics must be cleared from the land." Such were the causes operating to arouse the wrath and ripen the patriotism of the CaUfomians. The vengeance of baffied gal- 4 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. ful, and even threatening in their talk. These circum stances were non-interference in the matter of pass- ' ports, the aid some of them had rendered to Alvarado, their increasing number and that of their natural allies the trappers of the interior, the well known dis sensions between the Californian leaders, the danger of new revolts in the south, and the threatening atti tude of the Indians in different parts of the depart ment; and the same circumstances which made the foreigners bold and impudent rendered the Califor nians timid. Alvarado knew that the southern oppo sition to his rule was not extinct. He was beginning to regard Vallejo as a new and formidable foe in the north ; and the latter had constantly insisted that dan ger, exaggerated perhaps in the interest of his military schemes, was impending from foreign encroachments. The governor and others knew that the presence of these lawless, uncontrollable strangers was not desira ble. It was feared, and with much reason, that they would either seize upon a favorable opportunity to take possession of the country with aid from outside, or that they might at least enable some one of the hostile factions to overthrow the administration and plunge the country again into civil strife. The fear was real and wide-spread ; but under 'such circumstances it is not unlikely that undue importance was attached to par ticular rumors, nor impossible that in certain quarters pretexts were even sought for ending the suspense by bringing the matter to an early issue. lantry bit at the ear of Capt. Josd Castro; the fear of beiug brought to justice by Grahara tugged at the liver of Alvarado; aud love, the keenest, and hate, the bitterest, in a soul the smallest that was ever entitled to the breath of Ufe, burnished the little black eyes and inflamed the little thin uose of ono Corporal Pinto. _ These were the worthies who projected the onalaught on the foreigners. Their plan of operations was the shrewdest one ever concocted m California.' I give more space to Farnham's ravinga than they would otherwise deserve, because he was iu Cal. at the time, and had better oppor tunities to learn the truth respectmg the Graham affair than about other matters whioh he attempts to treat. His views are echoed by Wilkes Nar rative, V. 180, etc., by Hastinga, Emigrant Guide, 118, etc., and by somo others. There is, however, nothing to show any oppression or treachery iu the treatraent, or any general spuit of hatred or jealousy in the feelings of CaUfomians toward foreignera in tliese years. There waa fear, aud it waa well founded. A CONSPIRACY REVEALED. 5 At the end of March or early in April 1840 Padre Suarez del Real of San Carlos warned Alvarado in a letter of an intended uprising of American residents, subsequently stating that the plot was revealed at the confessional by a foreigner supposed to be at the point of death, and claiming for that reason exemption from being obliged to make a legal declaration on the subject.^ On April 4th thie subject came up before the junta. Gonzalez remarked that expressions used by certain foreigners in places of public resort seemed to show that a plot was to be feared ; whereupon the governor stated that he had knowledge of such a plot, and that while his information was of such a nature that it could not be made public, the conspirators were under surveillance, and their plans would not be per mitted to succeed.' Soon William R. Garner con firmed the existence of revolutionary schemes, in which he himself had been involved apparently, and denounced Isaac Graham as chief of the conspirators. It is not clear whether Garner gave his testimony voluntarily to favor Alvarado and Castro, to prevent an outbreak, or to gratify some personal dislike, or was induced to confess by stratagem or threats on the part of Castro. There are indications that he was entrapped by a trick into making a partial revelation, and that he made an effort to warn the foreigners. There is little or no foundation for the extravagant charges made against, him by the latter in their anger.* ^The padre's letter waa aent by Alvarado to the min. of the int., with a communicatiou of AprU 22d. Dept. Rec. , MS. , xi. 67. According to Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 63-4; Torre, Remin., MS., 87-9; and Meadows, Graham Affair, MS., 9-12, the dying mau waa generally believed to be one Toraiis — probably Toralinson, caUed ' Tora the Napper,' according to Meadows— whose wife was Jesua Bemal. Mra Ord, Oeurrencias, MS., 123-4, and others men tion the confession without giving names. In Mexico, Mem. de Guerra, 1841, p. 38, it ia said that the plot of a puiiado de advenedizos to raiae the atandard of revolt ' contra la iutegridad del territorio nacional ' was discovered by a happy accident, the conspirators being brought to trial that they might ' suf fer the punishraent merited by their foolish temerity. ' Mra Ord atatea that she heard of the plot from her husband Jimeno before the arrests were made. 'April 4th, session of the junta. Leg. Ree, MS., iii. 64-5. * In all the contemporary documents Garner's confession is alluded to as the chief support of the charges, but no explanation is given of the manner in which the confession was obtained; uor ia the testimony extant except in its 6 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. While the alleged conspiracy rested mainly on the statements of Padre Real and Garner, both probably somewhat general in their nature, there were other rumors and theories afloat, some of which have sur vived. The best known is that which represents the trouble as having originated from a horse-race. Gra ham had a fine horse, with which he was wont to win the Californians' money; and not only did this excite general purport. Estdvan de la Torre, Remin., MS., 87-9, tella us that Caa tro, with the aid of FeUpe Butron, attempted to enliat Garner in a scheme he pretended to have formed against Alvarado, with a view to declare California independent. Garner fell into the trap, and admitted that he, with Graham and others, had already fonned a similar plan, and would gladly cooperate with Castro. This is confirmed by Florencio Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 64-5. Osio, Hist Cal, MS., 408-9, thinks Gamer's testimony was elicited by threata of ahooting him. Alvarado, Vallejo, aud other CaUfomiana in their later atatementa imply that Gamer gave his testimony voluntarily to prevent trouble, beiug friendly to the CaUfornian leaders, and being by them regarded as a reliable man. Famham, Wilkes, and Hastings, foUowed by Robinson, Cal. Gold Region, 61-2, aud othera, repreaent that Gamer waa simply a tool paid to perjure himself. In Graham'a statement presented by Famham he says, 'Josd Castro, Bicenta Contrine (?), Ankel Caatro, aud a runaway Botany Bay English convict by the name of Garner, a vile fellow, and an enemy of mine because the foreignera would not elect him their captain, pasaed and re passed my house several times, and conversed together in low tones. I stopped Josd Castro aud asked him what was the matter. He replied that he was going to march againat Viego (Vallejo) at S. Prancisco, to depose him frora the command. His two companions made the same assertion. I knew that Alvarado waa afraid of Viego, and that Castro waa ambitious for his place; and for these reasons I partly concluded that they spoke the truth. Later in the day the vagabond Garner called at my house, aud having dmnk freely of whiskey, becarae rather boisterous, and said significantly that the time of aorae people would be short; that Jos6 Castro had orders from the gov ernor to drive the foreigners out of Cal. , or to dispose of them in some other way. He boasted that he himself ahould have a pleasant participation iu the busineaa. I had heard the aame threat before, but it resulted iu nothing. Believing, therefore, that Garner's worda proceeded from the whiskey he had drunk rather than the truth, I left him in the yard and went to bed. ' It waa that night that he waa arrested. Farnham's Life, 70-1. Writing of the later trial, Farnham, Id., p. 90, says: 'A Botany Bay convict by the narae of Garner was called in evidence on behalf of the govemment. His testimony removed all lingering doubts. He established the unqualified guilt of all. Graham, in particular, who had been preferred over hira as commander of the foreign riflemen in Alvarado's revolution, and whom he had previously at tempted to kiU, he declared to have formed a scheme of ambition, whioh, had it uot been discovered, would have dug the grave of every Spaniard iu CaU fomia ! This man's testimony was written out and signed by his murderous hand. It may be in time a bUster on his perjured soul.' It is certain that Gamer gave no such formal testiraony at the trial, aud that Farnham's atate ment is a falsehood. Graham's account of Gamer's coming to his house and talking as he did, since he was byno means a fool, would indicate a desire on IUs part to give a warning; and Meadows states that Gamer did visit Grahara acting mysteriously, declaring that he could not tell the reason of hia visit and actions, but at last saying, 'If you hear of ray faUing from my horse be tween here and S. Juan, look out for yourselves.' CHARACTER OF ISAAC GRAHAM. 7 ill feeling against him, but, as Robinson tells us, a contract for a new contest with a high-mettled racer from San Diego, a document signed by Graham and another American, was "construed into a plan for overturning the government."^ Another motive as cribed to Alvarado in his course against the foreigners was a desire to rid himself of Graham's familiarities, interference, and importunities already alluded to, though by those who take this view the importunities are classified as 'demands for justice.' Sure it is that Graham, whether a conspirator or not, and not withstanding the eulogies that have been heaped upon him, was a rough and disagreeable fellow, on getting rid of whom California or any other community might well congratulate itself He was a leading spirit among a crowd of turbulent and reckless men, himself as wild and unprincipled as the worst, with no good qualities save personal bravery and perhaps a measure of the trappers' prodigal generosity.® ^ 'As ridiculoua aa thia may appear to the reader, nevertheless it is a fact to whicii I can testify frora inforraation I received on the spot shortly after its occurrence.' Robinson's Lifein Gal, 180. Famham says 'Graham's aimual challenge for the spring races in 1840 was easily construed into a disguised attempt to gather hia frienda for the purpoae of overthrowing Alvarado's go^¦ernment.' Life in Cal, 67-8. ^ This, however, is the way Famham puts it: 'A bold, open-handed mau, never concealing for au instant either his love or hatred, but with the frank ness and generosity of thoae great aouls, rough-hewn but majestically honest, who belong to the vaUey states, he told the governor his sins from tirne to time, and deraanded iu tbe authoritative tone of an elder and affectionate brother, that he should redeem his pledges. The good old man did not remember that a Spaniard would have lost his nationality had he done ao. A Spaniard tell the truth! A Spaniard ever grateful for services rendered him! He should have knocked at the tombs of Columbus and Cortds, and every other man who ever served that contemptible race. He asked for justice, and received — what we shall presently see. ' To show Graham's opinion of a Spaniard, Wood, Wandering Sketches, 228-30, asked him iu 1844 if he was going to a party given by Gov. Micheltorena. ' What, I! no, mdeed! a corral ia not big enough to hold me and one of them.' Weeks, Remin., MS., 103-7, says Graham was the worst of the foreigners, and the cauae of all the troublea by his boastful, quarrelsome spirit. 'He thought he could play hell and turn up jack.' Came to California with the reputation of bully and assassin. Alvarado, Hist. Cal, MS., Ui. 160. Au American, later a prominent citizen of California, says of Graham in New Mexico, that he 'was noted for beiug a bunimer, a blow-hard, and a notorioua liar, without an atom of honeaty iu hia composition. ' He had to leave Tennessee for crimes committed there. Graham and Sutter, MS., 1-2. I have before me an undated document (of 1845 or 1846) signed by 20 citizens, ouly one of Spanish blood, denouncing / 8 ALVARADO'S BULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. There are two other theories respecting the origin of the movement that merit passing notice. One is that favored by Dr Marsh, one of the foreigners ar rested, namely, that Castro, desiring Vallejo's place, believed that in the existing state of feeling on the Texan reverses, to exile the foreigners would be the surest way to gain favor in Mexico and thereby gain his point. Alvarado was easily persuaded to, fa vor the scheme.'' The other theory is that the leading members of the foreign colony, including Spence, Lar kin, and others who had been long in the country, were among the chief promoters of the movement. It is charged by Morris and others that these men acted with a view to get rid of Graham and others as business rivals, to gratify certain personal prejudices, and to discourage further increase in the foreigp pop ulation. I impute no such motives to those men, but suppose rather that they approved Alvarado's policy more or less fully as best for the country. There are indications that Spence favored the movement, that Larkin made but slight effort at least to prevent it, and that it was not opposed to any considerable ex tent by the better class of foreigners.® Grahara as a breaker of the peace, corrupter of morals, quarrelaome, revolu tionary, duellist, assassin, and adulterer. Doe Hist. Oal, MS., iii. 276. '' Marsh's Letter to Com. Jones, MS., p. 10-13. There aro several vague aUusions by different witnessea to a connection between this affair aud tho quarrel with Vallejo. The latter says, however. Hist. Cat, MS., iv. 127-S, that although somc people tried to make out that the affair was designed as a blow against hira, be never attached much importance to that version. Va llejo claims that, having been absent ou an Indian campaign, he did not know much about the affair until ifc was all over; but we shall see that he knew more of it than he is disposed to adrait. ^ In 1847 Larkin was severely criticised by foes iu eastern papera for hia conduct throughout this affair, aud he obtained from Ex-gov. Alvarado a for mal stateraent that he (Larkin) had uot knowu of the arrest iu advance, that he tried as a private individual unsuccessfully to learn Alvarado'a motives and that ho did much to aid the prisonera both before aud after their exile! Larkin's Doc, MS., v. 92-3. AU this ia true enough. Larkin's conduct iu tho affair was prudent and praiseworthy; yet he could not be perauaded to adopt the extreme partisan view, and I have no doubt fully approved Alva rado's action at the tirae, so far as raost of the exiles were couoemed. Mor ris' Diary ofa Crazy Man, or an Account of the Graham Affair of 1840, MS. Albert P. Morris was an Englishman, and one of the prisoners sent to S.Blas' of whom I shall have raore to say later. His MS. diary, or autobiography,' was in my possession for a time about 1870 — I have lost the memorandum WAS THERE ANY PLOT? 9 Whether Graham and his companions were really engaged in any definite plots of revolt in 1840 must remain a matter of doubt. Evidence of such plots at the time in a legal sense was weak; and now the evidence before us — though somewhat resembling that in favor of him who had ten witnesses that had not seen him steal a sheep against one who did see the act — is on its face strong against the existence of any such plots. The accused protested to a man their innocence, and naturally did not recant in later years when seeking damages. Other foreigners, and most Californians, state that they knew nothing of any conspiracy; and writers, almost without excep tion, have declared the charges unfounded.^ Had showing under what circumstances — and thia is a resumd, with many Uteral quotations made by Walter M. Fisher at that tirae in 42 closely written pages. It is a narrative of great originality, interest, and importauce. The author adopts the sobriquet of ' crazy mau ' from the fact that he was accused of insanity by somebody not named;,' against whom he is very bitter. He seema to have beeu au eccentric character, but a mau of cousiderable abiUty. He ia severe againat the older foreign reaidenta, whom he denounces as traitors and apostates, more Spanish than the Spaniards, garabling ahd 'fandangoing' with the Californians to gain their favor, and plotting for the expulsion of later comers, whose influence with the natives they feared. He avoids giving naraes, but pointa clearly at Larkin among others. Hartnell was another object of his wrath, and apparently one of the two who had teatified iu court to his insanity. He claims to have had proofs that the arreat of himself and companions was ordered by Alvarado at the persuasion of these foreigners. He states that other foreigners aided personally in the arrests, and that still others had themselves arrested as a mere forra to avoid the possible vengeance of the victims. John Chamberlain, Memoirs, MS. , 5-14, also says Larkin, Spence, and Garner were in the plot with Alvarado aud Castro. Wiggins, Reminis. , MS. , 5-6, alludes to a clique of tradera in Monterey who were jealoua of Graham and othera, and wiahed to drive them frora the country. A notice in the Mexican pa pers, dated June 20, 1840, and which I find in Niles' Reg. , Iviii. 371 , has the fol lowing: 'According to letters whioh wo have before ua from Eatdvau Munras and David E. Spence, the former a Spaniard and the latter a Scotchman, both respectable aud faithful aubjecta residing uear the port of Monterey, we learu that the Yankees, after holding several meetings at Natividad, where ia a dia tillery, determined to take poasession of that beautiful and fertile country which the New Orleans promoters of the Texan insurrection have justly styled the paradise of America.' On Jan. 13, 1841, F. D. Atherton writes from Valparaiso to Larkin: 'How much was Alvarado influenced by Spence in the affair? A good deal, I am afraid.' Larkin's Doe, MS., i. 118. Inlater yeara Larkin pronounced the affair an outrage; but at the time he raade no protests. ' Of the men who were sent away we have definite narratives frora only Grahara (in Farnham's work), Morria, and Meadowa. Of those arrested but not sent away there are formal statements from John Marah, John Charaber lain, Jaraes Weeks, Job Dye, Charlea Brown, Henry Bee, aud an anonymoua writer in the Sta Oruz Sentinel of Peb.-April 1869. There is also quite a mass of indirect testimony from these men through different sources. None 10 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. there been a veritable project of revolt formed and discussed by half a dozen men, as charged by Garner, I see no reason to suppose that the evidence would ¦present any other than its present aspect; yet I ex press no opinion on this particular point. In a gen eral way, I do not deem it likely that the successful revolt at Sonoma in 1846 was the first one plotted in California by foreigners; 'and I have no doubt that Graham and the crowd that frequented his dis tillery only awaited an opportunty to control the country. At any rate, they formed a turbulent and undesirable element of the po'pulation, and they were feared with reason by the Californians. Alvarado believed they were plotting mischief, and determined to get rid of them. And now, after saying so much admit any knowledge of a conspiracy. Wm H. Davia, Glimpses, MS. , 32-8, one of those arreated at S. P., gives a good general account of the affiiir. He thinks there was no definitely arranged plot, but that Alvarado was in fluenced partly by fears and current rumors, and alao by ordera from Mexico requiring strict precautions. He erroneously represents the Araericans as having been the only ones arrested, except iu a few casea by raistake, and falls into mauy errors in details. Famhain and Alfred Robinson were in California at the tirae, and express the opinion that there waa no plot. Capt. Gifford of the Una wrote from Vera Cruz to the sarae effect in 1840, getting his information probably from Farnham. Niles' Reg., IviU. 371. Several versions went by the Don Quixote to the Hawaiian Islands, and were published in the Honolulu Poly nesian of June 20, 1840. One says: ' Government had been inforraed that about 20 foreigners had the intention of taking the country, and by ques tioning some who were knowu to have been at variance with some others for a considerable tirae, trying to force them out of the country, they succeeded iu proving the facts sought after in a manner satisfactory to themselves, and to the astonishment of the people, both foreigners and natives.' Another h.is it that ' Gamer took advantage of a moinent wheu Graham was incensed at the conduct of Alvarado, to consummate his revenge by working upon the injured feelings of Grahara uutil he wrung from hira sufficient to cause his aubsequent danger and irapriaonracnt. ' And finally the editor says: 'We learu verbaUy that raany of the men imprisoned were of a bad character and extremely obnoxious to tho native inhabitants, and that thia violence was coraraitted to get thera out of the country.' Mofras, Explor., i. 304-6, be Ueves that there was a plan to declare Cal. independent iu the interest of the U. S. He is followed by Gleeson, Hist Cath. Church, U. 150. Of the CaU fomians, Osio, Alvarado, Hist Cal., MS., v. 2-13; Castro, Relacion MS 63-7, 74-7, and Pmto, Apunt., MS., 51-2, 64, are sure that there was a oon- spiracy, Pinto affirraiug that it was confessed to him aud his relatives in later years by several different persons. Vallejo, Hist Cal, MS., iv. 122- 42, is doubtful about the plot, though at the tirae he had no such doubts Pio Pico, Hist Cal, MS., 87, Juan Bandini, Hist Oal, MS., 99, Coronel" Cosas de Cal, MS., 36, and Galuido, Apuntes, MS., 44-5, do uot believe that the danger existed beyond the imagination of Alvarado and Caati-o. ARREST OF FOREIGNERS. 11 about why it was done, it is time to tell what was done, and when and how. It was on the 4th of April that the danger was dis cussed in a meeting of the junta. ^° Next day the gov ernor apprised Vallejo that a plot had been formed by the foreigners, largely reenforced of late by deserters from vessels on the coas>t, to commit murders, robberies, and other horrible crimes. The leaders were not yet known, but prompt action being necessary, he had, after consulting the junta, directed Castro to raise a force and arrest all foreigners from Monterey to San Fran cisco who had entered the country unlawfully, except such as were married to native women, or had some well known and honorable occupation. Similar arrests were to be made in the south. Civil authorities had been ordered and military requested to aid in carry ing out this measure of self-protection. Castro had been directed to act in concert with Vallejo, who was requested to cooperate in making the arrests ; to char ter a vessel at San Francisco, on which the prisoners might be shipped away to be put at the disposal of the general government; to furnish a military guard for the voyage; and to come in person to the capital, if possible." A copy of this communication was sent on the 7th to various officials north and south, with a postscript stating that new information had been ob tained before the conspirators had been able to unite, and that two parties of them had been attacked by Castro, who with the loss of a single man had captured those under the chief conspirator, Isaac Graham, ca- '" Leg. Rec, MS., Ui. 64-5. The nature of the discussion has already been giveu. "AprU 5, 1840, A. toV., in Vallejo, Doc, MS., xiv. 52; Dept St Pap., MS., viii. 139-40. Aguirre's vessel was suggested; stores were to be obtained frora the missions; and Castro would tell many things that could not be put on paper. April 6th, Caatro to Covarmbias, directing him to go to S. Josd, and make arrangements with the justice of the peace for the arrest of all for eigners. Has sent a similar notice to Natividad. Dept St. Pap., S. Jose, MS., V. 32. 12 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. pitan de rifleros.^ Similar information was imparted to the junta. ^^ Thus Garner's revelation must have been made April 5th or 6th, and the arrest of Graham and his compan ions at Natividad was made early in the morning of the 7th. By the 11th thirty-nine foreigners had been secured,^* though the work was not yet complete. The measure was planned and executed with more skill and promptness than it was customary to use in Cali fornia. Meanwhile Vallejo, willing to forget his griev ances for a time, or hoping that the danger so often predicted by himself would bring Alvarado to his senses, engaged heartily in the movement, and did all that was asked of him, issuing orders, forwarding arms, and finally — after taking steps to watch the trappers and other foreigners on the Sacramento, whom he suspected of complicity in the plot — agoing in person to the capital.^^ He also ordered Jos^ Antonio Aguirre to put at the disposition ofthe government his bark the Joven Guip'tizcoana, or Maid of Guipuzcoa, then lying at anchor at Yerba Buena, which was at once made ready for a voyage under Captain John Snook. ^* ''i April 7th,, gov. to comandantes and prefects. Doc. Hist Cal., MS., iv. 10, 52-0; Dept Rec, MS., xi. 9-10; Guerra, Doc, MS., ii. 18-22; the last copy without the postscript. The single man lost must alwaya remaiu a mys tery. '^ April Oth. Leg. Rec, MS., iU. 64-5. No mentiou is made, however, of the loss of a man. 1* April 11th, Cora. Flores at Monterey to the com. gen. Vallejo, Doc, MS., ix. 108. Prefect to justice at Sta Cruz. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 29. 15 April 9th, V. at Sonoma to Alvarado, Castro, and com. at S. Josd. Va llejo, Doc, MS., ix. 107, 269; xiv. 18; Dept St Pap., MS., v. 2-7. The spirit of his communications shows no doubt of the reality of the danger, and uo disap proval of A. 'a policy. It would seem that a party waa sent under Liizaro Pofia to arrest certaiu foreigners north of the bay, but there is no other evidence that any arrests were made in that region. There was trouble with the sol diers and Indians at Sonoma that delayed V.'s departure until April 16th, at least. He reached Monterey before April 25th. i» April 11th, V. to Aguirre. Vallejo, Doc. MS., ix. 110; Dept Si Pap , MS., V. 4. April 16th, order to capt. of the port at S. F. to procure a crew for the bark. She was intended to sail for Acapulco. VaUejo, Doc, MS. ix. 113. The sum paid for the charter of the vessel according to dooumeuts of later date was either |4,000 or $7,000, it ia uot clear which. Dept. Rec MS xi. 61, 67-8; Dept St Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., iv. 48, 54. The vea sel was formerly the Roger WilUams of 200 tons, which uuder Capt. J. Stevena arrived at Sta B. from Boston Feb. 8th of this same year. Iu March she was SENT INTO EXILE. 13 Nothing appears in the records of the time — I shall present information from other sources a little later — respecting proceedings at Monterey in connection with the prisoners from the time of the first arrest on April 7th to the 22d, when Alvarado dated his report to the minister of the interior, and his instructions to Castro, who with an escort of fifteen or twenty men was to guard the prisoners on the voyage to San Bias."- On the 23d the governor informed the junta that his efforts to insure the public peace had been successful and the foreigners had been embarked. The Guipuzcoana sailed from Monterey on April 24th, though the date of Vallejo's despatches to the minister of war is April 25th.^* A few days later Alvarado is- Bold to Aguirre, and put under the Mexican flag, her name being changed. Aguirre had to go to S. Blaa to obtain a legal register. Documents of sale and c'aange of flag in Vallejo, Doe, MS., ix. 41, 69, 73, 77, 80. Some of the Roger Williams' own raen seem to have beeu among the exiles. The editor of the Sta Cruz Sentinel, April 17, 1869 saya the vessel finally settled on the mud flats of the Sacramento, and was torn to pieces by Chinamen in 1864. '' April 22, 1840, A. to min. of int. The report is but a brief statement that a private letter announced a conspiracy; Prefect Castro was ordered to uae energetic measures; a force of trusted citizens was organized; all foreign- era who had entered Cal. illegally and were uot married had beeu arrested to the number of 60; an accompUoe revealed the plot to Castro; the judge of lat instance investigated the matter; 45 of the prisoners were embarked; and Caatro with a force would guard them, and report details to the govt. Dept Eec, MS., xi. 67-8. Castro'a instructions required him to touch at Sta Birbara, take on board the prisoners there, aud sail at once for S. Bias, where the prisoners were to be landed and taken with the aid of the authorities to Tepic, whence Caatro was to proceed to, Mexico and report fully, losing no time in getting ready to return. He was also to report on the general con ditiou of the country, aud work with CastUlero to obtain the military aid so much needed. Alvarado, Instrucciones al Prefedo Castro para su -viage d Mexico con los prisioneros extrangeros, IS40, MS. April 22d, Capt. J. M. Covarrubias and Alf. Victor Linares, with a aergt aud 11 meu frora the Mon terey coinpany of auxiliaries, were ordered to accompany Castro. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., Ixxxiii. 2; but Pinto, Apunt, MS., 53, says that the offioera that weut were Covarrubias, Lieut Prancisco Soto, Alf. Rafael Pinto (the writer), Joaquin de la Torre, and Sergt Jesus Soto, with 20 meu. April 22d, $1,900 ordered paid to Castro as comisionado to Mexico. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., iv. 52. April 24th, passport from Vallejo to Castro. 'Vallejo, Doc, MS., ix. 117. '^April 23d, A. to the junta. Leg. Ree, MS., iii. 65. Vallejo, Informes al Ministro de Guerra sobre-la sublevacion de Graham y otros extrangeros, 25 de Abril, I84O, MS. These despatches add nothing in detail to Alvarado's report, but are largely devoted to a repetition of his oft-repeated demands for aid, using the iate trouble as a strong argument. He draws ou his iraagination somewhat iu stating that the chief aim of the late conspiracy waa to get pos session of S. P. as a key to the whole country. He corapliraents Castro and his men for their valuable services, aud asks to be relieved of his office that 14 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. sued a printed proclamation, in which he informed his fellow-citizens how " a sordid and venal faction, got ten up by some ungrateful foreigners whom you have welcomed to your hospitable soil, attempted to strip us of the most precious treasure, country and life, de siring to sacrifice to their unmeasured ambition the first authorities of the country"! He congratulated all on their escape, and advised the people to maintain the most friendly relations with foreigners legally in California.^^ Orders were issued on the disposition to be made of property left by Graham, and arms be longing to others of the exiles;^" and then all was quiet for a time at the capital. In the south as well as in the north the governor's orders had been carried into execution, and twenty, foreign prisoners had been collected at Santa Barbara, none being arrested, however, who could show papers to account for their presence.^^ The sub-prefect, he may devote all his energies to the northern frontier. April 29th, Com. Sanchez of S. P. thanks providence that the vile designs of ungrateful for eigners have been frustrated. Id., ix. 132. '^ Alvarado, [Proclama del] Gobernador conditucional del Departamento de las Califomias; d sus habitantes [sobre destierro de extrangeros']. Imprenta del Gobierno (1840), in EarUest Printing; Arce, Mem. y Doc, MS., no. 15; Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt U. 26-8; Vallejo, Doe, MS., xiv. 48; Bandini, Doc, MS., 44. ^°May 2d, gov. to justice of S. Juan. Let the foreigner Enrique (Henry Naile ?) realize from the effecta of Graham aud leave the republic withiu two months. Lists and accounts of all foreigners must be sent in. Dept. Rec, MS., xi. 12-13; Vallejo, Doe, MS., xxxiu. 68. S:ime date, Jiraeno to justice of Branciforte, and S. Juan. Arma of the foreigners sent away to be collected anda report rendered. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 30; Gomez, Doe, MS., 45. May 16th, juez of S. Josd to gov.'s seo. Has in deposit some of the arrested foreigners' property, and their creditors wish to take legal steps to get their pay from this deposit. Judge wiahes to save his responsibiUty. S. Jose Arch MS., iii. 38. "AprU 13th, Guerra y Noriega to gov. Has aided- the sub prefect to arrest all resident foreigners. Dept St Pap., MS., v. 6. April 21st, aU prisoners at Augeles to be sent to StaB. under guard. Id., Ang., xi. 'll7. April 23d, sub-prefect to prefect. Order of arrest executed. Id.,iy'.8i April 24th, prefect of Angelea to gov. 10 foreignera arrested here; 'aome here several years, but none have papers; coraisionado sent to S Diego and Sta B. Dept St Pap., Ben. Pref y Juzg., MS., vi. 68. April 29th, Uat of 11 meu under arrest: Jas Door, Wm Lumsdale (Lumsden), Gabriel (Nath ') Prvor Wra Wald, Milton White, Jacques Dufrd, Tom Jones, Wm Green Joffrev Brown, John Auntroy, and Albert Williaras. Id., 67-8. Johnson the black smith escaped. Id., Ang., iv. 70-4. May 12th, sub-prefect says 20prisoners 14 from Angelea and 6 from Sta B., had been deUvered to Caatro Id Ben ' ARRESTS IN THE SOUTH. 15 Raimundo Carrillo, got himself into some trouble in connection with the arrests, being accused of speaking too freely when strict secrecy was enjoined, a charge which he earnestly denied.^^ The Guipuzcoana arrived May 4th, though Farnham puts the date a week ear lier, and five at least of the southern prisoners were added to the number already on board the vessel, though eight of those deemed least criminal were left behind for want of room and shackles.^ The exile- laden bark sailed on the 8th, and Castro carried with him a grandiloquent congratulatory address of certain patriotic Barbarenos.^* Troops and exiles were landed at San Bias On or about May 1 6th ; and early in Sep tember the Gruipuzcoana was back in California, with news that the foreigners were in prison at Tepic, while Castro, with Covarrubias and Soto, had gone to Mexico.^^ Having thus presented a simple narrative of facts as drawn from archive records, I have now to give further information, founded more or less directly on the testimony of men concerned in the Graham affair. The victims and their friends have accused the Cali fornians, not only of having exiled them without cause, but of cruelty at the time of the arrest, during their confinement, and on the voj'^age to San Bias. These charges are, I believe, exaggerated, though from the nature of the case they cannot be entirely dis proved. In considering the evidence to be offered, the reader should bear in mind the character of the iii. 5. June 23d, Jaraes OrbeU, Thos Ridington, and Robt Robertson to be arrested at S. Diego. Id., Ang., i. 1. ''-''- Aug. 28, 1840, CarrUlo to prefect in defence of hiraself, and other com munications. Dept St Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., iU. 6-8; Id., Ang., xii. 33-7; Los Angeles, Arch., MS., i. 216-18. "^May 7th, Castro to Guerra, in Guerra, Doe, MS., v. 191-2. Thoae left were to leave Cal. when an opportunity should occur. ^*May Sth, signed by the Cotas, Oliveras, aud othera. Dept St Pap., MS., V. 7. This proclamation, signed by ' seven citizens of note,'is partially translated in Monterey Co. Hist, 34-5. Arrival and departure of the vessel noted in Melius' Diary, MS., 4. '¦'^ Sept. 6th, sub-prefect at Sta B. announces arrival of Aguirre's vessel on Aug. 31st. Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., iu. 27. 16 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. exiles as men whose word could not be trusted, the opportunity they had to make their stories agree, their interest with a view to indemnity from Mexico in maintaining and exaggerating their wrongs, and the prevailing spirit of hatred for everything Mexican, which in the following years served as a favorable medium for their complaints. The Californians per sonally concerned in making the arrests are in many cases not better witnesses than the victims; but the general denial of leading Californians should have some weight, especially when supported by the fact that foreigners of the better class made no opposition and offered none but the mildest protests, after the matter had assumed a political aspect. The Californians had no real military organization, and their system of police and prisons was still less effective. To arrest and confine a hundred foreigners was under the circumstances no slight achievement. The arrests were made for the most part by small parties of citizens imperfectly armed, with no training as policemen, and with a decided fear of their enemy's prowess. Undue severity was to be expected in some instances, and an occasional gratification of personal dislikes might naturally occur. But prompt actioa was demanded, followed by strict precautions; a little more attention to kid-glove niceties would have re sulted in the escape of Graham and his company to join the trappers of the interior and laugh at the effbrts of their persecutors. The arrest and exile were, * in a legal sense, and in the case of certain individuals, an outrage'; but the reader will, perhaps, after a study of the facts, be led to accept with some allowance the wholesale charges of inhumanity made against the Californian authorities and people. Of the men arrested in the north, there were per haps one hundred, though it is doubtful if all were sent to Monterey, and some, I think, were arrested at their own request, or with their own consent, in order to avoid making enemies among their foreign ac- LISTS OF NAMES. 17 quaintances. Farnham names about fifty in addition to those sent to San Blas.^^ Alvarado announced to the government that sixty men had been arrested and that forty-three were to be sent away. Twenty more seem to have been delivered to Castro at Santa Bd,r- bara, but eight were not taken for want of room, and one, Robert King apparently, of the Monterey men was also left here sick. If twelve were put on board — though only six are known, one of whom, Lumsden, was landed at San Diego — there should have been fifty-four sent to San Bias. I suppose, however, that either there is some mistake about the Santa Bd,rbara record, or some of the Monterey captives were released in the south; and that forty-seven reached San Bias, though there may have been a few more. In nation ality they are said to have been about equally divided between Englishmen and Americans. I append a list of their names. ^'' ^Farnham's Life in Cal, 69-70. The Ust, vrith some orthographical im provements, is as follows, though it contains the names of one or two not likely to have been arreated, and one or two othera of whom I know nothing; and the author does not present it as complete: Adams, Walter. Gulnac, Wm. Atterville, Jaa. *Haiice, Wm. *Bee, Henry. Hathaway, H. Beechay, Capt. (?) Henderson, Wm. Bowen, Thoa. Herven, Jou. (?) Brander, Wm. Horton. (?) *Browu, Chas. Jones, Jerry. Bums, Wm. Jonea, . *Chamberlain, Jno. Kelley, Jas. *Cole, Thoa. *King, Robt. *Cooper, Henry. Kinlock, Geo. Coppinger, Jas. La Grace, Fran. (?) Dickey, Wm. Livermore, Robt. *Dye, Job. Lodge, Mioh. Eagle, F. (?) *Majors, Jos. L. *Fai-well, Jaa. McKinley, Jas. Ferguson, Geo. McVicker, Heu. FuUer, Jon. *Marah, John. The names marked with a star are also mentioned by other authorities than Famham. Bee adds the name of Jamea Rogers. Morris accuses Job Dye of having been iu the ranks of the party that arrested him. Wra H. Davis says he was arrested at Yerba Buena, with Spear, but released at the inission. 2- On May 24, 1840, at Tepic, 46 men signed a letter of thanks to Farnhara for his servioes. Honolulu Polynesian, Deo. 5, 1840. Naturally all would have signed the paper, aud Wra Chard is the only one not named whom there is reason to suppose to have beeu a, member of the party. An official com- HiBi. Oii., Vol. IV. 2 •Matthews, Wm. Mirayno, Jon. (?) *Naile, Henry. SiU, Daniel. Smith, Jon. •Smith, Wra. *Spear, Nathan. Storm, Peter. Thompson, Wm. •Toralinson, Thos. (orA.G.) •Trevethan, Wra. Ware, Wra. AVatson, Andrew. •Watson, Ed. •Weeks, Wm. •West, Mark. •Wilson, Alvin. 18 ALVARADO'S RULE-THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. It is best to give literally the statements of Graham and Morris about the arrests at Natividad on the morning of April 7th. The former, after stating that he and Naile went to bed in his house while Morris and Barton as usual slept in the still-house,^ says: "We slept quietly until about three o'clock in the morning, when I was awakened by the discharge of a pistol near my head, the ball of which passed through the handkerchief about my neck. I sprang to my feet and jumped in the direction of the villains, when they discharged six other pistols so near me that my shirt took fire in several places. Fortunately the darkness and the trepidation of the cowards prevented muuioatiou from Mexico also gives the number as 47. Vallejo, Doe, MS., x. 97. Morris, Diary, MS. , insists that there were exaotiy 46 on the vessel after leaving S. Diego. The names of the 47 are as follows — those who are known to have retumed to Cal. being marked with a star, the nationaUty being given wheu known, aud also the year of arrival for thoae who came before 1840:•Anderaon, Wm, Engl. 1837. •Lewis, Thoa, Engl. 1833. Armatrong, John. Louzade (?), Jaa. Baily, Wm (Engl. 1834?). •Lucas, Jno., Engl. 1838. •Barton, Wm, Amer. 1839. McAUister, Robt. Perhaps retumed. Bloomfield, Wm. *McGloue, Wm, Engl. 1837. •Boles (Bowles), Jos., Amer. 1838. Maynard, John, Engl. Perhapa re- Brincken, Wilhelm. tumed. •Carmichael, Lawrence, Engl. 1833. *Meadowa, Jaa, Engl. 1837. •Chapel, Geo., Engl. *Morris, Albert F., Engl. 1834. •Chard, Wm, Amer. 1832-3. •O'Brien, Jas, Engl. 1838. Christian, John, 1838. *Pearce, Jos (or Jas Peace), 1838. •Cooper, ChasH., Amer. Perry, Elijah. Daly, Nathan, Amer. 1834. PoUock, Lewia. •Dove, Jas G., Engl. 1833. *Price, John, Engl. 1836. Forbes, Wm, Engl. 1835. Pryor, Gabriel. •Frazer, Geo., Amer. 1833. Shea, Wm. Goff, Daniel. Thoraas, Thos. •Grahara, Is., Amer. 1833. Vermilion, John. Green, Wm. • *Wamer, John, Engl. Higgins, Johu, Engl. 1830. Westlake, Rich. Irvin, John. White, Milton. Jones, Thos. Whitehouse, Jos. Knight, Henry. Williams, Albert. •Langlois, Wra, Engl. Williaras, Chas, 1839. Of these persons, the account iu the Polynesian of June 20th says 'several ,of them were sailors. Some came here with passports. Four or five arrived here the same month in the Roger WiUiams, one being the first mate (Also , Graham et al , Petition. ) One half had beeu iu the country for years arid were owners of some property, all of which they had to leave behind ' ' ^ Graham's stateraent in Farnham's Life in Cal. ,71-2. For what preceded that is. Gamer's visit, see p. 6 of this chapter. Famham says he obtained ¦written statements from 41 of the priaonera, but he prmts only two or three GRAHAM'S NARRATIVE. 19 their taking good aim; for only one of their shots took effect, and that in my left arm. After firing they fell back a few paces and commenced reloading their pieces. I perceived by the light of their pistols that they were too numerous for a single man to con tend with, and determined to escape. But I had scarcely got six paces from the door when I was over taken and assailed with heavy blows from their swords. These I succeeded in parrying off to such an extent that I was not much injured by them. Being incensed at last by my successful resistance, they grappled with me and threw me down, when an ensign by the name of Joaquin Terres (Torre) drew his dirk, and saying with an oath that he would let out my life, made a thrust at my heart. God saved me again. The weapon passing between my body and left arm, sunk deep in the ground ! and before he had an opportunity of repeating his blow they dragged me up the hill in the rear of my house, where Jose Castro was standing. They called to him, 'Here he is!' whereupon Castro rode up and struck me with the back of his sword over the head so severely as to bring me to the ground; and then ordered four balls to be put through me. But this was prevented by a faithful Indian in my service, who threw himself on me declaring that he would receive the balls in his own heart! Unwilling to be thwarted, however, in their design to destroy me, they next fastened a rope to one of my arms and passed it to a man on horse back, who wound it firmly around the horn of his saddle. Then the rest taking hold of the other arm endeavored to haul my shoulders out of joint! But the rope broke. Thinking the scoundrels bent on killing me in some way, I begged for liberty to com mend my soul to God. To this they replied, 'You shall never pray till you kneel over your grave.' They then conducted me to my house and permitted me to put on my pantaloons. While there they asked where Mr Morris was. I told them I did not know. 20 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. Then they put their lances to my breast and told rue to call him or die. I answered that he had made his escape. While I was saying this Mr Naile came to the house, pale from loss of blood, and vomiting. He had had a lance-thrust through his thigh, and a deep wound in his leg, which nearly separated the cord of the heel. They next put Mr Naile and myself in double irons, carried us halfa mile into the plain, left us under guard, and returned to plunder the house. After having been absent a short time, they came and conducted us back to our rifled home. As soon as we arrived there a man by the name of Manuel Larias (Larios) approached me with a drawn sword, and commanded me to inform him where my money was buried. I told him I had none. He cursed me and turned away. I had some deposited in the ground, but I determined they should never enjoy it. After having robbed me of my books and papers, which were all the evidence I had that these very scoundrels and others were largely indebted to me, and having taken whatever was valuable on my premises, and distributed it among themselves, they proceeded to take an inventory of what was left, as if it were the whole of my property; and then put me on horseback and sent me to this prison. You know the rest. I am chained like a dog, and suffer like one."^« =»In a deposition of Sept. 1, 1847, at S. Josd, Graham said that Gamer came with Caatro, taunted aud insulted him after hia capture, blamed Caatro for not having kept his promise to kill him, and as he believed broke open trunks in hia house, containing $3,700. Monterey, Arch., MS., xiv. 1-8. Wiggins, Remin., MS., 5-6, says 'Graham was always the hero of his own storiea, yet he had scara to show.' James Meadows aud John Chamberlain give a brief veraion, aubstantially agreeing with that of Graham. Mofras, Gleeson, Alfred Robinson, Hastings, and Willey, Centen. Sketch of Sta Cruz, present a still briefer version of similar purport. Haatinga says Alvarado 'despatched a few of his niggardly hirelings iu the dead of night. . .to bring the foreigners before his contemptible excellency. In most instances the first notice whioh the foreigners had of their approach waa a volley of muaket- balls poured in upon them through their windows and doors.' WUkes and Fayette Robinson add that a working-mau named Chard (NaUe ?) was held down by two men while a third deliberately cut the tendons of his legs with a butcher-knife, and left him to die! Estdvan de la Torre, Remin., MS. 89- 99, narrates that when his brother Joaquiu called at Graham's doo'r, the' for- TESTBIONY OP MORRIS. 21 Morris narrates the adventures of the night as fol lows : "At evening a Spaniard called, said he had lost a bundle, and wished to stay all night. There were also in the house two foreigners who said they were going to San Jos^, but disliked to ford the rivers until the water had fallen. About nine o'clock we all re tired, Graham and Naile as usual to a small house about twenty-five or thirty yards away. Myself, a hired man (Barton), and the three travellers retired to the still-house. About two o'clock I was awakened by a loud knocking at the door. I hailed in English, but got no answer; then in Spanish, and was answered by Nicolas Alviso, a neighbor. I tolct him to wait till I could dress, light a candle, and let him in. I had only time to put on my pantaloons when I heard the report of fire-arms at Graham's house, and the tramp of horses behind the still-house. Alviso called on all to break in my door; I heard the foreigner set on shore for mutiny (Garner) calling out to set the buildings on fire; and as they came against the door I gave them a broadside from my pistol, loaded with a ball and the necks of 14 bullets — but it being dark I fired rather too high. They returned my fire, and wounded me in the leftside with a musket-ball. The dastardly cowards then ran, except Alviso. Looking eigners began to fire rifles from the houses; and when he forced the door, Graham, sitting ou the bed dressing, fired a pistol-shot through his cloak. Torre theu fired both his pistols at Graham'a breast, burning himsomewhat; but the biiUeta had dropped out into the bolsters during the night's ride. Graham fell upouf his back, and when Torre ruahed upou hira with drawn sword, called for raerey. Torre replied, ' Tell your men to stop firing and aurrender,' whioh was done, aud all were made prisoners. This version, supported by Serrano, may be regarded as that of Joaquiu de la Torre, whose character as a witness was about ou a par with that of Gfrahara — that is, very bad. Marsh, Ldter to Com. Jones, MS., 11, says: ' His house was surrounded at night, the door forced open, and a volley of fire-arms discharged into the beda where it yias known that Graham aud Naile were sleeping. Before they had time to leave their beda, Naile received two severe wounda, and was left for dead. Graham waa knocked down, severely beaten, bouud, and carried to Monte rey.' The account in the Polynesian says: 'When they atarted to arrest Graham, Garner told them not to attenipt to take hira aUve, but to go to his house in the night, and opeu the door of hia room, aud fire upou him while in hia bed. This they did, aud it is surprising that he escaped being killed. His bed-clothes were much tom by the balls, and one baU wouuded him slightly in the abdomen.' 22 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. through the open willow-work that formed one side, I leveled my rifle at him, and exploded three caps; but one of the foreigners had tampered with the rifle, and it would not go off, though Alviso now took to his heels. The hired man and two of the travellers had escaped, and I was left alone with the remaining stran ger, a man who had lost all his fingers. Both the others had been emissaries of the Californians sent to watch us, and to escape and report if we had any notice of the coming danger. They had singled out Graham, Naile, and myself as special victims; and they had agreed that neither of us should be left to tell the bloody tale. I now escaped, my companion not fol lowing me, into a willow swamp near by, barefoot, and having on nothing but shirt and pantaloons. I was the only man who had attempted any resistance." Morris remained in the swamp all day, and at night found his way to the house of Littlejohn, eight miles awaj, where he remained two days, and then went by way of Santa Cruz to the distillery of Dye and Ma jors at Zayante. He relates at considerable length that Dye, after promising protection, betrayed him into the hands of Castro's men, and treated Majors, his partner, in like manner. He was finally arrested about April 16th by Ness and Lyons, and was taken to Monterey by Buelna's company, in which Dye served as a soldier. On the way he stopped at Nati vidad, where Naile was found, unable to rise from his bed on account of his wound, but kindly treated, as he said, by Alviso. Not a scrap of property was left, all having been stolen. He arrived at Monterey the 18th of April.^" There is not much to be said about the arrests made, except at Natividad, and no special outrages are charged upon the Californians even by the vic- ^0 Morris' Diary ofa Crazy Man, MS., 7-8, 10-25, with many minute de- taUa for which I have uo space. A statement by Morris, agreeing more or less with this, was also published by Famham. He aaya Naile claimed to have been wouuded by Garner himself. OTHER ARRESTS. 23 tims. James Meadows relates that he, with Higgins and Anderson, engaged in sawing on the Carmelo Creek, was lured to the house of one Romero, who by giving up the foreigners hoped to secure their rifles as a reward.^^ Rafael Pinto brought in six or eight other sawyers from El Pinal.^^ Eusebio Galindo was one of the party that brought in the lumbermen of San Francisquito, without force or fetters, feeling sure they were engaged in no plot, and soon procuring their release.^ Jacinto Rodriguez and his command took seven Americans, lumbermen like the rest, at the Aguage de Tres Pinos.^ J. M. Covarrubias was sent toward San Jos^, and kept the prisoners of that region for some days confined at Santa Clara, one of tbem being James W. Weeks.^^ Harry Bee was in the redwoods with Trevethan, Rogers, and an American, when Jose Castro himself with fifty men made a raid on the saw-pit; and Bee's throat was even honored, if we may credit his story, by the grasp of the coman dante himself.^^ John Chamberlain was arrested at his shop early in the morning, and on his arrival at the calabozo found six or seven others already there.^' Charles Brown was also arrested in the redwoods; and at one time he enjoyed the distinction — so he says — of being chained to Isaac Graham, but was soon released.^^ Marsh, visiting Mission San Jose on busi- '^ Meadows' Graham Affair, MS. Ou-the way a Mexican fired a pistol- baU very near Meadows' head. ^''- Pinto, Apunt, MS., 44-51. These two arrests were made the same night as those at Natividad. ^Galindo, Apuntes, MS., 44. ^^ Rodriguez, Statement, MS. 8^ We^ks, Remin., MS., 103-10, aays 'Covarrubiaa came putting on airs worse than the devil, and locked me up as if I had been Walker or some other gran filibustero.' At S. Josd he 'had the satisfaction to see a pack of Christians and people of reason overhauUng my writing-desk and pUlaging every little thing that satisfied their gluttonous eyes. They set in robbing me from the word go; said they were looking for documenta to prove conspir- cy . ' On the way to Monterey they met Castro and Montenegro at the Roblar de la Laguna. ''^ Bee's Recoil, MS., 21, etc. They were takeu to Monterey on horseback. Bee was a married man, as was Weeks also. '''Chamberlain, 3Iem., MS., 5-6. Amoug the others were Ed Watson and Mark West, who with Chamberlain were released uext day. ^^ Brown's Early Events, MS., 15. 24 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. ness, was detained there for two days, and then with four others sent under guard to Monterey, where, however, he was released on parole.^^ I have no nar rative from any of the persons arrested in the south; but George Nidever tells how he and several others escaped at San Diego, by at first threatening to use force, and then dropping down the coast to a position whence they saw the Guipuzcoana pass within a short distance.*" In confinement at the capital, all the prisoners and their friends agree that they were badly treated. There were many persons shut up in a small room, where I have no doubt they passed an uncomfortable fortnight. There was certainly over-crowding and defective ventilation. For two or three days the food supply was irregular, and probably insufficient. Mor ris says, "For three days I did not taste a morsel of any kind of food, for there was no person humane enough to send me any;" but he seems to have been confined separately from most of the others, and his fasting was in the last days of the general captivity.*^ Thomas O. Larkin later in the year certified that on ^^ Marsh's Ldter to Oom. Jones, MS., 11-12. Marsh had a rancho in the Mt Diablo region. ^''Nidever's Life, MS., 104r-5. Sparka aud Hewitt are named among his companions. Tliey were engaged in otter-hunting. "¦Morris' Diary, MS., 8-9, 25-9. He admits that Larkin furnished him food at the comandante's order for a day or two before the sailing. In the Polynesian, June 20th, we read: 'The government did uot fumish them with anything to protect them from the damp grouud floor of the priaon, and it ia probable they would have had no other bed had not Mr Spence persuaded tho govemor to permit hira to provide thera with a few bullock hides. On coraplaint being made by the same gentleman that the men were actually Buffering from want of air, he had some of them taken out and put iuto an other room. One they liberated, becauae he became so faint they were afraid he would lose his life. His store was broken open during his confinement.' Gonzalez, Revoluciones, MS., 12, saya he received Graham and his compan ions from Soto at Buenavista, and treated thera kindly uutil delivered to Alvarado. Brown, Early Days, MS., 15-17, says about 100 men were con fined iu a room 18x30 ft, so that only a few could Ue down at a time; but sorae of them were soon put in another room. Bee saya there were 40 in the roora, and that no food was furnished by the authorities. Recoil, MS., 21-8. Weeks, Remin., MS., 109-11, teUa us that 40 or 50 were huddled together iri one roora. Meadows, G'ra/iaTre Affair, MS., 4-9, has it that 110 meu were confined in a room 18x20 ft, it being irapossible to lie or eveu sit- but Gra ham, Chard, Majors, Daly, Morris, and 9 others were later put in another room. FARNHAM AT MONTEREY. 25 and after the third day of the imprisonment, that is, April 9th, he had at the request of the comandante furnished to the prisoners daily and ample supplies of meat, bread, beans, and tea. "This should be a suflS cient refutation of the charges of starvation.*^ On the 18th of April the Don Quixote, Captain Paty, arrived from Honolulu. On her as a passenger was Thomas J. Farnham, an American lawyer, who published a book as the result of his visit. His ver sion of the Graham affair is better known than any other. He was apparently an intelligent man, and was certainly in some respects a brilliant writer. Had he been wise enough to show a degree of fairness in his observations on various minor matters, his state ments on the subject of this chapter would be entitled to some weight, on account of his opportunities for knowing the truth. As it is, his remarks on men and events at Monterey are so evidently and absurdly false as to throw more than a doubt upon all that he says. From the moment that some slight obstacle, like the necessity of a passport, was thrown in the way of the sea-sick passenger landing as soon as he wished, there arose in him hatred and contempt for all that was Cal ifornian. Nor was his rage mitigated when he learned "that one hundred and fifty odd Americans and Brit ons were thirsting and starving in the prisons of the town, and destined to be sacrificed to Spanish malig nity." Travellers of all nations had visited California in past years and published their views of its inhabi tants, favorable or unfavorable ; but it was reserved for *'' Deo. 6, 1840, Larkin'a certificate in Larkin's Doc, MS., i. 105. Graham and 9 others. Petition to U. 8. Govt, 1842, say: 'The room, about 20 ft sq., without bemg floored, became very damp aud offensive, endangering our health at times. One had to staud while another slept, and during the first three daya not a mouthful of food fouud or offered us by our oppressors, but Uving ou the charity of them that pitied us.' Larkin 'aaaisted us uot only iu food ' but iu other necessaries allowed to be introduced. ' Some of us were takeu out of prison from time to time and released by the intercession of friends or through sickness. ' Thia it wiU be seen is rauch raore moderate thau Farnham's version. Pinto, Apunt, MS., 54, aaya the prisoners had plenty of food, and were treated as well as waa possible under the circum stancea. Famham statea that the contract with I^kin waa uot raade imtil April 19th. 26 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. this individual to discover that the people had not a single good quality; that the leading men were not only villains, cowards, and brutes, but displayed their character clearly in every feature and action. I have already quoted extensively from this writer, and shall have occasion to cite him again; but quotations would not do justice to the chapters in which he pictures the terrible sufferings ofthe captives, the fiendish outrages committed by the Californians, and the zealous efforts of himself and a companion by whom alone, as is im plied, the lives of all were saved. It is with regret that I am obliged in a sense to give to this author more prominence than to others who have told the truth. Farnham sailed May Sth, and met the exiles again at Santa Bd,rbara and San Bias.*' There was naturally an attempt to obtain evidence of a plot on the part of the prisoners before sending them away; but, although there isno record extant of the investigation, it was evidently unsuccessful. The *' Farnham's Life in Ccd., 50-116, 402-16. I shall have more to say of the book elsewhere. The author represents the arrangement with Larkin about supplying food to have been made after his arrival — that is, nearly two weeks after the arrests ! He constantly alludes to ' au American ' who by bia active efforts, his independent way of threatening the governor, and his mysterious manner of signalUng the Don Quixote as she repeatedly eutered and left the harbor, did much to save the prisoners' Uves. From the narrative I should suppose this Araerican to have been Farnhara himself; but Morris says there was another whose narae he forgets. It may have beeu Charaberlain, au agent of American raissions at the Sandwich Islands, who was a passenger by the vessel. Once Alvarado iu ' a most sublime rage ordered the guarda to fire on the Araerican, aud strode through his apartment, beUowing fearfully and raising a very dense cloud of dust!' Famham was kept awake at night by the piteous appeals of the priaoners; aud he sometimes weut near enough to Graham's cell 'to hear the lion-hearted old mau roar out his indignation.' ' Suffocation, the pangs of death, one at a tirae coming slowly by day and among the sleepless raoraents of the loug and hot night, Ufe pendent on the mercy of a CaUfomian Spaniard' — this waa their condition, yet ' dying Amer icans, unconquerable sons of the republic," sang at the laat 'HaU Columbia;' and ' aturdy Britona were there to sing ' ' Rule Britannia, " when the American proposed to aid them in breaking prison, taking the town, aud disposing ofthe authorities at the rope's end if they did uot give them a fair trial within three days! Hastings, Emigrants' Guide, 118-21, is as violent and inaccurate as Farnham, though his version is briefer. In (/. F. B. ) Leaves from my Jour nal, m Honolulu Polynesian, U. 77, 86, 89, 93, is another narrative of the voy age of the Don Quixote, much more moderate in tone thau Farnham's but taking the sarae general view. The author says one raau was arrested and sent by land from Monterey to be put ou the vessel at Sta Barbara FORMS OF TRIAL. 27 version of Farnham and Morris, slightly supported by the testimony of several others, is that the prisoners, questioned one after another, uniformly denied any knowledge of a plot, and were forced to sign what was said to be their testimony, but was presumably a con fession of guilt, without being permitted to know the purport of what they signed.** These statements, together with Garner's charges now deliberately repeated under oath, were, according to this version, sent to Mexico as justifying the exile.*^ That this version is false is evident from the fact that the Mexican government subsequently blamed Alvarado for not sending legal proofs. It would not have required many confessions of accomplices to constitute such proofs; and if Alvarado had set about the manu facture of forged testimon}^ there is no reason to doubt that he would have made it strong enough. Indeed, there is much reason to believe that even Garner's testimony was either not formally repeated, or was indefinite, and that Padre Real's original letter, with Garner's first denunciation and several vague rumors, constituted the only support of the charges preferred. Alvarado realized perfectly that the legal grounds of his action were weak. But he believed the foreigners ** Morris, Diary, MS. , 26-9, aays he refused to sign the deposition at first, but finally yielded, whereat the judges ' pricked up their ears aud looked at each other aa wiae as a jackass that had received a shock from a galvanic bat tery. ' Morris further affirms that he was once taken out to be shot, but was saved by Farnhara. This is confirmed by Meadows and Chamberlain. Farn ham says the mock-trial was ou April 23d, wheu 21 of the priaoners were brought out and seated on the grass before the govemor's house. Each man was asked for his passport, which, of course, he could not produce, as it had been stolen from hia houae, even if he had been allowed to go there for it. Then each was catechised about the plot, and denied the servicea of an inter preter. Their atatemeuts were reduced to writing in Spanish. ' They con tained, as I afterward leamed in Mexico, things never said, accounts of acts never performed, and bequests of property to their persecutors, their jailers, etc' 'Thus ended the trial of 160 odd (!) Americana and Britons before a court of Californian Arabs ! ' ^ A writer in the Sta Gruz Sentinel, April 3, 1869, claiming to have been one of tlie prisoners, saya that Garner at this trial hesitated to re-affirm his denunciation, but was forced to sign the document and take the oath by Alvarado, who threatened to shoot hira uext day if he refused. In Graham et al. , Petition, 33, it is stated that 8 raen were separately examined with a bad interpreter, and were later takeu to another room and kept manacled uutU their departure. 28 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. were plotting. He knew that they formed an unde sirable element of population, and he had resolved to get rid of them. If his legal proofs of conspiracy were slight, he trusted much for his vindication to the fact that nine tenths of the exiles had entered the country in defiance of law; and at the worst, what did it matter to him if Mexico should be required to pay damages to the extent of a few thousands of dollars? Safety and quiet would in such case be cheaply pur chased.*® The governor believed he had a right to put the offending foreigners at the disposition of the supreme government. The irons were removed from such prisoners as had worn them, except perhaps Graham and Morris, when they were sent away in boats to the vessel; but on board the Guipuzcoana thgy were again ironed, John Chamberlain doing the work, after Freeman Fling, another blacksmith, had declined.*'^ Their condition on the vessel was not more comfortable than in the prison; indeed, there must have been much suffering, even if, as Alvarado claims, they were well fed and not exposed to unnecessary discomforts.*^ At Santa Barbara all were landed and confined on shore for several days. Here one or two of the number were left on account of sickness; here Farnham again ap peared as their guardian angel ; and here, if we may ^s Alvarado, Hist Cal , MS. , v. 2-13, expresses these views, attachmg some iraportance also to the fact that there were In CaUfomia no proper tribunals for the trial of such caaea, no foreign consuls to whom the matter could be referred, and no national vessela to the captaina of which foreigners ille gally in the country could be delivered. He expressed somewhat similar viewa at the tirae. Robinson's Life in Cal, 184. " Charaberlam, Memoirs, MS., 5-14, says he was obliged to iron the pris oners or be sent away with them. They were shackled by the leg to bars of iron m groups of from 2to 9 according to the length of the bara; and were at first put between decks in rows facing each other aud far enough apart for a man to walk between them with a tub of food, from whioh each secured as much as his hands would hold. Meadows, Graham Affair, MS 15-''4 givea a sirailar account, stating that Fling refused to put on the irons Neither Meadows uor Morris, who narrates somewhat minutely the events of the voy age, makea out a very bad case about their treatment, and Morris admits that they were allowed to spend the daya ou deck under guard after passing San Diego. ° ^^Vinto, Apunt, MS., 53-6, who was one of the guard, protests that all chargea of lu treatment are false. THE EXILES AT TEPIC. 29 credit the narrators — as we certainly may not — were repeated all the horrors of the Monterey prison, and worse.** We are told by Meadows that at San Bias Castro wished to scuttle the bark and drown the prisoners; but he failed to make a satisfactory ar rangement with the master about the price to be paid for the vessel ! Wilkes continues the chapter of hor rors by dwelling on the sufferings of the victims, as, heavily ironed, barefoot, and without food, they were driven under the lash to Tepic — sixty miles in two days, with the thermometer at 90 degrees ! And final ly Morris informs us that Castro attempted on the way to get rid of Farnham by assassination ! °° At Tepic the sufferings of the prisoners were prac tically at an end ; for we must not through the false hoods extant be led to forget that they really suffered great hardships. Though they continued under arrest for several months, they were kindly treated, lodged in comparatively comfortable quarters, and well fed; and they had the additional pleasure, one which went *' Graham et al.. Petition, aay 3 men in irona were put in au ox-cart; the rest went on foot, some chained iu iiaira. No food nor water for 24 houra. One would have died but for the kindness of Dr Den, who cauaed food and water to be auppUed. Some of the captivea from Monterey were released and aent back. Both iu priaon and on the veasel 'we were frequently threatened, pricked, and struck with swords by the subaltern officers of the Mex. govt." Meadows, Morria, and Farnham vie with each other in exag gerating the hardahips and outrages at Sta BArbara, which Farnhara extenda to the voyage. It ia stated that the inhabitants, all except the women, as sembled on one occasion to amuse themselves by seeing the captivea eat, and note their disguat as the breech-clout of the Indian cook was found in the soup, where it had been put as a joke by Torre's direction. Meadows saya that about a dozen were left here ou plea of sickness. Famham sailed on the Don Quixote before the departure of the Guipuzcoana. 5" Morris, however. Diary, MS., 33-8, states that the prisoners had sev eral asses, in the uae of which they took tums; that at the half-way station, by the agents of Barron and Forbes, they were afforded a good night's rest and plenty of food; and that from that point to Tepic they were well enough treated. Capt. Clifford's narrative — taken doubtless mainly from Farnham's lips in the New York Journal of Commerce, and reprinted iu the Polynesian, Dec. 5, 1840, givea at sorae length the account of the terrible sufferings en dured ou the joumey by sea aud laud. ' During the march, whioh was labo rious enough to exhaust the stoutest frarae, the prisoners were urged forward by lashes infficted upou their naked bodies; and oue, who sank under fatigue, was barbarously beaten with the butt-end of a musket, to renovate hia strength, and arouse hia drooping spirits.' Also in Niles' Beg., IxvUi. 371. 30 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. far to compensate them for all their wrongs, of seeing the Californians of their guard kept under arrest for some two weeks until orders for their release came from Mexico.^"^ All this was due to the influence of Eustace Barron, the British consul at Tepic, upon the coman dante general of Jalisco, Don Manuel Castillo Negrete, a brother of Don Luis known in California. Farnham had arrived, in a schooner from Mazatlan, and had lost no time in bringing the wrongs of the foreigners to the consul's attention. There is no official record of events at Tepic. Rafael Pinto, and Morris more briefly, give some details of experience there from the standpoint of Californian and foreigner respectively; but their narratives contain little or nothing of gen eral interest to the reader. ^^ Castro, having been personally under arrest but for a day or two, proceeded to Mexico in accordance with his instructions from Alvarado. He was accompamed by Covarrubias and Soto, Torre being left in command of the guard at Tepic, and Pinto being also left behind sick with a fever. Covarrubias and Soto, the former gaining in the mean time a cross of honor for having offered his services in defence of the president on July 15th,''' soon returned to Acapulco and sailed for Cali fornia on the Catalina. Torre, Pinto, and the Cali fornian troops embarked also on the Catalina when she touched at San Bias in September. They arrived at San Diego about the middle of October, with news 51 Morris, Diary, MS., 38-41, writes: 'Fromthe top of ourprisou we beheld the mighty dons of California taking the cool air on the top of their prison. "Ah," thought I, "you have caught a Tartar." My companions were over joyed, and I thought they would have burst themselves with laughter. Some of them carae running to rae saying, "Darau ray eyes, but the consul has put Castro and his damned buggers in prison.'" He delights especially iu the manner in which Castro was snubbed by Barron. Aug. 4th, letter from Tepio to N. Y. Jour. Com., in Honolulu Polynesian, i. 163, announcing arrival of priaoners at Tepio. ^"^ Pinto, Apunt, MS., 44^74, deserves special mention as a fair and com plete account of the whole affair, a mention the more neeessary on account of Famhara's unjust abuae of thia officer. Osio, Hist. Cal, MS., 409-10 is bit ter in his denunciations of CastiUo Negrete, stating that he was uot only or dered to release the Californians, but was severely reprimanded. S3 Origmal docuraent conferring the cross, dated Sept. 1, 1840, in Vallejo, Doc., MS., ix. 233. RESULTS IN MEXICO. 31 that the foreigners were still prisoners at Tepic, and that Castro was detained in Mexico.^ _ On the 23d of September the minister of the inte rior informed Alvarado of the government's disposi tion of the prisoners. The governor's zeal in prevent ing a revolt was approved, and he was ordered to see to it that no foreigners should in future be allowed to enter California except in accordance with the laws; but should the necessity again arise to expel them, he must be careful to send proofs of their guilt in order to avoid reclamations. Of the prisoners, Graham, Morris, Chard, and Bowles ^^ were to remain in con finement, subject to the courts of Tepic. Such of the others as were naturalized or married to Mexican wives were to be freed, on giving bonds to await at Tepic the result of legal investigations ; and the rest were to be sent out of the republic, and not allowed to return to California. Orders to this effect were is sued on the same date by the minister of war.^^ I have no official record of any subsequent order of the Mexican government respecting the prisoners, of correspondence with British and American consuls on the subject, or of the flnal investigations in the case of those who remained in prison or under bonds at Tepic. It appears, however, that the order of Sep tember 23d must have been modified, at least so far as to include in the class not banished, not only the ^* Arrival of the Oatalina at S. Diego before Oct. 22d. Dept. St Pap., Ben. Cust.-H., MS., v. 7-8; Vallejo, Doe, MS., x. 321. Pmto, Apunt, MS., 65- 71, tells the story of the voyage, aud of certaiu troubles between the troops , and the captain of the vessel, Karl Christian, whora he repreaenta as partiaUy insane. On the Oatalina carae also at thia time Manuel Caataiiarea to take charge of the Monterey cuatom-house; his brother, Josd Marfa, returning to CaUfomia by stealth ou account of certain troubles at Mazatlan; the artUlery captain, Mariano Silva; and Mauricio Gonzalez. Feb. 1, 1842, gov. orders payment of $1,550 to Cdlis for passage of officers and troops. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., iv. 68-9. ^ CaUed Jorge Josd Bouils, or Bouila, or Bouia; but it must have beeu Bowles, I think. 5<'Sept. 23d, mm. of int. to gov. Supt Govt St Pap., MS., xvi. 7-8; S. Diego, Arch, MS., 272; Dept St Pap., MS., iv. 136; Id., Aug., vi. 29- 36; xU. 49-50; Arch. Sta Oruz, MS., 53-5. June 2, 1840, min. of war has received VaUejo's despatch of April 25th. Savage, Doc, MS., iii. 1. Published iu California in May 1841. 32 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. naturalized and married, but all who had passports; permits, or other evidence of having to any extent complied with the requirements of the laws. At any rate, the class was made to include about twenty men, many more certainly than had naturalization papers, if indeed any had them. The rest, or about thirty, were doubtless sent out of the republic as ordered, having no legal claims whatever for damages. The current idea that all or nearly all were awarded dam ages, or at least sent back to California at government expense, is erroneous. The detention of Graham and his companions, and the investigation of their wrongs against or at the hands of Mexico, lasted until June. During the time Larkin visited Mexico, where he doubtless tes tified in this matter.®^ The result was, that the prisoners were found innocent of the charges against them, and were apparently adjudged entitled to com pensation for actual losses, including lost time. Some of them were paid $250 each by Consul Barron — of dourse with authority from the government and for eign . ministers — and for that sum released Mexico from all further claims. Others perhaps received smaller sums on account; and all were sent back to California at expense of the government, there to procure legal evidence of their losses in consequence " Jan. 18, 1841, Carmichael, one of the prisoners, writes from Tepic to Larkin as follows: 'It is the general opinion of the foreigners of this place that you have gone ou to Mexico on secret business, busineaa against us that were of late prisoners in thia place. Aa for my part, I beUeve nothing of the kind; at all events, if you should be able to do nothing for ua, please try and do nothing agaiust ua. It would be made known iu the course of time, aud as you are doing business in Monterey, it would cause you to be very unpopular . . . Try and effect all you cau with hia excellency, Powhattau Ellia, in behalf of your countrymen. Mr Graham had a rehearing on Friday last; he was asked by the judge some of the raost frivolous questions, auch as what was hia mother's name before marriage, etc. So far aa I can see into Grahara's buaineaa, this govt is making nothing but a perfect humbug with hia case, with a view of detaining him a great length of time in the country. I heard yes terday by oue of the clerks that overhaaled the documents that came ou of late from Cal. that you had swom against ua, though I think there ia nothing more of it than you informed me when here. . . Aa you are now at headquarr ters, please try and find out if possible the result of this busmesa, whether we are going to be paid, and how much. . .P. S. I have just heard that Gra hara's business will be brought to a close soon.' Larkin's Doe, MS. i. 120. DAMAGES PAID. 33 of arrest. They were provided with cartas de se guridad, and the authorities were to afford facilities for verifying the ' accounts. Up to this point the English and American claimants appear to have been treated exactly alike, Barron having acted for the American consul, who was absent. The schooner Bolina was chartered for the trip, and the returning exiles, perhaps twenty in number, though probably a few did not find their way back till later, were landed at Monterey in July 1841.^^ It is evident ^' June 3, 1841, Barron to Larkin, announcing the result and requesting him to aid in establishing clairas. He iraplies clearly that money had been paid to Americana as well as Engliahmeu. Larkin, writing to the U. S. sco. of state in 1844, says also that some clairas of both classes were relinquished for $250 eaoh. Id., Official Gorresp., MS., ii. 5-6. Farnhara, continuing his Ues to the last, aaya they were tried again, ' and condemned to perpetual ira prisonraent upon an island in a mountain lake of Mexico, ' but were saved by the consul! Meadowa, Graham Affair, MS., 28-30, was one of the raen who got $250, whioh he represents as siraply an advance raade to those who wished to leave Tepio, those who remained getting $300, but in this he is in error, since his narae does not appear iu tho later list of English clairaants. July 22d, Coraandante Flores at Monterey announces arrival of the Bolina with Graham and 18 others on July 20th. Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 215. Alvarado, on July 29th, speaka of Grahara and about 15 Englishraen having arrived, 40 (?) having beeu scattered. Id., x. 236. Those known to have "been sent back at this tirae were Grahara, Morris, Chard, Carraichael, Meadows, An derson, O'Brien, Dove, Price, Chapel, Langlois, and Warner. There were others also, apparently, as they seem to have been iu the country later. Theae were Barton, Bowles, Cooper, Frazer, Lewis, Lucas, McGlone, and Peace. Perhaps McAlUster and Maynard also returned. In most jirinted accounta ib is stated that all, or nearly all, the exiles came back. Bobinson, Life in Cal , 187-8, asserts that they camo back well dressed and armed, and looking better than when they left. This writer, foUowed by Tuthill, Hist. Cal, 146-7, dates the retum a year later, by the Columbine. Mofras, Explo ration, i. 304-11, says the agreement was for eaoh individual to receive $3 per day for his time, besides indemnity for loaaea of property. They came back exulting iu their aucceaa and full of projects for vengeance against Alvarado and Castro. They would make another Texas of Cal. as soou aa they were strong enough, beiug assured of the support of the U. S. Mofraa makes out very erroneously that of the 46 priaonera aent away, 6 died, 31 returned, and 9 refuaed to retum. Marsh, Letter to Com. Jones, MS., 12-13, vn-ites: 'The Araerican consul did nothing, and seeras to have been a perfect cipher. Two of the prisoners after their enlargement went to the city of Mexico, where the British minister made every exertion to obtain' for theae unfortunate raen some remuneratiou from the Mexican govt for their losses and sufferings. The Araerican minis ter is understood to have done absolutely nothing. ' Morris writes. Diary, MS., 41: 'They were compelled to charter a schooner, furnish her with every thing necessary for the voyage, and bring us all back to Monterey, where we arrived on July 15 (?), 1841, to the very great surprise of many a treacherous Spaniard aud foreigner.' Capt. Clifford, iu Niles' Eeg., Ivui. 371, says: 'Offi cial accounts of this infamous transaction have been forwarded to the British and Amerioan governments by their reapective ministers; and it is confidently hoped that prompt and energetic measures wiU be pursued to obtain ample Hist. Cai., Vol. IV. 3 34 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. that President Bustamante had been unwiUing to complicate existing troubles by engaging in a contro versy with foreign powers. Meanwhile, Jose Castro was subjected to a trial by court-martial at the national capital, on charges pre ferred by the British and American ministers. Of course in conveying the prisoners to Tepic, Castro had merely obeyed the orders of his superiors, Alvarado and Vallejo; and the charges of ill treatment could not be substantiated. The proceedings began before the end of 1840,^' and lasted until May 1841. It is understood that Micheltorena, later governor of Cali fornia, conducted Castro's defence; and the result was, that he was fully exonerated of blame, and permitted to return to California, where he arrived in Septem ber, having made the trip chiefly by land.^" There seems to be no foundation for the later rumors that he narrowly escaped conviction, or that he had to run away from Mexico in disguise.®^ The funds from which his expenses were paid were furnished by En- justice and rerauneration for the prisoners, and satisfaction for the national insult. ' ' Doubtless the American and EngUsh governraents will demand ample satisfaction for these unfortunate men. ' Honolulu Polynesian, June 20, 1 840. Famham ou May 24th was warmly thanked iu writing by the prisoners at Tepio for his services. Id., Deo. 5, 1840; SundLinhis Life in Oal., 414, concludes: 'Grahara retumed to Califomia, a broken-spirited, ruined mau. The others are dispersed elsewhere. Our government has never avenged their wrongs.' ' Fifteen montha later the government of Mexico sent part of thera back to Monterey, several dying from fatigue aud privations. ' Niles' Eeg., Ixviu. 211. '' Aug. 22, 1840, Virraond to Vallejo, explaining that Castro was not al lowed to leave the city. Vallejo, Doc, MS., ix. 229. Dec. 17th, Gen. Valen cia, chief of staff, to VaUejo. Court-martial in progress. Record of Caatro's services required. /(/., ix. 359. Jan. 23, 1841, Virraond to Munraa. Castro will corae out all right. Is living unmolested at writer's house. Id., xxxiii. 184. June 12, 1841, newa of C.'a arrival at Mex. has reached Sta B. Sta B., Arch., MS., 23. *'" April 5, 1841, Valencia announces Castro's acquittal to Vallejo. Vallejo, Doc, MS., X. 97. May 12th, Castro's retura ordered, and expenses to be paid. Id., X. 136. May 15th, Castillero says that the acquittal was an hon orable one. 7ii., X. 138. Sept. 18th, Alvarado speaks of Castro's retum. Id., X. 281. Oct. 1st, orders for payment of dues to Castro. Dept St Pap., Ben. Com. a-nd Treas., MS., iv. 56. «i Osio, Hist. Cal., MS., 410-11, says that in consequence of Barron's per secutions, Castro had to come by by-roads via Durango to Mazatlan. Rob inson, Lifein Cal., 188, remarks: 'It ia said it would have gone hard with hira if he had not managed to escape through the connivance of hia govern ment." A FRENCH MAN-OF-WAR. 35 rique Virmond, to be repaid in California hides and tallow. The Gv.ipuzcoana had sailed from Monterey in April, 1840, and for nearly fifty days all was quiet, with no tidings of the exiles and their guard. Then came news in an unexpected and even threatening form. On the 11th of June there anchored before the town the French sloop of war Danaide, whose com mander, J. de Rosamel, had come to demand an ex planation of the outrage lately committed upon his countrymen — perhaps to avenge it — and at any rate to protect such Frenchmen as were yet in danger. He had been about to sail from Mazatlan for Honolulu when by the arrival of a schooner from Santa Barbara he heard a grossly exaggerated report of the foreign ers' arrest and banishment, including the statement that two Frenchmen had been killed and others severely wounded. He was of course delighted to learn that the rumor was false, that not a single one of his compatriotes had even been sent away, and that one or two who had been arrested were released ap parently for no better reason than that they were Frenchmen. There being no occasion for warlike or even diplomatic demonstrations, Rosamel and his men proceeded to enjoy themselves for twenty days, to the mutual satisfaction of themselves and the Monterey ans, with whom they established, as earlier visitors of their nation had usually done, the most friendly and agreeable relations. On July 2d, the Danaide sailed away.*^ °' June 19th, July 12th, com. of Monterey announcea arrival and departure of Danaide and St Louis. Each left two deaerters, but the Frenchmen were captured and restored. Vallejo, Doe, MS., ix. 150, 174. July 1st, Rosamel to gov., explaining his motives in coming, and expressing his pleasure that his couutrymeu had been so well treated. He concludes as followa: 'C'est avec le plua vif regret, Monaieur le Gouverneur, que je auis forcd de vous quitter, mais croyez bien que partout ou me porterd la deatinde je n'oublierai jamais la bonne reception que vous avez faite & la Danaide, et les relations amicales qui se aout etabUea entre nous pendant raou sdjour aur votre rade. ' Original letter in Id., xxxUi. 88. Robinaon'a atory. Life in Cat., 181-3, fol lowed by TuthiU, Hist Oal., 146, that Alvarado, in his fear and perplexity, 36 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. Nor was the Danaide the only vessel that came on this business. The U. S. man-of-war St Louis, Capr tain French Forrest, was only two days behind the Frenchman, arriving June 13th, and sailing July 4th. Forrest in a letter to the governor demanded an ex planation of the report that Americans had been at tacked in their houses, wounded, robbed, imprisoned, and sent away in violation of existing treaties. The required explanation was given : namely, that certain foreigners had been sent away according to law,_ either for offences against the public peace, or for having en tered the country illegally; that they had been so well treated that one of them wrote a letter of thanks; and that none had suffered spoliation, none but Graham having any property. If Forrest was not satisfied with 'this explanation, he took no further steps in the matter, except to collect testimony from certain resi dent Americans, who claimed to have suffered losses in consequence of their arrest. On his departure, during Alvarado's absence in the interior, he left Ethan Estabrook to act as consular agent, of whose experi ence in California I know nothing, except that the governor refused to recognize his authority. He ob tained a passport to travel, and probably left the country in 1841, after taking a few additional state ments.^* left the town on pretext of au Indian campaign, and remained absent until the vessels sailed, haa, I suppose, not much foundation, though it is true that A. did leave town and was absent at the time of departure of both vessels. MeUus, Diary, MS., 5-6, says the Danaide entered with open ports, ready to open fire; but cooled down on hearing how raatters stood. Capt. Phelpa of the Alert, Fore and Aft, 251-2, was at Monterey at the tirae. He saya the Frenchman was 'much dia.appointed ' at finding no excuse to fire on the town. He tella ua the Frenchmen became great favorites with the ladies. Once they were so attentive to them in church that the padre ordered them to leave the building; but the ladies protested, and the padre had to yield.- Phelps' account also, in 8. Jose Patriot, Jau. 22, 1869. Mention of Rosamel'a visit alao, in Mofras, Explor., i. 304-6; Vallejo, Hist Cal, MS., in. 318; iv. 131-7; Alvarado, Hist Gal., v. 14-15. s'lu hia report of Deo. 4, 1841, 27th ooug. 2d seas., Seu. Doc. 1, p. 368,. the sec. navy writea: 'In the midst of theae outrages, Cora. Forrest arrived upou the coaat, and, by his prompt and spirited interpoaitiou, vindicated and secured the rights, uot only of American citizens, but of British aubjects.. For these aervicea he received, and appeara to have well deserved, a formal expreaaion of the thanka both of American and English residents.' June 14, RETURN OF THE EXILES. 37 In September the Guipuzcoana returned with news from Tepic. Before that time, in July and August^ disquieting rumors had come by other vessels, to the effect that the prisoners had all been released and Castro arrested as a revolucionario.^ In October, as we have seen, the troops of the guard came back on the Catalina; in May of the next year came official despatches from Mexico; in July the Bolina brought nineteen of the released prisoners ; and finally, in Sep tember Josd Castro made his appearance. The returning exiles in July 1841 came provided with regular passports, and part of them had legalized claims against Mexico for the losses they had incurred, and the authorities were instructed, at least in the case of nine English subjects, to facilitate the obtain^ ing of proofs as to the amount of those losses:^^ The 1840, Capt. Forrest to gov. Dept St Pap., MS., v. 12; June 19th, gov.'s re ply. Id., V. 10-11. Deo. 12th, gov. to min. int. It seeras that the St Louis sailed while Alvarado waa teraporarily abaent, and left the agent without ob serving any forraalitiea. Dept. Rec, MS., xi. 73-4. July 11th, Estabrook to gov. Is aware of formaUties necessary iu appointing consuls, but these do not apply to a raere agent whose business ia chiefly coraraercial. Capt. Forrest had a right to inquire into infringement of treaties, and to appoint an agent for that purpose. Dept St Pap., MS., v. 16-18. Hia presence also meutioned iu Vallejo, Doc, MS., ix. 174. Mofraa, Explor., i. 306, ia the only authority tliat namea Eatabrook. Mellua, Diary, MS., 5-6, saya that Forrest, from the declarations taken, aet the damagea at over $100,000, exclusive of the clairas of those who had beeu sent away! Harry Bee was one of the witnesses. Recoil , MS. , 21-8, and tho ouly wonder is the aggregate of loss waa not larger. In June 1841 Jacob Leese teatified that the lieutenant in command of the St Louis had announced iu the presence of several persons his intention to seize the govemor aud carry him to Mexico. Nathan Spear could not reraeraber any such statement, though it waa said to have been made at hia house, Dept. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 74-5. July 2d, Spence writes to Alvarado that Fon'est wishes to know when he will return, in order to arrange his business speedUy. No truth iu the rumor that he intenda harm to A. July 7th, A. repliea that business detains hira. Id. , v. 12. The salutes to the two war- vessels, with the fiesta of Corpus Christi, had very nearly exhauated the sup ply of powder at Monterey. Flores, iu Vallejo, Doe, MS., ix. 153. ^Dept St Pap., MS., v. 18-19; Id., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., U. 94^6. Cham berlain, Memoirs, MS., 5-14, speaks of getting letters from Bowles, whioh he showed to Larkin. Spence was angry when he heard the prisonera had been releaaed, and declared it a Ue. ^' The 9 were Carmichael, Anderson, O'Brien, Dove, Price, Morris, Chapel, Langlois, and Warner. Dept Ree, MS., xii. 36. Dec. 14, 1840, the British miu. to Mexican govt, sent to gov. of Cal. Dec. Slat, aud received in July 1841. Dept St Pap., Mont, MS., iv. 51-3; Larkin's Doe, MS., i. 116; Sta flruz. Arch., MS., 23-6; Castro, Doe, MS., i. 55. This communication came probably on the aarae veasel as the claunants. The British rainister explained that Carmichael's claim was the largest, $7,380, he having had a shop at 38 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. coming of a war-vessel to settle the matter was an nounced ; but what wa^ done meanwhile in California I do not know, except that Alvarado informed the government that the English claimants had not been able to prove the alleged losses.^^ At last in Novem ber the English man-of-war Curagoa, Captain Jones, arrived at Monterey, and a settlement was effected. Mofras states that the total amount of compensation allowed was $24,050; and I find no other definite record on the subject. If they received one half that sum the exile had proved a brilliant speculation for the Englishmen. Apparently there was no controversy, and Alvarado was not disposed to drive a close bar gain in the interest of the national treasury."'' What ever the terms agreed upon, it is not likely that any money was advanced by Jones at the time; and if any money was paid over by the English government to its subjects later, I have found no positive record of the fact. The claims of Americans were still pending, and remained in that condition for a long time if not for ever. In November 1841 the Yorktown had been at Monterey, and the commander, J. H. Aulick, had probably carried away some testimony on the subject.®^ Of correspondence between Washington Monterey at the time of hia arrest, aud beiug about to carry out a business matter of great importance; that the othera were much less; and that it was supposed that a part of the property lost could be returned by the aid of the local authorities. At any rate, it was for the interest of Mexico to closely in vestigate eaoh claim; and the authorities were accordingly instructed to interpose no obstacles. sn July 26, 1841, A. to mm. of mt. Dept Ree, MS., xu. 35-6. July 22d, Flores to Vallejo. Two war-vessels expected. 'The affair seems settled with the British minister, but is atill pending with the American. VaUejo, Doc, MS., X. 220. s'Nov. 12, 1841, A. to rain, of int. Reporta that the Curagoa arrived on Nov. Sth, and that au estiraate of the value of the loat time of the 9 raen had been made. Dept Rec, MS., xii. 36. According to Mofras, Explor., i. 308-9, Carmichael waa allowed $4,500 for his ahop, etc., othera $2,000 for miaceUaneous property lost, and eaoh of 15 men $1,170, or $78 per mouth for 15 months. I doubt the accuracy of this stateraent, especially on account of the number of men mentioned. Morris at first claimed £37,000. "'Nov. 26, 1841, Aulick to Larkin. Grahara and others ask too much when they ask him to wait. They must have their papera ready to-morrow. Larkin's Doe, MS., i. 190. THE AMERICAN JONES. 39 and Mexico on the subject I find no trace; but it came up in California on the occasion of Commodore Jones' visit in November 1842. Jones wished to settle the claims as his English namesake had done a year earlier; and a long correspondence ensued be tween him and the Californian authorities, mainly with Josd Z. Fernandez, the juez at Monterey. It soon became apparent, however, that the second Jones would encounter obstacles unknown to the first. The correspondence was mainly devoted to a discussion of the manner in which the claims were to be verified. Each party sought to gain an advantage and throw the burden of proof upon the other. Jones, desiring to carry the claims in the strongest possible shape to Washington, wished to have the sworn statements of the claimants accepted and approved by the courts, except so far as they could be proved false by wit nesses under a strict cross-examination. He wished to dispense with troublesome routine formalities of Mexi can law. He charged that various alcaldes had refused to take testimony offered, and complained that the American claims were not favored as the English had been, or were popularly said to have been. Judge Fernandez, to whom Alvarado left the matter almost entirely, had manifested a readiness to legalize the just claims of American citizens, and at the earlier interviews between him and Jones all went smoothly enough; but V\^hen the investigation really began, the judge insisted on following in his own court his own ideas, rather than those of the commodore, respecting methods of procedure. He proposed to investigate each case by an examination of all obtainable testi mony. He declined to be used as a mere machine for certifying the accuracy ofthe Americans' estimates of their losses, and declared that he had no authority to enter into diplomatic discussions respecting the comparative status of English and American claims. Chard and Graham are the only claimants named, though others are alluded to; and when the case of '40 ALVARADO'S RULE— THE GRAHAM AFFAIR. the former came up he was adjudged to be a natural ized Mexican citizen, entitled to no damages from any nation but Mexico, and he was condemned to pay the costs of the suit! This was not encouraging; and Jones, after striving ineffectually to reform Califor nian court proceedings in accordance with the inter ests of his countrymen, determined to content himself with carrying away their sworn statements, unen cumbered by troublesome comments from other sources. He doubtless understood that the claims, if investigated, would dwindle to such insignificant figures as to play no part in international complica tions."^ Nothing more is heard of the American claims, ex cept that in 1843-4 thpy had not beeu paid, nor in 1846.'° I find no proof that Graham and his compan ions ever received a cent from the United States, though there has always been a prevalent tradition in s" One of the statements which I have cited as Graham et al. , Petition to U. S. Govt, I842, v/as signed by Grahara, Chard, Majors, Brown, Hance, Barton, Vv'tlaon, Cooper, Tomlinson, and NaUe — some of them not sent to S. Blaa— on Nov. 9, 1842. It is a much more moderate presentment of the case than those made current by Farnham and others. The document was furnished by Bev. S. H. Willey, a gentleman who has done much good work iu his torical research, and was pubUshed in Sta Cruz Oo. Hist, 9-10; Monterey Co. Hid., 32-4. Nov. 13th to Dec. 31st, corresp. between Com. Jones, Gov. Al varado, and Judge Fernandez. Chiefly originals, in Castro, Doe, MS., i. 66- 114; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiii. 301-2, 308. Two ot the minor communica tions are also given iu Jo7ies at Monterey, 91-2. Testimony of Graham .and Chard that their sworn statement of losses had been refused by the alcalde of Branciforte, Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiU. 299-300. Record of Chard's case. Hia claim was lor $1,004. 3Ionterey, Arch., MS., vi. 11. The evidenoe of his naturalization is not giveu. Mofras, Explor., i. 309-11, gives the clairas of the Americans as $129,210; Graham, $109,000; Chard, $5,000; and 13 others for time, $1,170 each (as for the EngUshmen), or $15,'210. He says, writing in 1844, that the cabinet at Washington aUowed the claima to drag along un paid iu order to accumulate injuries at the hands of Mexico, for which some thing more than pecuniary inderanity would one day be demanded. Wilkes, Narr., v. 180-2, complains of the negligence of his govt as iraplying a doubt of the legitimacy of the claims. " ' Mexico promised to pay a certain indemnity to each of these men , which she has never yet done, and one of them is now in this city [Mexico] in the extremesii poverty,' wrote Waddy Thompson, Dee. 31, 1843. President's 3Iess and Doc, 28th cong. lat aeaa.. Sen. i)oc., 390, p. 11. AprU 20, 1844, Larkin to U. S. seo. of state, enclosing Graham's atatement. Grahara claimed $72 500 besides the value of the property he had lost, including pay for lost time at $1,500 per raonth! Larkin's Off. Comesp., MS., U. 5-6. In June 1846 Lar kin also writea on the subject, and maintains that theae Cal. claims are the strongest that can be brought forward against Mexico. Id., ii. 64. INDEMNITY FOR EXILE. 41 California, among both natives and foreigners, that Graham did get a large sum.''^ I put no reliance in the tradition. Many, possibly all, of the twenty who returned received a sum of money at Tepic, $250 being the largest amount given to any one man. Nine of the Englishmen probably received a small additional sum, and there is a possibility that four or five Amer icans in later years may have disposed of their claims at a low figure. If each of those adjudged to have been illegally exiled could have received $500 in com pensation for his losses, it would have been a better use of his time than any one of the number was likely to have made in California.'"* " Membera of Graham'a family, and residents of Sta Cruz who knew hira well, say that G. certainly received a large sum; but wheu pressed for definite statementa of date and circumstancea, they are silent. Willey, Centen. Sketch Sta Cruz, 19, alao in Sta Oruz Oo. Hist, says Graham got $36,000, aud that Mr Meder was with him when it was paid. Meadows, Graham Affair, MS. , 31, teUa us that 6 raen weut to N. Y. aud recovered $12,000 each, giviug half to their lawyers, so Bowles, who waa one of them, aaid! Othera at Sta Cruz sold their claims, for how much he does not know. Graham is said to have got $35,000 or $36,000. Gleeson, Hist Cath. Church, U. 152-3, thinks the exiles got §150,000. Serrano, .4pKre«es, MS., 68-9, puts it at $250,000. Othera tell ua that Graham lost most of hia large property! '^In a lotter of June 15, 1846, to the U. S. sec. of state, Larkin promises a full history of the Graham afiair, to be compUed from the documents in his office, the next summer; but I have found no such history. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., U. 59. Ou Peb. 10, 1846, in a letter to Jas Gordon Bennett of the N. Y. Herald, Larkin briefly describes the affair, and says, ' I have read the Sta Fd hiatory; it ia nothing to the Califomia affair." Id., Doe, ii. 6. See also general accounts in Ferry, La Cal., 22-3; Soule's Annals of 8. F'co, 83-4; 8. F. Cal. Star, Feb. 26, 1847; Hartmann, Geog. Califomien, i. 37-8. CHAPTER II. MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. 1836-1840. Condition of Missions in 1836— Secttlarization — Acts of Authorities 1836-8— Chico's Policy — Secularization op Five Missions— New Missions Proposed — The Revolution and its Effect — Spoliation — Alvarado's Efforts for Reform — Reglamento of 1839 — Hartnell AS Visitador General — Reglamento of 1840 — ^Duran's Views — Hart nell's Second Visita — Resignation — Mission Statistics — President AND Prefect — Ecclesiastical — GarcJa Diego as Bishop — Stipends of Friars — Pious Fund — Indian Affairs — Troubles on the San Diego Frontier — Ranchos Plundered — Sonoma Frontier — Vallejo's Policy — Fights and Treaties — Small-pox — South of the Bay — Horse-thieves — The Chaguanosos — Seasons and Earthquakes. Before the beginning of 1836 sixteen of the twenty- one missions had been secularized under the Mexican law of 1833, Figueroa's reglamento of 1834, and sup plementary regulations of the diputacion.^ For each of these missions the governor had appointed a comi sionado, whose duty it was to re-organize them in ac cordance with the new system. In most instances the comisionados had completed their labors; lands had been assigned to the ex-neophytes, who had also re ceived a portion of other mission property; majordo mos were in charge of all property not distributed, for which they were responsible to the territorial govern ment; the friars were serving as curates, being re lieved of the temporal management, but cooperating with the majordomos in supervising the labors and ^ On mission annals for 1831-5, see chap, xi.-xii. of vol. iii. (42) SECULARIZATION. 43 conduct of the Indians, who were not yet altogether free from control. Several of these missions, however, seem still to have been in charge of the comisionados ; and in others the new system had been only partially introduced. In few, if any, was the secularization provided by the reglamento complete, and indeed, it was not designed to be immediately complete. Even of those supposed to be ia the same stage of development so far as the appointment of majordomos, making of inventories, assignment of lands, distribution of property, etc., were concerned, no two establishments were in exactly the same condition. The differences resulted from the dispositions of friars, majordomos, and Indians, and the resulting mutual relations. In some places, where the Indians were most docile and industrious, the pa dre energetic and popular, and the majordomo not too much of a politician and speculator, there was practi cally little change from the old system; but in other places, where the three elements were continually at war, the old methods were completely revolutionized. Five missions were still under the friars' control as of old. All were declining in prosperity, as the reader knows. The enforcement of the reglamento had in some instances slightly checked the decline, and in others hastened it; but on the whole, secularization in its latest phases had done little or no harm at the beginning of 1836. The general policy of secularizing the missions was a wise one, entirely in accordance with the spirit of Spanish institutions under which they were founded, and rendered an absolute necessity by the growth of republican ideas in America. The change by which the monastic monopoly was to be broken up involved no wrong to the church, the Franciscan order, or to the Indians. Figueroa's regulations, by which the policy and the law were to be carried into effect, were also wisely conceived in theory. To enforce them wisely, in such a manner as to wrong no interest and 44 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. avoid the evils existing as well as those likely to at tend a change, required certain favorable conditions. Such were the employment of able and honest admin istrators, a degree of intelligence and civilization on the part of the neophytes, the hearty cooperation of the missionaries, a strong and watchful territorial gov ernment, a healthful, intelligent, and liberal public spirit, and freedom from sectional strife. All these conditions being more or less wanting, success was im possible. Failure was a foregone conclusion; and it is the annals of that failure that I have to present in this chapter. I begin with a record of what was done by the authorities in 1836-8. We have seen that no action had been taken in Mexico on Figueroa's reglamento; but that by the decree of November 7, 1835, it had been ordered that the missions be kept in the same condition as before the law of 1833, until the curates mentioned in that law should take possession. This virtually nullified the reglamento, and if enforced must have created much confusion without leading to any good results; but though known in California on the coming of Chico, and unofficially somewhat earlier," no attempt was ever made to carry out its provisions. Chico in his discourse before the diputacion alluded to the or der as one issued by congress, of which he had been a member, with the best intentions, but without prac tical knowledge on the subject; as one which it was impossible to carry out in every respect; but yet one ^^ April 7, 1836, Carloa CarriUo to Vallejo. Mentions the decree of Nov. 7th as having beeu sent to Pres. Duran by the bishop of Sonora. 'VaUejo, Doc, MS., iii. 185. There is uo evidence that the decree was ever officially pub Ushed in Cal. It seeraa, however, that the friara expected a compliance with the decree, since on May 7, 1831, Vice-prefect Moreno to the Zacatecanos proposes that for charity's aake they should make the sacrifice of taking charge of tho temporalities so as to prevent the utter ruiu of the misaions uuder the mismanagement of the coraisionados aud majordoraos. Arch. Obispado, MS., 58-9. Aug. 13, 1837, Duran to dip. Says he had iu July caUed for the en forcement of the decree of Nov. 7, 1835, but he hears the dip. has resolved to treat other matters first. Caunot understand that anything cau be more im portant than enforcing the laws, or why thousands of Indians should suffer to please ' four interested persona ' (?). Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt ii. 17. THE GOVERNOR'S ACTS. 43 which, coming from the government, must be obeyed.^ He asked advice, but if any was given it is not of record. Perhaps it occurred to governor and diputa cion as a plausible plea that the friars were serving practically as curates, and might be regarded as the curates provided for by the law. At any rate, the decree was not obeyed; and not only was the regla mento continued in force in the sixteen missions, but its provisions were soon extended, as we shall see, to the other five establishments. On May 25th Chico issued an edict intended to pre vent the frequent desertions of mission Indians.* In his speech of the 27th he devoted more attention to the missions than to any other topic, and in their condition he found nothing to encourage a hope of their escape from utter ruin. His predictions, found ed on the character and actions of Indians, majordo mos, and padres, were accurate enough; though his views of the actual condition were exaggerated.^ Be fore he had occasion to develop further his views and policy, he was called to the south; and there occurred a controversy with the friars in June with which the reader is already familiar.^ Chico deemed himself neglected and insulted by the padres Jimeno at Santa Inds, and was subsequently much offended at Duran's refusal to cooperate with religious service in the swear ing of the constitutional bases at Santa Bdrbara. One of Chico's grounds of complaint being that the padres at Santa Inds had refused to aid him on his journey with animals and other supplies, he called upon Duran to state clearly whether he recognized the obligation of unsecularized missions to furnish such supplies. Duran's reply, dated June 15th, was an elaborate and able argument, to the effect that.no ' Ohico, Discurso ...27 de.Mayo, 1836. ^May 25, 1836, Chico'a edict. Circulated in south in June and July. Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., ii. 52-4; xi. 54; Id., S. Jose, iv. 111-12; Hayes' Miss. Book, i. 297. ^ Chico, Discurso. See also chap. xv. of vol. iii. ' See chap. xv. of vol. iii. 46 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. such obligation existed; that all the aid rendered by the missions for sixteen years past had been lent as a matter of volun tarji courtesy; that the government had no right whatever to the mission property, which belonged to the neophytes, and could be taken for pub lic uses in cases of extreme necessity only as, and even less easily than, other private property. In the future as in the past the padres would render voluntarily such aid as they could consistently with the needs of their neophytes; but they would recognize no such duty legally. They would not resume the manage ment on any such terms; and ifit were proposed to enforce such an obligation, it would be best to secu larize the remaining establishments at once.''' In reply, Chico declined to discuss the rights of un secularized missions ; but announced that he had or dered the padres of Santa Inds and San Buenaventura to surrender the property of their respective missions to J. M. Ramirez and Carlos Carrillo as comisionados. This he made known June 23d to the junta, explain ing his reasons, and declaring it impolitic to leave the control of such property to subjects of a hostile na- tion.® The junta on June 29th-30th, having as yet no quarrel with Chico, or rather not unwilling to pro voke one between Chico and the friars, approved his action;® and the secularization of the two southern missions went into effect immediately. Chico had an nounced his intention of secularizing San Miguel as soon as he could find a suitable person to take charge ; and accordingly, on July 14th, Ignacio Coronel was named as the comisionado.-^" ' Duran, Carta al Gobr Chico, en que niega la obligacion de las Misiones de auxiliar al Gobierno, 15 de Junio, 1836, MS. 8 June 23, 1836, Chico to junta. St Pap., Miss, and Oolon.,.'MS., U. 368- 73; Vallejo, Doe, MS., xxxu. 24. 'Leg. Ree, MS., in. 23; St Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., ii. 384-6; Va Uejo, Doc, MS., xxxii. 30. 1° Coronel, Doe , MS. , 189. Sept. SOth, P. Moreno to Capt. Guerra. Says that all the property had been diatributed to the Indians, except a Uttle grain. Guerra, Doc, MS., vU. 4. There were troubles with P. Abella about rendering accounts. Carrillo {J.), Doe, MS., 37. SAN JOSfi AND SANTA CLARA. 47 Two missions only were now left in their original condition. Chico, by reason of political troubles, was unable to proceed with the work of secularization, but that work was undertaken before the end of the year. In November the diputacion, or congress of Califor nia, ordered the padre at San Josd to turn over the property to Jesus Vallejo as comisionado, and the transfer was effected in December." The order in the case of Santa Clara, the last mission secularized, was issued by Vallejo as comandante general December 27th, and the comisionado, Josd Ramon Estrada, did not take possession probably until the beginning of 1837.^^ It would appear that most of the men put in charge of missions in 1836, after performing their duties as comisionados, became majordomos, and thus retained their places. The term 'administrator' is often used in speaking of them and the others; but no such office existed before 1839. During the years 1837-8, the attention of the au thorities being fully occupied with political affairs, and with the struggle to keep themselves in power, there was no change introduced or attempted in the mission regulations.^^ Cdrlos Carrillo had no distinctive mis sion policy so far as can be known ; but though repre senting southern interests, Don Cdrlos was supported by the Zacatecanos of the north — or at any rate, their prelate recognized him as governor;^* while the Fer nandinos of the south, as represented by President Duran, favored Alvarado's cause. ^^ They also con- "Nov. 29, 1836, order of dip. Arch., Sta B., MS., ix. 143-4; xi. 114. Dec. lOth, possession taken. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxii. 89. Jan. 15, 1837, in ventory. Id., xKxU. 64; St Pap., Miss., MS., vii. 49-51. " Dec. 27, 1836, V. to Estrada. Vallejo, Doc, MS., iv. 45. There had perhaps been sorae previoua action by the dip. "Feb. 15, 1837, Alvarado, ina circular to those in charge of missions, calls for careful balance-sheets aud inventories for a general settlement. Vallejo, Doc, MS., iv. 37. " Dec. 14, 1837, P. Moreno to the padrea. He also says there is a prospect of their return to the coUege, since the question of ceding Cal. to a foreign power, ' which God forbid,' is being considered in Mexico. Arch. Obispado, MS., 59. •5 Alvarado and Vallejo, in their histories, claim that Duran made an ear nest but vmauccesaful effort to obtain from the governor, iu reward for the 48 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. sented to take the long-delayed oath in support of the constitution, now that Spain had recognized Mexican independence; and the Zacatecans were also willing to take the oath, being Mexicans. '« There is some evi dence that in 1838-9, Vallejo agitated the project of founding a new line of four or five frontier missions in the east and north, particularly one at Santa Rosa; but the Zacatecan friars, who were requested to un dertake the work, declined." I have remarked that the essential conditions for carrying into effect wisely the reglamento of seculari zation did not exist in California, and that failure was inevitable. If otherwise there had been a possibility of partial success, it disappeared with the outbreak of Alvarado's revolution in 1836, or rather with the sec tional opposition to Alvarado's rule in the following years. .A wise and honest administration of the mis sion interests, difficult under the most favorable cir cumstances, became impossible during the struggles of rival political factions. Since 1810 the missions had been obliged to make up in one way or another the large deficiency of revenue for expenses of the gov ernment, civil and military; and of course they had to do this still, now that a large portion of the mission property had by secularization been set apart as a pub lic fund. That any ruler struggling to maintain his power should not have drawn on that fund without limit would be too much to expect of political human nature in any country or any age. The government had rights as had the Indians; but as usual in earlier and later times, the rights of the natives were practi- friars' aupport, au agreement to suspend aecularization, aud restore the misr sions to their former conditiou. ii'July 8, 1837, Duran to Alvarado. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xxxii. 96. July 25th, Moreno to A. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt ii. 18. " Mar. 19, 1839, P. Quijas to V. Will undertake a mission at Sta Rosa if P. Gonzalez consents. Vallejo, Doc, MS., vi. 325. May Mth, V. to Alva rado, urging importance of the Sta Roaa mission. Id., vi. 65; Dept. St. Pap., MS. , iv. 255. General account of the proposition to found raissions in the Tulares, San Joaquiu, etc. Vallejo, Hid. Cal, MS., iv. 62-70; Alvarado, Hist Cal., MS., iv. 151-3. PLUNDER OF THE MISSIONS. 49 cally disregarded. The demands for supplies were more frequent and larger than ever before; and the produc tiveness of the mission estates was largely diminished. In ordinary times of public tranquillity, it would have been difficult to select twenty-one men qualified to ad minister honestly and judiciously the estates under the careful supervision of higher authorities. Now not only there could be no such supervision, and the majordomos and administrators were, like other classes, affected by the prevalent controversies; but, worse still, these positions, the only ones of value at the gov ernor's disposal, had to be bestowed as rewards for political support, with slight regard for the fitness of applicants or acts of incumbents. Add to these diffi culties the prevalent demoralization of the Indians for several preceding years, old age and peculiar tempera ment of the friars of San Fernando, and the character of the Zacatecanos, and the reader might easily pre dict the result. All happened exactly as might have been antici pated. All writers and witnesses, both Californian and foreign, who mention the subject, are unanimous in describing Alvarado's rule, from 1836 to 1842, as a period of plunder and ruin in mission history. So uniform is -their testimony, that there is no need to cite individual expressions of opinion, though of course there is no lack of exaggeration for and against per sonal friends and foes of the writers who chanced to take some part in secularization.-'® The methods of '' Of my statements in manuscript on the condition of the missions, I cite the following: Bandini, Hist. Cal, MS., 54-9, 84-5; Alvarado, Hist. Cal, MS., iU. 103-4, 214; iv. 5-7, 35, 54-61, 166-7, 191-3, 219-20; VaUejo, Hist Ccd., MS., Ui. 360-93; iv. 14-25; 83-5; Coronel, Cosas de Cal, MS., 34-5, 216, 224^5; Tcrrre, Remin., MS., 80-3; Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 59-61, 170-6; Amador, Mem., MS., 9-13, 147-8; Vallejo {J. J), Remin., MS., 40-1, 62-3; Garcia, Hechos, MS., 57-73; Ord, Oeurrencias, MS., 102-3, 118-20; Botello, Apuntes, MS., 42; Avila, Cosas de Cal., MS., 23-5; Gonzalez, Experiencias, MS., 36; Julio Cesar, Cosas de Indios, MS., 1-8; Pico, Acont., MS., 24-25; Janssens, Vida, MS., 164-8; Marsh's Letter, MS., 8-9; Robinson's Statement, MS., 6-7. The following foreigners have also given attention to the deca dence of the miaaiona at thia time, in printed worka: Mofras, Exploration, i. 272, 297, 303, 321-2, 343, 347, 360, 390, 410-11, 420-1; Petit-Thouars, Voy age, u. 86-108; Wilkes' Narrative, v. 179-93; Belcher's Voy., i. 117-18, 326; Hist. Cai.., Vol. IV. i 50 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. mission spoliation at this period were substantially as follows: The governor, and subordinate officials by his authority, used the cattle and grain of the mis sions as freely as they used the revenues from other sources. If the government contracted a debt to a trader, the governor gave in payment an order on any mission for wheat, tallow, or hides, just as he would draw a check on the treasury. The majordomo, be ing an employd of the government, obeyed the or der as a rule whenever the articles called for existed at his mission. There were occasional refusals and pleas in behalf of the Indians, but of course these pleas were much less frequent and zealous than those of the friars in earlier times. How far, if at all, be yond the limits of strictly public expenses the depart mental authorities went in their drafts upon mission property, it is hard to say. The most extravagant and sweeping charges are made of a deliberate plun der and distribution of the spoils by Alvarado among his friends ; but no proofs are presented, the charges have always been denied by Alvarado and urged mainly by his enemies, and they are probably false. One charge, however, is supported by evidence in the archives and by the governor's own admission, namely, that of having authorized loans of mission cattle to private individuals, on the condition that a like num ber of animals should be returned later. Alvarado had certainly no right to make these loans; but he de fends his action on the ground that he had no other means of rewarding men for patriotic services to the La Place, Voyage, vi. 193-4; Robinson's Life in Cal, 167-8; Oapron's Hist Cal, 32-6; and others. I may also cite here as appropriately as elsewhere the following works, which touch in a general way the subject of seculariza tion, giving sketches raore or lesa coraplete of the successive measures adopted, with something of results and theories. Sorae of the works are quoted else where as authorities on certain points; the rest require no raore thau this raen tion. Hall's Hist S. Jose, 430; Hawes' Missions of Cal., passim; Gleeson's - -J , — _. „, ^ . .y , La, Gal., 54-6; Cronise'sNat Wecdth, 16-17; 3Iarshall's Christ Missions, ii. 250- 62; California, Past, Present etc., 60-1; Ryan's Judc/es and Crim., 36-41; 3Iagliano's St Francis, 583-5; Holinski, La Oal, 178-80. RASCALITY OF ADMINISTRATORS. 51 country, often involving the loss of their own property and neglect of all their private interests. The worst feature of these transactions was that in nine cases out of ten the loans were never repaid to the mis sions. As to the comisionados, majordomos, and adminis trators who successively managed the missions, many were simply incompetent and stupid, exhausting their little energy and ability in the task of collecting their salarj^, 'filling the governor's orders so long as the granaries and herds held out, exercising no restraint or influence on the ex-neophytes, and allowing the affairs of their respective establishments to drift — ¦ not, as may be imagined, in the direction of general prosperity. Others were vicious as well as incompe tent, always ready to sell any article of mission prop erty, not only live-stock, but kitchen utensils, farm implements, tools from the shops, and tiles from the roofs, for money with which to gratify their propen sity for gambling. Still others were dishonest and able, devoting their energies to laying the founda tions of future wealth for themselves and friends, op pressing the Indians, quarrelling with such padres, officials, and assistants as they could not control or deceive, and disposing of the mission wealth without scruple, for their own interests. Finally, there were, I suppose, some honest, faithful, and tolerably effi cient managers, who did as well as was possible under difficult circumstances. Every narrator names a few of his relations or friends as exceptions to the general rule of rascality and incompetence; and thus it would be easy to find authority of this kind for classing nearly all the administrators at will with the good or bad. It is wisest not to attempt any classification, and to cite no individual accusations here; though I may flnd it necessary to make some slight use of sucb material in the preparation of biographical sketches. Of the padres, a few accepted the new situation and made the best of it, striving to reconcile discord- 52 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. ant elements, retaining a degree of influence over the Indians, for their spiritual and temporal welfare, and ever ready to aid with their counsel any person high or low in station who would listen. Friars of another temperament, soured and disappointed, retired suUenly to the habitations assigned them by law, avoided all controversy and intercourse with the world, and mechanically performed the duties of par ish priests for all who made application. Others assumed a belligerent attitude, quarrelled with every body, and protested against everything on every pos sible occasion — too often with ample cause. And there were doubtless several of the Zacatecanos who looked only to their own comfort, and made them selves heard only in opposition to such rascalities as tended to interfere with their selflsh pleasures. Rarely was a padre insulted or subjected to any hardship, and as a rule they were as comfortably situated as any in California, being highly respected and most kindly treated by all classes. Secularization had been no wrong to them, or to their order, or to their church. Finally, I come to the Indians — the real victims, as they always have been in their contact with civilized peoples, and as they always will be, until religion, philanthropy, common sense, justice, honesty, power, social science, and a variety of other ingredients more or less unknown shall in some community have been blended in proportions and conditions hitherto unheard of, and respecting which I have no recipe to offer. In some instances the ex-neophytes, or a majority of their number — from force of habit, inherent stupidity, or influence of the padres — were kept together and at work much as in former years. Let us hope that the souls of the living and of those that were dead had been saved in large numbers; but in no respect had the mission system left them better qualified to per form the duties of citizenship than in 1769. Those to whom property was distributed, .as a rule made no good use of it. The cattle required care; the tools CONDITION OF THE NEOPHYTES. 53 implied work; and it was generally deemed best to convert all as rapidly as possible into liquor, steal cat tle and various articles as needed, and when all was gone, and the vigilance of local alcaldes interfered with the pleasures of a vagabond life about the towns, to decide between a return to mission labor or flight to join the gentiles. Pilfering and drunkenness increased rapidly, as did the ravages of syphilitic disease, and relapse to barbarism. At the missions but little at tention was paid to the welfare of the ex-neophytes, who were practically regarded as slaves, and. often most cruelly treated. The large numbers hired out to rancheros and town people as servants were per haps more comfortably situated than any of the rest. Yet such was the inherent stupidity of the native Californian character that no great revolts or outrages have to be chronicled. Thousands toiled patiently on year after year, and the evidence is but slight that any great number realized that their lot was a hard one. Besides the testimony of writers, native and for eign, respecting the condition of the missions in 1836- 9, as represented in the preceding paragraphs, I might cite a large number of items more or less confirmatory from the archives — contemporary orders, complaints, accusations, and correspondence of departmental offi cials, administrators, alcaldes, padres, and even neo phytes; but for such items, and for some fragmentary statistics that might serve a similar purpose, to avoid needless repetition, I refer the reader to the chapters on local annals of the missions for this period, append ing here only a few notes of a general rather than a local nature. ^^ " 1836, representation signed ' Cuatro Yudigenas," in whioh the friars are chided for giving up the raission property, and urged to defend the rights of their wards. Arch. Sta B., MS., ix. 215-20. Jan. Sth, P. Moreno to Castro. Cannot understand why officers coming from Mexico, where aU have to pay their way, should want everything free in Cal., and treat the Ind. as slaves. St Pap., Miss., MS., x. 7. March 24th, PP. Durau and Jimeno to gov. Protest that they have uo wish to interfere in mission govt. Id. , x. 7. March 28th, Fraucisco M. Alvarado argues that Ind. cannot be controlled except by 54 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. The responsibility and blame for the spoliation of the missions during this period must of course be borne to a certain extent by Alvarado and his asso ciates in power, though the statement, more or less current since, that the missions were plundered by Alvarado, Vallejo, Castro, and their party, must be accepted with much allowance. Not only is it not in proof that the leaders profited personally by the spo liation, but the inherent dangers of secularization, and the political difficulties which surrounded those leaders, must be considered. Had Mexican rulers continued in power, or had Alvarado's Californian rivals triumphed over him, there is no reason to be lieve that mission affairs would have been in any re spect better managed. The disastrous result was due more to circumstances beyond the control of the gov ernor than to any lack of wisdom or honesty on his part. Moreover, I have yet to record some earnest if not very successful efforts by Alvarado to check the torrent of disaster. On the 17th of January, 1839, Alvarado issued a new series of regulations for mission management, not flogging; that raasters have to use the same methods as administrators; and that he ought uot to have to pay the fine of $75 iraposed on him for whipping his Ind. servant. Hayes' Mission Book, 339. April 16th, Pio Pico clairas that the missions are in good condition, except that the Ind. have "become bad aud will not work. Vallejo, Doc, MS., iii. 192. July 1st, Pico still protests against the current calumnies on the management of miaaions. St. Pap. , Miss., MS., xi. 54^5. July 4th, Alvarado declares the friars still long for temporal power. Vallejo, Doc, MS., iii. 218. 1837, March 9th, Alvarado speaks of tbe missions as stores of suppUes which the govt, may use to buy vessela, and other purposes. Id., iv. 212. March 12th, Carlos CarriUo to Vallejo. The gov. beset with petitions for adrainistrators" positions. To grant all, the missions would have to be extended to Cape Horn. Id., iv. 214. June 26th, Vallejo makes a rule that rancheros must pay half their Ind. laborers' wages, $2 per month, to the missions. Id., iv. 258. 1838, Feb. 19th, young Ind. distributed araong private indi-viduals by authority of Carrillo as gov. Hop kins' Translations, 8. May 1st, Vallejo writes, ' I believe in order to get rid of the raacally adrainistrators the missions will be given back to the friars; and then that " ronda de cabrones " may go and rob the devil.' VaUejo, Doc, MS., xxxii. 131. Jime, the adrainiatratora should be made to render accounts and pay their debts. They do nothing but rob. Id., xiv. 24. Sept. 19tli, Alvarado has ordered that half the means of the 3 northern missions be putat Vallejo'a disposal for the relief of the army. Id., v. 177. May 11, 1839, Va llejo to Virmond. Some missions have suffered, others advanced. ' The friars aira to get back all they had in 1820; but their pretensions will not be listened to. Id., vU. 60; ALVARADO'S REGLAMENTO. S.") modifying essentially Figueroa's reglamento, but sup plementary, and designed to secure a faithful perform ance of duty by the administrators, so called in the document,^" of which I append the substance in a note.^^ It was little more than a restriction of powers which the administrators had assumed, and a requirement that strict accounts be rendered of mission manage ment in all that affected the disposition of property. To obtain these accounts for past years was a hopeless task, notwithstanding the governor's orders ; but there was certainly room for reform in the present and future. For the position of visitador de misiones, or in spector, provided for in the reglamento for its own proper enforcement, Alvarado made a very good selec- '" I know oi no legal authority for the use of the term, unlesa ita use iu this docuraent raay be conaidered such. Iu Figueroa's reglamento comision ados and majordomos only are provided for, and there was no subsequent law. It had become customary, however, to speak of the majordoraos aa adminis trators in private, and more rarely iu official, correspondence; and now Al varado's use of the term gave it a sort of legality. ^^ Alvarado, Reglamento Provisional para Administradores de Misiones, 17 de Enero, 1839, MS., iu Dept St Pap., 8. Jose, v. 52-5; Id., 3Iont, iu. 69-75; Arch. Sta B., x. 205-12; translation in Halleck's Report, 155-6: Dwinelle's Col Hist, add., 55-6. In the prearable the gov. speaks of the 'pitiful state' of the raission estates since the so-caUed secularization, ou account of the unlimited powers of the administrators and their ignorance of their tme relations to the go-vt. Art. 1-3. All who are or have been adminis trators raust present their accounts to the govt, at once, dowu to end of 1838. Art. 4. Admin, are to render also a detailed account of the debts and credits of each mission. Art. 5-7. They shall not, without the order of the govt, contract or pay any debts, or slaughter auy cattle beyond what is necessary for the maintenance of the Indiana and ordinary consuraption of the house. Art. 8. The traffic of mulea and horses for woollen stuffs now practised (the New Mexican trade) is absolutely prohibited; and instead, the looras must be started. Art. 9. A monthly report must be rendered of all produce stored or distributed. Art. 10. Adrain. raust build during this year, at coat of the estabUshment, dwellings for theraselves so aa to vacate their present quarters. Art. 11. No gente de razon must be allowed to set tle at estab. where the Ind. remain in community. Art. 12. A classffied census of all inhab. to be formed at an early date. Art. 13. S. Cdrlos, S. Juan Bautista, and Sonoma are not included in the provisions of this regula tion, except that accounts of past management raust be rendered. Art. 14. An account of all salariea paid to employds or padres must be rendered; and salaries must not be paid in live-stock. Art. 15. Adrain. to obey strictly and send the required information withiu a month. Art. 16. The govt, will issue further regulations ou poUce, etc., as needed. Art. 17. Tlie govt, will ap point a visitador, with a salary to be paid from the estates, to superintend the carryiug-out of this regulation. Jan. 28th, A. coraplains to Vallejo that certain miUtary officers, who had been admiuistrators, showed no signa of complying with the reglaraento by rendering accounts. VaUejo, Doc, MS. vi. 173. 56 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. tion in the person of W. E. P. Hartnell, an old Eng lish resident, and naturalized citizen. He had been at first a merchant and later a teacher; and though now in reduced circumstances, was an intelligent, popular man, with a good reputation for honesty, which he maintained during the two years that he held this office. Hartnell was appointed January 19th; and his salary of $2,000, to be paid pro rata by fifteen mis sions according to their wealth, was to run from the 25th. ^^ By his instructions issued on April 24th, he was required to' make a tour of inspection, and besides beino" authorized to systematize the mission adminis tration in a general way, according to the reglamento, he was empowered to hear complaints and to intro duce minor reforms according to his judgment.''^ The new reglamento, the instructions, and the choice 22 Jan. 19, 1839, appointraent. Dept Ree, MS., x. 2, 8, 11; St. Pap., Miss., MS., vii. 19; Vallejo, Doc, MS., vi. 474. The aaaignment of the aal ary, showing the relative wealth of the different eatabliahments, waa as fol lows: S. Buenaventura, Sta Birbara, Purisima, S. Luis Obiapo, S. Miguel, S. Antonio, and S. Rafael, $50 each; S. Fraucisco, $75; S. Luis Rey and S. Ga briel, $150; S. Femando and Sonoma, $200; Sta Inds aud Sta Clara, $250; and S. Josd, $300. Of course, however, past burdens were taken also into consideration, as well as wealth. Mrs Hartnell, Narrativa, MS., 3-4, tells us that her husband accepted the place chiefly to please Alvarado, since it involved much annoyance and little profit. Alvarado, Hid. Cal, MS., iv. 144-5, speaks of the opposition to Hartnell from adrainistrators, Zacatecan padres, mUitary officials, and rancheros, rendering hia poaition no ainecure. March 9th, HartneU's appointraent aimounced to admin., with ordera to irecognize his authority. Vallejo, Doe, MS., vi. 295. 2^ Alvarado, Indrucciones que deberd observar el Sr Visitador D. Guillermo E. HartneU en la inspeccion de los Establecimientos de las misiones de la Alta California, 24 de Abril, 1839, MS. ; Halleck's Report, 156-7; Hayes' Legal Hist 8. Diego, i. 57, p. 17-19. Hia duties were in substance as follows: Art. 1. To methodize the matter of accounts and reports, instructing the admin. Art. 2. To make an inventory of property at each mission. Art. 3. To havc an assistant at a reasonable compensation. Art. 4. To show the laws to each admin, and explain the object of his visit, so as to avoid pretexts for not obeying. Art. 5. To reraedy actual and urgent needs reported by adrain., using raission produce for that purpose. Art. 6. To decide respecting cora plaints of padrea and employds against admin., aud to promote harmony be tween all classes. Art. 7. 'To enjoin upon admin, all possible economy so as to promote the increase of the estates. Art. 8. To regulate the weekly and annual slaughter of cattle in such a manner that the live-stock may not de creaae. Art. 9. To recoraraend to the adrain. to treat the Ind. kindly, inflict but raoderate punishraents, aud see that they attend faithfully to their reli gious duties. Art. 10. To report to the govt any failure of the adrain. to perform their duties, and even to suspend them teraporarily from office if necessary. Art. 11. To be diligent, to collect all kinds of information, and to make suggestions for the formation of police regulations. HARTNELL'S TOUR. 57 of a visitador all seem to have been wisely planned, even if the reader may decide in advance that these measures were not likely to reform all existing abuses. President Duran approved them, though in a tone sug gestive of doubts respecting success.^* In May the visitador went south to begin his tour of inspection. Thence proceeding northward, he visited one after another every mission from San Diego to Sonoma, though in several of them, as we have seen, he was not authorized to interfere officially. His original diaries and blotters of correspondence for this tour and another made the next year are in my possession — -a most val uable historical record, contributed to my collection by Doha Maria Teresa de la Guerra de Hartnell, widow of the writer. ^^ By the end of June the inspection had been completed as far north as San Buenaventura; in July the missions from Santa Bdrbara to San Luis Obispo were inspected; August saw the work done at San Josd, and the promulgation of an order forbidding the hiring-out of Indians away from the community, except with special license from the government ;^^ "May 13, 1839, Duran to Alvarado, thanking him for the instructions to HartneU. Of late has heard few complaints against the admin., which fact leads him to suppoae the lud. to be very long-suft'ering or the admin, very con siderate. Regrets that H. was uot definitely instructed to insist ou the pa dre'a power of coercion over the Ind. iu the matter of prayera and other re ligious obUgations. Some admin, had gone ao far as to threaten to remove the clappers from the bells to prevent summoning the Ind. to recite the rosario. Arch., Misiones, MS., u. 881. ^^ Hartnell, Diario y Borradores de las dos visitas que en 1839-40 hizo el Vis itador Gen. de Misiones en AUa California, MS., 100 p. This manuscript, which unfortunately is uot quite complete, contains a daily jourual or diary of the two ¦visitas; blotters of letters addressed by H. to other persons iu his official capacity; indices of commun. received, -with mention of their purport; and the general report of the first tour in 1839. A few leaves are missing iu each of the 4 parta; but the loaaes are so scattered as not to irapair greatly the historical value of the record. Besides these documents, there is much cor respondence respecting H. 'a tours scattered iu different archives, particularlj in Arch. Miss., MS., tom. u.; Dept St. Pap., Miss., MS., tom. vii.-xi.; and Pico, Pap. de Miss. , MS. More particular references may be found in local anuals giveu iu later chapters. 2* Aug. 22, 1839, Acting Gov. Jimeno to H. Vallejo, Doc, MS., viU. 62. This is a copy, and possibly a forgery. J. J. Vallejo on Sept. 4th, however, seems to allude to a circular, forbidding the admin, to use the Indians for their o-wn work. Id., viU. 77. Alvarado, Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 126-7, mentions aa the reason for issuing the order that au old Indian of S. Juan Capistrano, let out to a ranchero, stole a horse and came to Monterey to complain of iU 58 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. September sufficed to conclude the visita; and by Octo ber 12th HartneU's report was completed, though at his office in Monterey he continued to attend to the duties of his position during the rest of the year. The records of this inspection, to which I have already alluded, though voluminous, are almost exclusively devoted to local matters, none of them of sufficient importance to require attention here. HartneU's observations, in the aggregate, tend to confirm in most respects, and to re fute in none, the conclusions expressed earlier in this chapter. Everywhere complaints were heard, which in most instances proved well founded. There is no reason to doubt that much good was effected, though it is to be feared that the reforms introduced were not very thorough or permanent, to say nothing of the fact that they were for the most part but a put- ting-up of the bars after the cattle had escaped. At most establishments Don Guillermo left the discordant elements temporarily somewhat more tranquil than before; but he was an easy-going man, not disposed to quarrel when controversy could be avoided. In his report he simply presented the state of affairs at each mission; but made no general suggestions for reform. I shall have occasion to refer a little later to his sta tistics.^'' In consequence doubtless of HartneU's reports, written and verbal, Alvarado, on March 1, 1840, is sued a new reglamento for mission management, by virtue of which the administrators w^ere replaced by majordomos at reduced salaries. Additional restric tions were placed upon their actions; the authority treatment, and to ask either to be shot or to be released from his service — he did not care which. 2' On June 24, 1839, H. raade a special report on the missions from S. Diego to S. Fernando. St Pajx, Miss., MS., xi. 23-30. Probably other partial re- Eorta were also made. There are also extant aeveral seta of instmctiona given y hira to administrators, /rf., vii. 40-2; viii. 31-2, 17-20; x. 13-14. Thoy are chiefly of a local nature, wheu uot iu direct fulfilraeut of the reglamento; but articlea were generally added requiring kind treatment of the Ind., and fully maintaining the padres' power to insist on a strict performance of re ligious duties. Statements of the debts of different missions iu 1839-40 in Pico, Pap. de Miss., MS., 47-51; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxu. 274; xxxiii. 'l2. NEW REGULATIONS. 59 of the friars was increased in some respects, and the visitador was continued in office with a larger salary and augmented powers. As of the earlier regula tions, I give its substance in a note.^® Before this ''^Alvarado, Eeglamento de Ex-Misiones, 1° de Marzo, I84O. Printed doc ument ou one large sheet, with rubric signatures, in Earliest Printing; origi nal MS. in Vallejo, Doe, MS., xxxiii. 30; translation in Halleck's Eeport, 157-60; Dwinelle's Col. Bist, add., 57-60. It was issued as a bando with out any title. Experience having shown great losses and abuses in the missions; the reglamento of 1839 not having sufficed to reform the evils, on account especially of excessive salaries; aud it being desirable to promote economy and a strict administration until the supreme govt raay decide what is best — the following is published: Art. 1-3. Majordomos to take the place of admin, at salaries from $180 to $600 at different missions (specified), though the former admin, may be selected for the new positions. Art. 4. The office of visitador to continue, with a salary of $3,000. Duties of majordomoa. Art. 5. To watch over the advancement of prop erty, consulting the padres in difficult cases. Art. 6. To make the Indians work for the community, and chastise thera moderately for faults. Art. 7. To enforce morality and attendance on religious duties araong the Bid. , the padres intervening as provided by the visitador's instructions. Art. 8-9. To render to the vis. a raonthly «,ooount of produce stored, and a yearly one of all prod ucts and cattle branded, said reports to be certified by the padres. Art. 10. To see that the padres lack nothing needed for their personal subsistence and service. Art. 11-12. To provide every assistauce, and show every attention to the prelates on their visits or at their fixed residence. Art. 13. To furnish the friars all necessary aid for worship, but to invest no cousiderable sum for this purpose without permission frora the govt. Art. 14. To attend to the proper diatribution of gooda araong the Ind. , the padres approving the lista. Art. 15. To obey all orders and pay all drafts coming frora the govt through the visitador's office. Art. 16. To furnish every tliree months a Ust of articlea moat needed. Art. 17. To furnish transportation and food to persons travel ling on public service, and also aid demanded by comandantes of stations, sending a monthly account to the vis. , that he may recover the amount from the comisaria. Art. 18. To aid private traveUers, charging for food and horses according to their meana. Art. 19. To enforce morality among ser vants and others residing or visiting at the raissions; and in urgent cases to adopt such measures as are beat adapted to preserve order. Art. 20. To use mission produce for the support of themselvea and faraUies without cost. Art. 21. To employ such servants as may be necessary for coraraunity work, but only natives of the eatablishraent. Art. 22. To ask only for a clerk to carry on correspondence with the vis. Art. 23. To obtain frora the govt, after a year of good conduct, etc., perraission to employ such Ind. as may be willing on their owu private work. Art. 24. To make no sale or pur chase, and to dispose of no Ind. for the service of private persons, withont special authority; and to slaughter no cattle except regularly as ordered by the via. Dutiea of the visitador. Art. 25. To make all kinds of mercantile con tracta for the benefit of the missions. Art. 26. To supply to those estab. needed articles, according to the majordomos' lists and the property on hand. Art. 27. To draw biUs in payment of debts. Art. 28. To be the medium of communication between the govt and aU persons iu matters relating to rais sions. Art. 29. To pay salaries of eraployds, watch over their perforraance of dutiea, and acting in concert with the padres to propose the men best fitted for majordomos. Art. 30. To determine the number of cattle to be kUled iu the weekly, annual, and extra slaughters at eaoh mission. Art. 31. , 60 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. document was published it seems to have been sub mitted to the missionary presidents for approval or criticism, and was probably changed slightly in some respects to suit the friars. At any rate. Padre Duran expressed his views, and those not very favorable, on the subject in a letter of January 7th to Hartnell. Alluding to the purely financial phases of the matter, he admitted that the reglamento would " close the doors to fraud and robbery, but also to all improve ment; that the doctor was prevented from killing the patient, but had no power to cure him." He thought a trade for the beneflt of a mission ought not to be delayed by reference to a visitador hundreds of miles away; and he complained that under the new rules — changed apparently in this respect — a padre could obtain nothing except articles produced by the raission or other articles purchased with the little left of the sinodo from the pious fund "after it had been passed through successive sieves by the dis interested hands of the traders." Yet he and his friars would submit until the coming of a bishop should allow them to leave "these Californian laby- rinths."^^ To form a regulation for his office, aud propose such assistants as he deemed necessary. General ordera. Art. 32. Merchants and others having claims against the missions must present them -with the proper vouchers to the vis., that the govt may- deterraine what ia best aud possible in the way of settleraent. Art. 33. As to S. CArloa, S. Juau Bautiata, Sta Cruz, Soledad, aud Solano, the go-vt will continue to regulate them according to circumstances. Art. 34. All employees and judges are free to report abuses to the govt. Art. 35. The govt, having consulted -the padres, will regulate all that relates to the support of worship and of the friars, either assigning a fixed sum for both purposes, or raaking such other arrangeraent as may be best. Art. 36. All previous regulations and orders contrary to this are anulled; and iu oases of doubt the govt will decide. Art. 37. In default or temporary absence of a majordomo, the padre will take charge ad interim. «=• Jan. 7, 1840, Durau to HartneU. Arch. Miss., MS., U. 997-1000. Feb. 15th, he writes again, expressing the opinion that the majordomos should not be the creatures of the padres, declaring his purpose to limit the powers of his friars, especially 2 or 3 of them, as closely as the govt had that of the majordomos, regretting that the northern padres had manifested opposition, and asking that the aid due to a prelate on his visits should be definitely ex pressed. Id., ii. 1017. March J5th, he opposes any setting-apart of estates for thc support of the ministry, as it would lead to troubles. Pood and means of travel, with the $400 allowed by Mexico, will suffice. Id., U. 993. March THE VISITADOR'S SECOND TOUR. 61 In March Alvarado issued an order to administra tors to turn over their missions to the visitador, and a set of instructions to that officer for his second annual visita, which was to begin immediately at Mission San Josd.^° The inspection of the northern establishments, possibly down to Santa Tnds,'^ and the operation of setting the new machinery in motion there was com pleted before the end of June; but we have no details except of HartneU's troubles at San Rafael in April, leading to his arrest by Vallejo, who succeeded in preventing the exercise of the visitador's authority at that njission.^''^ Early in July he was in the far south at Sau Luis Rey, where he had no end of trouble with Pio Pico and others, and where the transfer to the majordomo was not effected until August. Similar annoyances at other missions so disgusted him that finally, on September 7th, from Santa Bdrbara, he sent in his resignation, which was accepted after his arri val at Monterey. By a circular of October 6th ma jordomos were ordered to communicate directly with 24th, Prefect Gonzalez, of the Zacatecanos, proffera voluntary aubmissiou and cooperation, but prefers not to aelect majordomoa. The padres wUl exercise the powers granted them ouly wheu they deem it best. Id., ii. 1037-40; St. Pap., Miss., MS., xi. 18-22. April 17th, J. A. Aguirre writea to Hartnell, re futing the charge of J. J. Vallejo, that the new reglaraento was instigated by himself, Noriega, aud Hartnell with a view to monopolize the mission trade. Vcdlejo, Doe, MS., ix. 114. April 20th, Duran's circular directing friars to suggest proper persona for majordoraos, and to present any complaints they may have through him. Arch. Sta. B., MS., xi. 189-90. Aug. 20th, J. Tem ple to Hartnell, inaiating on the payment of old debts due him from the southem missions. Vally o, Doc, MS., ix. 225. '"March 18, 1840, order to admin, to surrender miaaiona. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiu. 36. Alvarado, Instrucciones que debe observar el Sr Visitador en su -visita d las misiones del norte, 18 de Marzo, 1840, MS. These instructions in 8 articlea agree -with the reglamento, except that at S. Josd some property was to be distributed to the oldest neophytes, and a clerk was to be put in temporary charge of the property. Hartnell's instructions to thia clerk and to the majordomo at S. Josd are dated April 23d. St Pap., Miss., MS., vii. 43-7. '^ The misaions from S. Autonio to Sta Inds were put uuder the new regu lations at this time if at all by HartneU, for on his return later from the south he pasaed rapidly through these establishments. Hartnell, Diario y Borra dores, MS., unfortunately containa nothing of earlier date than July. June 20th, J. M. Villavicencio directs Moraga not to give up the misaion of S. Au tonio to H. (who came about that tune?), aud to pay uo attention to the gov ernor'a order. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xxxiii. 81. '2 See chap. xx. of vol. iu. 62 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. the government, since there was no longer any visita dor.^* No successor to Hartnell was ever appointed, and there is nothing of importance to be noted respecting mission management for the rest of the year; or at least very little is known of it. I regret to say that I am unable from material extant to form any definite idea about the general condition of the missions at the end of 1840 as compared with that of a year or two years earlier. Californians generally extend the period of ruin and plunder several years later, and attach very little importance practically to Alvarado's reforms of 1839-40, as carried out by Hartnell. I am inclined to think, however, that many abuses were really checked at this time, though the visitador's last tour had done little if any good, the aggregate loss since 1836 had been large, and the outlook for the immedi ate future was not encouraging. In a former chapter I gave some general mission statistics for the period of 1830-4, the last period for which the padres furnished data, remarking that the figures were much less accurate than those of former years.^* From scattered items in the reports and ac counts of administrators and of the visitador in 1839- 40, I am able to present for the present half-decade some general figures which are, perhaps, as reliable as those of the preceding period referred to. Of baptisms and burials I can make no statement, though the num ber might be obtained by a tedious counting from the mission-books of each establishment, most of which are still preserved. The neophyte population de creased from 15,000 in 1834 to 6,000 in 1840; though the latter number would probably be reduced to 5,000 if restricted to the Indians absolutely living in com munity, and increased to 8,000 or 9,000 if extended '^HartneU, Diario, MS.; Sept. 7th, H. to gov. St Pap., Miss., MS., xi. 18. Oct. 6th, Alvarado'a circular. Id,, x. 34. ^^ See chap. xii. of vol. ui. STATISTICAL VIEW. 63 to all on the registers whose whereabouts as vagrants or servants was somewhat definitely known. Many of the missions had less than 100 Indians, San Luis Rey with about 1,000, and San Cdrlos with less than 30, being the extremes. In the same years cattle had decreased approximately from 140,000 to 50,000; horses from 12,000 to 10,000; andsheepfrom 130,000 to 50,000. Of crops no general estimate can be made, but they were very greatly diminished. Inventories of property, made in connection with secularization, vary from $10,000 to $200,000; but there is no uni formity in the classes of property which they include, church property and live-stock being often omitted, and the lis-ts often including only assets in a commer cial sense. The aggregate of debts was about $60,000, offset by claims against private parties and other mis sions of equal or greater amount, but rarely paid in full. The number of friars serving in California was re duced during this half-decade from 26 to 20. Five padres died — ^Vitoria, Martin, Fortuni, and Arroyo, of the coUege of San Fernando, and Moreno of the Zacatecanos — while one, Garcia Diego, left the coun try in 1836, to return later. One or two attempted, unsuccessfully, to obtain licenses for departure. No new-comers made their appearance. As a rule, at this time, no padre was much heard of beyond the limits of his own establishment; though a few became somewhat prominent in controversies which will be noticed in connection with local annals. Padre Narciso Duran continued to be president of the southern missions until 1838, when he was suc ceeded by Joaquin Jimeno; but in 1837 Duran had been made prefect, which position he held until after 1840. Duran also held the office of vicar under the bishop of Sonora, except for a short period in 1838-9, when it was attached to that of president, and held by Jimeno.*^ Of the Zacatecanos in the north Padre '5 Various comrauuicatioua iu Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt U. 19-24; Dept. Rec. MS., X. 36; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiii. I'i. The exact datea of the appoint- 64 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. Rafael Moreno was president and vice-prefect — the prefect being absent from early in 1836 — until No vember, 1838, at which date Padre Josd Maria de Jesus Gonzalez assumed the office, his appointment, or election, at the college of Guadalupe bearing date of June 19, 1837. On July 22, 1840, he was re elected.*® The authority of these officials as president and prefect over the friars was but nominal, though there is no evidence that their wishes were not as fully obeyed as in earlier times. As vicars they had ecclesiastical authority over the friars as acting parish priests;*'' and some legal powers were accorded them by the regulations of secularization; but -they rarely attempted any exercise of authority in any capacity. Hitherto California had been ecclesiastically sub ject to the bishop of Sonora, the missionary prelate holding the vicarship. And so it continued during this period; but Fray Francisco Garcia Diego y Moreno went to Mexico at the beginning of 1836 for the express purpose of effecting a change for the good of the people and the church, and also doubtless with a view to his own advancement. So successful was he that on September 19th of the same year the government issued a decree providing that the necessary steps should be taken for the formation of the CaUfornias into a separate diocese.*^ Troubles ments are not known; but Jimeno announced hia election as president on Nov. 26tli, 1838; and Durau his assumption of the prefecture on Dec. 17, 1838, and of the vicarship ou Sept. 17, 1839. °^ Appointment of Gonzalez. Arch. Obispado, MS., 60, 63; Arch. Arzob., MS., V. pt ii. 18; Arch. Miss., MS., U. 865; Corresp. de Miss., MS., 67-9; Sta Clara, Parroquia, MS., 26, 28. " Oct. 18, 1839, P. Gonzalez to his friars. Has concluded to accept the vicarship of the northern missions frora the bishop, to prevent their coraing under the power of Durau; though he hesitated about taking auch a step without authority frora his coUege. Arch. Obispado, MS., 60-1. '" Sept. 19, 1836, law in 6 articles, published iu a bando of Sept. 22d. Arrillaga, Recop., Jul.-Die 1836, p. 107; Sup. Govt St Pap., MS., xU. 1-2; Hayes' Miss. Book, i. no. 13, p. Ul; San Miguel, Repub. Mex., 8. The new bishop, to be chosen by the govt from a trio suggested by the cabUdo metro- politano and proposed to the pope, was to have $6,000 a year from the treas ury as salary aud $3,000 for firat expenses. He was also to have the admin istration of the pious fund. See also, on appointment of bishop, Dublan A BISHOP FOR CALIFORNIA. 65 both in Mexico and California prevented further progress untfl June 22, 1839, when the metropolitan chapter chose a trio, with Garcia Diego at its head, and his name was duly forwarded to R^ome, where on April 27, 1840, the necessary bulls were issued.'^ In August the approval of Pope Gregory was known in Mexico, and fche Zacatecan friars were notified that such of them as might voluntarily subject them selves to the bishop, no longer missionaries but doc- trineros, could expect no aid from their college.*" On September 19th Bishop Garcia Diego took the con stitutional oath before the president;*^ on October 4th he was consecrated by three bishops at the cole- giata de Guadalupe in Mexico. He announced his consecration, with the fact that he could not come immediately to California, in a letter of November SOth, and in a pastoral letter which was put in print.*^ He did not reach his diocese until late in 1841; and it is not therefore necessary to notice here a decree of the government which he brought respecting mis sion affairs. Occasional complaints scattered in the archives show that the friars had some difficulty in obtaining the sums allowed them under the various reglamentos for subsistence and expenses of worship.** As to their and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 194; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., xi. 48; Id., Gob. Mex., i. 36. ^'Mofras, Explor., i. 274-5; GarciatDiego, Carta Pastoral, 1840. June 23, 1839, min. of int. to gov. of Cal. Sup. Govt St Pap., MS., xv. 6. Aug. 7th, CastUlero to Alvarado. VaUejo, Doe, MS., xxxU. 282. *" Aug. 4, 1840, P. Rafael de Jesua Soria, prefect of the college of Guad alupe, to the Zacatecan friara. Arch. Obispado, MS., 62; Sta Clara, Par roquia, MS., 27. " Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., xii. 51. *^ Garcia Diego, Carta Pastoral que el TZ""" y .S™" Sr D. Fr. Francisco Garcia Diego, primer Obispo de Galifornias dirige d los ER. PP. misioneros y d sus Diocesanos, antes de su ingreso al obispado. Mex. 1840. 12ino, 12 p. Dated at the college of S. Femando Oct. 28, 1840. Thia letter is a laraen- tation for the ecclesiastical raisfortunes of Cal. in the paat; a narrative of the writer's appointraent, including the bulla; and a proteatation of his affec tion for all in the country and the great benefits that are to result frora this new favor of God. It was to be read frora the pulpits. Oot. 4th, Virmond to Munras. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiu. 184. Nov. SOth, bishop to gov., dip.. Gen. VaUejo, aud Padre Durau. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt U. 29-30; Vallejo, Doe, MS., ix. 330; Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 106; Mont Arch., MS., ix. 28. *' Jau. 30, 1836, Pres. Moreno complains to gov. that the allowance of f"" Hist. Oal., Vol. IV. 5 .66 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. stipends from the pious fund in Mexico, it is difficul to learn what amounts were received, though the fri ars continued to draw on the fund and the -traders t^ negotiate their drafts. The payments were not onl; irregular and subject to heavy discounts, but the; were often made by the traders in articles for whicl the padres had little use.** From 1834 to 1837 th amount paid from the fund to missionaries in Alti California is given as $33,464.25; and that from No vember 1840 to February 1842 as $22,000; but I fim no intermediate accounts.*^ Meanwhile the fund— from which the government in 1837 decided to bor row $60,000 to be devoted to the work of 'quieting the CaUfornias'** — ^remained as before in charge of i special junta. Andres Castillero went to congress h 1839, with urgent instructions to have the fund place( at the disposal of the Californian government. Unde no circumstances wOuld Mexico have consented t( such a step; but the refusal was based on the decre( of September 19, 1836, by which the new bishop wai to be intrusted with the administration of the estates and to use the revenues in accordance with the aimi of the founders.^'^ Under this decree it does not ap for church expenses has been stopped by ordera to the administrators. S'i Pap., Miss., MS., x. 8-9. April 6th, Moreno to the padres. The allowanc as administered by the majordoraos is opposed to canonical law and usage If they can support themselves and public worship without that allowanc ihey may do so, 'dando este golpe antes que nos lo den.' Arch. Obispadc MS., 58. July 9th, Durau to Gov. Chico. Complains of non-payment of th ^aums allotted. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt ii. 16-17. Jau. 26, March 12, 183£ PP. Durau, Jimeno, and Real raake like complainta; and ask that certai gardens, buildings, aud stills be assigned instead .of a fixed sum. Id., v. pti 21-^3. March 5, 1840, Duran argues againat any ceaaion of estates for th support of padres or church. Arch. Miss., MS., U. 993. *^Arch. Miss., MS., ii 997-1000. March 14, 1840, P. Fortuni draws fc $2,200 due him. Guerra, Doc, MS., vi. 88. *' Mexico, Mem. Interior, 1838, p. 82-6. Statement of Ramirez from Sigli xix. Mar. 2, 1842, in Hayes' Mission Book, i. 191. «AprU 1, 1837, decree, in Arrillaga, Eecop., 1837, p. 265-6. *^ Art. 6 of the decree: 'The property belonging to the pious fund of Cal forniaa will be put at the diapositiou of the new bishop and of his succesaori that they may .admiuiater it and invest it iu its objects or othera aualogoui always respecting the wiU of the founders.' Arrillaga, Eecop., 1836, p. 10' Aug. 7, 1839, govt deoidea that the deputy must not interfere in the fum Dept..St. Pap., MS., iv. 131. Same date, CastiUero -writes to same effec " "ja. Doc, MS.,, xxxii. 196, 282. THE PIOUS FUND. 67 pear that anything was done until the end of 1840, when the bishop appointed Pedro Ramirez to care for the city estates and Miguel Belaunzaran for those in the country. Garcia Diego also received frorn the fund money to pay the expenses of his journey to California.*^ I have to conclude this chapter with Indian affairs, that is, the dealings of the Californians with gentile tribes. Minor items on this subject are, however, as usual left for local annals. The subject may be most conveniently treated in three divisions; the first in cludes the hostilities of gentiles and fugitive neophytes on the southern or San Diego frontier; the second, Vallejo's operations against gentile tribes north of San Francisco Bay, from Sonoma as a centre; and the third, the ravages of Indian horse-thieves in all the region between the two frontiers, and the expeditions sent out against the marauders, chiefly from the re gions of San Josd and Los Angeles. The material is bulky enough in each division, but when duly sifted and digested, it results, as usual with Californian Ind ian annals at all periods, in but a meagre and unsat isfactory record. In the spring of 1836 complaints were frequent and loud that the Indians were committing ravages, and that the soldiers of San Diego, for lack of arms, sup plies, and pay, could afford no protection. In January, J. M. Marron was attacked at the rancho of Cueros de Venado, but several of the attacking party were killed by Christian Indians. An effort to have a garrison es tablished at Santa Isabel was unsuccessful. The citi zens made several expeditions, in one of which seven Indians were killed; but it was charged that in their absence the soldiers committed various thefts and out rages in town. Early in March, Captain Portilla *8 Statement of Ramirez, m Siglo, xix. M.irch 2, 1842, auppl. 146. The sums paid on account of stipends for Cal. at this tirao were paid to J. A. Aguirre. Ramirez says he took charge ou Nov. 2, 1840. 68 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. made a fruitless raid, and on his return, his brother Don Silvestre, proposed to conquer the Indians a his own expense, if allowed to keep prisoners as ser vants. This was approved by the ayuntamiento, oi the ground that the Indians were outlaws; but th result is not known, the record failing just when Sai Diego was supposed to be in the greatest peril.*^ A .year later, in April or May 1837, the Indian made a raid on the frontier ranchos, burning building and driving off live-stock. At the Jamul rancho th( majordomo Leiva and three others — servants on thi place, and perhaps Indians, though spoken of as whit( men by several — were killed, and Leiva's two grown-u] daughters were carried away into captivity, from whicl they were never recovered. A force from the frontera under Alfdrez Macedonio Gonzalez, pursued the foi into the sierra, but was defeated at a place called thi Matadero, and forced to retire with many wounded The inhabitants of San Diego were in great terror but were comforted by the protection of Captain Pen hallow and his men of the Alert, and by the presenci of their so-called gefe politico and general, Zamorano some of whose men had accompanied Gonzalez. Juai Bandini, whose rancho of Tecate was one of tho& plundered, was recalled from his political and militar; achievements at Los Angeles; and the revolutionar; army, raised to operate against Alvarado, marche( against the savage foe. In a campaign of ten days they are said to have killed several Indians, all the; could find. Contemporary communications on thi disaster are not numerous or complete; while version from memory are voluminous and contradictory ii detail. «" *'Mauy documents of Jan.-March, 1836, in S. Diego, Arch., MS., 74 92, 115; Hayes' 3Iission Book, i. 288-95, 311. There were some compLiintsi July. Bandini wrote in March that much of his stock at the Tecate rancl had been stolen. Vallejo, Doc, MS., iU. 182. 5° Communications of local officiala, April to Sept. 1837. 8. Diego, Arch. MS., 171, 180-2, 185, 187. May 29th, Slat, Zamorano's letter to ayunt. ( Angeles, and resulting deliberations of that body. Dept St. Pap., MS.,x: 86-9; LosAngeles,Arch.,MS., iv.31&-l%. June 26th, captam and crew of ti PERILS AT SAN DIEGO. 69 It was probably in 1837, during the general alarm arising from the massacre at Jamul, though there is no agreement among narrators respecting dates, that a plot was revealed to attack the town and kUl the inhabitants. Indian servants were to cooperate with the attacking party by opening the houses of their employers on a given night; but one of them divulged the plot, and three or four of the dozen servants arrested were immediately shot by order of Alfdrez Gonzalez." The year 1838 was marked by no hos tilities that are either remembered or recorded. In 1839 there were alarms and active preparations, on paper at least, for defensive movements in May, July, and November; but I have nothing definite about these troubles, except that in October the mission of Guadalupe across the frontier was sacked, and three soldiers were kUled.^'^ In 1840 no disturbances are ^iert credited -with valuable service. Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., u. 103-4; Honolulu 8. I. Gazette, Dec. 2, 1837. June 27th, Com. ArgiieUo says he- wUl retain the coraraand ' unless there should be a fight ! ' 8. Diego, Arch., MS. , 181. July 5th, Ind. attacked S. Diego mission and kUled 3 men. Hayes' Miss. Book, i. 322. July 11th, alcalde of Angeles, iu a circular to rancheros, says the Ind. attacked S. Bemardo aud killed 4 men (the ilamul affair?). Valle, Doc, MS., 45. Aug. 4th, Bandini says he killed aud captured only a few Ind. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 185. Sept. 16th, B. says he has lost abso lutely everything, has come to Sta BArbara to sell a few jewels to get food for his family, and must eschew politica. Vallejo, Doc, MS., iv. 309. Jana aena, Vida y Avent., MS., 92-7, waa with Gonzalez, and gives raany particu lars. Lorenzana, Memorias, MS., 31-42; Machado, Tiempos Pasados, MS., 11- 17; and EstudUlo, Datos, MS., 19-20, 27-32, give many detaUs of the affair at Jamul, obtained frora the wife of Leiva, who with a young child was allowed to escape. Alvarado, Hist. Gal.,MS.,iy. 1-3, unjustly accuses Bandini of clairaing the honor of haviug killed a large nuraber of Indians. B. makes no auch claim, aud. Hist OcU., MS., 90, he saya that iu a aecond campaign the aoldiera were defeated and several wounded. Romero, Memorias, MS., 3-4; and in Hayes' Emig. Notes, 494; and Id., t'icraps, Indians, i. 174, gives an account of Gonzalez's campaign, in which he aerved. See alao raention of the affibir with incorrect dates in Mofras, Explcyr., i. 336; La Place, Voy., ¦vi. 194. See also Davis' Glimpses, MS., 175-83, ^' Marron, Recuerdos, MS. , 20-3, says that she overheard a conversation between her owu and two of Pitch's aervants which revealed the plot. Estu dillo, Datos, MS. , 8-15, confirms this, and says that the cook of his own fam ily was one of those shot, his father, then alcalde, opposing the summary proceeding. Janaaens, Vida, MS., 155-8, tella us it was Bandini's servant who divulged the plot. Machado, Tiempos Pasados, MS., 17-19, says itwas Mra Fitch'a Indian girl that gave the alarm. Oaio, Hid., MS., 365-7, speaks of Alf. Macedonio'a haaty proceedings. Pioo, Hist. Cal, MS., 182-4, seems to imply that this affair was of later date by 5 or 6 years. ^''May, 1839, preparations for a grand expedition. Castro was to aid with 120 meu. No results known. Hayes' Miss. Book, i. 330; Id., Doc Hist Cal, 70 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. reported. Notwithstanding the fragmentary nature of the records, it is evident that in all these years the frontier ranchos were continually ravaged by Indians, and that there was no security for either life or prop erty. The condition of this more than any other part of California resembled that of the Apache frontier in Sonora and Chihuahua, though the loss of life was much less. The marauders were the gentile tribes of the mountains, reenforced by renegade neophytes, al lied with more distant Colorado tribes, and having al ways a secret understanding with Indian servants on the ranchos. Fortunately, of the five or six chieftains who commanded the tribes of that region, one or two were generally allied with the gente de razon and ren dered valuable aid. Turning now to the northern frontier, we find a dif ferent state of things. Here there was no semblance of Apache raids, no sacking of ranchos, no loss of civilized life, and little collusion between gentile and Christian natives. The northern Indians were more numerous than in the Sau Diego region, and many of the tribes were brave, warlike, and often hos tile; but there was a comparatively strong force at Sonoma to keep them in check, and General VaUejo's Indian policy must be regarded as excellent and effect ive when compared with any other policy ever followed in California. True, his wealth, his untrammeUed power, and other circumstances contributed much to his success; and he could by no means have done as well if placed in command at San Diego ; yet he must be ac credited besides with having managed wisely. Closely MS., 97; Dept St Pap., Angeles, MS., v. 15. Troubles of July-August. Va llejo, Doc, MS., vU. 393, 405; Hayes' Miss. Book, i. 336. Troublea of Oct.- Nov. apparently quite serious, aud involving much loss of property. VaMejo, Doc, MS., vui. 222, 230; Hayes, Doe Hist Cal, 96, 99-101; Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., v. 77, 102; xu. 17. Iu Nov. a renegade S. Diegoneophyte named Chiva appeared under the name of Paiba with an appointment as captain-gen eral of the S. Felipe rancherias on the Califomia side of the Colorado, issued by the gov. of Sonora. Dept St Pap., MS., v. 17-20; Id., Ang., y. 94-6; Jans sens, Vida, MS., 143-54, gives many particulars of life on the frontier ranchos in these years. VALLEJO'S INDIAN POLICY. 71 allied with Solano, the Suisun chieftain, having always . — except when asked to render some distasteful military service to his political associates in the south — at his disposal a goodly number of soldiers and citizens, he made treaties with the gentile tribes, insisted on their being liberally and justly treated when at peace, and punished them severely for any manifestation of hos tility. Doubtless the Indians were wronged often enough in individual cases by Vallejo's subordinates; some of whom, and notably his brother Salvador, were with difficulty controlled ; but such reports have been greatly exaggerated, and acts of glaring injustice were comparatively rare. The Cainameros, or the Indians of Cainamd in the region toward Santa Rosa, had been for some years friendly; but for their services in returning stolen horses they got into trouble with the Satiyomis, or Sotoyomes, generally known as Guapos, or 'braves,' who in the spring of 1836, in a sudden attack, killed twent3''-two of their number and wounded fifty. Va llejo, on appeal of the chiefs, promised to avenge their wrongs, and started April 1st with fifty soldiers and one hundred Indians besides the Cainamero force. A battle was fought the 4th of April, and the Guapos, who had taken a strong position in the hills of the Geyser region, were routed and driven back to their rancherias, where most of them were killed. The ex pedition was back at Sonoma on the 7th, without hav ing lost a man killed or wounded.^* On June 7th Vallejo concluded a treaty of peace and alliance with the chiefs of seven tribes — the Indians of Yoloytoy, Guilitoy, Ansactoy, Liguaytoy, Aclutoy, ^ March 28, 1836, VaUejo's orders for assembling troops. Vallejo, Doe, MS., Ui. 104. April Sth, report of the campaign. Id., iu. 105. Salvador Va llejo commanded one divisions of the force. April 21at, Cora. Gen. Gutierrez thanka Lieut. Vallejo and hia men for their gallantry. Id. , iU. 193. AprU 24th, Lieut Vallejo to com. gen. Announcea that Autonio and Victor Castro had gone to Sta Rosa iu defiance of orders to get Indiana for work on their rancho of S. Pablo, taking beaidea some property, aud buying aome ohUdren from the chiefs. The Indiaus complained; the Castros were arreated at S. Rafael, and the chUdren released. Such outragea muat be prevented. Id., iU. 112. 72 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. Churuptoy, and the Guapos — who had voluntarily come to Sonoma for that purpose. The treaty pro vided that there should be friendship between the tribes and the garrison, that the Cainameros and Guapos should live at peace and respect each other's territory, that the Indians should give up all fugitive Christians at the request of the comandante, and that they should not burn the fields. It does not appear that VaUejo in return promised anything more definite than friendship. Twenty days later the compact was approved by Governor Chico.^* A year later, in June 1837; Zampay, one of the chieftains of the Yoloytoy — town and rancheria of the Yoloy, perhaps meaning of the 'tules,' and which gave the name to Yolo county — ^became troublesome, committing many out rages, and trying to arouse the Sotoyomes again. The head chief of the tribe, however, named Moti, offered to aid in his capture, which was effected by the combined forces of Solano and Salvador Vallejo. Zampay and some of his companions were held at first as captives at Sonoma; but after some years the chief, who had been the terror of the whole country, became a peaceful citizen and industrious farmer. °^ In January 1838 Tobias, chief of the Guilucos, and one of his men were brought to Sonoma and tried for the murder of two Indian fishermen.^* In March " Vallejo, Doc, MS., iii. 119, 217; Dept St Pap., Ben. Mil,MS., kxxi. 26-7. »" June 25th-26th, M. G. VaUejo to Salvador and Jesua, his brothers. Va llejo, Doc, MS., iv. 250, 256. July 26th, Alvarado thauks Salvador for his gallant achievement, /ti., xxxii. 104. Salvador Vallejo, iVotas, .His*., MS., 87-95, gives mauy details of the carapaign. Vallejo, Hist CcU. , MS. , iii. 230-8, 2GS-9, tells us that just before this expedition he organized a company of 44 Suisunes and Napas, armed and equipped Uke Mexican soldiers, which was put under the command of Lieut Sabas Fernandez aud given to Solano aa a body-guard, rauch to hia delight. This writer alao relatea. Id., p. 299-304, that Succara, chief of the Sotoyomea, frightened at Zampay'a defeat, came to Sonoraa and made a treaty, which iu 11 articles is given. This may be a con fused memory of the earlier treaty already noticed. A treaty of Dec. 1, 1837, with some eastern tribes, is also referred to in a letter of April 1, 1838 Va Uejo, Doc, MS., y. 65. ^' Vallejo, Doe, MS., v. 21. The sentence ia not given. 5 years in the chain-gang for Tobiaa and death for his companion were demanded by Pefia, the fiscal. The Guilucos were probably the natives of GuiUtoy. ON THE SONOMA FRONTIER. 73 some of the gentile allied tribes attacked the Moquel umnes, recovered a few stolen horses, and brought them to Sonoma, where a grand feast was held for a week to celebrate their good deeds.*'' In August, 50 Indian horse-thieves crossed the Sacramento and ap peared at Soscol with a band of tame horses, their aim being to stampede the horses at Sonoma. Thirty- four were killed in a battle with Vallejo's men, and the rest surrendered, the chief of the robbers named Cumuchi being shot at Sonoma for his crimes. ^^ On October 6th Vallejo issued a printed circular, in which he announced that Solano had grossly abused his power and the trust placed in him, and broken sacred compacts made with the Indian tribes by consenting to the seizure and sale of children. Vallejo indig nantly denied the rumor that these outrages had been committed with his consent; declaring that Solano had been arrested, and that a force had been sent out to restore all the children to their parents.*^ In May 1838 Vallejo announced in communica tions sent to all parts of the country that the small- " pox was raging on the northern frontier, and was kill ing the Indians by hundreds. The pestilence had come from the English settlements by way of Ross. The importance of vaccination, cleanliness, temper ance, and other preventive measures was urged upon "Aprill, 1838. Vallejo, Doc, MS., y. 65. The friendly tribes were the Ochejaranes and Sioomnes, acting under the treaty of Dec. 1837. The horse stealing tribes were Moquelumnes, Sequak, Figuechek, Chapayasek, and Cu- lumuk. ''Aug. 3, 1838, circular to authorities. Vallejo, Doe, MS., v. 124. Cu muchi confessed that there were large droves of stolen horses on the Sacra mento in charge of the Moqueluranea. It seema that the Indians at first sur rendered, and later inad,o a treacherous attack, in which the 34 were killed. Mentiou also iu Dept St Pap., MS., iv. 222. 5»Oot. 6th, Vallejo's circular. Earliest Print; VaUejo, Doc, MS., v. 194; xxxU. 156; S. Diego, Arch., MS., 208; Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., x. 23. In his Hist. Cal, MS., iii. 329-38, Vallejo explains that 'certain persons' desir ing to injure him brought sundry bamela of liquor to Soacol, made Solano and other chiefs drunk, and thua induced them to consent to the capture of the chUdren, about 30 of whom were sold south of the bay. All were recov ered, and Solano after being sobered for a time iu the calaboose was very penitent. Mentiou also iu Alvarado, Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 216-17; Carrillo, Narrative, MS., 1-3; Fernandez, Cosas de Cal, MS., 96. 74 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. the people; and apparently the disease did not spread south of the bay at this time; though in addition to Vallejo's circular we have no further information, ex cept the statement of several Californians that the northern Indians perished in large numbers."" There is nothing to be said of Indian affairs on the Sonoma frontier in 1839-40, except that there are vague allu sions to an expedition against the Sotoyomes; that during an attempted revolt of the native infantry company in April 1840, many of the number were killed in a fight, and nine were subsequently shot; and that perhaps one or two parties were sent out to aid John A. Sutter at his new establishment on the Sacramento."^ At Nueva Helvecia del Sacramento, Sutter found the Indians somewhat hostile, and was obliged several times to attack them; but he adopted at the first a wise, liberal, and careful policy. He made treaties of alliance with the strongest bands. He aided the gentiles against the Christian Indians of San Josd, who sometimes came to steal women and commit other outrages, and afforded some protection indirectly to the Indian horse-thieves who respected his animals. He therefore had no troubles of suffi cient importan'ce to be specified here."^ South of the bay Indian horse-thieves — neophyte fugitives, as well as many still living at the missions, being in league with gentiles of the San Joaquin and soMay 18, 23, 24, 1838, Vallejo to authoritiea. Dept St Pap., MS., iv. 205-6; Id., Aug., xi. 103; 8. Jose, Arch., MS., v. 34; Mont. Arch., MS., vii. 70; 8. Diego, Arch., MS., 199, 202; Vallejo, Doe, MS., iii. 32; xxxu. 134. Corporal Ignacio Miramontea ia said to have brough* the disease from Ross. Vallejo thinks 70,000 Indians died. Two of the political priaonera from the aouth were attacked at Sonoraa. Vallejo, Hist Oal, MS., iv. 222; Carrillo, Narrative, MS., 3-4; Fernandez, Cosas deCal., MS., ^S-9; Botello, Anales, MS., 84, 87; Alvarado, Hist Cal, MS., iv. 161-6; Torre, Eemin., MS., 204. ^'^ Vallejo, Doc, MS., viu. 192; xiv. 18; xxxiu. 56-7; Id., Hid. Cal, iv. 166-8; Dept St Pap., MS., v. 5. "^Sept. 10, 1840, Sutter to com. S. Joad, relating at some length his pro ceedings againat a party of S. Josd Indians. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiii. 129. See also Sutter's Pers. Eecol, Sutter's Diary, and account of his estabUsh ment, in chap. v. of this vol. HORSE-THIEVES OF THE INTERIOR. 75 Sacramento valleys, and the latter being encouraged and aided by foreign vagabonds — were always busy and successful. Complaints were frequent, and raids of vengeance by citizens were equally so, the region of San Josd being the centre of operations on both sides."* Palomares, Amador, and Garcia, old Indian- fighters, narrate many horrible details of the expedi tion's of these years, in which they took part, showing that the culprits when captured were often treated with barbarous cruelty."* In July 1838 the Indians went so far as to sack the ranchos of Pacheco and Sanchez near San Juan Bautista, killing one white man, outraging several women, burning the buildings, and destroying all they could lay their hands on."^ In 1839 matters became worse, so far as thefts were concerned."" After long preparations and much cor respondence. Colonel Castro sent a large force under captains Buelna and Estrada against the depredators in June. The expedition was to the region of Kings River; but we know no other result than that Es trada brought in seventy-seven prisoners, chiefly women and children."'' In July a party called Yoz- colos attacked the neophytes guarding the wheat- *' Aug. 21, 1836, complaints to ayunt. of S. Josd. Dept St. Pap., MS., iv. 122-4. May 1838, the Moquelumne chiefa, Sinato, Nilo, and Crispo, as horae-thievea. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxii. 131. July, Yozcolo, Drogo, and other Christians of the ranchoa committing great outragea. id., xxxii. 146. Aug. lat, outrages continue, including murder and burning, as well aa theft. Id., V. 122. Aug. 16th, Ambrosio, the Moquelumne chief, captured and ahot, having attacked a rancho and killed one peraon. St. Pap., Miss., MS., x. 5. Sept. 19th, Caatro on the raarch with 25 raen to check lud. aggresaiona. Vallejo, Doc, MS., v. 177. Oct. 11th, exped. of 80 men sent from S. Josd. Id., y. 201. Oct. 22d, the expedition brought back 78 horaes. Id., v. 211. ^^Amador, Memorias, MS., 29-41; Palomares, Memorias, MS., 13-17; Garcia Hechos MS. 74 31. 85 'VaUejo, Doe, MS., v. 116-17, 129; Id., Hist Oal, Ui. 378-80; Hartnell, Narrativa, MS., 5. Sanchez's ranoho had also been attacked in March 1837, and two ludiaua killed. The rifleraen at Monterey insisted ou receiving $2 eaoh before pursuing the Indians. ^ Feb. 24th, alcalde of S. Josd to gov. Has giveu instructions to exter minate all male thieves from 10 years up, aud to capture aU woraen and chU dren. Dept St Pap., MS., xvii. 46-7. s' Corres. April to July, m Vallejo, Doc, MS., vi. 491, 114-19; vii. 74-6, 146-9, 234, 330; Dept St Pap., S. Jose, MS., v. 23-4; Id., Ben. Pref. yJuzg., Ui. 3; V. 6. Estrada's expedition went far into the aierra, but was compeUed to return by insubordinatiou of the troops. He had 80 raen. Alf. Prado Mesa seema to have gone in a different direction, killing a few Indiana. 76 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. fields at Santa Clara, killing one of the number; but they were pursued, and the head of the leader, Dios- culo, or Yozcolo, was set up on a pole at the mission."^ In December Prado Mesa, whUe on an expedition against thieves on the Rio- de Estanislao, was sur prised by the foe, had three men killed, was wounded, as were six of his men, and lost many of his weap ons."® This disaster caused much excitement and alarm. The Indians became bolder than ever, though early in 1840 a successful warfare seemsto have been waged against them in different directions.™ Subse quently a regular patrol was established between San Josd and San Juan for the protection of the ranchos. The records are vague and fragmentary; but the in dications are that depredations continued unabated, throughout 1840.^^ Farther south troubles were chiefly with Indians from abroad, the Chaguanosos from the New Mexi- ^St Pap., Miss., MS., ix. 60-1; Vallejo, Doe, MS., yiii. 4,41. Aug. 21st, a party of 75 men retumed to S. Josd from the pursuit of 11 runaways, of whom 2 were killed. The Moquelumnes said to have killed their cap tains, who were friendly. Id. , viii. 46. I have elsewhere uoticed Wm Bt. Davis' version of this affair, which he puta at au earlier date. 63 VaUejo, Doc, MS., xxv. 249; viU. 368, 373, 375, 382, 394-5; S. Jose, Arch., MS., i. 43-46; Dept Bee, MS., x. 17; Dept St Pap., Mont, MS., iv. 19; Dept St. Pap., MS., iv. 286. One of the wounded meu, Desiderio Briones, waa left but uot apparently captured. He was fouud seven daya later by a party uuder Franciaco Palomares. The three meu killed were vol unteer citizena, whose names are not given. '1 Vallejo, Hist Cal, MS., iv. 28-30, aays that J. J. VaUejo repulaed the Indians as they approached the southem ranchos, and Lieut Martinez a little later defeated them near Mt Diablo, his report beiug dated Feb. 7th, and Marsh with other Americans rendering valuable service. Jan. 6th, Felipe Briones was killed on the Cerro de Bolbones while trying to recover his horsea frora the Indiana. Vallejo, Doc, MS., ix. 20. '1 April 1840, gov. alarmed. Arms purchased. Honolulu Polynesian, ii. 90. May 16th, an exped. of 25 aoldiers and 100 Ind. to start ou 19th from S. Josd. VaUejo, Doe, MS., ix. 139. July, payments for service and for amraunition used in the Tularea. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., iv. 33-6. July 4th, patrol from S. Juau to S. Josd, with instructions to offl cers. Dept St Pap., MS., v. 14; Id., Mont,_ ui. 85-90; July 18th, every ownerof 2horsesmust furnish one for the expedition. StaCruz, Arch., MS., 1. Aug. 4th-15th, Capt. Antonio Buelna with a force of citizens made an un succeaaful raid to the two rivera. S. Jose, Arch., MS., iii. 39. Oct. 2lst, an arraed force of friendly Indiaus to start on the 25th. Vallejo, Doc, MS., ix. 287. Nov. 11th, the expedition succeeded iu kiUing 4 notorious horse-thieves. Id., ix. 309. Nov., auxUiary force organized agaiust Ind. to be disbanded. 8. Jose, Arch., MS., iU. 103; Dept Rec, MS., xi. 27. Deo. 29th, au Ind. force may be organized, and a gratuity paid. Dept. Rec, MS., xi. 54-5. THE CHAGUANOSOS. 77 can regions.''^ Their operations hardly belong to the topic of Indian affairs at all. They were ostensibly traders, under Canadian chiefs, and in league with the roving bands of trappers. They were well armed, ready for any kind of profitable adventure or specu lation, and rendered service on several occasions to the abajenos, both against the northern forces and hos tile Indians; but they allowed nothing to interfere long or seriously with their regular business of steal ing horses, in the prosecution of which they employed both gentiles and neophytes. Their greatest exploit, and indeed the only clearly defined one during this period, was the stealing of twelve hundred horses from San Luis Obispo in April 1840.''* An effort was made at Los Angeles to pursue the culprits. Several parties were sent out, and one of them seems to have come in sight of the foe retiring deliberately and in dependently with the stolen animals; but the pursu ers thought it imprudent to risk a conflict, especially when they saw that among the Chaguanosos there were more Americans than Indians.''* Early in 1837 there had also been a raid on the horses of San Fer nando, in defending which, unsuccessfully, two Ind ians were killed. In this case also many gente de razon were reported among the raiders.''^ I find no record of extraordinary drought or flood, or other noticeable peculiarities of any season in 1836- 40, except that the winter of 1838-9 seems to have been wet in the south.''" An earthquake was felt at '^ Apparently the Shawnees. Called Chaguauos in the Sonorense, April 4, 1851. The name is often written Chahuanos; and they are aometiraea apokeu of as natives of Chihuahua. Mofras calls them Schaouauoa. ''^Dept St Pap., Angeles, MS., iv. 72, 88; Id., Mont, iv. 21; Id., Ben. Pref. yJuzg., -vi. 69-70; Dept Rec, MS., xi. 14; Mofras. Explor., i. 379. They are said to have tied the mission servants, stolen saddles, etc., and threat ened soou to coraralt greater crimes. '*May 1840, numerous details of the pursuit. Dept. St. Pap., An,g., MS., iv. 88-92, 97-100. '= Jan. 3-5, 1837. Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., u. 97-8. "<«. Pap., Miss., MS., viU. 4; ix. 36. Mauy sheep perished from S. Diego to Purisima. 78 MISSION ANNALS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. Monterey April 25, 1836; and more severe temblores occurred from Monterey northward on June 9th and 10th of the same year.'" The next shocks recorded were in June and July of 1838, doing some damage at San Francisco, San Josd, Santa Clara, and Monte rey.''* On January 16-18, 1840, an earthquake at Santa Cruz threw down several houses and the church tower, besides causing a wave which carried away a large quantity of tiles which were two hundred yards from the shore.''® A severe shock was reported in Mexico as having occurred on November 30th of this year; but when inquiries were made by the govem ment, no one could remember any such occurrence.*" ''''Gomez, Doc, MS., 36-7; Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., iu. 118; Suisun Solana Herald, Nov. 21, 1868. '^Reported by Capt. Paty in Honolulu 8. I. Gazette, Nov. 17, 1838. ''^Monterey, Arch., MS., ix. 24. '"Dept St Pap., Mont., MS., iv. 43; StaB. Arch., MS., 21. CHAPTER III. COMMERCE, FINANCE, AND MARITIME AFFAIRS. 1836-1840. General Rbmaeks— Statistics of Trade — New Mexican Tbaijbes — Ottee Skins — Smuggling — Chico's Bando — Action of California Congress- Vessels of 18S6—Regulations— Hawaiian Trade— Cat tle Driven to Oregon bt Young — ^Edward's Diart — Vallejo's Plans — ^Fleet and Re-ventjes of 1837 — Carrillo's Decree- Vessels and Statistics of 1838 — Otter-hunting — Captain Bancroft Killed BY Indians — Silver for Duties — Coasting Trade to be Prohibited — Vessels of 1839 — Alvarado's Policy — Stearns as a Smdggler — Fleet of 1840 — Officers of Custom-house and CoMisARf a — Financial Administration — Distribution of Revenues- Alphabetical List of Vessels, 1836-40. General remarks on commerce and maritime affairs for the years 1831-5^ wiU for the most part apply equally well to the present half-decade, there being' no radical changes either in system and methods, or in the amount of commercial transactions. On an aver age, twenty-seven vessels were on the coast each year ; of which number seven were whalers, men-of-war, and other miscellaneous craft; so that the trading fleet proper consisted of twenty vessels, new arrivals being reduced to sixteen by the fact that four on an average required two years for the round YO'yage. All the vessels, without distinction sufficiently marked to re quire notice, brought to California mixed cargoes of such articles from all parts of the world, cloths, dry goods, implements, hardware, groceries, as were re quired for consumption in the country. So far as such ' See ohap. xUi. of vol. iU. (79) 80 COMMERCE, FINANCE, AND MARITIME AFFAIRS, an average can be made, of the twenty vessels four were Boston ships which took away hides and horns; six loaded with hides, furs, and horses for the Hawai ian Islands, much of the cargoes, except the horses, being reexported from Honolulu; three came from South America and carried away chiefly tallow;, three were national vessels, taking tallow and miscellaneous produce to Mexican ports; two were vessels of the Russian American Company, taking grain and other agricultural products to Sitka; and two carried similar products to the Columbia River, being more or less directly connected with the Hudson's Bay Company. For the three years for which alone records are ex tant, the average of total revenue from duties was $70,000; but the figures for 1837-8 if known would probably reduce that average below $60,000. Duties amounting generally to 100 percent, the same amount may be regarded as that of the regular importations; but it would have to be doubled at least to include smuggling operations. Exports could not of course vary much in value at California prices from imports. For three years the average amount of produce taken from San Francisco was $83,000; and the average an nual export from California to Honolulu for five years was $46,000. Sir James Douglas of the Hudson's Bay Company, who visited the country early in 1841, and who had before enjoyed good opportunities for mak ing himself acquainted with California trade, estimated the annual exports at $241,000, the largest item being $70,000 in hides.'* American settlers on the Columbia River purchased, as we shall see, some cattle, which were driven north ward overland. Traders from New Mexico still came in caravans with woollen goods to purchase such horses and mules as could not more conveniently be stolen; but there is little of detail in the records save what ^Douglas' Journal, MS., 87-8. More of this important narrative later. The estimate waa: for S. Pedro, $100,000; S. F., $80,000; Sta Barbara, $25,- 000; Monterey, $20,000; S. Diego, $10,000; S. Luis Obiapo aud Purisima, $6,000. TRAPPERS AND SMUGGLERS. 81 has been already said respecting the exploits of the Chaguanosos.* The Hudson's Bay Company had a company of trappers each year in the Sacramento and San Joaquin valleys, apparently with some show of authority from California; and free trappers in small parties still ranged those valleys, usually in league with Indian and New Mexican horse-thieves, but respect ing whose movements nothing definite can be known. All that pertains to otter-hunting on the coast is also shrouded in mystery so far as details are concerned. We know only that Sparks with some half-dozen hunters was constantly at work under license on the lower coast and islands; that one or two trips for contraband hunting were made by foreign vessels with Indian hunters from the north; that all traders were glad to obtain otter skins legally or otherwise; and that few cargoes left the coast which did not contain a package of valuable furs. In smuggling operations I shall have nothing to record of a very scandalous nature, though such operations were carried on per haps more extensively than ever. So large a portion of the inhabitants, native and foreign, of all classes were engaged in contraband trade, that there was slight risk of detection. Customs officers were the only ones who were at all dishonored by smuggling. Both the traders and native Californians in their nar ratives relate their adventures of this kind with pride rather than with shame. The favorite method was still a transfer of cargo at sea or from some secure hiding-place on coast or islands, after the least valuable part of the cargo had passed inspection by the revenue officers. The Sandwich Island vessels still took the ' See chap. U. of thia vol. Feb. 16, 1838, Gov. Carrillo permits a party of New Mexicans to trade south of S. Fernando, but not farther north. Dept. St Pap., Ang., MS., xi. 101; Hopkins' Translations, MS., 7-8. In Dec. 1839 a party of 75 raen arrived uuder J. A. Salazar, returning to Santa Pd in April. The authorities took many precautious at the tirae of their de parture, evidently suspecting them of a design to get away with a drove of stolen horaes. Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., iv. 55-7, 81; v. 107, 113; Id., S. Jose, V. 71; Dept Rec, MS., xi. 5; Janssens, Vida, MS., 161-2. The opera tions of theae New Mexican 'tradera' are described in the Honolulu 8. I. Oazdte, Dec. 2, 1837. Hist. Oai.., Vol. IV. 6 82 COMMERCE, FINANCE, AND MARITIME AFFAIRS. lead in this branch of commercial industry; the Boston ships either did not smuggle or proceeded more cau tiously.* One of Chico's first acts was to issue, on May 11, 1836, a bando intended to change radically the meth ods of trade. The country's greatest evil commer cially, according to Chico's ideas, was a monopoly of trade by foreigners; and he proposed to protect the interests of national merchants. His decree, there fore, forbade all retail trade on board of foreign ves sels, which must in future land their cargoes at Monterey, and subsequently sell their goods at that and other ports on shore only, and at wholesale.' For vessels already on the coast these regulations were to take effect only after six months, much longer than Chico's destined term of office ; and it does not *Da-via, Glimpses, MS., 32, 150-9, gives a good account of smuggling in which he, as a clerk of Nathan Spear, waa often engaged Uke all the rest. Osio, Hist Cal. , MS. , 405-6, who waa in charge of the custom-house, says he had to shut his eyes to mauy frauds out of pity and unwillingness to ruin the merchants. Many amuggled out of pure fondness for contraband trade, and in order to boast of their shrewdness. Capt. Hinckley writea, Feb. 13, 1836, to Nathan Spear, 'I have made out the invoice with all the marka so that you will be able to smuggle considerable.' Spear's Papers, MS. Alvarado, Hist Cal., MS., iu. 165-6; Vallejo, Hid. Gal, MS., ui. 194; iv. 6-7, and many othera admit that everybody was engaged in smuggling, aud argue that it was best for the country. 'May 11, 1836, Chico's bando ou trade. Earliest Print; Dept St Pap., Mont, MS., iU. 57-8; Pinto, Doc, MS.,i. 185, etc. See also chap. xv. , voh iii. of this work. The decree is substantially aa follows: 1. Retail trade on board of foreign ships ia absolutely prohibited in all the porta and roadsteads of thia Cal. 2. Every foreign ship immediately ou arrival at Monterey wUl land its cargo in accordance with the lawa. 3. No foreign ahip may open a store on board while trading in the territory. 4. Wholesale trade is per mitted to foreign ahipa, and will be protected according to national and in ternational laws. 5. By wholesale trade ia understood that iu the parcels, balea, packages, barrels, etc., aa uamed in the permit of thia custom-house, with specification of contents. 6. No foreign ahip may touch at any point on this coast where there is no receptor, except, 7. In case of necessity with previous notice to the custom-house, from which it will receive an attachd to serve as receptor. 8. The same vessels must obtain permits frora thia cus tora-houae for coasting trade, and must return the way-bills. 9. From ves sels violating any of these provisions the perrait for coasting trade will be withdrawn, without relieving captains and supercargoea frora the penaltiea for defrauding the revenue or disobeying local authorities. 10. These articles to take effect iramediately with vessela which raay arrive, and after 6 months with those now on the coast. 11. This decree to be pubUshed and enforced, etc. SPEAR'S LIGHTER. 83 appear that any vessel was ever subjected to them. Their only effect was to offend the foreign traders. In one other matter Chico had an opportunity of rendering an official decision bearing on trade. Na than Spear had a schooner, or lighter, the Nicolds, which he used to carry produce between Morfterey and Santa Cruz under a license of October 1835 from General Gutierrez. The ayuntamiento, with a view to certain dues, claimed the exclusive right to grant such licenses, and Spear had once been fined by the alcalde; but Chico decided against the municipal authorities, at the same time deciding further that Spear must sell his schooner unless he could prove himself a naturalized citizen or inscribed on the marine register. Spear subsequently transferred the Nicolds to San Francisco Bay." After the revolution of November, the new authori ties, in compliance with demands of the foreigners, and probably in fulfilment of a previous agreement by which foreign support had been secured to the Cali fornian cause, proceeded not only to restore to foreign vessels the right of engaging freely in the coasting trade as before, but reduced the rates of duties to forty per cent of the current tariff. This action was taken by the California congress December 9th.' The decree was intended not only to please foreign trad ers, but to reduce prices and prevent smuggling. Though the records are meagre, it seems to have had no other effect than to greatly reduce revenues.* « May 6-28, 1836. Dept St Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., Ixxx. 5-9. ' Dec. 9, 1836, decree of the const, coug. Castro, Decrdos, uo. 9; Dept. St Pap., Ang., MS., x. 18; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxii. 53. 1. For the prea ent, aud until the state treasury system cau be regulated, articles coraing directly frora foreign ports will pay only 40 per cent on the manifests as per general tariff iu force. 2. The coasting trade, escala y cabotage, is permitted as before to foreign vessels. 3. They -will pay tonnage dues at 8 reals per ton. 4. Iu order to trade on the coast they must obtain from the govt of the state a passport, to be shown to local authorities. 5. Those auth. will not permit such trade except on presentation of pasaports, which they will coun tersign. 6. To be publiahed, obeyed, etc. 'Alvarado, Hist Cal, MS., iii. 183-4, says it was a succesa. Wilkes, Narr., v. 180, aays the duties were doubled again before more thau two ves sels had beiiefited by the -reduction. 84 COMMERCE, FINANCE, AND MARITIME AFFAIRS. There were twenty-five vessels on the coast in 1836, besides three doubtful records, most of them belong ing to the merchant fleet of earlier years. Such items of information respecting each as are extant I give with the list at the end of this chapter.® The Clem entine, Don Quixote, Leonidas, and Leonor rendered some service to the government in bringing a governor, carrying away political exiles, and moving troops up and down the coast. The only other vessel requiring special mention here was the Peacock, because she came from the Islands ostensibly for the protection of American commerce, and accomplished her object by unknown methods, to the apparent satisfaction of the traders. The voyage also gave rise to the publi cation of a book ; but on both topics I shall have more to say in another chapter. The total amount of duties paid by all the vessels at the Monterey custom-house was, as nearly as I can ascertain, about $50,000 for the year. By a Mexican decree of February 17, 1837, Mon terey was declared open to foreign commerce, with a custom-house of the third class. This was a privilege denied to San Francisco and San Diego, which ports were to be open to coasting trade only, though the former was to have a frontier custom-house. This involved a salary list of $16,140 per year, and was to go into effect six months after the date of publica tion;^" but of course had no effect this year or the 'Vesaels of 1836: Aguirre (?), Alert, Angola (?), Ayacucho, BoUvar, Brixon, California, Catalina, Clementine, Convoy, Diana, Don Quixote, Europa, Hector, Ionic (?), Isabella, Kent, Leonidas, Leonor, Loriot, Nicolds, Peacock, Peor es Nada, Pilgrim, Rasselas, Rosa, Sarah and Oaroline, and Sitka. Total ex- porta to Honolulu, $73,900. Flagg's Report Oom. Relations, i. 540, 34th cong. 1 seaa.. Sen. Ex. Doc, 107. Total receipts of custom-house, fiacal year 1835- 6, $56,741. Dept St Pap., Ben. 3Iil, MS., Ixxxi. 45; or $44,649. Mexico, Mem. Hacienda, 1837, annex. 2, lat series. Of which sum about $30,000 belongs to 1836. Dept St Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., v. 2. Total of receipts recorded for different vessels aa per list, $41,539. '"Feb. 17th, Mexican decree, iu Sup.. Govt St Pap., MS., xn. 3-4; xUi. 2; Pinart, Col, print, no. 474; Arrillaga, Recop., 1837, p. 85-120, 144-93, 242- 64, 372-5, 578-89, mcluding much other matter ou Mexican commercial regu- WILLAMETTE CATTLE COMPANY. 85 next owing to existing political complications; nor do I find evidence of any variation in 1837 from the regulations of the preceding December. Respecting the general prospects, a Honolulu paper expressed some rather gloomy forebodings. "The state of busi ness on the coast of California is so far from being favorable to the interests of maritime and commercial enterprise, that it begins to savor most decidedly of the real seasoning of positive ill luck. Business is dragging heavily, while governmental affairs are mel ancholy," writes the editor; but the Hawaiians were disappointed that California had resumed her Mexican allegiance." An interesting topic of this year's annals, and one that may as appropriately be mentioned here as else where, since it includes both a trade and a voyage, was the obtaining of a drove of California cattle for the American missionary establishment in Oregon, and for other settlers in the Willamette Valley. The Willamette Cattle Company was formed, and in Jan uary a party of at least sixteen men^^ started in canoes down the river. Ewing Young the trapper, formerly of California, was the active chief, while Philip L. Edwards, in later years a well known lawyer and poli tician of Sacramento, was a kind of financial agent. Edwards kept a diary, a part of which in manuscript is before me, and is chiefly the source of my informa tion.^^ The party sailed from the Columbia River February 10th on the Loriot, the Llama at the same time bringing to California James Birnie, whose busi ness was also to purchase cattle for the Hudson's Bay Company. Most of" the party landed at Bodega on lations, of this and later dates iu 1837; Prieto, Rentas, 204; 3Iexico, Mem. Hacienda, 1838, pt i. p. 7; Dice Univ., viu. 26. ^'Honolulu 8. L Gazette, Nov. 18, 1837. " The following 16 are named first andlast in the diary; PhU. L. Edwards, Ewing Young, Lawrence Carraichael, Henry Wood, B. Williams, Hauchurst (Hawkhurst), Bailey, Erque (Erequette), Despau, Gay, O'Niel, Turner, Tib betts, Moore, Carap, and Pet. 13 Edwards' diary of a joumey from Oregon to Cal., 1837. The missmg portion ia the least important. The author came back to Cal. in 1850, and died iu 1869. This diary was fumished by the author's daughter. 86 COMMERCE, FINANCE, AND MARITIME AFFAIRS. the 27th; but the Loriot went on to Monterey, Ed wards stopping at San Francisco, and Young going on to Santa Bd,rbara. During March, April, and May, Edwards visited the region of San Rafael, and made the trip by land from Monterey to San Francisco. He met several of the foreign residents," and his recorded observations are accurate and interesting, though brief and presenting no features requiring special notice here. At first Yallejo had regarded unfavorably, and Alvarado had rejected, the proposi tions of Young and Birnie to purchase cattle,^^ and there is no evidence that the determination was changed in Birnie's case; but Young, by personal solicitation, succeeded in gaining the consent of both governor and general, and he purchased from the government over seven hundred cattle, at three dol lars each, to be delivered at San Francisco and San Jos^ missions. The wildest cattle are said to have been selected by the administrators; the time from June 1st to_ July 20th was employed in the task of collecting and driving the refractory animals to the bank of the San Joaquin. To get the drove across the river was a still more formidable undertaking, the perplexing, and to all but the drivers amusing, diffi culties of which are graphically described by Edwards. The fording of the Jesus Maria, or Sacramento, on 1* Those named are Leese, Marsh, Black, Spence — at whose houae he was entertained at Monterey — Dye, Livermore, Gulnac, and Forbes. North of the bay he viaited Cooper'a Mill, Read's raucho, and Martiu'a rancho, being also entertained by Padre Quijas, who was very free with his wine. March 4th, Richardsou writea of arrival of Young, and his trip to the south. He left eight Americana and three Ind. at Cooper's rancho. 'Vallejo, Doc, MS. xxxii. 76. 1^ March 18, 1837, V. to A. He does not give his opinion decidedly, but suggesta aome objections as well as advantages, fearing a possible rivalry from tlie north in the stock-raising industry. If the petition be granted, the sales should be on govt account, and great precautions muat be taken to prevent abuaes. Vallejo, Doc, MS., iv. 83. May Sd, A. to V., decUning to consent. Id., iv. 236. Jan. 10th, McLoughlin at Vancouver to VaUejo, iu reference to some complaints against Birnie in hia past transactions in salting beef. Id., V. 18. Peb. 25th, V. to A. Expects a party of raen sent by the govt of the Columbia to purchase cattle (for slaughter?), as permitted in 1834. Id., iv. 75. Marsh, Letter, MS., 16-18, givea some information about the traffic and travel between Oregon and Cal. iu 1837-42. The subject is also meutioned by Phelpa, Fore and Aft, 471. CATTLE POR OREGON. 87 August 30th was more easily accomplished. The com pany entered the mountains on the trail of Lafram boise and his trappers. There is nothing in the diary to indicate the route foUowed; and Shasta Valley, reached on October 14th, is the only name applied to any locality. The journey was one of extraordinary hardships. Mountain succeeded mountain apparently without end, each higher and steeper than the one be fore; until horses and cattle were wellnigh exhausted and the men utterly discouraged. Young and several others had been over the trail before, but never knew exactly where they were. Young quarrelled with his men about the killing of cattle for food, and there was much insubordination. An Indian was murdered by some of the party, who sought vengeance for outrages ofthe savages on earlier trips; and this not only ex cited the indignation of Edwards, but caused the Ind ians to continually harass the travellers at every difficult pass, several being wounded by arrows. The record ends abruptly on October 18th, leaving our ad venturers in the midst of their troubles at a point four days' march beyond the crossing of the Shasta River; but we know from other sources that they reached the Willamette before the end of October with 600 of their cattle.^® This is the first instance clearly recorded in which cattle were obtained in Cal ifornia for the north ; though there are rumors that the Hudson's Bay Company had before driven a few from Ross by a coast route. In August of this year Vallejo addressed to Alva rado a communication on commercial reforms, which was printed in book form after being extensively cir culated in manuscript.^' His plan was to prohibit all '^ Lee and Frost, Ten Years in Oregon, 145-6. It ia aaid that they bought 800 cattle at $3 per head, and 40 horaea at $12— in all $2,480 (?). The horses were sold in Oregon, and the cattle were found to have cost $7. 67 each, the mission recei-ving aa its share over 80 head. See also Slacum's Report, 38- 9; WUkes' Narr., iv. 384; Evans' Hist Or., MS., 212-13. 1' Vallejo, Exposicion que hace el Comandante General dela Alta California al Gobe-mador de la misma, 1837. (Sonoraa, 1837.) IGmo, 21 p. A rare speci men of early Californian printing, though the work is not so well done as 88 COMMERCE, FINANCE, AND MARITIME AFFAIRS. coasting trade by foreign vessels, and to transfer the custom-house from Monterey to San Francisco. In defence of the first, he adduced the well known prac tice on the part of traders of presenting themselves at Monterey with a few cheap articles for inspection, afterward taking on board from secure hiding-places the valuable part of the cargo, to be sold at other ports. Thus the revenue was grossly defrauded, leav ing the government without funds. By the change proposed not only would smuggling ceaSe and the rev enues be augmented, but Californians would be encour- asred to become the owners of coasting vessels or to build up a system of inland communication by mule- trains. An attempt was made later, as we shall see, to carry this part of the plan into effect. The trans fer of the custom-house was advocated on the ground of San Francisco's natural advantages, the number and wealth of the establishments tributary to the bay, and the importance of building up the northern fron tier as a matter of foreign policy. Vallejo's views were for the most part sound, even if his motives were not quite disinterested;^^ but naturally the scheme met with no favor at Monterey, either from the citi zens or governor. The fleet of 1837 numbered thirty-seven vessels, of which about a dozen were of the past year's list.-^' some other books of the period. The original MS. is in VaUejo, Doe, MS., xxxii. 108; and it is also found in Dept St Pap., S. Jose, MS., v. 107-18, in the form of an address to the ayunt. of S. Jos^. The printed document is dated Aug. I7th, andtheMS. Aug. 24th. It is also given in Vallejo, Hist. Cal, MS., Ui. 342-57, '^Mofras, Explor., i. 498, declarea that Vallejo'a motive was really a desire to handle the revenues, and that Alvarado's refusal was the cause of their long quarrel; but Mofras was au enemy of VaUejo, whose ouly interested mo tive was probably to increase the value of Sonoma property. _" Vessela of 1837. See list at end of this chapter: Alert (?), Ayacucho, Baikal, Bolivar, Cadboro, California, Califomia (schr), Catalina, City of Genoa, Clementine, Coffin, Com. Rodgers, Crusader, Delmira, Diana, Europa, Griffon, Indian, Harvest, lolani, Isabella, Kent, Leonidas, Leonor, Llama, Loriot, Nancy, Pilgrim, Ras.selas, Sarah and Caroline, Sitka, Starling, Sul phur, Toward Castle, True Blue, Veloz Asturiano, Venus. According to Richardson's record, the vessels at S. F. were divided as follows: American 10, tonnage 2,673; English 5, 880 tons; Mexican 5, 897 tons; Ecuador 2, 252 tons; Hawjiiianl, 198 tons; Russian 2, 382 tons; total, 25, 5,282 tons. These vessels took away from S. F. produce to the amount of $75,711, divided aa VESSELS AND TRADE OF 1837-8. 89 There were four that had come in 1836 and simply sailed away this year. Five were whalers touching for suppUes, and two of them lost on the Californian coast. Three were men-of-war, though on no war like errand; while twenty -five made up the trading fleet proper. There is an almost total lack of data respecting cargoes and duties, but I suppose the lat ter were considerably less than in 1836. Of matters connected with the visits of the Loriot and Llama, I have already spoken. The voyages of the EngUsh and French explorers Belcher and Petit-Thouars, with the published narratives of those voyages, will demand attention in another chapter; respecting other vessels of the year, there is no information extant be yond what I give in the list for 1836-40. The commercial annals of 1838 present in respect of regulations nothing more important than the de cree of January 3d, by which Carlos Carrillo at tempted to browbeat the arribenos by closing the port of Monterey and establishing the custom-house at San Diego — a decree which of course had no effect. ^^ There were twenty-two vessels in the list of 1838, of which thirteen appeared in that of the preceding year.^^ Neither whalers nor men-of-war came to the foUows: Hides, 14,928; homs, 12,484; taUow, 11,731 arrobas; wheat, 5,060 arr.; dried beef, 925 arr.; flour, 522 arr.; lard, 514 arr.; potatoes, 856 arr.; pumpkins, 400 arr.; wool, 448 arr.; com, 198 arr.; barley, 35 arr.; beana, 11 arr.; meat, 193 Ria; beeves, 56; sheep, lOO; deer-akins, 270; beaver-akins, 71 arrobas. Prom Flagg's Report we learn that the imports from Cal. into Honolulu were $49,500 for the year. 2* Jan. 3, 1838, CarrUlo's proclamation. 8. Diego. Arch.,MS., 193. See alao chap. xix. , vol. iu. of thia work. May lat, Mexican custom-house regu lations, naming Monterey as au opeu port, and the other two aa puertos de cabotage. ArriUaga, Recop., 1838, 144-221. Aug. 1st, no person must board a vessel before the revenue officers. Penalty, $10, $20, and finally that of a rebel. 8. Diego, Arch., MS., 5. ^^ Alert, Ayacucho, Bolivar, Cadboro, CaVfo-mia, Catalina, Clara, Colum bian (?), Delmira, Fea-maught, Flibbertygibbett, Index, lolani, Kamamalu, Kent, Leonidas, Leonor, Llama, Nereid, Plymouth, Rasselas, and Sitka. Authorities on the disaster of the Llama, at Sta Rosa Island (see text): Honolulu 8. I. Gazette, Jan. 19, Peb. 2, 1839; Niles' Reg., lvi. 280; Larkin's Doc. Hist Cal., MS., i. 1; Dept St Pap., MS., xviU. 58-61; S. Diego, Arch., MS., 218; Anderson's Hist N. W. Coast MS., 217-19; Nidever's Life, MS., 81^. Total amount of produce taken away from S. P. this year, $81,700 or $86,600, according to two versions of Richardson's report; total tonnage, 3,910, 90 COMMERCE, FINANCE, AND MARITIME AFFAIRS, coast, SO far as the records show. The few and mea gre items of revenue extant form perhaps no basis for a general estimate, though they seem to indicate a continued decrease in custom-house receipts. The only vessel in this year's fleet requiring further notice than that given in the list was the Llama. We have seen that in 1837 James Birnie, representing the Hudson's Bay Company, had tried without success to obtain a license to hunt otter on the Californian coast. It does not appear that the company went any further in the matter; but Captain John Bancroft of the Llama, the vessel that had brought Birnie from the north, went on with his otter-hunting op erations in defiance of the laws. It is probable that he made a successful trip in the spring of 1838, since he touched at Honolulu in the summer on his way from California to the Columbia River, having on board twenty-seven north-western Indians. His wife was with him on the vessel. In the autumn, with the same crew, or more probably a new one, of twenty- five fierce Kaiganies, he came down the coast to Santa Rosa Island, and began work again. George Nidever, an old otter-hunter, still living in 1880, tells some ex citing tales of conflicts which he and his companions had in these years with the north-western Indians at the islands ; and he mentions an unsuccessful attempt to capture at Santa Rosa a vessel which may have been the Llama. On November 21st, Bancroft, having had an altercation with one of his hunters in the morning, received a volley of musket-balls in the back while standing at the gangway looking over the ship's side, and fell mortally wounded. Mrs Bancroft threw herself upon her husband's body, and was ter ribly wounded by a second volley from the muskets of the savages. A seaman, attempting to arm him self, was also killed; and then the Indians, seizing the tons. 30,000 CaUfornian hides were, received at Honolulu and reexported. Honolulu Hawaiian Spectator, i. 2. Total of exports to Honolulu, $61,900. Flagg's Report. DEATH OF JOHN BANCROFT. 91 vessel, forced Robinson, the mate, to direct her course to the north. When the Kaiganies reached their home, they landed in their canoes, and allowed the Llama, stripped of all they could carry away, to con tinue her voyage. She arrived at Honolulu January 13, 1839; and on the 27th Mrs Bancroft died there from the effect of her wounds. F. D. Atherton, in notifying Thomas 0. Larkin from Honolulu of what had happened, adds: "Sparks may now have the range of the whole coast without interruption, as there will be no more vessels fitted out from here." On the very day of Mrs Bancroft's death. Governor Alvarado, having become convinced somewhat tardily that Bancroft was taking otter illegally on the coast, appointed the negro Allen G. Light a ' comisario gen eral' to put a stop to such proceedings, using force if necessary ! It had become customary to accept goods from for eign vessels in payment of duties to such an extant that coin was almost entirely removed from circulation ; and the prices of goods thus paid had been gradually raised to exorbitant figures. To prevent these evils, a decree was issued by Alvarado, through Adminis trator Osio, in April 1839, fixing by a graduated scale the proportion of duties that must be paid in coin, never less than one third of the whole amount. More over, persons holding custom-house orders on vessels — for the duties were almost always anticipated by the issuance of such orders — need not take goods in pay ment if the prices were deemed excessive, but might require hides or tallow at current rates.^'' *^ April 8, 9, 1839, circulara of Alvarado and Osio. Dept. St Pap., Ben., MS., iu. 21; Id., Cust-H., v. 12-13. If the whole duty was $3,000 or leaa, all was to be paid iu ailver; on $3,000 to $6,000, 66 per cent in ailver; on $6,000 to $12,000, 50 per cent; and over $12,000, 33 per cent. When the part to be paid in ailver waa over $6,000, it might be paid in three inatalments. Osio, Hist. Cal., MS., 402-4, mentiona thia action, but givea the acale incorrectly. Some miscellaneous items of the year: Jau. Slat, Osio to Alvarado. Foreign effects prohibited by law, but the admission of whioh is required by necessity, will pay a fixed duty of not less than 40 percent. Dept. St Pap., Ben. Cust- IL, MS., V. 4. Tonnage paid, $2.12 per ton, Mexican measurement, always 92 COMMERCE, FINANCE, AND MARITIME AFFAIRS. I note a few general items of the year as follows: In May Vallejo urged upon the Mexican government the expediency of admitting free of duties for ten years the cargoes of such vessels as should touch at San Francisco only, with a view to build up Sonoma and the northern frontier. ^^ In the same month John Temple at Los Angeles wrote to Larkin: "Business is almost at a complete stand. I have not done half as much as I did last year by this time"^ — yet busi ness men have been known to complain of dull times without much cause. Forbes published extracts from various letters relating in a general way to commerce on the coast, and incidentally to California. ^^ In Au gust Larkin issued a circular address to whalers, setting forth the advantages of Monterey as a station for ves sels visiting the north-west coast. ^^ In August also Juan Bandini came to the front with a proposition to revive the failing prosperity of the country by prohib iting the introduction of foreign liquors and wines.^' The settlers north of the bay announced in print that they would no longer trade with foreign vessels un less the latter would take all kinds of produce in ex change for goods.°^ The traders often took articles they did not want for their own cargoes, to be ex changed with others in a different line. All would in coin. Pinto, Doe, MS., i. 244. July 22d, Oaio to Guerra. The evU of • vessels entering other ports before coming to Monterey must be stopped. If forced to enter, a guard muat be put ou board, and receive $50 for hia ser vices. Guerra, Doc, MS., vi. 24. Aug. 16th, 17th, decrees regulating land ing of sailors from wh alers and other vessels. Hunt's Merchants' Mag. , iU. 46 1- 2; De2}t St. Pap., 3Iont., MS., iv. 13. Aug. 22d, Oct. 12th, Mexican regu lations Arrillaga, Recop., 1839, p. 194-5, 240-2. Oot. 23d, Vallejo to capt. port at S. P. Foreign lighters, launches, or boats to do uo carrying trade on the coast. Vallejo, Doe, MS., viii. 231. July, the vessel in which Sutter came with difiiculty got perraission to remaiu 48 hours at S. P. for repairs, etc. Not allowed to remaiu for festivities of July 4th. Sutter's Pers. Recol, MS., 13-15. Nov. 16th, Osio coraplains that contraband goods are introduced from Ross at S. P., where there is no receptor. 23 May 10, 18,39, V. to rain, of war. Vallejo, Doc, MS., vU. 28. 24 May 23, 1839, Teraple to Larkm, in Larkin's Doe, MS., i. 5. ''' Forbes' Hist Cal, 332, etc. 26 Vallejo, Doc. , MS. , xxxii. 294. The circular was intended mainly as an advertisement of Larkin'a private business. 2' Aug. 9, 18.39, B. to ayunt. of Augeles. Leg. Ree, MS., iii. 44-6. 2* Aug. 15, 1839, Salvador Vallejo for the northern rancheros. Earliest Print. COASTING TRADE— VESSELS OF 1839. 93 take hides or tallow or furs, as these articles were easily interchangeable. VaUejo still urged his plan of prohibiting the coast ing trade to all foreign vessels;^' and at the end of the year all owners and consignees were forewarned of an intention on the part of the state government to en force the Mexican laws prohibiting every kind of coast ing trade to all but national vessels. They were therefore required to suspend at once their retail trade, and to settle up transactions in which they were al ready engaged; but meanwhile, pending the issue of the intended order, they might continue to dispose of their goods at wholesale — a privilege, however, which would be forfeited by a failure to comply with the present requirements.^" I append a list of twenty-six vessels on the coast in 1839, of which only ten or twelve were new arri vals. ^^ The -Clementine brought John A. Sutter, of whose settlement in California I shall have much to say later. Captain Laplace published extensive notes of his observations in the country during his visit on the Artemise; but a notice of Laplace's book, like that of Belcher, who visited the coast a second time this year on the Sulphur, belongs also to a subsequent chapter. The arrivals which brought most joy to the Californians, and especially to officials, were those of the California and Monsoon, two Boston ships which paid over $50,000 in duties on their cargoes, 29 Dec. lat, V. to Virraond. Vallejo, Doc, MS., viU. 335. '"Dec. 31, 1839, govemor's order to prefects, circulated by the latter to rainor officials on various dates of Jau. 1840. Doc. Hist Cal., MS., i. 408; Dept St. Pap., Ben., MS., iii. 6-8; Id., Angdes, xii. 25; Id., Monterey, iv. 84-5; S. Diego, Arch., MS., 251; Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 1-2; 8. Josi, Arch., MS., Ui. 105; Estudillo, Doc, MS., ii. 3. 3' Alert, Artemise, Ayacucho, Baikal, BoUvar, Califomia (schr), Califor nia, Catalina, Cervantes, Olementine, Corsair, Daniel O'ConneU, Delmira, Elena, Flibi>ertygibbett, Index, Isabel, Joseph, Joseph Peohody, Juan Jose, Leonidas (?), Monsoon, Morse, Nicolds, Starling, and Sulphur. Total reve nue received at the Monterey custom-house in 1839, $85,613. Expenses, §4,574. Larkin's Official Corresp., MS., ii. 37, 110; Dept St Pap., Ben. Cust- H., V. (201-45); Pico, Doe, MS., i. 85; Bryant's What I Saw in Cal, 445-6. At's. P. 20 vessela, total touage 3,367 tons, took away produce to the value of §87,529. Richardson, in Vallejo, Doe, MS., xxv. 255. Imports into HonoliUu from Cal., $26,500. Flagg's Report 94 COMMERCE, FESTANCE, AND MARITIME AFFAIRS. more than doubling the revenue of the preceding year, and raising the total to $85,613 — a godsend to the departmental treasury. I find no evidence that in 1840 foreign vessels were restricted to wholesale trade in accordance with the regulation of December 1839; or that any serious attempt was made to enforce the restriction, beyond the circulation of the order in January.'^ In Feb ruary, however, Alvarado dwelt on his proposed pro hibition of coasting trade in his opening speech be fore the junta, explaining the reasons of his warning already issued, and asking for the passage of a decree so framed as to conciliate all interests.^^ Again in December he addressed a long communication to the government, explaining his policy, and announced his purpose to enforce it from the beginning of the next year, making perha.ps some concessions to such ves sels as might be on the coast at that time. Alvarado admitted that this action would for a time greatly reduce the revenues, and might cause the Boston ships to suspend their visits; but he held that it was necessary, in order to prevent smuggling, to keep out of the country the constantly increasing horde of deserters from foreign vessels, and especially to de velop a system of commerce and transportation in the hands of Californians.^* It is not unlikely that certain prominent traders of foreign birth, bu-fc natu- '2 Mofras, Explor., i. 498, says the foreigners refused to unload their cargoes, and thua forced Alvarado to reacind his prohibition. This, however, may refer to the general prohibition of coasting trade a little later. 33 Peb. 16, 1840, A. to the junta. Leg. Ree, MS., iii. 51-3. Jau. 1st, new revenue tariff goes into effect. Tonnage on foreign vessela, $1.50; duty on luraber, $10 per M. Pinto, Doc, MS., i. 297-8. March, exportation of money free of dutiea not perraitted either to veaael Or paaaengers. Dept St. Pap., Mont, MS., viii. 2. Duties ou various imports Septeraber. VaUejo, Doe, MS., xxxiii. 121. Dec. Mth, a deduction of 25 per cent made on the $1.50 tonnage dues. Dept St Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., lv. 13. Deo. 10th, gov. asks for a law prohibiting foreigners from engaging in retail trade. Dept. Rec, MS., xi. 71. No tonnage on a veaael that enters a port for fresh suppliea or to repair; but she can remain only 48 hours. Pinto, Doe, MS., i. 251. Coin particularly scarce this year. Vallejo {J. J.), Remin., MS., 177. 3* Dec. 12, 1840, A. to aup. govt. Savage, Doc, MS., iv. 329. TRADING FLEET OF 1840. 95 ralized and married in the country, were the real pro moters of this proposed enforcement of Mexican laws with a view to their own private interests. The commercial annals of this period, like those of 1831-5,^^ may be closed by a reference to the fact that Abel Stearns was arraigned for a continuance of his smuggling operations at Los Angeles and San Pedro. In October a strange vessel landed goods mysteri ously at night. A search of Stearns' house revealed a valuable lot of silks and liquors, which were con demned. Don Abel wrote violent letters, talked loud, and appealed for justice, meanwhile exerting himself, as it seems, to make false invoices and otherwise put his accounts in order. To what extent he succeeded the records fail to show; but in December contraband hides were found by a new search of his warehouse.^^ Of the twenty-eight vessels named in the list of 1840, seventeen had been known on the coast before.^'' They yielded to the government a total revenue of $72,372, of which the Alert from Boston paid $18,- 685, and the BoUvar from Honolulu $11,531. Sev eral vessels of this year's fleet will require notice, or have already been noticed, in connection with other matters. Such are the Alert, whose master, Phelps, published a narrative; the Don Quixote, one of whose passengers, Farnham, also wrote a book; the Jdven Guipuzcoana, that carried away Graham and his fellow-exiles; the Catalina, that brought back the guard sent with the prisoners to San Bias; the Dan- '^See Hist Cal, chap, xui., vol. iU., this series. ^^Los Angeles, Arch., MS., i. 185-6; Dept St Pap., MS., v. 27-8, 50-1; Id., Ang., xi. 119-24; Id., Ben. Pref. yJuzg , vi. 82-8. "Alciope, Alert, Angelina, Ayacucho, Baikal, BoUvar, Oalifornia, Califor nia (schr), Catalina, Clara, Columbia, Danaide, Don Quixote, Elena, Fly, Forager, Index, Joseph Peabody, Jdven Guipuzcoana, Juan Jose, Lausanne, Leonidas, Monsoon, Morse, Nikolai, Nicolds, St Louis, Union. Total of rev enue according to items as per list, $64,723. According to report in Larkin's Off. Corresp., ii. 37, 110; Hartnell's stateraent iu Pico, Doe, MS., i. 85; Bry ant's What I Saw in Cal., 445-6 — $72,308; according to custom-house recorda, $72,372, expenses being $4,913. Exporta to Honolulu to Aug., $17,000. Flagg's Report, which was taken from a report furnished by Pierce and Brewer to the Polynesian Sept. 12, 1840. Douglas, Journal, MS., 88, makes the average exporte of hidea and taUow from Monterey $20,000. 96 COMMERCE, FINANCE, AND MARITIME AFFAIRS. aide and St Louis, men-of-war which came to investi gate imaginary outrages upon the citizens of France and the United States; and the Lausanne, which brought some immigrants from Oregon, and had trouble with the Californian authorities. At the end of 1835 we left Jos^ Maria Herrera in charge of the sub-comisaria, and Angel Ramirez of the Monterey custom-house. The former was exUed by Alvarado's revolution of November 1836; but the latter held his place for more than a month after the change of government, being suspended with all his subordinates by Alvarado on the 21st of December."* In place of these a recaudador, or collector, was to be appointed with one clerk. William E. Hartnell was appointed recaudador, and throughout the year 1837 seems to have been the only official of either treasury or custom-house in California; though of his adminis tration nothing is known beyond the fact that he held the position. ^^ An administrator of customs was ap pointed by the Mexican government, but never came to take the position.*" Antonio Maria Osio was urged this year, according to his own statement, to take charge of the custom-house, the governor having been struck with admiration by his honest administration, while in the rebel service, of a forced loan from San '^Deceraber 21, 1836, Alvarado auspeuds Ramirez. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Cust.-H., MS., iv. 1. Thia was authorized by the decree of the congress of Dec. 4th. Castro, Decretos, no. 3. The recaudador was to get a salary of $1,000, and hia clerk $365. July 2d, furniture in the cuatom-houae paid for from the treasury: 2 caaea, flagstaff, flag, scissors, slate, candlestick, snuffers, table, seal, boat, shed for sarae. Dept 8t Pap., Ben. Cust.-H., MS., iv. [355]. ^'Hartnell waa appointed Dec. 25, 1836, and removed Oct. 5, 1837. His compensation was 5 per cent of collections. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xxxii. 58, 112; iv. 76; Dept St Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., Ixxxi. 79. Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 38- 42, speaka however of Jesua Pico as having held the poaition of aub-comisario, being entirely incorapetent, as waa his successor, Montenegro, who, he says, was succeeded by Santiago Estrada. *" Manuel Cambre appointed May 10, 1837, aud his resignation accepted June 7th. Dept St Pap., Ben. Cust.-H., MS., iv. 767-8. This was under the decree of Peb. 17th, creating for the Monterey custom-house an adminis trador at $3,000; contador, $2,000; 1st and 2d official, $1,500 and $1,000; escribiente, $500; alcaide, $1,500; coraandante, $2,000; 4 celadores at $800 eaoh; patron of the boat, $400; and 4 sailors, at $260 each. Total, $16,140 per yeari Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., xiii. 2. ADMINISTRATION OP REVENUES. 97 Fernando. The honest man of Angeles declined the honor at first, because his private business was yield ing him an income of $4,000 besides his vineyard. In 1838, however, Osio accepted the position,*^ and served as administrador throughout the period, much to the satisfaction of all concerned, being regarded by mer chants and masters of vessels as not only a competent official, but a courteous gentleman. The only subor dinate was Pablo de la Guerra, who served as first official and vista from 1838.*^ Meanwhile Alfdrez Eu genio Montenegro was appointed sub-comisario in January 1838, and served, with what success the records do not show, until the end of March 1839.*^ He was succeeded by Jose Abrego, who remained in .charge ofthe departmental finances for six years.** At Sau Francisco, where W. A. Richardson seems '-^Otsio, Hist Ccd., MS., 355-6, 400-1. The author declares that he accepted only on oondition that he was not to pay auy attention to coraraunications frora Pavon, the director general de rentas, who was very angry at receiving only the regular accounts at the end of each year. The exact date of Osio'a appointraent doea not appear; but on Jau. Oth, the adrain. — presuraably Osio^ is appointed contador as well, with $2,000 salary. Dept. Rec, MS., x. 1. Oct. 13, 1838, Osio explains his raethod of securing the services of guards for vessels at the slight expense of $3 for each visit, by giving them also all tho law allowed to seizors of contraband goods. Dept. St. Pap., MS., iv. 237-8. March 30-1, 1839, Osio swom iu aud gives bond of $4,000. Dept St. Pap., Ben. Cust.-H., MS., v. 5; and ia also appointed provisional comandante de celadorea. Dept Rec, MS., x. 4. Called alao habilitado proviaional. Ashley's Doe, MS., 255. *2He was appointed Jan. 3, 1838. Dept. Rec, MS., x. 1. Accepts office and gives bond of $2,000 Jan. 5, 1839. Dept St Pap., Ben., MS., iU. 22; Id., Ben. Cust.-H., v. 1, 3, 5. His salary was $1,500. Lieut Pedro Narvaez seems to have served as captain of the port at Monterey (not a revenue offi cer) in 1839-40. Val'ejo, Doc, MS., iv. 256; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., lxxvi. Rafael Gonzalez waa appointed coraandante of celadorea on July 13, 1840 (in Mexico ?). At the same time a contador aud official 1° were appointed, who never came to California. Dept. St Pap., Mont, MS., vUi. 4. Monte negro was coraandante of celadores from March 1839. '^Dept St Pap., Ben. Cust-H, MS., v. 3-4; Dept Rec, MS., x. 1-4. ** March 30, 1839, gov. appoints Abrego comisario (?) ad int. Dept St. Pcip., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., iv. 28. He ia usually referred to in official documenta as sub-coraisario; and is spoken of by Californians as treasurer. Dec. 1, 1840, gov. to min. of int., recommending Abrego as gefe de hacienda. Dept. Rec, MS., xi. 72. His pay at first waa 2 per cent of receipts. In 1840 he got $197 per raouth, and had 2 clerka at $30 and $18. His bond was $1,000. July 13, 1840, a decree of the preaident fixed the salaries at Mon terey as follows : adrainistrador, $2,500; contador, $2,000; 2 clerks at $1,500 and $500; the firat serving as vista; alcaide (storekeeper), $1,000; coman dante of celadorea, $1,800; 4 cekdorea at $700; skipper of launch, $400; 4 aailors at $260. Vallejo, Doe Hist Mex., MS., U. 72. HiBT. Cal., Vol. IV. 7 98 COMMERCE, FINANCE, AND MARITIME AFFAIRS. to have served as captain of the port throughout this half-decade,*^ there was no custom-house officer until 1839. Jacob P. Leese was then recommended by Osio as receptor; but the governor, not favoring the appointment of a trader, appointed Francisco Guerrero as provisional administrator, with twenty-five per cent of receipts as compensation.*" At Santa BArbara Benito Diaz figures as receptor in 1836-7; and Jose Antonio de la Guerra was captain of the port in 1839-40.*' At San Diego Martin S. CabeUo served as receptor, except for a time in 1836 when he had trouble with the local authorities and Andrds Pico took his place, until 1838, and perhaps later. During Carrillo's rule in the .south in 1837-8, Juan Bandini seems to have had nominal charge of the so-called custom-house at this port, but there are no satisfac tory records of this period. It does not appear that Don Cd,rlos and his party ever succeeded in collecting duties from any vessel.** The financial administration of California in 1836-8 has left no record of methods or statistics of results. We know simply that during the sectional struggles the southern missions had to furnish funds to support the cause of the abajehos; while the arribenos depended on the northern missions, had frequent opportunities to draw upon those of the south as well, and had besides the custom-house receipts. If any accounts were kept, they I have long since disappeared. Wealthy men on both sides made some sacrifices of property, which, as a rule, were more than repaid later, in one way or another, from the mission estates. Meanwhile, occa- *^His record df vesaela, Richardson, Saliclas de buques, MS., begins in 1837. Dec. 24, 1839, Osio, in writing about his salary of $60 per month, says his appointment had not yet beeu approved. Dept St Pap. , Ben. Com. and Treas. , MS., iv. 25. ^^Dept St Pap., Ben. Cust.-H.,MS., v. 2, 6; Dept Rec, MS., x. 16; Dept St Pap., Ben., MS., iU. 20; Pinto, Doc, MS., i. 264, 267. "Dept St Pap., Ben. Cust.-H., MS., iv. 1; Id., Ben. Mil, Ixxxi. 81; Ixxxviii. 35; Id., Ben. Com. and Treas., iv. 25. '^S. Diego, Arch,, MS., 5,41,95, 107, 118; Dept St Pap., Ben. Citst-H., MS., iv. 1-4. THE REVENUES IN 1839-40. 99 sional communications arrived from Mexican officials on financial topics, which received not the slightest attention from Californian financiers, and merit not even a mention here.*® In 1839-40 a great improvement is observable, something of order and system being introduced by Abrego and Osio in the financial management and keeping of accounts, while the revenues, as we have seen, were largely increased, amounting to $158,000 for the two years. I append in a note such statistical items as will enable the reader to form an idea of what was done with this revenue of $79,000 a year, or $6,500 per month." As before, official communica tions from Mexico received very little attention, ex cept as they could occasionally be utilized to sustain a position taken in some Californian quarrel. Instructions from the national government required that the revenues should be equally divided between the civil and military departments.^^ It was charged *' June 4-5, 1836, Gov. Chico proposes sorae new system of regulating miaaion accounts, not approved by the dip. Lerj. Rec, MS., Ui. 17-18. AprU 1, 1837, the Mexican govt authorized a loau of $70,000 ou the pious fund, the raoney to be devoted to the task of restoring the national authority in Cal. A-rrillaga, Recop., 1837, p. 265-6. April 12th, the pres. announces the forraation of a scherae to pay the foreign debt iu lands of the north, includ ing CaL, and in bonds secured by those lauds, of whioh 100,000,000 aores were to be hypothecated for thia purpose. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., xiu. 3-4. ^^ I omit many iteraa whioh contribute to uo general result. May 13, 1839, gov. to Abrego. $16,632 to be aet aside for payment of auxiliary railitia for servicea iu reatoring order. Dept St. Pap., Ben. Oom. and Treas., MS., iv. 24, 14. July 27th, Abrego to VaUejo. Govt, owes $19,000. Accepts V.'s offer of aid for the frontier corapany. Id., Ben., Ui. 144-5. Abrego's ac counta show that from May to Oct. 1839 there waa paid to the miUtary de partment $20,975, and to the civU $26,165. Id., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., Ui. 35-9. Specimen monthly account of military expenses in 1839: Coraan dante general and office expenaea, $354; preaidial companiea, Monterey $705, Sta Barbara $710, S. P. $1,367, Sonoraa $650, artillery eo. $576; 4 officers not included iu preceding, $235; aurgeou, $60; 7 invdUdos, 6 of them officers, $235; 3 port captains, $239; sundries, $29; total, $5,166. VaUejo, Doc, MS., xiv. 256. Estimate of annual miUtary expenaea from mauy items in Id. , xxv. , $60,961. July 26th, Abrego's estiraate of monthly expenaea for the whole department, $8,000. Id., vU. 406. General expenae of the staff for 1839, $7,362. Id., xxv. Paid out by Abrego iu June 1840, $9,861, the largest items being: placed at govemor's disposal, $3,670; extraordinary expenses, $1,141; repaid to merchante, $1,703; to miUtary companies, $2,487. Id., xxvi. 97. Paymentsm July: miUtary, $11,452; civil, $13,620. /A, 110. VaUejo, Hid. Oal., MS., iv. 143-4, affirms that in 1840 David Spence bought state bonda for 17 cents, and never realized anything from them. '^Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., xv. 3; Z)ep«. St Pap., MS., iv. 130; Id., Ben. 100 COMMERCE, FINANCE, AND MARITIME AFFAIRS. by VaUejo that this division, regarded in itself as un fair by reason of the needs and services of the soldiers, was not fairly carried out, the civil authorities receiv ing their full pay, while the military had to be content with what was left; and it was also charged by all outside of the capital, that the Monterey clique were devoting the revenues too exclusively to their own benefit. This distribution of the funds was a leading element in the quarrel between Alvarado and Vallejo; and the controversy between the latter and Abrego was hardly less bitter, the comisario seeking every opportunity to annoy the general.^^ It is probable that Alvarado, Castro, Jimeno, Abrego, Osio, and their friends at Monterey used their power to some extent for their own interests; but it is known that VaUejo was influenced largely by wounded pride, and such records as are extant afford but scant support to his extravagant charges of a fraudulent distribution of the public moneys.^^ I append an alphabetical list of seventy-six vessels which visited Californian ports from 1836 to 1840," Com. and Treas., iv. 27. March 14, 1839, Vallejo asked that CaatiUero be recognized in Mex. as habilitado general for the Cal. companiea; the reply waa that CastiUero raight serve as attomey for persons in Cal. Savage, Doc, MS., iv. 313. ^2 See Hist Ccd., chap, xx., vol. iii., thia aeriea. Also Vcdlejo, Doc, MS., vU. 407, 417; Dept St Pap., Ben., MS., iu. 141-9. Aug. 5, 1840, Abrego urges the appointment of an habilitado to receive from hira all railitary funds for distribution. Id., iu. 153. Oct. 28, 1839, Mexican order forbidding the general to interfere in the manageraent of pubUc funds. Supt Govt St Pap., MS., XV. 12. May 10, 1839, Alvarado to Vallejo. The revenue of this year -will be sufficient to pay all expenses and leave a aurplua. Vallejo, Doc, MS., vii. 32. °^ May to Aug. 1839, a series of orders requiring the coUection of tithea, the proceeds to be devoted to the eatabliahment of a mail route from L. Cal. No results reported. Vallejo, Doc, MS., -vii. 17, 32, 399; xxxii. 267; Hayes' 3Iission Book, i. 335; Dept SL Pap., MS., v. 48; Id., Angeles, v. 65; xi. 10; 3Ionterey, Arch. , MS. , xvi. 23. There ia nothing of a general nature extant for this period respecting muuicipal funds. 6* List of vessela 1836^0: Aguirre, named as a ship at Mout. 1836; but probably a veasel belonging to Aguirre. Alciope, Amer. ship; Curtis Clap, master; on the coast April to Oct. 1840; duties, $6,876. At Honolulu iu Nov.; passengers, Capt. Blinn, Rev. Parker, Mr and Misa Warren. SaUed for Boston iu Dee. ; Capt. J. O. Carter, pass. Alert, Amer. ship, 398 or 360 tons; Thompson, master. Sailed for Boston VESSELS OP 1836-40. 101 eight of the number resting on doubtful records. Of the remaining sixty-eight, twenty-six were under the flag of the United States, seventeen bore EngUsh May 8, 1836, with 40,000 hides and 30,000 homs. Retumed iu spring of 1838 (or perhaps late in 18.37); Penhallow, master; Hatch, mate. SaUed from San Diego for Boston June 26, 18.39. Came back in June 1840; Wm D. Phelps, master; duties, $18,685. AUred Robinson is named aa aupercargo, and may have retumed to Cal. on thia vessel. Capt. Phelps in his Fore and Aft de scribes the voyage as having lasted 3 yrs, 3 mos, and 13 days. Angelina, Fr. whaler of 1840, aa mentioned by Osio; N. Jena, master. Angolo, Amer. ahip; conaigned to Spence and Malarin. In Spence'a list of 1836. Artemise, Fr. man-of-war; Capt. C. P. T. Laplace, com.; from Bodega to Mont. Aug.-Sept. 1839. See ohap. iv. of thia vol. for Laplace'a visit aud book, Ayacucho, Engl, brig; Wilson, master; up and down the coast as usual in 1836-7, from CaUao. Ayacucho, Engl, schr, 97 or 67 tons. Formerly the Isabel Bought in May 1838 for $2,900 at CaUao by Jas McKinley. In Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxu. 136-41, are all the doc. of sale and change frora Mex. to Engl. flag. Iu Cal. Sept. -Oct.; Geo. P. Corafort, master; Mcliinley on board; $456 dutiea. Back again from Callao July 1839; Robert Dare, master. Landed a passen ger, who was aUowed to take only one suit of clothes of his luggage. Cargo, $2,566; duties, $2,368. Wintered on the coast, or carae back iu March 1840; duties, $20. Baikal, Russ. brig, 180 tons; Stephen Vouks, raaster; at S. Francisco Jau. 1837. Alao Jan. 1839; Deraetriua, master; took $4,977 in produce. Also Feb. -Mar. (and perhaps Dec. ) 1840; Rosistof Mashim, raaster; exchanged. 15,828 ft luraber frora Sitka for wheat; tonnage, $96. Bolivar, Amer. brig, 193, 212, or 224 tons; Gorham H. Nye, master; A. B. Thompson, .sup.; arr. in April 18,36 from Honolulu, with cargo of $4,781. Slight troubles with authorities. Duties, $4,766. Carried John C. Jones to the Islands in Oot. Back March-Oct. 1837; Back again Jan. -Oct. 1838; aua pected of smuggling by aid of a achr in Drake Bay. Perhaps -wintered, or returned in Jan. 1839. Again, Mar. -Oct. 1840, she paid duties, $11,531. She was owned by Amer. at Honolulu, aud valued at $7,000. Brixon, Engl, whaler; at Mout. Oct. 1836. Cadboro, Engl, schr, 71 tons; Wm Brotchie, master; from Columbia River iu autumn of 1837 and 1838; at Bodega and Sau Francisco. Califomia, Amer. ship, 317 or 267 tous; Jas Arther, master; Thos B. Park, aup. ; arr. from Boston March 4, 1836; cargo, $19,881 ; duties, $18, 117. SaUed for Boston Oct. 8, 1837, carrying Alfred Robinson and wife, and Mrs Wra S. Hinckley. Carae back in Jan. 1839; still under Arther aud Park; cargo, $30,069; duties, $25,129. SaUed for horae late in 1840. Califomia, Mex. schr, S3 tons; formerly the Clarion and Kaniu. Brought from Honolulu by Henry Paty, who, Junc 20, 1837, sold her to Gov. Alvarado for $9,000, $0,424 being the duties on her cargo, and the balance in hides and tallow in 2 months; Paty to comraand for the 2 mo. (Contract iu Vcdlejo, Doc, MS., xxxii. 90. See also chap, xviii., vol. iii., this work.) Rechristened the California and sailed Aug. 25th for S. Blaa on govt buaineaa; Thoa M. Robbina, master. Retumed Nov. 15, 1838 with Castillero aud news of Al varado's confirmation. (See chap, xix., vol. iii., this work). Used as a prison ship in Jan. 1839. (Chap, xx., vol. iii.) Robinson and Reed, raates. Capt. Robbins made charges of mutiny against 2d mate and 2 saUors during the late voyage. {Vallejo, Doc, MS., vi. 348, 352-3; -vii. 24; xxxii. 196.) In Aj^ril 8 or 9 neophytes put ou board to leam to be sailors. {Id., vi. 360-1, 451.) Expenses of the vessel to AprU 30, 1839, besides the original cost. 102 COMMERCE, FINANCE, AND MARlTIMB AFFAIRS. colors, nine Mexican, six the flag of some South American nation, four French, four Russian, and two $8,000. In May chartered to C^Us for a trip of 5 months to Acapulco and Manzanillo, having perhaps made a previous trip to the Islauds. (Dept. St Pap., Oom. and Treas., MS., iv. 16, 19, 39-43; Dept Ree, MS., x. 8; Sup. Govt St Pap., MS., XV. 8; St Pap., Miss., MS., ix. 59.) Left S. Francisco April i8th, and S. Diego June Sth, with tallow; John B. R. Cooper, master; Andres Castillero, passenger. She retumed in Sept., aud remauied onthe coast; though an effort was made to send her to the Islands. Vallejo, Doc, MS., viii. 183. She left S. Fran, iu Jan. 1840. Cooper had orders to go to S. Diego for a cargo of hides for Honolulu, devoting the proceeds to repairs; or he might exchange the vessel for another, paying $5,000. List of officers and crew in Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiu. 87. She sailed from S. Diego March 16th, with Henry D. Fitch as supercargo. Cooper certifies that vessel and cargo belong to the Mex. go-vt. 8. Diego, Arch., MS., 5. At Honolulu April-June undergoing repairs, which cost $2,222. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxui. 58, 72, 76. Left Honolulu June 10th — Polynesian, June 20th — aud arr. at S. Francisco, having heard of troubles at Mont, ou July 2d. Pinto, Doe, MS., i. 247-8. Brought Mr Andrews as passenger, and paid $209 duties. The cargo included doors, windows, honey, and a four-wheeled carriage. Went to Mont. July 17th-20th; aud in Aug. to Sta B. and back. Dec. 13th, sailed for Acapulco under a contract with Larkin, who weut with hia cargo. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiii. 159-60. I have Capt. Cooper'a original Log of the Oalifor nia, MS. , which givea fuU detaila about the schooner's movements, with many items about other vessels. Catalina, Mex. brig, 161 tons; Snook, master. Ou the coast from CaUao every year, 1836-40. In 1837 her cargo was seized on account of troubles with Fred. Beeher, the supercargo. (See chap, xvii., vol. iU. ) In 1838 brought favorable news for Alvarado. In 1839 took $15,000 of produce from S. Fran. In 1840 she was under Christian Hansen as master, bringing Covarrubias and the guard of the Grahara exiles. (See chap, i., thia vol.) Sorae contraband arras ou board were seized. Cervantes, Peruv. schr, 137 or 206 tons; Malarin, master; arr. from Callao Aug. 1839; cargo, $8,790; duties, $7,984; apparently the Leonidas under an other name, but possibly uot; also called Cervantes iu 1840. City of Genoa, brig; at Mout. Dec. 1837 from Valparaiso; ao reported at Honolulu. Clara, or Clarita, Mex. bark, 210 tona; Chas Wolter, master; Joa^Amaz, sup.; Virmond, owner; from Acapulco 1840. Amaz saya her invoice was $10,- 000, the goods selUng for $64,000. According to Speuoe aud Davia ahe came alao in 1838, with OSlis as supercargo. Clarion, see Califomia. Clementine, Engl, brig, 93, 76, or 160 tons. (The records are inextricably confused, and there may have been 2 vessela of this name, a schooner of 1836-7, and a brig of 1839.) Wra (or Jas) Handley (or Hanly), master. At Mont. March 1836, with cargo of $1,563, dutiea, $1,553, to N. Spear. Carried Gov. Chico away in July; back in Oot. afflicted with aickness, deaertion, and robbery. In Nov. carried away Gov. Gutierrez and other exiles; but retumed in Deo. and carried part of Alvarado's army south. Wintered ou the coast, and in March 1837 carried PP. Bachelot and Short to Honolulu, where the vessel was aeized by the Hawaiian govt. In July 1839 the Clementine, per haps another vessel, arr. from Honolulu via Sitka, under John Blinn (or as some records have it, still under Handley). Duties, $3,261, or $162. A guard waa put on board at S. Fran. J. A. Sutter, A. Thompaon, 2 Germans, and 9 Hawaiians were passengers. More of Sutter and his corapany elsewhere. Coffin, Amer, whaler; at Mont. Oct. 1837. Columbian, Engl, ship; at S. Fran. June 1838; probably the Nereid, q.v. Columbia, Engl, bark, 350 tona; Humphries, maater; Wood, sup. ; at Mont. VESSELS OP 1836-40. 103 Hawaiian. There were several changes in national colors with ownership during the period. Many of the vessels came repeatedly to the coast during the Jan. 1840 from Columbia River; duties, $2,339; at Honolulu June-July; back at Mont, aud S. Fran, in Aug.; cargo, $1,804; dutiea, $1,421. Commodore Rodgers, Amer. whaler; Howland, master; -wrecked at Mont. Nov. 19, 1837; vessel lost; cargo sold at auction. Convoy, Araer. brig, 137 tons; Bancroft, raaster. Smuggling in Jan. 1836, according to Dana. In March sailed with furs for Oahu. Back again iu Aug. and sailed Oct. 4, via N. w. coast to Honolulu, which port she left again Oct. 27th for N. w. coast. Corsair, Amer. brig, 161, 128, or 137 tona; Hinckley, maater; at Mout. Aug. 1839 from CaUao; cargo, $10,178; dutiea, $9,202, of which $4,736 in silver; at Sta B. in Oct. Hinckley accused of smuggling by a tranafer of car go, and arrested at S. Fran. ; but in 1841 the case had not been aettled. Dept. St Pap., Ben., MS., y. 308^1; Dept Ree, MS., x. 31. Crusader, Colombian brig; from Callao iu Oct. 1837. Danaide, Fr. corvette; Jph. de Rosamel, com.; at Mont. June- July 1840, in connection with the Graham affair (aee chap. i. of this vol.); at Honolulu July 20th. Daniel O'ConneU, Colombian brig; 100 tons; Andres MurcUla, maater; at Mout. Nov. 1839; cargo, $4,656; duties. $4,467- Delmira, Ecuador brig, 126 tons; Vioget, master; Miguel Pedrorena, sup.; onthe coast iu 1837-8-9. It is aaid that iu 1837 her dutiea, $6,000, were collected by Salv. Vallejo and Montenegro, who took gooda aud gave receipta, declaring it was uo tirae for 'red tape aud nonsense ' when the soldiers were in need. Diana, Amer. brig, 199 tons; Barker, master. Wintered 1835-6, and sailed for Honolulu in Oct. Sold and sailed for Columbia Riv. , where she was in June 1887. Name changed to Kamamalu; Wra S. Hinckley, master. At Sta BArbara in Oct. -Nov. as a Hawaiian bark. Wintered on the coaat. Aground near Sta B. in April 1838. Don Quixote, Amer. bark, 223 or 260 tons; John Meek, master; frora Oahu 1836; cargo, $3,340; duties, $3,445. At Mont, m Nov., when Wm S. Hinck ley, her consignee and supercargo, rendered important aid to Alvarado. Carried horses and hidea to the Isl. in Deo. ; alao Hinckley and old Capt. Wm Smith. In 1838 she came back uuder the name of Plymouth; Johu Paty, master; EU Southworth aud Wm H. Davis, passengers. In Nov. back at Honolulu with Southworth, H. Paty, aud Master J. A. M. R. Pacheco as passengers; and sailed for Boston in Jau. 1839, with Atherton as pass. In Apr. 1840 she was again in Cal.; Francis Johnson, sup.; duties, $919. Pas sengers, Chamberlain, Cobb, Farnhara, and 4 others. Farnhara and J. P. B. M. described the voyage in print. Touched at Mont, (where she was not per mitted to anchor, or any but Famham to land, until the Guipuzcoana had sailed with the exiles), Sta B. , and Mazatlan. In Jnly back at Mont. ; duties, $1,723. In Oct. carried 3 Cal. boys to attend school at Honolulu — David Spence, Francis Watson, and Romualdo Pacheco. Dolphin, aee Leonidas. Elena, Ruas. brig, 309 tons; Stephen Vallivode (?), master; took $11,000 of produce from S. Frau. Sept. 1839; and in Deo. 1840 paid $349 tonnage; from which was deducted $96 illegally collected from the Baikal. Europa, Amer. ship; Wm Winkworth, master; Wm French, sup.; at Mont. Oct. 1836, from Honolulu via Norfork Sd. ; much damaged by rough weather. Mr French helped Alvarado in Nov. , and sailed from Sta B. iu Jan. 1837, carrying Jas Murphy aud Jas W. Mcintosh to the Islauds. Fearnaught, Engl, schr, 91 tons; Robt H. Dare, master; autumn of 1838; duties, $571. Flibbertygibbett, Engl, schr; Ptodgers, master; made a trip from Honolulu to 104 COMMERCE, FINANCE, AND MARITIME AFFAIRS. five years ; eighteen appear in the list of the preceding half-decade. Whalers were nine; national vessels of war or exploration, seven; and the remaining forty- C.il. and back, May-Sept., 1S3S; and again retumed from Cal. iu May 1839; Hart, master. Fiy, Eng. schr; Wilson, master; from Callao via Honolulu, Aug. 1840; duties, $193. Capt. Stokes and 2 masters Wilson as passengers. She seenis to have changed her flag — Dept St. Pap., MS., v. 64 — and was at StaB. under Stokes in Oct. Forager. Eng. brig; sailed from Honolulu iu Aug. 1840, for Col. River and Cal. No record of arrival. Griffon, Amer. brig; Little, master; trip from Honolulu to Cal. and back, Aug. -Nov. 1837. John C. Jonea and R. Cowie came on her. Harvest, Amer. ship, 307 tona; probably whaler; A. Cash, master; at S. Fran. Nov. 1837. Hector, Araer. whaler; Norton, m.aster; at Mout. Oct. 1836. Index, Eng. bark, 201 tons; John Wilson, maater; Oct.-Dec. 1833; ton nage, $371; Aug. 1839; June-Dec, 1840, from Callao;' Soott, master; duties, $7,176. Indian, Eng. whaler; Freeman, maater; Oct. 1837. lolani, Hawaiian schr; Paty, master; trip frora Honolulu to Cal. and back, Dec. -AprU, 1837-8. Wrecked in May. Ionic, Araer. schr, 95 tons; Clark, master; sailed from Honolulu Sept. 1836 for Cal. No record of arrival. Isabella, schr forraerly of Sandw. Isl. Sold at S. Frau. 1836. Plying on the bay until 1839, and perhaps later; N. Spear, owner. She carried Sutter's party up the Sacramento. Joseph, Fr. whaler; 1839. Lost 14 deserters. Joseph Peabody, Araor. brig, 220tona; Jolm Dominis, master; from N. Y. to Hon. in Apr. 1839. Touched at Sta B. in Oct. on voy. from Sitka to Maz atlan wi-th lumber. Refused to pay tonnage. At Sta B. again Oct. 1840; captain ill. At Honolulu in Nov. Jdven Guipuzcoana, Mex. brig, 210 tous; arr. from Boston in Feb. 1840 as the Eoger Williams; Jaa Stevens, raaster; Jos. Steele, owner. Sold in March for $13,000, to J. A. Aguirre. Soberanes, Doe, 190-3. Johu Snook became raaster. In May carried the Grahara exiles to S. Bias, retuming in Sept. Some of her original crew were among the exiles. Juan Jose, Colombian brig, 217 tous; Thos Duncan, master; Cot and Me nendez, owners; Pedrorena, sup.; arr. from Callao, Oct. 18,39; cargo, $8,348; duties, $7,798; agam iu Aug. 1840; cargo, $9,605; duties, $9,932; tonnage at S. Fran., $243. Kamamalu. See Diana. Kent, Amer. bark, 264 tons; John Stickney, master; left Sta B. iu Dec. 1836 for Honolulu, carrying alight reporta of the revolu-tion. Came back in May, 1837; and again in Oct. under Steel, to winter. Left S. Diego for Bos ton in Oct. 1838. Capt. Thing, passenger. Lausanne, Araer. ship; Spalding, master; at Bodega aud S. Frau July 1840. She lauded some immigrants from Oregon, aud had trouble -with the authorities. At Honolulu in Aug. Dutton, Wrisht, and Geiger, pass. Sailed for N. Y. in Deo. Leonidas, Mex. schr, 206 tons (forraerly the Amer. Dolphin); on the coast in 1836; Goraez, raaster; cargo, $9,000; duties, $1,112. In Nov. car ried south news of the revolt, and Negrete and other exilea. Back from Maza tlan in 1837; Juan Malarin, master; and again in 1838; duties, $420. In 1839, and in some recorda of 1840, she was called the Oerva-ntes, q. v. Nye, aud later Stevens, are named as masters iu 1840. Leonor, Mex. bark, 208 tons; Chaa Wolter, master. Brought Gov. Chico VESSELS OF 1836-40. 105 five traders. Of these, eighteen came mainly from Mexican and South American ports, seventeen from Honolulu, six from Boston, four from Sitka and Ross, in 1836; cargo, $21,202; dutiea, $2,546. Reraained tiU Nov., aud perhaps wintered. At S. Frau. in March 1837. Left Mont. Feb. 1838. Llama, Engl, brig, 144 tons; at S. Fran. Feb.-AprU, 1837; Wra Brotchie, master; Robt Bimie, agent. Back at Col. Riv. Sept.; Wm Neil, master. At Hon. July; Sangster, master. Sailed for N. w. coast Aug.; Bancroft, raaster. Otter-hunting iu Cal. in spring of 1838. At Hon. July- Aug., aailing for N. w. coaat. At Sta Roaa lal. Nov., where Bancroft waa killed (see text). Robinson took her north and to Hon. in Jau. 1839. Loriot, Amer. brig, 90 tous; at Honolulu frora Cal. Aug. 1836. Trip to N. w. coast under Blinn, Aug.-Oct. On Cal. coast from the north Feb. -Mar. 1837; Johu Bancroft, master (see text for passengers and details). At Hon. May, and sailed for Mazatlan uuder Handley. Back again, and aailed for the Col. Riv. in Nov. Monsoon, Amer. ship, 327 tous; Geo. W. Vincent, raaster; Thoa Shaw, sup.; Robt G. Davis, clerk; at Sta B. April 1839 frora Boston; tonnage, $490; duties at Mont., $27,432, of which $9,608 iu sUver. 'No smaU lift for the treasury, ' wrote Alvarado. In July transferred part of her cargo to the Index. StUl on the coast at end of 1840. Morse, Amer. schr, 85 tons; Heury Paty, master; frora the Islauds Dec. 1839; cargo, $3,268; duties, $3,042; also duties, $3,041, in sprmg of 1840. Came back frora Hon. in June; Fitch, master and half owner; and with a new name, the Nymph, or Ninfa. Duties, $10,577. Value of vessel, $8,000. At S. Diego in Dec, to sail for Mazatlan with produce. Nancy, whaler; Fautrel, master; at Mont. April 1837. Nereid, Engl, ahip, 365 tons; Wm Brotchie, raaster; at Honolulu frora Col. Riv. and sailed for Cal. iu May 1838. Lawrence Carmichael, pass. At S. Fran, in June, and back at Hon. in Jan. 1839. Nicolds, schr, belonging to Spear. Running between Monterey and Sta Cruz m 18.36, and on S. Fran. Bay in 1839-40. Nikolai, Russ. ship; Baewdsxig (?), or Kuprianof, maater; 6 off. and 61 men; at S. Fran. Oct.-Nov. 1840, in ballast for Valparaiao and Europe. Nymph. See Morse. Peacock, U. S. aloop of war, 600 tous; Cora. Edmund P. Kennedy; Capt. C. K. StribUng; at Mont, frora the Saudw. lal. Oct. 1836. Sailed for Maz atlan. Peor es Nada, Cal. schr; Gerard Kuppertz, maater. Lost at entrance of S. Fran. Bay Jan. 7, 1836, on a trip from Mont, with lumber. Dept St Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., Ixxxi. 17. • Pilgrim, Amer. ship; FaucoSi, master; on the coaat in 1836. Sailed for Boaton in Feb. 1837. Plymouth. See Don Quixote.. Easi'das, Araer. ship, 264 tous; Jos. 0. Carter, master; A. B. Thompson, consignee; Josiah Thorapson, sup.; at Mont, from Sitka Oct. 1836 for Hono lulu. The captain'a -mfe and son were on board; also Ferdinand Deppe. Back in winter of 1837-8; cargo, $8,747; dutiea, $8,817. Carried to Hon. hides, horsea, and aundries frora the wreck of the Com. Rodgers. Made an other trip to Cal. aud back Sept.-Dec. 1838; Barker, master; duties, $1,063. J. C. Jones and Eliab Griraes, pasa. Sailed for Boston iu Feb. 1839, with Grimes as pass. Roger Williams. See Jdven Guipuzcoana. Sarah and Caroline, Amer. ahip, 396 tona; Jos Steel, raaater. Called also Caroline and South Carolina. Arr. Mont. May 1836 frora Boston via Honolulu. Cargo, $11,289. Steel rendered some aid to Alvarado in Nov. 106 COMMERCE, FINANCE, AND MARITIME AFFAIRS. and four from the Columbia River, though many ves sels visited all the regions named. Three small craft plied in Californian waters exclusively. Aground at S. Fran, iu Feb. 1837. Left the coaat in Oct. for Boaton -via Honolulu; Stickney, raaster (?); Henry Paty, passenger. St Louis, U. S. mau-of-war; French Forrest, com.; at Mout. June-July 1840 on busineaa connected with Grahara affair. Sitka, Russ. bark, 202 tona, 22 men; Baail Wacvocky (?), master. Left Cal. Jan. 1836 for S. Bias and returned iu Aug. from Rosa. At S. Fran. Oct. 1837; Stephen VaUobodaki (?), master. Agam Oct.-Nov. 1838; Rosistof (?), master. Sophia, doubtful name of 1839. Starling, Engl, ship, 109 tous; tender to the Sulphur; Lieut. Kellett, com.; on the coast 1837 and 1839. Sulphur, Engl, man-of-war, 380 tona; Edward Belcher, com. ; on the coast autumn of 1837 and again iu autumn of 1839, engaged in explorations. Belcher's visit and book are noticed elsewhere. Toward Castle, Engl, whaler; Emmett, master; at Mont. Nov. 1837. Wrecked ou the coast a Uttle later. True Blue, Haw. schr; Ragsdale, master; arr. Honolulu from CaL July 1837. Union, or Unity, schr; A. B. Thompson, aup. ; at Mont, and Sta B. Mar.- Apr. 1840; tonnage, $66. Veloz Asturiano, Ecuador brig, 179 tona; CArlos V. Gafan, master; at Mont, from CaUao, 1837, with cargo of $967 (?); duties, $1,504. Venus, French corvette; Petit-Thouars, master; at Mout. Oct. -Nov. 1837. Visit aud book noted elsewhere. The chief authorities for the information in this list are the followiug: Dept St Pap., Ben. Cust-H., MS., iii.-viii. passim; Id., Ben. Com. and Treas., iU. ; Id., Ben., Hi.; Vallejo, Doe, MS., iv.; v. 282; xiv. 252; xxv. 255; xxvi. 164, 177; xxxii. 173, 352; Larkin's Doc, MS., i. 400; Pinto, Doc.MS., i. 30-1 ; Fitch, Doc. , MS. ; Gomez, Doe , MS. , 34-7; Spence's List, MS. ; Edwards' Diary, MS. ; Richardson, Salidas de Buques del puerto de 8. Fran. , 1837-8, a very important origmal record kept by the captain of the port; Hayes' Emig. Notes, MS.; Melius' Diary of Affairs in Cal., 1838-40, MS., a very important record kept by Francis Melius, who came out as clerk on the OaHfoi-nia; Davis's GUmpses, MS.; Arnaz, Recuerdos, MS.; Dana's Two Years; Honolulu 8. I. Oazette, 1836-9; Honolulu Polynesian, 1840. These Sandwich Island newspapers are among the best maritirae records. Unfortunately I have no file from the middle of 1839 to the middle of 1840. CHAPTER IV. POREIGN RELATIONS AND PIONEERS. 1836-1840. FoBEiGN Influence in the Revolution — Intbeeebencb as a Current Topic — Attitude oe Different Classes — French Relations — Ru mored Cession oe California to England — Quotations from Ameri can Papers— Policy in 1837-8— Hoese-thievbs— Restrictions op 1839-40 — The Exiles — Pioneers — Personal Items — Authorities — Statistics— Something about the Old Settlers — Their Character and Ineluence — Prominent Names — New-comers of 1836-40 — Most of Them Transient Visitors — Immigration — Annual List.s — Chrono- logic.4lL Items — The 'Lausanne' and her Passengers at Bodega. On matters relating more or less directly to the general subject of foreign relations, though I have al ready had much to say in other chapters devoted to the current history of this period,^ there yet remains much to be written, since the influence of foreign resi dents had already become a powerful element, and was destined in a few years to be the all-controlling one. In this and the following chapters I have to present some remarks on the influence and policy of the foreign element, and the feeling of the Californians toward the strangers. Also the names and personal items relat ing to new-comers and older settlers, with an account of the old and new foreign settlements in California 'See particularly, Hid. Oal, vol. iii., chap, xv., thia aeriea, on 'Chico va Stearna and other foreigners;' chap. xvi. , ou the attitude of foreigners in Al varado's revolution; chap, xviii., ou their aid to the Californians in 1837; chap. i. of this vol., ou the Graham affair and expulsion of foreignera in 1840; and chap, iii., on the movements of vessels and commercial operations, largely controUed by foreigners. ( 107 ) 108 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND PIONEERS. at Ross and New Helvetia; also some notices of for eign visits to the coast and of resulting publications. In 1836 foreign residents in the north, while those in the south were for the most part neutral from force of circumstances, supported the Californians in their revol ution against Mexico. Those of influence, wealth, and position rendered a quiet but none the less effect ive support ; while others with nothing to risk formed themselves into a company of so-called riflemen and openly served in the insurgent ranks. The former cared^little for California's aUeged grievance, the change from the federal system to centralism ; but they had some cause of complaint against Chico and Gutierrez, and they expected to derive important commercial ad vantages from the revolution. Merchants engaged in the Hawaiian trade were especially active in pro moting the movement, and there are some indications that they had an understanding with the Californian leaders for some time before the outbreak. It is even difficult to resist the conclusion that Commodore Ken nedy, visiting Monterey on the U. S. man-of-war Pea- coc/c just before the revolution, must have known some thing of the impending trouble; though not of course, as was suspected by the Mexicans, entertaining any intention of interfering in behalf of the United States. What the foreigners desired was the complete and permanent independence of California from Mexico, with the expectation of being able to control the Californian rulers. Many Americans desired further by a Texan system of development to attach the coun try eventually to their own nation, and some of them talked openly of immediate annexation. This spirit, though manifested chiefly by irresponsible men, was sufficiently marked to alarm not only the Mexicans, but to some extent also the Californians and foreigners of other nations; and it doubtless had an influence in effecting a return of the country to its Mexican alle giance, at which most foreigners were greatly disap pointed. FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. 109 After 1836, foreign interference, in the form of con quest, protectorate, purchase, or annexation, was often talked about, though remarks on the subject were generally without definite cause or aim. Mexicans held it up as an ever impending danger, with a view to awaken the dormant prejudice of patriotism. On it the surehos affected to base largely their bitter op position to northern r-ulers. Nortenos who like Va Uejo had quarrels with Alvarado spoke of it as a result only to be averted by full acceptance of their own views. Solid citizens of foreign birth, like visitors from foreign lands, speculated somewhat philosophically on the re sult, each with a half-expressed hope that Califor nia might be so fortunate as to belong ultimately to his own nation. Enthusiastic Yankee hunters and sailors declaimed louder than all the rest upon the manifest destiny of the stars and stripes to wave over this fair land. Meanwhile the mass of native Califor nians simply smoked their cigarettes and waited, half inclined to believe that a change of flag might not result in irreparable disaster.^ ^Robinson, Statement, MS., 16, 21-2, asserta that prominent Califomiana, and even the raissionaries, used to express to him their belief that it would be best for the country to belong to the U. S. Many Californians iu their rem- iuiscencea express the same idea; but all auch atatementa are considerably ex aggerated. Petit-Thouars, Voyage, ii. 101-4, found Cal. in 1837 in an un fortunate position, too feeble and backward iu civilization for independence, neglected by Mexico, aud in a deplorable neceaaity of foreign aupport. The U. S. had doubtleas a deaign to aecure Cal. and the Sandwich Ialands, and would probably succeed, though the people had no special liking for the Amer icans, whose motives they distrusted. Speaking of S. P., thia author aaya: ' It would perhaps be difficult to aay to whioh nation thia fine port wUl belong; but in the preaeut atate of affairs in Europe and America, it is very likely that the power which ahall have the happy boldness to take actual possession wUl have little trouble to keep it.' Forbea, Hist. Cal., 151-2, writes in 1838: ' It is at least evident now, if there was any doubt formerly, that it [Cal.] is at this moment in a atate which caunot prevent its being taken possesaion of by any foreign force that may present itself. The British government seem lately to have had sorae auspicion that Cal. would be encroached upou if not taken entire poaaeaaion of by the Ruaaians; but by the latest accounta no encroach ment has beeu made, nor has any augmentation been raade either in the num ber of people in the colony or in the fortifications. The danger does not lie there. There ia another restless and enterprising neighbor from whom they wiU most probably soon have to defend themselves, or rather to submit to; for although the frontiers of North America are rauch more distant thau the Russians, yet to auch men as the Back-settlers distance is of little raoment, aud they are already acquainted with the route. The northern American tide of population must roll ou southward, and overwheUii Uot only Cal. but 110 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND PIONEERS. In 1839, there was a little excitement over the trou bles between Mexico and France; but it expended it self in routine orders published in accordance with instructions from the national government, as there was no apprehension of French encroachment in the far north.^ The French were always well liked in California since the time of La Perouse. Three vis itors of that nation were most hospitably received dur ing the period now under consideration, and we have seen that but few Frenchmen were arrested and none exiled in the troubles of 1840. A matter which attracted some attention in Cal ifornia, and created no little excitement in the United States, was the rumored cession of the country to England in payment of the Mexican debt. This in debtedness was large; and among the expedients de vised for its payment there were several, proposed and discussed in 1836 as well as earlier and later, which involved the pledging, as security for Mexican bonds or otherwise, of tracts of land in the far north, anywhere from Texas to California. All this has no bearing on the history of California, beyond the fact that there were such negotiations, as the expedient seems not to have been approved by the Mexican congress, and this territory was only mentioned inci dentally with half a dozen others. In connection, however, with these schemes there may have origi- other more important states. Thia latter event, however, ia in the womb of time; but the invasion of Cal. by Araerican settlers ia daily talked of; and if Santa Anna had prevailed againat Texaa, a portion of its inhabitanta suffi cient to overrun Cal. would now havebeen ita maatera.' Laplace, Campagne, V. 302-4, speaks of the prospective conquest by the U. S. as a thing rather to be deaired than avoided. Davis, Glimpses, MS., 34-6, writes: ' For a long time before 1840 it had been the common talk among Americans — when by themselves or amoug the rancheros — that the U. S. would have Cal.' April 16, 1840, Pablo de la Guerra congratulatea M. G. Vallejo ou the large num ber of foreign settlers iu the country, the largest part being English — from Canada, Nova Scotia, and Ireland — who are hard drinkers, but will perhaps, like wine, improve with time. Vallejo, Doc. , MS. , i. 30. ^ See llist Oal. , vol. iii. , chap. xx. , this series, for reference to many com municationa on this aubject. AprU 20, 1838, Mexican order to admit uo French veasel except iu case of ship-wreck. Sup. Govt St Pap., MS., xiv. 1. Mar. 26, 1839, notice of peace aud suspension of all hostUe measures. VaMejo, Doc, MS., i. 168. CESSION TO ENGLAND. Ill nated a proposition to cancel the debt at once by a cession of the CaUfornias. I have no official evidence that the proposition was entertained. Such, however, was the rumor that came to California in 1837, from different sources, a rumor accepted and published as a fact by Forbes in 1839, and cited by the American papers. To show the spirit in which the matter was discussed, I append some quotations.* It is clear that * ' There have been sorae thoughts of proposing to Mexico that it should endeavor to cancel the English debt, whioh now exceeds $50,000,000, by a transfer of Cal. to the creditors. This would be a wiae raeasure ou the part of Mexico if the govt could be brought to lay aside the vanity of retaining large possessiona. The cession of such a disjointed part of the republic would be an advantage. In no case can it ever be profltable to the Mexican repubUc, nor can it poaaibly remain united to it for any length of time, if it should eveu be induced to rejoin it. But would the English creditors accept of it ? I think they might, and I think they ought. 'They have lately dis played an inclination to treat and to receive lands as a part of the debt where no land exists belonging to Mexico ... in Texas in whioh Mexico does not own an acre and iu New Mexico which is — God knows where ... If Cal. was ceded, the creditors might be formed into a company, with the difference that they should have a sort of sovereignty over the territory, somewhat in the man ner of the East India Co. This iu my opinion would certainly bring a reve nue iu tirae which raight be equal to the interest of the debt, and under good management and with an English population would most certainly realize all that has been predicted of this fair country.' Forbes' Hist. Gal, 152-3. (See also note 2. ) Mentiou of the proposed ceaaion aa probable and very de sirable for England in New Orleans Buildin, Feb. 19, 1840, and other papers of the same city. Niles' Register, March 7, 1840, Iviii. 2. ' Nothiug would be raore probable thau that Mexico would willingly part with a territory which she cannot occupy, and to which iu the course of things she could not long extend even a nominal claim. The policy of the English go-vt looks toward nothing more favorably than to the acquisition of territory. The poaaession of Cal. would strengthen her iu carrying out her pretensions to the Oregon territory, which she not only claims, but already occupies. The whole coast of the Pacific would thus be in the grasp of a powerful nation — a nation that never lets slip an occasion of extending the limits of her doraain. That any foreign (uot U. S.) power would ever be able perraanently to hold such a position we do not believe, but it might cost much trouble to effect a dislodgment if once the possession ia allowed.' Baltimore American, in Id. 'The transfer by Mexico to such a power as Britain would be alike unopposed and unoppoaable unlesa aorae point of etiquette with regard to old Spain atood in the way. Such a tranafer, however, at this tirae of day is not likely to take place after all, although hard cash might be considered by all raen a fair enough equivalent, and although nothing but good would probably fol low to the Californians. But Russia and the U. S. — whose mighty tide of populatiou is perpetually rolling inward and southward — raay not be so aorupuloua, aud raay take the land without any trouble about transfers.' Chambers' Edin. Joumal, Aug. 24, 1839, in a review of Forbea' book. ' Ruasia aud the U. S., the latter especially, the only just govt that haa ever existed less scrupulous than Great Britain. This is .too pleasant! Our unsettled debt of grievances against the Mexicans happily puts us iu a situation to in sist upon their refusal of the proposition which has indubitably beeu made them by the British govt. Let us profit by it, nor suffer, if we cau help it, our ancieut mother to acquire a possession which no American cau fail to 112 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND PIONEERS. Englishmen favored the scheme, and equally clear that Americans were bitterly opposed to it, predict ing that the United States must one day extend to the Pacific, and gravely asserting that it would be easier to prevent another nation from getting Cali fornia than to dispossess that nation later. Not that England had not a right to acquire the country ; but the United States had also a right to prevent it through their influence on the weaker sister republic. There is, however, no evidence that either govern ment at this time took part in the schemes of its patriotic subjects. We shall see that the matter did not end with 1840, but had a still more potent inter est in later years. Meanwhile the policy observed within the limits of California was by no means oppressive to foreign residents. In 1836, before the revolution, Gutierrez and Chico called for registers of foreign residents, re quiring them to appear before the local authorities to prove their right -to be in the country. This, though it caused a degree of inconvenience and discontent, was in accordance with the laws, and with instructions from Mexico calling for a full report. The orders perceive at a glance would in such hands be a source of difficulties to us and a stumbling-block to our posterity . . . Fifty years, were we left to extend our selves without irapediment, would inevitably see ua in possession of Upper Cal. The interest of the south-weat would call for it, and ite purchase frora Mexico, should Mexico still retain it, would put us where the surf of the Pacific would be our safe aud proper border, not the forta of a nation whoae very kindred rendera them, through jealouay, the least araiable of neighbors. It were -wiae uot to leave this to contingency.' New York American, iu cora ments on the preceding. Niles' Rec;., Ivui. '70. Account of the negotiations for aeouring debt by lands, from New Orleans Picayune, in Id., Ixui. 243. ' Prance haa long looked with jealoua eye upon the raovementa of Great Brit aiu in relation to Mexico. . .England has chipped off two or tliree little bits frora Mexico, and is now about to make final arrangements for taking posses aion of the whole territory of Cal. . .To check this France recognizes Texas. . . aud Texas lays claira to Cal.' N. Y. Herald, in Honolulu Polynesian, Nov. 21, 1840. Proposition to transfer Cal. in 1839 for the British claim of $50,000,- 000 mentioned in Minerva, May 20, 1845. See also Lancey's Cruise, 31. Dec. 26, 1837, Vallejo to Alvarado. Has good reason to believe that Californians will soon becorae North Americans. The Mex. govt has offered Cal. to Eng land in payment of debts, and England has ceded her right to the govt at Washington. Vallejo, Doc, MS., iv. 368. Dec. 14, 1837, prefect Moreno to Zacatecan padres. Soou perhaps they may set out for tlieir college, since P. Perez writes that Mexico contemplates the cession of Cal. to a foreign power, 'lo que Dios no permita.' Arch. Obispado, MS., 59. TREATMENT OP STRANGERS. 113 were generally obeyed, and fortunately for us, since the result was a very complete list of foreigners at the beginning of this period.^ After the revolution aud down to the time that California returned defi nitely to her Mexican allegiance, there was no inter ference with foreigners, even to the extent of enforcing the regulations respecting passports, except that de serters vi'ere sometimes returned to their vessels as an act of favor to the captains, that foreign like native criminals were sometimes mildly prosecuted, and that there were troubles from time to time, particularly with foreign horse-thieves.* This policy was the re sult partly of the civil strife which occupied the exclu sive attention of the authorities, and was in part due to the Californians' feeling of gratitude and friendship toward the men who had aided them. The result of this non-interference during 1836-8 was bad in every way. The worst element of the for eign population was largely increased by desertions from vessels on the coast ; the vagabond allies of Ind- 5 Orders of April-May 1836, in 8. Diego, Arch., MS., 100, 105; Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., xi. 46; Id., Monterey, iii. 64; Alvarado, Hist Cal, MS., iU. 55. ^ Sept. 1836, Doyle and his band of horse-thieves. Vallejo, Doc, MS., iii. 133; Oastro, Doe, MS., i. 29. Oct. 1837, Alvarado alarmed at the boldness of trapper horse-thieves iu aU the interior valleys, some of whom appeared .it Sta In^a in Oct. He fears they raay attempt a revolution; but has taken steps to balk their plans, and to protect property. Vallejo, Doc, MS., iv. 322. April 1837, reports of trade in stolen cattle by American trappers in the Tularea. Id., xxxii. 84. Nov. 1837, Foreign vagranta, deserters, etc., about S. Rafael must be arrested aud sent to Sonoma. No stranger to be per mitted to remaiu iu that region without a paas. Id., iv. 343. 1838, region about S. F. Bay inf ested with robbers. Store robbed at S. F. in Oct., two for eigners being among the thieves. Id., v. 60, 62, 204. Depredations at S. Luis Obispo. Six Englishmen among the Indian robbers. Id., v. 220. For eign raerchants accused of sowing discord among people of their own tongue with sinister views. Vallejo to Alvarado, Sept. 1. Sutter, Persore. Remin., MS. , 4, gives an idea of the kind of raen who wanted to come to Cal. w hen he saya that at Wind River volunteers were numerous who wished to accom pany hira with a view to plunder the missions and ranchos. May, 1838, Va Uejo recommends the chartering of a vessel to send out of the country all the turbulent cleraent causing so much trouble. Vcdlejo, Doc , MS. , xiv. 24. 90 French hunters in the Tulares. Id., v. 12. Dec. 18, 1839, two foreigners baniahed for robbing Spear's store. Dept. St Pap., Mont., MS., iv. 110. For eignera very favorably received in Cal. Forbes' Hist Cal. , 322-3. Adventur ous immigrants crowding in, chiefly deserters. Laplace, Campagne, vi. 191- 2. 1840, pursuit of horse-thievea in the region of Los Angelea. Dept. St.. Pap., Angeles, MS., iv. 99-106. Hist. Cai.., Vol. IV. 8 114 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND PIONEERS. ian horse-thieves in the interior valleys became more numerous and bold; foreign interference in Californian politics came to be regarded as a natural and legiti mate thing; foreign conquest or annexation was a common topic of conversation; and the men who had personally aided Alvarado became intolerably familiar, insolent, and lawless, even if they did not actually plot against the government. The interests of all good citizens, native and foreign, at home, as well as orders from Mexico, required a renewal of the old precautions in 1839—40.^ It was deemed necessary, however, to go somewhat further than to compel new-comers to comply with the laws, by sending away many who had entered the country illegally, together with a few who had some right to remain but were accused of plotting revolution. Hence the exile of nearly fifty persons in 1840. Enough has already been said about this affair; and the reader is well aware that though technically an outrage in the case of certain individu als, and not very wisely managed in all respects, it was yet a legitimate measure of self-protection on the part of the Californians, approved more or less fully by the best foreign residents, and in no sense the out growth of an oppressive foreign policy, as it was rep resented in certain quarters for political effect. 'Many orders of various datea in 1839-40 requiring compliance on the part of foreigners with the lawa. No foreigner to land, remain, or travel in Cal. without the neceaaary naturalization papers, paasports, cartas de seguridad, or other legal documents. Also orders for new Usts aud registers of foreigners. Dept. St. Pap., MS., iv. 107. 128-36; xv. 1-2; Id., Ang., iv. 110; v. 6, 56; xi. 9, 118; Id., 3Iont, iv. 22; Id., S. Jose, y. 72; Id., Ben. Pref. y Ju2g.,T.i. 72; Dept Rec, MS., xi. 15, 38, 71; Sup. Govt St Pap., MS., xv. 13; xvi. 10; Sta Bdrbara, Arch., MS., 5; 8. Diego, Arch., MS., 252-66; Sta Oruz, Arch., MS., 27; 8. Jose, Arch., MS., iii 39; Edudillo, Doc, MS., U. 5-6; VaUejo, Doc Hist Mex., MS., i. 257, 265. Aug. 16, 1839, decree of Jimeno requiring deserters frora whalers to be arrested and sent back; alao forbidding the meu to remain on shore after sunset without a pasa from the juez de paz. Larkin's Doc, MS., i. 18; Hunt's Merchants' 3Iag., ui. 461-2. It ia charged by some, perhapa without much fouudation, that a aystem of ' ahanghaeing ' waa practiaed at Monterey. Captains in want of sailors would apply to Lar kin, at whose request an order would be issued to put every sailor about the place in the calabozo so that the captains could have their pick, the rest being releaaed. 1839, Gen. Vallejo to pres., min. war, and othera, urging the im portance of taking raeasures to prevent the encroachments of Americans and Jlussiana. Vallejo, Doe, MS., vii. 28; viii. 333; Id., Ord. de la Oom. Gen., 17. OLD SETTLERS. 115 In 1836, as has been shown in an earlier chapter, the foreign male population of the territory, including only men whose residence was in a sense permanent, was approximately three hundred, most of whose names are mentioned in one record or another of the half decade 1836-40, though some are only known to have been in California earlier and later. For items of information about these men during this and other periods, I refer the reader to the Pioneer Register at the end of these volumes.^ Of them as a class there is not much to be said beyond the fact that they con stituted an influential and highly respected element of the population, largely controlling the commercial industry of the country. Many were naturalized, married to Californian wives, and the possessors of lands in their adopted country; while many more counted on securing all those advantages at an early date. All were enthusiastic in their admiration of California's natural advantages and in their predic tions of her future greatness. In business they were as a rule straightforward, reliable men, and though they had lost, especially those who no longer followed the sea, something of their old activity, and were fast learning how to 'take things easy,' they were yet ^Extenaive liata of resident foreigners for the period of 1836-40 are found in the naturaUzation records. Dept St Pap., MS., xix. xx. , passim; Larkin's Accounts, MS., i.-v., passim; Larldn's Papers, MS., a collection of miscella neous commercial correspondence; Spear's Papers, MS., a similar coUection; and also iu the various county histories that have beeu recently pubUshed, aud from which I have obtained many useful itema. From the rerainiscences of raany pioneers I have also derived ranch aid. See also chap. iii. of thia vol. , for annual liata of vessels and their maatera. For 1836 I may refer to the following special lists: For Monterey district, Monterey, Padron, 1836, MS.; Vallejo, Doc, MS., Ui. 190; Id., xxxii. 14, etc For Loa Angeles dis trict, Los Angeles, Arch., MS., i. 87, 100-1, 121-4; Los Angeles, Hist, 19, 57-8; Los Angeles Express, Mar. 2, 1872, the firat including a liat of for eigners concerned in the affair of the vigilantes. For Sta Bdrbara district, Dept St Pap., MS., iv. 156-60; Pico, Papeles de Misiones, MS., 83; and for S. Diego, In the Honolulu^ 8. I. Oazette, April 6, 1839, Sutter distinctly clairas to have been an officer in the French service; he is called captain iu Consul Jones' letter; and Larkin in 1846, Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 108-9, states that be had been a captain in the Swiaa guard of Charlea X. ^'^ Alvarado, Hist Cal, MS., iv. 206, etc.; Sutter, Pers. Rem., MS., 15-16; Id., Diary; Id., Petition. July 3d, Spence to Vallejo, introducing Sutter and PREPARATIONS. 129 From San Francisco late in July, he made a visit to Vallejo at Sonoma, and thence by land, by Mcintosh's rancho and Bodega, to Rotchef at Ross. He was kindly received by both gentlemen, who politely wished him success in his enterprise. He says that Vallejo and others wished him to settle in Sonoma, Napa, or Suisun valleys, rather than go so far from civilization; but he declined, ostensibly because he wished to settle on a navigable river, but really be cause he wished to be at a convenient distance from Spanish officials and Spanish neighbors.^^ He had already decided in favor of the Sacramento Valley in consequence of information received in Oregon and at Sitka; and doubtless one of his strongest motives for this preference was a desire to be independent of the Californians. He was willing to become a Mexican citizen and to obey Mexican laws only so far as his own interests might require it. He wished to be be yond the reach of all interference with his Indian policy, his methods of obtaining laborers, his trading ventures, his trapping operations, and his relations with foreigners. He believed there was money to be made out of the Indians ; he hoped to make his estab lishment a trading-post and rendezvous for trappers; he shrewdly foresaw that even the roving vagabonds and horse-thieves of the valleys might be useful allies in possible emergencies. Back at Yerba Buena, Sutter pushed forward his preparations, making arrangements with rancheros round the bay to supply him in the near future with cattle — always on credit. He had brought on the announcing hia plan to settle on the northern frontier. Vallejo, Doc, MS., vii. 290. July 4th, Alvarado to Vallejo, highly recommending Sutter. Id., vii. 302. This would indicate that both Sutter and Alvarado are wrong in speaking of the first interview as having been postponed uutil July 5th. Ar rival at S. F. July 7th. Dept St Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., lv. 16. The vessel still retained a part of her cargo, which had proved unsalable; aud a guard waa put ou board to see that uo part of theae goods ahould be lauded before she saUed, about July 13th, for Oahu. Pinto, Doc, MS., i. 233-4. ^' Sutter's Pers. Rem., MS., 21-7. HallJ. Kelley, .His*., 69, claima that it waa hia report and earUer project that carried S. to Cal. and determined hia choice of a site. Hist. Oai., Vol. IV. 9 130 SUTTER'S FORT— VISITS AND BOOKS. Clementine, or had purchased here, a four-oared pin nace; and he chartered from Spear and Hinckley their schooners, the Lsabella and Nicolds, commanded by WiUiam H. Davis and Jack Rainsford, for his trip up the river.^* On these craft Sutter embarked with his eight or ten kanakas, his three or four white men who had come with him, and two or three others en gaged at San Francisco, besides the crews. The ves sels were also loaded with stores of provisions, ammu nition, implements, and three small cannon which had been brought from Honolulu." When all was ready ,- a farewell dinner was given to our adventurer on board a Boston ship, doubtless the Monsoon, from alongside of which vessel the little expedition set out on or about August 9th, Sutter going in advance,as he states, in the smallest boat, manned by his kanakas, and touching only at Martinez' rancho en route to Suisun Bay. Sutter has always said, and the statement has been constantly repeated, that it took him eight days from Suisun Bay to find the mouth of the Sacramento, no one at San Francisco knowing anything of that region beyond the fact that there were large rivers there. This is of course an absurd claim, even had no one at Yerba Buena known of the explorations by Kotzebue and Belcher. True, this party might have spent eight days, or eight weeks, in exploring the San Joaquin and the sloughs of that region ; but I suppose that, as Davis says, they were eight days in making the trip from San Francisco to the site of the modern Sacra- ^'In his Pers. Rem., MS., Sutter claims to have bought a schooner from Spear & Co., a yacht from Hinoklej?, and a pinnace from Capt. Wilson; and the statement that he owned the fleet has been oft repeated; but in his Diary he speaks of having chartered the Isabdla a,nd. purchased several small boats; in his Petition, that he 'chartered a schooner with some araall boats;' aud Davis, Glimpses, MS. , p. 11, givea the version iu my text. Davis was in charge of the fleet, representing Spear & Co., the owners. '¦'Letter of Sutter, July 12, 1879, to CaL Pioneera, in 8. F. Buildin. He says he got 6 larger cannon in 1841 from the captain of an American vessel, who brought them from South America expressly for him; one brass field-piece only from the Ruaaians; and a few othera, including 2 brass pieces, from other vessela at different datea. UP THE SACRAMENTO. 131 mento. ^^ They moved slowly, closely examining the banks and anchoring at night. The Indians, not ap pearing until the last day of the voyage, were friendly when promised gifts, and furnished guides, who, being ex-neophytes, could speak Spanish. The schooners anchored at or below the mouth of the branch now called Feather River, up which Sutter in his pinnace went some fifteen miles, taking it for the main stream, and then rejoined the others. Next morning, or that same afternoon according to Davis, the fleet dropped down the Sacrameato and entered the American Riv er,^* on the southern bank of which stream the cargoes were unloaded, the tents pitched, and the cannon mounted. The schooners started in the morning on their return, carrying back several of the men who had intended to remain, and were saluted at parting with nine guns, which made a sensation among Indians, animals, and birds." Sutter was now left to carve his fortunes in the wilderness, his companions being three white men whose names are not known, ten kanakas including two women, an Indian boy from Oregon, and a large bull-dog from Oahu. A site for permanent settlement was at once selected about a quarter of a mile from the landing on high ground, where two or three grass '^The date of starting is given by Davis as Aug. 9th; and that of arrival by Shuck as Aug. 15th; by Dunbar as Aug. 16th; and Sutter, Diary, Aug. 12th, Petition, Aug. 15th. Little reliance ia to be placed on the accuracy of these dates; but I accept Aug. 9th to Aug. 16th as approxiraately correct. '° The Rio de los Ainericauos is named by Alvarado in Oct. 1837 as a place frequented by trappera of revolutionary proclivitiea. VaUejo, Doc, MS., iv. 322. " Sutter's Pers. Rem., MS., 28-36; Id., Diary; Davis's Glimpses, MS., 11- 14. Sutter says the landing-place was several milea up the American, and again that it waa about a quarter of a raile from the later aite of the fort. He states that he wished to explore the Sacraraento above, but was prevented by discontent and danger of rautiny among hia meu. A writer in Hutchings' Mag., iv. 4, apeaks of the Isabella as the first sailing-vessel that made the voyage up the river — a voyage interrupted by hostile Indians! Sutter's Peti tion to Congress (39th coug. 1st sess.. Sen. Miscel. Doc, 38), is a narrative frora which mauy current sketches have beeu drawn; for which as for various other stateraents made by him the Diary was a series of memoranda; and which in some respects is more accurate thau his Personal Reminiscences, MS., though iu it he claimed to be a native of Switzerland and to have received a military education. He saya the landing-place waa where he later buUt his tannery, on the aouth bank of the American River. 132 SUTTER'S FORT— VISITS AND BOOKS. and tule houses were built by the kanakas, more or less in the Hawaiian style, on wooden frames put up by the white men. Such were the primitive struc tures of California's later capital, and they were ready for their occupants early in September. But before the v/inter rains began, Sutter tells us that he had completed an adobe building roofed with tules. It was about forty feet long, and divided into three apartments, in one of which the captain lived, while the others served as kitchen and blacksmith-shop. Meanwhile the Indians had not fg-iled to come for the promised gifts of beads and other trifles, and were duly impressed by the occasional discharge ofthe can non at a target. They soon began to bring in stolen horses for sale; and they were easily induced to make themselves useful in the manufacture of adobes or in other work. They were disposed to pilfer to some extent, and perhaps formed plans to kill the strangers and obtain their property; but if this were so, their plots were frustrated through strict vigilance, an over ruling providence, three cannon, and the teeth of the bull-dog. ^^ Before the end of 1839 the vessel, spoken of as boat, pinnace, launch, schooner, and even sloop in these years, though a new and larger boat may have been obtained after the first trip, made one or two voyages to San Francisco and back with Sutter on board, bringing several new recruits for the col ony; a drove of cattle and horses, purchased of Mar tinez on credit, arrived in October.^^ MeanwhUe the work of improvement went on; meat was plentifuUy obtained by the hunters; preparations were made for trapping operations the next season; gardens were ^^ Sutter's Petition to Congress, p. 3. In his Pers. Rem., MS., 39-40, Sut ter relates that on one occasion the dog caught the leader of a party that came to kill him in the night; but this seeras to have beeu later. I think there were no serious troublea iu 1839. "According to Sutler's Petition, p. 3, the cattle numbered SOO, horses 30, and mares 30; and 8 white men jomed the colony. In the Diary, 2, it is stated that the cattle arrived Oct. 22d, requiring 8 meu — probably the new recruits — to drive them. He seems to speak of two trips to S. P., oue taking 16 days aud the other a month. NUEVA HELVECIA. I33 planted with various seeds; and a road was cut through the woods to the embarcadero on the Sacramento. At the first I suppose, though there is no formal record and the name is not used until the next year, the new establishment was christened, in honor of Sutter's adopted country, Nueva Helvecia, or New Switzerland.^" On December 26, 1839, General Vallejo wrote to the comandante at San Jos^ : " We must not lose sight of a settlement of foreigners in the direction of the Sacramento, said to have been made with permission of the departmental government, though contrary to law and to the latest orders from Mexico. That es tablishment is very suspicious, and respira sintomas venenosos."*^ Vallejo had always urged the importance of making settlements on the northern frontier; but he fully understood the danger -to be apprehended from such a colony as that of Sutter, if independent of Mex ican control, which could not fail to become a rendez vous of the department's worst foes. Moreover, the idea of a power in the north which might rival his own was not a pleasing one, especially when that power was founded and likely to be constantly favored by his enemies at Monterey. There can be no doubt that the favor shown to Sutter at Monterey from the first by Alvarado and others, especially by Jimeno Casarin, the governor's secretary and adviser, was all the more cordial from the expectation that there might be a ri valry between the magnates of Sonoma and the Sac ramento. At any rate, the concession made to Sutter without consulting the general was an insult to Vallejo, and it is not strange that he did not feel kindly toward the new-comers. Yet there was no open quarrel, nor "" Which form of the name should properly be used here is a puzzle. Sut ter probably called it Nouvelle Helvetic — since he always affected the French, and not the German — rather than Neu-Helvetien; but he was a Mexican offi cial, and wrote tho name officially in its Spanish form, Nueva Helvecia, as did the Californians; while later, with the predominance of American settlers, it became New Helvetia. Probably it never occurred to anybody to write it aU in Latin — Nova Helvetia. " Vallejo, Doc, MS., viU. 395. 134 SUTTER'S FORT— VISITS AND BOOKS. special manifestation of ill-feeling on either side, in these earlier years, so far as the records show.^'' The annals of Nueva Helvecia in 1840 are neither extensive nor complicated. In the spring a party was sent out to search for pine timber, which was rafted down the American River from a distance of about twenty -five miles. Adobes were also prepared, and in the autumn a beginning was probably made on the fort, which will be described later, and the construc tion of which occupied about four years. Of agricul tural operations at this time we have no record, though they were doubtless conducted on a limited scale, as other industries promised larger and more speedy re turns. Sutter's growing herds were increased by the purchase of a large number of cattle from Antonio Sunol, besides horses from Joaquin Gomez and others. Some animals were obtained also from Dr Marsh and Robert Livermore. The launch, now in charge of Robert Ridley, made frequent trips to Yerba Buena and to the bay ranchos, always with requests for grain, poultry, implements, or supplies of some kind to be paid for later in beaver-skins. Sutter's creditors, of whom Martinez and Sunol were chief, as yet showed no marked signs of impatience, and prospects there fore seemed flattering. ^^ In the industry of beaver-trapping, from which Sutter expected the greatest results in the future — and with reason, since for several years it was with ^' Alvarado, however, informed the Mex. govt iu 1842 that Sutter could get uo aid from Vallejo, though he made repeated fequests for such aid. Dept Rec, MS., xiU. 9-10. ^'^lu Sutter's Diary, 2-3, .the nuraber of cattle bought of Suflol is said to have beeu 1,000. March 18th is giveu as the date of first sending out raen for timber. In liis Pers. Rem. , MS . , 48, Sutter speaks vaguely of beguining work ou the fort, implying that the adobe building was bumed in the winter of 1839-40, or probably 1840-1, since it waa seeu by a visitor in July 1840. The 8-ulter-Sunol Correspondence, I84O-6, MS. , is a collection of copiea and extracts from original lettera in the possession of the Sunol family, which originals were furnished for my use by Mr P. Etchebame of S. Joa6. The coUection contaiua three of Sutter's letters of 1840, iu one of which he credita SuSol with $295 for cattle sent through Sinclair. Vallejo, Hist Cal., MS., iv. 224, states that as early aa AprU 1840, Martinez wrote to him oomplaiuing of Sut ter'a failure to keep hia promises. FURS AND BRANDY. 135 beaver-skins, supplemented only with deer-fat and brandy, that he paid such of his debts as were paid at all — not much was accomplished this season for want of experienced hunters, suitable traps, and arti cles of traffic adapted to the needs of the free trap pers; yet an encouraging beginning was made. It was from the services of his own hunters and those of others who trapped for themselves without license that the captain expected his profits, and not from the trappers of the Hudson's Bay Company, who could not sell their furs. He accordingly, by virtue of his authority as a Mexican official, of which I shall speak presently, notified that company in the summer of 1840 that Laframboise and his band of hunters must suspend their annual visits to the Tulares.'^* Another industry introduced this year, and from which Sutter had great hopes of future profits, was the manufac ture of brandy from the wild grapes which grew in great abundance in the region of New Helvetia, and in the gathering of which the services of the Indians could be utilized. ^^ At the end of July Sutter's establishment was vis ited by Captain W. D. Phelps of the Boston ship Alert, anchored at Yerba Buena, who went up the river in his cutter, with six men, impelled not only by curiosity, but by the mistaken idea that this was "the first passage of a ship's boat on that river," and by the other belief, weU founded I think, that this was "the first time the stars and stripes waved over its waters." Phelps found a party of Sutter's Indian fishermen at work at the embarcadero, whence he went on horse back to New Helvetia, being welcomed with a salute from the cannon and a gay display of flags. He was hospitably entertained, enjoyed an elk-hunt with his ^*So said Gov. Douglas, Jou-mal, MS., 71-2, to Alvarado in Jan. 1841. No attention had been paid to Sutter's prohibition. Alvarado admitted that he had authorized Sutter to request, uot order, Laframboise to withdraw his operations farther from the aettleraenta. '^^ Letter of Oct. 7, 1840, in Sutter-Suiiol Corresp., MS., 1, inwhich he, says he wUl know in a few weeks the reault of hia atterapts. 136 SUTTER'S PORT— VISITS AND BOOKS. host, visited Sinclair's farm, spent a week in explora tions farther up the river, and then returned in three days to his ship. In his book he gives no descrip tion of the establishment as he found it."^ Soon after this visitor's departure, there arrived others on Au gust l7th from Bodega. They were Peter Lassen, William Wiggins, and several others whose names and number are not known, but who had crossed the con tinent with Sutter. They came down from Oregon on the Lausanne, and were aided by the Russians to cross the country — stealthily from fear of interference by Californians — ^to New Helvetia, where all but the two named above remained to strengthen Sutter's force.''^ Later in August Sutter went down to Monterey and obtained his papers of naturalization as a Mexican citizen, for which he had made the preliminary appli cation in July 1839. These final steps were begun on August 27th before David Spence as justice of the peace, and completed the 29th, the applicant proving by documents and by three witnesses, Estrada, Wat son, and Spence, that he was a Swiss catholic, and of good character."^ Captain Sutter was duly author- *^ Phelps" Fore and Aft, 254^9. Geo. H. Card seeras to have beeu one of the raen who accorapauied Phelps. ^' In hia Diary, Sutter says that 'the men who crossed with me the Rocky Mountains,' implying that the nuraber included all 5 of them, an-ived Aug. 17th. There were not however so many, since ou Oct. 19, 1841, Sutter writes that he is expecting overland from the Columbia ' several men who crossed the continent with me and wish to enter my service.' Sutter-Smiol Corresp., MS., 11. Wiggins, Eeminis., MS., 1-3, says there were 'some half- dozen of ua' who took passage on the Lausanne, and impliea that all accora panied hiraself and Lassen from Roaa to Sutter'a place, a jouraey of 12 days. Two raen, however, are known to have gone to Honolulu on the vessel; and as in the controversy between Vallejo and the Russians only 4 foreigners are mentioned as going inland, I suppose that not more thau 2 or 3 of Sutter's old companions arrived at this time. In a contribution to the newspapers, however, Wiggins says there' were 6 — 4 besidea hiraself and Lassen — who went inland. S. Jose Pioneer, April 6, 1878. Wiggina found Sutter living, as at the end of 1839, in the adobe house of three rooms, the fort being not yet be gun. -'^Dept St Pap., MS., v. 115-16. Sutter iu his varioua statementa has said nothing of this visit to Monterey, implying that his naturalization, etc., was effected at the time his land grant was made iu 1841. It was on this trip, doubtleaa, that he carried Lassen and Wiggina do-wn to the bay, as mentioned by the latter. A MEXICAN OFFICIAL. 137 ized by Jimeno Casarin, on September 1st, to repre sent the departmental government at Nueva Helvecia, being endowed with all the civil authority necessary for the local administration of justice, the prevention of robberies by "adventurers from the United States," the repression of hostilities by savage Indians, and the checking of the illegal trapping and fishing carried on by the 'Company of the Columbia,' for which purposes he might even resort to force of arms if necessary. In fact, he was constituted, as he soon had occasion to sign himself officially, Encargado de justicia yrepre- sentante del gobierno en las fronteras del Rio del Sacramento.^' The Indians gave some trouble this year, and Sutter was obliged on several occasions, respecting which chronological and other details are not satisfactory, to use force against them, once as he claims attacking a large body of them on the river of the Cosumnes, and killing thirty of their number.^" His Indian policy was undoubtedly a wise and successful one, its chief features being constant vigilance, prompt punishment of offences, and uniform kindness and justice, espe cially to those tribes near home. He had unusual tact for making friends of all men, irrespective of race, and he not only kept the Sacramento Indians, as a rule, on friendly terms, but succeeded by his liberality and tact in obtaining from them a large amount of useful ser vice. He strengthened his position by aiding his Indians against their foes. In September, soon after his return from Monterey, he had an opportunity to advance his own interests in this way. Acacio and fifteen other Indians came with a pass from Mission ^ Dept Rec, MS., xi. 20; xvu. 86; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxui. 129. ^"Sutter's Diary, 2-3; Id., Petition, 3; Id., Pers. Rem., MS., 40-1. Four or five distinct cases of plots or hostilities seem to be alluded to this year, Vallejo, Hift. Cal, MS., iv. 224-5, clairas to have discovered in April a plan to attack New Helvetia, aud to have prevented it by arresting the chief, Alarico, and keeping his two sona as hoatagea. This author. Id., 37^6, rep reaents Sutter's eatabliahraent as haviug been in territory of the Ocheoames, whose chief, Narciso, had forraerly been a neophyte, and who favored the strangers. Sutter also names Narciso aud the Oohocumnes. 138 SUTTER'S FORT— VISITS AND BOOKS. San Josd to visit relatives among the Ochecames or Ochocumnes. They were permitted by Sutter to purchase coritas and plumeros, and also to obtain women peaceably with the consent of all concerned. They however attacked a rancheria of the Yalesumnes, many of whom, under Pulpuld, were working at New Helvetia, and killing seven of the men, stole all the women and children. Sutter was blamed at first, and accused of treachery, but he at once joined Pulpuld, freed the captives as they were being dragged on board rafts on the river, and killed one who refused to give up his captives. Seven ofthe Cosumnes engaged in this affair and three Christians were subsequently shot in the presence of all the Indians; and such others of the San Jose neophytes as were caught were delivered to the authorities.^^ Sutter doubtless became somewhat less careful in his treatment of the natives as he became stronger. From the first he was in the habit of seizing Indian children, who were re tained as servants, or slaves, at his own establishment, or sent to his friends in different parts of the country. But he always took care to capture for this purpose only children from distant or hostile tribes, and he generally treated his own servants with kindness. Sutter had probably a force of nearly twenty white men at New Helvetia by the end of 1840; but I am able to name but few. Robert Ridley, as we have seen, was in charge of the boat which made reg ular trips down and up the river; William Daylor was here in 1840; and it is likely enough that half a dozen or more of Sutter's men, recruited at Yerba Buena and other places in California, have been named in my annual lists. William Burns seems to have been one of the original two or three who came 3' Sept. 20, 1840, Sutter'a report to Capt. J. J. VaUejo at Sau 3os6, in Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiii. 129. In his Pers. Rem., MS., 44^6, Sutter saya the Indians aurreudered at a lake about thUty milea aouth of the fort, and that 14 were put to death. Vallejo, Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 166-8, relatea that in consequence of this outrage by the S. Jos6 Indians, a force of Californians was sent several timea to the valley, rescued mauy captives, and took about 80 prisoners. BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTES. 139 with Sutter from Honolulu; but who were his com panions, who were the two or three that came with Lassen on the Lausanne, who were gathered iri from the vagabond trappers of the vaUeys, or who, besides Nicholas AUgeier and Sebastian Keyser, had come overland from Oregon, we have no means of knowing. Some of the names to be given at their first appear ance on the records in later annual lists should doubt less be accredited to these years, but which ones it is impossible to say. Meanwhile, however, John Sin clair had come from the Hawaiian Islands, and was found by Phelps in July 1840 living on a farm across the American River, and a few miles north of Sutter's place. I may add that at the time of Graham's arrest and the general excitement about foreign plots no effort seems to have been made to interfere in any manner with those living at New Helvetia. I have constantly cited in foot-notes the authorities on each point presented for this as for earlier peri ods, thus forming a complete bibliographical record. Nine tenths of the authorities cited have been origi nal records in public or private archives; but many of the rest, being the writings of foreigners, pertain somewhat to my present topic. Of these, however, only a few require notice here as belonging almost exclusively to this period of 1836-40, and affording an opportunity to describe more fuUy than has been done the visits or voyages that brought them into ex istence. And in this connection special mention should be made of Niles' National Register of Balti more, and to the Sandwich Island Gazette and Poli/- nesian, two papers published at Honolulu. The files of these publications I have found to be of the great est service, not only for the maritime records so fully given in the Hawaiian journals, but as reflecting the spirit of the American and European press on mat ters affecting early California annals. Richard IT. Dana, Jr., did not leave the coast until 140 SUTTEB'S FORT— VISITS AND BOOKS. 1836, but his most fascinating narrative of Tioo Years hefore the Mast has already been noticed under the year of the author's arrival. The book was, how ever, published for the first time in the last year of this period. ^^ The only other visit of 1836 resulting in a book was that of the U. S. ship of war Peacock, Kennedy commanding, 600 tons, 22 guns. The Pea- coch left New York in June 1835, her primary busi ness being to convey an embassy for the ratification of certain treaties in Muscat and Siam. Her course was to Rio Janeiro, round the Cape Good Hope; up the eastern coast of Africa, to Muscat, Hindoostan, Ceylon, Java, and Siam; to the Chinese coast; to the Bonin and Sandwich Islands; thence to Califor nia, the Mexican and South American coasts; and round Cape Horn, arriving at Norfolk in October 1837. Dr W. S. W. Ruschenberger was surgeon to the expedition, and wrote the narrative, only a small portion of which pertains to California.^^ Commodore Kennedy being at the Islands in Sep tember 1836, received from the merchants of Hon olulu a memorial in which he was urged to visit the coast of California and Mexico, on the ground "that many serious outrages and unjust acts have been com mitted by the governmental authorities of those coun tries upon American vessels and seamen, and great losses and damages sustained in consequence." More over, "we believe that no vessel of the. U. S. has for many years visited Upper California; and we have con fidence that were a naval force to appear on that coast, it would render valuable service to our citizens resid ing in those countries, would afford needed succor and protection to American vessels employed there, and be attended with results peculiarly advantageous to the general interests of our national commerce."^* '^ Notice of Dana's Two Years before the Mast, in chap, xiv., vol. iU. of this work. '' Ruschenberger's Narrative of u, Voyage round the Worlcl during the YearK 1835-37;. ..'London, 1838, Svo, 2 vol., with iUustrations The mat ter on California is on pp. 380-4; and chap, xxi.-ii. p. 402-26. ''The seizure of the Loriot at S. Fraucisco in 1833 was oue of the out- VISIT OP THE 'PEACOCK.' 141 In accordance with this request, the Peacoch was di rected across the Pacific aud anchored at Monterey the 24th of October. The visit was not eventful, nor is much known of it in detail, no notice of the arrival even appearing in the archives. The author found Governor Gutierrez and his forces "nightly on guard, expecting an attack from some disaffected rancheros and Indians." He visited the deserted mission at Carmelo ; was visited by some trappers, who recounted their inland exploits, expressed proper amazement at all on shipboard, and exhibited their marksmanship; and met the old veteran, Captain WiUiam Smith. Then after six days, "the commodore having done all that was necessary in relation to the subjects of com plaints under the existing circumstances," he got under way for Mazatlan on the 30th, just in time to avoid the revolution—of which, and the part to be taken in it by foreigners, the commander knew noth ing, perhaps — but not until he had received from American residents and supercargoes a letter of thanks for his kind interference, and the 'highly salutary' influence of his visit. ^^ There is no record of his investigation of abuses, if he made any. Ruschenberger gives a slight description of the town and bay of Monterey. He notes some facts respecting the commercial interests of the country; records his observations briefly on several Californian institutions; speaks of the ruinous condition of San rages complained of; and another vessel belonging to John C. Jones was be Ueved to be at present detained unlawfully. The signers of the meraorial, many of whom were knowu in Cal., aud all engaged more or less in the Cal. trade, were as followa: Peirce & Brewer, Jos Moore, Wra Paty, Ladd & Co., Sherraan Peck, Hinckley & Sraith, A. H. Fayorweather, Thoa Cummins, Henry P. Stevens, EUab Grimes & Co., Thoa Meek, Henry Paty & Co., J. Peabody, Eli Southworth, Jos Navarro, D. Oweu, Sam. P. Shaw, A. C. Davis, John Paty, Sam. A. Cushing, Wm French, J. R. Thoraas, J. Ebbetta, Steph. D. McIntosh, Wra H. Pearce, ComeUus Hoyer, Nelson HaU, Chaa Titcomb, Wm C. Little. , , ,,, , „ ^ . , '5 The letter, dated Oct. 28th, waa signed by Nathan Spear, P. D. Ather ton John Meek, Thos A. Norton, Thoa O. Larkin, Josiah Thompson, Wm S. Hinckley, Wm M. Warren, A. G. Tomlinaon, Johu H. Everett, Ed H. Faucon, Joa Carte'r and Wm Fronch. It was addreaaed to 'Cora. Edraund P. Ken nedy, commanding East India Station, U. S. ahip Peacock.' 142 SUTTER'S FORT— VISITS AND BOOKS. Cdrlos; illustrates by an anecdote the methods of administering justice; gives much attention, compar atively, to the trappers ; and finally adds a short his torical chapter, the matter of which was drawn from Venegas, and pertains almost exclusively to Baja Cal ifornia. Except as a record of the visit, this book is of no special importance in its relation to California, though well written, and of real value in its informa tion on other parts of the world. Thomas Nuttall, an English botanist, who had crossed the continent to the Columbia River in 1834, came to California apparently early in 1836, on a ves sel from the Hawaiian Islands. Dana records his trip down the coast to San Diego in April, on the Pilgrim, and his saiUng on the Alert for Boston in May. "That during this limited period Mr Nuttall should have accomplished so much for California bot any speaks volumes to his credit," says a recent writer; but what he accomplished, and how and when it was made known, are matters that have escaped my re- search.^^ Ferdinand Deppe, a German naturalist and supercargo, visited California on the Rasselas, in Octo ber of this year, on his way to Honolulu ; but I have no record of his scientific labors here. Captain Sir Edward Belcher, R. N., in command of H. M. S. Sulphur, with the Starling under Lieu tenant Kellett, visited California in 1837 and again in 1839. Captain Beechey had left England at the end of 1835 in command of the expedition; but on account of his illness Belcher came out to succeed him, and took command at Panama in February 1837. The route was up the coast to San Bias, to the Hawaiian Islands, to the north-west coast of America, to California, to the Mexican and Central American coasts, to Callao and back to Panamd in October 1838. The second cruise was for the most part a ^^ Parry's Early Bot Expl, 414; Dana's Two Years, 335-7; Townsend's Narr., 233. BELCHER ON THE COAST. 143 repetition of the first until the navigator left Maza tlan in January 1840 for the South Sea Islands and Singapore ; thence to China, where most of the year 1841 was passed; and homeward to England round Cape Good Hope, arriving in August 1842. Belcher himself was the historian of the voyages, and the surgeon, R. B. Hinds, added an appendix. According to the published instructions to Beechey and Belcher, the main object of the expedition was the completion of a hydrographic survey of the western coasts and islands of America; and it is in its information on this and cognate topics that the value of the narrative chiefly consists; though general and miscellaneous observations on the regions visited are by no means neglected.^'' Coming from Nootka, the Sulphur anchored at Yerba Buena kbout midnight on October 19, 1837, leaving the Starling outside the heads to enter next day.^* Belcher had visited San Francisco before in 1827, and both here and at Santa Clara, where he went in a vain search for supplies, as later at Monte rey and elsewhere, he noted the striking evidences of deterioration and decay. Nowhere did he find any encouraging feature. "Another fate attends this coun try. Their hour is fast approaching. Harassed on all sides by Indians, pestered by a set of renegade de serters from whalers and merchant ships who start by dozens and will eventually form themselves into a bandit gang and domineer over them; unable from ^''Belcher, Narrative of a Voyage round the World, performed in Her Majesty's Ship 'Sulphur,' during the years I8S6-I84S. . .by Captain Sir Ed ward Belcher, R. N., C. B., F. R. A. 8., etc.. Commander of the Expedition. London, 1843. Svo, 2 vol. Illust. aud maps. The portiona relating to Cali fomia are in vol. i., 'hydrographic instructions,' p. xviU., and text, pp. 114-37, 312-28; and vol. U. Appendix, 'Hinds's The Regions of Vegetation,' Califor nia Region, p. .345-8. No illustrations or raap for Califomia. Scientific pubUcations resulting from thia expedition were: Hinds's Botany ofthe Voyage of H. M. S. Sidphur ... Botanical Descriptions, by Oeorge Bentham, Esq. London, 1844. ito; a,nd. Hinds's Zoology of the Voyage. . .'London, IMi. 4to. 2 vol. , with plates. MammaUa, by J. E. Gray; Birds, by J. Gould; Fish, by J. Richardaon; Molluaca, by R. B. Hiuda. '* The arrival ia alao raentioned by Capt. Richardsou in a letter to Vallejo. VaOejo, Doc, MS., iv. 328. 144 SUTTER'S PORT— VISITS AND BOOKS. want of spirit to protect themselves, they will soon dwindle into insignificance." "The missions, the only respectable establishments in this country, are anni hilated; they have been virtually plundered by all parties." "They sadly want the interposition of some powerful friend to rescue them. To Great Britain their hopes are directed; why, I cannot learn, but I am much inclined to think that it is rather from a pusillanimous fear and want of energy to stand by each other and expel their common enemies than from any friendly feeUng to Great Britain. Besides this, they look with some apprehension upon a power daily increasing, an organized independent band of de serters from American and English whalers. These men, headed by one or two noted daring characters now amongst them, will, whenever it suits their purpose, dictate their own terms and set all law at defiance" — a prophecy of the troubles with Graham and his band in 1840. Belcher's own crew contributed some half dozen men to this army of deserters, aad besides, he found it difficult to obtain needed supplies. The main object in entering San Francisco Bay was to complete the survey begun by Beechey by making explorations beyond the strait of Carquines and up the great rivers to the head of navigation. They started October 24th with the Starling — which, however, was left about 36 miles beyond the strait — pinnace, two cutters, and two gigs. He did not find the Jesus Maria and San Joaquin — the former be cause there was no such stream distinct from the Sac ramento, and the latter because its mouth and course were much farther south than he had been led to sup pose, as indeed he finally concluded, though pronounc ing it "certainly not navigable nor entitled to be named as a river in conjunction with its majestic neigh bor." As they advanced up the Sacramento the Ind ians became more and more shy, until at last it was found impossible to communicate with them. The highest point, reached on the 30th, and deemed the SURVEY OF THE SACRAMENTO. 145 head of navigation about one hundred and fifty miles by the windings of the stream, was at a branch beyond which there was not water enough in either channel for the lightest boats, located in 38° 46' 47" and named Point Victoria, or Elk Station. This location is alto gether unintelligible to me. Much desqriptive mat ter is given about the soil and vegetation of the banks, as well as ofthe animals and natives of the Oneshanate tribe. The broad plain was said to be bounded in the east by the Sierra Nevada, and on the west by the Bolbones and Diablo mountains. The trigono metrical survey was completed down the river and connected with that of Beechey, the task not being completed, with hard and constant work, until Novem ber 24th, a full month in all. No chart of the sur vey is given, though a copy was promised to General VaUejo.^^ At the end of November the vessels sailed, and anchored December 2d at Monterey, which town Belcher found "as much increased as San Francisco had fallen into ruin. It was still, however, very mis erable, and wanting in the military air of 1827." Nothing was done here, so far as is shown by the narrative; and on the 6th the Sulphur sailed for San Bias, as the Starling had done some days before. Coming again from the north. Captain Belcher ar rived on September 20, 1839, with his two vessels at Bodega, but at once made a trip of 48 hours to San Francisco and back, in the Sulphur.^ A description of the Russian establishment is given, though the commander was so busy in surveying the port that '"Nov. 30, 1837, autograph letter of Belcher to VaUejo, in which he- ex presses regret at not meeting hira; promises a copy of his chart — which he would leave now but for the fact that it is so confused as to be of uo use-^ aud coraplaina of the deaertion of hia raen. Vallejo, Doe, MS., iv. 35.5. Dec. 26thi, VaUejo issues orders for the capture of the deserters. Id. , iv. 366. ^'Sept. 21, 1839, Belcher to Vallejo — iu Spanish aud not autograph^urg-- iug hira to capture and retum the 11 deserters of the forraer visit. Vallejo, Doc, MS., viii. 164. He aays nothing of the chart of the Sacramento. An order waa promptly issued for the capture of the deserters. Id.., vUi. 185; S. Diego, Arch., MS., 206. The reault doea not appear; but it is; probable that,. aome of Belcher's men were among the exUes of the uext year.. Hist. Cai.., Vol. IV. 10 146 SUTTEB'S PORT— VISITS AND BOOKS. he had no time to visit Ross in person. The survey completed, the vessels proceeded to San Prancisco for supplies and the completion of certain observations, touching for one day only at Monterey, the Sth of October. Thence the expedition moved down the coast, touching at Santa Bdrbara the 9th; at San Pedro the 11th; at San Juan the 13th. One of the vessels visiting Santa Catalina Island, they arrived at San Diego on the 17th, and five days later sailed for the southern coasts. In connection with this cruise down the Californian coast, some local descriptive matter is given in the narrative, which for both visits contains occasional references to the unfortunate condition of the country and the ruin of the missions. Hinds in his appendix on the 'regions of vegetation' gives three pages only of general remarks on the extent, physical character, climate, and flora of the Californian region — including the country between the Columbia and the Colorado. In the absence of charts to show the details of the hydrographic survey. Belcher's book cannot be said to have much value so far as California is concerned. William A. Slacum was commissioned by the U. S. government to obtain information about the Pacific coast, particularly Oregon. He came down from the Columbia in the spring of 1837 on the Loriot, with Young and Edwards' party of cattle-buyers, a party which he aided in fitting out. We have no details of ;his experience in California from February 19th, when he .arrived at Ross, to March 2d, the date of his leav ing Monterey for San Bias ; but in his report to the secretary of state, dated March 26th, he gave an ac count of Young's enterprise, and a good description of the Russian establishment, at the same time promis ing another report on California, which I have not seen.*^ This report was published in 1839, and with "¦Slacum's Report, i837, iu U. S. Govt Doc, 25th cong. 3d aeaa., Houae Rep., no. 101, p. 29^6. Slacum notes a material change in the climate of the coast. Fprmerly from May to Oct. the prevailing winds had been from N. w. to w., and in. Nov. to Apr. from s. w. to S. s. w.; but for three PETIT-THOUARS' VISIT. 147 it another by Hall J. Kelley, whose visit, already de scribed, had been in 1834. This writer devotes half a dozen pages to a "brief geographical account of the northern portion of High California," not very inac curate, considering Kelley's limited opportunities of observation.*'^ The voyage of the French frigate Venus, command ed by Captain Abel du Petit-Thouars, who was also the historian of the expedition, lasted from December 1836 to June 1839. The route was from Brest to Brazil, round Cape Horn, to Callao, to Honolulu, to Kaiuchatka, to California, down the coast to San Bias and Valparaiso, to the South Sea Islands, and home by Cape Good Hope, meeting Belcher's expedition at several points. The primary object was to investigate the whale-fisheries of the North Pacific, with a view years past (since 1834) the winds had beeu exactly reversed, making the win- tera much colder. Therraometer at Rosa, Oct. 1836, 43' to 66°; Nov. , 38° to 72°; Dec, 36° to 62°; Jan. 1837, 38° to 58°; Feb., 43° to 56°. Feb. 12, 1837, Va Uejo to Alvarado. Ia informed that a U. S. coraraissioner is expected on the Loriot to survey the coast. Vallejo, Doc, MS., iv. 75. *'' Kelley's Memoir on Oregon and High California, dated Jan. 31, 1839, and pubUshed in the same document as Slaoum'a report, p. 47-61. Kelley apeaka of CaUfomia, ' because it has been and may be again made the subject of con ference and negotiation between Mexico aud the U. S. ; aud because its future addition to our western poaaessiona is most unquestionably a matter to be de aired.' 'There ia one continuous line of prairie extending from the gulf of Cal. to the 39th paraUel, aometiraea 100 miles wide aud seldom less thau 10, opening to the ocean only at the bay of San Francisco ' — very fertile, but prob ably not fitted for profitable cultivation ou account of alkali and asphaltum. 'The coast is always healthy; but during the heat of summer the prairies of the interior are pestilential, and diseases abound. ' The ouly harbors -visited and described are Sta Cruz aud S. F. — the latter the best harbor iu N. W. America, except one in the atrait of Fuca. Of the S. Joaquin: 'This tranquU river must eventually become productive of vast benefit to Califomia, not merely aa a con venient and ready inlet for commercial purposes, but as agreat outlet through which ahall be drained those superfluous waters by which so rauch of the prairie is converted iuto a marah and rendered fruitful only of disease and death. It is indeed a vaat canal, conatructed by au almighty architect, and destined, I doubt uot, iu future ages to transport the countless products of a mighty empire.' The 'Sacrament' is also described as 'navi gable for vessels of small burden to its first fork, about 80 mUes from ita mouth.' 'When I remember the exuberant fertility, the exhauatleas natural wealth, the abundant streams and admirable harbors, and the advantageous shape and positiou of High Califomia, I cannot but believe that at uo very dia- tant day a swarming multitude of human beings wiU again people the soUtude, aud that the monuraents of civiUzation wUl throng along thoae streama aud' cover thoae fertUe vales.' 148 SUTTEB'S FORT— VISITS AND BOOKS. to the further development of that industry and the protection of French interests. The presence of a national vessel on the western coasts of America was expected to have a good moral effect by inspiring re spect for the French flag; and the commander was instructed not only to encourage and protect the com mercial interests of his country, but also to acquire all possible information respecting the actual condition of the various countries visited. The members of the scientific corps were to seize every opportunity fof making observations on hydrcjgraphic and other spe cial matters. The voyage was prosperous in most re spects, and the results were published in 1840.*^ The Venus, coming from the far north with a force of over three hundred men, anchored at Monterey October 18, 1837.** Many of the men were sick with scurvy, but through the kindness of David Spence a vacant house on shore was furnished for a hospital as well as observatory, and all were cured but one man, who was buried with military honors at San Cdrlos. The frigate saluted the fort and was saluted in turn with an equal number of guns. Governor Alvarado received the navigators with his usual hearty polite ness, sending on board some baskets of grapes, and granting every facility for making observations and obtaining needed supplies. A grand ball was given to the strangers during their stay, which affair, with a visit to the mission of San Cdrlos, to which the *^ Pdit-Thouars, Voyage a-utour du monde sur laf regale La Venus, pendant les annees 1836-1839. Publie par ordre du roi, sous les auspices du Ministre de la 3Iarine, par Abel du Petit- Thouars, capitaine de vaisseau, Commandeur de la Legion-d'Hon-neur. Paria, 1840-4. Svo, 5 vol. map. The author in his pref ace speaks of charta of all -the ports iu which the Venus anchored, and also of an Album Pittorresque iu foUo of drawings accompanying the narrative; but I have not seen cither. The portiona relating to Cal. are as follows: tom. ii. p. 77-144, narrative of -visit aud historical account; tom. iii. p. 328- 31, condensed narrative in a report preaented on the retum to France; 345- 92, occasional slight mentions in a report on the whale-fishery; also in sheets at end of vohime, accounts of supplies fumished, etc.; tora. iv. p. 1-33, Cal. docuraents in A'^oies e* Pieces Justijieatives ; tom. v. p. 177-85, 430-1, scien tific notes, with some memoranda ou events of the visit, in Journal des Ob servations DetachCes. *'' I have found in the archives nothing about tho presence of this vessel. NARRATIVE BY PETIT-THOUARS. 149 Frenchman was prompted by the narrative of La Perouse, are the only events of the visit recorded, except such as were connected with the making of scientific observations and the obtaining of supplies. This latter was attended with some difficulty. No tice of the arrival had been sent in advance from Honolulu, and it was hoped to find provisions pre pared for sale. But such was not the case. Flour was scarce, and the ship's bakers, establishing them selves on shore, had to work day and night to provide a supply of biscuits. The sum paid for provisions, including twenty-two beeves, was about $8,000.*^ Captain Hinckley's vessel, the Kamamalu, was char tered to go to San Francisco for provisions and water. The trip took from October 20th to November 2d; and M. M. Chiron, Tessan, and Mesnard took advan tage of it to complete their scientific survey of San Francisco. The FeWs finally left Monterey the 14th of November. Petit-Thouars' work is a much more valuable one, so far as California is concerned, than that of Bel cher. In addition to the brief narrative of the visit itself, to scientific observations of different kinds not particularly important in this part of the voyage, and to very complete descriptive matter on the only part of the country visited, the French navigator gives an excellent sketch of Californian history for the ten years preceding his visit, especially of the revolu tionary troubles then in progress, and of the actual condition of the country, its people, and its institu tions. Naturally the author fell into some errors. But from no other single work, I think, could so com plete and accurate an idea of the subject be obtained. He was'the first of visitors to collect original docu ments, ten of which, relating to the revolution, and « Vallejo, Hiat Oal, MS., iU. 314-16, atates that Petit-Thouara on be ing BoUcited by some of the officers who without Alvarado's knowledge wished to purchase powder in exchange for beeves, refused to sell, but landed the powder, about 500 lbs, in the night aa a gift, being wilUng to favor secretly the cauae of the CaUfomians. 150 SUTTER'S FORT— VISITS AND BOOKS. for the most part unknown to other writers, are pre sented, with translations. True, later writers have, not utilized these documents, and they are of little jise to me, as I have the originals; yet this in nowise detracts from the credit due M. Petit-Thouars. His map of the world, so far as it shows California, is of no importance here. It shows only the coast on a small scale, and in the broad interior the four great rivers Columbia, Colorado, Rio Grande, and Arkan- Bonnbvillb's Map, 1837. sas rising in the same region. But I copy here a re duction of Bonneville's map of 1837, the accuracies and inaccuracies of which need no remark.** In 1838 there is neither foreign visit nor book to be noted here; but 1839 gave to the world a most excellent rdsumd of Californian history, written by 46 Warren's Mem., 34, pi. iv. , FORBES' WORK ON CALIFORNIA. 151 Alexander Forbes and edited by John Forbes, a brother of the author residing in London.*' The author was an English merchant, long a resident of Tepic. He had never visited California, so far as I know, but he was brought constantly, in contact with intelligent men who were familiar with the countrjr, being also in correspondence with prominent Califor nians, notably with Jos^ Bandini, from whom in the form of letters he derived much of the information published in his book.*^ The manuscript was com pleted and sent to England in October 1835; but the publication being delayed, additional material was supplied by the author and others, bringing the nar rative in a sense down to 1838. I have given the title and contents in full in a note. Of course in so small a volume nothing but the merest outline of his tory could be given, as drawn from Venegas and Palou for the earlier times, with only here and there a salient point of later annals. It was not in any sense as a history of the past that the book has value, but rather as a presentation by an inteUigent " Forbes, California: A History of Upper and Lower Califo-miafrom their .irst discovery to the present time, comprising an account of the climate, soil, natural productions, agriculture, commerce, etc. A full -view of the missionary estcd>lishments and condition of the free and domesticated Indians, With an appendix relating to steam navigation in the Pacific. Illustrated with a new map, plans of the harbors, and numerous engravings. By Alexander Forbes, Esq, London, 1839, Svo, xvi. 352, pi. and map. Part i. 1-75, relatea to Baja CaUfomia exclusively. Of part ii. , chap. i. , 79-130, contains a r6sum6 of the early hiatory of Alta CaUfornia down to 1784; chap, ii., 131-53, pre sents very briefly indeed the ' Recent history of Upper California, preaeut poUtical condition and proapecta,' down to 1838; chap. Ui., 154-79, on topog raphy and natural productions; chap, iv., 180-98, on the Indians; chap, v., 199-245, ou the misaiona; chap, vi., 246-80, ou agriculture and live-atock; chap, vii., 281-308, on comraerce and na-vigation; chap, -viii., 309-^25, on Cal ifornia aa a field for foreign colonization. Appendix, i. Reraarks ou the har bora of Califomia. . .by Capt. John Hall (from a viait iu 1822); ii. Letter to the editor on ateam navigation in the Pacific; iii. Varioua extracta on the same aubject. Illustrations, chiefly by Capt. Wm Smyth: portrait of Padre Peyri, a native Indian, view of Monterey Bay, S. F. Harbor, Sta BArbara, Indian bath, S. Cdrloa Mission, presidio aud pueblo of Monterey, S. F. Mis sion, Throwing the lasso aud S. 3os6 Mission, Map of California with plana of the harbors of Bodega, S. P., Monterey, Sta BArbara, S. Pedro, and S. Diego, the maps by Johu Hall, except that of S. F. copied from Beechey. *8 See Bandini, Carta histdrica y descriptiva de Cal, 1838, MS. Thia ia a long letter directed to Barron, Forbes' partner, aud waa doubtless obtained end used for Forbes' book. 152 SUTTER'S FORT— VISITS AND BOOKS. man of business of the country's actual condition, capabilities, institutions, and prospects. Forbes' book was not only the first ever published in English relating exclusively to California, and more than any other the means of making known to English read ers the country's advantages, but it has always main tained its reputation of being one of the best extant on the subject. I reproduce a portion of Forbes' map. Forbes' Map, 1839. In 1839, also, another French voyager visited Cali fornia. This was Captain Cyrille Pierre Theodore Laplace, commanding the frigate Artemise, of 50 guns and 450 men. Her voyage round the world was in 1837-40; her mission substantially the same as that of the Venus; and her route was round Cape Good Hope, to the Sandwich Islands, to California, and home by Cape Horn. The narrative of the expedi- VISIT AND BOOK OF LAPLACE. 153 tion was written by the commander, and though tho first volume was published in 1841, the last, containing the part in which we are interested, did not appear untu 1854.*^ Coming from Honolulu, Laplace anchored at Bo dega on August 11, 1839, soon proceeding to Ross, where he was entertained by Rotchef for some nine days, being shown all there was to be seen in that re gion, and regaled with many details respecting the operations and prospects of the Russian American Company. On the 20th he sailed for San Francisco, where he arrived next day, and remained probably four days."" Here he anchored near the fort, and spent his short stay apparently in waiting to get away. He visited the presidio and Yerba Buena, and at various points on the peninsula mused at some length on the surrounding desolation. There was no genial comandante with a family of beautiful daugh ters to entertain him, as they had some French navi gator of earlier times ; and San Francisco had nb charm for him — nothing but fogs, fleas, winds, and sterility. Some provisions were with difficulty obtained. The visitors would not pay the price demanded for horses on which to visit the surrounding regions; they could not wait to see a bull-fight; and after gleaning some information from conversation with an English cap tain, probably Richardson, Laplace sailed for Mon terey. " Laplace, Campagne de Circumna-vigation de lafregate I' Artemise pendant les annies 1837, 1838, 1839, et 1840, sous le commandement de M. Laplace, capi taine de vaisseau. . .Paria, 1841-54. Svo, 6 vol. The portion relating to Cal. is in vol. vi., aud is divided aa foUowa: p. 41-178, stay at Bodega and Roaa, with descriptive raatter aud very loug digressions upon mattera in the far north; p. 180-230, general hiatory and conditiou of Califomia; p. 234-70, stay at S. P.; p. 272-84, at Sta Cruz; and p. 285-305, at Monterey. 5° Aug. 21, 1839, French frigate Armidice arrived frora Ilosa; -will sail for Monterey iu 4 days. Vallejo, Doc, MS., viu. 50. Aug. 23d, Guerrero to prefect. "The Artemisia arrived on the 21st. Would uot go to Yerba Buena, but anchored uear the fort (?). Asked if auy Frenchmeu had complaints to raake; had just come from giviug the proteatauta a leaaou at the Islands, and had recovered $20,000 for outragea to French missionariea. Guerrero haa taken the precaution to placeaguard in the fort. Dept. St Pap., 3Iont., MS., iv. 107. Laplace, clearly by a typographical error, says he was ready to saU Aug. 2bth, but was prevented by fogs, etc., until two days later. 154 SUTTER'S FORT— VISITS AND BOOKS. At Stai Cruz, where the Art&mise anchored for an afternoon and night,®^ all looked well from a distance. Here surely the Frenchman would receive the deli cate and hospitable attentions of which a perusal of La Pdrouse's journal had caused him to dream; but the illusion vanished on nearer approach when "un spectacle de misfere et d'abandon s'offrit h, mes re gards." Not only was there no welcome nor enter tainment nor offer of gratuitous supplies, but the farm ers of the region demanded prices so exorbitant for their provisions that no purchase was effected. True, one pretty ranchera redeemed the reputation of Santa Cruz, and made herself a general favorite by offering to sell all kinds of produce at low rates ; but this jolie fermiere disappeared at sight of the ferocious priest, and failed to deliver her supplies at the shore as had been promised. It was perhaps the 27th of August that the frigate anchored at Monterey, where she remained a week. Here, although there was some difficulty in obtaining provisions, Laplace was pleased with all he saw. En thusiastic over the natural beauties of the site, he also found artificial improvements, the existence of which had never been suspected by previous visitors. The ladies of the capital, moreover, were charming. All the best people were entertained over and over again on board the Artemise; and the officers were always welcome at the best houses on shore. The men re gained their health in rides and walks over a charming country; while the commander wandered about the town studying the peculiarities of the people and hold ing long conversations with 'un gentleman ^cossais,' David Spence, of course, who was the source for the most part ofall the Frenchman's information on Califor nian history and condition. Spence's theory respecting the means by which the country might hope to escape the fate of American invasion was, that the governor ^^ Aug. 1839, Bolcof to prefect. Announces the arrival. Monterey, Arch., MS., ix. 17. A FRENCHMAN'S OBSERVATIONS. 155 should follow more implicitly the counsel and depend more on the support of respectable foreign residents, as there was no other way to protect himself and Cal ifornia against Mexican imbeciles and American ad venturers. Alvarado was absent when Laplace arrived, but came to town the next day with a most cordial greeting, notwithstanding the current troubles between Mexico and France — troubles which Laplace chose to ignore during his visit. The same night Alvarado became dangerously ill, and his life is said to have been saved by the ship's surgeon. A strong recipro cal admiration was developed between the navigator and the governor, and neither in his narrative has anything but praise and compliments for the other. ^^ The expedition embarked September Sth, but could not leave the bay till five days later, not touching elsewhere in California. Laplace -was a man of much ' ability in a literary way, some of his descriptions being very fine ; and he was also an inteUigent observer. The value, however, of his published work, so far as it affects California, is seriously impaired by his habit of drifting constantly into the by-ways of long and fanciful speculations; and also by the fact that it was published after the dis covery of gold, so that the author's impressions and predictions of 1839 are inextricably blended with the knowledge of later years. His general view of the country's condition is accurate enough; and should any student ever have the leisure time to classify and condense his diffuse material, the result would probably be a sketch similar in many respects, though less com plete, to that of his predecessor Petit-Thouars. =2 Alvarado, Hist Cal, MS., Ui. 200-2; iv. 172-81, tells us that whUe on his way to Sta Clara to be married — the raarriage was by proxy ou Aug. 24th — he got a note from Jimeno that Laplace wished to see him ou iraportant mat ters, and hastened to Monterey. He received a sword from the Frenchman at Jjarting. He declares that they had aeveral private interviewa, at which Laplace warned him of hoatile intentions on the part of the United Statea, assuring hira also that France, while' not at liberty to take the initiative, would favorably receive a proposition for a protectorate. 156 SUTTER'S PORT— VISITS AND BOOKS. In 1840 the visits of the French frigate Danaide, and that of the U. S. vessel St Louis on special ser vice, gave origin to no published narratives. W. D. Phelps, who came to the coast this year in command of the Boston ship Alert, published thirty-six years later a journal of his numerous voyages -to different parts ofthe world, including this and later ones to Cal ifornia. The book is not only well written and fasci nating, a good specimen of an excellent class of publi cations, but it gives information of some value on several historical points. Such points, however, have been or will be treated in the proper place, so that here the book calls for no further notice.^^ The only other visitor of this last year of the period whose book I have to mention was Thomas J. Farn ham, an enterprising American who crossed the plains to Oregon in 1839, visited the Hawaiian Islands and California in 1840, and returned to the United States through Mexico the same year, coming back westward in time to die at San Francisco in 1848. He wrote a book on each of the three subdivisions of his journey; and the volumes were often republished in various forms and admixtures.^* He came from Honolulu on the Don Quixote, arriving at Monterey April 18th, sailing ten days later, and touching at Santa Bdrbara from April 30th to May Sth. During his brief stay he was largely occupied with matters pertaining to the imprisoned foreigners, as elsewhere related; so far as his personal observations are concerned, his book contains but little on any other subject. It is a read able work, the writer having an attractive way of ex pressing his ideas. That is about all that can be said ^ Phelps, Fore and Aft; or Leaves from the life of an old sailor. By Webfoot IVith illustrations by HammattBilli-ngs. Boston, 1871. 12mo, 359p. The parts relating to Cal. are p. 236-76, on voyage of 1840-2, being chap, xxi., A California cruise; chap, xxii., Califomia in 1840; chap, xxiii.. The Com. Jones war, 1842; chap. xxiv. The Hudaon's Bay Co. ; p. 277-321, on a voyage of 1845-6, being chap, xxv.. How California beoame ours; chap, xxvi.. Tak ing possession of the couutry; chap, xx-vil.. The war continued; aud p. 322- 52, chap, xxviii.-ix.. The last voyage, 1854. ^* Farnham's Travels in the Great Westem Prairies. Ed. of 1841, 1843 (2), and Loudon, n. d. Id., History of Oregon Territory. Ed. of 1844 and 1845. Id., Mexico: Its Geography, etc. Ed. of 1846, and u. d. FARNHAM AND J. F. B. M. 157 in its favor. The reader already knows what value to place upon Farnham's statement respecting the Gra ham aff'air. His estimates and descriptions of Cali fornians, against whom he conceived a bitter prejudice, are as a rule absurdly false; and the same prejudice seriously impairs his version of Californian history and condition during 1836-40. He added a long sketch of Lower California, historical and descriptive, and a briefer one of Upper California, after the manner of Forbes; and these parts of his work are by far the least faulty, since he took all his material from a few well known sources, was an intelligent compiler, and wa.<3 comparatively free from his anti-Mexican prejudice; yet many inexcusable inaccuracies appear even in these parts, and the book had a circulation and popularity which it by no means deserved.^® Another American passenger on the Don Quixote was J. F. B. M., who also wrote a narrative of his voyage, with his experiences at Monterey, Santa Bdr bara, Mazatlan, and the overland journey from San Bias to Mexico. He wrote in a pleasing style, and his observations were those of an intelligent man, but his opportunities in California were not great. He reflects Farnham's views on the Graham affair, though in more moderate tone, having personally visited the exiles at Tepic. From Cdrlos Carrillo at Santa Bdr bara he obtained a peculiar version of late political events in California.^® ^ Farnham's Life and Adventures in Califomia, and Scenes in the. Pacific Ocean, N. Y. 1846, Svo, 416 p. Thia is the edition I have used. Id., N. Y. 1847; Id., Travels in the Califomias, etc., N. Y. 1844, Svo, 416 p. The ear liest edition of the work, which is exactly the sarae except in title. Id., Life, A dventures, and Travels in Oal , to which is added the Conquest of Ccd. , Travels in Oregon, and History ofthe Gold Regions, N. Y. 1849; Id., 1850; Id., 1853; Id., Pictorial Edition (Hist, of the Gold Region oraitted), N. Y. 1855; Id., 1857. The pictures must be seen to be appreciated. 'They would fit any other subjects quite aa well as the onea they purport to Ulustrate. All the editions, except possibly one or two that I have not seen, are alike in paging up to p. 416. The author's experiences and matters connected therewith occupy p. 50-116, 402-16. The reat is historical and descriptive. '^ M. {J. F. B. ), Leaves from my Joumal, in Honolulu Polynesian, ii. 77, 86, 89, 93, 97. Oct.-Nov. 1840. I do uot kuow the author's name. He was not allowed to land at Monterey till after the exilea departed; and returning from a visit to S. CArlos, he was arrested for crossing the bridge on horseback, ¦ being saved from the calabozo by Speuoe. CHAPTER VI. THE RUSSIANS IN CALIFORNL^. 1831-1841. Yearly Vessels— RESnirii— Report or 1831— KHLtoNiKOP's Mission- Vic toria's Policy — Figueroa's Diplomacy — Vallejo's Mission to Ross— Wrangell and Beechey — ^Annals op 1834-9— Ko.stromitinof Suc ceeded BY Rotchef — Warehouse at Sauzalito — ^Wrangell's Plan of Extension— His Failure in Mexico, 1836— Resolve to Abandon Ross, 1838-9 — Proposed Sale to Hudson's Bay Company— Affair of the 'Lausanne,' 1840 — Vallejo and Kuprianof — Proposed Sale to Vallejo — Land and Buildings — Absurd Instructions from Mexico — Sale to Sutter — Contract and Deed — No Land Purchased — Rus sian Title to Ross — The Muldrow Claim op Later Years — Depart ure OF the Colonists — How the Debt was Paid, 1845-50. Yet further foreign relations remain to b& pre sented here — ^the annals of Ross or of the Russians in California. I have already given a description of Ross and its various institutions, applying, so far as such a sketch has any chronology, to the whole period of the colony's existence, but suspending the histor ical record at the year 1830.^ Later occurrences I have thought best to leave until now, to be treated collectively in one chapter, because they are of but slight importance in their relation to the general his tory of the country. And now I propose to continue the subject to its end, the abandonment by the Rus sians of their Californian possessions in 1841. Vessels of the company continued to come annual ly, one or two each year, from Sitka and Ross to San Francisco for grain, occasionally for some special pur- 'See vol. ii., chap, xxviu., for descriptive sketch and aunala of 1821-30. For earlier annals of Ross, see chap. iv. aud xiv. of the same volurae. (168) DISCOURAGING PROSPECTS. 159 pose extending their trips to Monterey. During the decade of 1831-40 the Baikal made at least five vis its; the Sitlca, four; the Urup, three; and the Elena and Polifemia, two each ; in addition to the Nikolai, which touched on her way to Europe in 1840.^ We have seen that as early as 1820 the company had offered to give up the colony in exchange for un restricted trade; and that in 1827 the managers had pretty nearly abandoned all hope of final success at Ross. During the Mexican revolution Russia might probably without much difficulty have secured and extended her Californian possessions, but took no steps to do so. Patriotism had moved the Mexicans to agitate the old questions of Russian intrusion to some extent, but in the north the agitation was exclusively one of pen and paper, altogether without effect in dis turbing relations with Ross, which became in some respects more friendly than ever before. Governor Echeandia had not only extended the contracts for otter-hunting on shares, but he had even recom mended to his govemment to recognize the legitimacy of the colony on condition that Russia would formally acknowledge Mexican sovereignty over the territory. Still the Russians could see no chance for ultimate security. The governor stated in his report of April 30, 1831, that Ross with its present limits was worth no sacrifices to retain; if it could be extended two hundred versts inland and southward so as to include an anchorage on San Francisco Bay, it would be a possession of great value.' About this time the colonists made an effort to ex tend their agricultural operations south-eastward, but without success, on account of opposition from the Californians.* On the Baikal, which arrived at the ^ See the maritime Uats at end cf chap. xiU., vol. iU., and chap. Ui. of this vol. ' Zavalishin, Delo o Koloniy Ross, 28-30. In the same report he aaya that two boats were being built as gifts for P. Narciso Durau at S. JosiS. Zava lishin thinka thia making of presents had no other effect than to confirm the Mexicans iu their ' pretended rights.' * Jain. 1, 1831, P. Amor6a to president. Haa made a tour from S. Rafael 160 THE RUSSLANS IN CALIFORNIA. end of 1830, Baron Wrangell, the new governor of Russian America, sent Khldbnikof to treat in general for a continuance of friendly commercial relations, but more particularly for a renewal of the otter contracts, and for a reduction in the current price of grain. In the latter object Khlebnikof seems to have been suc cessful, largely on account of threats of going to Chili for wheat, as they had done once or twice before; but Victoria refused to allow any continuance of otter- hunting. Both in his letter to Wrangell and in his report to the government, however, he expressed the most friendly feelings toward the Russians, and a wish to favor them in every legal way, especially in prefer ence to the dangerous Americans. He told Wrangell that he believed Mexico would gladly approve a most liberal treaty, if Russia would consent to recognize the independence and abandon Ross. Wrangell wrote a courteous and flattering letter in reply, but expressed the opinion that a treaty on the terms proposed should be discussed by national and not colonial au thorities; especially as the matter was not urgent — "for the company, having discovered other means of providing for the needs of the colonies, no longer finds itself in the unavoidable necessity of causing embar rassment to the Californian government."^ among the pagans. Hia arrival caused the Ruaaiana, who had come 12 leagues from Roas to tUl the aoii at Santiago, to change their plana. Arch. Sta B., MS., xii. 183. Jau. Sth, Echeandia, with the expressed view of checking Russian encroachment, grants Sta Rosa to Rafael Goraez. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. M'U., MS., Ixxi. 7-8. May 6, Gov. Victoria to min. of war. He leams that the Russians with 40 armed meu aud some Indians had come near Solano, and begun to till the soU. Will consult with the gov. of Sitka. Dept. Rec, MS., ix. 129. _ May 6, 1833, two years ago the Rusaiana made some plantuiga at Tamalanica, 3 I. from Bodega, and 5 I. from Roaa. But the place waa aban doned on account of the remonatrances of the comandante at S. P. Vallejo, Doe, MS., ii. 140. It seema that aome time in 1831, J. M. Padres was sent to Ross; and he was accused by Victoria of having alandered the Cal. govt during hia visit. Dept. Rec, MS., ix. 144. 5 Oct. 20, 1830, Wrangell from N. Archangel to gov. of Cal. So sure waa he of success that he sent aome Aleuts with their bidarkas on the Baikal, with Khldbnikof. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxx. 138. AprU 13, 1831, Victoria to min. of war, announcing his refusal, aud that KhUbnikof has takeu away his hunters. Has received vases, mirrors, etc., as presenta for the prea. of Mex ico, but retains them, as they are not -n-orth paying the freight. Dept Rec, MS., ix. 121-2. March Oth, V. to V/. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxx. 189. Sept. FIGUEROA'S POLICY. 161 There is nothing to be said of the Russian estab lishment in 1832, except that it was mentioned in the instructions issued to Figueroa, who was to report in detail on the force maintained at Bodega, and on the designs entertained by the strangers; also favoring in every possible way the foundation of northern settle ments to check possible encroachments.® The enterprising and diplomatic Figueroa soon be gan his investigations, by methods peculiar to himself. In AprU 1833, he sent Alferez Vallejo to Ross to ne gotiate for the purchase of arms, munitions, and cloth ing for the Californian soldiers, and at the same time to secretly acquaint himself with the exact condition of the colony.'' Vallejo carried letters from the gov ernor to Manager Kostromitinof and to Wrangell, who as was thought might have arrived. These let ters were filled with expressions of cordial good-will, and of a desire for closer relations of friendship and commerce with all foreigners, and especially with neighbors so highly esteemed. The colonial authori ties were also urged to use their influence with the court of St Petersburg to promote the recognition of Mexican independence by the tsar.^ Having thus expressed his kindly feelings toward the Russians, Figueroa only two days later wrote to the national government, denouncing those highly esteemed neigh bors as intruders who had trampled upon the laws of 27th, W.'a reply to V. St Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., U. 322-4. TUdim^nef, Istor. Obosranie, i. 345, says that WrangeU'a threat of going to Chili produced the deaired effect, aud the Urup obtained 2,300 fan. of wheat at $2 in money and $3 in goods; and from that time shipraents of provisions became more punctual aud satisfactory. ^Figueroa, Instrucciones Generates, 183$, MS., art. 7, 11. Deputy Carrillo in hia expoaiciou to congress in 1831, had spoken somewhat bitterly againat the Ruaaians, whom he charged with a disposition to defend their usurpation by force of arras. ' April 11, 1833, P. to v., apecifyiug the articles to be purchased, includ ing 200 rifles or rauskets, 150 cutlasses, 200 saddles, shoes, lead, etc He is to assure the Russians of the Californians' good-will, etc., but is not to enter iuto auy diploraatic questions. Dept. St Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., lxxix. 33-5. Figueroa's confidential instructions on the inveatigation to be made are not extant. ^ April 10, 1833, Figueroa to Kostromitinof and Wriiugell. St Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., U. 312-15; VaUejo, Doe, MS., xiU. 467. Hist. Ual., Vol. IV. 11 162 THE RUSSIANS IN CALIFORNIA. nations and of Mexico, and aimed at territorial en croachment. Wrangell was expected at Ross, as it was said, to found a new settlement at Santa Rosa, and with the same object in view the desertion of neophytes from San Rafael was being encouraged.^ VaUejo made his visit to Ross, succeeded in purchas ing most of the required articles, and rendered on May Sth a confidential report on what he had been able, acting "con el disimulo que me fu^ posible y con una indiferencia aparente," to see and hear during the trip. The report did not indicate any new or danger ous designs on the part of the Russians.^" Wrangell finally came in person to Ross in July, and Hartnell went there at his invitation for an inter view, and was employed as an agent to obtain cargoes of produce, and, if possible, certain exemptions from the payment of duties. ^^ While at Ross Wrangell addressed to Figueroa a letter in which he warmly defended his company against the charges of the English navigator Beechey, charges which he declared ^-altogether without foundation, to the effect that the ¦¦^ April 12, 1833, P. to aee. of war and na-vy. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS. , ii. 392-6. The writer's idea was doubtless to exaggerate the dangers, so as to , claim for himself the greater credit for averting thera. Popularity was Pigueroa'a conatant aira from first to last. The idea of Wrangell's pur pose to occupy .Sta Rosa carae from Vallejo, who iu hia letter of March 31st had urged the formation of new settlements aud the stationing of a competent person on the frontier to conduct negotiations with the Russians. Vallejo, Doc, MS., U. 28; St Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., ii. 310. Later in the year Padre Merpado .at ,S,. Rafael complained to the gov. that the Russians were enticing away and protecting fugitive neophytes, buying stolen cattle, and invading Mexican rights in various waya. Id. , ii. 319-20; Monterey, Arch., MS., i. 36. 1" Vallejo, Informe Reservado sobre Ross, MS. The deacriptive part has already been utilized. April 28^ 1833 (the date of Vallejo's leaving Rosa), Kosti-omitinof to Figueroa. Dept St Pap., MS., ii. 68. May 15th, 17th, F. to v., acknowledging receipt of report, thanking him for his servicea, and ex pressing his satisfaction at the good disposition of the Russian officiala. Va llejo, Doc, MS., iiJ46, 311. Thia afifeir is also recorded iu Vallejo, Hid. Cal ' MS., ii. 206-8, and Alvarado, Hist Cal, MS., U. 198-9. 11 July 14, 1833, WrangeU to HartnpU. He wanted to load 170 tona of salted raeat and 14,000 Iba. of salt at S. P.free from anchorage duea. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xxxi. 21. Aug. 3d, H. to Guerra. Ouerra, Doc, MS., v. 104. Aug. 17th, somebody at S. Diego to Figueroa, arguing againat the exeraption from duea. Dept St Pap., Beri. ,Oust-H., MS., ii, 20-2. Sept. Oth, H. to W. Memorandum of cargo shipped ou the Baikal and of another to be sent ,.on next vessel. VaUejo, Doe,^MB., xxxi. 40. WRANGELL'S CLAIMS. 163 Russians had grievously wronged the Californians by killing otter illegally, by engaging in contraband trade, and by even taking possession of the Santa Bdrbara Islands. Other foreigners had certainly done these things, but his people never, protested the baron; they had always conformed strictly to the laws, and had always refused, greatly to their own loss, to enter into contracts with less scrupulous foreiggj^s who wished to hunt otter in defiance of the Californians. He must have smiled as he wrote these statements with a knowledge that they were but remoteljfcunded on truth; but the politic Figueroa, equally miare of the falsehood, fully confirmed all the baron's asser tions, and exonerated the Russians from every suspi cion of ever having given the Californians grounds for complaint. ^^ The Russian annals of 1834-9, so far as actual oc currences in California are concerned, may be briefly disposed of The vessels came regularly to San Fran cisco, generaUy securing without much trouble a cargo of provisions ; though there were occasional misunder standings on minor points of revenue, as there were now and theji complaints on other matters of slight importance.^^ In 1836 Manager Kostromitinof was "July 24, 1833, W. to P. Deo. 23d, F.'a reply. St. Pap., Sac, MS., x. 84-7; xix. 15-18; Zavalishin, Delo o Koloniy Ross, 10-12. ^' Jau. 14, 1834, Vallejo complains that 3 meu went -without permita to Ross. This is forbidden by Figueroa. Dept St Pap., MS., iU. 141. Docu ments of different dates iu 1834^6, showing troubles about duties on goods brought to S. P. Bay on lighters, one of whioh craft was seized with ita cargo by ordera of Angel Ramirez. Pinto, Doc, MS., i. 115, 118, 167-71, 225-6, 229. Alvarado, Hist Oal., MS., iii. 33-4, coraplaina that the Satiyorai were found to be armed -with weapona bought at Ross. 1836, no intercourse with Rosa or aelling of cattle or hides without a specific document from the co mandante at Sonoma. PixZZe/o, Doc, MS., iii. 100, etc Sept. 11, 1836, Kos tromitinof asks for a pass for a Ughter to touch at S. P. Id., iu. 235. Tikh mdnef, Inter. Obosranie, i. 346-7, tells us that iu 1835 the shipment of breadstuffs was ouly one third of the requireraents, owing to a faUure of crops; aud iu 1836 they had to go to ChiU again for a supply; but later enough was again obtained each year iu Cal. Peb. 24, 1838, Capt. S. VaUejo sent to Ross to briug back persons who had gone there without perraits. Vcdlejo, Doc. , MS. , V. 32-3. The gov. of the colonies expected at Ross iu Aug. 1838. Va llejo hopes to raeet hira. Id., v. 138. 1839, minor matters of commerce and revenue. Pinto, Doc, MS., i. 243-5; DepL St Pap., Ben., MS., iu. 1, 3, 5; 104 THE RUSSIANS IN CALIFORNIA. succeeded by Alexander Rotchef, who is spoken of in complimentary terms by all who met him, as a gen tleman of courteous manners and of much administra tive ability. The ex-manager now seems to have suc ceeded HartneU as active agent of the company at San Francisco, where he spent much of his time for several years." He obtained, apparently from Chico, but possibly from Figueroa just before that ruler's death, permission to erect a warehouse for the com pany's use on any site which he might select. With Captain Richardson's consent, he decided to build at Sauzalito, on what was known as the Puerto de Balleneros, or Whalers' Harbor. Before any use was made of the concession, however, the diputacion took up the matter, deciding that the governor had no power to grant such a privilege, and that it was not expedient to allow a foreign company to secure such a foothold in a Mexican port. Accordingly Gutierrez issued an order in September that no buildings should be erected, though grain might be collected at Sauza lito for that one year.^^ Subsequently, in 1839, Rotchef petitioned for the privilege of building a warehouse at Yerba Buena, next to Leese's place; but I have no record of the result. ^^ ¦ During this period Sonoma was founded as a pueblo; and several citizens, chiefly of foreign birth, were per mitted to occupy ranchos on the northern frontier, all with a view, among other objects, to check the Id., Ben. Mil, lv. 16. AprU 1839, nails and copper for repairs to the Oali fornia. Vallejo, Doc, MS., vi. 365. May, Alvarado authorizes V. to sell the Russians 300 heifers. It won't do to encourage trade between them and the rancheros. Id., vii. 33. 1* Tikhmenef, Istor. Obosranie, i. 345-6. 15 June 30, 1836, VaUejo approvea the acheme. Vallejo, Doc, MS., ni. 121. July 7th, Aug. SOth, action of the dip. Leg. Rec, MS., iii. 25-6. Sept. 12th, Gutierrez'a order. Vallejo, Doe, MS., iii. 236. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., iii.- 107-10, says Kostromitinof came to Monterey to try aud change hia mind as one of the atrrageat opponenta; but he refused to favor his plan, though he offered to advocate a grant of the privUege to K. or auy Russian who would become a Mexican citizen. 16 May 10, 1839, Rotchef to gov. St Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., U. 326-8. The buUding was to revert to the Cal. govt after 10 years; and raight meanwhile be used by that govt free of charge for storage. Rotchef also wished permission to pay anchorage dues at S. F. rather thau Monterey. BARON WRANGELL'S PLANS. 103 apprehended advance of the Russians. In 1837 a Mexican soldier named Miramontes is said to have brought from Ross to Sonoma the smaU-pox, which caused great ravages among the natives. Again in 1839 Vallejo warned the Mexican government of dan ger from the Russians, which might be averted only by an increase of the force at Sonoma.-^'^ In 1837 Ross was visited by Slacum, and in 1839 by Laplace, each of whom published a description of the establish ment, the latter devoting much space to the subject. Meanwhile Governor Wrangell became more and more firmly convinced that unless his company and nation could obtain the country eastward to the Sac ramento and southward to San Francisco Bay, the original possession on the coast, even if its confirma tion could be secured from Mexico, was not worth keeping.^^ Moreover, this extension must be effected without delay, since the most favorable opportunities had already passed, and the influx of settlers, native and foreign, was daily lessening the chances of success. It does not appear that there was any thought of oc cupying the territory against the will of the Califor nians; indeed, such a step would have excited strong opposition from foreign powers as well as from Mex ico, and would have been practicable only with the direct national support of Russia, a support that could not be counted on, because the imperial government had never manifested anything but indifference re specting the acquisition of territorial possessions in California. Baron Wrangell's hope and purpose — and there is no evidence that there was any element of opposition among the officers of the company either at Sitka or Ross — was to conciliate still further the good-will of "Feb. 6, 1839, Vallejo to min. of war. Vallejo, Doc, MS., vi. 218. 1' According to Zavalishin the baron repeated these views in his report of April 10, 1833. Thia author says that Count Nordvinof also entertained the same views. 168 THE RUSSIANS IN CALIFORNIA. the already friendly Californians, a work in which he believed himself to have made much progress in his correspondence with Figueroa, not knowing the man. He desired further to present in a strong light, as the Russians had been doing for years, the danger of en croachment by other foreigners, especially the Amer icans; also the marked contrast between the past conduct of his people and those of other nations, and the manifest advan^tage of preferring such friendly and orderly neighbors rather than the turbulent horde of adventurers who were sure to get possession of the northern frontier.-'^ He would like to so far interest the court of St Petersburg in his scheme as to bring about diplomatic negotiations, and a recognition of Mexican independence; and finally, he wished to go in person to Mexico, to secure from the authorities of the republic a concession or sale of the desired terri tory. The plan was the best that could have been devised under the circumstances. How much confi dence the author really had in its success we have no means of knowing. The company having approved Wrangell's plan, and agreed to pay for the establishments of San Rafael and Sonoma in case Mexico would consent to cede the territory,^" the baron resigned his position as gov ernor of the American colonies, and obtained permis sion to return to Russia by way of California and Mexico,^^ with authority to represent the colonial government in negotiations with the republic. His instructions, which came in 1835, were disappointing. The emperor, while desiring the continuance of friendly " In the report of April 28, 1834, according to Zavalishin, the coming of a band of 163 armed men with their wives and childreu ia mentioned. The ori gin of thia ruraor ia not known. In a report of AprU 10th (?), Wrangell atatea that the only obataole to the extenaion of Roas is the envy of foreignera, who will intrigue to secure the oppoaition of Mexico. Zavalishin, Delo o Koloniy Ross, MS., 8-10, 14. ^Report of AprU 13, 1834, from head office. Zavalishin, Delo o Koloniy Ross, MS., 28-9. "Nov. 19, 1834, Wrangell to Figueroa, announcing hia purpose to visit Mexico at the end of his term of office, and asking for informatiou about route, etc. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., u. 320. THE BARON'S MISSION TO MEXICO. 167 relations, would not agree to recognize Mexican in dependence, but merely allowed Wrangell as a rep resentative of the company to negotiate a commercial treaty providing for a free entree of all ports, collec tion of duties only on goods actually sold, release from anchorage dues, free exportation of salt, hunting on shares, and permission to take turtles and obtain woods on the coast — terms all for the advantage of the Russians, without apparent recompense to the Californians. He was also empowered to ascertain if Mexico would confirm the old possessions at Ross and Bodega, if there was any hope of acquiring the new territory desired, and if so, on what conditions and at what expense. Possibly he might hold out a hope of future recognition, though he could not promise it. Plis enthusiasm must have been great indeed if it sur vived these instructions.''^ With his instructions there came a successor to Wrangell in the person of Ivan Kuprianof;^ and the ex-governor sailed at once on his mission. He ar rived at Monterey on the Sitka in December 1835.^* Here he was greatly disappointed at learning the death of Figueroa, on whose assistance he had counted, especially in the furnishing of letters to prominent men in Mexico. Of his negotiations with other Cal ifornians at this time we have no record. He sailed early in January 1836 for San Bias, where he had some trouble with local officials, who declared his passport invalid; but by the aid of the English con sul, Barron, a pass was obtained,^^ and Wrangell pro- " Potechin, Sdenie Ross, 16-19; Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., i. 362-4. The former does uot imply that WrangeU had any right even to speak of the rec ognition of Mexico as a poaaibiUty. ^' Nov. 20, 1835, Kuprianof to Figueroa, anuounciug his accession and de sire for a continuance of friendly relations. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., ii. 321. Sirailar note to Gov. Chico and the latter's very courteous reply. Date not clear. Id. ''^ The only definite mention of his arrival that I have found, except iu Russian writers, is in Dana's Two Years before the Mast, 271-2. Dana found the veasel and ex-gov. at Monterey on Dec. 27th; and the latter kindly offered to take New- Year's lettera from the Yankee saUors, to be forwarded from Mexico to Boston, where they arrived aafely. ^5 Zavalishin, JDelo o Koloniy Ross, MS., 12, represents the English as hav- 168 THE RUSSIANS IN CALIFORNIA. ceeded to Mexico. Here with some difficulty he ob tained an interview with Vice-president Barragan, and after the latter's death with other high officials. Naturally, under the circumstances, he met with no encouragement, the Mexican authorities being of course unwilling to treat with a man who had no credentials as a representative of his government. To use substantially the words of Wrangell in his report to the company, "the Mexican republic has been formaUy recognized by England, France, and other powers ; her natural pride is increased by diploraatic correspondence, and she is not disposed to treat for acknowledgment with powers that do not meet her half-way. Moreover, foreign representatives work constantly against the interests of their commercial rivals, especially Russia. Hence it is not strange that Mexico not only will not listen to propositions from a mere commercial company, but would be offended if such propositions were made without diplomatic mediation."^® The only result obtained seems to have been a semi official assurance that Mexico, desiring friendly rela tions, would favor a commercial treaty if properly negotiated by duly accredited agents of the two gov ernments.^'' Possibly some encouragement was given verbally that a concession of the original possessions at Ross might be obtained; but evidently an extension of territory, if proposed at all, was considered with no favor. ^^ The whole subject was then referred to the ing been in these years very favorable to the Russian scheme, though of course from interested motives. ''^Potechin, Selenie Ross, 19. ^' Tikhmdnef, Istor. Obos., i. 364, says that a -written communication to this effect was carried to St Petersburg by WrangeU. ^* In 1836 Kuprianof reported the coming of American immigrants to oc cupy farras near Ross, thus threatening to deprive the compauy of all chance of extending their lands. The reply from the general admmistration, founded on .the counsels of the imperial -vice-chaucellor, was the advice uot to think of extension, but only of holding the land already occupied. Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., i. 365. Scala, Influence de I'ancienne Oomptoir Rmse, haa something to aay about the eventa and negotiations of theae times; but his stateraents are so absurdly inaccurate as to merit no attention. In June 1837, reporta were sent to St Petersburg of the continued encroachraenta of foreigners aud their part iu the revolution of 1836. Zavalishin, Delo o ICohjiiy Eoss, MS. 14-15. ROSS NOT WORTH KEEPING. 169 Mexican minister at London, who was instructed to consider such propositions as might be made by repre sentatives of the tsar. No such propositions were ever made, as the government on the receipt of Wran gell's report at St Petersburg simply decided to take no further steps in the matter. The negotiations had attracted but little attention; yet I find some evidence of rumors growing out of them which reached Califor nia and the Hawaiian Islands.® With the failure of Wrangell's mission, every mo tive for retaining possession of Ross disappeared. Accordingly the company decided to abandon it. I give the substance of the council's report rendered to the minister of finance at the end of 1838, or early in 1839, as follows: The accounts of the company show expenses in 1825-9 to have been 45,000 roubles per year, while the annual product, almost exclusively from furs, was 22,000 roubles. In 1837 expenses had increased to 72,000 roubles, and receipts had fallen to 8,000 roubles. As otter-hunting failed, the company had a hope of acquiring lands for agricultural ancl stock-raising purposes. This hope being lost, there is no motive for further occupation. Politically, the possession has no importance, since "it is not sup ported by any formal acts or by the acknowledg ment of any other power;" neither has it any strategic ^' In May or June 1837, Luis Castillo Negrete wrote to Zamorano that the tsar was negotiating for the purchase of Monterey and Sau Prancisco, with aU the country from 35" to 42°. This news came via Madrid. Zamorano to Alvarado in August. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxii. 106; Id., Hist. Cal, MS., iii. 276-7. March 12, 1837, the U. S. consul at Honolulu sent to Washington a sUght sketch of the Russian establishment, with the inforraation that the Cal ifornians in revolution against Mexico had applied to the Russians for aid, which would probably be given on the conditiou of permission in case of suc cess to extend their limits to S. F. Bay. Thia patriotic American thought hia govt ought to know 'by what right the aubjecta of ao powerful au empire aa Ruaaia, undoubtedly under the sanction of the eraperor, have forraed a set tlement on the very borders of its territory, if uot within the limit of what ought to be in justice its own possession.' Original blotter in Savage, Doc, MS., ii. 174-6. Zavalishin, Ddo o Koloniy Eoss, MS., 31-3, declares that negotiations -with Mexico were useless, because, 1st, In them her right was tacitly acknowledged, not only to Cal., but to New Albion; 2d, Nothing that could be proposed had any value to Mexico; 3d, The corapany and not the go-yt was treating; and, 4th, If it came to a purchase, the U. S. could easUy outbid the company. 170 THE RUSSIANS IN CALIFORNIA. advantage, because even if any other power should care to hold such ail inaccessible rock as Ross, its oc cupation could not possibly harm any Russian estab lishment. Therefore the councU has determined to abandon so useless and expensive a possession, dividing the servants and all movable property among other posts of the colonies, and selling or exchanging for wheat in California such property as cannot be con veniently removed. This determination received the imperial sanction April IS, 1839.^° Manager Rotchef at Ross heard of the determina tion to abandon the establishment perhaps at the end of 1839, and certainly early in 1840, during which year he made some preparations for departure, send ing a full cargo and thirty-three persons of the colony to Sitka on the Elena.^^ At a conference betweea Kuprianof and Douglas of the Hudson's Bay Com pany, held at Sitka in April, a proposition was made to seU the Ross establishment for $30,000. "Of course," writes Douglas in his journal, "they cannot sell the soil, but merely the improvements, which we can hold only through a native. "An answer was to be given in the autumn, after consultation with Mc Loughlin; and as nothing more is heard of the matter, I suppose the English company decided that the pur chase was not advisable — very likely fearing to dis please the Californians, and to cause troublesome complications with the United States.*^ This nego- '" Potechin, Selenie Eoss, 19-21; Tikhmenef, Idor. Obos., i. 365-6. A note of M. Pinart makea the date of the couucU'a report March 20, 1839. Cronise, Nat Wealth of Cal, 38, gravely assurea us that in 1835 the British govt called upon the U. S. to insist upou the removal of the Russians under the treaty of 1824; and it was in compliance with the request of the U. S. that Ross was abandoned m 1841 ! Bidwell, Oal, MS., 94-6, had an idea that the colony waa withdrawn ou account of the charter beiug about to ex pire. »i Etholiu's letter of Sept. 9, 1840. The Elena had arrived at New Arch angel on Sept. 3d. '"'' Douglas' Journal, MS., 16. About thia tirae it seema that sorae ar rangement was made for the bringing of supplies to Sitka iu the veaaela of the H. B. Co. to avoid the necessity of sending Russian vessels to Cal. Tikhmenef,. Istor. Obos., 1. 347; Simpson's Narr., 269-70. COMING OP THE 'LAUSANNE.' 171 tiation having failed, in November the company noti fied Alvarado of their intention to quit Ross, and proposed that he should buy the property. The gov ernor asked for further information respecting the nature of the property offered, and made haste to in form the Mexican government of the impending change.^' A correspondence, more bulky than impor tant or interesting, on the coming of the Baikal to San Francisco for grain in March, and the non-pay ment of tonnage dues by the Nikolai in October at the same port,^* is the only other item of local annals to be mentioned in this year, except the somewhat exciting affair to be now narrated. Josiah Spalding, master of the American ship Lausanne, coming down from the Columbia in July, conceived the brilliant idea that as Bodega was a free port belonging to Russia, he might land his passen gers there, and perhaps accomplish something in the way of trade, without paying anchorage dues or other duties. In the past, it would seem that the Russians had never permitted such operations, or at least no charges to that effect had ever been made; even on this occasion there is some evidence that Manager Rotchef told Spalding that he must not trade or go by land to San Francisco as he wished.^® But act ing very carelessly if not with intentional disregard of his duties, Rotchef set out for San Francisco and Monterey, leaving the Lausanne at Bodega, and the captain, crew, and passengers free to do as they "Dec. 10, 1840, Jimeno Caaarin to min. of int., -with contents of Kupria nof 'a note of Nov. 23d, frora S. P. Dept Rec, MS., xi. 69-70. Kuprianof 's note of Nov. 23d, in Dept St Pap., Ben., MS., U. 34-5. Deo. 18th, Jimauo to Kostromitinof, in reply to a note of the latter propoaiug the sale. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiu. 133. '* Pinto, Doc, MS., i. 250-2, 297-9, 315-16,319, 323-4, 329-30; Dept St Pap., Ben. MU., MS., lv. 12-15; VaUejo, Doc, MS., ix. 289. Simpson, Narr., 306, affirms that Timothy Murphy and Padre Quijaa went to Rosa for brandy, or buUocka, or somethuig, 'againat all rule and precedent,' and this coming to Vallejo's ears, he had them lodged in the calaboose. '^ So Rotchef reported to Etholin, as the latter states in his letter of Sept. 9th, and Alf. Pina in his letter of July 20tli from Bodega, says that Rotchef had uot permitted the captain to accompany him to S. P. Vallejo, Doc, MS., ix. 191. 172 THE RUSSIANS IN CALIFORNIA. pleased, as there was no Russian guard or officer nearer than Ross. Then Spalding also started for San Francisco, obtaining the services of McIntosh as a guide. Four of the passengers went to Sonoma to ask Vallejo for passports which should enable them to remain in the country. Vallejo was naturally startled at the sudden appearance of these armed for eigners, with the news that Bodega was practically abandoned by the Russians, and that a foreign vessel was lying there free frora all restrictions in respect of contraband trade, or of landing passengers. He imme diately despatched Alfdrez Ldzaro Pina and a guard of soldiers to Bodega, with instructions to reembark all persons who had landed, and to enjoin upon those in charge of the vessel to land no goods on penalty of being treated as smugglers, Monterey being the only port open to foreign trade. Pina was to remain at his post, prevent all traffic and intercourse, keep a strict watch, and report. Subsequently he was directed to collect tonnage dues on -the La-usanne at the rate of $1.50 per ton.^^ Spalding, accompanied by several persons from San Francisco who were travelling without passports, called at Sonoma on his return to Bodega. His com panions were not allowed to proceed; and the captain was called upon by VaUejo to pay his tonnage dues. He declined to do so, on the ground that Bodega was a free port, belonging to Russia; but after discussion he agreed to pay the demand if it should be decided by the proper authorities to be a lawful one. He was then aUowed to depart, with an order to Pina to re turn to Sonoma as soon as the vessel had sailed. As Spalding had cited the manager at Ross in confirma tion of his claim that Bodega was a Russian port, '"July 19, 1840, the original instructions to Piiia. VaUejo, Doc, MS., ix. 183. One clause of this document will receive special notice later. July 19th, V. to Spalding, warning him that Bodega ia not a port of entry, and holding him responsible for iUegal trade, according to the treaty between the U. S. and Mexico. Id., ix. 184. July 23d, V. orders Pifia to collect tonnage dues. Id., ix. 191. ROTCHEF AND VALLEJO. 173 VaUejo instructed Pina to state clearly to Rotchef that Bodega belongfed to Mexico, and in no sense to Russia, though the use of it by Russian vessels had been tolerated ; that the commander of Ross had no control over it except by permission from the Cal ifornian government; and thathe had no right to find it strange that Californian troops were stationed there, especially when he was in the habit of travelling in, the country without asking permission and in disre spect of the frontier authorities, of representing to visitors that Bodega was a free port, and of taking the liberty of permitting foreigners to enter the coun try in defiance of law."'' Meanwhile Rotchef came back from Monterey, ancl was filled with wrath when he found the soldiers on guard, and read a copy, made by a subordinate in his absence, of Vallejo's instructions to Pina. He was violent and insulting in his anger. He raised the Russian flag, defying the Californians to pull it down, and offered his protection to some of the foreign pas sengers, who went with him to Ross.''' Piiia made no resistance, but reported to Vallejo. The latter sent a communication on the matter to Rotchef, and another to be forwarded to the governor at Sitka. Rotchef refused to receive the documents, declaring that he would have no intercourse with a man who had so grievously insulted him. Vallejo subsequently issued an order forbidding Rotchef or any of his men to travel in the country witliout licenses.^' The Lausanne sailed away about July 26th, leaving five or six foreigners, who were aided by the Russians to reach the Sacra mento. Pina, by Vallejo's orders, did not attempt to "July 24-5, 1840, Spalding's atatement; and Vallejo's ordera to Piua. Vallejo, Doc, MS., ix. 193-7. ss Wiggins, one of theae meu, aays — aud the statement has beeu widely cir culated—that Rotchef ordered the soldiera to depart or be ahot. This is in itself improbable, and any such occurrence would of certainty have beeu men tioned iu the later correspondence. ''The refusal of Rotchef to receive the official communications rests ou Vallejo's statements later in the year; and the order forbidding travel seema not to have beeu issued until Nov. 4th, according to a blotter copy in Vallejo, Doc, MS., ix. 303. 174 THB RUSSIANS IN CALIFORNIA. interfere beyond warning Rotchef that he would be held responsible for the entrance of the men.*" In reporting the affair to his superior at Sitka, Rot chef stated that Vallejo had sent an armed force with impertinent instructions, including one to arrest the manager himself and send him to Sonoma, which in sult to the national honor caused him to send away the Californian force at once.*^ It was the order for his own arrest that particularly angered the Russian commander. Otherwise he himself had been the one at fault, and Vallejo had 'in no respect transcended his powers or failed in courtesy. But at an order of ar rest, Rotchef had reason to be angry; for though Vallejo had perhaps the legal right to arrest him for proper cause, yet to have done so under the circum stances would have been 'a most impolitic, discour teous, and unjustifiable act. But Vallejo certainly never intended to send, and probably never did send, such an order, as we shall see. At the end of October, Ex-governor- Kuprianof, re tiring from his office and homeward bound on the Nikolai, arrived at San Francisco,*^ where he remained a month, giving his attention chiefly to an investiga tion of the Lausanne afiair. Presumably his object was to reconcile Vallejo and Rotchef, since, under ex isting circumstances, when the abandonment of Ross hacl been decided on, it is hard to understand why he should have desired a quarrel. He first stated his business through a letter from Kostromitinof, and Va llejo replied with a concise statement of his acts, and those of Rotchef, in July. Kuprianof next wrote himself, in courteous terms, inviting Vallejo to come to San Francisco for a personal conference, hinting mysteriously at certain grave measures to be taken « July 24th -25th, Vallejo to Pifia. Vallejo, Doc, MS., Lx. 195, 198-9. "Ethohn's letter of Sept. 9, 1S40, in Russ. Amer. Mat., MS., vol. i. Etholin, who succeeded Kuprianof, aays he has sent a small reenforcement to the garrison, and apprehends no further trouble from Vallejo. ^^ Pinto, Doe, MS., i. 249-50; VciUejo, Doc, MS., ix. 296; xxxiu. 145; Dept St Pap,, Ben. MU,, MS., lv. iL A CONTROVERSY. 175 unless the matter should be cleared up. The general's answer, equally courteous and much more frank, was an invitation to come or send an agent to Sonoma, which place his duties would not permit him to leave. He also defended his course at some length, calling attention particularly to the general state of alarm in which the country had been, early in the year, on ac count of the Graham affair. He could not see how any serious results could follow a mere performance of duty. He expressed clearly the position that no nation but Mexico had any authority at Bodega, offered every facility for arriving at the exact truth, and hoped that Rotchef would be duly reprimanded for his misdeeds. He declared, however, that the copy of his instructions made at Ross did not agree with the original; and suggested that the alterations, per haps made designedly, rnight be to some extent the cause of the controversy.^^ Kuprianof now sent Kostromitinof to confer with Vallejo, declaring, however, his perfect confidence in the man who made the copy, and rather impolitely refusing to believe in any error. An examination re vealed the fact that the copy was inaccurate in the very point that had chiefly excited the controversy, the order for Rotchef's arrest, the original not contain ing any such instruction. Vallejo now wrote some what sarcastically, and expressed his confidence that the Russians would hasten to make amends for their unjust criticism of his conduct. Kuprianof, however, ¦ chose to continue the controversy, still maintaining. that the copyist had not erred designedly, even doubt ing that he had erred at all, and insolently asking that the original be sent to him. He regarded the confer ence as unsatisfactory on account of Kostromitinof's want of familiarity with the Spanish language, ques tioned Vallejo's veracity on several points, and even ^'Nov. 2, 1840, Kostromitinof to Vallejo. Vallejo, Doc, MS., ix. 300. V.'a reply of Nov. 4th. /d,ix.304. Nov. Oth, 10th, Kuprianof to V. aud reply. Id., ix. 305, 308. Some of the -Russi|ji official's letters are the originals in French, and others translations into Spanish by a clerk. 170 THE RUSSIANS IN CALIFORNIA. asserted that Bodega was a Russian port, over which the general had no authority. This brought out a forcible but dignified reply, dated November 25th, which terminated the correspondence, so far as it has been preserved.** It is to be presumed that Rotchef's anger was ap peased to a great extent, as he and Vallejo were on tolerably good terms during the next year. The man ager at Ross had been originally in the wrong, though justified in deeming himself insulted by the general's instructions as he understood them. Vallejo's course from the first was remarkably judicious and free from error; and in the war of words he won a signal vic tory by his strong positions, and his uniformly frank and dignified utterances. Kuprianof, though always protesting his desire to avoid discord, and though he had no apparent advantage to gain from a quarrel, was insolent from the first, and especially at the close of the correspondence. It is fair to say, however, that his suspicions, though it would have been more expedient and in better taste for him to conceal rather than express them, had a possible foundation in the very instructions that had caused the trouble, as is shown by the original of that document in my possession, and is more fully explained in the appended note.*^ "Nov. 1.3th, 21st, Kuprianof to Vallejo; Nov. 16th, 25th, V. to K.; Nov. 22d, 25th, K. to V. and reply. Vallejo, Doe, MS., ix. 313, 316, 321-2, 328. *5 A clause of the instructions reads, 'Si corao es faotible el coraandante de la factoria Rusa volviese con algunos comeroiautes del puerto de San Fran cisco {los crossed out) regresari (a estos interlined) & este punto sino trajesen loa pasaportea legales; pero de ninguna manera se loa perraitirA embarcarse; or ' If, as is likely, the Russian ooraraandant should retum with some traders from S. Francisco, you will cause {them erased and the latter interlined) to turn back to this place unless they have legal passports; but by no raeans will you perrait them to erabark. ' Now the exact changes raade iu the Rosa copy are not knowu; but Kuprianof raay have had hia suspicions aroused when on questioning Kostromitinof he heard of interliueations iu the original. It is certain, both from internal evidence in the instructions and from the circumstances under whicli they were written, that it waa not Rotchef but hia corapaniona who were to be aent to Sonoraa; aud there ia no good reason to doubt that the verbal changes were introduced at the time of -writing to make the meaning clear, and not later; eapecially aa at a later date it would have been equally easy and honorable, and much raore effective, to re-wiite tiie whole document. Moreover, the document in my possession may have NEGOTIATIONS FOR SALE. 177 The intention of the Russians to abandon Ross and their wish to sell their property there had, as we have seen, been announced to Alvarado, and by him to the Mexican government, before the end of 1840. In January 1841, Vallejo, in reporting to the minister of war his controversy with Rotchef and Kuprianof, mentioned the proposed abandonment, taking more credit to himself than the facts could justify, as a re sult of that controversy. The Russians had consulted him as to their power to sell the buildings as well as live-stock to a private person, and had been told that "the nation had the first right," and would have to be consulted. The fear that impelled him at that time to answer thus cautiously was that some foreigner from the Columbia or elsewhere might outbid any citizen of California, and thus raise a question of sov ereignty, which might prove troublesome in the future to Mexican interests. Vallejo also urged the govern ment to furnish a garrison, and authorize the planting of a colony at the abandoned post.*^ In February, however, Kostromitinof, representing the company, proposed to sell the property to Vallejo himself for $30,000, payable half in money or bills of the Hud--^ son's Bay Company, and half in produce delivered at Yerba Buena. The general expressed a willingness. to make the purchase, but could not promise a defi nite decision on the subject before July or August.^ Pending the decision, the Russian agent seems to have entered, perhaps secretly, into negotiations with John been kept as a blotter, and a clean copy have beea given to Pina;. which would not only remove all grounds for suspicion, but all the raison d'etre of thia note. *°Jan. 1, 1841, V. to rain, of war. Two communications. Vallejo, Doc,, MS., X. 2-3. Jan. 14th, V. to Virmond, a letter in which he openly claims, as he clearly implied in that to the govt, that the abandonment had resulted from his victory over Kuprianof. Id., x. 42. "Peb. 16, 1841, Kostromitmof to V.,, and reply of Feb. 19th. VaUejo, Doc, MS., X. 60, 62. The property named included houses, raUIs, tannery, Uve-stock, and implementa; but there is nothing said of land. VaUejo re- quirea a delay in order to arrange about the H. B., Co. drafts; also wants to know when the produce must be delivered.. He doubtless, also. ho^ed to hear from Mexico, and wished to leam whether the Russians had auy right to scLL the buildings. Hist, Cal., Vol. IV. 12 178 THE RUSSIANS IN CALIFORNIA. A. Sutter, who at that time was not disposed to buy anything but the movable property.*^ Meanwhile a reply came from Mexico, though by no means a satis factory one; since the government — evidently with some kind of ari idea that the Russian officials had been frightened away, leaving a flourishing settle ment to be taken possession of by tho Californians — simply sent useless instructions about the details of occupation and form of government to be established.*' In July Kostromitinof returned from Sitka, and nego tiations were recommenced. Alvarado was urged to corne to Sonoma, but declined; though he advised Va llejo that in the absence of instructions from Mexico the Russians had no right to dispose of the real es tate. An elaborate inventory of the property offered for sale at $30,000 was made out, but Vallejo's best offer seems to have been $9,000 for the live-stock alone.'''' Kostromitinof was greatly disappointed at his fail ure to close a bargain with Vallejo, a failure which he attributed, doubtless with much reason, to Alvarado's *s July 26, 1841, Rotchef to Sutter. Says Kostromitinof has decided that his offer cannot be accepted, since he wishes to buy only the cattle, aud not the real eatate, the agent having found purchaaera for houses, ranchos, and cattle. Translation, from what source uot, stated, in Veritas, Examination of the Russ. Claim, p. 9. Aug. 10th, Sutter to Suuol. 'The Russians have found purchasers for their houses and farms. Thia showa the character of the Rua aiana. They said very haughtUy that they would rather burn their houses than turn them over to a native, and above all to Vallejo, who had insulted the Russian flag, etc; and now for some $1,000 more they are not ashamed to make just such an arrangement. Only Russians could act like that. ' Sutter- Suiiol Corresp., MS., 8. *' March 11, 1841, sup. govt order, received in Cal. June 21st, aud sent to Vallejo July 2d. Sup. Govt St Pap., MS., xvi. 16-18; Dept St Pap., MS., iv. 1.37; Dept Ree, MS., xU. 35, 41; Vallejo, Doe, MS., x. 193; xxxiu. 215. MJuly 17, 1841, Kostromitmof at Bodega. Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 205., July 27th, Vallejo to Alvarado. Says sorae of the Russians' terms are ira pertinent, some abaurd, and most of them inadmissible. Id., x. 227, 230; Dept St Pap., MS., v. 62. July 29th, A. to V. Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 236. Ifc was while the negotiations were pending that V. received A.'a letter com municating the despatch frora Mexico. The inventory, Ross, Propuesta de Venta, MS., has been given so far as the real estate is concerned in chap. xxviii. of vol. ii. There was besides a lot of irapleraents; and of live-atock there were 1,700 cattle, 940 horaea, and 900 aheep. The inventory containa also the terms of the proposed aale. In Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 228, ia what seeraa to be Vallejo'a offer of $9,000 for the Uve-stock. It ia an unsigned and undated forra of agreement. THE SALE TO SUTTER. 179 influence, and he went to Monterey to try and change the governor's mind, but in vain. Alvarado declared that the buildings being erected on Mexican soil with material produced on that soil could not be sold by a foreign company, and insisted that the Russians ought to leave the structures gratis for the use of Mexico. Indeed, he had formed the idea, which Vallejo shared, that no other customer could be found; and his only fear was, as he stated in a private letter, that the improvements would be burned to keep them from falling into Californian hands. But Kostromitinof, ironically asking if the comandante general had authority to receive a gift without obtaining the consent of congress, simply re newed his negotiations with Sutter. ^^ Sutter, like Vallejo, had at first wished to purchase the live-stock only; but he would perhaps have bought anything at any price if it could be obtained on credit; at any rate, after a brief hesitation a bar gain was made in September.^^ ' The formal contract was signed by Kostromitinof and Sutter in the office of the sub-prefect at San Francisco, with Vioget and Leese as witnesses, December 13th. By its terms Sutter was put in possession of all the property at Ross and Bodega, except the land, as specified in the annexed inventory, and was to pay for it in four *' Aug. 11, 1841, Vallejo to Alvarado; replies ,of Aug. 14th, 18th. Va Uejo, Doc, MS., ix. 249; x. 246-8; xxxiu. 228. Aug. 27th, 28th, Kostromiti nof to V. and reply, terminating the negotiations. Id., x. 231-2; Vallejo, Hist Cal., MS., iv. 212-27. 52 Hittell, Hid. S. Fran., 89, statea that Jacob P. Leese offered $20,000 for the property: $5,000 in cash, and $5,000 annually for 3 years; but Sutter's offer for $30,000 waa preferred. Sept. 1st, Sutter to Suiiol. ' The Russians have not been able to make any arrangeraent with Vallejo for the sale of their property. They have recommenced negotiations with me; but I intend to hold offfor the present.' Sutter-Sunol Corresp., MS., 10. In his jDiar-y, 3, Sutter says that Rotchef arrived at hia fort Sept. 4th, with whora he went by water to Ross and concluded the bargain for 1,30,000, ' which haa been paid,' thua proving the so-called diary to have been written after 1850. Sept. 28th, he sent men to Rosa to drive the live-stock, 100 animals out of 2,000 being lost in crossing the river. Wilkes, Narr. , v. 204, notes the arrival of the Rus sians on or just before Sept. 4th. Sept. 19th, Sutter to Vallejo. Has bought all the property, and aska permiaaion for the passage of his raen across the frontier to transfer the movable part of the purchase. Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 282. 180 THE RUSSIANS IN CALIFORNIA. yearly instalments, beginning September 1, 1842. The first and second payments were to be of $5,000 each, and the others of $10,000; the first three were to be in produce, chiefly wheat, delivered at San Francisco free of duties and tonnage; and the fourth was to be in money. The establishment at New Helvetia and the property at Bodega and the two ranchos of Khlebnikof and Tschernich, which property was to be left intact in possession of the company's agents, were pledged as guaranties for the payment.*^ It would seem that Alvarado, while insisting that the land did not belong to the company and could not be sold, had yielded his point about the buildings, per haps in the belief that no purchaser could be found; for the Russians say that the contract was approved by the Californian government, and it is certain that there was no official disapproval of its terms.^* Alvarado and Vallejo in later years are inclined to accuse Sutter of having acted dishonorably toward them in making the purchase; but there is no evi dence that they were offended at the time.^® The land itself had of course no special value at a time when much better land was to be had for the asking; ^' Ross, Contrat de Vente, I84I, MS. The document is iu French, aud ia a copy of a copy certified by S. P. Popoft It contains 11 articles. Spanish translation, in Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 108-9. Roaai, Souvenirs d'un Voyage, 212-13, writing in 1864, speaka of this document, whioh he aays was obtained by the American minister from the Russiau archivea, and which he, Rossi, translated at Sta Rosa. The inventory doea not appear. °'Dee. 19, 1841, Kostromitinof writea to Alvarado that he has sold the property as^efore proposed and not objected to by the gov., the contract be ing legally ratified in the S. P. juzgado; and he quotes in full art. 9, by which New Helvetia and other property are mortgaged. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiii. 251. Tikhmtoef, Idor. Obos., i. 366, saya the payment of the $30,000 was guaranteed by the Mexican govt, whicii was of courae not literally true. In hia report to the sup. govt, dated Jau. 11, 1842, Alvarado said iu substance: 'When I learned that Roas was to be abandoned and the property aold, I notified the govt, and waa directed merely to occupy the place when evacu ated. The Russiau agent propoaed to sell the property to the nation, which proposition I waa not authorized to accept; or to sell it to a private individ ual, which I could not prevent, though always insisting that the land be longed to the uation. I have received the contract of sale to Sutter.' Dept Eec, MS., xiU. 8-10. ^'Alvarado, Hist. Cal , MS. , iv. 229-35. He aays Sutter did an ungentle manly, contemptible trick, buying property which the Russians were about to give to parties to whom they were greatly indebted. THE RUSSIAN TITLE. 181 but the wily Sutter, perhaps thinking it might be of value in the future, sought some pretext for a title. He obtained from Manager Rotchef a certificate of transfer dated one day earlier than the contract, iu which document the commander, having no responsi bility, and feeling not very kindly toward the Cali fornian rulers, was easily induced to include the lands as well as other property, which he solemnly certified to have been ceded by the company that had held them for twenty-nine years, for the sum of $30,000 to M. le Capitaine Sutter, and delivered into his in disputable possession. This document in later years was paraded as Sutter's deed, and, in the absence of other documents to throw light on the Russian tenure, was made the basis of a somewhat plausible claim for possession of the land.^* The general question of what has been called the Russian title or right to possessions in California, of some interest in the past from prevaUing ignorance respecting the facts, has little importance in the eyes of my readers familiar with those facts. It has been clainied — and some Russians in early times urged their government to take that position, and since the dis- ^' Rotchef's certificate in a letter of Etholin to the directors of the co., in Russ. Amer. Mat., MS., v. Also iu ' Ve-ritas,' Examin., dc, 9-10. Sutter, Pers. Remin., MS., 54r-9, 82-4, givea a very inaccurate veraion of the whole tranaaction, saying among other things thathe was to make annual payments of such produce aa he could raiae until the debt waa paid, no time being speci fied. He says wheu he asked for a title to his land, it was refuaed, as he had no money to spend. ' Money made the Mexican authorities see anything. ' He regrets that he did not leave New Helvetia and move to Ross. Bidwell, Remin., MS., 82-3, understood that Sutter acquired a right to the land, con sisting inan almost expired charter from Spain! Mention of the sale to Sut ter iu J/o/ras, Explor., ii. 8-9; Wilkes' Narr., v. 191; Tuthill's Hist. Cal, 120; Randolph's Oration; Bidwell's Jour, to Cal, 20-1; Streder'sRecoll, MS., 53; Sutter's Diary, 3; Torres, Peripecias, MS., 90-1; Schmolder, Never Wegreiser, 76. Simpson, Narrative, 269-70, after speaking of the Russiau occupation and final lack of success, says: ' They have accordingly within these few weeks transferred their stock to a Swiss adventurer by the name of Sutter, and are now engaged in -withdrawing all their people frora the coun try.' Capt. Guerra, writing on June 14, 1841, to Mofras, Doc. Hist Cal, MS.,iv. 1100-1, says: ' It cannot indeed be satisfactory to people of foresight, that the Russians abandon their post; for they have always beeu good neigh bors to us; and it is ranch to be feared, as you aay, that, such a check being removed, the Indians will begin their laraentable raids. ' 1S2 THE RUSSIANS IN CALIFORNIA. covery of gold have stUl defended the right to have taken that position — that the Spaniards, notwithstand ing their prior discoveries and formal acts of posses sion on the Pacific coast, had no rights beyond their actual occupation; and, San Francisco being the northern limit of such occupation in 1812, the Rus sians, or any other nation, could acquire by settlement a perfect title from any point north of the bay. It has been claimed that the Russians did thus occupy Ross and Bodega; and that any objection on the part of Spain, Mexico, or California was as absurd in the eyes of the nations as would have been the claim of Spain to the whole of America by virtue of Colum bus' discovery. Moreover, it has been sought to prove, from detached portions of the slight correspondence extant, that Spain either expressly or tacitly approved the act ofthe Russians; that their title was acknowl edged virtually by Mexico and California for many years ; and that in any event Russian sovereignty was confirmed by twenty-nine years of actual possession. The reader knows that in fact there was never any approval, expressed or implied, of the Russian right to territorial possessions in California ; but that the occu pation of Ross was begun and continued under constant and oft-repeated protest on the part of the Californian officials as Spaniards and Mexicans, even when as individuals they were on the most friendly terms with the officers of the Russian American Company. Had Russia seen fit to assert a claim to a part of Califor nia, her claim would doubtless have been resisted by Spain and Mexico, and could have been maintained only by superior force. Had the question been sub mitted to any tribunal other than one of mUitary power, it would have presented many points of inter est; but the equities of international law would, I believe, have been in favor of the Spaniards. Spain had not been, considering the spirit of the times, ex cessively grasping in her claims on the northern coasts. She had preceded other nations in explorations up to THE SPANISH TITLE. 183 a high latitude, and so long as there was a prospect of controlling communication by water with the spice islands of India, the Atlantic, or with New Mexico, she would have fought for her prerogative in that di rection. But as that prospect gradually disappeared, she lost her desire for possessions in the far north, and was content with a stretch of harborless coast between her northernmost port and the southernmost one of a foreign neighbor. She had not only discovered the whole northern coast, but, so far as Bodega was con cerned, had sent to explore that bay and take formal possession the navigator who had given it his name; and she had even, on one occasion, sent a company of men both by land and sea to occupy the site which circumstances had obliged them to abandon tempora rily. They fully believed that the region north of the bay was part of 'their territory, and they often signified by word and deed their intention to occupy it; but through lack of enterprise and other obstacles, their progress was slow. It is doubtless true that, in the case of an island or other definitely bounded region, mere discovery, with the attendant act of possession, unless followed within a reasonable time by actual occupation, or at least by actions showing a definite and constant intention to occupy, would have created no title to be respected by the nations; but that the Spanish march of settlement up the Pacific coast, after repeated voyages of exploration, acts of posses sion, expressions of intention to occupy, and constant progress in that direction, could be suspended at any time by another European nation at any point a fev/ miles beyond the northernmost permanent settlement, cannot be maintained consistently with the spirit of international law. Russia had no right to occupy Santa Bdrbara in 1769, or Santa Cruz in 1771; neither could she in 1812 — not in an unbroken line of advancement from the north to meet that of Spain from the south, but by a jump over the possessions of other nations — come 184 THE RUSSIANS IN CALIFORNIA. to Bodega and acquire an equitable title by founding a settlement in spite of Spanish protests. All this, however, is mere theorizing about a claim that never had any but an imaginary existence. Russia never made any pretension to sovereignty over the Bodega region or any portion of the Californian territory. The officers of the company were, it is true, promised imperial protection in their enterprise at the laeginning; but the necessity for such protection never arose, and it is idle to speculate as to the form it might have taken. It is absurd, moreover, to defend a Russian title never claimed by Russia or recognized by any other power. Not even the Russian American Coni- pany ever advanced a claim to territorial possessions in California. Their aim was to establish a post for fur-hunting and for trade. Their efforts were to con ciliate the Californians, and to maintain friendly com mercial relations. They wished to be let alone. They avoided discussion respecting their rights, talked al ways of the mutual interests of the company and California, and strove to keep the matter quiet at Madrid and St Petersburg. They would not have favored the assertion and enforcement by Russia of a territorial claim, since such a claim would have been prejudicial to their financial interests. It is true that individual Russians, including members of the com pany, sometimes asserted and defended the rights of their nation to the lands about Ross, but their views met no official approval. Finally, the company re solved, with a somewhat lukewarm approval from the government, to negotiate with Mexico for a conces sion of the Ross territory and its extension to the bay; but the negotiations resulted in failure. The strongest claim in equity — though of no legal force in Spanish or Mexican law — which the company could have set up to the lands actually occupied at Bodega would have been one of individual owner ship, based on purchase from the natives, and an un- mterrupted possession for thirty years; but it would A FALSE DEED. 185 have served no good purpose to urge such a claim in 1841, as the land had little or no value in itself, and opposition from the Californian government was likely to interfere with the sale. Alvarado would not recog nize any title to the land. The company expressly excepted the land in their bargain with Sutter, and Sutter did not suppose that he had purchased any land. Under these circumstances, assuredly but one argument could be advanced to show that the Rus sian title was not dead — and that was, that it had never lived. Yet, as we have seen, Manager Rotchef gave Sut ter a certificate of transfer of the property that had been under his care, in which paper the lands were included. Rotchef was not the company's agent for the sale of the property, and could not have conveyed a title if there had been one to convey. But in later years when the lands had acquired greater value, and were in possession of settlers holding under Mexican grants of 1844, Sutter had the efi'rontery to produce the Rotchef document as a deed, and to dispose of his title to men who attempted to extort money from the settlers, and who are said to have been partially suc cessful. This was in 1859-60. The affair gave rise to much local excitement, and to a general ransack ing of the early annals. Public meetings were held, and ingenious arguments were presented on both sides. It is no part of my purpose to enter into the details of this transaction, by which fortunately only one or two men seem to have been victimized; but under no hypothesis that occurs to me can Sutter's action be regarded as that of an honorable man.^'^ " See Veritas, An examination of the Russian grant from A. Roicheff to John A. Sutter in I84I. Sacramento, 1860; S. F. Bulletin, May 3, 4, 1860; Petaluma Argus, Feb.-May, 1860. Li Sonoma County History, p. 362-78, there ia giveu a good descriptive aud hiatorical sketch of the Roaa aettlement, iu which conaiderable attention ia paid to the Sutter purchase and title; but iu thia part of hia work the author goea far astray, repreaenting Sutter as hav ing beeu at the worst an innocent victim of Ruasian wiles. I quote briefly as follows: 'They persuaded Sutter into the belief that their title waa good and could be maintained The transfer was duly made, and Sutter became, 18G THE RUSSIANS IN CALIFORNIA. Manager Rotchef, with all remaining servants of the company, sailed on the Constantine, which was at San Francisco in December 1841, and probably left Ross early in January 1842. One Russian, and perhaps several, remained on the ranchos to look out for the company's interests.^^ Sutter sent Robert Ridley to assume charge for him at first; but John Bidwell took his place early in 1842, and was in turn succeeded by William Benitz late in 1843. Mean while most of the movable property, including the cannon, implements, and most of the cattle, was re moved to New Helvetia. The few hundred cattle left behind soon became so wild that if meat was needed it was easier to catch a deer or bear."® The Californians made no effort to occupj?- the abandoned fortress; since, having virtually consented to the sale of everything but the land, the government had no property to be protected there; and if there had been soldiers to spare or money to spend, there were other points in more urgent need of protection.^' The local as he thought, the greatest land-holder in California. The grants given by the Mexican government seeraed mere bagatelles compared with his almost provincial possessions. But alas for human hopea and aapirations! for in reaUty he had paid an enormous price for a very paltry compensation of per sonal and chattel property. It is apropos to remark here that in 1859 Sutter disposed of his Russian claim, which was a six-eighths interest in the lands, to Wra Muldrow, Geo. R. Moore, and Daniel W. Welty; bnt they only suc ceeded in getting $6,000 out of one settler. The remainder refused to pay, and the claim was dropped. Sorae of the settlers were inclined to consider the Muldrow claim a black-mailing affair, and to censure Gen. Sutter for dis- X5oaing of it to them, charging that he aanctioned the black-mailing process and waa to share in its profits; but we will aay in justice to the general that there was no idea of black-mail on his part. He supposed that he did purchase a bona fide claim and title to the land iu question of the Russians, and has always considered the grants given by the Mexican governraent as bogus; hence, in giving thia quitclaim deed to Muldrow et cd. , he sincerely thought he was deeding that to which he alone had any just or legal claim' ( !). Com ment is iinnecessary. *s Mofras, Explor., ii. 9, says that Rotchef sailed Jan. 1st, leaving M. Nikolai in charge of affairs. 5' BidweU, Cal I84I-8, MS., p. 70-100, gives many interesting facts about occurrences of this tirae. See also Sonoma Oo. Hist , 373, etc. ^i" Jan. 11, 1842, Alvarado suggesta to the raiu. of rei. that it would be well to atation 40 or 50 men at Ross to protect the frontier. Dept Rec, MS., xiii. 8-10. But nothmg more ia heard of the raatter. Caatafiares, Col. Doc. Cal., 48-9, writing iu 1844 says the Mex. govt has taken no steps to occupy Ross; the cannon have been removed by Sutter; and Stephen Sraith was in posses sion of Bodega. Bustamante, Gabinde 3Iex., U. 109, speaks of the abandon ment of Boss and the ordera issued at Mexico to take possession. A BAD DEBT. 187 annals of Bodega and the surrounding region after the Russians had departed do not belong to this part of my work. The Russians had striven faithfully but in vain to make their Californian colony a success; and now they had set for themselves a task whose difficulties were scarcely less formidable than those of their orig inal scheme of 1811, namely, the collection of a debt fro'm John A. Sutter. The records of their efforts and progress are not so complete as would be desirable ; but for three years absolutely nothing was paid, while on account of certain expenses for which Sutter was responsible,®^ the debt had increased from $30,000 to $31,774. The vessel which came for produce in the autumn of 1845 succeeded in obtaining a small quan tity of wheat, which reduced the amount of indebt edness to $30,219. At this time the government, in accordance with instructions from Mexico, entered into communication with Dionisius Zarembo, the company's agent, on board the Nasslednik, with a view to learn the exact condition of the affair; and Zarembo, in turn, called on the authorities to compel Sutter to pay his debt. Pears of foreign encroach ment were then rife, as we shall see, and it was deemed desirable to get possession of New Helvetia. As Sutter would not sell, except at an exorbitant price, and as his inability to pay his debts was well known, it was in contemplation to buy the Russian company's mortgage, as the cheapest and surest way to secure the post. Though the evidence is not quite clear, I think a bargain to that effect was made; but its consummation was defeated by the war with the United States, before confirmation could be obtained from Mexico.®^ *' In 1843 and 1844, Sutter alao had some trouble to pay the tonnage dues on the Russiau craft which had come for wheat. In 1843 his launch was seized by the revenue officera-as security, and in 1844 his draft was refused at the custora-house. Pinto, Doe, MS., ii. 25; Dep. St. Pap., Ben., MS., iU. 61. *^Sept. 12, 1845, Sec. Covarrubias to Prefect Castro, calling for an imme diate report in accordance with the president's ordera. Castro, Doc, MS., i. 138 THE RUSSIANS IN CALIFOBNIA. In purchasing the Ross property Sutter had not deliberately intended to swindle the sellers. He had, as was usual with him, assumed a heavy obligation without consideration of his prospective ability to meet it. That he could make no payments at all within the time assigned for paying the whole sum did not seem to him an alarming state of affairs. There were excuses in abundance. Crops had failed from drought; civil dissensions had claimed his atten tion; creditors much nearer than Sitka had pressed him; and something was likely enough to turn up — as indeed something did, in the discovery of gold. Considerable grain seems to have been delivered in 1846 or 1847; for the company's accounts show®' that by the latter year nearly one fourth of the original $30,000 had been paid, though by reason of expenses accrued the debt had not been much reduced. Mean while the company after the conquest had presented its claims to the new authorities, and renewed its mortgages under United States forms.®* In 1848-9 154-5. Oot. 18th, Zarembo to sub-prefect, in reply to a coraraunication of Sept. 15th, iu Ruaaiau and EngUah, stating the amount- due, and enclosing the original contract of 1841. Id., i. 178-9. Spanish translation by Hart neU. Fernandez, Doc, MS., 45-6. Nov. 6th, Zarembo to prefect. Has seeu Sutter, who will pay ouly 900 fan. wheat this year. Aska aid to collect thia debt, and others amounting to $21,344 due frora parties in Cal. Castro, Doc, MS., i. 218. Nov. 7th, Caatro's reply. WiU take steps to corapel the payraent. Id, i. 221. Caatro, Rdacion, MS., 160-2, states, and I have no reason to doubt the statement, that he, as prefect, and Zarembo signed a con tract at Yerba Buena on Nov. 24th. Dec. 13th, Zarembo to gov. Asks that Leidesdorff be recognized as the company's agent in the matter. Dept. St Pap., MS., vi. 135. Dec 27th, to Forbea. Rough draft of the contract. It was simply an agreement to buy and sell the claim for $31,000, and the co. was allowed to receive what Sutter might pay that year — since it was known, as the -writer adds in a note, tliat he had little or nothing to pay. Id., v. 121-2. Dec. 29th, Covarrubias to prefect. Wants a copy of the agreement for the gov. Castro, Doc, MS., i. 64. Jau. 24, 1846, Forbes, EngUsh vice- consul, to govemor's secretary. Speaka of the arrangement aa advantageous, and thinks it should be conflrmed by Mexico. A coraraissioner was to be sent at once. Moreno, Doe, MS., 24-6. Larkin, however, aaya that the Rus sian gov. told hira that he did uot favor any auch arrangement, deeming Sutter a safer debtor thau the govt! Larkin's Notes on Personal Char, of Cal ifornians, MS., p. 109. •^ Copies by M. Alphonse Pinart from the originals at St Petersburg. Yet according to Unbound Doc, MS., 301-2, Gov. Teberenof wrote, Dec 15, 1846, to Capt. Mervine that only $3,812.71, had been paid; asks aid iu collecting the debt. M. replies, Jan. 17, 1847, that Montgomery did all that was possible; but that Sutter cannot dispose of any property pending the report of a tribunal. ^*Nov. 10, 1846, Sutter to Washington Bartlett. Demands to know his A FINAL MISFORTUNE. 189 Sutter, in order that some one creditor might not get an advantage over others as is said, conveyed all his property to his son;®^ but in these years, or at least by 1850, as is shown by the company's accounts for that year, he was able to reduce the Russian debt by $7,000, and had made a definite agreement to pay the remainder to an agent at San Francisco. This prom ise seems to have been kept, as all agree that the debt was paid in full not long after 1850; but one Russian authority tells us that the company's agent absconded v/ith the last payment of $15,000, to cap the climax of Russian misfortunes in California. Yet in the flush times following the discovery of gold, they were able to sell, at very profitable rates, one or two cargoes of articles deemed valueless that had been accumiilat- ing at Sitka for many years.®® authority for issuing au attachment ou hia real estate, and threatens a suit for daraages against hira and the company. McKinstry's Papers, MS., 24^5. S5 Burnett's iticoU., MS., u. 1-3, 124. "^ Golovnin, Voyage, 22-3, 123. No particulars are giveu by any authority about Sutter's last payraent, but all state that the debt was paid during the flush times; though Bidwell tells us that the payment left Sutter but little available property. In the Sonoma Co. Hid. , 372, it is stated that ' the last payment was made by Sutter through Ex-gov. Bumett in 1849. Sutter paid the entire amount in cash, and not a part in cash and the remainder iu wheat and real estate, as haa beeu atated. E. V. Sutter, a sou of the general, is our authority for the above statementa.' CHAPTER VIL POLITICAL AFFAIRS AND GENERAL CONDITION. 1841. Events of the Yeas — Small Part Plated by Californians — Apathy IN Politics — A Season of Drought — At the Capital — Governor Alvarado — Jimeno Acting Ruler — ^No Session of the Junta De. partamental — No Excess of Government — Administration of Jus tice — Mission Affairs — Continued Spoliation — Mofras' Statis tics — Pueblo of San Juan de Argijello — The Bishop's Arrival — Indian Affairs — A Time of Peace- Military Items — Alvarado and Vallejo — Policy and Motives of the Comandante General — Un founded Charges — Action in Mbxico^Reoonciliation — Castro or Prudon — Vallejo's Plans fob Reform. The first year of the new decade was by no means an uneventful one in the annals of California. In 1841 the Russians abandoned the establishment which for three decades had caused the Spanish and Mexican authorities much anxiety politically, but in other re spects had been a benefit to the country. Not only did the Russian American Company depart, but the English Hudson's Bay Company came in its stead to effect a permanent estabUshment, to continue hunting operations, to purchase live-stock for the north, and, as many feared, to monopolize the Californian trade. New Helvetia absorbed the property of Ross, and by its peculiar position, its foreign character, and the temperament of its ruler, also succeeded Ross as a fomenter of political fears. Among the forty vessels of the year there were seven men-of-war, or national exploring craft; and the trading fleet, though hides and taUow were not so readily obtained as formerly, (190) ANNALS OF 1841. 191 paid $100,000 in duties on goods imported. It was in 1841 that the U. S. exploring expedition came to the Sacramento Valley by land and sea, that an at tachd of the French govemment made a tour of ob servation through the country, and that California was visited by a prominent English navigator — exten sive narratives being written as a result by Lieuten ant Wilkes, M. Duflot de Mofras, and Sir George Simpson. In 1841 three great nations were cherish ing hopes of supplanting Mexico in the possession of this western land. In 1841 not only did many exiles of the past year return, but the tide of overland immi gration began to flow in across the snowy sierra. In all this, however, it will be noticed that foreign ers were the active agents. Each topic of foreign relations is to be fully recorded in the following chap ters. In this one I have to write of what was done by the Californians ; and it must be admitted that they did little except to wait and wonder what strangers would conclude to do with them and their country. Politically, it was a time of apathetic inaction, with out a revolutionary symptom even on paper. In the south, especially, does the year*present but a blank page in history. Except now and then a petty occur rence ,of purely local nature, there is nothing to be recorded of the region below Monterey. It is not to be supposed that the abajehos had forgotten their grievances, but they gave no sign of discontent. There were no protests or pronunciamientos from the versa tile ayuntamiento of Angeles. Josd Antonio Carrillo was not accused, so far as I know, of political intrigue. Even Juan Bandini held his peace and wrote no long letters. In the north, except so far as the foreign element was concerned, the current of events was almost equally placid and monotonous. The season was one of drought, causing a partial failure of crops, and considerable loss in live-stock,^ but there was no suf- ' Bidwell, Joumey io Cal., 23-5, 29, speaksof the drought of 1840-1, as do other immigrants; but he gives a table of the weather for each day in the la,,. 192 POLITICAL AFFAIRS ANT) GENERAL CONDITION. fering among the people, who were as prosperous as was possible with such an expenditure of energy as they were disposed to make. The drought, however, with the diminished productiveness of the mission es tates, made it harder than usual for the traders to fill up their cargoes, and collect the amounts due from the rancheros ; so that the country's lack of prosperity was somewhat exaggerated in their reports. At the capital the governor and the clique of offi cials about him displayed a degree of zeal in the handling of departmental funds, if in nothing else. They received $100,000 from the custom-house, with a large but unknown amount from the ex-mission estates. There were current suspicions that the pub lic money was squandered on various private and public fiestas, and that the residue was not quite im partially distributed; but there are no proofs that such was the case, nor any indications that they ever had difficulty in finding a use for all the moneys they could collect. Alvarado had been at his best in the revolu tion against Mexico in 1836 and in subsequent troubles with the south. In honesty and intelligence he had equalled, in energy and executive ability as in per sonal popularity he had excelled, the best of those about him; but he had now degenerated in several respects. The gross charges of rascality made against him by men like Farnham were unfounded. Alva rado was yet a courteous and well-meaning ruler, com paratively liberal and free from narrow prejudices. But he had lost much of his old enthusiasm for reform, and was content to let public affairs drift for the most part as they would, to perform carelessly the few routine duties devolving upon him, to deplore the non progressive condition of the department, and cast the season of 1841-2, indicating au average number of rainy days, 35 from Nov. 15th to March 31st. He says, however, tjiat the winter was wet. Drought men tioned in Honolulu Polynesian, U. 55; Niles' Recjister, Ixi. 98; Torre, Remin., MS., 102; Belden's Hist Statement, MS., 16. The drought extended tothe south also. Guerra, Doc, MS., v. 203. Larkin says not watereuough fell to raise the streams an inch. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxvi. 214. THE GOVERNOR AND JUNTA. 193 blame on circumstances, or fate, or Mexico. He gave himself up to convivial pleasures, drank deeply, was often unable from 'illness' to attend to official duties, and having injured himself severely by a fall when intoxicated, was obliged to turn over his office in Sep tember to Jimeno Casarin, as he had done several times before.'' The junta departamental did not assemble at all during the year, as a majority of the members when summoned excused their non-attendance on various pretexts more or less satisfactory to themselves.^ Neither was there any session or organization of the tribunal superior, though the members of that body had been appointed the year before.* Andrds Cas tiUero was representing California in Congress, but he might as well have been in Patagonia for all that is heard of his public services at this time. The su preme government did nothing but forward certain warnings against foreigners, with a few routine orders and instructions to which no special attention was paid in the department. Thus it -will be seen that California, whatever may have been her misfortunes, was not suffering from too much government; and the result, so far as the gen- ' Jan. 1, 1841, A. assumed the govt. Dept. St Pap., Amg., MS., xu. 44. Sept. 21st, Jimeno becomes acting gov. ou account of A.'s illness. Id., xi. 127-8; Dept Rec., MS., xu. 18, 42-3; Angeles, Arch., MS., U. 107-9. Dec. 31st, A. re-assumes the office. Dept. Ree, MS., xii. 28, 46; Dept. St. Pap., Ang., MS., xi. 131. It was as 1st vocal of the dip. that Jimeno becanie acting gov. , and meanwhile Jos6 Z. Fernandez acted as secretary. A. 's ac cident is noticed iu print by Sir Geo. Simpson, in MS. by Janssens, and in conversation by many Californians. ' The junta had been convoked iu Dec. 1840 to raeet iu Jau. Requena, Pio Pico, aud 3os6 Castro excuse themselves on the plea of ill health; and Requena also argues that the junta expires legally on Dec. 31st and must be renewed in toto. Dept. St. Pap., MS., v. 34^6. Jan. 9, 1841, Santiago Ar giieUo caunot attend on account of his duties as prefect, fearing disorders iu his district. Leg. Ree, MS., iv. 1. March 12th, Alvarado complains that all the vocales but one replied that there were 'legal impediraents' to their attendance. 8. Diego, Arch., MS., 280. June 21st, A. to min. of rei., com plaining of a lack of interest ou the part of the dip. , whicii body will uot even meet to diacuaa iniportant raattera. Dept. Rec. , MS. , xii. 34. *See Hist. Cal., vol. iii., chap, xx., thia series. In a letter of June 5, 1841, Requena says the chief reason why the tribunal has not beeu opened is be cause the gov. is unwilling to give J. A. Carrillo au opportunity for intrigue.. Requena, Doc, MS., 2. Hist. Cal., Vol. IV. 13 194 POLITICAL AFFAIRS AND GENERAL CONDITION. eral condition of the people was concerned, was not altogether unsatisfactory. Local matters were well enough managed, according to Hispano-American ideas, by prefects and jueces de paz; and in several instances the perpetrators of serious crimes were pun ished with a promptness almost unheard of in Cali fornia. Doubtless there was room for great reforms in the administration of justice. Indian horse-thieves were becoming bold in their operations, petty thefts and drunken quarrels among vagabonds of the towns were too often unpunished; but it must be added that current statements of foreign visitors respecting the reign of crime and the utter lack of protection to life and property were grossly exaggerated. The year brought no changes of a general nature in the administration of mission affairs, and the con dition of the different establishments remained prac tically as in 1839-40.^ No successor was appointed to Hartnell as visitador, and the majordomos in charge of the estates were responsible directly to the government. There are no accounts and little cor respondence extant respecting drafts upon those estates in behalf of the departmental treasury;® but while it is impossible to estimate the amount obtained, there is no doubt that such drafts were freely made whenever mission products could be utilized. Foreign visitors allude in general terms to the destruction of the missions, but refer rather to the period than to the year; and in its general phases this subject has al- _ready received sufficient attention.^ From the mass * See chap. ii. of thia vol. " Feb. 1841, 1,100 sheep delivered by govemor's order from Sta Clara to Douglas; in March, 60 cows to the sarae person. St Pap. 31iss., MS., ix. 43. These animala were sold by the gov. to the H. B. Co. ' Jan. 29, 1841, Ethan Estabrook writes to Larkin: ' Should his exceUency continue in office I have uo doubt the missions -vrill suffer till there ia nothing left to suffer.' Larkin's Doc, MS., i. 122. Mofras, Explor., i. 390, 420, says that Alvarado took all the cattle left at Soledad, with aU the iron-work, and the tiles for his. own house, and gaft'e everything remaining to hia friend So beranes. He also speaks of tbe deliberate plunder of Mission S. Jos6 by the Vallejo faraily. CONDITION OF THE MISSIONS. 195 of petty local items extant I judge that in 1841 there was less of abuse and robbery in the administration of these estates than in former years — either because of reforms introduced by Hartnell, a weeding-out of some of the worst administrators, greater vigilance on the part of the governor, or a lack of desirable property to be stolen : perhaps for all these causes com bined. The padres, increased in number to twenty- three by the return of Garcia Diego and the coming of Santillan and Ambris, novices who soon became priests, served as curates at their respective estab lishments, and nothing was heard of those in the south beyond an occasional protest against the con duct of an unmanageable majordomo, or against the granting of sorne mission rancho. In the north the Zacatecanos sustained and increased their unenvi able reputation by the disgraceful conduct of the drunken Padre Quijas, and the hardly less apparent immoralities of certain others, which foreign visitors especially did not fail to notice and to write about.^ At or in connection with each of the southern es- tablishmerits, as at several of those in the north, a small number of Indians were still living in commu nity, on one basis or another, more or less completely under the control of administrators or padres, or both.^ Mofras gives the number of Indians living in com munity in 1841-2 as 4,450, varying from 20 at Sole dad and San Rafael to 500 and 650 at San Gabriel, San Diego, and San Luis Rey; but in these figures he must include at several places in the north many Indians who had no other connection with the mis sions than that of living somewhere in the vicinity.^" ' Wilkea, Simpaou, aud Peirce speak in plain terms on the subject; still it must be adraitted that so far as their peraonai observations went, P. Quijas was the one mainly responsible. ' July 26th, Alvarado by a decree releases an Indian from hia conditiou of neophyte, allowing him to support himself and famUy as he pleases. Bandini, Doc, MS., 52. Prefect Arguello complains to Capt. Guerra of the scandalous immorality prevalent in the southem missiona, sorae of which, are Uttle else than brothels. Guerra, Doe, MS., vu. 82-3. ^"Mofras, Explor., i. 320. Thia author gives a very good deacription of the conditiou of each eatablishment. 196 POLITICAL AFFAIRS AND GENERAL CONDITION. There is no satisfactory information respecting the Indian pueblos of the south ;^^ and the only event of local annals requiring notice in this connection is the dissolution of the neophyte community at San Juan Capistrano. This action was taken by the governor in consequence of dissatisfaction with the majordomo, and of a petition from citizens of San Diego to have lands assigned them. The order was issued in July and the lands were distributed some months later. The Indians were given the preference in the choice of lands, and the new pueblo was named San Juan de ArgiieUo.'^ Bishop Garcfa Diego arrived in 1841, landing from the Rosalind at San Diego with a suite of twelve persons the 11th of December; but his formal reception, together with the beginnings ofthe grand work he no doubt intended to accomplish for his diocese, belongs to the annals of another year.'^ Bare mention is all that is called for in the matter of Indian affairs. Though fears were expressed that hostile gentiles might again possess the country,^* and '^ Peb.-April 1841, aorae diaaatiafaction of the Indiana at Las Flores, S. Pascual, and S. Dieguito, at the interference of the Picoa. Haye^ Mission Book, 347, from 8. Diego Archives. ^^ Extracts from archives in Hayes' Mission Booh, i. 121-2, 126-8; Jans sens, Vida, MS., 167-9; Los Angeles Star, Nov. 13, 1869; S. Diego, Index, MS., 137; Dept. St Pap., Ang., MS., xii. 54; Dept St Pap., MS., xviu. 46, etc. ''Dec 12, 1841, ArgiieUo to govemor, announcing the biahop'a arrival, and ordering some preparationa for his journey to the presidio from some point not clearly defined. He was to start in a silla de manos as soon as the people had asserabled, and was to lodge at Bandini's house. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., iii. 102-4. Nov. 5th, contract with Capt. Crouch of the Rosalind to carry the bishop and suite irom S. Blaa to S. Diego for |2,000 and all tonnage dues. Id., vi. 80-1. July 29th, Alvarado to Vallejo, aunouucing that the bishop is ou his way. Vallejo, Doe, MS., x. 236. Hia episcopal influence waa felt before hia arrival, aa appears frora au order of the alcalde of S. Diego on Sept. 1, 1840, to keep cattle out of the streets, as the bishop might arrive any day! 8. Diego, Index, MS., 109. On Dee. 18th Garcia Diego confirmed 125 persona. S. Diego, Lib. Mision, MS., 45. Va llejo writes to Virmond on Dec 1st: ' The coraing of a bishop ia going to cause rauch trouble. The priests are beside theraselves with pride, and begin to fulminate sentences of excoramunioation, etc. , relying ou that prelate. Poor crazy foola, if they think they can browbeat the leading raen in Califomia. The age of theocratic domination is past. However, Califomiana who have never seen biahopa will now kuow how they dress and observe their ceremo nies. If they- intended to plant new miasions among the savages, sorae good might result; but nothing is further from the niinds of the priests.' Vallejo, Doc, MS., viii. 335. " Dec. 24th, Vallejo to chief of staff in Mexico. Vallejo, Doe, MS., x. 398. INDIAN AFFAIRS. 197 foreign writers spoke in a general way of continual outrages, I find in records of the year nothing of de tails beyond the facts that several expeditions of citi zen soldiers and friendly Indians were sent out from San Jose against the horse-thieves;^^ that there was a continuance of hostilities, or at least of warlike ru mors, on the southern frontier, particularly from May to July;'® and that the fierce Sotoyomes of the north were said to be planning a new attempt to destroy the gente de razon." Thus even rumors of hostilities were less plentiful than usual ; and while horse-stealing was a regular industry of the gentiles, often in league with Christians, and occasionally an Indian was killed in a conflict between the two classes, there was no real hostility in a warlike sense, and no special danger in any part of the country. General apathy in Indian affairs as in everything else. The old military establishment of presidial com panies was still kept up, nominally at San Francisco — or rather Sonoma — Monterey, and Santa Bdrbara; but the company of San Diego had long since disappeared. The three companies had about one hundred men on their pay rolls, either in active service or as invd,lidos ; and about $30,000 of the departmental revenues was devoted to their support. ^^ An artillery force with a The general's object waa to get an increase of railitary force, aud he doubtleaa exaggerated the danger. Alvarado in hia lettera -fco Mexico declared often that the Indiana could be easily controlled. '"Jan. 24, 1841, gov. to prefect. In consequence of an encounter between pagans and a neophyte, bows and arrows are to be distributed; and Capt. Estrada is to go with the force. Dept. Rec, MS., xii. 2. July 23d, J. J. Va Uejo to cora. geu. Robberies frequent. 25 citizens will start day after to- raorrow. roH(i/o,i)oc.,MS.,x.221. Feb. I9th, gov. orders payment of $20 to an Indian chief who has returned from his campaign iu the Tulares. Dept. St. Pap., 'Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., iv. 62. May-July, payment of |254 and other suras for monthly expenses of auxiliary forces against Indiaus. Id., iv. 57-8. '^ May-July, 1841, alight corresp. on reported rising of Ind. of the Sierra de Jamur aud Sierra de Tuzmin. Dept St. Pap., Angeles, MS., vi. 32,43; xii. 57; Dept Ree, MS., xii. 13; Fitch, Doc, MS., 166. "VaUejo to Alvarado, July 27th. Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 230. Salvador Vallejo was about to raarch agaiust the foe. ''For particulars see local annals. I note the following railitary items: Jau. 1, 1841, Vallejo to miu. of war. The Mazatlan aquadron of 1819 has been for many years disperaed for want of resources, each man earning his 198 POLITICAL AFFAIRS AND GENERAL CONDITION. grand total of 24 men was alsO maintained; of which Captain Silva was made the commander, and respect ing which certain reports were called for and made, with a view to increase its efficiency for the country's safety. The armament was forty-three cannon, or two to each gunner, to say nothing of seventeen use less pieces.'^ In addition to the military force already specified, there was a temporary auxiliary or militia company organized for service against the Indians, but about which at this time little is known.^" Having thus briefly noticed several matters con nected with the general condition of the country in 1841, I come back to that of politics, or to the only phase of politics outside of foreign relations that stiU offered something of interest or importance— the con troversy between the comandante general and the governor. At the beginning of the year Vallejo wrote again to the supreme government of his grievances and of the ruin that Alvarado's policy was bringing upon the living as best he cau. Vallejo, Doe, MS., x. 7. Jan. 11th, the gov. has bought 100 carbines from the Catalina to prevent their being sold to private persons. Id., x. 2. March, VaUejo informs comandantes that he haa been ordered to report on disabled officers, who are to be retired. Id., X..82. Aug. 3d, a lieutenant authorizes hia attomey to collect from Abrego |1,885, back pay for 4 yeara aud 10 raouths. 8. Diego, Arch., MS., 282. Aug. 7th, pur chase of 100 carbines from CSlia and 2,046 flints. Vcdlejo, Doe, MS., x. 239. Sept. 23d, $300 on account of the general'a salary sent with raoney for the corapany. Id., x. 288. Oct. lat, V. saya that iu accordance with orders from Mexico he has appointed a comandante for the frontier (distinct from that of S. P.) Dept St Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., Ixxxv. .3. "June 1840, Silva appointed in Mexico to re-organize and command the artUlery. Savage, Doc, MS., iv. 322-3. Peb. 19, 1841, min. of war calls for a report of guns and war material. VaUejo, Doe, MS., x. 63. April 17th, similar order. Id., x. 116. May 12th, reportof chief of artillery at Monterey on arraament and ita distribution, as follows: Monterey, 18 guns, with cap tain, sergeant, 2 corporals, drummer, and 7 privatea; S. Franciaco, 6 guns and 1 man; Sonoma, 7 guns and 5 men; Sta BArbara, 3 guns aud 6 men; S. Diego, 9 guns and 1 man; besidea uaeleaa guns iand miscellaneous war ma terial. Id., X. 125-6. ^° Feb. 16, 1841, general order in Mexico for organization of auxUiary com panies. Vallejo, Doc. Hid. Mex., MS., ii. 169. June 28th, Alvarado consults Vallejo ou the subject. Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 181. Payments to auxUiaries for service. Dept. St Pap., Ben. Com. ancl Treas., MS., iv. 57-8. Sept. Sth, Capt. Estrada states that hia troops have ceased to serve. Id., iv. 55. VALLEJO vs ALVARADO. 199 country,^^ expressing anew his conviction that relief must come from Mexico, and that the two commands should be re-united in one person. He also addressed a private letter to President Bustamante on the sub ject, explaining that the unfortunate interruption of friendly relations between the two men had rendered it impossible for him to exert any influence upon Alvarado, who had done nothing of late but create offices and multiply expenses. A reorganization of the public service in all its branches was imperatively necessary ; at the least, a commissioner should be sent from Mexico to study and report on California's needs. He also hoped to be soon relieved of his command and permitted to visit the national capital.^^ Naturally, unworthy motives have been imputed to' Vallejo. It has been thought that he not only desired to humble a rival, but to obtain the governorship for himself. Alvarado, as we have seen, had once gone so far as to suspect, or to pretend such a suspicion, that he was ready to effect his purpose by conspiracy with foreigners,^^ and other partisans of the governor held and expressed similar opinions.^ A common 21 Jan. 1, 1841, V. to min. of war. VaUejo, Doc, MS., x. 4-6, 9-11. Sev eral communications. He says 'the civil govt iu unskilful hands has sworn the destruction of the military branch, and haa not even respected ita prop erty; ' declarea the preaidial companies must be restored, and given each its raucho — especially must the company of Sonoma have the rancho of Soscol; complains of an unjust distribution of the funds; states that Abrego, having been appointed comisario without bonda, obeys Alvarado implicitly; says he has only just received his official despatches from the war departraent for 1837-40, all ha-ving been opened at the capital; charges that not only publio but private mails are tampered with; that the Califomia sailed without his correspondence, being despatched by the gov. without his knowledge. Abuses cf every kind are constantly permitted and relief can corae only from the national govt, the orders of whioh at present are despised. Jan. 15th, to Virmond he writea that the govemor's sycophants, have cauaed confusion m every branch of the govt, and now, expecting soon to lose their offices, are destroying everything as fast as they can. Id. , x. 42. 2^ Jan. 15th, V. to pres. Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 46. He says Guerra y Noriega is the only officer at all competent to take his place temporarily. ''^See Hid. Cat., vol. ui., chap, xx., this series. '* Peb. 25, 1841, Joaquiu T. Castro from S. Pablo to prefect Tiburcio Cas tro. Fears that Vallejo intends to get the command, and has good reason for his fears. The foreigners favor him, and Forbes says the Mexican govt has given him encouragement. Has never longed for Dou Josh's presence more thau now. Could say much raore, but prefers to wait. VaUejo has threatened to make it hot for 'maa de cuatro' in case of success. Monterey, Arch., MS., 200 POLITICAL AFFAIRS AND GENERAL CONDITION. version of the matter among Californians is in sub stance that Vallejo, angry at not being allowed to control the government, strove to overthrow his rival and obtain his place, but overshot the mark, since both fell together.^' These charges and suspicions are, however, greatly exaggerated if not wholly unfounded. I have already shown that at the beginning of the quarrel Vallejo was influenced not only by well found ed disapproval of the governor's acts, but by wounded personal pride and an exalted idea of his own author ity. In 1839 he would have been flattered by an offer of the governorship, as an honor, a source of power, and as a means of humbling his foes; but I find no evidence that he ever openly or secretly sought the office, and I doubt that he would have accepted it at all in 1841. The whole tenor of his communi cations to the Mexican government is against the the ory that he desired to be governor.^® Naturally, he may still have felt some resentment toward Alvarado, or more specially toward his associates at the capital; but there are indications that his feelings in that re spect were less bitter than formerly. He was tired of the estrangement and controversy, and he felt that under the unwise management of Alvarado and his advisers none of the reforms — ^political, military, com mercial, and industrial — which he believed essential to the country's welfare were to be expected. He be- X. 6-7. 'An idea has got abroad that he [Vallejo] is looking to the guberna torial chair, and to be placed there by the samo force that has raised Alvarado and himself to the posts they now occupy.' Wilkes' Narr., v. 210-11. ''^Osio, Hist. Cal, MS., 415-18, thinks the action of the govt at the first in writing a private letter to both officers did much to promote the quarrel, leading each to deem himself the favored one. Each tried, both in Cal. and Mex., to overthrow the other; but it is iraplied that V. was in the -wrong be cause his office was a subordinate one. See alao, in a similar atraiu, some in clining to one side and somo to thc other, Botello, Anales, MS., 95; Ord, Oeurrencias, MS., 120; Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 61-2; Fernandez, Cosas de Cal, MS., 109; Galindo, Apuntes, MS., 42-3; and many others. Narratives of foreign writers generally givo a similar version. 2" Alvarado hiraself. Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 193-200, does uot charge V. with having deaired the office; though ho does charge him with having been influ enced in hia opposition mainly by anger at not being allowed to manage the country. In his letter to Virraond of Jan. lith, V. says his enemies believe he is trying to get the governorship, and is likely to succeed; but that such is not the case. Vcdlejo, Doc, MS., x. 42. VALLEJO'S POLICY. 201 lieved that the department was drifting toward ruin; he saw no way of averting the danger under the act ual rdgime, and he advised a change. His advice, from the standpoint of a Mexican official, was sound; and I am disposed to think, notwithstanding the cur rent charges, that it was honestly given. Before the end of 1841, moreover, the general had doubtless be come convinced that California was not destined to remain long under Mexican rule. He was an inteUi gent man, foresaw that the change was likely to be an advantage to his country and to his own interests, and was not disposed to look with dread upon the prospect; but being also a man of honor, with a due sense of his obligations as a Mexican officer, he con tinued in good faith to urge upon his government the imminence of the danger and the only means of avert ing it. As comandante general he was impelled by his pride and sense of honor to protect Mexican in terests; but he preferred that the impending change sliould find neither himself nor his nephew in charge of the department. - During the summer, while negotiations for the abandonment of Ross were in progress, relations be tween the governor and general were not unfriendly, as we have seen; and in July letters were exchanged by the two, in which they expressed mutual regret for past estrangement, and a desire for reconciliation. A personal interview was proposed, Jesus Vallejo exert ing himself particularly in the matter; but the mag nate of Sonoma was unwilling to visit the capital, and Alvarado declared himself too unwell to come to Santa Clara. ^'^ It was also in July that there came, '''July 15, 1841, fragment of a letter from V. to A. 'No meu were ever united by ao mauy ties from infancy to raanhood. ' Hopes to get rid of his office, aud thus to reraove all grounds of rivalry, and, if it be irapossible to re new cordial relations, at least to escape the ridicule of their friends. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xiv. 29. July 29th, A. to V. Is glad to know that V. desires a restoration of liarmony; and is at a loaa to know exactly what interrupted ifc after their last meeting. Id, x. 235. Jjily 27th, V. in-vites A. to visit the frontier to have an interview and study the needs of that region. Denies the current charges that he desires to make liimself a sultan and to ignore the 202 POLITICAL AFFAIRS AND GENERAL CONDITION. by the same vessel that brought back the foreign exiles from San Bias, a rumor that a new comandante general had been appointed, and was about to start for Califorma with five hundred men. The rumor, though premature, had some foundation in fact, but was not credited by the governor.^ Meanwhile the government in Mexico replied in April to Vallejo's communications of January. In these replies, which seem not to have reached Cali fornia until October, Vallejo was assured in the presi dent's name that measures would be promptly dictated for the reform of abuses complained of. Alvarado was recommended to observe all due consideration for the general; both were urged to act in harmony, and mutually aid each other in the country's time of trou ble which seemed near at hand.^' About the same time Josd Castro came back from Mexico, very likely with verbal instructions from Bustamante to effect a reconciliation between the two chiefs. At any rate, he took some steps in that direction, as it was evi dently feared that a crisis was at hand when the gen eral's cooperation would be needed. Writing to Vallejo he protested that his friendship was undimin ished, denied that he had tried to compromise the general in Mexico, cursed the men who had kept their rulers at loggerheads, hoped he would, by coming to Monterey, teach those false friends a lesson, urged him to forget all personal differences for the country's good, and invited him to come to Mission San Jose for an interview. "The good begun by us for Cali fornia must be carried to completion, and our foes confounded"!^" Alvarado also wrote, expressing his willingness to obey the president's instructions by poUtical authorities. He haa the force to do so if he wished, but haa never entertained such unworthy ideas. Id., x. 230. 28 July 22d, Comandante Florea at Monterey to V. Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 220. July29tli, A. to V. /(/.,x. 230. ./ > . > 2» April 6, 15, 1841, min. of war to V. VaUejo, Doc, MS., x. 98-9; 103-4 AprU 12th, mhi. of rei. to A. Sup. Govt St Pap., MS., xvi. 19. March, June, reports called for on state of affairs in Cal. Dept. St Pav MS., iv. 137; Angeles, Arch., MS., U. 68-70. ^"Oot. 5th, 2oth, Castro to V. Vqllejo, Doe, MS., x. 301, 315. The gen- CASTRO'S EFFORTS. 203 reducing the number of civil servants, attending to the organization of a military force, and taking coun sel of Vallejo and others respecting the course to be followed, "so far as policy and circumstances could be reconciled with duty." ^^ Vallejo came down to Mission San Josd in Novem ber as requested,'^ and had an interview with Castro, though Alvarado was probably not present. The de cision arrived at was that, the situation being critical, prompt steps must be taken; that ifthe country was to be saved from foreign invasion, national aid must be obtained ; and that Castro should go to Mexico as the general's comisionado to secure such aid, as well as to ascertain the actual condition of political affairs in the national capital, about which there was much uncertainty.^ There is room for suspicion that this result was deliberately planned by Castro and Al varado as a means of preventing Vallejo from sending some other comisionado who would work against the governor's interests, as of course Castro was not to do. On December 6th, however, Alvarado suddenly changecl his mind, and decided that Castro was needed at home.^ Possibly Alvarado intended at this time to send a secret agent by the CaUfornia in Castro's eral's letters are not extant; but he seems to have made some charges against Don 3os&. f|Oot. 27th, A. to V. Vallejo, Doe, MS., x. 322. *^ He waa there, as -(vUl be seen, when the Bartleson company of immi granta arrived. He arrived Nov. Oth and remained at leaat until the 18th. '' There ia uo record of the interview. Nov. 17th, V. writes to A., urging the necessity of prompt military organization. Vallejo, Doe, MS., x. 349. Nov. 18th, V. to Abrego. Requeata him to furuiah Caatro §1,500 for travel ling expenaes to Mexico, where he goea on public business. Id., x. 353. Nov. SOth, Alvarado to V. Will order the California to Monterey to take Castro with V.'s despatches to Mexico; will also send by hira a report on the im pending dangers. Id., x. 369. "Dec 6th, A. to Castro, in Vallejo, Doe, MS., x. 373. He has just heard of the coming of a party of Americans from N. Mexico, which showed the danger -fco be nearer than had been expected, and Castro's servicea were Ukely to be needed. Moreover, aid from Mexico could hardly come in less than six months; and the lateat uewa from Mexico, which he gives at some length, leaves sorae room for doubt that attention will be paid to Californian raattera wheu affaira at the capital are iu such au imaettled condition. However, he will still send the schooner with despatches. Dec. Sth, Castro to V., for warding A.'s letter, and announcing his readiness to make any sacrifice and obey the general's ordera. Id., x. 376. 204 POLITICAL AFFAIRS AND GENERAL CONDITION. place; or his change of purpose may have resulted from the discovery of Vallejo's purpose to send Victor Prudon, his secretary, as a companion to Castro, which would render his plot, if plot there was, ineffectual. At any rate, the general had resolved to send Prudon, and did not modify his resolution at all in consequence of the change in the governor's plan.^^ Vallejo's despatches to the supreme government in December did not differ in spirit from those of January. He pictured California as a country nowhere excelled in natural advantages of climate, soil, and harbors, having all the elements of a grand prosperity, and need ing only an energetic population and wise regulations. Tbe immediate and imperative necessity was the pro tection ofthe department by the presence of a sufficient mUitary force. He pointed out in considerable detaU the country's commercial and agricultural possibilities, giving also his views respecting the obstacles in the way of their realization. Of course he alluded to the old complaints against the actual administration, and he formulated a remedial scheme, in substance as fol lows: i. A man should be placed at the head of affairs, and invested with both civil and military authority, who is not connected by blood or otherwise with other authorities or with the governed, ties of relationship rendering the chief impotent and his subjects insubor dinate, ii. A force of at least two hundred men should '° Prudon's name does not appear in this connection until Dec. 11th, when — ^possibly after receiving Castro's letter of the Sth, but probably not — Va llejo in his letter to the min. of war announces the sending of Castro and Prudon with despatches. Vcdlejo, Doe, MS., x. 384. Hia inatructions dated Dec. - — , are addreaaed to Caatro aud Prudon; but by art. 6 the latter is to go alone if Castro for any reason is unable to gs. The instructions are simply to proceed to Acapulco and Mexico, present despatches, answer questions about the country, not to know the object of their misaion before their interview witii tlie mm. of war, aud to hurry back with the auswer by the California, wnich ivas to wait at Acapulco for them. Not over 6 daya were to be apent la Mexico.. Id, xiv. 28. Aa Prudon was Vallejo's private secretary, the TnihiLT A n °T *^^ '''¦*"'"^ °* *'^« ™i^^i°° is very funny. Dec. 21st, V. DettlFi-r,^''nn ''^'"^°^ 8,°' *^'^«0 is *° be paid to Pridon. Id, x. 389; fcc?edfw (?;;,t V'i.?™p"''^ ^''•m. MS., iv. 65. Dec 23d, V. to min of war Sv for^ro^?,l"w ?™*°" ?/ ^^ comisionado, and recommending huA THE GENERAL'S PLAN. 205 be sent to the country with their pay well secured, and with competent officers of good character, iii. The custom-house should be put in charge of the comi sario, and the corps of treasury servants should be largely reduced, iv. There should be established and maintained a responsible post-office department, v. At San Francisco the fort should be rebuUt, with other public edifices, and a custom-house should be established. The laws forbidding the coasting trade by foreign vessels should be enforced, and the impor tation of various articles prohibited with a view to encourage home industries, vi. And finally there should be sent a large colony of Mexican artisans and farmers to counterbalance the influx of foreigners.^® '* Vallejo, Males de Calif o-mia y sus remedies. Informe del Comandante General al Ministro de Guerra, 13 de Die, 1841\ MS., alao copied iu Vallejo, Hid. Oal, MS., iv. 231-8. Also V. to rain, of war, Dec. 11th, in Vallejo, Doe, MS., X. 384. CHAPTER VIII. COMMERCIAL AND MARITIME AFFAIRS— THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY— VISITS AND BOOKS. 1841. Trading Regulations — Coasting Trade Suspended and Restored— New Mexican Caravan — Smuggling — Vallejo's Plan— Otter-hunt ing — Whalers — List of Vessels — Statistics of Revenue- Finan cial Administration — Hudson's Bay Company in California — ^Visit and Journal of Sir James Douglas— The Pur-hunters Licensed.^ Purchase of Live-stock — Proposed Trading-post — Rae's Estab lishment at Yerba Buena — Visit of Sir George Simpson and Chief Factor McLoughlin — The Company and Sutter — Simpsoij TO Vallejo — Map — Simpson's Naerati-ve — Quotations — ^Warner's Lecture on California — Peirce's Visit and Journal. In accordance with his warning of February 1840, and his communication of December to the supreme government,^ Alvarado issued an order in January 1841, that foreign vessels, must in future discharge and pay duties on their cargoes at Monterey, the coasting trade being strictly prohibited. By the same order the importation of foreign sugar, salt, and tim ber was also prohibited, as by the Mexican revenue laws.^ This act, having been expected for a year, excited but little comment or opposition so far as the ' See chap. iU. of this vol. Dec. ISth, A. to min. of int. Dept Rec., MS., xi. 76. Van. 2, 1841, Alvarado's order. Dept. Rec, MS., xU. 29; Dept St Pap., Ben., MS., iii. 25; Id., Ben. Cad.- H., v. S-9. Vessels actually engaged in the coasting trade were to be aUowed time to coraplete their voyages. Corre sponding orders were issued to local authorities to prevent trade by vessels which could not show the proper permits frora Monterey. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 280; Dept 8t Pap., MS., xii. 49. The change is mentioned in Niles' Eeg., March 1841, lx. 178; and the Honolulu Polynesian, March 27th, i. 167. Approved by Mex. govt iu 1841. Sup. Govt St Pap., MS., xvi. 19. (2U6) COASTING TRADE PROHIBITED. 207 records show. The Hudson's Bay Company's vessel Columbia, having arrived on the 1st, was not affected by the new regulations, and was permitted to sell even the sugar she had on board, without restriction; but the Maryland, arriving later with a cargo of Hawaiian sugar, narrowly escaped having that part of her cargo confiscated, and her captain was glad to get away from Monterey by paying dues on a ton nage far above the vessel's proper register.^ The Maryland seems to have been the only vessel of the year whose operations were at all interfered with by the edict of January, an edict which was virtually repealed a few months later. In July the Boston ship Tasso and a schooner arrived at Monterey, and on hearing that they could not engage in the coasting trade, at once prepared to depart without discharg ing their cargoes. This threat, involving a prospect ive loss of about $20,000 in duties, brought the gov ernment to terms, ancl the vessels were allowed t5 trade as before.* There is no record that the privi lege was formally extended to other vessels; but' neither does it appear that there was any further at tempt to enforce the edict; and the re-opening ofthe Californian ports was announced at Honolulu.^ Current commercial matters of the year, with the exception of that just mentioned, were not of a nature to attract much attention. The usual caravan of trad ers came overland from New Mexico in the autumn, numbering about thirty-five men, under the command of Estdvan Vigil. There were the usual fears of the 'Jan. 29, 1841, Estabrook to Larkin, announcing the new law, whioh 'will unquestionably be carried iuto effect until the poverty of the govt corapels thera to alter it.' The writer erroneously claims that there was uu: just discrimination in favor of the Columbia and against the Ma-ryland, sup posing the order to have taken effect Jan. 1st. He also pronounces the customs officers a 'set of blockheads, ' who raade a blunder of 60 tons in raeas uring the Maryland. They finally took off 40 tons, and Capt. Blinn paid for the 20 to avoid delay. Larkin's Doe, MS., i. 122. In a letter from Monterey of Feb. 20th, it is stated that an order was actually issued for the seizure of the sugar, but subsequently withdrawn. Honolulu Polynesian, i. 1C7. * July 5, 1841, Abrego to Vallejo, iu Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 199. * Honolulu Polynesian, ii. 55. The news waa brought by the Llama in Septeraber. 2C8 COMMERCIAL AND MARITIME AFFAIRS. Chaguanosos, the hStes noirs of southern California, particular anxiety being excited by reports that a party of fifty -five, Americans, Frenchmen, Indians, and even 'apostate' Mexicans, was approaching with depravadas miras, under the leadership of El Cojo Smit, probably Peg-leg Smith;® but there are no records of special outrages committed by these vagabonds during the year; and they.must not be confounded with the party of immigrants by the same route to be noticed later*. The smugglers gave the authorities but little trouble, though it would be unwise to coriclude that they had abandoned their evil ways. Abel Stearns did not fail, however, to furnish as usual an item for this branch of his country's annals, since he was repeatedly warned to cease his contraband operations in hides, and his troubles of the preceding year had not yet been fully settled.' Vallejo still entertained the idea of transferring the custom-house to San Francisco, but made no progress towards the realization of his plan. Lieu tenant Wilkes represented Vallejo as controlling the entire trade of San Francisco Bay with a view solely to his own personal interests, but there was little if any foundation for such a charge, and there is noth ing to indicate that the general interfered or desired to interfere in the collection of revenues.^ Otter- ^Aug. 19, 1841, passport and instructions to VigU signed by Capt. Trujillo at S. Juan de los Caballeros. Dept St. Pap., Ang., MS., vi. 77-8. Rumors about the Chaguanosos, aome of thera brought by Vigil's party, and pre cautions taken. Id., iv. 43; vi. 75-6; xi. 130-1; Guerra, Doe, MS., vi. 152. Report about Smith's party. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 279. Mofras, Exploration, i. 354-6, speaks of the annual caravan; and says that the one arriving at Los Angeles iu Nov. of this year included 200 New Mexicans and 60 Araericans, besides a detached party of 40 who went to S. Jos6. The departure of the caravan ia noted also in Niles' Eeg., M. 209. '• Los Angeles, Arch., MS., ii. 2-6; Dept St Pap., Ben. Pref. yJuzg.,MS., iv. 1-2; vi. 81-2. Arnaz, Becuerdos, MS., 52, tella ua that Virraond and Aguirre did no srauggUng. Belden, Hist Statement, MS., 67-8, relates a cur rent story, to the eff-eot that sorae of the Californians used to sell Larkin the same hide several timea over by stealing it frora the yard back of hia store. 8 Dec 11, 1841, V. to miu. of war. Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 386. WUkes, Narr., v. 210-11, says V. 'is not overscrupulous iu demanding duties of vesaels entering the port of San Franciaco; and until he haa been aeen and consulted a veasel trading here ia liable to an indefinite amount of duties. A portion of the amount adds to his wealth, and how much goes to the gov- VESSELS OF 1841. 209 hunting went on as before, being confined for the most part to the southern coasts and islands, where it furnished profitable employment to a few persons. Santa Bdrbara was the headquarters of the otter- hunters; and captains Fitch, Wilson, and Scott are the men speciaUy mentioned as interested in this branch of industry in 1841. The records, however, are vague and of little interest, being disconnected items relating to attempts on the part of the author ities to prevent illegal hunting.® Whalers had been accustomed to bring goods to trade for needed sup plies; but this year it was deemed necessary to im pose restrictions ; and while these vessels were still to be exempt from anchorage and tonnage dues, they were to pay duties on the goods introduced, which could not exceed $500 in value for each vessel." I may remark here that the visitors of this year, Douglas, Mofras, Peirce, Wilkes, and Simpson, in their narratives to be noticed elsewhere, give special attention to the commercial interests of the country. In the maritime list of the year I name forty-six vessels," of which number seven were men-of-war, or emment is not kuown — enough I wag told iu some oases to save appearances, and no more.' He ' considers every bushel of grain as much at his command aa he does the persons of the people and the property of the state.' All these notions were imbibed largely from Sutter. » Sta Bdrbara, Arch., MS., 17, 21; S. Diego, Arch., MS., 281; Doc Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 1112; Dept St Pap., Angeles, MS., vi 28; Nidever's Life, MS., 107-8. '"Pinto, Doe, MS., i. 253, 359-60, 36S-9; Dept St Pap., Ben., MS., iU. 12. Dec. 7th, Spear to Larkin. Complaina that the whalers ' play the deuce ' with regular trade, selling goods cheap and paying high prices for produce. Larkin's Doc, MS., i. 193. " See full list for 1841-5 at end chap, xxiii., this vol. Vessels of 1841; Alert, Ayacucho, Bolina, Bolivar, Braganza, California, Catalina, Chato, Clara, Columbia, Columbine, Constantine, Corsair, Cowlitz, Curagoa, Don Quixote, Elena, Eliza,, Flying Fish, Hamilton, Index, Jdven Carolina, JdVen Guipuzcoana, Juan Diego, Juan Jose (?), Julia Ann, Lahaina, Llama, Lau sanne (?), Leonidas (?), Leonora (?), Maryland, Morea (?), Ninfa, Oreza, Oregon, Orizaba, Porpoise, Eosalind, St Louis (?), Sapphire, S'usana, Tasso, Thomas Perkins, Vincennes, Yorktown. On the Oregou-built schooner, the Star of Oregon, which came to S. F. and waa aold, see Hist. Or., i. 247-8, this series. I find no Cal. record of her preaeuoe. Statiatics for 1841: Custora-houae receipts according to records in Dept fi'i!.fn;).,.Be«.OiM<.-.^.,MS.,v., 1101,161; expenses, $9,344; net product, $91,- 817. Hartnell givea the total as $101,150 from 22 vessela. Pico, Doe, MS., 1. 85. In Mexico, Mem. Hacienda, 1844, annex. 1, the receipta are given as Hist. Cal.. Vol. IV. U 210 COMMERCIAL AND MARITIME AFFAIRS. national exploring craft; seven were whalers, and probably a few more not named, while twenty vessels made up the trading fleet proper and brought to the country goods invoiced at about $100,000, on which duties were paid to the same amount. Cargoes in troduced by contraband methods, there are no means of estimating accurately, but they certainly were not less than half the amounts entered at the custom house. Duflot de Mofras, an intelligent French trav eller who visited California this year, estimated the irnportations at $150,000 and exported products at $280,000. Sir James Douglas gave $241,000 as his estimate of the exports. Both gentlemen, however, referred to an average rather than to this particular year. Four or five vessels, the Tasso, Ayacucho, Cor sair, Julia Ann, and Cowlitz, paid more than two thirds of the total revenue of the year. Antonio Maria Osio still remained in charge of the custom-house, and Jose Abrego as comisario still superintended the distribution of the public moneys. At Monterey there were probably some clerks, and there was also a guard under the command of Rafael Gonzalez; at other ports the sub-prefect, or justice of the peace, was occasionally called on to see that the revenue laws were respected. The records make no further revelation respecting the administration of $97,725; expenses, $11,743; net, $85,982. Larkin, Official Corresp., MS., u. 37, also givea the total aa $101,150. Wilkes, Narr., v. 168-9, givea the fol- lowiugaa the average of exports: 150,000 hides at |2; 2,00,000 arrobas tallow at $1.50; 2,000 beaver skina at $2; 500 sea-otter skins at $30; 12,000 bushels of wheat at 50 cents; and 3,000 elk and deer skins at 50 cts or $1. Mo fraa, Explor., i. 500-5, gives the imports as Mexican, $50,000; American, $70,000; English, $20,000; miacellaneoua and whalers, $10,000. Exports: Mexican, $65,000; American, $150,000; EngUsh, $45,000; miscelkneous, $20,000; or hidea, $210,000; tallow, $55,000; other articlea $15,000, Vessels from Sept. 1840 to Sept. 1841: Mexican, 10, 1,273 tous, 118 crew, imports $50,000, exports $65,000; American, 10, 2,392 toua, 153 crew, iraport3|70,- 000, exporta $150,000; English, 4, 1,007 tons, crew 54, imports $20,000, ex porta $45,000; misceUaneous, 3, 449 tons, crew 39, iraports $10,000, exports $20,000. Total, 27 vessels, 5,121 tons, crews 364, imports $150,000, exporta $280,000. Also 7 men-of-war, 118 guns, 1,020 meu; aud 9 whalera, 3,575 tona (?), 275 men. Thia table also in Cutts' Conquest of Cal., 23. See also tables and comments m Cong. Globe, 1843-4, appendix 226. Exports to Hon olulu $42,700 for thia year. Flagg'sEeport See slIso in Davis's Glimpses, MS., an important table of hide and -tallow exports in these years. VISIT OF DOUGLAS. 21 1 departmental finances. Items in the archives, both Californian and Mexican, though somewhat numerous, are so vague and disconnected as to throw no light on the subject, and furnish no statistics. It is evident from occasional allusions in correspondence of the time that officials at the capital were still popularly accused of squandering a considerable portion of the revenues; but controversies between the various civil and mili tary claimants, if new ones arose or the old ones con tinued, have left no trace. A matter of general interest in the annals of 1841, and one whose connection with commercial and mari time affairs is sufficiently marked to give it a place naturally in this chapter, is the operations of the Hud son's Bay Company in California. Relations between California and the company had, as we have seen, al ways been friendly, but never very intimate. The company's vessels running between the Columbia and Honolulu had often, but not regularly, touched at Monterey and San Francisco for supplies; and their trappers had for years frequented the broad valleys of the Sacramento and San Joaquin. It was desired to establish relations, both in respect of trade and of trap ping, on a more definite and favorable basis; and no body in California had any objections, except perhaps Sutter and certain merchants, who feared rivalry re spectively in fur-hunting and the foreign trade.^^ ¦ Chief Factor James Douglas came down from Fort Van couver in the Columbia, arriving at Monterey January 1st, having with him a party of thirty-six men, and also bringing a cargo of goods for sale. The men were in part hunters, and others were to drive overland to the Columbia a herd of live-stock, which it was hoped to purchase. "We have also other objects of a polit- " Aug. 31, 1840, Francis Johnson at Honolulu -writes to Larkin that the H. B. Co. is planuing to monopolize the trade in all the North Pacific. A vessel is now building in England which is to bring a cargo of goods at very low prices. Americana at Honolulu, however, do not fear the competition. LarUn's Doc, MS., i. 83. 212 HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY. ical nature in view, which may or may not succeed according to circumstances," writes the visitor, "but in the event of success the results will be important." Douglas has recorded the events of his visit in a journal, which has never been published, but of which I have a copy, unfortunately not complete, but of the greatest interest. It presents a vivid and accurate picture of the condition of affairs in the country, par ticularly in commercial and social phases. The author remained at the capital three weeks, passing his time in an agreeable mixture of social entertainment and business conferences with Alvarado, Spence serving as interpreter, and affording much aid, though at first with the Scotch trader "there was something wrong, some lurking suspicion of fancied encroachments or meditated deception" which caused him to "receive us with a sort of reserved courtesy that made us feel rather uncomfortable." Alvarado was courteous and friendly. Osio and the revenue officials were not only gentlemanly, but 'of strict integrity,' and business went on swimmingly. With a dozen of the company's men under McKay, Douglas and his companion Wood made the trip overland from Monterey to San Fran cisco, being sumptuously entertained hy Hartnell and Joaquin Gomez at their ranchos on the way. , With the Salinas and Santa Clara valleys the English visi tor was so delighted that he was moved to pronounce California "a country in many respects unrivalled by any other part of the globe." Whether or not he saw anything on the barren j)en insula of San Francisco to modify his views, we may not know, for the fragment of his journal in my possession terminates abruptly with the arrival at Santa Clara on January 23d. From other sources we know that the voyager was at San Francisco late in February, and back in Oregon. before the end of May.^* " Douglas' Voyage from the Columbia to Califcrrnia, 1840-1, MS., in Id. Journals, p. 65-108. Should I attempt to preaent quotations from this nar rative, I should hardly know where to stop short of giviug the whole. I THE FUR HUNTERS. 213 The first matter that came up between Douglas and Alvarado was that of fur-hunting operations in the interior. Every year Michel Laframboise had ranged the valleys with a band of the company's trappers, and this since 1837 under a kind of official .sanction; but Sutter, wishing to monopolize the hunting-fields, had peremptorily ordered the trappers to discontinue their visits — an order not obeyed, as Douglas said, because nothing was known of Sutter's authority. Alvarado stated that Sutter had acted unadvisedly in issuing orders rather than requests ; and he declared that his government had been pleased with the conduct of the company's huuters as compared with that of other ban ditti calling themselves trappers; yet he insisted that as settlements were extended, the hunting-parties must withdraw to more distant fields, as their presence could not be reconciled with the Mexican laws. "I told him," says Douglas, "that the wishes ofthe gov ernment when officially communicated to us would be attended to in this and every other particular."^* A few days later, as part of a general agreement to be mentioned presently, Alvarado consented to the em ployment of thirty hunters who should become Mexi can citizens, and half of whom if possible should be natives of California. Later still at San Francisco, Douglas applied to Vallejo for a license to hunt on condition of submitting to legal restrictions, and of paying a tax or duty on each skin taken.-'^ It is evi- shall, however, have occasion to cite it on special topics. Sir James Douglas was an intelligent and educated gentleman. Respecting the country, its people, and its institutions, hia obaervationa are always sensible and just. He did not permit his admiration of California's natural advantagea to blind him to the serious faults of her people and rulera; but he wrote always in a, spirit of kindneaa, which produced a raarked contrast between his narrative and those of Lieut WUkes and other foreign visitors. Yet who cau say that hia huraor would uot have been aomewhat leaa kindly, if, arriving two days later, he had been refused permission to aell hia augar, or if he had failed iu some of his other negotiations ? '^Douglas' Voyage, MS., 71-3. Jan. 4, 1841, perhapa the very day of the interview, Alvarado writea to the juez at S. F. to uae all diplomatic meaiurea to cause Michel and hia men to retire pending a. deciaiou. Dept. Eec, MS., xii. 1. "Jau. 13, 1841, Alvarado to Douglas. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxUi. 182. Thia agreement waa to be submitted to the oo. for approval. Peb. 15th to 214 HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY. dent that some kind of an arrangement was subse quently concluded on the basis of one or both propo sitions, though I have no definite record of the settle ment, which was doubtless more or less satisfactory to all but the New Helvetian magnate.^® At any rate, the company's trappers did not suspend their opera- ations for several years. Douglas succeeded also in buying cows and sheep for the north, though he had to take them froni the government at higher prices than the rancheros would have demanded. The animals were doubtless driven to the Columbia during the season." There wei^e rumors current that McKay, as representative of the company, was to get a large grant of land in the Sacra mento Valley, on which the trappers of the interior would have their headquarters. Mofras goes so far as to state that a grant of eleven leagues was actu ally made; but I find no evidence that such was the fact.'* Of course foreigners of other than English March 11th, corresp. between Douglas and V. Id., x. 57, 77, 81. So far aa this correapondence ahows, the only point not aettled waa that of territory, Douglaa wiahing a free range of tho whole country, and V. desiring at first to restrict the hunters to the region west of the Sacraraento. ^^ Sutter, Pers. Remin. , MS. , 03-8, tells us that, thinking it wrong that the furs of the couutry should be taken away, he complained to the govt, and so high a duty was put on furs that the company had to abandon the field, and then he had it all to hiraself. " The price paid for cows was $6, aud for ewes $2. Douglas' Vogage, MS., 75. 4,000 sheep were bought, and also horses for the drovers, which hor.es were sold to Wilkes' party for the retum trip. Simpson's Narr., i. 294, 298. 1,100 sheep frora Sta Clara mission by governor's order. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ix. 44.'^^ 3Iofras, Explor., i. 456. Jau. 29, 1841, Ethan Estabrook ina letter to Larkin says: 'The H. B. Co. ia playing the devU with the Cal. cattle, if, not ¦with Cal. itaelf . They are preparing to purchase on a large scale. Capt. Hum phrey informs rae that they want at least 100,000 cattle and half a mUlion of sheep if they can be had. McKay, the.chief hunter, is to have agrantin the Tulares of about 30 miles square. This is destined to be the headquarters of their enterprise in the interior. About 120 hunters, well armed and dis cipUned, are now iu the Tulares, and 40 or 50 came as passengers in the bark and proceeded from Monterey to the Tulares headed by McKay to take pos session of his new estate. This company is to be increased to any number that may be judged requisite for hunting, collecting cattle, etc. It is very easy for the govt of Cal. to admit theso people within its limits; but will it be as easy to drive them out? Pienso que no. His exceUency haa sold some thousand or two of cattle of his own and from the missions, etc. There is, however, quite an excitement above because he will uot permit othera to sell.' Darkin' s Doe, MS., i. 122. Estabrook, it wUl be remembered, was U. S, consular agent. A PERMANENT POST. 215 nationality acted from interested motives in spreading exaggerated rumors respecting the company's in tended encroachments. Nevertheless it was the company's purpose to have a permanant trading-post in California, whatever may have been their political hopes and aims. To this end largely Douglas directed his observations as re corded in his journal. His conclusions were: "If we enter into the California trade, I would advise that we should do business with persons of good character only. For this purpose we ought to confine our at tention to a wholesale trade, supplying the country merchants with goods, and receiving payment from them in hides, tallow, and grain. By this plan we would be secure from great risks. A much less expensive es tablishment would suffice, the presence of a vessel would not be constantly required, and with these ad vantages we might count on doing a safe and profit able business, whereas the retail trade would involve us in heavy expense; and we have no people compe tent to carry it on and compete with the clever active men now engaged in it, who speak the language fluently and know almost every person in California. We ought at all events to start as wholesale dealers. As San Francisco is the port considered most favor able from its growing trade, I think we ought either to erect or purchase premises at the Yerba Buena, the most convenient place for shipping within the port. One gentleman with two trusty servants might manage the affairs of the establishment; but it would be better to have two attached to it, as the presence of the principal agent would be occasionally wanted at Monterey to enter consignments and settle matters amicably with the custom-house authorities; as any mismanagement with these people would convert them into bitter enemies and be a source of infinite annoy ance. If the company do not wish to confine our transactions to the port of San Francisco alone, it will become a matter of calculation whether the busi- ik. 216 THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY. ness can be managed to most advantage by vessels or by having establishments in the greatfest seaport towns, such as Monterey, San Pedro, and San Diego. There are a few houses at Yerba Buena. If we intend to purchase wheat in great quantities, we should have a store erected at the embarcadero of Santa Clara, where the farmers would bring their wheat as we bought it, and thus prevent delays in shipment. We should also have 400-bags of twilled sacking holding exactly a fanega when tied, as the country people have no means of transporting grain from their farms to the store."'' In accordance with these views, an agreement was made with Alvarado, by which he pledged himself to permit the company to engage in the California trade by putting one or more vessels under the Mexican flag, and obtaining naturaUzation papers for the com manders. He also promised to grant a building-lot at some point to be selected within the port of San Francisco, and to give the company's servants the privilege of pasturing the animals of the establish ment on the commons.^" The factor's plans were approved on his return to Fort Vancouver in April or May, and Chief Factor McLoughlin immediately despatched his son-in-law, William Glen Rae, with Robert Birnie as a clerk, to take charge of the pro posed establishment at San Francisco. Douglas wrote to Alvarado May 24th, introducing Rae, and stating that the company had decided not to nationalize any of their vessels this year, having none suitable for the purpose. He says further: "You promised to place the national schooner at our disposal for the transport of any goods sent down this year from the port of entry to San Francisco, and Mr Rae trusts " Douglas' Voyage, MS., 85-95. It is unfortunate in this conuectiou that that part of tho journal describing the viait to S. F. is uot extant. ^"¦lan. 11, 1841, Douglas to Alvarado, stating the conoluaions reached at interviewa as he understood them, aud asking the govemor's approval in writing. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiU. 177. Jan. ISth, blotter of A.'s approval.. Id., 18'2. Corresp. also noted in Vallejo, Hist Oal., MS., iv. 175-9. RAE AT SAN FRANCISCO. 217 entirely to your good offices to push him through the difficulties of entering by a foreign vessel. I made no selection of land at San Francisco, but Mr Rae will either do so now or purchase a convenient lot from some of the inhabitants there." ^' Rae arrived at Monterey in August on the Coio- litz, which came by way of Honolulu with a cargo on which duties amounting to over $10,000 were paid. No trouble was made about the transfer to San Fran cisco,^'' where the agent proceeded to buy from Jacob P. Leese a lot on which stood a building occupied from that time as store and dwelling. Mrs Rae joined her husband at the end of the year.^^ James A. Forbes acted as a kind of sub-agent for Rae at San Josd. Of the company's business in California under the new arrangement I have been able to find no definite records for several years; but it is under stood to have been moderately prosperous.^ It is re- 21 May 24, 1841, D. to A. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxui. 210. He also aent some gifta, which he begged the gov. to accept. ^^ Aug. 23, 1841, gov. to juez at S. P. Tibe aupercargo of the Oarotide (?) ia authorized to laud hia goods and forra his warehouse where he pleases. Dept Rec, MS., xii. 17. '"Birnie, Personal Ad-ven., MS., 4-5, who carae aa clerk -wdth Rae, teUa ua that for the 100-vai?a lot and the frame and adobe building, $4,600 waa paid, half in money aud half iu goods. Mrs Harvey, formerly Mrs Rae, Life oj McLoughlin, MS., p. 22, deacribea the building which was near what waa later Montgomery St, between Clay aud Sacramento, as about 30x80 feet, divided in the middle by a hall into atore and dwelling. Hittell, Hist 8. F. , 89, saya that Rae bought out Leese's business aa well as his atore. The ear lieat communicatiou from Rae in person which I have found is one addressed to Alvarado ou Nov. lat. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiii. 238. VaUejo, Hist Cal,, MS., iv. 179-98, aaya thatthe company applied to him for permission to estabUsh a protestant church at S. P., which he refused. The general de- feuds bis act at sorae length, stating that he was much blamed for it; but I find no other reference to the matter whatever. "HitteU, Hist S. F., 89-90, apparently ou the authority of Leese, says: ' Ray saw that there waa an excellent opportunity to monopolize the trade of the bay. The great capital of the company gave them an advantage over in-, dividual competitors, aud the profits of trade would justify the attempt. Mr Leese, unable to compete with them, sold out his store and busineaa to them, and moved to Sonoma. The American merchants had paid for their hidea and tallow on delivery, iu merchandiae upon whioh great profita were made. Ray offered to pay half caah and half merchandiae, and to pay the merchan dise share in advance. These terms were so much better for the rancheros than thoae of the Americana, that the latter could get but little trade, and the Hudson Bay Co. rapidly grew in importauce; but in 1844 (?) Sir Geo. Simpson, the governor of the company, viaited the coaat, condemned Ray's payment in advance, and refused to approve the purchaae of the houae.' 218 HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY. lated that Rae when in his cups, and questioned by inquisitive persons, used to say it had cost his com pany £75,000 to drive Bryant and Sturgis from the north-west trade in furs; "and they wiU drive you Yankees from California if it costs a million." At the end of the year, on December SOth, the Cowlitz came back to San Francisco from the Colum bia, having on board Sir George Simpson, governor- in-chief of the Hudson's Bay Company, John Mc Loughlin, chief factor of the company on the Pacific coast, M. Duflot de Mofras, the French traveller, Horatio Hale of the U. S. exploring expedition, aad Mrs Rae, wife of the agent at San Francisco. ^^ Early in January Simpson, accompanied by McLoughlin, Rae, and Forbes, crossed the bay to Sonoma, spend ing a night on the way with Timothy Murphy, and being hospitably entertained for two days by Vallejo and family.''® Returning, he visited the Mission Do lores, and sailed for Monterey on January 12th, arriv ing three days later. At the capital the two distin guished travellers were entertained by Spence and Watson, and met Ermatinger, who with his trappers had come down overland by the usual route. At Santa Bdrbara, on the 23d-26th, they were received Sirapson in hia narrative hiuta at no auch diaapproval, and indeed aaya really nothing about the company's affairs iu California. Phelps, Fore and Aft, 27 1-5, gives a version very different from that of Hittell, saying that the com pany's agents could not compete with the Boston tradera, whoae aystem of doing business waa different and far better adapted to the condition of the CaUfomiana. The company could not depart from its loug-estabUshed sys tem of cash or barter and no credit. The people had uo raoney, and had been used to pay the Boston ships in hides and tallow when they could; therefore the company got uo custoraers and fiuaUy had to remove aUtheir effects, sell> ing out to Melius &; Howard in 1846 for $5,000. Both Phelps and Alfred Rob inson erroneously connect Rae's arrival -with that of Simpson. =^5 Voyage, arrival, and paaaeugera. Simpson's Narr., i. 253-74; Dept St Pnp., Ben. Mil, MS., lv. 17-18. They found in port the Russian exiles of Ross on board the Constantine, about 100 souls, raen, women, and children, ' all patriotically delighted to exchange the lovely cUmate of Califomia for the ungenial skies of Sitka.' ^* He speaks in flattering terms of VaUejo generally, but some of his ex pressions about the meals served, which he did not altogether admire, and whidi he deacribed to illustrate the Californiau atyle of Uving, have appar ently given offence -to a writer in the Sta Rosa Democrat, Jan. 2. 1875, who attributea hia alighting remarka to disappointment in uot having succeeded in making Vallejo see the beauties of au EngUsh protectorate! SUTTER'S THREATS. 219 with great ceremony by the new bishop, and Simpson made known to Dona Concepcion Argiiello under what circumstances Rezdnof, her lover of 1807, had died, for the lady had never seen Langsdorff's book. Then the Cowlitz sailed away for the Islands. Of his company's enterprise in California, Simpson has nothing whatever to say.°' The vessel brought down some articles for Rae's establishment, which, notwithstanding recent friendly relations, had to be carried to Monterey and sent back to Yerba Buena at considerable expense — a circumstance which caused some not very complimentary criticism of the revenue system and management. ^^ On one subject, however, as is shown by the archive records, the governor had occasion to act officially. Captain Sutter had natu rally been displeased at the fur-hunting concessions and had probably made some foolish threats, as was his custom, of not submitting. Rae complained to Alva rado on the subject in November, and Sutter was per haps warned not to interfere ;^^ but subsequently the Swiss adventurer tried to accomplish his purpose in another way by involving his rivals in trouble with the government. In connection with his threats of overthrowing the Mexican power in northern Califor nia, he gave out that his movement was to be sup ported by the trappers, and apparently went so far as to send out his confidential agent, Custot, to excite the Canadian hunters. VaUejo sent a complaint, with " Alfred Robinson, Statement, MS., 17; Life in Cal., 198-9, tells us the idea was prevalent that Simpson's visit and his efforts to gain frienda were connected with a plan uot only to monopoUze the country's trade, but per haps also to get hold of the country itself. ^ Simpson saya there waa much disappointment at Monterey when it was leamed that he had no cargo of goods on which to pay dutiea. The fear had heen — he thinka without auy reason — that the duties; if paid at S. P., would fall into VaUejo's handa. According to Dept. St Pap., MS., lv. 17, the Qowlitz had refuaed to pay even tonnage dues, aud protested against the order to remain at Yerba Buena only 48 houra. *'Nov. 1, 1841, Rae to Alvarado. Sutter is determined to oppose the governor's permiaaion to trap iu Cal. ; relying ou that perraission, the co. has sent a party of hunters, whoae arrival is daily expected. Serious loss will result if their operations are interfered with. An order is solicited forbid ding Sutter's interference, an order which, however, will be used only in case of absolute neceaaity. Vallejo, Doc , MS. , xxxiii. 238. 220 VISITS AND BOOKS. proofs, to Simpson, who at once gave the desired assurance that his men would not be allowed to take any part in Sutter's revolutionary schemes, and sent corresponding orders to Ermatinger.^^ Later in 1842 there were two parties of the company's trappers at work in the country under Ermatinger and Lafram,- boise respectively. This was under the provisional permit to hunt on condition of paying duties on all skins obtained ; and Vallejo permitted the company's vessel to land supplies for the men at Bodega.'^ Sir George Simpson had sailed from Liverpool in March 1841, for a trip round the world. His route was to Halifax, Boston, and Montreal; thence direct ly across the continent in British territory to Fert Colville, and to the mouth of the Columbia; up the coast by land and water to Sitka and back, inspecting ¦ the company's posts; to California, Sandwich Islands, Sitka, and Okhotsk by sea; and thence across the con tinent to St Petersburg ; reaching London in October 1842. The traveller published an interesting narra tive of his journey in two volumes, devoting about '"Jan. 12, 1842, Sirapaon to Vallejo. 'My Dear General. I waa this moming couoemed aud very much surprised to learn that Mr Sutor has writ ten highly improper, threatening, and insulting letters to yourself and Gov. .Alvarado; and that it is reported throughout the country that he counts upon the support and countenance of the H. B. Co. in the offensive measures against the government whioh it is aaid he threatena. I cau aoarcely think it possible that either your Excellency or the governor cau for a moment give credence to any report that raay reach you of our having any connection or communication directly' or indirectly with Mr Sutor, or with any one else, of a political character, or unfavorable or unfriendly either to yourself or the governor. On the contrary, I beg to aaaure you that we ahall always be ready to discountenance, by every raeans iu our power, any raeasures either hostUe or offensive to the authorities and laws of the country, in the tran quillity and prosperity of which we feel deeply interested. And iu accord ance with this asaurance, I beg to forward a letter, left open for your peru sal, addressed to Mr Erraatiuger, the commander of our trapping expedition. Mr McLoughlin unitea with me in warraeat and beat wishes.' Valljo, Doc, MS., xi. 22. Same date, Sirapson to Ermatinger, of similar purport; Id., x. 36. VaUejo, Hist Cal., MS., iv. 111-16, also gives a full account of the subject. '1 April 28, 1842, V. permits a vessel to touch at Cape Mendocino or Bo dega. FaZ?c/o, i>oc., MS., xi. 212. Sept. 23d, McLoughlin to V. Thanks for the privilege, and details of the hunting license. Id., xi. 264. Bidwell, Cal., 1841-8, MS., 99-102, tells us that the trappers continued to drive cattle and horaes to Oregon on their return trip each spring, more and more as the year.i paaaed by and the profits of the fur trade declined. SIR GEORGE SIMPSON. 221 ISO pages to California.^'' This English visitor de scribes in a most charming style his own experience and impressions of what be saw, introducing here and there, with a pleasing disregard of order, sketches of the country's history, condition, prospects, people, and institutions. He had not rnuch time, as we have seen, for observation and study, but he had the benefit of Douglas' experience as well as that of others; and while in his narrative he does not enter exhaustively into any matter, he speaks intelligently of many, fall ing into no serious errors, showing no strong preju dices, indulging in neither abuse nor flattery. I ap pend a few quotations, which show the spirit of his Simpson's Map. observations; and I shall have occasion to allude else where to his views of the country's future destiny po litically, and to some of his local descriptions.^ '' Simpson, Narrative of a Joumey round the World during the years I84I: and I843. By Sir George Simpson, Govemor-in-Chief of the Hudson's Bay Company's territories in North America. London, 1847. Svo, 2 vol. Portrait and map. The matter devoted to Califomia ia found iu vol. i., p. 267-411; and that country ia alao represented on the general map of the world showing the traveller's route. I deem the map worth reproduction ou au enlarged, seale. " 'Here ou the very threshold of the country, waa California in a nutsheU, nature doing everything and man doing nothing — a. text ou which our whole sojourn proved to be little but a running commentary. . .The trade of tho whole province is entirely in the handa of foreignera, who are almost exclu-. sively of the English race. Of that race, however, the Araericans are more numeroua than the British — the former naturaUy flocking in greater force to neutral grouud, whUo the latter find advantageous outleta iu their owu na- 222 VISITS AND BOOKS. Two other sources of information about California in 1841 I will speak of here, though their only claim to be connected with commercial and maritime affairs consists in the fact that one was a proposition to con nect the two oceans by a railroad, and the other was a description of a visit by the captain of a trading vessel. The idea of building a railroad across the continent originated at a date not yet settled;** but tional colonies. The foreigners are to the Californians as one to ten; while by their monopoly of trade and their command of resources, to say nothing of their superior energy and iutelligeuoe, they already possess vastly more than their numerical proportion of political influence, exciting but little jealousy, most of thera being Catholics aud raarried . . . Neither butter nor cheese nor any preparation of railk whatever is to be found in the pro-vince. The native wine that we tasted — except at Sta Barbara — ^was auch traah as nothing but politeness could have induced us to swallow. 'The populatiou of Califomia iu particular has been drawn from the moat indolent variety of au indolent apecies, being composed of superannuated troop- era and retired office-holdera and their deacendants . . . Such settlers were not likely to toil for much more than what the cheap bounty of nature afforded — horaea to ride, beef to eat, with hidea and taUow to exchange for auch other suppliea as they wanted. In a word, they displayed raore thau the proverbial indolence of a pastoral people, for they did uot eveu devote their idle hours to the tending of their herds. Geu. Vallejo ia a good-looking man of about 45, who haa riaeu in the world by hia own talent and energy. Hia father died about 10 yeara ago, leaving to a large family of sous aud daughters little other inheritance than a degree of intelligenc.e and steadiness alraost unknown iu the country . . . What a curious dictionary of circumlocutions a Monterey Direc tory would be!. . .Alvarado, whatever ability he may have displayed iurisiug from an inferior rank to be the first man in CaUfomia, has uot allowed the carea of governmeut to prey ou his vitala, for the revolution of 1836, amid its other changes, has metamorphosed its champion frora a thin aud spare conspirator into a plurap and punchy lover of singing, and dancing, and feasting. He received us very politely . . . Throughout the whole of Spanish Araerica the machine called a government appears to exist ouly for its own sake, the grand aecret of office being to levy a revenue and consurae it; public men have little or no objeot in life but to share the booty, while private individuals look with apathy on intrigues which promise no others change thau that of the names of their plunderers. . .Implicit obedience and profound respect are shown by children, even after they are grown up, toward their parents. A aon, though hiraself the head of a faraily, never presuraes to sit or smoke or remain cov ered in the presence of his father; nor does a daughter whether married or not enter into too great famiUarity with the mother. With thia exception, the Californians know little or nothing of the restraints of etiquette . . .IJalls look more like a matter of business thau anything else that ia done . . .In all but the place of their birth the colonista of Spain have continued to be genuine Span iards. . .Foreignera and natives cordiaUy mingle together as raembers of one and the same harraouioua family. The virtue of hoapitality knowa no bounds. In a word, the Californians are a happy people, possessing the means of phy sical pleasure to the full, and knowing uo higher kind of enjoyment.' »*0. M. Wozencraft -(vrites to the S. F. Alta, Sept. 3, 1809: 'Iu yeater day'a issue you mentioned that "the idea of building a railroad acrosa our continent must have occurred to many different persons as early aa 1833." Yes, it did: I can bear witness. In 1831, one Col. Low, a professor iu St Joseph's CoUege at Bardstown, Ky., conceived tbe idea, aud he published his WARNER'S LECTURE. 223 at the end of 1840, or early in 1841, John J. Warner, a resident of California since 1831, while on a visit in the east, made an elaborate argument in favor of establishing railroad communication with his western home, an argument delivered apparently in the form of a lecture at Rochester, New York, and published in different papers and magazines.'^ His idea was that of a railroad to the Columbia River rather than to San Francisco, and the question whether it was the first proposition of its kind or not is one that is of no especial importance here.*® The chief importance ¦views in pamphlet form preparatory to anuounciug his intention of running for congresa against Ben Harding. The trustees of the coUege held a meeting, and without seeking any further evidence thau the main idea presented in his'paraphlet, declared him inaane, and his seat as professor vacant.' In the N. Y. Tribune, Jan. 25, 1869, we read: 'The raan who first projected the Pacffic R. R. ia nearly aa nuraeroua aa his brother who firat proposed Gen. Grant for president. He haa been identified with Dr Carver, Asa Whitney, Col. Benton, etc Mr John King of Dubuque, Iowa, now identffies him with Mr John Plumbe, a Welshman, who settled at Dubuque in 1836, corresponded exteneively with eaatem journals, raade the first .survey for a R. R. westward from Lake Michigan, and urged the construction of a R. R. to the Pacific from tlie year 1836 onward. He called a private meeting in its behalf m the winter of 1836-7, asserabled a public meeting therefor in 1838, and wrote largely for the journals in advocacy of the project in all those j'eara; urging the project in a memorial to congresa during the winter of lS39-iO. We think Mr K. makea out a pretty strong caae.' In divers newspapers I find it recorded that Lewis G. Clark, iu 1838, thua wrote of the Pac. R. R. iu the Knickerbocker Magazi-ne: ' There will yet be built a railroad from the Atlantic to the Pacific Let the prediction be marked, for the work will be accompliahed. The great chain of communication will yet be made with links of irou " loug drawn out". . .The reader is now living who -will raake the trip,' etc. '^Warner retumed from his visit on the Julia Ann in June. Dept St. Pap., MS., XX. 19. According to Hayes' Emig. Notes, 309-10, the lecture was delivered at Rochester, and publislied in the N. Y. Joumal of Commerce. I find it under the title of California and Oregon; Diffusion of the Anglo-Saxon Race, and New Route from China io Boston, in 'the Colonial 3fagazi-ne, v. 229- 36, June 1841. Of the article the editor says: ' Sorae of his views -will per haps aeera extravagant, but extravagance itself can aoarcely equal the onward march of civilization and improvement ou this continent within the last 50 years, and in indulging his anticipations of the future, he is liable to no graver charge than at the commencement of that period would have been laid at the door of any man who had predicted what has since become matter of history.' ''Warner writea: 'Let us suppose a railroad in operation fromthe Colum bia to Boston. The distance, allowing for sinuosities, cannot exceed 3,600 miles. Allowing the rate of travel to be 15 miles per hour, it will require 10 days; and allowing 60 days (or 29 by steam) from Canton to Columbia River, we have 70 days from Boston to Canton; which is sooner than a ship could arrive from Panami at Canton. Can there be a doubt that this will be the route of communication in leas thau 60 yeara? Admitting a ahip-caual to be made across the Isthmus of PanamS, cau it compete with the Colurabia route, when a large proportion of the China products which arrive at Boston find a market of consumption west of Boston and this market is daily increasing!' 224 VISITS AND BOOKS. of the essay is as a vivid aud accurate presentment of the natural advantages of California, based on the author's personal observations during a residence of ten years, and on quotations from other writers. The article must have had much influence in attracting at tention to the country, the acquisition of which by the United States was confidently predicted and warm ly advocated by the author, as is indicated by quota tions which I present in another chapter.^'' The other narrative is that of a visit to California this year by Henry A. Peirce, master and owner of the Maryland. It has never been published, but the. original manuscript is in my possession. The author was a prominent business man of Honolulu, where he was later U. S. consul. He arrived at Monterey November 24th, and after a few days went up to Yerba Buena on the Catalina. Thence in December he made a trip to San Rafael and the region there abouts, his purpose being to purchase the Novato Rancho, which was offered for sale at a low price. He gives many interesting details of a local nature about what is now Marin County, including the drunken pranks of Padre Quijas at Read's rancho. Returning to Monterey on the Don Quixote, Peirce sailed on his own vessel January 3d, and two days, later touched at Santa Bdrbara to visit the grave of his brother, who had died there several years before. For nine days from the 18th the Maryland lay at anchor in San Diego Bay, the captain being engaged in disposing of his cargo, and his passenger, M. Du flot de Mofras, in studying the missions and other in stitutions of the southern district. From Mazatlan on February 7th, the Maryland sailed for Honolulu; but Peirce went to San Bias on the Victoria, and thence crossed the continent to Vera Cruz. The "See chap. x. of thisvolume ou foreign schemes for the acquisition of Cal. I may mention here a two-columu article ou Cal. in the Boston Mercan tile Journal of this year, republished iu the Honolulu Polynemm, i. 190. It is both historical and descriptive, containing nothing sufficiently striking or, sufficiently erroneous to merit further notice. PEIRCE'S JOURNAL. 225 traveller's observations on this part of his journey are more detailed than in California, and are interesting, though of course they have no place here. At Guana juato he came in contact with the Santa Fe prisoners, whose narrative he embodies at some length in his own. From Vera Cruz he sailed March 4th for Ha bana, on the French ship Atlantic; and had not reached the port on March 31st, when the journal closes abruptly.^' From other sources we know, how ever, that he reached the United States, and person ally communicated his impressions of California to Webster and other high authorities at Washington. I shall have occasion to notice further a letter on Californian affairs addressed by Peirce from on board his vessel to a gentleman residing in the Hawaiian Islands. " Peirce's Joumal of a passage from Honolulu, Oahu, to the coast of CaU fomia and Mexico in the brig ' Maryland. ' MS. , 4°, 41 p. This joumal ia preceded in the aame volume by Peirce's joumal, or log, of a voyage on the schooner Morse, starting from Boston April 21, 1839, via Cape Hom and Val paraiso in 180 days to Honolulu, 73 p. The sarae volurae contains alao aorae what extensive records and genealogical tables of Mr Peirce's faraily. The author, who had -viaited Cal. in 1828, and waa a reaident of S. F. iu 1880-4, haa contributed other raaterial for my uae. Hist. Oal., Vol. IV. IS CHAPTER IX. SUTTER'S FORT— U. S. EXPLORING EXPEDITION— DUFLOT DE MOFRAS. 1841-1842. • Progress at New Helvetia — The Fort — Indians — ^Industries — ^Vioget's Map — Sutter's Land Grant — Visitors — Purchase oe Ross — Views OE Peirce and Simrson — Sutter's Troubles — Debts — Trade and Trapping — Vallejo and Sutter — Threats of Revolt — Letter to Leese — U. S. Exploring Expedition — The Fleet — Published Re sults — Operations in California — Ringgold on the Sacramento — Emmons' Overland Trip from Oregon — Map — Wilkes' Narrative — Serious Defects— Quotations — ^Duflot db Mofras — His Move ments — His Experience at Monterey, Yerba Buena, and Sonoma — His Character — His Book — Map. Captain Sutter's acts, and the progress of his establishment on the Sacramento, cannot be treated as a purely local affair, but must be presented with the current annals of the department, so closely are they connected with the general subject of irnmigra- tion and the growth of foreign influence in Califor nia. The adventurous German can hardly be re garded .as a political missionary, "determined to rear the standard of American freedom in this distant and seclude4 dependency of imbecile Mexico,"^ as some of ;his adrnirjers are wont to picture him ; for his aim was to make a fortune, and it mattered little to him whether 'he 4id it in the r61e of Yankee pioneer, ; Swiss immigrant,, French officer, Mexican alcalde, or cosmopolitan adve;nturer; yet all the same he did by building up his frontier trading-post contribute very 1 Upham's Noles, 318-22, and similar expressions often repeated by news paper writers. (226) PROGRESS AT NEW HELVETIA. 227 materially to hasten the success of American occu pation. Progress at Nueva Helvecia in 1841-2 was for the most part in the same directions that have been indi cated in the annals of the preceding year.^ Work was continued chiefly by Indian laborers on the fort, which had been begun in 1840, and was completed probably in 1844. Wilkes found the Indians at work on the walls in the autumn of 1841, but there is no record to show the state of the structure at any time before its completion. The fort may be described, with sufficient accuracy for my present purpose, as an adobe wall eighteen feet high and three feet thick, enclosing a rectangular space of about SOO by 150 feet. At the south-east and north-west corners pro jecting bastions, or towers, rose above the walls of the rectangle, and contained in their upper stories cannon which commanded the gateways in the centre of each side except the western. Loop-holes were pierced in the walls at different points. Guns were mounted at the main entrance on the south and else where, and the north side seems also to have been protected by a ravine. An inner wall, with the inter mediate space roofed over, furnished a large number of apartments in the Californian style, and there were ether detached buildings, both of wood and adobe, in the interior.^ Some of the wooden buildings were brought from Ross. The armament, as early as 1842, consisted of two brass field-pieces and a dozen or more iron guns of different kinds, brought from Honolulu and purchased from different vessels. Sutter states that he bought only one gun, one of the brass pieces, ' See ohap. v. of this vol. 'See -views and descriptions of the completed buildinga in Upham's Notes, 318-22; Ferry, Cal, 97; Hastings' Emigrant Guide, 102-3; Lancey's Cruise of the Dale; Bryant's What I Saw in Cal., 267-70; Buffum's Gold Regions, 54-5; Revere's Tour of Duty, 74; and many other pubUcatioua. Mofras, Explor., i. 457-60, tells us that the wall was 5 feet thick, and strengthened with beams; that each face of the quadrilateral was 100 mitres; and that there was an exterior gallery running round the wall — but the structure was iar from complete at the time of thia author's visit. 228 SUTTER'S PORT. from the Russians; Bidwell and others think more were obtained. I find no evidence of serious trouble with the Indians in these years;* indeed, Sutter seems to have had re markable success in maintaining friendly relations with the natives, and in inducing them to work, not only for himself, but for friends in other parts of the coun try to whom he sent them.^ Little progress if any was made in agriculture before the end of 1842; as we have seen, Sutter had no wheat with which to make his first payment to the Russians. His live stock, however,, had gained in number both from the natural increase, and especially from the 1,700 cattle, 900 horses, and 900 sheep purchased at Ross.^ Trap ping was not successful in 1841, on account ofthe de fective traps and wantof skill; but in 1842 the result was more encouraging, and beaver-skins began to be sent down the river in considerable quantities to pay the more urgent of the captain's debtors. The only other products of New Helvetian industries which were put to a similar use, or exchanged for such needed supplies as could not be obtained on credit, were deer-fat and wild-grape brandy.'' No lists of in- *In Dept St Pap., MS., xvU. 88-93, Sutter reports to Alvarado (1841) that the Cosumnes and Cosoluranes had been plotting against hira, trying first to entice hira, by storiea of a white man Uving in the mountains, to go with them, and later to entice away his Indians. In Sutter Co. Hist, 13, is men tioned Sutter's pursuit and capture of a chief near Marysville iu 1841. ^Aug. 16, 1841, Sutter regrets that he cannot send certain Indiana. Those from S. Rafael aud Yerba Buena have not come back; thoae iu the aouth are fighting among theraselves; and the Sagayacuranes corae no raore. There fore he is short of workraen; but will have sorae to send next trip. Sutter- Sunol Corresp., MS., 9. July 24, 1842, has made peace -with the Feather River people, who will pick grapes for him. Id., 16. Mofras found about 100 natives at work. Explor., i. 457-60. "Wilkes, Narr., v. 190, givea the number of Sutter's live-atock— before the purchase probably — as 2,500 cattle, 1,000 horaes, and 1,000 aheep. Mo fras, Explor., i. 457-60, has it 4,000 oxen, 1,200 cows, 1,500 horsea, and 2,000 aheep. 'Jan. 9, 1841, his trappera about to atart out, and despite paat ill success is confident he will have plenty of fura aoou. Sutter-Suiiol Corresp., MS., 3. Oct. 19th, will have sorae brandy to send soon. Id., 11. March 24, 1842, May 1st, etc., sends 140 beaver-skins at |2.50 pr pound, aud 30 land-otter skins at |2.50 each. Beaver-hunting will be poor this season; besidea, his head hunter steals the skins to sell to Marah aud others. The Columbia River trappers also stealand trade for hiafurs. Id., 12-13. Deer-fat aent and MAP AND LAND-GRANT. 229 habitants or employes at this place are extant; but I suppose that by the end of 1842 there must have been from thirty to forty white men connected in one way or another with the establishment, since many of the overland immigrants were employed by Sutter for a time until they could find an opportunity for settle ment. The names of most may be found in lists given elsewhere. Two or three were already settled on lands in this region.^ It would seem, however, that more foreigners came to the fort at times than the captain desired to retain in his service.^ Jean J. Vioget had spent some time at New Hel vetia, probably in the early part of 1841, and was employed by Sutter to make a survey and map of the region, to be used in his application for the grant of land that had been promised. I consider this map, as the first ever made of the Sacramento region, worthy of reproduction. Armed with the dise'fio, Sutter went down to the capital in May or June for his grant. ^^ His petition to Alvarado was dated June 15th," aud promised. Id., 14, etc. July 24th, is going to make brandy on alarge scile. Id., 15. Wilkes, Narr., v. 101, speaks of the trappers and of a distillery for making 'a kindof pisoo.' Yates, Sketch, MS., 15, says the distillery was in charge of a Gerraan uamed Uber, and makes a pun ou the connection of hia name and the uva, or grape. * These were John Sinclair at Grimes' rancho on the American River, Nicholaa AUgeier on Feather River, Theodore Cordua at MarysviUe, and Wm Gordon on Cache Creek. Sutter Go. Hist, 21-2. Johu Yatea, who com manded Sutter'a schooner, aud who writes what he calla a Sketch of a Joumey in ISjZ from Sacramento, Cal, through the Valley, MS., large fol., 35 p., repreaenta himaelf as having visited iu succession Sinclair, AUgeier, Hock Farm, Dutton aud Neal ou Butte Creek, aud Lassen 25 railes beyond, there being a house and live-atock at each place; but Dutton, Neal, and Las sen are understood uot to have settled here until a later period. I do uot propose, however, to go into detaila about the earliest settlers at present. 'May 10, 1842, he writes: ' Je commence & donner le cong6 & beaucoup des strangers, parceque je preffere de n'avoir pas autant en mou service, parce- qu'il y a bien peu parmi eux qui aout bon.' Sutter-Su-nol Corresp., MS., 13. '"April 21, 1841, will see Suuol in person the next trip. Apr. 30th, if he comes to S. Joa^, will SuSol lend hira a horse to go to Monterey? The next letter is dated Aug. 2d, at N. Helvetia, after hia return. Sutter-Suiiol Co-rresp. , MS., 4-5. '^ In it he atates ' that since he first arrived in this country, being desirous of cultivating a part of the many vacant lands whioh it posaeaaea, he solicited aud obtained _vour superior approbation to establish himself ou the land whioh he now occupies, accompanied by some industrious families who chose to fol low him. In consequence of aaaiduous labor, his establishment now promises flattering hopea to himself and advantages to the department in general; for. 230 SUTTER'S FORT. Map of New Helvetia, 1841. THE SACRAMENTO GRANT. 231 on the 18th the grant was made in due form to Sut ter, who " has sufficiently accredited his laboriousness, good conduct, and other qualifications required in such cases; and has already in advance manifested his great efforts, his constant firmness, and truly patriotic zeal in favor of our institutions, by reducing to civilization a large number of savage Indians, natives of those frontiers." The land^ granted was eleven square leagues within the tract designated on the map, bounded on the north by the Three Peaks and lati- itude 39° 41' 45"; on the east by the "margins of Feather River;" on the south by latitude 38° 49' 32"; and on the west by the Sacramento River — the eleven leagues not including lands flooded by the river. The conditions, besides those of usual formality, were that "he shall maintain the native Indians ofthe different tribes of those points in the enjoyment and liberty ot their possessions, without molesting them, and he shall use no other means of reducing them to civilization but those of prudence and friendly intercourse, and not make war upon them in any way without previ ously obtaining authority from government. "^^ This grant of New Helvetia was made in good faith, with due regard to the requisite legal forms, and with as much attention to accuracy of location as was cus tomary at the time. Its validity was subsequently stimulated by the example of his followers, induatrious ideas are awakening in the other inhabitanta of thia country, and at the sarae tirae the place, frora its situation, serves as a strong barrier to the incursions of the barbarous tribes to the settleraents, and as a school of civUization, both to the barbarous na tives and to those subjected to the missions, who, in the long period of time that they have been under subjection, have never been useful members to so ciety in general, aa the underaigned haa now the aatisfactiou to know that they will become, owing to hia indefatigable labors. For all theae reasons, the undersigned, in order to aggrandize his enterprise aud estabUsh twelve good families, is under the necessity of requesting of the goodness of your Excellency that you be pleased to grant hira eleven leagues in the establish ment named Nueva Helvecia, situated towards the north, in exact accordance with the land designated on the plat,' etc. '^The petition and grant have often beeu printed in conuectiou with va rious legal proceedings; but for them and the map I refer the reader only to the case of Ferris vs Coover, in Cal. Reports, x. 589-640. Cases growing out of this grant before the laud commission were nos. 6, 92, 248, 633, 637, and 683. 232 SUTTER'S FORT. sustained by the U. S. government, although the orig inal grant had been destroyed in one of the Sacra mento fires. A variety of circumstances, however, in addition to the ordinary difficulties connected with 'floating' grants, conspired to cause no end of litigation in later years, into the particulars of which this is not the place to enter. Such circumstances were Vioget's error in fixing latitudes, Alvarado's apparent blunder in copying one of the latitudes from the map to the document, Sutter's peculiarities of temperament which led him to dispose of more land than even the pro verbial elasticity of a Mexican grant could be made to cover, the foundation of a large town upon the tract, and the large number of owners and claimants to be satisfied. On the 23d of August Lieutenant Ringgold of Wilkes' expedition arrived at Sutter's Fort, coming up the river in boats,^^ and September 4th the same party called here again on their return. October 19th Lieutenant Emmons of the same expedition arrived with his overland party from Oregon, a part of the company spending two days at the fort. With this coinpany from Oregon came a small party of immi grants, some of whom, as Sutter states, had crossed the continent with him and came to enter his service.'* Wilkes acknowledges with thanks the kind attentions shown to members of his expedition by Sutter, who was found to be a man of frank and prepossessing manners, of much intelligence, conversant with sev eral languages, "and withal not a little enthusiastic." The latitude of the fort was found to be 38° 33' 45"; and a brief description is given of the establishment and its surroundings. The prediction is also offered ^^ Sutter's Diary, 3; Sept. 1st, Sutter writea that the party ia exploring up the river, and he ia very curious to leam what they have discovered. -Sutter- Sunol, Corresp., MS., 10. "Oct. 19, 1841, Sutter mentions the arrival, Suiiol Correap., MS., 11. In hia Diary, 3, Sutter gives the date as Oct. ISth, and, ever ready to claim all possible credit, even for small services, states that he despatched one of the parties down the river inhis veaael; though it appeara from Wilkes' narrative that they went dowu in the Vincennes' boat. ROTCHEF AND MOFRAS. 233 that "it will not be long before it becomes in some re spects an American colony. "^° It was at the beginning of September, while Ring gold's party was in the valley, that a schooner arrived from Ross with Manager Rotchef on board to nego tiate for the sale which has already received sufficient notice." The bargain was closed during the first half of September, though the contract was not formally signed until December; and at the end of October, Sutter sent a party, including Livermore, Merritt, and Walker, to drive his newly acquired live-stock across the country," sending Ridley about the same time to take charge of his interests on the coast. Bidwell succeeded Ridley early in 1842. The purchase in cluded the Russian schooner, which was rechristened the Sacramento, and made frequent trips to and from Bodega, bringing back all of the property that was movable and could be utilized, including several of the wooden buildings, which were set up within the walls of the fort at New Helvetia/^ It was on September 1st that there arrived at the fort M. Duflot de Mofras,^' whose visit to California in general I shall notice later in this chapter. Mofras gives a brief historical and descriptive sketch of Sut ter's establishment, to which — partly on account of the captain's French antecedents, for Sutter still talked of his twelve years' service in the royal guard — • he attaches much importance. Sutter's plans, as " Wilkes' Narr., v. 189-94, 204^7, 262-3. '" See chap. vi. of thia vol. " In his Diary, 3, Sutter tella us that 100 head of cattle were drowned in fording the Sacraraento. He gives the date of sending the raen aa Sept. 28th, but thia, ia doubtless an error of a month, since he writea Oct. 19th of the trouble he anticipates in moving the animals, Sutter-Su-Hol Corresp., MS., 11; and Joel P. Walker, Narrative, MS., 12, who carae with Emmons on Oct. 19th, tella us that he accompanied the party to Rosa. It waa very likely even later than October. "Johu Bidwell, Califomia, I84I-8, MS., 85, says that Sutter attempted unauccessfully to remove the heavy threahiug-floora by towing them as rafts behind hia achooner, via S. P. Mofraa, Eorplor., i. 468, givea a picture of a house Uke tbose thua removed. ^^Sutter-Suiiol Corresp,, MS., 10, where he ia apokeu of aa M. le Comte de Mofras. 234 SUTTEB'S FORT. made known to this traveller, included not only the exportation of grain, vegetables, butter, and cheese, but the cultivation on a large scale of rice, cotton, and indigo on the flats, and of grapes, olives, and other fruits on the higher lands. "His intention," writes Mofras, "is to grant rent-free at first some lots of land to colonists who may come to settle near his es tablishment. Meanwhile, his white workmen, thirty men, Germans, Swiss, Canadians, Americans, Eng lish, and French, almost all occupied as wood-cutters, smiths, carpenters, or trappers, receive two or there dollars a day besides their board, paid part in money and part in goods. All these men live with Indian or Californian women, and the colony contains not less than two hundred souls. . . . M. Sutter can trade independently of the custom-house or the Mexican authorities; he can receive people or goods either by land from Bodega, or by sending his schooner there. M. Sutter has served in the French army; in Cali fornia he is considered a Frenchman ; he lives in a territory which barely belongs in name to Mexico; he has about him, and is working to bring about him, Canadians and Frenchmen. In a few years New Helvetia will become a considerable establishment, through which will pass caravans coming by land from Canada, from the Columbia, and from the United States. We think," and it may be suspected that the writer does not express his thought quite fully, "that it would be very useful for M. Sutter to reaUze the desire which he has often expressed to us of having with him some French missionaries to civilize the Indian tribes about him."^° In November a party of over thirty immigrants ar rived by the overland route, as will be fully related in the next chapter. One of the men, James John, came in advance of the party to the fort, arriving November 3d; and many of his companions soon came from San Josd and Marsh's rancho, to live and ^Mofras, Explor., i. 457-66. SIMPSON'S OPINION. 235 work for a time at New Helvetia. All of this party have testified to the kind hospitality of Sutter's re ception, and his zealous efforts in their behalf In the only contemporary published narrative, John Bid- well bore the same testimony, but gave no descriptive or historical details about the Sacramento establish ment.''^ Henry A. Peirce, visiting the country late in November, did not go to New Helvetia, and had nothing to say of it or its owner in his journal; but he had occasion to make some inquiries about the man in consequence of a proposition from Sutter to purchase goods on credit, a proposition which was de- clined.^^ Sir George Simpson, the only other visitor of 1841-2 whose remarks on this subject require men tion, did not go to Sutter's place as he had intended to do; and, "besides having thus lost the opportunity of seeing a little of the interior,", he writes, "we had reasons of a less romantic character for regretting our disappointment; as Sutter, a man of a speculative turn and good address, had given to the Hudson's Bay Company, in common with many others less able to pay for the compliment, particular grounds for taking an interest in his welfare and prosperity. He had successively tried his fortune in St Louis, among the Shawnee Indians, in the Snake country, on the Columbia River, at the Sandwich Islands, at Sitka, and at San Francisco, uniformly illustrating the proverb of the rolling stone, but yet generally contriving to leave anxious and inquisitive friends behind him. Sutter was now living on a grant of land about sixty miles long and twelve broad, trap ping, farming, trading, bullying the government, and letting out Indians for hire. If he really has the talent and courage to make the most of his posi- '^ Bidwell's Joumey to Cal, 20. '" Peb. 1, 1842, Peurce to Thos Cummings of Honolulu. ' I think Sutter's prospects are good. Since leaving S. F. I have heard much to the" prejudice of his character. Some transactions of hia in the U. S. and iu New Mexico, if true as related, would prove him to be a man not to be trusted and without honor. I did uot see him.' Peirce's Rough Sketch, MS., 78-9, 84. 236 SUTTER'S FORT. tion, he is not unlikely to render California a second Texas. For fostering and maturing Brother Jon athan's ambitious views. Captain Sutter's establish ment is admirably situated. Besides lying on the direct route between San Francisco on the one hand and the Missouri and Willamette on the other, it vir tually excludes the Californians from all the best parts of their own country. Hitherto the Spaniards have confined themselves to the comparatively barren slip of land from ten to forty miles in width, which lies between the ocean and the first range of moun tains; and beyond this slip they will never penetrate with their present force, if Sutter or any other adven turer can gather round him a score of such marksmen as won Texas on the field of San Jacinto."'*^ Thus established on a princely domain in the val ley of his own choice granted without price by a gen erous government, clothed with legal authority over the settlers on his estates, successful in converting the savages into laborers, owner of large herds and fiocks to be paid for in the future, with a band of trappers at work for him in a region rich in furs, with a distil lery yielding a profitable product of brandy, and with a constant incoming stream of immigration which was vastly increasing his strength and was sure to give great value to his lands, it would seem that the mag nate of New Helvetia, looking back to the time less than ten years before when he landed a bankrupt ad venturer on the shores of the New World, must have contemplated his present position with pride and con tentment. Yet he had still some petty annoyances which often ruffled the serenity of his temper, and caused him to affect the rdle of a much-abused per sonage. The Russian debt gave him but little trouble as yet; but other creditors were at times clamorous for payment, and not always ready to admit the force of his ever ready excuses, or to be satisfied with his ^'Simpson's Narr., i. 325-7. THE CAPTAIN'S TROUBLES. 237 limited instalments of brandy, deer-fat, and beaver- skins.^* Sutter aspired to success as a merchant as well as a hacendado ; and he sent John Sinclair to Hon olulu to obtain consignments of goods on credit, mak ing a similar application to Captain Peirce, and prob ably to other visiting traders; but the Hawaiian traders, for reasons doubtless satisfactory to them selves, refused, their cooperation, and Sutter was obliged to curb his ambition in this direction.^^ His trapping operations were rendered less profitable by those of the Hudson's Bay Company, and the gov ernment declined to prohibit the latter so long as they proceeded in accordance with the laws and their licenses. This caused Sutter, as already related,^^ to stir up a quarrel between the trappers and the govern ment; and for his failure and his wrongs in this direc tion, he threw the blame upon Vallejo, of whose jealousy and efforts to annoy him he did not fail to in form each visitor to the fort, mentioning also the same subject in his later statements.^' ^'It ia only iu the case of Sunol that anything ia kno-wu of the detaila of Sutter'a troubles in thia direction. In all Sutter's letters of 1841-2, Suiiol Corresp., MS., passim, there are few in which he does not promise early settlement; raany inwhich he asks for new favors and credit; and sorae iu which he announces the sending of skins. He continually coraplains of the men, not named, who are working or talking against hira. The letters reveal much of Sutter's real character. 6,000 ft of luraber were among hia new pur chases. July 24, 1842, he speaks of debts to Sunol'a brothera-in-law also. Sept. Sth, hopes that Sufiol will not carry out his threat of coming to take away hia live-atock by force. Oct. 7th, offers sorae cattle in payment. The man who represented him as saying that he only -wrote lettera to Sunol to pass away the time, and that he would pay when he was ready, is branded as au infamous Uar. July 22, 1842, Isabel Sepiilveda at S. Rafael. Complains that Sutter owes her money. Wiahea Salvador to go aud briug him a pris oner to Sonoma. VaUejo, Correspondencia , MS., 95. Aug. 20th, Vioget de mands an embargo on Sutter'a achooner until he ahall settle with C§Us, but the general declines to meddle in civU affaira. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 249, 251. In hia Hist Cal., MS., iv. 283-4, Vallejo saya he had many auch appU- cations, and by hia refuaals to act caused much offence. 25 In a letter of July 24, 1842, he says the house at the Islands whioh was to have sent him raerchandise had failed, and thereby greatly injured hira, much to the delight of his foea. Sutter-Suiiol Corresp., MS., 15. Other troubles are shown by the followiug references: March 6, 1841, juez of S. 3osi to prefect. Sutter proposes to recover stolen horaea on ahares. 8. Jose, Arch., MS., iii. 44. March 18th, Sutter has been seen to sell 40 stolen horses to the Columbia Co. Id., iii. 45. ''"See chap. viu. of this vol. "Sutter's Diary, 3; Id., Pers. Remin., MS., 91. He says Vallejo was his 238 SUTTER'S FORT. VaUejo, as the reader is aware, had grounds for dissatisfaction with some of the circumstances under which Alvarado had permitted Sutter to settle on the Sacramento, and outside of political aspects of the matter it is not unlikely that he may have looked with something of personal jealousy on the progress of so powerful a rival ; yet there is no evidence be yond Sutter's vague charges that he indulged in any petty manifestations of jealousy or subjected Sutter to any other annoyance than that of complying to some extent with the laws of the land. Politically, Vallejo had understood from the first the dangers to Mexican rule to be apprehended from such an estab lishment as that of New Helvetia. A man of his in telligence could not be blind to a state of things so apparent to every foreign visitor; and in fulfilment of his duties as a Mexican officer, he frankly commu nicated his views to the government.^^ Sutter, on his enemy aud rival, aud took every opportunity to annoy him; but his only de finite charge is that the general demanded passports frora his men going over-' land to Ross, and required the cattle to be driven through Sonoma for exam ination. Wilkes' Ai'ar?-., V. 192, says: ' There was rauch apprehension on the part of sorae that the present governor of the district west of New Hei- ¦ vetia felt jealous of the power and influence that Capt. Suter was obtaining in the couutry; and it was thought that had it not beeu for the force which the latter could bring to oppose any attempt to dislodge him, it would have been tried. In the mean time Capt. Suter ia using all his energies to render himaelf impregnable.' Elsewhere Wilkea doubta, and with much reaaon, that the feeling between Sutter and Vallejo was as bitter as was pretended. Mo fras, Explor., i. 464, saya: 'Le comraandant Vallejo, qui a la pretention de gouvemer sans contr61e le pays situ6 sur la rive droite du fleuve, n'a pas vu sans une vive jalousie I'accroiaaement dela NouveUe Helvetic; U a mgme cher che & ausciter quelquea diffioultea d M. Sutter.' 28 Nov. 17, 1841, V. to Alvarado. ValUjo, Doc, MS., x. 349. Jan. — , 1842, Id. to raui. of war. Id., xi. 4. He atates that Sutter, atyling hia place the Fort of New Helvetia, and himaelf govemor of that fortress, exercises ar bitrary and despotic power, wages war on the nativea, forcea them to work for him, shoots thera without forraalities or the approval of the govt; receivea foreigners, no raatter whence or how they come, not obUging thera to present themselves to the authoritiea aud sometimes not eveu reporting their arrival; and finally he makes seditious threats, as is proven by the enclosed original letter (that to Leese probably, to be noticed presently). Alvarado, however, assures the sup. govt on Jan. 11, 1842, that VaUejo's objections have no legal foundation, as Sutter has only 8 men, all with proper cartas. Dept. Rec, MS.jXiU. 12. Oct. 15, 1842, Vallejo, in a private note to Micheltorena, speaka again of Sutter's fooUsh attempts to make trouble. Says he liaa force enough to oust Sutter, and the H. B. Co. has offered to aid iu such a work, but he haa disUked to interfere with a prosperous settlement so much needed in the country. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xL 27S. The 'Kmg'a Orphan,' Visit, 11, who was SUTTER'S THREATS. 233 part, doubtless made some pretty loud threats of re volt against the authorities, and to give his threats weight, talked of support from France, which derived a degree of plausibility from the visit of a French diplomatic officer at this time. Mofras asserts that in November 1841 Sutter wrote to Vallejo that unless his annoyances ceased, he would hoist the French fiag and march on Sonoma. Bidwell notes the current report, confirmed by Sutter himself, that he had an nounced in writing his ability and readiness in case of interference, not only to defend himself, but to chas tise the Californians. I append quotations from a somewhat remarkable letter addressed by Sutter to Leese. ^^ at the fort in 1843, says that Sutter iu hia trapping operationa 'wasgreatly in terfered with by -the H. B. Co. , who sent their huutera upon his grounds. He complained to the proper authorities, but they paid no attention to the matter. Hia enemies, not content with thus injuring hira, informed the aua picions Mex. go-vt that he was concocting revolutionary plana, and that he encouraged deserters and other disorderly people to live at hia aettlement.' Sutter explained that a condition of hia grant waa to draw settlers, and there fore he had received the lawless stragglers. ' The govt waa uot aatiafied. Urged on by envioua neighbors, it was prorapted to send to Sutter a coramit tee of investigation. The captain waa so enraged at the idea of such a thing that he treated the committee with great contempt, and said he oould defend hiraself. . .Whereupon the go-vt threatened to send a force, but thought better of the matter when they found out the character of the men and of the Rus sian armament; but annoyed hira -with legal suits, aud after a great deal of diflSculty he was acquitted of auy treasonable deaign against the go-vt.' This of course all came from Sutter himaelf. 29 Mofras, Explor., i. 464; Bidwell's Cal. I84I-8, MS., 82-5. Haatings, Emig. Guide, 103, haa it that a spy was sent to N. Helvetia, and Sutter, sus- apeoting his purpose, aent him away, with a raesaage to the effect that if Mex ico wiahed to expel him she waa at Uberty to tiy it — whereupon the govt decided to let him aloue! Writing to Leese on Nov. 8, 1841, after aome pro posals for buying Leese's part of certain lauuchea — on credit of course — Sut ter continues: 'Very curious Rapports came to me from belaw; but the poor wretches dont know what they do. I explained now Mr Spence to explain these ignorant people what would be the consequence if they do injure me, the first french fregate who earae here wUl do me justice. 'The people dont know me yet, but soon they will find out what I am able to do. It is to late now to drive me aut the country, the first step they do against me is that I will raake a declaration of Independence and proclaim Califomia for a Repub- Uque independent of Mexico. I am strong now, one of my best friends a German gentleman came from the Columbia River with plenty people, au other party ia cloae by from Missouri. . .1 am atrong enough to hold me till the couriera go to the WaiUamet for raise about 60 or 70 good men, au other party I would dispatch to the mountaina and call the hunters and Shawnees and Delawares with which I am very well acquainted, the same party have to go to Missouri and raise about 2 or 300 man more. That is my inten tion, Sir, if they let me not alone. H they wUl give me satisfaction and pay ¦ 240 SUTTER'S FORT. Sutter had no feeling whatever of loyalty to his adopted nation, or to the governinent that had treated him so geherously, and under which he held office; and he would without hesitation have raised the standard of revolt in behalf of France, or any other nation that could advance his personal interests; yet it is not to be supposed that he had a-t this time any definite plan or intention of political conspiracy. Harassed by his creditors, partiaUy thwarted in some of his schemes for making a fortune, egotistically looking down upon the Californians as inferior beings, and annoyed that he was not allowed to control the v/hole country as arbitrarily as he did New Helvetia — he indulged in threats that had not much signifi cance, merely to relieve his mind in moments of de pression, and, as Sir George Simpson expressed it, to 'bully' the government. In politics as in commercial and industrial enterprises, Sutter always — as the dis tinguished English traveUer might have said but did not — "bit off more than he could chew." I have had occasion more than once in recording the annals of past years to note the arrival on the coast of scientific exploring expeditions fitted out by different European powers and resulting in published narratives, in which this country and its affairs were more or less fully described. The first expedition of the expenaes what I had to do for my security here, I will be a faithful Mex ican; but when this Rascle of Castro should come here a very warm and harty welcorae is preparedfor hira. 10 guna have well mounted for protect the f ortreaa and two field-piecea. I have alao about 50 faithfuU Indians which shot their musquet very quik. The wole day and night we are under arms, and you know that foreignera are very expenaive, and for thia trouble I will be payed when a french fregate come here. I wish you to tell the com andante general that I wished to be his friend, and that I am very much oblidged to hira for his kindness when ray people passedSonoraa. If he would join us in such a case I ahould like it very much. But all ia out question so long they let rae alone and trouble me not, but I want aecurity from the gov ernraent for that.' Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 332.' VaUejo, Hid. Cal, MS., iv. 168-75, cites thia letter mainly to ahow that Sutter'a rauch-talked-of Ameri can patriotism waa of later date. Dec 21, 1841, Jan. 24, 1842, Rudesindo Berreyesa to Vallejo, warning him of Sutter's hostile plana. Hopea S. wiU raiae the French flag, iu which case Solano and his men will make quick work of him and his grand fort! Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 10; Id., Corresp., MS., 60-1. WILKES' VISIT. 241 this kind under the flag of the United States made its appearance in 1841. As in other similar cases, this ex pedition requires but few details respecting its organ ization, operations, and results, except so far as they bear directly upon the subject of this work. A fleet of six vessels under the command of Lieutenant Charles Wilkes, having on board about six hundred men, including over eighty officers and a scientific corps of twelve,^" sailed from Hampton Roads in August 1838. The general route followed in accordance with instructions was: to Brazil; round Cape Horn to Chile; to Oceanica; to the Hawaiian Islands; to the north-west coast of America, and California; and thence homeward round Cape Good Hope. The ar rival at New York was in June 1842. A narrative of the voyage was written by Wilkes, the commander, who also wrote a volume on meteorology. Of the scientific corps, Dana, Pickering, Hale, Peale, and Brackenridge each produced one or more volumes in his special department. Still other volumes were ed ited, from observations and collections made by the explorers, by other competent men selected by the Smithsonian Institution. The result was a magnifi cent set of twenty-eight volumes in quarto and folio, illustrated with fine engravings and colored plates, °° The vessels with commanders, Ueutenants, and scientista at the depart ure were aa foUows— there being frequent changes later, and thoae namea marked with a atar (*) not having reached Califomia: Vincennes, sloop of war, 780 tona; Charlea Wilkes, com.; Ueutenants, Thos T. Craven,* Overton Carr, Robert E. Johnson, Jaraes Alden, and Wm L. Maury; scientific corps, Charlea Pickering, naturaUat, Jos Drayton, artist, J. D. Brackenridge, asst botanist, John G. Brown, instrument maker, John W. W. Dyes, asst taxider mist, Joa P. Couthouy,* naturaUat. Peacock,* sloop of war, 650 tous, Wm L. Hudson, com.; lieutenants, Samuel P. Lee,* W. M. Walker, Geo. P. Emmons, 0. H. Perry; scientists, James D. Dana, mineralogist, T. B. Peale, natural ist, Horatio Hale, philologist, P. L. Davenport,* interpreter. Porpoise, gun-brig, 230 tous; Cadwalader Ringgold, com.; lieutenants, M. G. L. Clai bome,* H. J. Hartstein,* John B. Dale.* Rdief* store-ship; A. K. Long, com.; lieutenanta, R. P. Pinkney,* A. L. Case, Jos A. Underwood;* Wm Rich, botanist. Sea-Oull,* tender or pilot-boat; Jaa W. E. Reid,* cora. Flying-Fish, pUot-boat uaed aa tender; Samuel P. Knox, com. The Peacock and Sea-Oull were -wrecked, the Relief sent horae, aud the Oregon purchased before the arrival in Califomia. In my lists of pioneers and visitors I in clude only thoae -who were iu command of veasela or land partiea on the Cal ifornia coast, a few of the acientista, and such membera of the expedition as left it in Califomia. Hist. Cai.., Vol. IV. 16 242 U. S. EXPLORING EXPEDITION. published at the cost of the government. Copies were sent as gifts to the states of the Union, and to some of the European governments and scientific in stitutions. Of some parts only a limited number of copies was printed, and the plates were destroyed; so that a complete set is now of rare occurrence and of great pecuniary value. From that in my collection, originally one of the presentation copies alluded to, I append a specification of the parts.^^ "^ United States Exploring Expedition during the yeairs 1838, 1839, 184O, I84I, I842, dc. Philadelphia, 1844r-58, 4°, 20 vol. ; fol., 8 vol. Details about the publication of this work do not properly belong here, and if they did, I have fouud no satisfactory bibliographical description. Those giveu by Bruuet and others do not agree with my set either in number, order, or place of publication, of the different volumes. The following ia a Uat of the parts as found in my collection: Vol. i.-v. Narrative by Chas Wilkea, mapa, platea, and outa. An atlas is mentioned ou the title-page, but does not seem to have been published. Phil. 1844, 4°. (I have also the edition of Phil. 1845, Svo, 5 vol. ; and there was alao published au edition of Phil. 1845, imp. Svo, 5 vol., with an a,ths. Brunet namea Svo editions of PhU. 1849; New York, 1852; and New York, 1856; alao an abridgment iu one vol. of New York, 1851. Jenkins' U. S. Explor. Expeditions, etc Aubum, 1850, Svo, one vol., alao contains an abridgment. ) That part of the narrative pertaining to Califomia is found iu vol. v., p. 160-272, or chap, v.-vi., with some aUusions also in vol. iv., 526; V. 127, 142-3, 157. Vol. vi. Ethnography and Philology, by Horatio Hale. Phil. 1846, 4°. Indians of Cal., p. 199, 221-3; 6 vocabularies, p. 630-4, Vol. vii. Zoophytes, by Jaraes D. Dana. PhU. 1846, 4°; atlaa, Phih 1849, fol. , 61 pi. Slight scattered reference to Cal. Vol. viii. Mammalogy and Ornithology, by Titian R. Peale. PhU. 1848, 4°. Frequent mention of Cal. animals aud birds. (Thia volume seems to have beeu suppressed, and replaced by another vol. viii. ) Vol. viii. (bis). Mammalogy and Ornithology, by John Cassin. Phil. 1858, 4°; atlas, fol., 53 pi. Contains very many scattered descriptions of Cal. animala and birds. Vol. ix. The Races of Men and their Geographical Distribution, by Chas Pickering. Phil. 1848, 4°. Map ahowing Cal. aa a Malay region; p. 15-50, alight reference to Cal. iu description of the Mongolian race, and N. w. coast; p. 100-12, ou the Californians aa Malaya, -with aomething of narrative; and p. 231, 273, 288, 307-12, aUusions to Cal. Vol. X. Geology, by Jaraes D. Dana. PhU. 1849, 4°; atlas, fol., 21 pi. Chap, xviii., p. 611-78, ia devoted to the geology of Oregon and northern Cal, with aome cuts. Plates of fossUs iu the atlas aeem to contain Uttle or noth ing from Cal. Vol. xi. Meterohgy, by Chas WUkea. PhU. 1851, 4°. Tablea of obser vations iu Cal., chiefly at Sauzalito, p. 570-623, with diagram, pi. xix., and mention iu Introd., p. xlvii. -viii. Vol. xU. Mollusca and Shells, by A. A. Gould. Phil. 1852, 4°; atlas (not pubUshed). SUght scattered reference to Cal. shells. Vol. xiU.-xiv. Crustacea, by James D. Dana. Phil. 1852, 4°, 2 vol; atlas, PhU. 1855, fol. , 96 pi. Scattered references to Cal. Vol. XV. Botany, -pti. Phanerogamia, by Asa Gray. PhU. 1854,4°; atlas, fol., 100 pi. Descriptions aud illustrations of Cal. plants. RINGGOLD AND EMMONS. 243 Wilkes had instructions, given doubtless not with out some consideration of political possibUities, to de vote special attention to a survey of San Francisco Bay. Accordingly, from the Columbia River, where his fleet had been for several months, he despatched the Vincennes under Lieutenant Ringgold for Califor nia. She sailed August 7, 1841, and arrived at San Francisco on the 14th,^^ lying at anchor at Sauzalito until November 1st. On the 20th of August Ring gold, with Dr Pickering, six officers, and about fifty men, started in the boats to explore the Sacramento River, arriving at Sutter's Fort in three days, con tinuing the exploration up to latitude 39° 13' 39", re turning to New Helvetia September 4th, and to the Vincennes five days later. Subsequently Ringgold made other exploring trips about the bay and up the San Joaquin, not particularly described. They met with no adventures, and their description of 'the coun try, with its Indians, animals, and vegetation, calls for no special notice here.^* Another party under Lieutenant Emmons, consist ing of four officers, eight men of the expedition, five of the scientific corps — Dana, Peale, Brackenridge, Rich, and .Agate — six trappers, a guide, and three immigrants with their families, -thirty-nine persons in Vol. xvi. Botany, Gryptogamia, by Wm D. Brackenridge. Phil. 1854, 4°; atlas, Phil. 1855, fol., 46 pi. Many Cal. planta. Vol. xvii., xviu., xix. Never publiahed, so far as I can leam. VoL XX. Herpetology, by S. F. Baird. PhU. 1858, 4°; atlas, fol., 32 pi. Scattered referenoea to Cal. (Later irapreaaiona bear the following title:) Vol. XX. (bia). Herpetology, by Charles Girard. PhU. 1858, 4°; atlas, fol. , 32 pi. (Same as preceding, except title, and addition of a Ust of plates, p. 473-6.) 1- -i- Vol. xxi. Geographical Distribution of Animals. "2 Arrival noted in aletter of Aug. 14th. Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 256. I find no record that the exploring fleet was troubled about auchorage dues. '^ Wilkes' Narr., y. 188-207. The only locaUties named are New Helvetia, American Pork, Prairie Butea, Bute Creek, Feather River, and Poplar Grove. It waa suppoaed that the Jesus Maria of the Spaniards was the Sacramento above the junction with the Feather; but there is uo fouudation for this the ory. The two names were applied long before the Spaniards had been up to Feather River, uuder the impression, formed from the branches or alougha at the mouth, that there were two large rivera flo-wing from northerly directions. Pickering, in vol. ix. , p. 104-10, also gives a slight deacription of this explora tion. I reproduce Wilkes' map of CaUfomia. 244 U. S. EXPLORING EXPEDITION. Wilkes' Map, 1841. WILKES AT SAUZAUTO. 243 all, came do-wn from Oregon overland. This party crossed the Boundary Range September 29th into California, and four days later struck the head waters ofthe Sacramento. On October 17th they reached the Feather River, and two days later were at Sutter's. This journey also was without adventure. At New Helvetia the company divided, one party with Em mons embarking on the Vincennes' boat that had been sent to meet them, and reaching San Francisco oa the 24th; while the rest, under Midshipman Eld, pro ceeded by land by way of San Jose and reached the fleet on the 28th.^ Meanwhile Wilkes had sailed from the Columbia on the Porpoise with the Flying Fish and Oregon — the latter being the Thomas Perkins, purchased to replace the Peacock, which was wrecked on the Oregon coast--- and arrived at San Francisco on the same day that Emmons reached New Helvetia, October 19th.^^ His personal experience in California, outside of his vessel, seems to- have been limited to a two or three days' trip to Santa Clara, which he describes in an interest ing rnanner; but his officers visited many points round the bay, including Sonoma and San Rafael. Martinez and Richardson are the only entertainers who are fa vorably mentioned; and guests on board the fleet are represented as having stayed longer than they were welcome.^* The "closing scene of the tour" was an 'Wilkes' Narr., v. 252-65; alao v. 127, 142-3; ix. 110-12. The names used are Boundary Bange and Mt Emmona, Klamet river aud valley, Mt Shaste (with view). Destruction River, Pitt -River, Sacramento River, Bear Camp, Prairie Butea (39° 8'), Little Fork, Feather Biver, New Helvetia, Rio Cosme- nes, Moguelea River, San Juan, Prenohmau'a Camp, San Joachin, Pul Porrice Hills, Miaaion San Joa^, and Santa Clara. '* Oct. 22, 1841, Wilkes to VaUejo, anuounciug his arrival, and aaking as sistance iu the way of aupplies. Vallejo, Doe, MS., x. 312, 314. On Dec. 11th, Vallejo reported the visit and operations of the expedition to the min ister of war. Id., X. 383. *« Wilkes' Narr., v. 207-28. Vallejo, Hist Cal., MS., iv. 239-40, mentions a visit of Ringgold to Sonoma, aud au invitation for himself aud family to visit the fleet, which he was obUged to decUne. Some of the officers, according to Da-vis' Glimpses, MS. , 73-84, also made a -visit to Roaa. Davia came frequently into contact with the officers and men of the expedition while at S. P. , and he gives au interesting account of the visit. He tella us that Wilkea talked freely -with Spear about the proapect of the U. S. securing S. F. Bay, and the determination uoi; to let England gala auy .adyantage. Si6 U. S. EXPLORING EXPEDITION. auction sale of the horses of the expedition at Yerba Buena, the proceeds of which amounted to $210. On November 1st the fleet set sail, several deserters being left behind, and one man being accidentally killed as the Vincennes crossed the bar. Mr Hale had been left in Oregon, and came down with Simpson in De cember. In naming the volumes devoted to a record of sci entific observations which form the bulk of the great work resulting from this expedition, I have specified the parts of each pertaining to California. No' further notice of these volumes is called for in an historical work; but I have no reason to doubt that they were altogether worthy of the eminent names attached to theru. Officers and scientists did their work faithfully, and left an agreeable impression in the minds (rf such residents of the country as came in contact with them. Of the narrative written by the commander, how ever, not much can justly be said in praise, so far as that part relating to California is concerned. It is not worthy of the great enterprise it records, nor of its scientific appendices; nor does it compare favorably with earlier and less pretentious narratives. The ha bitual misspelling of Spanish and other names is a blemish specially noticeable in a work written by an educated officer, and pubUshed under the auspices of a government and a learned society in so magnificent a form.^' Wilkes was reserved and cold in manner, or seemed so to the few Californians who met him; and his manner of referring to most things and men in his book, in marked contrast to the spirit of courtesy that had distinguished the statements of other visitors in like positions, is not calculated to inspire among Cali fornians much regret that he was reprimanded, after '' For instance, Wilkea -writes, Los Angelos, San Joachin, Mt Diavolo, Kaquines, Jesu Maria, Bute, Nappa, Zonoma, Mogueles, Coamenea, Cape Mendooina, Xacatecaa, Nativetea, Caravallio River, San Juau Capiata, Bran- caforte, Guadaloupe, Kihas, Mr Speara, Sr Noniga, Echandia, Cosme PenniS, Ramieroz, Peralto, Padre Mercador, tula, poros (pozos), coural. Donna, Nos tra Seiiora, etc WILKES' OBSERVATIONS. 247 a trial by court-martial, for severity to his men during the voyage. The season was one of drought, but that fact could not justify this author's absurd underesti mate of the country's natural advantages. The people and their institutions certainly afforded some ground for unfavorable criticism, but Wilkes constantly in dulges in careless misrepresentations and exaggera tions.^^ And I find no special excellence in any respect »s I give a series of brief quotations to illuatrate the apirit of the narrative. 'Although I was prepared for anarchy and confusion, I was surprised when I found a total absence of all govemment iu California, and eveu its forms and ceremonies thrown aside. ' p. 162. ' The alcalde of S. P. (Don Francisco Guer rero) was full of self-importance, making up for what he wanted in the eyea of others by a high estimate of his own dignity. I could find no one who oould furnish me with his narae ( I), which raust be ray apology for not re cording it.' p. 163. 'The couutry, at the time of our viait, and for several years previous, had been in a state of revolution ( !), and was involved in an archy and confusion, without laws or security of person or property With Califomia is associated the idea of a fine climate. This at least waa the idea ¦«ith which I eutered ita far-famed port; but I soou fouud from the reports of the ofiBcers that their experience altogether contradicted the received opinion. Many compared its climate to that of Orange Harbor at Cape Hom. ' p. 163-4. The valley of S. Juau is described as one of the most fertile tracts, but what valley is referred to it ia hard to tell. ' The inland plain couatituting a large part of Upper California is, according to all accounta, au arid waate.' p. 165. Only a amall portion of the country offera any agricultural advantages, p. 166. 'There is but comparatively little trade, for the hides and taUow which for merly raade the business profitable are no longer to be procured.' p. 168. The exports include 200,000 arrobas of taUow, and all merchantable products are less than a million dollars, p. 168-9. 'Although Califomia maynot boast of its dense population, every intelligent person I met agreed that it consumed more spirits iu proportion thau auy other part of the world.' p. 169. Taxes are repreaented aa very high, aud the 'church tithes enormous' (!). p. 171. ' Descended from the old Spaniarda, the Califomiana are unfortunately found to have all their vicea, without a proper ahare of their virtues.' 'The female portion of the coraraunity are ignorant, degraded, aud the slavea of their husbands. ' ' The state of morals is very low, and ia every day becoming worse. During the residence of the old Spanish priests, the people were kept under sorae control, but now priest and layman are alike given up to idleness and debauchery. ' They have a reputation for hospitality, but -will take money if off'ered through a servant, and wUl swindle a gueat should he wish to hire or buy anything, p. 187-8. ' The best route to the U. S. ia to follow the S. Joachin for 60 milea, thence eaaterly through a gap in the Snowy Mountains, by a good beaten road ( !); thence the courae ia north-easterly to Mary's River. ' p. 193. A Califomiau 'ia content -svith coarse fare, provided he can get enough of strong drink to minister to thia thirat The palm for intemperance was, I think, generally giveu to the padres. ' A large part of the Siicramento Valley, 'is undoubtedly barren aud unproductive, and raust forever remaiu so.' p. 206. Vallejo 'ia not overscrupulous in demanding duties of veaaela entering' the port of S. F. , and untU he has beeu consulted, a vessel is Uable to an in definite amount of duties.' Anecdotes of him 'show a striking disregard for' the lives as well as for the property and Uberty of the Indiana aud gente de razoD.' One of the governora trained Indiana as soldiers aud a company of them 'made such proficiency in the use of their arms that hia excellency bfe came alarmed and forthwith ordered them aU to be shot(!). Ihave Uttle 218 DUFLOT DE MOFRAS. to compensate for these defects. There is of course much that is accurate enough, but nowhere does the narrative rise above the commonplace, or throw any new light upon either country or people. The descrip tive portions are incomplete, and often inaccurate. The historical sketch is taken without much skill from Forbes, in the earlier parts, while later events are drawn apparently from Farnham, or some source tinged with that writer's prejudices. But for Wilkes' posi tion, and the peculiar circumstances under which his narrative was written and published, these remarks might with some justice be regarded as hypercritical. M. Eugfene Duflot de Mofras was a young attachd of the French embassy at Madrid, who had previously visited America, when at the end of 1839 h.e was re called by Marshal Soult, minister of foreign affairs, and attached to the legation at Mexico, with a special mission to visit the north-western provinces of the republic, and the American, English, and Russian posts beyond, "in order to ascertain, independently of a political point of view, what advantage might be offered to our commerce and to our navigation by mercantile expeditions, and the establishment of trad ing-posts in those regions still little known in France."'' The book which resulted from the performance of this mission contains no narrative, beyond here and there an .incidental mention,of the author's personal adventures; and I am obliged to depend on the archives and other records that are not so complete as would be desira ble. M, Mofras still occupied, in 1878, a high diplo matic position, that of ministre plenipotentiaire under doubt that this story may be eaaeutially trae.' p. 210-11. 'The state of so ciety here [Sonoma] ia exceedingly loose; envy, hatred, and malice predomi nate iu almost every breast, and -the people are wretched under their preaent rulers. Feraale virtue is at a low ebb, and the coarse and laacivioua dances show the degraded tone of manners.' p. 211-12. The administrator at Sta Clara had taken the name of hia -wife, Aliza, one of the moat famous in early timea! p. 217. The country between Sta Clara and S. Franciaco was pictur esque in places, 'though to all appearance entirely unfit for cultivation'! p. 226. '"Mofras, Exploration, i. Avant-propos, p. viii.-ix. A FRENCH -VISITOR. 249 the French government; and he has assured me that he preserved no journal or memoranda of his personal experience in California.*' Having arrived in Mexico, the attache's passports and letters of recommendation were issued in May 1840," and he soon started on his mission, visiting Co lima, Jalisco, Sinaloa, Sonora, and perhaps Lower Cali fornia, being on the gulf-coast apparently in Novem ber.*^ In April 1841 he came up from Mazatlan with Captain Fitch on the Ninfa, touching first, perhaps, at San Pedro, and arriving at Monterey in May .*^ Before June 11th, he had visited Sonoma with a letter of introduction to Vallejo from Virmond, and probably went to Ross before returning to the capital.** In "In one of hia letters, dated at Paris, Dec 11, 1878, M. Mofras writes me as foUows. 'Cher Monsieur: Du retour d'un voyage k Conatautiuople je trouve votre amicale lettre et je ne puis assez vous remercier de votre bien- veillance; raais je vous assure que j'ai tout mis dans mon ouvrage, et que je n'ai pas fait de jourual de mes impressions personnelles, qui, depuis si long- tempa sont d'aiUeura bien effacdes de ma memoire. Veuillez vous souvenir ensuite qu'au moment de mon exploration elle ^tait souvent perilleuse et que je voyais sans cesse des ours dans le for6t. Taut mon temps et mea facultiSa etaient pria par mea observations et el soin de ma vie materielle. Que de foia j'ai souffert le froid, la faim, et le aoif I Que de fois je me suis 6gar6 dea joum^es entiferes au risque de auocomber! Voua avez uue Californie qui rea- senible a Paris raaintenaut; mais alora il ^tait difficile aouveut d'avoir dea guidea et il fallait craindre et les Indiens et surtout les ours.' I have before me another original letter of the same -writer, dated at Monterey, July 20, 1841 — not, however, addressed to myself. " May 21, 1840, min. of rei. to gov. Announcea that passport* have beeu isaued to Mofraa for a acieu tific visit to Cal., and orders protection to be af forded him. Dept. St Pap., Angeles, MS., xi. 118-19. May 20th, Virmond to Alvarado, introducing and highly recommending Mofraa. Vallejo, Doc. , MS. , xxxui. 74. May 26th, Virmond to Vallejo, to sarae effect. Id., ix. 146. The order from the govt reached Cal. at the end of Oct., and was circulated in Nov. Dept St. Pap., Ang., xi. 118; Id., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., v. 13; S. Diego, Arch., 261. *2 Mofras, Exploration, i. 203. The year is not mentioned. *' April 13, 1841, arrival of Ninfa -with Mofras on board, 19 daya from Mazatlan, but no place named. Dept. St. Pap., Angdes, MS., iv. 83. May 12th, com. of Monterey announcea arrival at Monterey on May Oth. Vallejo, Dot., MS., X. 130. May 12th, he felt an earthquake at Monterey, and again on July 3d. Explor., ii. 56. "June 11, 1841, VaUejo to com. of Monterey. Vallejo, Doe, MS., x. 163. Vallejo, Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 2.50-5, speaka of Mofraa' -viait to Sonoma, and says he aent an eacort with hira to Roas, whence he returned with a Russiau escort to Sauzalito, croaaing over to Yerba Buena iu Richardaou's veaael. In his Exploration, U. 19, he apeaka of haviug visited Roas several tiraes; for the secoud time. Id., ii. 27, in Aug., when the author goes so far as to speak of an incident on the way. 250 DUFLOT DE MOFRAS. July he was at Monterey, as appears from his letters.*^ September 1st he arrived at Sutter's Fort;*^ and dur ing the same month was at San Josd and Sauta Cruz.*' October 18th the traveller had embarked at San Francisco on the Cowlitz for Fort Vancouver, meeting Wilkes outside the heads ;*^ and on Decem ber 30th he came back on the same vessel to San Francisco in company with Sir George Simpson, John McLoughlin, and Horatio Hale.*^ Mofras and Hale immediately took passage on the Bolivar for Monte rey;'^" and on January 3d, the former sailed with Cap tain Peirce for Mazatlan on the Maryland, which touched at Santa Bd.rbara, and remained for nine days, January 18th to 27th, at San Diego.®^ During the travels of which I have presented this fragmen tary record, Mofras visited probably every raission and other settlement in California. I suppose that the Santa Barbara district was explored in April, as the Nirfa came up the coast ; those of Monterey and San Francisco froru May to October, the explorer making his headquarters at the capital and Yerba Buena; and that of San Diego in January 1842, while the Maryland was disposing of her cargo. Of the French visitor's acts and experience during the travels thus outlined, we know even less than of the travels themselves — nothing at all indeed, so far as the south is concerned. At Yerba Buena he spent some time at the house of Nathan Spear, making that his headquarters while he visited different points in the north. At this time William H. Davis, Spear's *5 July 20th, Mofras to the P. presideut at S. Jos& Pico, Doc, MS., ii. 13. Sarae date Mofraa to Alvarado. Dept. St. Pap., MS., v. 117. '^ Sept. 1st, Sutter to Sunol, announcing the arrival of ' M. le Comte. ' Svt- ter-Sunol Corresp., MS., 10. *' Exploration, i. 417, 324. •^ Wilkes' Narr., y. 157. A boat came frora the Cowlitz to the Porpoise, having on board Capt. Brotchie aud Mofras. His intention then was to go frora the Colurabia to the Sandwich lalanda. *^Dept St Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., lv. 18. ^"Simpson's Narrative, i. 303. ^^ Peirce's Bough Sketch, MS., 87; Id., Journals, MS., 90-1; Mofras, Ex ploration, i. 334. MOFRAS AND VALLEJO. 251 man of busiriess, came much in contact with Mofras, who often sailed with him on the schooner Isabella to different point's on the bay. Davis became a great admirer of the Frenchman, whom he describes as a most accomplished gentleman, well liked by aU who met him, intelligent and observant, enthusiastic to the verge of excitabUity, and prone to indulge in, rhap sodical prophecies on the grand future of San Fran cisco Bay and the region thereabout.^^ During his visit to Sonoma, Mofras in some way gave offence to Vallejo, who conceived a bitter dislike of the man, which is clearly expressed in his narrative, and which perhaps accounts for the fact that the traveller is not very complimentary, though by no means severe or abusive, in his allusions to the gen eral. Vallejo adnaits that Mofras was'an intelligent and highly educated man, and that he could be a gen tleman if he chose; but insists that he was conceited, arrogant, and disposed to look down on the Califor nians as inferior beings. Alleging no improprieties on the part of the visitor at Sonoma, he gives credence to several absurd scandals respecting his conduct else where, and delights in presenting his every act in an unfavorable and ridiculous light.®* Of these scandals, the only one worthy of notice here is that of Mofras' conduct at the Alisal Rancho, an account of which ^' Davis' Glimpses of the Past, MS. , 38-42. The author relates that on one occasion the schooner grounded ou the mud flats at North Beach, and they had to wait for the tide to float them. Mofras after a time became impatient, then excited, aud finally jumped overboard to wade and swim and wallow to tho shore, which he succeeded in reaching in a uot very presentable condition. Vallejo tella the same story, and he aays also that this adventure was on the return from Rosa via Sauzalito. '''Vallejo, Hid. Cal, MS., iv. 244-59. The author saya he waa at work out of doora wheu Mofraa made hia appearance, and asked, ' Where is the comandante general?' 'Mr Prudon will conduct you to his office, sir,' re plied Vallejo, who straightway entered by a back door, donned his uniform, and received his gueat. In the interview that followed, Mofras seems to have assumed considerable self-importance, and to have spoken in a tone of famil iarity that waa offensive to the general's sense of dignity. Vallejo iu some way got the idea that Mofras left the country angry with the Calif omians, aud especially with himself; and his atatement seeras to have beeu raade -with a view to counteract such charges and abuse as he auppoaed the Frenchman had introduced in his book — which he had not seen. 252 DUFLOT DE MOFRAS. was made public in a newspaper on the authority of Mrs HartneU.^* It is enough to say on this subject that the lady mentioned has since declared the story, so far as Mofras is concerned, to be without founda tion. At San Antonio he had some kind of a quarrel with Jesus Pico, the administrator, according to the latter's statement. ^^ At Monterey Mofras had a correspondence with various padres about the condition of their resjilctive establishments and matters of mission history, send ing them as gifts certain sacred trinkets which he had brought from Spain.®^ He also conducted some nego tiations with the governor, with a view to have dis covered and punished the murderers of the French man, Dubosc, in 1840.^ Alvarado describes him as a young mari of great ability, generous inclinations, and fiery temperament; but arrogant, and prone to dissipation.'* Sir George Simpson speaks of "a pas senger of the name of De Mofras, who represented himself, for he had no credentials, as an attachd of the French embassy in Mexico. Though this gentleman professed to be collecting information for the purpose of making a book, yet, with the exception of accom panying us to the Willamette, he scarcely went ten miles from the comfortable quarters at Fort Vancouver; ^^ Monterey Herald, March 20, 1875; Id., Oct. 24, 1875 (?); Hartndl, Nar rativa, MS., 14-20. ^^ Pico, Acontecimientos, MS., 54-7; Id., letter. Pioneer Sketches, MS., no. 2. Pico claims to have put Mofraa under arrest iu the padre's house, the padre aUo-wing him to escape to Monterey, where the quarrel was renewed later. The origin of the trouble waa Mofras' inaolent complaint that snfS- cient attention waa not showu hira. In his Exphyration, i. 388, M. speaks of bia indignation at seeing the adrainiatrator at S. Autonio, an old servant of the mission, take advantage of the padre's paralyzed conditiou to refuse him the necessary aid and food. Salvador Vallejo, Notas, Hist, MS., 129-30, takes some pride in having told Mofras of a mission at Sta Rosa, and of vanilla gro-vring there. ^Pico, Doc, MS., ii. 13. Only oue of the letters appeara, but others are alluded to in this. ^''Dept Eec, MS., xii. 41; Dept St Pap., MS., v. 117. Mofraa, Explor., i. 465, accuaea Vallejo of having shut his eyes and allowed the assassin to escape. S" A Ivarado, Hist Cal , MS. , iv. 175-9. The author ahares Vallejo'a views to some extent; and states that Mofraa beoame involved in many ridiculous and diagraceful troubles on account of his lack of self-respect when under the influence of liquor. MOFRAS' BOOK. 253 whUe in conversation he was more ready to dilate on his own equestrian feats than to hear what others might be able to tell him about the country or the people."® From all the evidence, I conclude that Duflot de Mofras was a man of talent, but somewhat wUd, bent on amusing himself, fonder of personal com forts than of study; not disposed to go far out of his way for historical information, but using intelligently such material as came into his hands; gentlemanly in manner, but not overawed by the dignity of Califor nian officials, and somewhat too careless about the reputation he might leave in so distant a laud. To the book which resulted from the visit of Mo fras, which I have frequent occasion to cite on differ ent topics, and which I describe in a note,®^ a high degree of praise must be accorded. Its plan is ex cellent, and the execution creditable to the author. He aims to give a complete description of the coun try, its past history and present condition, compiled from the principal works tiiat had been publish^ on the subject, and supplemented by his own researches ^Saiqisoii's NarraSve, L 243. "Mofras, ExpHorationdu TerrOoiredeVOrigon, desOaliformes,etdelaMer VermeHU, exeadee pemlant let annees 1840, 1841, et 1848, par M. Dufiot de Mofras, AUadii A la Lfgatian de Fiance A Meaco; Ouvrage pMie par ordre da Soi, sous les auspices de M. le Marechal Soult, Due de Dtdmatie, Priadent da CoRseU, et de M. le Ministre des Affairs J^tnagires. Paris, 1S44. Svo, 2 voL, and foUo atlas. The portions relating to CaL are voL L, chap. viL, p. 231-314, history of missioDS, pneUos, and presidios; chap. viiL, p. 313-S4, sysiem of gov^ popnlation, local descriptian, and histoiy of sonthem dis- bicts; chap, ix., p. 3S5-46S, local description and history, northern districts; chap. X., p. 469-518, agricoltnie, stock-raising, conunerce, etc:; voL ii., chap. i., p. 1-20, the Russian est^lishment; chap, il, p. 21-71, manners aud cus toms, physdcal features, foreign relations, r&!am& Plates relating to CaL in voL i., view of Monterey; portrsut of P. Duran; CaUfomian throwing the laao; Radian house. Plates in the atlas: general map — inclnding Califomia wliich I reprodnce; charts of the ports of S. Diego, month of Colorado, S. Pedro, Sta B&rbaia, Monterey, S.F.,Bod^aandBoss, and Trinidad; viewand ground-plan of S. Lnis Bey migginn The books consulted by Mofras on CaL , as namra in his list, are (the titles changed to agree witih my list): Drake Se- Ttved; Beechty's Voy.; Monterey, Extracto; MorTdTaNarrative; Eages' Voyage; Boscana'i Hist Ind. CoL; Sioboo, EdacUm; Duhaut-Omy, Voy.; CaL Regla- neiito, 1784; Douglas, in Comp. BoL Mag.; Palou, Vida deSarra; Castro, De- adog; Forbes, Cat.; La Pirouse, Voyage; Mission Archives; Vancouver's Voy.; Monterey, Archives; ArricivUa, Crou.; Petit-Thouars, Voy.; StttU y Mgkana; Bdcher's Voy.; Lcmgsdorff's Toy.; Lcqiace, Campagne; Kotzebue's Foy.; Soquefeml, Voy.; Kobdiue's New Voy. MoFEAs' Map of California. VALUE OF THE WORK. 255 in the archives and personal observations in the re gions described. It must be admitted that these re searches and observations were not so extensive and careful as was desirable; yet they enabled Mofras to use intelligently the material before him, and to pro duce without great expenditure of work a somewhat satisfactory result. Had he been a harder student and more diligent investigator, he might have avoided many petty errors, and have given his work an air of originality that would haye added greatly to his repu tation. Forbes' work is the only one of the time that can be compared with this; but while not less meritorious in many respects, it is very much less ex tensive and complete. Of some political aspects of Mofras' work and tour, I shall have occasion to speak in the next chapter. CHAPTER X. FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION. 1841. Hopes and Plans of Foreign Nations — United States — Manifest Des tiny — Wilkes and Warner— Foreign Opinions — British Projects- Simpson's ViE-ws — Aspirations of France— Mofras on a Catholio Protectorate — Sutter as a Frenchman — Abvantaoes of Yankee Methods — Beginning of Overland Immigration — Excitement in THE Frontier States — Bartleson Party from Missouei — BiDVfELL^s Diary — Naueatives of Belden, Chiles, and Hopper — Crossing the Desert and Sierra — List of Names — Arrival and Reception- Policy toward Foreigners — Vallejo's Acts — Dr Marsh— The Woekman-Ro-svland Party from Ne-sv Mexico — Wilson's Narra tive — Rowland's List — Other Parties — Mrs Walker and Mrs Kel sey — ^LisT of New-comers foe 1841 — Items about Old Settlers. It is manifestly impossible to ascertain definitely the hopes and plans of the United States, England, and France at this time respecting California. In 1841, and for years before, navigators of each nation had praised the natural advantages of the country, and especially of its great port. They had affirmed that it could not long remain under Mexican rule. They had pointed out the ease with which it might be secured, and had directly or indirectly urged its acquisition. That these representations had their effect at Washington, London, and Paris on influen tial members of the governments, that the matter was discussed, and that secret instructions were issued, can hardly be doubted. It has always been a popular idea of Americans that other nations were in the race for the prize; and, while it has been often exag- (256) AMERICAN SCHEMES. 257 gerated in certain respects, it has not been without foundation. Nations, however, clo not announce their designs of this nature in advance; neither are they prone to confess them after their failure. Americans, or such of them as took the matter into consideration at all, had no doub.t that it was the 'manifest destiny' of their nation to absorb this west ern land. Their navigators and writers and emigrants had spoken more plainly than those of other nations on the subject. Annexation was already a topic of conversation and newspaper comment. We have seen that the United States had once actually proposed to Mexico the cession of northern California,^ and we have noted the alarm expressed by the American press at the rumor of purchase by England.^ Be yond the fact that Wilkes was instructed to make a special survey of the bay, there was but little in con nection with the exploring expedition or its narrative to throw light on American schemes. Wilkes did not indeed represent the country as a very desirable acquisition, except for the commercial and naval im portance of its harbor; yet he writes: " The situation of California will cause its separation from Mexico before many years. It is very probable that this country will become united with Oregon, with which it wOl perhaps form a state that is destined to con trol the destinies of the Pacific. This western coast, enjoying a climate in many respects superior to any other in the Pacific, possessed as it must be by the Anglo-Norman race, and having none to enter into rivalry with it but the indolent inhabitants of warm climates, is evidently destined to fill a large space in. the world's future history."' It was obviously not ^ Thia in 1835. See vol iii., chap. xiv. ^ In 1837-9. See chap. iv. of tbis vol. 'Wilkes' Narr., v. 1S2-3. He also blames the govt for its lack of energy in redressing the wrongs of the Graham party. Davis,, Glimpses, MS>, 7T-^8, says that Wilkea expreased himaelf very freely to Natb-an Spear on tho polit ical aspects of his visit, declaring that the U. S. would have Cal., audiu- cfuiring eameatly about Mofras' movemonts, and the dangers of French inter vention. Californians agree that the coming of Wilkea?' fleet caused consid- Hiai. Cal., Vol. IV. 17 258 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1841. for the interest of United States to agitate the mat ter; since now that immigration had begun, delay could not but favor their cause, and the only thing to be feared was the interference of some other foreign power. Evidently it was the policy at Washington to watch closely for such interference, and meanwhile to give manifest destiny a loose rein. The secretary of the navy, in his report of Decem ber 4th, after alluding to the Graham affair, says: "In California there are already considerable settlements of Americans, and others are daily resorting to that fertile and delightful region. Such, however,, is the unsettled condition of that country that they cannot be safe either in their persons or property except un der the protection of our naval power-. ... It is highly desirable, too, that the Gulf of California should be fully explored. For these reasons" — and perhaps for others not stated — "I have caused estimates to be prepared for a large increase of the Pacific squadron."* In the same report it is stated that Commodore Jones is about to sail for the Pacific to take command. Of this officer's instructions and acts we shall learn much from the annals of the next year. In connection with the immigration, to be noticed later in this chapter, there were published many newspaper articles of such a sensational nature as to cause alarm in Mexico, and likely to do more harm than good to the American cause. I may add that Warner, in his lecture already noticed, earnestly urged the importance of prompt ac tion to secure possession of San Francisco Bay by pur chase.® erable uneasiness. Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 241-2, aays it even soared his foea at Monterey into making overturea for reconciliation for defence; and Bidwell, Cal, MS., 97-9, afiirma that it convinced people that the U. S. govt waa something more than a mvth, and had a good effect. J U. 8. Govt Doc, 27th cong. 2d seas., Seu. Doc, no. 1, p. 369. 5 Warner's Cal and Oregon, 236. The author says: ' I have quoted from theso English writera (Forbes chiefly) for three objects: 1. To corroborate my own remarka reapecting the value of thia territory. 2. To show that thc Eng- liah-reading community and the govt have more information ' about it than we. ' 3. To oonfinn the opinion that England ia now diapoaed to negotiate with Mexico for the bay of San Francisco aud the territory of Califomia. . . SIMPSON ON AMERICAN PLANS. 259 Not only did Americans announce their purpose and their confidence in ultimate success, but foreigners as well admitted that they would succeed — except in certain contingencies. Sir George Simpson writes: The Americans, becoming masters of the interior through Sutter's estabUshment, "will soon discover that they have a natural right to a maritime outlet; so that whatever may be the fate of Monterey and the more southerly ports, San Francisco will, to a moral certainty, sooner or later fall into the possession of Americans" — unless the English take it. "As Texas has been wrested from Mexico on the one side of the continent, so California will be speedily lost to her on the other. The only doubt is whether Cali fornia is to fall to the British or to the Americans. The latter, whether one looks at their seizure of Texas or at their pretensions to the Oregon, have clearly the advantage in an unscrupulous choice of weapons, be ing altogether too ready to forget that the fulfilment of even the most palpable decrees of providence will not justify in man the employment of unrighteous means. "^ Mofras gave much attention tothe subject, and convinced himself from his intercourse with officers of Wilkes' expedition and of the Hudson's Bay Corn- There ia no point of all Pacifio America that unitea a moiety of the advantages found inthe bay; and it is free from all objections. . .The natural union be tween tho country south of the Columbia and the bay of Sau Franciaco and Burroiinding country is such that, although governmenta may for a time be able to separate them, the day ia not far distant v/heu they, drawn together by their oneness of intereat, will bid defiance to foreign- powers. If a uniou does not take place amicably, it will by force. . . If the proposition to cede CaL to the English ahould be accompliahed — placing the all-important harbor of S. F. in poaaession of the most powerful naval aud commercial kingdom — would it not ruin the prospects of the Oregon territory?. . .Ia it not important, then, that instead of permitting it to fall into the hands of our most daugeroua rivals, it should be united to our owu territory?' Warner was a Mexican cit izen; but no matter. 'Although I may be accused of preaumption, I cannot refrain from aaying that the preaent appears a favorable opportunity, when a negotiation ia pending which must leave Mexico a debtor to thia govt, uot ia the best position to cancel the claim, and probably glad to transfer Cal. on the account. . . We must not suppose that Cal. ia to remain stationary, or un der the control of the Mexican govt, while all the parta of the earth arc iu movement if not advancing. It must aoon fail to some more enterprising na tion.' ^Simpson's Narr., L 327, 409. 260 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1841. pany "that England and the United States flatter themselves alike with the idea of taking California from Mexico. It is moreover evident to us that Cali fornia will belong to whatever nation chooses to send there" a man-of-war and 200 men; and we can but ap prove the patriotic conduct of the English and Am erican governments in making sure in advance of impor tant points on the Pacific ... It is to be doubted that tlie English, with all the admirable ybrce d' expansion of their government, can distance their rivals in the oc cupation of this fine territory. As for us, it is useless to say that our political sympathies are for the Amer icans; and since California must change masters, we should prefer to see it in the hands of the United States rather than in those of England" — always if it cannot belong to France.^ On British projects for acquiring California, there is not much of fact to be recorded for 1841, though the coming of the man-of-war Curaqoa, the visits of Douglas, Simpson, and McLoughlin, and the opera tions of the Hudson's Bay Company were popularly supposed to be connected with those projects.* The negotiations to secure California in payment of the Mexican debt" were believed to be still in progress. In Warner's lecture, and the current newspaper sketches, this arrangement was held up as an immi nent danger. Mofras gives an account of the nego tiations, and expresses his conviction, formed largely from conversation with officers of the Hudson's Bay Company, that England was confident of success." ''Mofras, Explor., ii. 61-71. Thia author thinks the delay of the U. S. in the Graham affair was with a view to accumulate claims aud grievances against Mexico until a convenient season. 'Here I may record that an Irishman at Branciforte waa fined $20 for having in the preaeuoe of witneaaes applied a vile epithet to the Mexican govt and its officials, declaring that England would come aud take the whole lot. Monterey, Arch., MS., x. 4. ' See ohap. iv. of thia vol. '" 'En ce moment la compagnie, afire de I'appui du gouvernement britau- nique, pousae une ligne de forts vers oe territoire; elle esp^re que les n^gocia- tlona commeuc^ea il y a peu d'ann^ea par la maiaon .Lizardi de Londres, comme ageut du Mexique pour la ceasiou des terrains en payemeut de la dette an- glaiae et renouvelfea trea-r6cemment, pourront 6tre courcnn6es de suocfe, et ENGLISH PROSPECTS. 261 And Simpson believed that it was not only possible but most desirable for England to take the country in part payment ofthe debt; and he also advanced the proposition that "under the treaty of 1790, England is even now entitled to colonize a considerable portion of the upper province. As America has renounced everything that lies below 42°, .¦ -England, without being questioned by any one, may immediately occupy the coast from 42° down to the due range of the set tlement of San Francisco, . . . and may to-morrow jus tifiably occupy the valley of Santa Rosa, which opens into Bodega Bay"!" Finally, for the Californian aspirations of France, less definite than those of her two rivals, we have as salient points the recent coming of the Danaide, the strong Canadian French element among the trappers, the establishment and, threats of Sutter, who was a Frenchman when it suited his plans to be so, and the visit of Mofras. There is no reason to doubt that France, in sending an agent to collect information about the Pacific regions, was actuated to some extent by a hope, .similar to that of other powers, that Cali fornia might one day, by some lucky chance, fall into her possession.^^ In his published work Mofras is que cette fois oe ue sera plus au Texas ou dans I'interieur du Nouveau Mex ique et de la Sonora que le gouvernement Mexicain ofirira des terrains, maia bien dana la Haute Californie. Peraonne n'ignore que la dette s'61feve b, 270,000,000 francs, et que cette dette ne pourra jamais Strepay^e. Si la ces sion de la province avait lieu, la compagnie voudrait 6tre la premiere k occu- per les meilleura terrains, pour lea revendre enauite eu detail avec un 6norme btofifice.' Mofras, Explor., ii. 61-2. " 'English, iuaome sense or other of the word, therioheat portions of Cal ifornia must become. Either Great Britain will introduce her well regulated freedom of all clasaea and colora, or the people of the U. S. will inundate the country with their own peculiar mixture of helpleaa bondage and lawlesa in subordination. Between two such altemativea, the Califomiana themaelves have little room for choice; and even if there were ground for heaitation, they would, I am convinced, find in their actual experience sufficient reason for deciding in favor of the Britiah. . .Though England cannot afford to acquire additional territory by such measures as would ahake that reputation for iu' tegrity ou which her empire is founded, yet she haa one road open to her (that of the debt), by which she may bring California under her sway, withont either force or fraud, -without either-the violence of marauders or the effi^on- tery of diplomatists.' Simpson's Narr., i. 327-8, 409-10. "July 27, 1841, Vallejo to Alvarado. There is no doubt that France is intriguing to become mistress of CaL Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 230. Dwinelle, 262 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1S41. careful to note what Frenchmen reside at each point, generally naming one or two as particularly patriotic and trustworthy; he dwells on the importance of New Helvetia as an essentiaUy French settlement, suggest ing that missionaries be sent there. He calls atten tion to the special friendship shown by Californians for his compatriots at the time of the Graham affair and on other occasions. He points out the identity of religion and temperament, states that Alvarado offered to grant him a large tract of land in the Tu lares for a French colony, and declares it as his opin ion that a French protectorate offers to California the most satisfactory way of escape from the dangers that threaten its future.^* Thus it is apparent from what has been said, and still more clearly from the developments of later years, that the three great powers, as I have said at the start, had hopes of acquiring territorial possessions in California. So far as legitimate methods of acquisi tion were concerned, the chances of tlie three contest ants were not very unequal, each having certain ad vantages; but the United States was not only more thoroughly in earnest than her rivals, but had a vari ety of natural agents at work in her interests, notably Address, 5, aaya Mofras' exploration was intended to prepare the way to French conquest. Cronise, Natural Wealth, 07, saya 'it ia known that aecret agents of that govt reaided in CaL from the time of M. de Mofraa' visit until it fell into the handa of the U. S.' Davia, Glimpses, MS., 78, remarks that Wilkea exhibited great anxiety to leam all the details of what the Frenchman did and said. '' 'Le sort de ce pays est d'6tre conquia, s'il ne ae replace sous la protec tion d'une monarchic europcSenne, seul moyen de salut qui lui reste. Ce moyen est, il uous semble, celui que la France doit pr^f^rer. ..Le aeul parti vdritablement fort est le parti royaliate, autour duquel -viennent se grouper presque tous les Europdcus, les Californiens restes nounStes gena, et m6me ceux qui ont pill(5 les misaions; en uu mot tous lea habitants qui par leur reli gion, leurs mceurs, leur langue, et leur origine sont uaturellement antipa- thiquea aux Auglaia et aux Am^ricaina. . . Tous ces hommes se voient sur le point d'fitre livres h. une race impitoyable, et le sort de notre malheureux Canada, celui dea Floridea espagnolea et du Texas, ii'eat gufere de nature h, lea rassurer. C'est dono vers I'Europe catholique qu'ils toumeut leurs regarda, car iis sentent fort bien qu'elle aeule peut les soustraire h, la domination de deux puissances qu'ils redouteut (5galemeut.' Mofras, Exploration, ii. 68-71. July 20, IS41, Mofraa writes that one or two French frigates will hereafter -visit ^e coast of Cal. each year. Pico, Doc, MS., ii. 13. OVERLAND IMMIGRANTS. 263 thatof immigration, making delay a positive advan tage; and making certain the coming of a day when, if action by the others could also be delayed, the playing of a trump-card in the Texas manner would secure the stakes. Moreover, the European powers were deterred from prompt action, not only by -fche diflSculty of mak ing a satisfactory bargain with Mexico, but by other prospective obstacles likely to arise from efforts to en force the precepts of the Monroe doctrine; for Cali fornia, her golden treasure being unknown, was not desired at the price of a war with the United States. It was in 1841 that overland immigration proper may be said to have begun; though men had before come to California by land, as it may be well to re state briefly, en resumd, before proceeding to record the companies and trips of this year. Jedediah Smith from Salt Lake, with a party of huuters, in August 1826, went down to the Colorado, and crossed over from Mojave to San Gabriel in December. In May 1827 Smith and two men crossed the sierra and went to Salt Lake, returning before October with eight men. These were the first overland trips by a direct mountain route; but the exact routes are not known, nor is it known whether Smith went and returned by the same route. Several of Smith's men remained in California. Parties of the Hudson's Bay Company entered California in 1828-9 under McLeod and Og den, the former from the north and the latter perhaps from the east by Smith's last traU. After 1830 the trappers came down from the Columbia nearly every year. The Patties from Santa Fd, in March 1828, made their appearance with six trappers at San Diego, being brought as prisoners from Baja California. Sev eral of the number remained in the country. In 1830 Ewing Young came from New Mexico with a party of hunters, all of whom went back. In 1831 Will iam WolfskiU brought a company of hunters from New Mexico by a route that lay north of thc Colo- 264 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1841. rado down to Mojave, not being able to cross the moun tains above 36°as he had intended. WolfskiU and others became permanent settlers, as did Warner, who came with Jackson's party by the Gila route later in 1831. Ewing Young returned in 1832, and left many of his men as pioneers. The southern route from New Mexico, by Tucson and the Gila, was now open and often traversed, a few immigrants in small parties or in company with the native traders coming over it each year after 1831. The second party to cross the sierra westward was that under Walker, who with some forty exploring trappers came from Salt Lake in 1833. Their course was down the Mary, or Ogden, River to its sink, and thence probably by Walker lake and river over the mountains to the head waters of the Mer ced, nothing more definite being known. Walker re turned in 1834 through what has since been known as Walker Pass ; but several of his men remained behind. There are no other companies that require notice; but it should be noted that of the men who came subse quently from New Mexico, several, like John R. WolfskiU and William Pope, came rather as regular immigrants than as hunters or adventurers ; while a few, like Marsh, regarded Missouri rather than New Mexico as their starting-point. In the same connection I may also state that Sutter in 1838, Wiggins, Dutton, and others in 1839, and others probably in 1840 crossed the country to Oregon with more or less definite ideas of settling in California. There had been in all about fifty men who had settled in the country before 1841, com ing by land ; but hardly a dozen of the number had left their old homes with a deliberate purpose of finding new ones on the Pacific coast; and only two parties, those of Smith and Walker, neither composed of im migrants proper, had crossed the mountains direct to California.^* The years 1839-41 were in the western frontier re gions beyond the Mississippi years of hard times and ^'For detaila, see vol. iii., chap, vi., xiv.; and chap. iv. of thia vol. PREPARING TO EMIGRATE. 265 discontent among the settlers, at least to an extent which turned the popular attention toward other lands. The people were all emigrants by profession, and con tinued movement westward was their normal condition. Highly colored rumors were in circulation about Cal ifornia's genial skies and fertile lands to be had for the asking. They came by way of New Mexico and Oregon, with which regions overland communication was frequent. The frontier newspapers reprinted ar ticles from the eastern press. There was scarcely a county that had not its trapper visitor who told won derful tales of a farther west to dwellers in a land which was itself the Far West, and few in which pri vate letters from some old resident now in California did not circulate. Yet the broad intermediate stretches of mountain and desert, with their hostile Indians and unknown dangers, and conflicting rumors respecting the treatment of new-comers by the Spaniards, made the undertaking of so long a journey no trifling mat ter, even for those hardy frontiersmen. Our knowl edge of details — ^rumors, enthusiasm, projects, obsta cles, failures — is meagre ; but the reader's imagination will largely supply the want, and that without leading him far astray. In Platte county, Missouri, and the region there about, the excitement ran high in the late summer and autumn of' 1840. A leading cause was the rep resentations of one Robidoux, who had been in Cali fornia with the Santa Fe trappers, and pictured the country as an earthly paradise, not only in conversa tion, but in public meetings held to consider the ex pediency of emigration on a large scale. Letters from John Marsh to friends in Missouri contributed to fan the flame. An organization was effected, committees were appointed, and a pledge was drawn up binding the signars to dispose of their property, purchase suit- ^^i^utfits for a trip across the plains, and to be ready. M start from Sapling Grove, Kansas, in May 1841, During the winter some five hundred signed the pledge. 266 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1S41. SO great was the excitement. It seemed that the pop ulation was about to migrate en masse. Some oppo sition sprung up, however, chiefly among the merchants of the town of Weston, who set themselves to work to defeat the movement by means fair and unfair, ar gument, denunciation, and ridicule — and especially by the publication in local newspapers of all that could be found unfavorable to California. After the excite ment had cooled considerably, letters of Thomas J. Farnham, republished from the New York papers, seem to have given a quietus to the scheme. Of all that had signed the pledge, only one was ready to start in the spring. This was John Bidwell, a man of twentj^-one years, a native of New York, who had migrated with his parents to Pennsylvania and Ohio, and without them to Iowa and Missouri. He had been a school-teacher, and had finally settled on a farm in Platte county, which was 'jumped' during his temporary absence. He thought of Texas for a home, but decided in favor of California; and was prominent in promoting the organization. Though the company was a failure, Bidwell found three, Robert H, Thomes, George Henshaw, and Michael C. Nye, who, though they had not signed the pledge, agreed to accompany him. The four, with their wagons, oxen, mules, arms, and provisions, started for the rendezvous, being accompa nied for several miles by many people of Weston to say good-by. Nobody was found at Sapling Grove; but the nucleus of a goodly company was overtaken a little farther along on the Kansas River; and thither came other small parties for a week or^ more from different parts of Missouri and Arkansas, lintU there were forty-eight men in all, with some fifteen women and children. This is substantially Bidwell'slccount." ^''Bidwell, California 18^1-8; An Immigrant's Eecolledions of a Trip.across the Plains and of Men and Events in Early Day«; including the Bear Flag'Hei-t- olution. By Hon. John BidweU, of Chico. Dictated by tJie author to S. 8i*y Boynton for the Bancroft Library, 1877. MS., fol., 233 p. Thia title is suf ficiently explanatory. The author has resided iu CaL since 1841, and is one THE BARTLESON COMPANY. 267 Respecting the other- small parties or 'messes' that came together on the Kansas, we know but little in detail; of most, nothing at all. It is easy to imagine that each had resulted from circumstances similar in their general features to those described by Bidwell. One of them, organized at St Louis, was headed by Josiah Belden, and included Chandler, Brolaski, and Shotwell. Belden was a native of Connecticut, who had lived in New York, Louisiana, and Mississippi, before coming to Missouri. This party joined others at Independence before going on to the Kansas.^^ Another mess was headed by Robert Rickman, an other by John Bartleson, and still another probably by Joseph B. Chiles. One party, including Charles Weber, did not join the company until several days after the start; and one party, as we shall see, was too late to join it at all. On February 1st there had been a public meeting at Independence, at which fifty- eight had agreed to make the trip to California; ancl doubtless a part of these helped to make up the com pany of which I am speaking, though their proposed route at that time seems to have been by Santa Fd.^'^ of the best known aud moat reapected men in the state. It is needless to add that hia narrative gives a vivid and accurate picture, not only of the overland trip, but of all that came uuder his observation dowu to 1848. '* Belden, Historical Statement of Facts on California. By Josiah Belden of Santa Clara Oo. Dictated for the Bancroft Library , 1878. MS., 70 p. The author has beeu a prominent citizeu of Cal. ; and though his narrative is not so full as that of Bidwell respecting the joumey overland, it contains many interesting facts about early days, particularly about the mannera and cuatoms of the people iu California. '' The acQouut of this meeting seems to have been published in the N. Y. Journal of Commerce, March 30, 1841 ; but I find it iu the Colonial Magazine, V. 229; and also a reference iu the Honolulu Polynesian, ii. 79. Some of the resolutions adopted were as follows; -That our object in going there is that of peace and good- will .to^ard^the people and govt of CaL, ana our principal inducement for emigratiug to that country ia that we believe it, from thc beat information wB'-na.vc beeu able to procure, to be more congenial to our interests and enjojrufeut than that of our preaeut location. That as this company wiahea to coop^Jte with all others that may design to emigrate to Cal. the ensuing apringift is recommended that all auch companies and individuals rendezvous at thpfeapling Grove on the old Sta F^ route, about 9 miles west of the Mo. " i^gaiust the 10th of May next, at which time and place they request the ..Kurreuce of all other companiea aud individuala. That inasmuch as other fcompanies are expected to join them, the election of officers to conduct the Expedition be deferred till the general rendezvoua. That all peraons, either sino^le or having familiea, ahall be provided with a auffioiency of provisions 268 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1841. It should be borne in mind that not all of the com pany had definitely resolved to settle iu California, some being bent mainly on adventure. The company was organized May 18th at the Kan sas River camp. Talbot H. Green was president, and Bidwell was secretary of the meeting, at which rules were adopted, and John Bartleson was elected captain. Besides Bartleson's company of forty-eight, there were seventeen other persons who were to be their companions for the first half of the journey. These were three catholic missionaries, three hunters, and five teamsters bound for Oregon, a Methodist preacher, two men on a pleasure trip, and three hunt ers for the Rocky Mountains. The Oregon party was under the guidance of Fitzpatrick, a mountaineer and guide of great experience, who virtually was commander of the expedition so long as he remained with it — and fortunately, for from him the inexperi enced members of the California company learned much that was useful after his services were lost. The march began May 19th. The missionary party with five carts took the lead; and there followed the wagons of Bartleson's company, eight or nine of which were drawn by mules or horses, and five by seventeen yoke of oxen. The route was one that had often been traversed by trappers bound to the Rocky Mountains and by parties bound for Oregon — up the north fork of the Platte, by the Sweetwater through and other necessaries to insure them agaiust want till they reach the buf&lo region at least, which shall be determined at the general rendezvous. That no person shall be permitted to take any spirituous liquors, except for medical purposes, aud this shall be determined by the company at the general rendez vous. That a cannon having been presented to the company and thankfully accepted, Mr A. Overton be selected to have it properly equipped aud amply supplied with ammunition at the expense of the compauy. TWi Marsh's route is believed to be the best by which to cross the mountainsT^Ju Niles' Eeg., Ixi. p. 209, there is mention of a company fitting out at ludepfcdence iu May of about 90, Under Bartleson and Rickman, to go via the Colfctia; and another of 100 men and 30 womeu aud children. One was to be Iw^i by a carav.an from Sta F6. Evidently there were several large organizaKwA similar to that described by Bidwell; fragments from all of which made uS tho coinpany that actually started. One party went to Sta F6, but of this^ I shall speak later. TO SALT LAKE AND FORT HALL. 269 the South Pass, and down and up branches of Green River, to Bear River VaUey near Great Salt Lake. The traveUers endured the usual hardships of the long and tedious journey; but met with no disasters excejjt the accidental death of one man — and two marriages between members of the caravan. To Bidwell's journal we are indebted for most that is known about the details of this expedition.^* Near Soda Springs, on Bear River, August 11th, the company separated, the Oregon party turning off northward for Fort Hall. Twelve of those who had intended to go to California, and several of whom did later reach that country, decided now to join the northern party, five others having left the main com pany before.^* A few also went to Fort Hall in the hope of bringing back some information about the route to California; but nothing definite was known there on the subject. The idea was, however, vaguely prevalent that the emigrants must find and follow Mary River; and that unless that stream were found, all would perish, since the deserts to the south and the mountains to the north were impenetrable. This idea came of course from the trips of Smith in 1827, and that of Walker in 1833. There were now left in " Bidwell, A Joumey to California. No title-page, place, or date. Svo, 32 p. This very rare pamphlet is an abridgment of Bidwell's journal from day to day, which the writer aent from Bodega on March 30, 1842, and whicii was printed in Miaaouri, probably in that year or the next. It gives the names of all membera, the progresa aud incidents of each day'a march, and all the information about Cal. that the author had been able to gain. It ia of courae the best authority extant on the joumey. The same author's Cal ifornia I84I-8, MS., already noticed, contains also a very good narrative of the trip. Belden, in his Hid. Statement, MS. ; Chiles, in his Vvsit to CcU. in Early Times, MS. ; and Hopper, iu his Narrative, MS. — all members of the party — have given general accounts of the journey. James P. Springer, another member, seems to have kept a diary whicii I have not found, it hav ing been left by the author in Mo. , as he states in Taylor's Discov. ancl Founders, i., no. 7. Some accounts published in different uewspapers, and dealing chiefly ynth the names of members, I shall have occaaion to notice later. "The twelve, including all but one of those who had started with their families, were Carrol, Augustus Fifer (or Pfeifer), Chas W. Fliigge, D. F. Hill, J. M. Jones, Isaiah Kelsey, Samuel Kelsey, W. P. Overton, James Ross, Elisha Stone, William Fowler, and Richard Williams. Of the 5 others, Jones, /Rogers, and Peyton had tumed back eastward; Simpson had stopped at Ft 'Laramie; and ShotvreU had accidentally killed himself iu June. 270 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1841. Bartleson's company thirty-two men — with one woman and child, the wife and daughter of Benjamin Kelsey — whose names I append in a note.^" For ten days the company marched down Bear River until within ten miles of where it empties into Great Salt Lake; then turned off westward over bar ren plains, being forced northward in search of water until, on August 27th, they encamped at a spring in the mountains,^' whence Bartleson and Charles Hop per proceeded in advance to find Mary River. Here the store of buffalo meat, previously secured en route, gave out, and oxen had to be killed for food. The company remained in camp until September Sth, then , moving slowly forward, meeting the scouts on the 9th, and on the 15th deciding to abandon their wagons,^^ with such other property as could not be packed on mules, horses, and oxen. So far as may be determined from the courses and distances given in the diary, the route followed was too far south to '" The names, of which many lists but none accurate have been published, were as follows: John Bartleson (captain), Elias Bamett, Josiah Belden, Wm Belty, Johu Bidwell, Heury L. Brolaski, Dav. W. Chandler, Joseph B. Chiles, Grove C. Cook, James Dawson, Nic. Dawson, Talbot H. Green (Paul Geddes), Geo. Henshaw, Charles Hopper, Henry Huber, James Johu, Thos Jonea, Andrew Kelsey, Benj. Kelsey (and family), Johu McDowell, Green McMahon, Nelson McMahon, Michael C. Nye, A. Gwinn Patton, Robert Rickman, Jobn Roland, John L. Schwartz, Jaraea P. Spriugei:, Robert H. Thomea, Ambrose Walton, Major Walton, and Charles M. Weber. Thia list I have formed from the original made by Dr Marsh on the party's arrival, the bonds given by citizens for the good behavior of the members, and Bidwell's iirinted jourual. There ia uo doubt of its accuracy, except perhapa in the spelling of one or two names. As I have said, all later lists are inac curate, the errors consisting mainly in omitting some nanies and including others who went to Oregon. It does uot aeem necessary to point out the inaccuracies of each. One of the best is that by Springer iu Taylor's Discov. arid Founders, i. 27. Bidwell iu his MS. omits several names, as does Belden. The list most widely circulated was the Pioneer Overlanders of I84I, made up from the recollections of Thomea, Toomea, and Given, firat published in the S. F. Bulletin of July 7, 1868, aud reprinted in many other newspapers. With slight rariationa, the same list ia found, with descriptions of the journey, in mauy of the county histories. I could give a long list of references to brief newspaper descriptiona of this overland trip, only a few of which add any thing to real knowledge of the aubject. '''In later tripa emigranta avoided the southern detour and followed a south-westerly course to the Humboldt, over what is known as the 'old^emi- grant road.' .^ 2^ Geo. McKinstry notes on Bidwell's journal, p. 13, that hia party, iu 1846, cooked their supper with the remains of these wagons. THE FIRST OVERLANDERS. 271 strike the river at the nearest point, but on the 23d, after crossing what was apparently the east Humboldt Range, they reached the south fork of the river, fol lowing it for eight days, though in great trouble be cause its course was toward the north-west rather than the south-west as they had imagined. On Octo ber 2d, however, they were delighted to find the stream trend in the desired direction; and five days later were in the region of the sink. Here Bartleson, who had forced the company to move much faster than was deemed prudent, started in advance with his own mess of eight men; Avhile the rest crossed over to and ascended what is now Walker River, called by them Balm River, While resting on the head waters of that stream on the 16th, they were re joined by the captain and his half-starved companions, who had probably reached Walker Lake in their wanderings, and had gained nothing by their haste. There were now but three poor oxen left for meat, and the lofty and apparently impassable sierra tow ered before the worn-out emigrants. For thirteen days, from October 17th to the 30th, they struggled to cross the mountain barrier to the land of promise, in the region of what is now known as the Sonora Pass, from Walker River to the Stanislaus. I make no attempt to picture the dangers and hard ships and anxieties of the half-starved band in this the most difficult part of their long and perilous jour ney. I have no space for the details of personal ad venture which impart such a fascination to the orig inal printed diary, much less for those of Bidwell's later and more elaborate narrative. Fortunately in all the trip there were only hardships and no disas ters.^^ On the last day, when a mule had been killed for meat, when most of the horses had given out or been stolen, when Hopper, their most experienced mountaineer, had begun to despair, when three of the " The Indians were nowhere hostile, though in the sierra they were dis posed to pilfer. A treacheroua guide waa ahot by Grove Cook Oct. 27th. 272 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1841. company had been missing for a week or more — tbey came suddenly in view of a valley, that Ofthe Stanis laus, which they entered on the last day of October, and which to their longing eyes was most beautiful, though parched by the sun and stripped of vegeta tion by fire, since it abounded in game. Bartleson and his men declared that there was yet a long jour ney before them, and decided to remain long enough to lay ill a store of meat; but the rest, after killing thirteen deer November 1st, moved on the next day, confident that they were in California. The question of their whereabouts was settled when they met two of the missing men, Kelsey and Jones, who had been guided by Indians to Marsh's rancho, where all the company arrived November 4th, except the other missing man, James John, who had left the others October 20th, and who reached Sutter's Fort the 3d of November. Before narrating the reception of the immigrants in California, let us notice the rumors that had pre ceded them by a quicker though more roundabout way. The preparations for migration on a large scale had been widely announced in the United States; and in making the announcement certain newspapers had spoken very plainly of the movement as a step toward the inevitable acquisition of the country. Extracts on the subject were forwarded from Washington to Mexico, where they naturally created alarm on the part of the government. Mexican representatives abroad were ordered by the president to give public notice that any person going to California without the consent in due form of Mexican diplomatic or consu lar agents, would do so at his own peril, the govern ment incurring no responsibility for damages. At the same time, on May 18th, the very day on which Bar tleson's company was organized in Kansas, orders were sent to California that no foreign immigrant should be permitted to remain in the country who was not provided with a legal passport, and that even old set- RECEPTION OF THE NEW-COMERS. 273 tiers must be required to depart unless they procured the cartas de seguridad required by law.^* Meanwhile there had been in California no special feeling against foreigners since the exile of Graham; the people as a rule were well disposed toward new-comers, and the authorities treated them much more leniently than was permitted by the spirit or letter of the laws. "Strangers arriving here in a lawful manner have no difficulty in obtaining the necessary passports either to reside or travel," writes a foreign resident of Mont erey in February ;^^ and we shall see that there was but little change in this respect later, notwithstanding the strict orders from Mexico and apparent danger of American encroachment. Dr Marsh did not extend a very hospitable recep tion to the immigrants whose coming had been pro moted by his letters; at least, such was the report sent back to Missouri.^^ For a good price, however, ^*May 18, 1841, Almonte, min. of war, to Vallejo, enclosing despatches from the Mex. commissioners at Washington, with clippings from the National Intelligencer, Globe, aud other papers, a statement of inatructions sent to Washington, aud strict orders to V. , aa recorded in my text. Original iu VaUejo, Doc, MS., x. 146. Almonte aays that aome of the newapaper articles are written in a peaceable and friendly tone; but no more so than were the expressions of Austin's colony and other immigrants who afterwards raised the standard of revolt in Texas. May 20th, sup. govt to Alvarado on the same topic, recommending vigilance and strictness. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., xvi. 20. Sept., notice from N. Orleans consulate that none may settle or travel in CaL without passports. Niles' Eeg., Ixi. 100. 1842, letter of Mex. min. to Baltimore American, in Id., Ixiii. 277. Dec. 31, 1S40, to Dec. 1S41, minor orders from Mex. aud circulated iu Cal., requiring compliance with the passport law of May 1, 1828. De-pt Eec, MS., xii. 16; Sup. Govt St Pap., MS., xvi. 13; Dept St Pap., MS., iv. 138; Id., Monterey, iv. 35; Sta B. Arch., MS., 31; 8. Josi, Arch., MS., ii. 40. Aug. 1, 1S41, preliminary instructions for exact compliance with the passport regulations of May 1, 1828. Dept. St. Pap., Mont, MS., viii. 4-5. ^Honolulu Polynesian, i. 167. Jan. 21st-23d, Feb. 7th, proposition to tax unnaturalized foreigners for lumber cut and sold by them. Monterey, Arch., MS., viu. 2-3; 8. Josi, Arch., MS., iii. 41, 44. Mar. 5th-Sth, Stearns fined for harboring a deserter from the Alert. Los Angeles, Arch., MS., ii. 36-7, 39-40. ^° 'To my frienda and othera I muat apeak candidly of Dr Marah. What he was in Miaaouri I cannot aay. I speak for the emigrant, that he may be ou his guard, and uot be gulled as some have beeu on coming to this country by him. He is perhaps the meanest man in Califomia. After the company had encamped near his house about two days, and there had beeu killed for them a small hog and a bullock, he began to complain of his poverty, saying "the company had already been more than $100 expense to him — God knew whether he would ever get a real of it or uot. " But poor as the company was, he had already got 5 timea the value of his pig and^bullock in different kinds Hist. Cal., Vol. IV. 18 274 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1S41. he rendered some service. On November 5th he no tified the sub-prefect of the arrival of the thirty-one men, who after resting a while at his rancho would present themselves to prove their lawful intentions.^' Next day about half the company started for San Josd, and on reaching that place were put under arrest and lodged in the calaboose, though treated with kindness and given to understand that the arrest was little more than a formality. Yallejo was at Mission San Josd, and to him the matter was referred by Sub-pre fect Sunol. His position was a delicate one; his or ders from Mexico were explicit; yet the new-comers had no passports, and alleged their ignorance that such documents were necessary. The excuse was absurd, since it is hardly possible that nothing had been said in Missouri of passport requirements; but VaUejo had no disposition — even if he had the power, which is doubtful — to drive the strangers back into the mountains to perish. He had the prisoners brought to the mission, and on the 11th sent one of them, Nye, with a letter to Marsh, who was required to come and give an account of his conduct in inviting such an immigration, and also to explain the intentions of the strangers.^ On Marsh's arrival and after due deliberation, Vallejo decided on the 13th to assume the responsibility of granting temporary passes ta serve until the foreigners could take the proper steps to legalize their residence, they inducing well known citizens to become bondsmen for their good behavior.^' of articles — ^powder, lead, knives, etc. He charged the company $3 apiece to go aud get their passports — a good price for his services.' Bidwell's Jour ney, 31. There is much more ou Marsh's character. 2'Nov. 5, 1841, Marsh to sub-prefect. Vallejo, Doe, MS., x. 300. In cludes an accurate list of all the names. "^Nov. 11th, V. to Marsh. Vallejo, Doe, MS., x. 335. Bidwell, Jounstj, 20, who waa uot one of the 15 who went tp S. Joa^, notea the arrival of Nye with the summons to Marsh. Hopper, Narr., MS., 3-4, alao mentiona the fact; but he aays there waa only 5, Chilea, Bartleson, McDowell, Nye, and himself, who went to S. Jos^. ''Nov. 13th, corresp. between V. aud the aub-prefect, iu which the for mer atatea that the Miasouriana are permitted to remaiu aud travel. It aeems they had with them a letter from Marah, urging some of them to come to CaL Dept St. Pap., 8. Jos4, MS., v. 104r-5; Id., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., iv. 29; RECEPTION BY VALLEJO. 273 All agree that Vallejo, as well as other Californians, treated them with consideration and kindness, taking great pains to explain the laws under which he was obliged to act.^" In his reports to the governor and supreme government, the general stated frankly what he had done, and his belief that he "had employed the only means to reconcile justice with circumstances and duty with prudence, the country having the dire alternative of consenting to what it cannot prevent, or commanding without being able to enforce, for want of military strength." He even seems to have taken a certain degree of pleasure in preaching to .Alvarado a sermon on the defenceless condition and impending danger ofthe country from the text, "I told you how it would be if my plans were not followed in the mat ter of military organization ;" while the governor in his report to Mexicq implied that Vallejo had acted unwisely in permitting the foreigners to remain, though he himself had not interfered, wishing to avoid trouble with the general.^^ Meanwhile the im migrants scattered in a few days to various parts of Vallejo, Doe, MS., x. 339; Monterey, Arch., MS., x. 20. Nov. 17th, V. to Ignacio Alviao, recommending 5 of the company, not named, who go to So noma to aee the couutry with a -view to settlement. They are to be provided with room and food until he arrives. Vcdlejo, Doc , MS. , x. 350. Nov. 13th, Marsh becomes security for 15 of the men, R,ickman^ Bartleson, Green, Hop per, Patton, Chandler, Nye, Barnett, McDowell, the Kelseys, Chiles, Cook, G. McMahon, aud M. Walton. Id., x. 340. Nov. 7th (17th ?), a kind of pass from Vallejo for Belty, Roland, Schwartz, and Birny (?) Dawson. S. Josi, Arch., MS., ii 40. Nov. 18th, Thos G. Bowen becomes security for Bidwell, Springer, N. McMahon, N. Dawson, and A. Walton. VaUejo, Doe, MS., x. 355. Dec. Sth, John A. Sutter becomes aecurity for Huber, John, and Weber. Id., X. 375. For the othera, Belden, Brolaski, Henshaw, Jones, and Thomes, the bondsman was J. A. Forbes, who is named by Belden, Hist. Statement, MS., 14-15. '"My narratives from memory by Bidwell, Belden, Chiles, aud Hopper contain many minor differences about the events of these days which I have no space to notice. "'Nov. 17th, V. to A., declaring that there is no power to enforce the law, though he is 'filled with horror at the audacity' of the American newspapers. Doubtless many more immigrants will come soon. Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 349. About same date, V. to min. of war. He givea the number of the company as 33, and says a larger party is expected. Id., x. 147. Nov. SOth, A. to V. It is necessary to ask promptly for assistance, and if none cornea, to prepare for a brave defence, and not tamely submit to foreign domination. Id., x. 369. Jan. 11, 1842, A. to min. of rei. The general is frightened, and owns his inability to prevent the entry of 30 adventurers. Dept Bee., MS. , xiu. 8-13. 276 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1841. the country, whither it is not my present purpose to follow them. Many went for a time to Sutter's Fort.^^ Chiles and Hopper travelled quite extensively over the northern portion of the department, and the next year, as we shall see, went back east with seven of their companions. It should be added also that in December Charles Fliigge, one of the company that had gone to Oregon, came down to New Helvetia with the trappers, and reported that his companions had arrived safely, and were contented in the north. Another party of immigrants, twenty-five in num ber, came this year, arriving at Los Angeles nearly at thesame time, that the Bartleson party reached San Jose. This company was organized in New Mex ico, where most of the members had for a time re sided; but a few men, including Given and Toomes, had come to Santa Fd from Missouri with the inten tion of going to California. They had formed one ofthe small parties which had planned to meet at Indepen dence, but which, arriving at the rendezvous after the company had started, preferred to follow the Santa Fd trail with a large party rather than take the risks of starting alone on the northern route. ^ There were " Bidwell was one of these, and iu his California, MS. , 75-8, he relates that Marsh brought passports for those who had not gone to S. Jos^, and delivered them aa fast as the men could pay his price; but the writer got none, aud subsequently ou going to the pueblo was arrested and kept in jail for several days until Bowen p'rocured him his pass from Vallejo withont charge. The ar thor is somewhat bitter against the doctor, and evidently had some serious personal misunderstanding with him. Marsh, Letter to Com. Jones, MS., p. 13-14, speaks of the arrival of the company at his house -without any other guide thau a letter he had witteu, and also of their kind reception by the authorities. '' Giveu's statement. At the meeting of Feb. I stat Independence, the ren dezvous at Sapling Grove is spoken of aa being on the old Sta ¥6 route; and one of the resolutions declares Marsh's route the best — though this may mean the route recommended by Marsh rather thau the one followed by him. Colo nial Mag., V. 229. In Niles' Eeg., Ixi. 209, it is stated that oue of the oom- pauies fitting out at Independence is to be joined by a party from Sta ¥i. In the Pioneer Overlanders it is stated, on the authority of Toomes, that the two companies both started from Independence by different routes. Lancey, Cruise ofthe Dale, 172, mentions the Workman party as having atarted from Missouri. Toomes waa one of the few that came from Miaaouri direct, and current confusion on the subject resulted chiefly from his statements, not however intended to deceive. THE WORKMAN-ROWLAND PARTY. 277 political reasons which influenced the departure of Workman and Rowland, the organizers and leaders of the company, and probably of some others. There was much excitement in New Mexico over rumors of a design to embroil that country in the Texan trou bles; and these men were suspected of being concerned in the plot.^* They started from Abiquiu in Septem ber, crossed the Colorado, and followed the same route as that taken by WolfskiU in 1831, which had often been chosen by the New Mexican traders. They drove a flock of sheep for food; met with no adven tures and few hardships; and arrived at San Gabriel early in November. ^^ Two, Workman and Gordon, brought their families on this trip, as others did later, about half of the whole number coming in quest of permanent homes. Others were in search of adven tures, and soon found their way back to New Mexico ;^* while three. Gamble, Lyman, and Mead, were men of scientific proclivities, and spent but a short time in California. The immigrants were in company part of '* Wilson's Observations, MS., 21-2. The suspicion followed them to Cal., and gave them some little trouble about getting lands. Feb. 1S42, corresp. with reference to extract from Diario del Gobierno, declaring R. and W. trai tors. Dept St Pap., MS., xviii. 66; Id., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., iii. 69-71. "'Lancey, Cruise of tlie Dale, 50, 172, says they arrived at the S. Diego miasion Nov. 10th, and remained over winter; but this is improbable. Toomes, Overland Pioneers of 1841, saya tbey reached Cal. Nov. 10th. The going to S. Diego ia also mentioned in the 'West Shore Gazdte, Yolo Co., 8-9. Oct. 19th, J. F. Vigil to Prefect Argiiello, mentioning the approach of a party of American traders and coloniata. 8. Diego, Arch., MS., 279. Dec. 2d, 7th, an nouncement of arrival of N. Mexicans aud foreigners, 134 persons, at Angeles. Dept St Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., iii. 99-108. Dec^th, Alvarado to Caatro. Has heard that a party of strangera is approachin^mgelea, aud fears there ia danger ahead. Vallejo, Doc, MS., x. 373. Jan. 11, 1842, A. to min. of rei. Haa heard of the approach of 50 or 60 foreigners. Castro will march to meet them, and will act according to circumstancea. Needs reenforce ments, but will do his best to save the country. Dept Eec, MS., xiii. 13-15. "".Beujamin D. Wilson, a native of Term., 30 years of age, who had traded in Miss., joined the trappers, and lived in N. Mexico and the surrounding regions since 1833, waa oue of the men who had no idea of settling in Cal., but intended to go to China. He liked the country, however, and spent the rest of his life in it, being a widely known aud respected citizen. In 1877, a few months before his death, 'Don Benito,' as he was commonly called, dictated at his ranch of Lake Vineyard for my use his Observations on Early Days in California and New Mexico, MS., fol. 113 p., signed with the au thor's autograph Dec. 6, 1877. This uot ouly contains the best narrative ex tant on tho Workman-Rowland compauy, but is in many other respects a valuable addition to my collection. 27S FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1841. the way with the New Mexican traders, and there were three native families who came with them to re- main.^'^ Rowland on his arrival furnished to the au thorities a list of his companions, with a statement of their intention to obey all legal requirements. I ap pend in a note a complete list of the company .^^ There is little to be said of other parties that came in 1 8 4 1 . Joseph R. Wa] ker, unless the archive record is at fault, came to southern California in the spring with a party of trading trappers;^* and later in the year El Cojo, or 'Peg-leg,' Smith was reported to have entered the Tulares with a band of horse-thieves;*" but there is no record that these leaders left any of their men in the country. Joel P. Walker, a brother of Joseph R., with two other settlers. Burrows and Nichols, and their families, came down from Oregon with Emmons' party of the U. S. exploring expedi tion, to Sutter's Fort in October.*^ Walker's family "' These were Vaca, Trujillo, aud Salazar, according to Eowland, Lista, MS. Hayes, Emig. Notes, 642-3, tells us that Trujillo obtained lands at Agua Manza (S. Bernardino Co.), and formed a settlement of San Salvador. Also that Isaac Slover, of Pattie's party in 1828, camo with him. S8 Workman-Rowland immigrant company of 1841: *Fred. Bachelor, *Frank Bedibey, *James Doke, Jacob Frankfort, Isaac Given, -*Wm Gamble, Wm Gordon, *Prank Gwinn, *Wade Hampton, Wm Knight, Thos Lindsay, *L. (or J. H.) Lyman, *John McClure, James D. Mead, Wm C. Moon, John Rowland, Daniel Sexton, Hiram Taylor, *Tibeau, Albert G. Toomea, Michael White (of 1829), Benj. D. Wilson, and Wm Workman. Those who did not remaiu in Cal. are marked by a *. Johu Behn and John Reed are named by Wilson and others as members of the party, but are not included in Eow land, Lista de los que le acompa-Han en su llegada al Territorio de Alta Califor nia, MS., signed by Rowland, and copy certified by Manuel Dominguez, juez, Feb. 26, 1842. The lists in Toomes' Overl. Pion.; Laruxy's Cruise, 50, 172; Yolo Co. Hist, 13; Bdden's Hist Statement, MS.; and othera agree with each other, and all are probably takeu from the firat. They all omit many names, and add that of a Mr Piokman, which I omit. See also S. F. Herald, June 15, 1856. Mofras, Explor., i. 311, says that 100 Americana arrived from N. Mexico iu October; aud Peirce, Letter to Cummins, testifies that 200 arrived during his stay of two months. D. W. Alexander and Jean B. Rouelle seem to have como from N. Mex. this year, "'Feb. 10, 1841, prefect at Angeles advises gov. that Walker -with two Americans, and commanding a party of 12, has corae with a passport from the Mexican charg6 d'affaires at Washiugtou to buy horses, and stay two months. Walker complains of robberies by the Chaguanosos. Dept St Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., iv. 3. There may be an error about the year. "S. Diego, Arch., MS., 279. ^ Wilkes' Narr,, v. 142; also Walker's o-wn Narrative of Adventures thro' LIST OF NEW-COMERS. 279 consisted of his wife and five children. Mrs Walker seems to have been the first American woman in the Sacramento Valley, or who came to California by land; Mrs Kelsey, of the Bartleson company, to whom the honor is usuaUy accredited, arriving some twenty days later.** New names of foreigners in the records of 1841, not including the muster-rolls of the U. S. exploring expedition, number nearly two hundred, all of them given elsewhere in my Pioneer Register, and many earlier in this chapter, in connection with narratives of the immigrant parties. There were, however, only sixty-seven entitled to be classed as pioneer residents, and these are named in the appended list.*^ Most prom inent as citizens of California were Belden, Bidwell, Chiles, Green, Leidesdorff, Rowland, Stephen Smith, Temple, Thomes, Toomes, Weber, Wilson, and Work man; and thirteen of all the number still survived, I think, in 1884. In presenting the country's annals year by year, it Alabama, Florida, N. Mexico, Oregon, and California, by a Pioneer of Pio neers. Dictated by Joel P. Walker to E. A. Thompson, MS., p. 10-11. He says that he came iu Robert Peel's company. Several Oregon settlers came with Emmons as asaiatants, most of whom soon retumed to the north. These were Henry Wood, Calvin Tibbetts, Henry Black, and Warfields. The latter was accompanied by his family, aud may have remained. *2 Wilkea mentions also a sister of Walker, but is probably in error, as Walker says nothing of her. Burrows brought hia wife, but ahe may not have beeu American. Mrs W. brought with her a child less thau a year old. *' Pioneers of 1841 : *David W. Alexander, Joseph Allshouse, Ed. Ardisson, Pierre Atillau, Eliaa Bamett, John Behn (?), ''Josiah Belden, Wm Belty, * Johu Bidwell, *Robert Birnie, Bradley (?), Fred. Buel (?), Joaeph W. Buzzell (?), Henri Cambuaton, Dav. W. Chandler, *Joaeph B. Chiles, Eph. Coffin, Grove C. Cook, *Peter Daveson, Robert G. Davis, Nio. Dawson, Wolberton Days (?), Manuel Dutra de Vargas, Francis Ermatinger, Wm Fife, Charles W. Fliigge, Rich. Fourcade, Jacob Frankfort, Wm Gamble, *Isaac Giveu, Wm Gordon, Benj. Grable (?), *Talbot H. Green, Fred. Hegel (?), Charles Hopper, *Henry Huber, Thos Jones, Andrew Kelsey, Benj. Kelsey, Wm Knight, Wm A. Leidesdorff, *Jos Y. Limantour, Thos Lindsay, *Green McMahon, Wm C. Moon, Michael C. Nye, James Rock, Johu Roderick, * John Rose, Jean B. Rou elle (?), John Rowland, John Schwartz, *Dauiel Sexton, James Smith, Ste phen Smith, Thos Smith, Jamea P. Springer, Hiram Taylor, Hiram Teal, Francia P. P. Temple, Robert H. Thomea, Rufus Titcomb, Albert G. Toomes, Joel P. Walker, Charles M. Weber, Benj. D. Wilson, and Wm Workman. Survivors of 1884 are marked -with a *; but this in some instances means no more thau that I have not heard of the man'a deatt. 280 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1841. is of course impracticable to notice the record of old settlers individually; and a mere list of such of them as appear on the records would have little or no in terest. For them, therefore, as for the experience of new-comers, I refer to the biographical sketches. Among the most important items in this connection, not already recorded, I may note that Nicholas Fink, of 1836, was robbed and murdered at Los Angeles in January, for which crime three men were executed in April; Anthony Campbell, of 1840, was murdered at San Josd in August, and the murderer was put to death in July of the next year; Daniel Ferguson, of 1824, was killed in Salinas Valley in July, on suspi cion of having committed which crime a Mexican was banished; Isaac Sparks, of 1832, was this year in no end of trouble by reason of his amorous irregularities; James Weeks, of 1831, was assaulted and stabbed in a quarrel at Santa Cruz; William Pope, who came with Pattie in 1828, accidentally killed himself at his rancho in Pope Valley; and J. J. Warner, of 1831, returned from a visit to the, east, where he had util ized his time in behalf of both his native and adopted country, by delivering a lecture ou the natural advan tages of California., CHAPTER XI. ALVARADO, VALLEJO, AND MICHELTORENA. 1842. Peiidon at Monterey — Alvabado's Plots — Btjstamantb oe Santa Anna — The Governor's Despatches — Departure op the Comisionados CastaSabes and Prudon — Too Late— Manuel Micheltorena Ap pointed Govebnob and Comandante General — His Instructions — RAisme an Aemy of Convicts — The Journey — Batallon Fijo — List of Officers — Arrival at San Diego — At Los Angeles — Vallejo Turns over tee Military Command — Alvarado Disappointed but Submissive — Proclamation — Micheltorena Assumes the Governor ship At Angeles in December — Junta Departamental — ^Tribunal db Justicia— Disco-very of Gold. Victor Prudon arrived at Monterey January 1, 1842, on his way to Mexico as Vallejo's commissioner to the supreme government.^ The schooner California, which was to carry him and his despatches, had ar rived from San Francisco the day before. But diffi culties presented themselves. Prudon called on Alvarado to ask if his despatches were ready. "What despatches?" "Those for the interior." "Ah!" said the governor, "I have not yet concluded what to do; I am awaiting the arrival of my compadre Castro to hold a conference." He then explained the reasons for his hesitation, namely: that Bustamante having been succeeded by Santa Anna, California had no protector in Mexico; he feared the schooner might be seized at Acapulco; and that there was no money in the treasury to pay expenses of the commission. ' See chap. vii. of this vol. for Prudon's appointment and the circumstances attending it. ^ (281) 282 ALVARADO, VALLEJO, AND MICHELTORENA. Abrego, Jimeno, Osio, and others of Alvarado's party, including Castro, who soon arrived, took the sarae view.^ Apparently there was a plot to prevent his departure, or at least to devise some scheme by which the object of his mission might be defeated. At least Prudon took this view of it, and wrote some sensa tional reports to Vallejo on the subject, warning the general against the intrigues of his foes and pretended friends.^ Finally, however, the obstacles were overcome and Alvarado consented to despatch the schooner for Aca pulco, to carry not only Vallejo's commissioner, but his own. There are indications that this consent may have been given under the belief that Prudon went accredited to Bustamante and not to the new president — a fact likely to put him at a disadvantage in his diplomatic efforts against the governor, who addressed his despatches with a proper amount of flattery to Santa Anna.* Alvarado's commissioners ''Jan. 2, 1842, Abrego to Vallejo, declaring that there ia no money to cash his order in favor of Prudou for $1,500, though a French ship just arrived may pay her duties in coin. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 6. Jan. 9th-10th, Abrego finally oiiers and P. accepts $500 iu money aud $1,000 in cloths. /rf.,xi. 19-20, 27. Iu P.'s original instructions of Deo. (21st), a draft for $8,000 on Barrios is mentioned, the remainder of which, after paying expenses, was to be invested iu war material. Id., xiv. 28. So it seems that the general had made provi sion for fijiancial obstacles. "Jan. 5th, 6th, Sth, P. to V. VaUejo, Doe, MS., xi. 11-12, 15-16. He declares that there is a conspiracy to intercept all V.'s communications, and to slander him in Mexico. Describes a drunken brawl of Castro aud his com panions, which had put the town in a tumult. Fears they may manage to get the general's despatches from Capt. Cooper by deception. Abrego refuses to pay even $50 for writer's present expenses. Fears his own lite is in danger. Matters ha ve a moat alarming aspect. 'Poor Rodriguez is in bed because ofa caning from Castro. ' Castro has deceived V. wheu he pretended to be dissatis fied with Alvarado's acts. The Califomia will probably sail, or pretend to sail, for the Islands. Alvarado's agenta will go accredited to Sauta Anna, and V. will be serioualy compromised. Jau. 2d, Roberto Pardo from Sta BArbara wama Vallejo uot to truat the azules, as they -will do their best to upset him. Id., xi. 7. Who the azides (blues) were ia not very clear; but Vallejo, Uist Cal, MS., iv. 242-3, says they were Pico, Carrillo, aud others, who were al ready beginning to plot iu favor of English schemes. * Vallejo's version, 7/25«. Cal, MS., iv. 259^66, is that the firat plan againat him waa to despatch the Oalifornia with A.'s agents to Santa Anna before Prudou could be ready; but finally in the belief that V.'s despatches were addressed to Bustamante, and iu the fear that Prudon might wait to have them changed and follow quickly iu another vessel, it waa decided to let him go ou the schooner. V. had originally addressed his communica tions to Bustamante; but on hearing of the change, at once forwarded to THE GOVERNOR'S PLANS. 283 were Manuel Castanares — a brother to Don Jose Maria, who had recently come from Mexico with an appointment as administrator of customs, which place for some unknown reason he had not assumed — and Francisco Rivera. Their exact instructions are not known, but we have Alvarado's despatches to the minister of relations. In the first, while admitting that his government was involved in some slight dif ficulties from lack of funds and lack of cooperation on the part of the general, he pictured the situation of the country as in most respects satisfactory. The Russians were at last to leave California; Sutter's establishment had been in every way a great advan tage; and most current complaints were without foundation. The natives were now at peace, and when hostile had been and could . be easily controlled by the auxiliary force of citizens. The number of civil servants was already smaller than was called for by law, but he would gladly reduce it for the benefit of the treasury if authorized to do so. The general with a force amply sufficient for actual needs had con fessed his inability to prevent the entry of thirty armed adventurers from Missouri, and had most un wisely given them passports. "There are ambitious schemes affecting this department," he continues, "and endangering the integrity of Mexican territory. The comandante general is afraid, and I shall have to act according to circumstances; let the government decide whether it be best to authorize me to raise forces or to send Mexican troops." In his second Pmdon blank sheets of official paper with his aignaturea and rubric, to be fiUed out and subatituted for the others — au operation rendered easy by the fact that Prudon as his secretary had written the originals. The messenger between Monterey aud Sonoma allowed himself to be seduced and showed his papers to the spies of Castro and Alvarado; but he had beeu provided with a carta gansa, or decoy letter, intended to be shown, and thus the con apirators were thrown off the scent! Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 193-20.3, admits that it was uot thought best to let Prudon reach Mexico before his own commissioner; but says the ouly way to prevent it was to refuse money from the treasury. This measure became uselesa, because V. fumished the money required. He does uot admit that Prudou outwitted him, aud thinks the deapatchea to Bustamante were not changed. 284 ALVARADO, VALLEJO, AND MICHELTORENA. despatch, in view of the arrival of another party of foreigners from New Mexico, he admitted that it might be well to send 150 or 200 men "with some pecuniary resources;" though confident that if the foreign invasion should occur before the arrival of troops he would still be able to defend the national honor I It was certainly an ingenious argument, not unlikely to be effective with a new administration hard pressed for funds, and ready to favor any theory respecting a distant province that did not involve expense.® The nature of Vallejo's despatches has already been stated, and about his plans there is no mystery what ever.® Neither is there room for doubt that Casta nares' mission was simply to prevent the success of the general's project of uniting the two commands in a Mexican officer, and to maintain the Californian government in statu quo. There is no evidence that Vallejo desired the governorship, or that Alvarado plotted to remove Vallejo from the military com mand ;'^ neither are we to credit Alvarado's later state ment that he had sent a commissioner to Mexico to urge the acceptance of his resignation offered the year befbre.® Before the middle of January the expedi tion was ready, and waiting only for a wind;® and the alleged conspirators hastened to assure Vallejo that all the charges against them had been groundless.-"' "Jan. 2d, 11th, A. to miu. of rei. Dept Eec, MS., xiii. 6-15. * See chap. vii. of this vol. ' See chap. vii. of this vol. Hall, Hist. 8. Josi, 133-4, says: 'Each had complained of the other to the govt, and each had solicited the removal of the other from official position.' Robinaon, Life in Cal., 205-6, also says that Alvarado had solicited the appoiutment of a new general with an additional force. Vallejo, Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 292, says he heard from a friend at Aca pulco that Castanares was trying to induce G^n. Duque to come to take the command in Cal. ; alao that the Carrillos were plotting to make an indepen dent state of baja and southern Cal. ^ Sept. 24th, A. 's proclamation announcing Micheltorena's arrival. Dept St Pap., MS., X. 30. Robinson, Statement, MS., 26-7, also thinks that A had asked for the appointment of a successor. 'Jan. 13th, A. to min. of war, announcing the sailing of the Califamia-m^ despatches. i!)e^<. i?ec., MS., xiii. 15. Jan. loth, Prudon to V. All arrange ments completed. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 27. ^'' Jan. 17th, Abrego to V. Reports of revolutionary movements at Mon terey are false — only some extravagant toasts by men who had drunk deeply. A NEW GOVERNOR AOT) GENERAL. 285 The California sailed at last from Monterey the 20th of January, and landed the commissioners of the rival dignitaries at Acapulco the 14th of February." From the coast they proceeded to the capital, where they arrived in time to learn that nearly a month be fore a new governor and comandante general had been appointed to rule over California, and all the diplo macy and intrigue attendant upon their departure had been wasted. Their mission was not, however, en tirely without results, since from President Santa Anna Prudon received a confirmation of his captain's commission, obtaining also for his chief the promotion of Captain VaUejo to be Lieutenant-colonel of the regular army; while Manuel Castanares was newly ap pointed administrator of customs, and brought for Al varado a commission as colonel of auxUiary troops — a kind of militia. ^^ Both comisionados returned with the new governor in August. Vallejo, in profferirlg his resignation, had sent to the government a state ment, with vouchers of the sums due him for his ex penditures in supporting the frontier garrison for many years. He was soon informed, however, by Virmond, his agent, that there was no probability of having his claim allowed, much less paid. Spence and others with valid claims fared in like manner.^^ I have said that the comisionados arrived too late in Mexico; that is, Castanares did so, for Prudon's object had already been accomplished. In accordance with Vallejo's recommendations of 1840-1,^* the Mex- Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 29. Jau. 19th, Castro to V., -with asaurance of con tinued friendahip. 'Our ouly foea are the foreigners, aud of them I am uot afraid if the Californians keep united. ' Id., xi. 34. '^ Cooper's Log of tlie ' California, ' MS. The arrival of Castanares, Rivera, and Prudon was announced in Mexico in the Diario del Gobie-mo of March 2d; B-usia-mante, Diario Mex., MS., xliv. 81. ^^Prudon's commissions, dated May 4th, in Vallejo, Doe, MS., xi. 215-16. Vallejo's commission of May 2d. Id., i. 16. Castanares' appointment men tioned by Virmond April 16th. Id., xi. 209. Alvarado's commission of May 2d. Id., xxxiii. 277; Dept St Pap., Mont, MS., vi. 47. ^'ValUjo, Doe, MS., i. 351; xi. 209; Id., Hist Gal, MS., iv. 274-7. "Vallejo had also sent Capt. Castaneda to Mexico at the end of 1839 — chap. XX. of vol. iii. — but what influence he had, if any, is uot known. 2S6 ALVARADO, VALLEJO, AND MICHELTORENA. ican government had decided to accept his resignation, to unite the civil and military commands in the person of a Mexican officer, and to send troops to California. The choice of an officer fell upon Manuel Michelto rena, brigadier and adjutant-general in the Mexican army. He is said to have been of a distinguished family, and to have rendered good service in Texas and elsewhere; but I know nothing definite of his career down to July 1840, when, being then a colonel and acting as chief of staff, he helped to put down a revolt in the city of Mexico ^^ — a service, doubtless, which gave him his promotion. He also defended Josd Castro before a court-martial, and thus became known to Californians. His appointment as governor, com andante general, and inspector of California was dated January 22, 1842; his instructions bore date of Feb ruary 11th; and the announcement was made to Cal ifornian authorities the 22d of February.^® Micheltorena's salary was fixed at $4,000, In his instructions were expressed in the usual flattering terms unlimited confidence in his ability and patriot ism, and also the nation's profound interest in all that affected the welfare of so promising a department as California. Because that country was so far away, however, and in view of the difficulties likely to arise Nothing ia heard of him from April 1840 until April 1841, when he was a pas aenger from Acapulco ou the California, and got left at Mazatlan. Cooper's Log, MS. ^' Valencia's report of Aug. Sth, iu Diario del Gobierno, Aug. 11, 1840; Vallejo, Doe Hist Mex., MS., ii. 88. i" Jan. 24, 1342, Gen. Valencia, chief of ataff, to Micheltorena, announc ing hia appointment on Jan. 22d. Original doc. iu Savage, Doe, MS., iii. 2-3. Jan. 2.5th, Santa Anna aud min. of rei. to Micheltorena and to gov. of Cal. Dept St._ Pap., Ben., MS., i. 7; Id., Ang., xii. 67-8. Feb. 22d, min. of war to Vallejo, announcing the appointment, and acceptance of Vallejo's reaignation, with thanka for hia servioes. Savage, Doe, 'i:!^., iu. G. PubUca tion of these orders in Cal. in September. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xi. 255-7. In the original documents cited it is to be noted that Micheltorena was made govemor, etc., of Alta California only; but iu his instructions it is stated that his authority is to extend also over Baja Califomia; aud later he signed him self 'General de Brigada del Ej^rcito Mejicano; Ayudante General de la Plana Mayor del mismo; Gobemador, Comandante General, 6 Inspector del Departamento de las Califomias. ' S. Diego, Areh., MS., 300; Arch., StaBdr- bara, MS., vi. 141; Pico, Doe, MS., ii. 15, etc. The military jurisdiction of the peninsula had previously belonged to Sinaloa. MICHELTORENA'S ARMY. 287 from its supposed demoralized condition, the new gov ernor was invested with some extraordinary powers, being authorized to remove and appoint both civil and mUitary employes without awaiting approval from Mexico. He was to inspect and reorganize the pre sidial companies; to study and report upon the situa tion in respect of missions, custom-house, and treas ury; to encourage by all means within his power internal improvements, colonization, the civilization of Indians, and education of youth; to regulate the mails and administration of justice; to favor the de velopment of art; and to protect agriculture, com merce, and all the country's industries.^'^ Of the raising of troops to accompany Micheltorena, for the support of which $8,000 per month was ordered to be paid at Mazatlan in addition to the Californian revenues,^^ less is known than would be desirable. At first it was reported that a large force, perhaps 1,000 or 1,500 men, would be sent;^' but 500 seems to have been about the number finaUy decided on, 300 of whom were to be convicts, and 200 regular soldiers. In Feb ruary a decree was issued through the minister of jus tice ordering the selection of 300 criminals from Mex ican prisons for this purpose. Those having trades were to be preferred, and when they had arrived at their destination, they might be released from part or all of their term of convict life in consideration of good conduct on the journey, or of "services which they might render," for which also their families would be aided to join them, and they would receive lands and implements to become colonists.'*'' There is no indi- " Micheltorena, Instrucciones que recibid del Supremo Gobierno al tomar el mando de Califomias, 184S, MS.; also in Vallejo, Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 268-72; Hayes' Mission Book:, i. 358; Id., Scraps, Legal Hist 8. Diego, i. uo. 57, p. 31-4; Wheeler's Land Titles, 117-18. Micheltorena is authorized to call upou the com. gen. of Sonora aud Sinaloa for aid, but apparently ouly for Baja Califomia. ^'Dept St Pap., Ben., MS., i. 89-90. ^^ Bustamante, Diario Mex., MS., xliv. 158-9; Id., Hist Sta Anna, MS., ii. 8. ™ D-winelle, Address before Cal. Pioneers, 1866, p. 20-1, quotes the decree nnder date of Feb. 22d, from the Observador Judicial y de Legislacion, i. 372; 288 ALVARADO, VALLEJO, .AND MICHELTORENA. cation in the order that the convicts were to become soldiers; indeed, criminals could not be legally en listed ; but doubtless the ' service' referred to, for which they were to be pardoned, consisted mainly of an en gagement to enlist as soon as a pardon had freed thein from all taint of criminality! At any rate, they were soldiers when they landed in California. There is no record of the number of convicts ob tained; but I think it could not have been over half that required — or if all, that at least half managed to desert before sailing. With this nucleus of an army Micheltorena left Mexico on May 5 th, and ar rived at Guadalajara the 2 2d, the quickest march on record by that route, having found no reason to complain of the "chiefs and officers to whose valient swords the president confided the integrity and de fence of the national territory in both Galifornias."^^ It would seem that General Paredes, commanding in Jalisco, had orders to furnish two hundred regular soldiers, and he took advantage of the opportunity to get rid of all the useless and unmanageable men in his army, filling up the number with a forced levy of recruits from the farms near Guadalajara.^'' These and Mexico, Coleccion de Decretos y Ordenes de Interes Comun. Mex., 1850. 352 p. Mofraa, Explor., i. 311-12, citea it from the Diario dd, Gobierno, Feb. 21, 1842; and Alvarado, Hid. Cal, MS., iv. 243, from a document in the archives — -which has eluded my search — dated Feb. 21st. Peb. 1st, a decree of Santa Anna provided for a squadron of active militia to be called the ' fijo de Califomias. ' Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex. , iv. 106-7. 21 May 23, 1842, Micheltorena to min. of war, iu Siglo, xix., June 10, 1842; Bustamante, Diario Mex., xlv. 59. He had a train of over 100 pack-animala laden with munitions and implements. 22 'Al formarse eata eapediciou se me dierou cuautos criminales y facinerosos quIso castigar el Sr General Paredes, completando los pocos que le faltaron al uiimero con una leva en las campinas de Guadalajara, que arrebatd y para siempre de sus hogares sin calificaciones ni oir esoepoion alguna & padres de familia con ooho 6 diez hijos. ' Micheltorena's report of Jan. 23d to min. of war, in Castanares, Col Doc, 58. According to Mexico, Mem. Guerra, 1844, p. 48-9, the squadron was made up of 'reemplazos que con gran puntualidad prepar6 el comandante general de Jalisco. ' Chiefly criminals without mili tary discipline. Mexico, Mem. Eel, 1845, p. 2.5-6. Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 74^6, says the corps at first destined for Califomia was the 'Tres de Allende,' one of the best in the service. He, Amador, Memorias, MS., 148-51, and others imply that the convicts also were obtained in Jalisco. Botello, Anales, MS., 95-7, tell ua that one of the men seized iu the fields afterwards became his servant, and told him all the details. THE BATALLON FUG. 289 two bodies of men constituted what was called the BataUon Fijo de CaUfornias, which was marched to the coast and embarked. Many succeeded in escaping on the road and at San Bias and Mazatlan, at which port Micheltorena touched in what appears to have been a vain search for funds. It is related that at one of the ports the cholos were kept on an island, and that besides those who escaped many were drowned in the attempt. I suppose there were about three hundred who finally sailed from Mazatlan, though there is no accurate record of the number ex tant; and there were forty or fifty of the deserters who were arrested and sent to California two years later.^^ The new governor and his batallon fijo embarked at Mazatlan on or about July 25th, in four vessels.^* 25 Coronel, Cosas de Cal, MS., 3S-9, says there were a few over 300 who arrived at S. Diego. Marcelino Garcia was one of the deserters from the island, and in his Apunte sobre Micheltorena, MS. , gives some details about the adventures of himaelf and companions. Robinaon, Lifein Cal, 205-7, calls the number 350. The alcalde of S. Diego in announcing the arrival of the first vesael at S. Diego said that 400 men were coming. Micheltorena's Ad ministration, 1; 8. Diego, Arch., MS., 289. Mofras, Explor., i. 311-12, gives the number as 450. Serrano, Apuntes, MS. , 78-9, makes it 500. Some Califor nians speak of 600 and 800 men. In his letter of 1844, Castaiiares, Col Doc, 58, Micheltorena speaks only of hia force of 200 men. 200 was the number finally sent away from Cal. Dept. St Pap., MS., vi. 20-1. A roster iu Id., V. 70-4, makes the force of the batallon at the end of 1843 about 250 meu. According to this record there were five companies, including one of grana- deroa and one of cazadorea. I append the following list of officers, a few names being supplied from other sourcea: Colonel, Rafael Tellez. Adjutanta, Mariano Garfiaa, Juan Lambaren (died tu 1844); comandante, Juan Abella. Captains, Fraucisco D. Noriega, Joa6 M" Mej la, Dioniaio Gonzalez, Joa6 M° Flores, Jose M* Segura. Lieutenants, Francisco Eguren, Macedonio Padilla, Emigdio Abrego, Mariano Villa, Ignaoio Aguado, Ignacio Plaza, Marquez, Luis G. Maciel, Autonio Somoza, Pedro Garcia. Sub-lieutenants, Joaquiu Avila y Canalejo, Ignacio Servin, Feliciano Vivaldo, Rafael Sanchez, Guada lupe Medina, Jos6 M' Limon, Leon Ruiz, Manuel Garfias, Juan N. Bravo, Manuel Bravo, Juau Gutierrez, Jos6 Correa, Guillermo Coronel. Sergeants, Severe Aguirre; rest vacant. Buglers, Jos6 M" Perez, Quirino Vergara, Luciano Sandoval, Jeaua Florea, Mariano Mercado, Juan Jos6 Lopez. Di rector de hospitales, Faustino Moro; pito, Laureano Guzman; 20 corporals. Total, 60; privatea, 180. Total force in 1844, 237 men. Id., Ben. Com. and Treas., y. 3-5. 2* The only record I have found of the date ia in Eivera, Hist Jalapa, iii. 539. Perhaps all the vesaela did not sail the same day. The names of three vessels only are given; that of the Chato, mentioned incidentally by Robinson, Lifein Cal, 205-7; the Eepublicano, mentioned in some of Micheltorena's later correspondence; aud the achr Ccdifornia, Capt. Cooper, which brought 32 men uuder Lieut Joae M. Sarmiento, who died on the voyage. Cooper'a Hist. Oal., Vol. IV. 19 290 ALVARADO, VALLEJO, AND MICHELTORENA. One of the fleet with Micheltorena on board — and also two old acquaintances of the reader. Colonel A. V. Zamorano and Captain Nicanor Estrada, the former in a dying condition ^^ — arrived at San Diego on Au gust 25th, after a tedious trip of thirty-one days. The other vessels arrived within ten days;^^ and Micheltorena spent several weeks in organizing and drilling his convict recruits. It was no easy task, though many of the men had done military service at some period of their lives. It was long before any considerable portion could be trusted with weapons; but from the first the batallon showed marked pro ficiency in foraging for supplies by night. Moreover, on overhauling the munitions it was found that the bullets as a rule would not fit the muskets, and had to be remelted. Financial obstacles were also encoun-. tered from the start, making it difficult to support the troops sent to protect the country. At last, late in September, Micheltorena started with his men north ward and came to Los Angeles, where he was re ceived with popular demonstrations of enthusiasm, the national fiesta ot September 16th being postponed in his honor. ^^ After enjoying the hospitality of the Log; Larkin's Doc, i. 330. Other vessels on the coast in the autumn, and which probably included the other transport, wero the Primavera, Jdven Fanita, Palatina, and Guipuzcoana. 2^ Several died on the voyage. Osio, Hist, Oal, MS., 420-2, says Zamo rano's illness and the death of the others were due to sufferings on the long voyage, the masters of the vessels having chartered them by the day, and niaking the trip as long as the water could be made to last! Robinson, who was at S. Diego at the time, describes the 90 soldiers and their famiHes who came ou the Chato as having lauded in a state of great misery. 2^ Aug. 25th, Gdngora, juez de paz at S. Diego, to prefect at Angeles, an nouncing arrival. Aug. 29th, prefect's reply, with orders for great attentions to be shown to the new gov. 8. Diego, Arch,., MS., 289; Micheltorena's Ad ministration in Upper Cal, 184^-5, p. 1-2. This ia an Svo pamphletof 28 p., ooutaining translations of 27 original documents from the archivea. It has no imprint, but waa probably published aa an appendix to the proceedings ia some land case. Robinson, Statement, MS., 26-7, arrived the same day on the Alert, which vessel fired a saluto to the ne-w gov. Vallejo, Hist Gal, MS., iv. 289, says the troops arrived, that is, the last of them, Sept. 8th. Sept. 3d, Micheltorena announces his arrival to V. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xL 256. Aug. 28th, letter announcing arrival the day before, in Boston Adver tiser, Dec. 10, 1842; Niles' Eeg., Ixiii. 242. 2' Sept. 9-15, 1842, several items about Micheltorena's expected arrival, preparations iu the way of lodgings and supplies, postponement oi festa, eta. Dept tSt. Pap.yAng., MS., vii. 7-23. Sept. 25th, prefect orders the sending- THE GOVERNOR AT LOS ANGELES, 291 Angelinos for nearly a month, during which time he subjected his personal popularity to a severe test by reason of the necessity of feeding, and the impossibil ity of controlling his thieving followers, the governor resumed his march toward the capital. He had got no farther than San Fernando when, in the night of October 24th, he was met with the startling news that an American fleet had anchored atMonterey, and had demanded the surrender of the town. This affair and what Micheltorena did in connection with it will be given in another chapter. The new ruler had proved himself a gentleman of kind heart and pleasing ad dress, and he had met with a cordial reception from the people : but there were those who doubted already that he had the qualities by which California could be saved from all her troubles. ^^ It is not clear that the old authorities knew any thing definite of Micheltorena's appointment before his arrival, though such may have been the case.^^ of 40 carts required by Micheltorena. Los Angeles, Arch., MS., ii. 161. He seems to have delivered an oration at the fiesta, and for a week there was a succession of balls and other sports. The festivities are described at some length in Coronel, Cosas de Cal, MS., 41-5; aud meutioned by Botello, Anales, MS., 101-2. Pinto, Apunt, MS., 84-8, relates that 25 men of the batallon deserted and attempted to escape to Mexico by way of the Colorado, but were pursued and brought back by a force under the writer's command. See general mentiou of Micheltorena's appointment and arrival in Tuthill's Hist. Cal., 147; Hartmann, Geog. Slat. Oal., i. 39; Ferry, Cal, 23; Belden's Hist, Statement, MS., 40; Ord, Ocu-rrencias, MS., 125. 2* Oot. 22, 1842, John C. Jones writes from Sta BArbara to Larkin: 'From accounts, the general is a mild, affable, aud well disposed mau, but devoid of all energy, stabiUty, force, or resolution; the very last man that ahould have been sent to guide the destinies of .California. He appears fickle and very undecided in his moveraents; and, if report speaks true, not overstocked with the one indispensable requisite to make a good soldier. ' Hopes the new troops may be swallowed up before they reach Sta Bdrbara. ' If the people had any grit they would rise en masse aud drive the wretches out of the country. ' Micheltorena was to be given a $350 ball on his arrival. ' Don't think of the capital being fixed at Los Angeles, no such thing; the general quits the place in disgust, and talks of Sta Bdrbara as the seat of govemment But no, don't be alarmed. Treat his Excellency well at your place, and my word for it there -will still be the capital. A little soap and a firm spine will, witliout much difflculty, bring him to a permanent halt in your good town of Mon terey.' Larlcin's Doc, MS., i. 344. 2' The Cterjia arrived at S. Diego July 7th, with news that a general with 500 men was coming, Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., vi. 128. April 16th, Vir mond writea to Vallejo of Micheltorena'a appointment, and of hia financial 292 ALVARADO, VALLEJO, AND MICHELTORENA. On September 3d, however, from San Diego he sent to both Alvarado and Vallejo the official orders of the government, providing for his accession to both com mands ; and he took advantage of the occasion to ex press the most kindly feelings toward both gentlemen, as well as his determination, and that of his men, to make California happy. Other despatches of similar purport were sent, and among the official papers sent to Vallejo was a lieutenant-colonel's commission.^" VaUejo of course promptly indicated his submission to his new superior, and issued corresponding orders to all subordinates. September 19th may be regarded as the date when he surrended his position as coman dante general. In accordance with these orders, Jos4 Castro, to whom Micheltorena also brought a com mission as lieutenant-colonel, with Alferez Pinto and a guard, left the capita! on the 27th for Los Angeles, to greet the general. ^^ Subsequently, on October 6th, Vallejo was made comandante of the northern line, in cluding the territory as far south as Santa Ines; and he did not fail to notify his chief that the garrison of Sonoma had long been supported at his own private expense; that his resources could not bear this ex pense forever ; that the northern frontier was exposed to continual dangers, and that the people did not care very much under whose dominion they were, so long as their families and property were protected.^^ difficultiea. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 209. Aud Vallejo says. Hist Cal, MS., iv. 272-4, that he got the letter in May, but lost all hope of success when he learned that lack of money waa already cauaing trouble. In Id., iv. 284-3, he aaya he heard of the appointment offieially ou Aug. 17th. ^'Sept. 3, 1842, M. to V. Savage, Doc, MS., iii. 9-11. No date (probably before Sept. 3d), Id. to Id., to aame effect, aud wanta aid for hia men. Id., iii. 7-8. =iSept. 19th, V. toM. and to his aubordiuates. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 255-58. Sept. 20th, V. to Abrego, ordering all possible pecuniary aid to be furnished to M. An officer to be deapatched with aid, etc. Id., xi. 259- 62. Sept. 27th, Capt. Silva to V., announcing departure of Castro, Pinto, and four soldiers. Id., xi. 266. Alvarado, Hid. Cal., MS., v. 15-16, tells us that M. was recognized at S. Djego by the comandante at Vallejo's orders; and he even exceeded his powers by recognizing him as govemor. 'The Mexicans always worship the rising sun. ' '' Oct. 6, 1842, M. to v., appointing him 'Gefe de Imea militar desde So noma hasta Sta In^s. Dept. St Pap., Ben., MS., ii 35-6. Private and flatter ing letter ou same subject in Vcdlejo, Hist Cal., MS., iv. 295-7. Oct. I5th, ALVARADO'S DISAPPOINTMENT. 293 Governor Alvarado was of course bitterly disap pointed at the coming of a successor; but he gave no sign publicly of his chagrin, and there is no evidence that he thought for a moment of resistance.^^ Such resistance, as he well knew, must prove unsuccessful with Castro as well as VaUejo against him; his only chance was to raise the standard of revolt and call upon the foreigners for support; but such a scheme had no attraction for him, and he had lost much of his popularity with that class of foreigners most likely to engage in revolt. To Alvarado as to Vallejo Mi cheltorena wrote in friendly and flattering terms from San Diego, announcing his appointment and arrival, forwarding his credentials, and stating that he would soon march for Los Angeles on his way to the capital. He made no demand for an immediate transfer of the political command, thus impliedly authorizing Alva rado to hold it until his arrival at Monterey.^* On September 24th Alvarado issued a proclamation in which he had the pardonable assurance to state that he had been relieved in accordance with his own re quest. Of Micheltorena he says: "Fame has done justice to the merits of this chief, and the nobility of Nov. 6th, 19th, V. toM., in Vallejo, Doe, MS., xi. 273, 290, 300, 308. In one of his letters V. complains that M. addresses him as lieut-colonel, ignoring his rank as ' colonel of the country's defenders. ' Thia rank had been given him Aug. 6, 1839, and iu 1840 President Bustamante had sent him as a gift a pair of colonel's epaulettes. Id., i. 14-15; ix. 150; x. 42. Nov. 15th, Capt. Silva declines to obey Alvarado's requisition for arms without orders from the comandante. Id. , xi. 288. Same date, Silva's report of military force available atMonterey — 13 artillerymen and 9 cavalry. Id., xi. 289. Dec. 3d, Castro is authorized to communicate directly with M. to avoid delays. Id., Corresp., MS., 54. ''Inhis Hist. Cal, MS., v. 16-17, Alvarado says he was not sorry that M. had come, as he was anxious to get rid of the office before the crisis came; yet he understood clearly that the aiipointmenlt was intended as a humiliation to himself and to the Californians. He says there had been an agreement be tween Bustamante and Santa Anna that A. was to rule two years longer. He and Osio, Hist Cal, MS., 422, state that M. feared that the govemorship would not be peaceably surrendered. Mrs Ord, Oeurrencias, MS., 130, says that A. was for a time inclined to resist. The intimate friendship between Castro and M. doubtless had great influence in promoting his submission. "Sept. 10th, M. to A. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xxxiii. 285; Id., Hist Cal, MS., iv. 290-2. This -writer says that A. was directly requested to act as governor; also that he was very bitter against his successor aud did uot answer his friendly letters. 294 ALVARADO, VALLEJO, AND MICHELTORENA. his sentiments is impressed on the communications he has sent to me. The ample powers with which he is invested, united with his good wishes, will tend, as I do not for a moment doubt, to promote the happiness of the department, removing the obstacles that have embarrassed me in its government. I congratulate you on this happy selection, and I hope you will not disappoint the opinion that has done justice to your virtues. "^^ The part taken by Alvarado, like that of Michel torena, in the events of Monterey in October will be noticed elsewhere. These events delayed Michelto rena's coming to the capital, and of course the formal transfer of the governorship. In December, how ever, the new governor decided that the transfer should take place at Angeles, and Alvarado was noti fied to that effect. Naturally the latter did not care to go in person to the south for such a purpose, to render the abajenos spectators of his humUiation; so he simply made Jimeno Casarin acting governor, as he had done often before on plea of illness; and Jimeno, announcing the appointment, proclaimed that "General Don Manuel Micheltorena having repre sented the very potent reasons which make it im possible for him to present himself at this point, and which have forced him to fix his residence at Los Angeles, I have resolved to go in person to said city to place his Excellency solemnly in possession of the government." The junta departamental was also or dered to convene at Angeles on December 30th to be present at the ceremony.^^ Jimeno was accompanied on his trip south by Francisco Arce, Josd Maria Cas tanares, Rafael Gonzalez, and Zenon Fernandez, '^Sept. 24th, A.'s proclamation. Dept. St. Pap., Angdes, MS., x. 30. English translation in Micheltorena's Administration, 3. ""Dec. 15th, M. to justice of peace at S. Diego, ordering liim to sus pend all acts of possession until he has received his office of gov., which will be soon. From 8. Diego, Arch., MS., 290, iu Micheltorena's Admin., 7. Doc. 19th, A. puts Jimeno in charge. Dept St. Pap., Ang., MS., xi. 133; xii. 6S-9. Dec. 20th, J.'s proclamations. Id., xii. 66-70; ^"-•'^'iit^t Admin., 4-7; S. Diego, Arch., MS., 290. MICHELTORENA AS GOVERNOR. 295 some of whom were niembers of the junta or in some way, represented such members.*^ The cere mony at Los Angeles took place at the house of Vicente Sanchez, where Micheltorena took the oath of office at 4 p. m. on December 31st in the presence of the ayuntamiento, part of the junta, and of the most prominent citizens. Speeches were made by both Jimeno and Micheltorena; salutes were fired; and the city was iUuminated for three evenings, or at least such was the order issued by the municipal authorities, in order that the people might "give ex pression to the joy that should be felt by all patriots in acknowledging so worthy a ruler."^^ On the first day of the new year the change was officially an nounced by Jimeno and Prefect Argiiello, and on January 6th Governor Micheltorena published the announcement de estilo of his accession, with the usual promises of using his authority with zeal for the common welfare.^'* Though some members of the junta departamental were present to assist at the inauguration of the governor in December, the only session of that body in 1842 had been that of May 31st, when four vocales or suplentes met at Monterey to transact some busi ness connected with the organization of the tribunal de justicia.*" Meanwhile Alvarado, in an economical mood, had decreed a suspension of the members' pay, " Gonzalez's diary, in Vallejo, Doe, MS., xxxiv. 112; Ord, Oeurrencias, MS., 126; Valle, Lo Pasado, MS., 30-1; Botello, Anales, MS., 101-2; Coro nel, Cosas de Cal, MS., 42; Pinto, Apunt, MS., 89; Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 70. ''Dec. SOth, ayunt. convened. Depf St. Pap., Aug., MS., xiii. 66, 70. Dec. 31st, prefect's orders for ceremonies at 4 p. M. Los Angeles, Arch., MS., ii. 308-9. At about midnight Jimeno wrote to Alvarado, ' Se ba concluido el dia, el mea, el ano, y el gobierno de V^; pues acabo de hacer entrega del mando.' Alvarado, Hist Gal, MS., v. 17. Vallejo, Hist. Cal.,MS., iv. SH IS, thinks A. should have insisted on M. coming to the capital. " Jau. lat, Jimeno to prefect, and the latter to tho people. Jan. 6tli, Micheltorena to varioua subordinate officials, chiefly justices of the peace. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 292; Dept St. Pap., Mont, MS., vi. 48; Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 89-90; Michdtorena's Admin., 8-10. '"Leg. Bee, MS., iv. 2-3. The members in attendance were Jimeno, Gonzalez, Jos6 Castro, aud Ramon Estrada. 296 ALVARADO, VALLEJO, AND MICHELTORENA. a measure which it is much to be feared did not in crease the public funds, as it does not clearly appear that the salaries had ever been paid at all.*^ The tribunal, or superior- court, the ministros or judges of which had been appointed in 1840, seems to have been in session at Monterey from May, after much trouble in securing the attendance of the south ern judges, Carrillo and Estudillo. These gentlemen, besides other excuses of illness and miscellaneous obstacles, declared that Los Angeles was in reality the capital, and as such the place where the court should meet.*'^ Juan Malarin presided; but Juan Bandini resigned his position as fiscal, or attorney; and the junta chose Manuel Castanares to fill his place, at the same time electing five substitute judges, in order to secure a quorum at subsequent sessions.** Nothing important came before the court in 1842-3, though it sent some instructions to subordinate judges on methods of procedure; investigated the condition of prisons at the capital ; and decided on appeal sev eral minor criminal cases, sentencing one man to be shot for murder. Among the local items of 1842 one that merits brief mention here is the discovery of gold in the Los Angeles region, the first authenticated finding of that "Nov. 25th, A. to sub-comisario. Dept St Pap., Ben., MS., iii. 27-8. Nothing was to be paid to auy civil employ^ except ou the governor's direct ordera. ^2 March 12, 1841, Alvarado, iu approving the death-aentence of three murderera at Los Angeles, complains that the tribunal waa not in session because two members had refused to obey the summons. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 280. April-May 1842 (or perhaps 1843; but it makes no difference, aa there is nothing to be said of the court iu 1843), corresp. between the gov., Malarin, Carrillo, and Estudillo. Carrillo suggests that 'Malarin would not be so eager to perform his duties were the tribunal at Angeles where it should be.' Dept. St. Pap., Pref. y Juzg., MS., iv. 37-41. Openingof the tribunal iu May — it ia not quite clear whether on May lat, 19th, or 20th. Dept Bee, MS., xiii. 33. S. Josi, Arch., MS., ii. 18; Los Angeles, Arch., MS., ii. 235-6, 269; Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., xii. 64; Id., Ben. Oom. and Treas., MS., iv. 71. June 5th, A. refers to the tribunal the murder caaes of Tagget aud Richarda (the former of whom waa aentenced to death). Dept. Eec, MS., xiii. 22-3. Salaries: judges, $4,000; fiscal, $400 per mo. ; secretary, $700 per year; clerk, $40 per mo. Id., xiii. 3-4. *'Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 2-3; Dept Eec, MS., xii. 54. Ihe minidros su- plentes_ chosen were Eugenio Montenegro, Joaquiu Gomez, Tiburcio Tapia, Juan Anzar, and Jos6 Maria Castanares. DISCOVERY OP GOLD. 297 precious metal in California. The gold was found in placeres on the San Francisco rancho, formerly belong ing to San Fernando Mission, but atthe time the prop erty of the Valle family. The discovery was made accidentally in March 1842. By May the gold re gion had been found to extend over two leagues, and the dirt, with a scanty supply of water, was paying two dollars per day to each man engaged in mining.** This new industry came to the knowledge of the au thorities, and in May Ignacio del Valle was appointed encargado de justicia to preserve order in the min ing district.** Mofras in his book reported that his countryman, Baric, was obtaining from this placer about an ounce of pure gold per day; and it was worked more or less continuously, chiefly by Sono rans, down to 1846.*® It may be noted also that Juan Bandini 'denounced' a veta tnineral of some kind near the Yucaipa rancho in 1841-2.*'^ "May 6, 1842, Manuel Requena to Barron. Eequena, Doc, MS., 45. The date is often given in later newspaper accounts as 1838 or 1841, but also cor rectly iu some. Abel Steams sent some of the gold to Philadelphia by Al fred Robinson before the end of 1842; and the correspondence ou that subject has been often published. See Los Angeles Hist, 20-1; S. F. Bulletin, May 20, 1868, etc. The original letters are in archives of the Cal. Pioneer Society. *" Valle, Doe, MS., 57; containing the original appointment by the pre fect of Loa Augeles. Further corresp. ou the subject between gov. and prefect iu May-July 1842. Los Angeles, Arch., MS., ii. 211, 256-8; Dept. Eec, MS., xiii. 32, 35; Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., xii. 63-5. "rhe placer seems to have been called Sau Feliciano iu 1846. Los Angeles, Arch., MS., v. 331. *' Mofras, Explor., i. 489; Larkin to N. Y. Sun, June SO, 1846. Lar- kin's- Doc , MS. , iv. 183. I omit mauy references. " Los Angeles, Arch., MS., v. 117-19,478. CHAPTER XII. COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. 1842. En(3li3h, French, and American- Schemes — Jones' Instructions— The French Fleet — English Fleet — Rumors oj? War — Cession of Cali- FORKiAS — Monroe Doctrine — The 'United States 'and 'Cyane 'at Monterey — Capture op the 'Guipuzcoana' — Jones' Position and Motives — Occupation and Restoration oe the C.a.pital — Authori ties in Manuscript and Print — Jones at San Francisco and Sonoma —Reports— Arrival of the ' Dale ' and ' Yorb:town ' — ^In the South — Micheltorena's Valor — Mexican Bombast — Reports to Mexico — Claims for Damages — The 'Tasso' and 'Alert' — ^ Jones at Loa Angeles — Bocanegra and Thompson in Mexico— Webster and Al monte IN Washington — In Congress — The Press — Jones Recalled. I HAVE represented the three great powers of the world as entertaining hopes of acquiring California when it should be released from Mexican dominion, as all admitted it must be eventually.^ Subjects of France based their hopes on nothing more tangible than the idea that by affinities of religion, manners, and friend ship, promoted by inherent dislike to Anglo-Saxon ways, the Californians in their hour of trouble might seek a protectorate in a monarchy that was Latin and catholic. Englishmen had a large claim against Mexico for loans of money in past years; and negotiations had been long in progress for a cession of territory in California and elsewhere in payment of the debt, or as security for such payment. There is no evidence that the British government took any part in these negotiations, but rumors to that effect were current ^ See chap. x. of thia vol. (298) AMERICAN SCHEMES. 299 in the United States and France, and it was known that a strong influence was being brought to bear on that government. Americans talked also of purchase, and their gov ernment had openly made propositions to Mexico; but their chief reliance was in the 'manifest destiny' of their nation to absorb all territory westward to the Pacific. There was a wide-spread popular feeling that California belonged by some sort of natural right to the republic. Men were not wanting to advocate its acquisition, right or wrong, by conquest if necessary; and even those Americans who combated such a pol icy had little doubt respecting the ultimate result. At home and abroad it was admitted that time was a powerful ally of the United States; that California would surely be her prize unless one of her rivals by prompt action or lucky accident should secure it. The national policy was therefore to wait, but at the same time to watch. War in support of the Monroe doc trine was to be thought of, if at all, only as a last re sort, the necessity for which must be avoided by every precaution to prevent England or France from gain ing a foothold in the country. Such was the situa tion in 1840-1; and it was in no material respect modified in 1842.^ ^ Some current items ou this general topic are as follows : A resolution intro duced in the Texan congreas to extend the limita of that country so as to in clude Cal. Not acted on, though reports of its adoption had created some excitement. Washington National IntelUgencer, in Niles' Eeg. , Ixii. 83. R-u- mor generally credited in Vera Cruz of a British loan of $7,000,000 ou Cal. It is to be hoped it is not tme, as it would threaten peace. N. Orleans Bee, in Id., Ixii. 144. This same rumor published in a Mexican paper will be uoticed again. General account of the negotiations for the cession of Cal. in payment of English claims, with an article from the N. York Courier, ridiculing the reports on the subject, and declaring that there was not a par ticle of evidence that England had any desire to get Cal. Id., Ixui. 243, 337. In 1846, in commenting on au article in the North American which denied that the Britiah capitalists had acquired any lien or mortgage on tlie country aud maintained that Webster's proposition for purchase had beeu favorably entertained by the Mexican minister aud even approved by Lord Ashburton and the Earl of Aberdeen, the National Intelligencer says: 'How far the iiar- ticulars of the statement may be accurate we cannot say; but that it was Mr Webster's purpose in 1842, under the sanction of the then pi-esident, to obtain by peaceable cession from Mexico the port of S. F. , and that this pur pose was made knowu to lords Ashburton and Aberdeen, aud met uo opposi tion in those quarters, we believe to be entirely true. We doubt, however. 300 COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. It should be borne in mind, however, that at this time diplomatic relations between Mexico and the United States, growing out of Texan complications which it seems unnecessary to describe here,^ had reached a critical point, and war was regarded as im minent. The respective merits of the two republics that were parties to the quarrel have no special bear ing on my present subject; but of course if Mexico was ever to consent to a cession, or the Californians were to decide in favor of independence and a protec torate, the declaration of war would furnish a favora ble opportunity for the coups by which England or France must if at all gain their points; and at such a time it behooved the government at Washington to be especially vigilant. Under these circumstances Commodore Thomas Ap Catesby Jones was sent out to take command of the Pacific squadron of five vessels mounting 116 guns. The English fleet in the Pacific consisted of four ves sels, in every way superior, however, to the American craft, with 104 guns; and France had in the same waters eight vessels and 242 guns.* From his general instructions, dated December 10, 1841, 1 cite in a note certain portions, the only ones which can be made to whether any formal propoaitiou was laid before the committees of the two houses. The state of things iu 1842 waa not favorable to a united action of the different branchea of the government ou such a subject.' Id., Ixx. 257. !Marsh, Letter to Jones, MS., 14^15, besides mentioning the H. B. Co.'s estab lishment and quoting from Forbes, aaya: 'While the Americans in CaL are looking forward with earnest expectation to the increase of our countrjmien iu this land, the English here are equally confident that the whole country will soon become an appendage of the British empire. ' Mofras' remarks, ap plying as well to 1842 as to 1841, have already been given; and likewise those of Sir Geo. Simpson. Henry A. Peirce, in his Letter to Cummins of February, predicts that Cal. will be a second Texas, but he greatly exaggerates the im migration of the preceding year. The same gentleman -visiting Washington was queationed by Webster about CaL, and told him, 'In the fitness of things the U. S. must have that country.' 'Well, sir,' was the reply, 'if we must, we probably will ! ' Id., Eough Sketch, MS., 101-2. *See Hist. Mex., vol. v., this series. * On the names of the vessels with their qualities aud condition, see Jones' reports of different dates in C". 8. Govt Doc, 27th cong. 3d sess., H. Ex. Doc, 1G6, p. 105-12. The American fleet consisted of the frigate United States, sloops Cyane, Dale, and Yorktown, and schooner Shark, beaidea the Belief atore-ship. INSTRUCTIONS. 301 bear even remotely on my present subject.^ Natu raUy there was no allusion in writing to the policy of the goverment respecting California; but it cannot plausibly be doubted that Jones started for the Pacific with a definite understanding of that policy, and with orders more or less expUcit as to what he was to do in case of a war with Mexico or suspicious acts on the part of the English fleet.* In May, Jones from Callao reported that in March, before his arrival, a French fleet with a large force had sailed from Valparaiso for a "destination altogether conjectural," which he feared might be the CaUfornias. "Had I been on the station," he writes, "I might have considered it my duty to follow this expedition and to propound certain interrogatories to the French com mander touching the object of so formidable an expe dition fitted out with so much secrecy as to have eluded the observation even of Great Britain, her ever watchful rival. ' He calls for instructions, and ' ' The primary objects iu maintaining a naval force iu the Pacifio have al ways been and still are the protection of commerce and the improvement of discipline. ... In the event, however, of any outrage ou our flag, or interrup tion of our commerce, or oppression of our citizens ou shore, or detention of any of our seamen in the public vessels of any of the states bordering on your command, you will afford them every aid, protection, and security consistent with the law of nations,' etc. ' The unsettled state of the nations bordering on the coast included withiu your command renders it, in the first instance, necessary to protect the interests of the U. S. in that quarter' — therefore be vigilant and keep moving. ' Nothing but the necessity of prompt and effectual protection to the honor aud interests of the U. S. will justify you in either provoking hostility or committing any aot of hostility, and more eapecially in a atate with which our country ia at peace . . . The increasing commerce of the U. S. withui the gulf aud along the coast of CaL , as far as the bay of St Franciaco, together with the weakness of the local authorities, aud their irre sponsibility to the distant govt of Mexico, renders it proper that occasional countenance and protection should be afforded to American enterprise in tliat quarter. You are therefore directed to employ either a sloop of war or a smaller vessel, as may be most convenient, or both if necessary, in visiting occasionally or cruising constantly upou that line of coast. ' A. P. Upshur, sec. of the navy, to Com. Jones, Dec. 11, 1841, in Jones at Monterey, 1342, p. 46-50. Such is the title by which I shall refer to the Messcujefrom the President ofthe U. 8., in reply to the resolution ofthe JI. Bep. of Feb. 2d, calling for information in relation to the taking possession of Monterey by Com. Thomas Ap C. Jones, Feb. 2S, 1843, 27th coug. 3d sess., H. Ex. Doc, 166. "TutLill, Hist. Ccd., 148-9, thua expresses it: 'Jones knew the programme of the politicians, that Texas was to be annexed, that Mexico was to go "ou the rampage, " that the Americans were to discover unparalleled outrages on the part of Mexico, that finally war was to be proclaimed, and then Califomia would be fau- game for the American squadron on the Pacific' 302 COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. announces that "it is not impossible but that, as one step follows another, it may be necessary for me to interpose by the assertion of our national commercial rights in case they are infringed by any power within the limits of my command."^ At the beginning of September, when Jones had returned to Callao from a cruise, and before he had received any communications from Washington, other suspicious occurrences seemed to him to require prompt action. On September 3d, Rear-admiral 'Thomas sailed suddenly with three English men-of-war, under sealed orders just received from England. At the same time a letter was received from John Parrott, U. S. consul at Mazatlan, dated June 22d, in which he announced the imminence of war with Mexico, and with which he sent a copy of El Cosmopolita of June 4th, containing late correspondence between repre sentatives of the two governments on the Texan question. This correspondence included several very violent and belligerent declarations of Bocanegra, Mex ican minister of relations, addressed to Webster and to members of the diplomatic corps.* Also at the same time, and perhaps from the same source, there came a Boston paper containing an item from the N. 0. Advertiser of April 19th, asserting that Mexico had ceded the CaUfornias to England for $7,000,000. After a consultation with the U. S. charge d'affaires at Lima, Jones put to sea on September 7th with the United States, Cyane, and Dale. Next day he sub mitted the situation to his three commanders, and asked their advice, expressing his opinion that Mexico ' May 21, 1842, Jones to seo. navy, iu Jones at Monterey, p. 66-7. The French fleet was really bouud to the Marquesas to take possession. »May 12, 1842, Bocanegra to Webster; May 31st, Id. to Id.; May 31st, Id. to dipl. corps. These doc. with other corresp. of the period may be found in U. 8. Govt Doe, 27th Cong. 2d Seaa., H. Doc, no. 266, 42 p.; President's Message on Eelatio-ns with Mexico. Webster says of Bocanegra's letter: 'The letter itself is highly exceptionable and offensive. . .The president considers the language and tone of the latter derogatory to the character of the U. S.' and highly offensive, as it imputes to their govt a direct breach of faith,' and goes on to say that the U. S. will not modify its conduct, aud if Mexico wants war, let her take the responsibility. SUSPICIOUS MOVEMENTS. 303 and the United States were probably at war, and that Admiral Thomas had left Callao for the purpose of occupying California. Captains Armstrong, Strib Ung, and Dornin approved the commodore's opinion, which had also been that of Parrott at Mazatlan and Pickett at Lima; and they advised that while the Dale should be sent to Panamd with despatches and to get the latest news, the other two ships should pro ceed with all haste to the coast of California. They went further, and decided that in case the two coun tries were really at war it was their * bounden duty' to seize and hold every point and port; while in any case, in accordance with the Monroe doctrine, the military occupation of California by any European power, "but more particularly by our great commer cial rival England," would be an act so decidedly hostile "as not only to warrant but to make it our duty to forestall the design of Admiral Thomas if possible by supplanting the Mexican flag with that of the United States at Monterey, San Francisco, and any other tenable points within the territory said to have been recently ceded by secret treaty to Great Britain"! Accordingly, the vessels parted company on the 1 3th, the United States and Cyane. making all sail for Cali fornia, while the Dale went to Panamd with a report for Washington, and with orders to come 'to Mon terey later.* 'The following are the documents from which this narrative has beeu made. June 22, 1842, Parrott to Jones, with news from Mazatlan. Jones at Mcmterey, 1842, p. 86-7. Sept. Sth, J. to his com., submitting the facts and asking advice. Also decision of the com. Id., 84-6. Sept. 8th, J. to com. Dornin of the Dale. Orders to sail to Panamd and to land there Lieut Wm Green vfith despatches for Webster from the charge at Lima, etc. On ap proaching Panamd he was to take every precaution against capture if war had boon declared with Mexico or England, aud he was especially charged to get information about the whereabouts and intentions of Thomas. Id., 73-4. Sept. 10th, letter from some one on the U. S., published in the Washington Nat. Intelligencer, and purport given in Niles' Eeg., Ixiii. 337. Sept. 13th, J. to sec. navy, giving a concise statement of the situation. He concludes: "The Creole affair, the question of the right of search, the mission of Lord Ashbur ton, the sailing of a strong squadron from France uuder sealed ordera, . . .new difBculties between the U. S. and Mexico, the well founded rumor of a ceaaion of the Califomias, aud lastly tbe secret movements of the English naval force iu this quarter, . . . have all occurred since the date of your last orders. Con- 304 COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. The action of Jones was thus far amply justified by the existing critical circumstances. There was no clutching at straws of weak pretence for a movement against California; he had sufficient reasons for his fears that the interests of his country were endan gered; and he might justly have been blamed had his action been less prompt. In expressing approval, however, of Jones' policy and acts, it is by no means necessary to approve or even discuss the position taken by the council of officers in defence of the Mon roe doctrine, and the right to forestall the English by seizing CaUfornia, even if there was no war with Mexico. For what had been done other motives were more than sufficient; in what followed, as we shall see, this motive had but little influence. In case of war, and pending a final settlement, there can be no question that the American commodore had a perfect right to forestall the English admiral in seizing and holding any Mexican territory. On the 18th of October the two men-of-war were close to the coast of California, without having touched at any port since leaving CaUao, or seen any sail since crossing the equator. An order was issued to the men, forbidding under severe penalties all plunder, insult, or excesses on shore in the stirring scenes that might soon be expected. "During the battle and sequentiy I am without instructions, or the slightest intimation of your views and wishes upou what I consider a vital question to tlie U. S. — ^the occupa tion of Cal. by Great Britain under a secret treaty with Mexico. In this dilemma, all that I can promise ia a faithful and zealous application of my beat abilitiea to promote and auataiu the honor and welfare of my country.' Sept. 23d, letter from some one on the Dale at Panamd to the N. Y. Moen- ing Post, iu Niles' Eeg., Ixiii. 243, and Lancey's Cruise of the Dale, 31, giving a r&um6 of movements and supposed plans. There are aome later reports of Jonea to be noticed in their place, -which go briefly over the same ground, but add nothing to what has been given. Dr R. T. Maxwell, Monterey in 184^, MS., 5-6, who was assistant surgeon on the U. 8., and S. S. Culverwell, in Davis' Glimpses, MS., 93-4, who was powder-boy on the same vesael, both now_ reaiding in S. Fraucisco, give some details and rumors connected -with the setting-out from Callao, as well as a narrative of later occurrences. Jay, Mexican War, 83-5, is disposed to ridicule and condemn Jones' aotion, and gives the matter a political aspect, by noting that Jones, the three officers of the council, and the secretary of the navy, were all from the slave statea. WAR WITH MEXICO. 305 strife every man must do his -utmost to take and destroy, but when the flag is struck all hostility must cease, and you must even become the protectors of all and not the oppressors of any."^" Rounding Point Pinos at dawn next morning, Jones soon saw that at least Thomas had not reached Monterey before him. He raised English colors, and at noon boarded a Mexican vessel coming out of the harbor, the master of which professed not to have heard of any hostilities between Mexico and the United States." Approach ing the town with the captured vessel, the two men- of-war under the stars and stripes anchored at 2:45 p. M. as close to the castillo as the depth of the water would permit. After what seemed a long delay, two Californian officers approached in a boat, but seemed so nervous and reserved as to excite suspicion, though they declared that no news had been received of war. An officer of the American ship Fama, lying at anchor in the harbor, being summoned, stated that reports of war were current at Honolulu, and that here he had heard the report that England was to take possession of the country. Moreover, a general stir was notice able on shore, with signs of preparation for defence; and it was deemed a suspicious circumstance that no Americans came on board from the town. "The time for action had now arrived," says the commodore, and I cannot do better than to use his own words; "whilst nothing had occurred to shake my belief in the certainty of hostilities with Mexico, the reiterated rumored cession of California to England '" Oct. 18th, Joues to hia meu. General order, in Jones at Monterey, 184S, p. 41-2, 78-9. " Capt. Snook was the maater, and the veaael was the Jdven Guipuzcoana. I have original statements from three persons who were on the Guipuzcoana at the time. Jos6 Amaz, Becuerdos, MS., 52-5, was aupercargo. JoaS Maria Eatudillo, Datos, MS., 42-5, a boy at the time, waa a pasaenger with his cousin. Dona Maria de Jesus Estudillo, whose story is told in Davis' Glimpses, MS., 98, etc., the young lady having married Davis later. Mrs Snook was also on board. The narratives meutioned, especially that of Misa Eatu dillo, contain many intereating detaila of their brief captivity, which, how ever, have no special historical importauce. The ladies were set ashore next moming. Davia says tliat Snook succeeded during the night in secretly lauding the most valuable part of his cargo before an inventory was taken. Hist. Cal., Vol. IV. 20 306 COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. was strengthened by what I have already related. Hence no time was to be lost, as another day might bring Admiral Thomas with a superior force to take posses sion in the name of his sovereign; General Michelto rena, or the new governor-general of California, might appear to defend his capital, within less thau three days' march of which he was then said to be. If I took possession of the country and held it by right of conquest in war, and there was war with Mexico, all would be right; then if the English should come and claim under a treaty of cession, as such treaties do not give title till possession is had, I should have estab lished a legal claim for my country to the conquered territory, and at least have placed her on strong grounds for forcible retention or amicable negotiations, as after circumstances might dictate. If Admiral Thomas should afterwards arrive and attempt to supplant our flag on shore, the marines of the squadron to man the guns of the fort without weakening our ships would insure us the victory, and the responsibility would rest on the English commander. On the other hand, if it should turn out that amicable relations had been re stored between the United States and Mexico, that Mexico had not parted with the Califomias, and that at the time I demanded and took possession of Mon terey there was no war, the responsibility of the act at first might seem to rest on me, certainly not on our government, who gave no orders upon the subject. But if I am right (of which there can be little doubt) in assigning to Mexico the attitude of a nation having declared conditional war, then, under all the circum stances of the case, Mexico is the aggressor, and as such is responsible for all evUs and consequences re sulting from the hostile and menacing position in which she placed herself on the fourth of June last. But I may be wrong, toto codo, in all my deductions and conclusions. If so, I may forfeit my commission and all that I have acquired in seven and thirty years' devotion to my country's service. Terrible as such a DEMAND POR SURRENDER. 307 consequence would be to me and my family, it was not sufficient to deter me from doing what I believed to be my duty, when a concatenation of unforeseen and unforeseeable events required prompt and energetic action for the honor and interests of my country."^'* At 4 p. M. on the 19th of October, Captain James Armstrong was sent ashore under a flag of truce to de mand a surrender of the post to the United States, " to avoid the sacrifice of human life and the horrors of war " that would be the immediate result of non-com pliance. The demand, addressed to the governor and military and civil commandant of Monterey, was pre sented to Alvarado, who was given until 9 o'clock the next day to consider the proposition, though he said that he did not hold the positions named in the ad dress.-'' At 6 p. M. Alvarado went through the for mality of demanding from the comandante. Captain Mariano Silva, what were the existing means of de fence ; and was informed an hour later that the fortifi- cations"were of no consequence, as everybodyknows."^'' Then a consultation of officials and leading citizens was held at the governor's hpuse, where it was of course decided that resistance was impossible; and just be fore midnight a commission, consisting of Captain Pedro Narvaez representing the military authority, and Josd Abrego the civil, was sent on board to ar range the terms of surrender.-'^ Thomas 0. Larkin served as interpreter. After two hours of discussion, ^^ Jonea to sec. navy, Oct. 24th, in Jones at Monterey, 69-73, containing a full narrative of eventa from Sept. 13th to date. ^Oct. 19th, Jonea to Alvarado, demanding surrender, aud enclosing arti cles of capitulation. In Jones at Monterey, 184^, p. 22-3, 74-5, Niles' Eeg., Ixiii. 337. Jones signs himself 'Commander in-chief of the U. S. naval forces on the Paciflc station, and of tbe naval aud military expedition for the occu pation of Old and New California,' etc. Jones states (see note 12) that Alva rado 'unhesitatingly couseuted to surrender. . .-without asking a single ques tion, or eveu inquiring why we appeared in hostile array, 'etc.; but this seema to me unlikely. "Oct. 19th, A. to S., and reply. Jones at Monterey, I84S, p. 21. The force reported was 29 soldiers, 25 militia, with 11 cannon nearly all useless aud lacking ammunition, and 150 muskets. ¦^ Oct. 19th, Alvarado to Joues, aunouucing that, as he haa before stated, he had uo military authority, heuce the commission. Jones at Monterey, 1843, p. 23, 76. 008 COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. the terms were settled, to be signed at 9 A. m. ; and be fore the commissioners returned, Alvarado despatched a letter to Micheltorena, stating the situation, enclos ing past correspondence, and declaring that "without doubt Monterey will be to-morrow occupied by the enemy." ^® At or before the hour appointed, the arti cles of capitulation were signed by Armstrong, Abre go, and Narvaez, subsequently receiving the approval of Jones, Alvarado, and Silva. The territory sur rendered was the district of Monterey extending from San Luis Obispo to San Juan Bautista; and it was specified that Alvarado signed the articles "from mo tives of humanity; the small force at his disposal af fording no hope of successful resistance against the powerful force brought against him."" At 11 A. M. on the 20th, Jones sent ashore 150 men, marines and sailors, under Commander Strib Ung.^'' The garrison marched out of the fort "with music, and colors flying," and gave up their arms at the government house. The American force took possession of the abandoned castillo, over which the stars and stripes were raised in place of the Mexican flag that had just been lowered, and a few minutes after noon a salute was fired on the frigate and sloop, "Oct. 19th (20th), 2 a. m., A. to M. Jones at Monterey, 1842, p. 20-1. He notes the capture of the Guipuzcoana, and says that probably the Clarita, Trinidad, and Califomia will share her fate. Fraucisco Soto was the messen ger sent south by Alvarado, and tu 1844 had not yet received the |60 due him for the service. Dept St Pap., Mont Cuat-H., MS., v. (482). Capt. Mejia of the batallon is also said by many to have arrived just at this time, and to have turned back at once with the news. ^'Articles of capitulation, etc., in Jones at Monterey, 184^, p. 30-1, 77-8. Substantially the same as those first proposed by Jones, /c?., 22-3. They bear the date of Oot 19th, though it should be Oot. 20th. The garrison and all regular Mexican troops were to become prisoners of war, and with all civil officers were to be sent to a Mexican port, at the expenae of the U. S., under parole uot to take up arma until exchanged; but militia were simply to give up their arms, and were to forfeit no personal privilege or right of property so long aa they ahould take no part against the U. S. All public property was to be given up under inventory. Security of persons, of private property on shore, and religious rights was guaranteed to the Californians; aud debts of the govt of Mexico to the inhabitants were assumed by the U. S., provided no hostilities were committed, etc. '*Capt. Armstrong; lieutenants, Robbins, Lardner, Dulany, Avery, and Shattuck; Prof. Lockwood acting as adjutant; Purser Gibson, and Dr Max well were also of the party. Jones at Monterey, 1842, p. 72. STARS AND STRIPES. 309 the guns of the fort replying. Alvarado had retired to his rancho of Alisal and was not present at the lowering of his country's flag. No one was even tem porarily deprived of his liberty, and a proclamation was issued in Spanish and English wi-fh a view to teach the people how great a blessing had been vouch safed to them in the change of flag.^^ ^' 'Although I come iu arms as the representative of a powerful nation, upon whom the central governmeut of Mexico has waged war, I come not to spread desolation amoug California's peaceful inhabitants. It is againat tho armed enemies of my couutry, banded and arrayed under the flag of Mexico, that war and its dread consequences will be enforced. Inhabitanta of Califor nia ! You have only to remain at your homea iu pursuit of peaceful vooatioua to insure aecurity of life, person, and property from the consequences of an unjust war, iuto which Mexico has plunged you. Those stars and stripes, in fallible emblems of civil liberty, etc. , now float triumphantly before you, and henceforth and forever will give protection and security to you, to your children, and to imbom countless thouaands. All the rights and privileges which you now enjoy, together -with the privilege of choosing your own magistrates and other officers for the administration of justice among your selves, will be secured to all who remaiii peaceably at their homes aud offer no resistance to the forces of the U. S. Such of the inhabitants of Cal. , whether natives or foreigners, as may not be disposed to accept the high privi lege of citizenship, and to live peaceably under the free govt of the U. S. , wdl be allowed time to diapoae of their property and to remove out of the country, -without any other reatriotion, while they remaiu in it, thau the ob servance of strict neutrality — total abstinence from taking part directly or in directly in the war against the U. S. . .All provisions aud suppliea . .will be paid for at fair rates. No private property will be takeu for public ase -with out just compensation.' Jomes at, Monterey, 1842, p. 79-81, 31-2. This doc. also is dated Oot. 19th iastead of 20th. Jay, Mexican War, 84^6, says the proclamation waa in print, and must have been printed in Washington or Callao; but I think he ia iu error. I do not find it at all in the archivea. I have several narratives from meinory of the taking of Monterey; but it must be confessed they add nothing to the information contained iu the original correspondence, while nearly all contain noticeable errors. Max well, Monterey in 184^, MS., 7-11, asserta that the surrender was deemed a, ruse, that 500 men landed, that the storming party marched up a ravine to the fort, where they found 9 guns commanding the ravine, concealed by green boughs, loaded and primed, -with the matches burning within a few inches bf the powder! Davis, Glimpses of the Past, MS., 97-106, 231, gives an inter esting narrative, but says that Alvarado left Monterey on the approach of tho vessels without waiting for the aummona to surrender. Culverwell, iu Id., 93-6, alao saya Alvarado waa out of town; and he repreaents the men on board the vessela aa having felt conaiderable fear of the guns on shore. Mra Ord, Oeurrencias, MS. , 126-30, says that Alvarado was at first disposed not to surrender, but to make a show of resistance and then run away; but was not permitted by his friends to do as he wished. She says Jones' secretary came to her house to demand the key of the custom-house, Pablo de la Guerra who had had it having gone to Sta BArbara. She told him she had not the key, and he threatened to break in the door. Robinson, Life in Cal, 210-11, says that Alvarado observed at the time that he preferred to surrender to the Americans rather thau submit to Micheltorena; and this idea has been often repeated. Vallejo, Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 297-311, quotes a letter from Spence,, iu which he says the U. S. fiag was raiaed ou a temporary atail erected by the 310 COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. At 7 P. M. David Spence wrote Vallejo, "AU is tranquil; and the town is almost deserted, for many of the officials have fled to the country." Quiet reigned over the captured capital through the night, and next day the 'war with the United States' came to an end. Larkin, on his visit to the fleet, had as interpreter expressed some doubts about the reported hostiUties, as they were not mentioned in late news from Mexico; but he was unable to procure for Jones any late papers or despatches, which circumstance had served to increase the latter's suspicions. Landing in person in the morning of October 21st to inspect the fortifications, the commodore was again told that the news from Mexico was late and pacific. Secretary Reintrie and Chaplain Bartow, being sent to search for details, found in the comisario's office Mexican papers of August 4th, and private commercial letters from Mazatlan of still later date. The information thus obtained not only clearly indicated that relations between the two nations were still friendly down to August, but also that the rumor of cession to Eng land was unfounded. The Mexican papers, in contra dicting the rumor, even cited the Monroe doctrine as one of the obstacles in the way of such a cession, even if it had been desirable, which was denied. "This change in the aspect of international affairs," writes Jones, "called for prompt action on my part. The motives and only justifiable grounds for demanding a surrender of the territory were thus suddenly re moved, or at least rendered so doubtful as to make it my duty to restore things as I had found them, with sailors. And Gonzalez, in a memorandum in Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiv. 112, says the Mexican flag-staff was cut dowu. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., v. 18, gives uo details. See also Osio, Hist Cal., MS., 422-6; Serrano, Apv,-nf,e8, MS., 70-4; Estudillo, Datos, MS., 41-4; Torre, Eemin., MS., 103-5; Castro, Eelacion, MS., 70-2; Pinto, Apunt, MS., 87-9; Ezquer, Memoria, MS., 16; Vallejo {J. J.), Eemin., MS., 157-8; Galindo, Apuntes, MS., 46; EoUnscm's Statement, MS., 16. Printed accounts besides those already mentioned, Mofras, Explor. , i. 311-14; Tuthill's Hist Cal, 148-9; Maver'a Mexico as It Was, 359-65; Oreenhow's Hist Oregon, 367-8; Oronise's Nat Wealth Cal, 51; Oapron's Conquest of Cal., 38; American Quarterly Eegister, ii. 156; Frignet, La Californie, 62-3; Eobinson's Cal. Gold Eegion, 72. MONTEREY RESTORED TO MEXICO. 311 the least possible delay." After a short conference with Armstrong and StribUng, he sent a communica tion to Alvarado and Silva, proposing to restore all to the exact condition of the 19th, which was done with all due ceremony late in the afternoon, the American garrison retiring to their vessels, which immediately fired a salute in honor of the Mexican flag. Official visits of courtesy were exchanged; re lations altogether friendly were established; and Mi cheltorena was duly notified of all that had occurred,'^" the Cyane being sent down to Sta Bdrbara v/ith the despatch, and Micheltorena being assured that the commodore would await his arrival at Monterey. ^^ Jones remained in the north until the end of the year, deeming it prudent to await positive information from his government respecting Mexican relations. During this time his relations with the authorities were altogether friendly, though he found it necessary to issue a warning that Mexico would be held respon sible for any acts of hostUity to foreigners, since it was feared that the news of the retrocession of the capital might not be so promptly circulated as had been that of the capture.^^ On the 2 2d Jones made 'a report to Waddy Thompson, U. S. minister in Mex ico, in which he wrote: "It is a source of great satis faction, that notwithstanding what has happened, no angry words or unkind expressions have been used by ''Jones to sec navy. Jonesal Monterey, 1842,^.71-3. Oct. 20th, Spence to Vallejo. Hid. Cal, MS., iv. 297. Oct. 21st, Jones to Alvarado and Silva. Jonea at Monterey, 33, 81. Jones to Micheltorena. Id., 33-4, 40. Silva to M. Id., 32-3. Alvarado to M. Id., 32. ' My heart bounds with joy iu my bos om,' vmtea Alvarado; 'the joy of the people ia complete.' Oct. 21st, 22d, Silva to Vallejo. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xi. 280, 281; Prado Mesa to V. Id., xL 277-8. Oct. 23d, Alvarado to V. Id., xi. 282-3. Oct. 23d, Richardson to V., with account of the whole affair as leamed by Howard of the Califomia from Pico and Pinto at Sta Clara. Id., xL 284. The story was that war had beeu declared at Washington on June 5th. ^' According to a letter from Jas P. Arthur to Capt Richardson, Vallejo, Doe, MS., xxxiii. 295, the sloop was expected to bring the general north. ''' Oct. 25th, Joues to Alvarado. Jones at Monterey, 1842, p. 43, 83. Oct. 29th, A.'s reply from Alisal. No hostilities intended or to be permitted. Id. , 44, 84. Oct. 24th, J. to A., on his orders of Oct. 18th to preserve order and prevent outrage. Oct. 25th, Eatrada to J. , assuring him that the gov. had not placed auy reUauce ou the rumors of danger. Id., 41-4, 81-4. 312 COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. either party; and that, although we had 150 seamen and marines on shore 30 hours, not one private house was entered, or the slightest disrespect shown to any individual ; nor was any species of property, pubUc or private, spoiled, if I except the powder burnt in the salutes, which I have returned twofold." On the 24th a report was made to the secretary of the navy, which I have had occasion to cite before.^* Meanwhile the captured vessels, the Guipuzcoana, Clarita, Trin idad, and California, had been released; and the stars and stripes raised by enthusiastic Americans at Santa Cruz replaced by the Mexican flag.''* The master of a vessel lying at San Francisco afterwards convinced himself that the interests of his owners had in some way been injured by the occurrence at Monterey;"^ there was a little correspondence of a mildly warlike tone among Californians, with preparations for defence sufficing at least to create a claim against the treas ury;^® and I even find the blotter of a proclamation, probably not circulated, in which Colonel Vallejo al ludes to Jones' act as a "violation of the rights of hospitality, the law of nations, and the trust with which he had been received by the authorities at Mon terey," and calls upon the people to reject such allure ments as were held out in the 'scandalous proclamation' of the 19 th, and to take up arms for their country.^' '''Oct. 24th, Joues to sec. navy, in Jones at Monterey, 1842, p. 69-73. Oct. 22d, J. to Thompson. Id., 87-90; Jones, Agresion en CaUfornias, 91-2. ^'' Belden's Hist. Statement, MS., 35. Weeka, Eemin., MS., 114, inentions the fact that Belden himaelf climbed theflag-ataff, aud otherwiaetook a prom inent part in the change. '^^ Pinto, Doc, MS., i. 388-90. The veaael was the Primavera, and the damage resulted from detention for 6 days, desertion of sailors, etc. There is no record that auy satisfaction was ever received. 2^ Oct. SOth, Alvarado to Vallejo. Jones tries to give satisfaction, but bis conduct cau but inspire distrust. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 286. Nov. 15tb, Silva to V. Is ready at the slightest alarm to call the people together and de fend the country. /(/.,xi. 306. Dec. 2d, Micheltorena to V. .Tones' attitude not being very clear, he is to watch closely and be ready to defend the northern froutier. Id., xi. 311. Orders of March 1843 for the payment of a sinall biU, $202, for supplies furniahed by Castanares to ' 100 men who tools up arms dur ing the days of the Amerioan invasion.' Dept St Pap., MS., xii. 2; Id., Ben. Cust-H., v. 10-11; Dept Eec, MS., xiii. 49. '" Vallejo, Doc, MS., xiv. 35. The blotter bears uodate, but was written in October. RESULTS IN THE NORTH. 313 Yet the serenity of the north was not seriously dis turbed by the American invasion; and the commo dore's personal and social relations with the inhabitants of the invaded country were of a most friendly na- ture.^^ On October 26th, the Yorktow-n, Nicholas com mander, arrived at San Francisco from Callao,^® and proceeding to Monterey, was despatched on or about November 21st to Mazatlan and San Bias, to cruise later in the gulf She carried Lieutenant H. T. Hartstene as a bearer of despatches to Washington. At the same time the United States, under Armstrong, was sent to the Sandwich Islands for supplies,^" the broad pennant being transferred to the Cyane. On November 1st the commodore had, in a letter to Micheltorena, accepted that officer's proposition to hold a personal conference in the south, and had ex pressed his intention of coming down the coast about the middle of November;®^ but he was detained much longer, both by the non-arrival of other vessels belong ing to his fleet, and by his investigations and efforts to obtain some legal authentication in the case of the Americans who claimed damages for exile in 1840. He was not brilliantly successful in this undertaking, as the reader is already aware ;^^ and doubtless soon convinced himself that the claims had but slight foundation in justice. December 11th, he sailed on ^Vallejo, Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 341-2, says that Castro disliked Jones, and was the only one who sought to undermine his popularity. His hostiUty grew out of Jones' investigation of *the Graham affair. Several CaUfomians say that a grand ball was given to Jones after the restoration of Monterey; but Mrs Ord, Ocu-rrencias, MS. , 329, tells ua that the ball waa given to Arm strong after Jones' departure. '''Oct. 26th, Richardson, in VaUejo, Doc, MS., xi. 292. '"Nov. lOth, 21at, Joues to sec. na-vy, on his plans. Dec. 7th, Parrott to Id. , announcing arrival of the Yorktoicn at Mazatlan Dec. 6th. Jones at Mon terey, 1842, p. 90-3. Maxwell, Monterey in 1842, MS., 10-11, says the ves sels sailed on Nov. 22d. Hartstene crossed Mexico, and arrived Jan. 13th at N. Orleana on the Wm Bryan. Niles' Eeg., Ixiii. 337. "Nov. 1, 1842, J. to M., in Jones at Monterey, I84I, p. 37-9. He writes in a conciliatory tone, defending his paat action; and he offers to, carry in the vessel soon to be despatched any communications or messenger the general may desire to send to Mexico. '"See chap. i. of this vol.; also Castro. Doe, MS., i. 66-114, for the orig inal corresp. on this subject, lasting from Nov. 13th to Deo. SOth. 314 COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. the Cyane, and arrived in three days at San Fran cisco, where he was joined on the 15th by the Dale, Dornin commander, from Panamd, bringing news of amicable relations between the two republics down to the month of June.^^ From San Francisco, Jones went to Sonoma, where he was entertained for a day or two by Colonel Vallejo, who has a most agreeable memory of his visitor's gentlemanly qualities.^* The United States returned from Honolulu in December,^^ and all three vessels sailed from Monterey January 9, 1843 — the Dale and United States for Mazatlan, while the Cyane with Jones on board touched at Santa Bdrbara and San Pedro. The store-ship of the fleet, the Relief Lieutenant Sterrett, had also arrived be fore the departure of the other vessels, and soon followed them southward,^® while the Cyane came back later in the vear. Having thus recorded the 'American invasion' so far as it affected northern California, I have now to notice some southern aspects of the matter, aspects "Dec 14th, 15th, Capt. Richardson to Vallejo, announcing arrival of Cyane and Dale. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xi. 315-16. Deo. loth, com. of Monte rey to V. All the vessels have departed. Id., xi. 317. '* Vallejo, Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 325-45, where the visit is described at con siderable length. He says Jonea and his meu lost their way iu comiag to Sonoma; accidentally as he said, but intentionally as some of hia men told Leese, with a view to see more of the couutry. Vallejo honored his guest with a aalute from hia cannon, aud entertained him with a rodeo, Indian dance, foot-racea, etc. — finally eacorting him -to the landing. He speaks of the commodore in the most flattering terms. Dec. 24th, V. to Micheltorena, mentioning Jones' -visit. He thinks the object may have been to win more trust iu hia good faith after the affair of Monterey. PoUtical matters were uot talked of. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xi. 322. Davis, Glimpses, MS., 103-9, de scribes not only his own -visits vidth Capt. Paty to the flag-ship at Monte rey, and an entertainment given to Jones by the foreign residents of the capital, at which- the writer was present; but also the friendly intercourse between the commodorei and the Richardaona and Eatudilloa at Sauzalito, where he alao made frequent hunting tripa. '"Davis, Glimpses, MS., 108, says the vessel made the round trip iu 29 daya, the quickest on record. Maxwell says she sailed from Monterey with the Cyane; and these statements are all the evidenoe I have that she re turned to Cal. She was however at Mazatlan in Pebruary. '*She arrived at Monterey from Bodega on Jau. 26th, aud sailed on Feb. 25th. Dept. St Pap., Ben. Cust-H., MS., in. (644-6, 652-3); but I suppose she had been at Monterey earlier. Bidwell, Califomia I84I-8, MS., 90-1, speaks of Jones having sent the Eelief to Bodega, with some despatches for him to deUver (?). MICHELTORENA HEARS THE NEWS. 315 more amusing than bloody, showing in a not very fa vorable light some peculiarities of the new governor. It was in the night of October 24th that Michelto rena, at Valle's rancho of San Francisco near Mission San Fernando, was aroused from his sleep by the ar rival of messengers from Alvarado with the news that Monterey must be surrendered on the 20th. The general, if we may credit his statement made a little later, wished himself "a thunderbolt to fly and anni hilate the invaders;" but not being a thunderbolt, he spent the next day in writing despatches to subordi nates in all parts of the country, and in retreating with his batallon fijo some twenty miles to San Fernando. His plan of campaign, as declared in his despatches, was to establish his headquarters at Angeles, to con centrate there all available force and supplies, and to cause all live-stock to be driven from the coast to the interior. His confidence in success, like his patriotic enthusiasm, was unlimited; his own force was amply sufficient, he said, to defeat the intruder, but he was unwilling to deprive the Californians of the privilege of aiding in so glorious a cause; hence his call for aid. His communications to different officials were all of the same purport, aud I append some choice specimens in a note.^' "Oct. 25, 1842, Micheltorena to Vallejo, to Alvarado, to Prefect Arguello at Angeles, to Comandante Carrillo at Sta Bdrbara, in Jones at Monterey, 1842, p. 24-7; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiii. 294; Dept 8t. Pap., MS., xii 91-4; 8. Diego Arch., MS., 289. To VaUejo at 6 A. m. he writes: ' Monterey is no doubt occupied by these forcea, aa it ia impoaaible to defend the place. I cannot juat now fly to ita aid, for I am over 100 leagues away, nor should I leave Los Angeles improtected, where I have arms and ammunition; which in the hands of the valiant Californians, uuited with the force under my com mand, will aerve to rout the enemy. You muat therefore coUect as many men as possible, sending me frequent reports on their number and niovementa iu order to combine our operationa. Triumph is certain; with my present force I ahould not heaitate to attack; but it is just that all share in the pleasure of victory, since we are all Mexicans, aud it is the duty of all to defend iu this war the holy religion of our fathers, national indepeudeuce, private property, and even domestic order. Are there any strouger rights which move the hu man heart? Are there Mexican bosoms which do not feel themselves boil -with valor at seeing this effort to rob us of our territory ? Invite, then, excite, move the patriotism of all able to bear arms, and keep weU in mind the whole and parts of this commimication, which I recommend particularly to your re sponsibility.' To Alvarado: 'Every one who is able to bear arms and does not present himself, as soon aa the infalUble triumph of our arms is won, un- 316 COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. Next day, October 26th, while still at San Fernan do, Micheltorena received Jones' communication in forming him that Monterey had been restored — news which, reaching other points about the same time, prevented any progress being made in the concentra tion of forces and supplies at Angeles. The general immediately addressed two letters to the American commodore. In the first he wrote : "God and Liber ty ! As the laws of the nation expressly forbid enter ing into any sort of relations with the enemies of the independence, liberty, and integrity of the territory, I was marching in consequence of the assault com mitted by you on Monterey, to fight you, and at all hazards to drive you from the Mexican territory with out using any other idiom than those of lead and can non; but as you, having adopted more prudent coun sels, though I and my valiant men were only 150 leagues from you, have thought proper to evacuate the place, to reestablish the authorities, to re-hoist and properly salute the flag of my nation, aod to re embark all your troops, declaring the Mexican vessels der the protection of providence, wUl be declared unworthy of the Mexican name, an enemy of the country, to be expeUed ignominiously from her soil.' To Arguello: ' I congratulate myself with you aud every Mexican that these miserables afford us au opportunity to demonstrate the national valor, and that we are worthy to bear the name of Independieutes. ' He announces his retreat to S. Fernando — the other lettera are written from the rancho — and his intention to continue the movement to Angelea. The authoritiea of S. Diego are ordered to send their cannon to Augeles. To the comandante at Sta Bdrbara: ' Under these circumstances you wUl proceed forthwith to place in safety, by sending them to Augeles with all the forces that cau be coUected, all the arms, artillery, and other property of the nation, as they may direct their attack against that port. You will invite all the inhabitants, the most illustrious bis'uop, aud other authorities to meet at Angeles, where I am about to eatabliah my headquartera, in order to arrange the operationa of a war so holy, so just, and so national. ' The Eepublicano waa to be sent to S. Pedro, and the munitions on board takeu to Augeles in carts. ¦' Viva la nacion Me jicana!' In 1844 Micheltorena claimed that the rebels againat him had re moved all supplies from around Monterey, in imitation of his own policy in 1842! Castaiiares, Col Doc, 59. Replies to Micheltorena's communications at various dates, from Oot. 25th — all more or less patriotic in tone. Jones at Monterey, 1842, p. 27-9; Los Angdes, Arch., MS., ii. 290-1. A writer in the Los Angeles Express, Oct. 15, 1874, claims that the intrenchments, traces of whicii are still visible at Angeles, were thrown up by Micheltorena's men at this time. Baudmi, Hist Cal, MS., 103-4; Botello, Anales del Sur, MS., 102; Osio, Hist Cal, MS., 426; Coronel, Cosas de Cal., MS., 43; Ord, Oeur rencias, Ms., 128, simply state that Micheltorena on hearing the news of the capture retired to^ Angeles and began defensive operations. THE GENERAL'S BOMBAST. 317 free at the moment when you addressed to me the letter just received, I now answer you by this sepa rate despatch, in order to assure you that we Mexi cans know how to answer with arms and fire when we are addressed in terms of war, and, if peacefully, with the harmony and civility compatible with the age in which we live, and with the enlightened nations to which we both belong." The other communication, in words almost as pompous aud much more numer ous, declared that "the multitude of persons now sur rounding me will not be content with such satisfaction as you can give me in a single official despatch;" the satisfaction, like the outrage, must be public; and he insisted on a personal conference at Angeles, eight leagues from Jones' force at San Pedro, and twelve leagues from Micheltorena's army at San Fernando; or if Jones feared to venture, "mistrusting the word and faith of an old soldier," then the general would boldly go in person with a few officers to San Pedro. ^* It is claimed by Vallejo and Alvarado that Michel torena heard of the capture and restoration of the capital at the same time, and that his orders of Octo ber 25th were issued with a full knowledge that all danger had passed; but the accusation is probably unfounded, and the orders were of the patriotico-bom- bastic type usually issued in such cases by Spanish American officials. No other style would have satis fied the people or the supreme government that the writer was doing his duty; and it was generally the effect in Mexico, and not on the foe, that was consid ered when such proclamations were issued. Moreover, the order to remove all supplies to the interior as a means of resisting invasion, was in accord with Span ish and Mexican policy for many years past, and does not .merit all the ridicule that has been heaped upon it. This is about as far as I can go in defence of Micheltorena's course. Plis replies to Jones were as " Oct. 26, 1842, M. to J. Two deapatchea. Jo-nes at Monterey, 1842, p. 34-6. 313 COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. absurdly weak, affected, rude, and boastful as they could have been made; and indeed, Minister Waddy Thompson subsequently declared that, as he had the strongest reasons to believe, the first of the two com munications of October 26th was never sent to Jones at all. But Micheltorena's gasconade was not yet at an end. Jones not arriving as early as had been expected, the general prepared, on November 19th, a report of all that had preceded for his government, attaching to it the terms of the treaty which the American leader was expected to sign. With the report, which went to San Bias on the Trinidad sailing on or about the 20th, were enclosed twenty-seven documents, all re ferred to elsewhere. I append some portions of the report and the purport of the treaty, which show that Micheltorena told a deliberate falsehood, to the effect that he was marching to attack Monterey when he heard of its restoration; that he had the impudence to demand payment for uniforms and instruments spoUed during his. march in the rain; and that he was vain enough to represent that Jones' real motive in restor ing the capital had been fear of this valiant general and his batallon fijo! Even the Californians, who had large capacity for bombast, were disgusted with this exhibition from their new ruler.^* "Nov. (19), 1842, M. to Tomel, miu. of war, vidth 27 accompanying doc, being for the most part the corresp. already cited, but containing several communications uot included in those furniahed by Jonea direct to the U. S. govt. Jones at Monterey, 1842, p. 18-44. The demand for surrender ' -will justly excite the indignation of the sup. magistrate aa well aa of youraelf and every Mexican, on seeing that without even a plausible pretext, and iu defiance of the laws of nations and the treaties between the two couutries, au armed force comes to occupy the national terri tory. ' ' Your Excellency may imagine my indignation. I wished myself a thunderbolt to fly and annihilate the invaders; but 110 leagues intervened be tween me and them, aud my forces are all infantry. I nevertheless apent the uiglit in preparing meaaures . . .to organize an active and incessant war on the enemy until he should have been obliged to reembark, if any of his forces should remaui alive. On the following day, the 26th, I began my march' — directly away from Monterey if at all — 'with my troops, of whose enthusiasm I cannot say too much, wheu I felicitated them, iu the name of our couutry, on the oc casion thus presented for pro-ving that we are worthy of the confidence of the uation, and worthy to defend the Mexican territory, our dear independence, and all the rights of society and man. North aud south of my headquarters AFFAIR OP THE 'TASSO.' 319 The American ship Tasso was lying at San Pedro- when the news arrived that Monterey had been taken. Josd Antonio Carrillo and Captain Prudon conceived the idea of seizing this vessel, applying to the prefect for authority. ArgiieUo in turn referred the matter to Micheltorena, who disapproved the seizure and ordered the release of the captain, who had been detained, blaming Carrillo and Prudon for interfering in national affairs, which he himself was entirely competent to manage.*" This act enabled the general in the report already cited to boast that not a single act of violence had been committed against the persons or property of subjects of the United States. But those subjects could show not quite so clean a rec overy thing was in motion; and the fever of patriotism which I excited with energetic force beat quickly... In this state of things I was met by Capt. Mejia,' who came from Monterey where he had ' wished uot to sign any capitu lation unless ordered to do so by his general, a general who would have or dered him to conquer or die, ' and who brought detaila of the surrender. ' We thus marched for two hours, during whioh my soul was rapt iu ecstasies at the flattering prospect of a speedy and certaiu victory,. ..when another ex traordinary courier brought me ' news of the evacuation of Monterey. ' So his Excellency, Mr , did not chooae to wait for our arrival aa a hostile force, and the feelings of my heart. ..were at once of grief and joy, of regret and pleasure, of contentment and disappointment; but providence has so wuled ii; therefore it is for the beat, and we have only to reapect and bow to ita de crees.' But for the activity, etc, of President Santa Anna and the min. of war iu sending me and my force here, Califomia would now have to be re covered at double the expenae that Texaa haa cost. Therefore 'I pray your Excellency to ask the president whether the conduct of one of his generals in this negotiation haa been such aa to merit his high approbation.' The articles of convention, aent uuaigned by reaaon of Jonea' non-arrival, were aubatantially as follows: i., ii. The indemnification for outrage ou the flag, and settlement of claims for .damages to indi-viduals to be left to the sup. govt. iiL Jones declares that he took Monterey iu the erroneous belief that war existed; and each promises never to attack the possessions of the other's country except in caae of an express declaration of war. iv. The capitulation signed by Joues and Alvarado is forever void aud of no effect. V. The U. S. men-of-war and merchant vessels at S. Pedro will salute the Mexican flag to be displayed before them by Micheltorena at noon of the next day after signing this treaty, vi. 'Mr Thos Ap C. Joues will deliver 1,500 complete infantry uniforms to replace those of nearly one half of the Mexican forces which have been ruined iu the violent march and the contin ued rains, while they were ou their way to recover the port thus invaded. ' vii. Jonea to pay $15,000 into the national treasury for expenaea incurred from the general alarm; also a complete aet of musical instruments in place of those ruined on this occasion, -viii. Respecting copies and signatures of this document. These articles are several times reprinted in connection with later correspondence. "Oct. 25th, Prefect Arguello to M. Jones at Monterey, 1842, Tp. 39. Oct. 26th, reply. Id., p. 40; Dept St Pap., Angeles, MS., xiL 94-6. 320 COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. ord. The Alert was lying at .San Diego, having on board and on shore a valuable cargo of hides. Captain Phelps heard of the capture of Monterey, and at the same time a report that a force had been despatched by Micheltorena to seize all property at San Diego. Determined to save his cargo, he made ready for sail ing, worked night and day to load his hides, and pro ceeded to remove every obstacle to his escape by send ing a party of sailors to spike the guns at the fort. It is not likely that Micheltorena had ordered the seizure of the hides or vessel, but he had probably sent men to secure the cannon, and it was the ap proach of these men that chiefly frightened Phelps. The affair was considerably written about in Mexico, and to the charge of spiking the guns was added that of throwing ballast into the harbor; but the ground was taken that the offence was purely an individual and in no sense a national one ; and as the owners were willing to pay the damage, the matter was allowed to jdrop. Leaving Monterey January 9th, Jones, on the Cyane, arrived at Santa Bdrbara the 14th, and in formed Micheltorena of his readiness for the proposed conference at San Pedro,*^ to which port he proceeded on the 17th, and late in the afternoon received an invitation to visit the general at his headquarters at " Phelps, Fore and Afl, 261-3. He says he got the news from Alfred Robinson, his supercargo, at Sta Bdrbara; also that his men took a barrel of copper ahot at the fort and threw the reat into the aea; but uo charge of this kind waa ever made. Half the cargo was on board when the newa came of Jones' mistake; and at that time Micheltorena's 'vagabonds' were -within two hours' inarch of the ship. Deo. 10th, Phelps to Joues. Tranalation. Diario del Gob., Feb. 19, 1843; Bustamante, Diario, lxvi. 69, with a letter of Jonea on the subject. Nov. 4th, juez of S. Diego to prefect, announcing the spiking of 8 guns. Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., vii. 28. Corresp. between ministers Bocanegra and Thompson, Dec. 28th-30th. Mexico, Mem.Belaciones, 1844, annexes xcii-v. *^ Jan. 14th, 15th, Jones at Sta Bdrbara to M. Diario del Gobierno, Feb. 19, 1843; Bustamante, Diario, MS., lxvi. 69. At firat he says the conference will have to be in writing, or by commissioners on account of his ill health; but iu a P. S. he concludes to -visit S. Pedro. He brought dowu despatches and money for M. from Monterey; and offered to carry a messenger to ,J\Iazatlau. JONES AT LOS ANGELES. 321 Angeles, an invitation which he accepted.*^ Next morning Jones landed with Captain StribUng and half a dozen others; and at 2 p. M., after a dinner prepared by Micheltorena's cooks at Stearns' store house, the party started for the pueblo, Jones, Strib Ung, Clymer, and Reintre sitting with Major Medina in a barouche drawn by three horses, the rest on horseback, and all escorted by twenty-five mounted men of the Santa Bdrbara guard. The visitors were taken to the residence of Abel Stearns, where they were soon waited upon by Micheltorena and his staff in full uniform, who made a most favorable impres sion by their gentlemanly bearing and polite atten tions.** At noon on the 19th the conference was held at the general's headquarters, where, after the drinking of toasts and making of complimentary speeches, Micheltorena proceeded to read his ' articles of con vention,' with which the reader is already familiar, and copies of which were furnished for Jones' consid eration. This ended the conference; but in the evening the Americans, in a drenching rain, attended a grand ball given by the general in their honor. In the forenoon of the 20th Jones returned the ' articles,' of course without his signature, and with a note explaining that he had no authority to enter into such an agreement, and that the whole matter of reparation must be left to the respective govern- " Jan. 17th, M. to J. and reply, aent by Lieut Somoza, in Unpublished Na-irative of Commodore Thos Ap G. Jones, U. 8. N. Thia narrative by an unknown -writer, who evidently accompanied Jonea to Angelea, was pub liahed in the Los Angdes Southem Vineyard, May 22, 1858, and gives an in tereating account of the viait and negotiations. Much of it is occupied with deacriptive matter, for whioh I have no apace here. The same communica tiona, under date of Jau. 18th, are giveu iu Diario del Gobierno, Feb. 19, 1843. " Jones' Unpub. Narr. The author givea a well written aketch of Michel torena's actiona and character. Of him he says: ' Had he contented himself -with the issuing of countless orders aud high-toned proclamations, few would have found fault with him, for in truth ifc was all that his situation left him; but to resort to the disingenuous artifice of writing letters never sent and of sending drafts of demands not yet made, and wheu made abandoned;, -without an effort to suatain them, was an act which neither Mexican diplomacy nor- Castilian gasconade can scarcely palUate, and certaioly caunot jjistlfy.' Hist. CiL.. Vol. IV. 21 322 COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. ments.*^ Micheltorena made no effort to change the commodore's views, nor did he show offence, but sim ply desired him to delay his departure until he could prepare his despatches for Mexico, which consisted of the correspondence that has been cited, and a letter to General Tomel, in which he described the negotiations w4th Jones, and the latter's objections to the articles of convention proposed.*" Friendly relations con tinued, the subject of politics was not mentioned, and at their last interview complimentary speeches were exchanged. At 1 p. M., January 21st, Jones left the city, amidst the beating of drums, firing of cannon, and ringing of bells, saluted by the general and his wife from the door of his quarters, escorted as on his com ing, and accompanied for some miles by many citizens. The arrival at San Pedro was at 5 p. M., and three hours later the Cyane sailed for Mazatlan, where she arrived the 1st of February to join the United States and Yorktown." *5 Jan. 20th, Jones to Micheltorena, iu Diario del Oobierno, Peb. 19, 1843, and partly iu Jones' Unpub. Narr. The author of this narrative says J. was very much vexed at the absurd demands made; yet he maintained friendly relations, aud in his letter he takes pains to explain anew the reasons for his past action. The articles, 8 in nuraber, are also giveu iu the Diario del Gob., aa above, and in Dept. St. Pap., Ang., MS., -vii. 38-41. Bandini, Hist. Ccd., MS., 104-7, says M.'s soldiers drew the carriage that took J. to the balL Osio, Hist. Cal, MS., 428-30, narrates au alarm at Angeles while J. was asleep, caused by a report that 3 ships had been seen off the coast, and by the burning of a house, which the general feared to be but a ruse to call attention while his own capture was effected ! John Forster, Pioneer Data, MS. , 24-5, ; speaks of the dinner at Sau Pedro, which he says was at bis house. Botello, .Anales, MS., 103-4, also speaks of the festivities at Angeles, aa doea Coronel, i<:Josas de Oal, MS., 43-4. Alvarado, Hist Cal., MS., v. 18-20, ridiculea M.'3 deapatches. In Los Angeles Hist, 15, it is stated that Joues visj,ted Angelea ¦;in Nov. 1842. Mentiou also of the visit in Amador, Mem., MS., 142; and by Davis, Glimpses, MS., 109-10, who got his informatiou from Henry Melius. He says,.J. and his officers got several barrels of choice Califomia wine from .Luis Vignes, whose place they visited. Davia and Paty had already aent them some wipe at Monterey. ^8 Jan. 20th, M. to Tomel. Diario dd Gob., Feb. 19, 1843, with 6 docu menta annexed. Same date, M. sends a similar report of his interview to the prefects. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 293; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxui. 315. VaUejo, Hist Cal, MS., iv. 314-24, quotes the letter to Prefect Estrada, and gives some informatiou ou the authority of J. A. Carrillo, which, though amusing, is very inaccurate. " Jones' Unpub. Narrative, which gives a parting note sent by Jones to the generals with some congEassional documents that had been referred to in their interviews. DEVELOPMENTS IN MEXICO. 323 Micheltorena's despatches of November 19th by the Trinidad were sent in haste from Tepic on De cember 7th, and were published at Mexico in the Diario del Gobierno of the 14th, of course accompa nied by some rather bitter comments.*^ Five days later Jos^ Maria de Bocanegra, minister of relations, addressed to the U. S. minister in Mexico, Waddy Thompson, a long letter on the subject, expressing in strong but dignified terms the surprise and grief of his government at having suffered from an officer of the United States — a nation whose protestations of friendly and peaceful feelings had been accepted in good faith — "the greatest outrage that can be done to an independent and sovereign nation." He closed by demanding, in the president's name, "for the conduct of Commodore Jones, due reparation and satisfaction, corresponding to the magnitude of the offence, together with an indemnity equivalent to the damages suffered by the government or people of CaUfornia, in conse quence of the aggression aforesaid."** Thompson's reply was returned eight days later, he having in the mean time received Jones' explanation of his acts and motives. He declared that the "acts of the American commodore were wholly unauthor ized by any orders from his government, and that the fullest disclaimer to that effect will be promptly made, with whatever other reparation may be due to the honor of Mexico, and which is not incompatible with that of the United States." He blamed Bocanegra for his insinuations that the act had been authorized; reminded him that the hostile attitude of Mexico in May — an attitude which, as he clearly implies, was assumed in expectation of war between the United States and England — gave Jones much reason to be- " Dec. 7th, Castillo Negrete from Tepio to Minister Toruel, forwarding Micheltorena's despatches. Jones at Monterey, 1842, p. 17. The despatches in Id., 18-44, already disposed of, were thoae publiahed in Diario del Gobierno, Dec. 14, 1842. It waa on the aame day, Dec. 7th, that Parrott aent Jonea' despatches to Mexico. *Dec. 19th, B. to T. Jones, Agresion en Califomias, p. 87-9; Jones at Monterey, p. 9-12. 324 COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. lieve that war had been declared; and finally alluded most sarcastically to Micheltorena's conduct, express ing his regret that the general's "coarse and abusive epithets" applied to Americans, and the "rudeness and gasconade of his note of October 26th — a note which, as there were the strongest reasons to believe, had never been sent, no doubt from inadvertence" — had not been rebuked by the Mexican government.™ In forwarding this correspondence to Washington, Thompson says: "It would have done no good, you may be assured, to have assumed any lower tone, for the Mexican government are disposed to make the most of this unfortunate affair; and I should not be surprised if they were to attempt to have it consid ered as a payment of all our claims. "^^ With the exception of an interchange of letters on the subject of the Alert's actions at San Diego, as already noted, there was no further official correspondence in Mexico. The papers early in January published a short article, in which was expressed satisfaction at the reply of the U. S. minister, promising in the name of his government all the reparation due to Mexican honor for the unauthorized act of Jones. In February Micheltorena's despatches of January were published in the Diario.^^ Soon came the announce ment that Jones had been relieved of his command and called home for trial; and Bocanegra, in his memoria of 1844, declared that all had been satisfac torily settled, and Mexican honor vindicated, by the action of the United States, in accordance with the just and firm demands of the nation as expressed through himself ^^ Several Mexican or Spanish writers ^"Dec 27th, Thompson to Bocanegra, Jones at Monterey, 1842, p. 12-14. Jones, Agresion en CaUfornias, p. 89-91. 'To the letters are attached the docu ments from Jones and Micheltorena. " Dec. 28, 1842, T. to Webster. Jones at Monterey, 1842, p. 9. ^^ Diario dd Gobierno, Jan. 7, 1843, Feb. 19, 1843; Siglo, xix., Jan. 10, 1843; Bustamante, Diario, MS., \Kyi. 35, QQ. ^Mexico, Mem. Eelaciones, 1844, p. 11-12. The annexes Ixxxvii.-xcvii, containing the diplomatic correspondence on the subject, bear the foUo-wing title, under which I have refeired to them: Agresion en Califomias por el Comodoro de los Estados- Unidos de America, TJiomas Ape Jones. It is to be AT WASHINGTON. 325 have mentioned the American invasion of 1842, gen erally representing that Jones acted under instruc tions from Washington, that only fear of Michel torena's forces impelled him to restore Monterey, and thatthe U. S. government promised reparation only in consequence of the firm stand taken by Mexico. None admits for a moment that both the commodore and his government acted in good faith, though from all the evidence that seems to have been the truth. ^ The first information that reached the United States respecting Jones' movements was apparently contained in a letter from some person on the Dale at Panamd, which was publishedin December 1842, and contained a conjecture that California was to be saved from English clutches.'^ Early in 1843, however, the news came unofficially, before Lieutenant Hartstene had arrived with despatches from Monterey and Mex ico; and on January 17th, Webster directed Thomp son to lose no time in assuring the Mexican gov ernment that Jones' action had been altogether unauthorized, notifying General Almonte, the Mexi- noted that in nearly all that was printed on the subject iu Spanish, the 'Ap C of Jones' name is rendered 'Ape ' ! ^*Gen. Tomel, Mexico, Mem. Ouerra, 1844, p. 49, in recording this inau- dito atentado, says: 'Los invasores no hubieran quedado impunes si hubieran persistido en una agresion tan injustificable. ' Cdrlos Maria Bustamante, Diario, MS., Ixv. p. 240-1, speaks of Jones' 'pretesto frlvolo y miserable,' and goes ou to say, 'Finally, Micheltorena ordered him to surrender, and after much gasconade (!) the commodore retired, saluting the fort of Monte rey, which he would have kept permanently if he had uot encountered unex pected opposition. Thanks to Sta Anna, who so opportunely sent the said chief with a battalion,' etc. Francisco de Paula de Arrangoiz, Mejico, 1808- 1S87, ii. 252-4, criticises with much severity and ridicule this as one of the U. S.' 'most scandalous and aggreaaive acta toward the Mexican republic' He cites the fact (erroneous, I suppose) that Jones' proclamation was in print, as a strong point agaiust the good faith of his excuses. ' Pero uo obro el como doro Americano motu proprio; todo lo que il dijo ae le dict6 por el gobierno, que tenia seguramente el plan de que darse con las Califomias. ' ' El gobierno de los E. U. desaprobd el proceder de su comodoro; pero uo le castigd ni le retiri el mando, d peaar de haberlo pedido el de Mejico, qne bubo de con- tentarse con que se le dij^ra que '^no habia querido injuriarle ni hacer nada ilicito contra sus ciudadanos." Qiie burla!' See also Eivera, Hist Jalapa, iii. 548; Ceballos, Vindicacion Mejicana, 81-2, 148-50. =^Sept. 23, 1842, to Wm C. Bryant, editor of N. Y. Post, va Niles' Eeg., Ixiii. 243. 326 COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. can minister at Washington, to the same effect. ^^ Almonte in his reply demanded the exemplary punish ment of Jones, whose delinquency was "so serious, so obvious, and so notorious, that it would be superfluous to particularize its enormities." On the same day that this note was written, the secretary of the navy wrote an order recalling Jones and naming Commodore Dal las as his successor;^'' and Webster on January 30th informed Almonte that proper action had been takeu, not specifying what action, and assured him that am ple reparation would be made for all real injuries done ; though, while expressing deep regret for what had occurred, he maintained that Jones "intended no in dignity to Mexico, nor anything unlawful toward her citizens," and that "in the clearly manifest absence of all illegal and improper intent, some allowance may properly be made for acts of indiscretion in a quarter so very remote." Almonte, however, was not disposed to make any such allowance; and he would not admit that Jones had any other motive for restoring Mon terey than fear of an attack by Micheltorena, and disappointment at finding the Californians neither discontented nor defenceless. Moreover, he insisted in very plain terms on knowing whether Webster's statement that "the president had given directions for the adoption of such a course as in his opinion was due to the circumstances of the case," etc., might be interpreted to mean that Jones had been recalled for 66 Jan. 17, 1843, W. to T.; Jan. 21st, Id. to Almonte; Jan. 24th, A. to W.; Jau. SOth, W.'s reply, in Jones at Monterey, 1842, p. 3-6. 6' Jan. 24th, Upshur to Jones, in Jonea at Monterey, 184^, p. 66; Jones, Agre sion en Cal. , 96-7. Official news had not yet arrived, but must have come through Hartstene iu a few days. Upshur writes: 'In adopting this course, it is not designed to prejudge the case, nor eveu to indicate any opinion as to the propriety or impropriety of your conduct in the matter aUuded to. Thia will of course be made the subject of proper inquiry after your retum to the U. S. The preaent order has reference 6nly to the just claims of Mexico on this govt, for such a disavowal of the attack ou Monterey as wiU fuUy recog nize the rights of Mexico, and at the same time place the conduct of the govt in a proper light before the nations of the world. Com. Dallas will reUeve you as soou as he can conveniently reach the station; and you wUl retum to the U. S. in such mode as may be most convenient aud agreeable to yourself.' THE AFFAIR IN CONGRESS. t 327 trial and punishment, as the Mexican government had a right to demand.^^ Webster did not furnish the interpretation desired by the Mexican minister directly ; but on February 1st the matter had come up in congress. John Quincy Adams introduced resolutions caUing upon the president to state by what authority Commodore Jones had invaded Mexican territory; to furnish all instructions given to Jones, and all communications received from him relative to the Monterey affair; and finally to state whether an order had been sent for his recall.^* The resolutions were adopted, and the re quired information, that Jones had acted without authority and had been recalled, was furnished Feb ruary 22d, the president's message and accompanying documents constituting a source of information which I have often quoted.^^ The message was forwarded to Almonte the 3d of March, as an answer to his de mands, and seems to have been satisfactory.^^ The general tone of such newspaper articles of the time as I have seen seems to have been determined by politi cal prejudices rather than by the merits ofthe case;*^ and neither in American newspapers nor books has there been shown a disposition to do justice to the honorable motives which animated Commodore Jones in his action under circumstances of difficulty. The reason is to be found in the connection of the subject with the complications of Texan affairs and sectional politics in the United States. As may readily be imagined, no very terrible pun ishment was ever infficted on the commodore for his " Feb. 7, 1842, Almonte to Webster. Jones at Monterey, 6-8. There was no reply to this argument. 6' U. 8. Govt Doc, 27th coug. 3d aess.. House Jour., p. 294-8, 433; Con gressional Globe (same congress), p. 232-5, 330. '" U. 8. Govt Doc, 27th cong. 3d sess., H. Ex. Doc, no. 166, or as already explained, Jozies at Monterey, 184^. *' March 3d, Webster to Almonte. Jones, Agremm en Califomias, p. 95-6. '=''In Niles' Eeg., IxiiL 322, 337, 369-70 (Jan.-Feb.) 1843; a.nA Diario del Gobierno, March 31, 1843, are extracts and articles from the National Intelli gencer; N. 0. Bee; N. Y. Courier; N. Y. Express; Madisonian; Pennsylvania Enquirer, etc. 328 COMMODORE JONES AT MONTEREY. 'inaudito atentado.' In August 1843 DaUas was at Callao, but had not yet met Jones, who had sailed for the Islands.^' It is not clear that he ever met him, since Dallas died at Callao in June 1844. Jones had been ordered to return home " in such mode as may be most convenient and agreeable" to himself, and he found it most agreeable to keep out of his successor's way. After a cruise in the Pacific he returned to Valparaiso, and seems to have gone home in the United States before the end of 1844.** There was never any trial; and on March 1, 1845, the secretary of the navy in an official communication exonerated Jones from all blame, and promised him a new com mand. ^° In later years he again commanded the Pacific squadron. *' Report sec. navy, Dec. 1843. U. 8. Govt Doc, 28th cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc no. 2, p. 484. '* I have not found any official narrative of his mo-vements after he sailed for the Islands. Lancey, Cruise of the 'Dale,' S3, says Dallas 'took the old store-ship Erie, and started in search of Jones. Now that wiry little commo dore was not to be caught with any such chaff. He got wind ofthe move ment, and BO sailed frora one port to another, always keeping a little ahead of the Erie, leaving port ostensibly for one place and steering for another. He visited the Islands, and then returned to Valparaiso, when he told the consul he had brought the ship to the Paciflc, aud he would be damned if he wouldn't take her home. And so, snapping his fingers at Dallas, he sailed away round the Horn for Old Virginia. ' Similar versions are given by Cul verwell, in Davis' Glimpses, MS., 96; and by Maxwell, Monterey in 184^, MS., 12-13. ^ March 1, 1845, Mason to Joues, iu Honolulu Polynesian, Jan. 3, 1846. I have uot before me the volume of govt reports containing the original; hut I suppose it is in U. 8. Govt Doe, SOth cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc. no. 8, p. 1304, with perhaps a reply in Id., SOth cong. 2d sess., no. 1, p. 67. 'The presideut has authorized me to say to you, that in those circumstances of your conduct, while in command of the Pacific squadron, which induced your recall, ou explanation he perceives evidences of an ardent zeal iu the service of your country, and a devotion to what you deemed to be your duty, regardless of personal consequences, whioh entitle you to anything but cen sure from your government. Ample atonement having been made to Mexico for your acts complained of, there has been no disposition to visit you with punishment of any description for conduct actuated by such elevated princi ples of duty. Of this you were apprised immediately after your return. The department haa beeu and atill is anxious to give you employment; in this -wish the president concurs, and it will give him the greatest pleasure to see you speedily placed iu a situation corresponding -with your rauk and merits.' It is to be noted that in 1843 Mr Adams had attempted in congresa unsuccessfully to pass a resolution making provision for the ' signal punish ment ' of any officer invading the territory of a nation at peace with the U. S. Houae Joumal, 27th oong. 3d seaa., p. 576. ' CONCLUSIONS. 329 The occupation of Monterey by the United States for a day was an accident that resulted in nothing good or bad. It involved no taint of dishonor or of sharp practice for either the American commodore or his nation. It was but technically an outrage on Mexico, for which ample reparation was made. Its lessons were not important. It showed clearly what had not been wrapped in mystery before, that the United States was not disposed to be forestalled by any European power in CaUfornia, at least if it could be prevented by legitimate means. It confirmed what it had never occurred to anybody to doubt, that California was an easy prey for any nation that hacl only Mexicans to contend with. It gave Michel torena a splendid chance to write himself an ass; and as to the Californians, while it was too brief to afford any reliable index to their sentiments, so far as it went it indicated a feeling of indifference at least. The leading Californians were rnore surprised at the restoration than at the capture, though perhaps it can hardly be said that they regretted it more. Most foreigners would have been pleased to see the occupation permanent. Mofras, writing from a French standpoint, declares that Jones should have kept Monterey and seized San Francisco. There was, however, among all classes in California, in Mexico, and in the United States a vague feeling that the whole transaction had a hidden mysterious meaning in politics entirely distinct from that which the com modore gave it. People were slow to accept a ver sion which was at the same time plausible, natural, and true. One of Jones' officers made a sketch of Monterey Bay with the men-of-war at anchor, which was litho graphed and sent back for Larkin, and now hangs in my Library. CHAPTER XIII MISSIONS, COMMERCE, AND FOREIGNERS. 1842. Mission Management — Decree op Restoration — Duran and Alvaeado —Local Items — Bishop GAEcfA Diego at Santa BArbara — Grand Episcopal Plans — The Pious Fund in Mexico — Santa Anna Takes It PROM THE Bishop — ^Incorporated in the National Treasury — The Result — Indian Affairs— No Hostilities and Few Rumoes— Com mercial AND Maritime Affairs — List op Vessels — Financial Items — Foreigners — ^List of Pioneers and Visitors for the Yeae— Part of the Bartleson Company Return Overland— Minor Items — ^Nbw Mexican Immigration — Bibliography of 1842 — Robinson's Life in California — Visit of the ' King's Orphan ' — Bidwell's Jouenet— Marsh's Letter to Jones — Peirce's Letters. On general management of the ex-missions in 1842 there is nothing to be added to my remarks for 1841.-^ True, the bishop brought a decree of Novem ber 17, 1840, issued in conformity with that of No vember 7, 1835, which required the missions to be restored to their former condition, for the restoration to the friars "without delay or impediment, of the possessions and property used by them under their administration for -the conversion of gentiles;" but this decree, not intended to restore the management of temporalities, but only the 'church property,' was not at once enforced in California, nor was there in 1842 any attempt to enforce it, as it was deemed best to wait until a new governor had assumed control.' ^ See chap. vii. of this vol. ^I have not found the original of this decree of Nov. 17, 1840. A trans lation is given in Hartman's Brief in Miasion Oases, 29-31. See also Hayes' (330) LOCAL ITEMS. 331 There is to be noted an increasing dissatisfaction on the part of the southern friar-curates because of the governor's grants of mission ranchos to private indi viduals. In the case of La Puente near San Gabriel, granted to Rowland and Workman, Prefect Duran went so far as to send a complaint and protest to the supreme government.^ This case was selected for the purpose, I suppose, because the grantees were the ob jects of suspicion in Mexico; but nothing was effected, though Duran had a controversy with Alvarado, whose anger he had excited. The governor used vio lent language, but apologized on receipt of certain explanations from the friar, so that the old friendship was restored.* Among local items I may mention the order issued in September for the distribution of lands and other property at San Luis Obispo among such of the neophytes as were most deserving;^ and an aUeged attempt of the comandante at Santa Bdrbara to prevent the delivery of three hundred head of cat tle from Santa In^s, which had been ordered by Al varado.® A Mexican item of a kind not unusual in Legal Hid. 8. Diego, no. 57, 45; Id., Mission Book, i. 17; Mofras, Explor., i. 304; La-nd GommAssion, no. 609; Alemany vs U. 8., p. 17. 'Feb. 21st, D. to miu. of int. Doc. Hist Cal, MS., iv. 1131-2; Arch. Sta B., MS., vi. 81-3; x. 232-4; Sta Bdrbara, Arch.,MS., 39. * Feb. 5, 1842, Alvarado to Duran; April 26th, D.'s reply, apparently only two of several letters, in Alvarado, Hid. Cal, MS., iv. 181-91; Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 145-64; Id., Doc, MS., xxxiu. 259, 273. The padre is accused of not only having attacked the govt and incited discontent from his pulpit, but of sending a letter to P. EatSnega which contained inaulta to Alvarado, and which waa intentionally given a wide circulation. He ia alao accuaed of having aaid that the gov. had ordera from Mexico to restore the missions (the deoree of Nov. 17th had been pubUshed, it seema, but not sent officially to Cal. ), which were not obeyed. D. iu reply denied that he had done any of the things charged, or anything more offensive than to protest against the grant ing of mission ranchos, which he continues to do. Saya he thought at first of reading the two letters from his pulpit, and theu leaving the country; but iu case of his departure there was danger of a popular tumult at Sta Bdrbara, such as had been threatened once before. Both letters are long, and both Alvarado aud Vallejo accord them more space aud comment than the subject seems to merit. "Sept. 10th, Alvarado to admin, of S. Luis Obispo. Bonilla, Doc, MS., 10-11; Pico, Papeles, MS., 59; 8. Luis Ob., Arch., MS., 4. Bonilla was the administrator, and the form of grant is giveu in the case of the neophyte Odon, who got 75 varas of land, the house occupied by him, a copper pot, aud two troughs. The fruit of certain treea on hia land, however, was still to belong to the community. 'Nov. 24, 1842, A. to Valentin Cota. Cota, Doe, MS., 15-16; Guerra, Doc, MS., V. 305-6. 332 MISSIONS, COMMERCE, AND FOREIGNERS— 1842. the annals of earlier times, but of rare occurrence in these years, was the promotion of a friar formerly of California, Padre Josd Bernardino de Jesus Perez, to be guardian of his college in Zacatecas.' Two current topics of some importance, closely con nected with mission affairs and with each other, were the coming of the bishop and the fate of the pious fund. I have already recorded the appointment of Bishop Garcia Diego and his arrival at San Diego at the end of 1841. He had intended to establish his permanent residence at San Diego, but, owing mainly to the poverty of the mission establishment there, which he was authorized to appropriate to his epis copal uses, he soon changed his plans. On January 11th he arrived at Santa Barbara, where the mission was in a better state of preservation than elsewhere, where the people were somewhat famous for their re ligious tendencies, and where he naturally determined to locate his episcopal see. He came up from San Diego on the Guipuzcoana, in company with the bridal party of the proprietor, Josd Antonio Aguirre. Alfred Robinson, who was an eye-witness, writes: "All was bustle; men, women, and children hastening to the beach, banners flying, drums beating, and sol diers marching. The whole population of the place turned out to pay homage to this first bishop of Cali fornia. At eleven o'clock the vessel anchored. He came on shore and was welcomed by the kneeling \ multitude. All received his benediction; all kissed the pontifical ring. The troops and civic authorities then escorted him to the house of Don Josd Antonio, where he dined. A carriage had been prepared for his Excellency, with several others occupied by the president and his friends. The females had formed with ornamented canes beautiful arches, through which 'Perez elected Oot. 21st. Arch. Obispado, MS., 64. Bustamante, Hist Sta Anna, 40-1, speaks of the reduced state of the other colleges; but saya there were still plenty of American friars in that of Guadalupe de Zacatecas. COMING OF THE BISHOP. 333 the procession moved; and as it marched along, the heavy artUlery of the presidio continued to thunder forth its noisy welcome. At four o'clock the bishop was escorted to the mission, the enthusiastic inhabi tants taking the horses from his carriage and dragging it themselves. Halting at a small bower on the road, he alighted, went into it, and put on his pontifical robes; then resuming his place in the carriage, he continued on, amidst the sound of music and the firing of guns, till he arrived at the church, where he ad dressed the multitude that followed him."* This is the only record extant of his reception, and the for malities attending his assumption of the office; but Sir George Simpson visited him a few days later, and describes his gorgeous costume and magnificent sur roundings, in marked contrast with the simplicity of the old padres.® Bishop Francisco came provided with grand plans for his diocese, and with abundant means, on paper, for carrying them out. He had from the national treasury a salary of $6,000; and he had the adminis tration of the fondo piadoso, the large revenues of which he could use elastically in accordance with the 'Robinson's Life in Cal, 195-8. ' 'Articles of furniture that would not have disgraced a nobleman'a man sion occupied the floor. The carpet was the work of the Indiaus of Mexico; the table was covered with crimson velvet, on whicii lay a pillow of the same material adorned vrith gold; and the sofa aud chairs had .seats of the same costly and showy description. But the gem of the whole was a throne with three steps in front of it. It was hung with crimson velvet, which was profusely trimmed with tissue of gold; aud its back displayed au expensively framed miniature of the reigning pope, painted by a princess, and sent by Gregory to the bishop, along with his diamond ring, as a gift.' Simpson's Narr., i. 388-90. April 16th, Johu C. Joues -writes to Larkin: 'We have nothing new here whatever; religion appears to be the order of the day; too much of it has made the people mad. The bishop rules triumphant, and the wretched priest-ridden dupes would lick the very dirt from off his shoes were he but to -will it. For myself I am disgusted -with his proceedings; if what ia taught here is religion, the less we have of it the better; indeed, it ia blaaphemy. By the way, it ia quite certain that hia holinesa will make thia hia place of reaidence, and here erect his college — the tenths -will be paid by this good people with but few exceptions in preference — they unhesitatingly say — to all other demands. I am not certaiu that that will satisfy the rapa cious appetites of these blood-sucking emissaries of the pope; they are all of the horse-leech family, whose cry is continually, "Give! give!'" Larkin's Doc, MS., i. 252. 334 MISSIONS, COMMERCE, AND FOREIGNERS— 1842. wishes of the founders, to say nothing of tithes and other contributions from his subjects. Before leaving Mexico he had received from a generous government all the concessions he desired.^" He was an enthusi astic, pompous, kind-hearted, rather weak-headed old man, somewhat overweighted with the dignities of his new office; and he was delighted with his recep tion at Santa Bdrbara, which pious town, in compli ance with a formal petition from the citizens, he re solved to honor by making it the site of his episcopal palace, cathedral, and seminary. We have not many details of his progress in 1842. Naturally it required a little time before funds should begin to come in reg ularly from Mexico, and the machinery of tithe-gath ering could be set properly in motion; moreover, it was deemed well to wait until the actual administra tion should be succeeded by one more in sympathy with the bishop's plans than that of Alvarado was supposed, with much reason, to be;" but the Barba renos were liberal ; the bishop readily obtained a con cession of the mission buildings for present episcopal •"Nov. 7, 1840, bishop's petition, and deoree of Nov. 17th, granting aU that was asked. Hartman's Brief in Mission Cases, appen., 24-30; Hayes' Legal Hist of 8. Diego, MS., no. 57. He asked — 1. The deUvery of misaion housea and orchards to the padres, and permission to use that of S. Diego or S. Luis Rey for an episcopal house, etc., until suitable edifices could be built. 2. Indian laborers at an equitable salary; and land on which to build cathedral, Iiouse, and seminary. 3. A notification to prevent the missionaries from leaving their posts until clergymen could be obtained to fill their plaoes. 4. Permission to take with him to Cal. such priests as might be wiUing to go. 5. Authority to establish a board of missionariea with a view to the forma tion of new missions; also the Island of Los Angeles or some other suitable tract for the missionary college. 6. Authority to found a college for femalea, and a corresponding tract of laud. 7. Tithes to be paid to the church, and not as before to the govt of Sonora. 8. The prompt settlement of certaia claims which formed au intolerable burden ou the pious fund. He desired permiaaion to locate his edifices, ' or rather to form a settlement on a rancho situate in front of S. Diego; ' aud he recommended the stationing there of a military force, and the opening of communicatiou by land with Sonora! " In Guerra, Doc, MS., ii. 193, 1 have a petition, not dated, signed by 123 residents, including 18 foreigners. In it the bishop is urged to fix his resi dence at Sta BArbara. Simpson, Narr. , i. 388, says : ' In fact, all but the bet ter classes were unfriendly to the bishop; the provincial authoritiea regarded him with an eye of jealouay aa a creature aud partiaan of the central govem ment; and the maaa of the people dreaded auy symptom of the revival of a system which had, in their opinion, sacrificed the temporal interests of the colonists to the spiritual welfare of the aborigines.' THE PIOUS FUND. 335 uses, together with a site for his proposed cathedral;^'^ and possibly a beginning was made before the end of the year. Robinson states that "large piles of stones were heaped up in several places for laying the foun dations of the above-named edifices, . . . and there they will undoubtedly remain for some years, as monuments ofthe frailty of human .speculations." It is said that Bishop Francisco carried some of these stones with his own hands, and that many of the fair and pious Barbarehas aided him in his task. It must be evident to the reader that the bishop's success was destined to depend entirely upon the receipt of funds from Mex ico; and that, depending on Californian resources alone, utter failure was a foregone conclusion. This matter of episcopal finances brings me to the cognate one of the pious fund and its administration ; though this is a subject respecting which I present in these chapters only a general statement. The law of 1836 providing for a bishopic of the CaUfornias had also given to the bishop the administration of the fund, the revenues of which were to be devoted to "its objects or other analogous ones, always respecting the wishes of the founders." Accordingly, when Garcia Diego had been consecrated, the fund was turned over to him by the junta that for years had managed it ; but the bishop, unable of course to attend person ally to the administration from his distant home of the future, appointed Pedro Ramirez, a member of congress from Zacatecas, as his apoderado, or agent, in Mexico, naming Miguel Belaunzaran to look after the country estates. Ramirez assumed the adminis tration in November 1840, and held it until Febru ary 1842. He found the fund burdened with a debt of 128,000, paying two per cent per month, which '" March 24, 1842, the bishop declares the altar of the hospicio at Sta Barbara privUeged for 10 years. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 77. AprU 25th, bishop to Alvarado, asking for buildings. June 21st, granted. Dept. Eec, MS., xii. 55, 58. July, laud granted for a cathedral. Sta B. Arch., MS., 39. See also Gleeson'a Hiat Cath. Church, ii. 169-73; Mofras, Explor., i. 275. 336 MISSIONS, COMMERCE, AND FOREIGNERS— 1842. he succeeded in cancelling; he paid over $30,000 due on old drafts, of which $22,000 had been drawn by the friars of Alta California; and he also furnished the bishop a small amount with which to pay his travelling expenses, since the $3,000 assigned from the treasury could not be collected. There was a claim for some $400,000 pending against the estates from an ancient lawsuit not brought to a final conclu sion in his time; but at the beginning of 1842 Rami rez considered the fund in a condition to produce a yearly revenue of over $34,000. In February 1843 the ministro de hacienda asked Ramirez for $40,000 to relieve the national neces sities, with which demand the apoderado refused to comply, alleging that there Avas no such amount available, and that he had no right thus to dispose of the fund. On February Sth a decree was issued repealing article 6 of the decree of 1836, and restor ing the administration of the pious fund to the supreme government, on the plea that all the ob jects of that fund were "of general interest and truly national," though the revenue of course must as before be elevoted to its original object — the con version and civilization of barbarians. On- February 21st General Gabriel Valencia was made administra tor, with the same powers that had been conferred upon the junta in 1832; and to him, under protest, Ramirez deUvered the estates. Of Valencia's brief administration we have few details; but he doubtless served the purpose for which he was appointed; and Santa Anna is supposed, as a salve to his conscience, to have spent a little o'f the money thus acquired in fitting out Micheltorena's valiant band of convicts, arguing that "in order that California may be cath olic she must first exist" — aparalogismo miserable for an atentado escandaloslsimo, as it was pronounced by a prominent Mexican author. Soon, however, another step was taken in the same direction of spoliation; for on October 24th Santa EATE OF THE FUND., 337 Anna, anxious that the '.'beneficent and national pb- jects proposed by the founder" should be accom plished, con toda exactitud, with a view "to save the expenses of administration and others that might arise," decreed that all the property of the fund should be incorporated into the national treasury; that all the estates should be sold for a capital sum represented by their products at six per cent; that the said rate should be paid regularly for the original objects of the fund; and that the tobacco revenue should be pledged for this payment. This decree also called out protests frOm the bishop's agent, to which no attention was paid; and before the end of the year the estates were sold — chiefly to the company that down to 1841 had farmed the tobacco monopoly. The exact price is not given; but according to the claims of the bishop's agents — Ramirez being suc ceeded by Juan Rodriguez de San Miguel — for the promised revenues during the next few years, it must have been about $600,000. Besides this sum, it was claimed that in 1842 the treasury was indebted to the fund to the amount of $1,075,182.25. Had this last measure been adopted in good faith by a respon sible government, it would have been one of the wisest steps ever taken in connection with the subject; but down to 1845, and perhaps to the American conquest, the total amount of the pledged revenues actuall}'- paid was $1,183! The bishop's claim to the admin istration of the fund was not very firmly rooted in law or justice; but if he could have handled the rev enues he would at least have spent a pairt of them in California, and the Indians would have received the oretically a small share of the benefits. In much later times an international commission has in its wisdom decided not only that Mexico must disgorge the plunder, but that the proceeds shall revert to the catholic church of California. Perhaps a very large part of the amount, when secured, will be devoted to ^ HiBT. Oal., Vol. IV. 22 338 MISSIONS, COMMERCE, AND FOREIGNERS— 1842. tliQ welfare ofthe Indians, in accordance with the 'will of the founders.'^* The Indians, if we may credit Vallejo's report to the Mexican government, were in 1842 hostile and ready to overrun the department unless the military force should be increased ; or if we choose Alvarado's statement on the situation, they were all at peace and easily controlled by the existing force ! I find in the records uo definite evidence of serious hostilities. At San Diego in June the people were impelled by a rumored revolt of the Jacumehos to take the usual steps for defence, that is, to write about the advisa bility of borrowing arms from Captain Fitch." At Angeles about the same time there were fears of an attack from the distant Payuches and Amajavas; and Antonio Maria Lugo was authorized at his own request to make a raid, with results that do not ap pear.-'® Farther north there was as usual an occa sional sortie of citizen soldiers of the San Josd region after horse-thieves; and in June a plot was thought to be discovered on the part of the San Josd mission Indians and others to capture some of the leading citizens. The ringleader, , Zenon, was sentenced to four months in the chain-gangf.^^ o *' All the documenta referred to and many more, with full comments on the topic of the pioua fund in 1842-5, will be found in San Migud, Documen tos relatives al Fondo Piadoso. Mexico, 1845, Svo, 60 p.; Id., iSegundo Cua demo de I-nteresantes, Doc Mexico, 1845, 8vo, 32 p.; Id., Eedifcacion de Graves Equivocaciones. Mexico, 1845, Svo, 16 p.; Escandon and Eascon, Ob servaciones que los Actuates Terceros Poaeedores. . .hacen. Mexico, 1845, Svo, 12 p.; Bustamante, Hist Sta Anna, 44-6, 267-70; Sigh, xix. 1842, no. 134, 138, 146, 165, 393, etc.; Doyle's Brief Hist, paaaun; beaidea very mauy other referenoea that need not be particularized here. According to Ahor rado. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 64-5, and Vallejo, Hid. Cal., MS., iv. 90-6, one Jos(5 Verdia, who had died at Monterey many years before, had left his prop erty to the pious fund; but the effects had been burned by tlfe authoritiea to prevent contagion. Bishop Garcia Diego brought the claim with him and tried to coUect it, but met with no very marked success. »iS. Diego, Arch., MS., 287-8; Dept St Pap., Angeles. MS., vi. 125,' ¦iiTa"'^?^^o^*'' ^''''^•' ^^•' "¦ ^^^^' 22*' 231-4; Dept St Pap., Angeles, mS., VI. 122. . 'f '^V'^S*^'..^'''^?;' ^'^¦' '"• 2*-5; Monterey, Arch., MS., v. 18-19; StaCria, Arch., MS., /8; ValUjo, Doe, MS., xi. 225. Nov. 13, 1842, Alvarado says LIST OF VESSELS. 339 I present a list of thirty-eight vessels constituting the Californian fleet in 1842." Five of the number the Indiana had taken advantage of the Jonea affair of the 19th to retire to the woods and commit robberies. Castro, Doc , MS. , i. 66. " See full Ust for 1841-5 at end of chap, xxiii., this vol. Veaaels of 1842: Alert, Alex. Barclay (?), Bamstable, Bertha, and Jenny, BoUvar, California, California (schr), Catalina, Chato, Clarita, Condante, Cowlitz, Cyane, Dede, Don Quixote, Esmeralda, Fama, Fernanda, Hong-ue (?), I'ndex. Jos. Peahody (?), Jdven Fanita, Jdven Guipuzcoana, J-uan Josi, Julia Ann, Llama, Ma-ryland, New Spring, Palatina, Primavera, Eelief, Republicano, Eosalind, Tasso, Trin idad, Valleyfidd (?), Yorktown, United States. The total of duties paid, according to the preceding list, was $67,382; but according to Hartuellf iu Pico, Doc, MS., i. 85, aud areport in Larkin Off. Cor resp. , MS. , ii. 37, 1 10, it was $73,729. ' Dereeho de patentes de navegacion ' for national merchant vessels, $13. Mexico Mem. Hacienda, 1844, no. 19. Other minor items of amall auma on varioua accounts. Id., no. 54, 64, 66, 71, 74. Balance in custom-house aafe Dec. lat, §0.50. Dept. St. Pap., Cust-H., MS., V. [270-85]. Feb. lat, Jos^ Castro to be paid his fuU salary, and uot subjected to the pro rata of his company — this for his great services. Dept. Eec, MS., xiii. 2; Dept. St Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., iv. 65-6. General remarks on condition of the treasury, neceaaity for reforma, and the new expenaes caused by Micheltorena's coming. Bandini, Hist. Cal, MS., 299-301; Id., Doc, MS., 143; VaUejo, Hist Cal., MS., iv. 313-14; Corond, Cosas de Cal., MS., 44-5; Cerruti's Eamblin{is, MS., 187; Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 37. Dec. 1st, pay of civil employes suspeuded to pro^dde for Micheltorena'a men. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., iv. 70. Miacellaneoua commercial itema of the year: Orders that no vessel be al lowed to trade or to remaiu over 24 hours at auy port without papers from Monterey. Pinto, Doc, MS., i. 374; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xL 254; Los Ange les, Arch., MS., ii. 241-2. Nov. 25th, order from Mexico that no foreign sugar must be admitted. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., xvii. 2. Bamstable fined for admitting a private person before the -visit of the officera. Dept. St. Pap. , Ben. , MS. , iii. 1 3. Belden to Larkin on smuggling, July SOth. Larkin's Doe, MS., i. 293. A deduction in duties made for immediate payment. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 11. Duties on otter-akins at 50 cts each paid by laaac Sparks. Dept. St. Pap., Angeles, MS., vi. 115; vu. 16; S. Diego, Arch., MS., 288. Whales takeu in S. Diego Bay. Hayes' Emig. Notes, 436. Exports of hides not over 60,000, yet there are 16 vessels now on the coast (Jan.) scram bling for hides aud tallow. Simpson's Narr. , i. 288-90. Lumber trade at Sta Cruz described iu Belden's Hist. Statement, MS., 31. A bad year for business. Larkin's Accounts, MS., v. fly-leaf. Pablo de la Guerra, acting administrator of customs in April. Dept. St. Pnp. , MS. , XX. 27-8 ; Id. , 8. Josi, v. 62. Castanares gives bond in Mexico, April. Dejjt St. Pap., MS., i. 10; Castanares arrives at S. Diego iu Sept., aud re ceives the office from Osio Sept. 23d. Dept St Pap., Ben. Cust.-H., MS., i. 32; Vallejo, Doe, MS., xxxui. 285. Osio, Hist Cal, MS., 422, speaks of the transfer of office to C. Vallejo, Hist. Cal. , MS. , i v. 293-5, saya C. came with the expectation of making a fortune, but fouud the berth uot a profitable one. Feb. 3d, iu Mexico. The treasurer must give a bond of $2,000. Dejit St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 6-7. January, appoiutment of celadores. Id., Ang., vi. 93. Nov. ilth, auapensiou of two minor officiala by Alvarado. Id., Ben., ii. 37. Corpa of revenue officers in December: Manuel Castaiiares, adminis trator from March Sth, aalary, $2,500; Pablo de la Guerra, oficial 1° from Jan. 1839, $1,750; Rafael Gonzalez, comandante de celadorea, from March 1837, $1,800; celadorea, Benito Diaz, Rafael Eatrada, Joaquiu de la Torre, Antonio Oaio, salary, $700; Franciaco Rico, clerk, $500; AtiUan, coxswain, 8300; a 2d coxswain, $'210; 4 saUors, each, $180; Pedro Narvaez, captain of port, $1,600. Dept St Pap., Ben. Cuat.-H., MS., vL 1-2. 340 MISSIONS, COMMERCE, AND FOREIGNERS— 1842. belonged to the Pacific squadron of the U. S. navy, and their presence on the coast was connected with the American 'invasion,' to which a chapter has been already devoted. Of the Mexican vessels, four, the Guipuzcoana, Clarita, Trinidad, and California, v/ere detained for a brief period by the hostile men- of-war; while, on the other hand, the captain of the American Tasso was temporarily detained by patriotic Californians at San Pedro ; and the captain ofthe Alert took part in the war by spiking thfe guns at San Diego, in self-protection. Three Mexican vessels, in cluding the Chato and Republicano, came to bring the new governor with his convict army and muni tions to make them effective soldiers, the schooner California also aiding in this service. Ofthe remaining craft, only seven are shown by the records to have brought cargoes this year; and only nine paid duties or fines into the treasury. I find no evidence of the slightest effort to prevent the coasting trade by for eign vessels, nor of any other changes in the methods of trade; though neither trade nor visits to other ports were permitted until the proper papers had been obtained at Monterey. I have joined to my list a few minor items on the -trade of the year; A promi nent merchant recorded it on his books as a year of very dull business; and what the merchants had to do to gain a living may be inferred from this extract (?f a letter from Josia,h Belden to Thomas 0. Larkin: "The two barrels of liquor you sent I believe the alcalde knows nothing about as yet, and I shall not let him know that I have it if I can help it. If he does, I think I can mix it up so as to make it pass for coun try liquor"! Receipts at the custom-house this year amounted to $74,000, of which amount two ships from Boston, the California and Barnstable, paid over $50,000. This was a faUing-off of one third from the receipts of 1841; while of course the coming of the batallon fijo caused an increase of expenditure. Micheltorena: FrNANCLA,L MATTERS. 341 came provided with orders on the Mazatlan custom house for $8,000 per month, in addition to Californian revenues; but it does not clearly appear that one of his drafts was ever paid. His soldiers, however, in troduced some peculiar methods of supplying them selves with food and other needed articles, which per haps went far to make up the deficits. The inhabi tants did not approve the new methods, even preferring those practised in past years by the 'Monterey clique.' One of Alvarado's last official acts was to suspend the pay of all civil employds. Of course, and as usual, we have no definite accounts to show how the public money was expended; but as before, there was no complaint or controversy. Josd Abrego remained in charge of the comisaria; but Antonio Maria Osio in September surrendered the administration of customs to Manuel Castaiiares. The year brought about ninety foreign visitors, in cluding only prominent officers of the U. S. naval force; but only thirty- three of the number have a place in the appended list of pioneers,^^ and among those named, there are eight or ten respecting the exact date of whose arrival there is room for doubt. LataiUade and Teschemacher may be regarded as the men best known in later times; and of all the list, only three or four survived in 1884. Nearly all came, Uke those of former years, accidentally; for the overland immigration that had begun the year before was in 1842 temporarily suspended. There had not passed sufficient time for people in the east to get reports from their friends of the Bartleson and Workman parties, and to make their preparations. Some par- '* Pioneers of 1842: Alex. Bell, Wm Benitz, Geo. Bingham, Fred. G. Blume, Adolf Bruheim, Peter Collins, Theodore Cordua, Stephen Culverwell, Thoa Cummina, John Evana, Ed A. Farwell, Joaeph Flundin, Henry L. Ford (?), Alex. W. Frfere, Omnea Guy, Jamea B. Hatch, Thoa Hickman (?), Jamea H. Jonea, Louia Jordan, Ralph Kilburn (?), Ceaario LataiUade, Fran9ois Lepage, Rich. T. MaxweU, Wm OUver, Geo. W. Rosa (?), Rowan (?), Salines, Peter Schubert (?), Ed L. Stetson, Fred. H. Teschemacher, Jos. P. Thompson, Ed Vischer, and John Yates (?). 342 MISSIONS, COMMERCE, AND FOREIGNERS— 1842. ties, however, crossed to Oregon to come south in 1843, as we shall see; but so far as California was concerned, the overland travel was the other way, for a part of the Bartleson company returned to the United States, some of them to reihain there. Nine or ten men, under the command and guidance of Chiles and Hopper, started from Sutter's early in the spring, went up the San Joaquin Valley, through Walker Pass, and thence tO New Mexico, perhaps by the WolfskiU trail approximately, reaching Missouri in September.^* In a report of June 3d, to the supreme government, Alvarado stated that at the end of January a party of two hundred persons, including forty foreigners, had arrived at Los Angeles from New Mexico. Their object had been not only to trade woollen goods for live-stock, as in the past, but to examine the country as a field for colonization, their former home being too much exposed to Apache raids. Most of them had gone back, many with the intention of bringing their " In Springer's list, Taylor's Discov. a-nd Founders, i. no. 7. p. 39, the 10 men who retumed are named as follows: Bartleson, Brolaski (probably an error). Chiles, Hopper, McDoweU, Patton, Rickman, Springer, and the two Waltons. He gives the route, however, as by Tejon Pass, Mary River, Fort HaU, Green River, and Sta F^. Hopper, Narrative, MS., 12-16, says there were 9 iu the party; and Chiles, Visit to Cal, MS., 11-12, that there were 13, Marsh, Ldter to Com. Jones, MS., p. 14, gives the number aa 14; and Belden, Hist. Statement, MS., 41, affirms that about half of Bartleson's company returned. Some of them, however, left Cal. by sea, and others went to Oregon the uext year. Miscellaneous itema of 1842: Jan., Prudon says 4 foreigners arrived at Stokes' house from N. Mexico. Affairs going from bad to worse. Valine, Doe, MS., xi. 12. Six Frenchmeu on the aouthem frontier without paasports. Dept. Eec, MS., xiu. 27; Dept St Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., iu. 101. Thpse who came last year — Workman party— show no disposition to settle, except two. Eequena, Doe, MS., .3-4. Fifty hunters uuder Smith reported at the Gila junction. Dept Eec, MS., xiii. 17. August, Salvio Pacheco com plains that the trappers, and also Sutter's men, steal his cattle, aa he can prove. 8. Josi, Arch., MS., iv. 9. Nov., a party of 7 Americana, inchiding- one faraily, has lately gone to settle in the northern part of the Sacramento Valley. Marsh's Ldter, MS., 18. As early as 1842, Joseph Smith talked of colonizing Cal. with Mormons. Young's Wife No. 19, p. 58. June, condem nation of Taggett to death, and of Richarda to 10 yeara ou Chapala. Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., xii. 64-5, 102. The crew of the schr California contained 5 kanakaa, 2 New Zealandera, and 2 Chilenoa. Cooper, Libro de Cuentas, MS., 198. Daniel Sexton claims to have raiaed the U. S. flag at his camp north of Gorgonio pass, and to have celebrated July 4th for the benefit of the Indians. Frazee's 8. Bernardino Co., 24. ROBINSON'S BOOK. 343 families.'"' A , few of the foreigners may have re mained in California, but nothing is known of them. The New Mexicans were under the command of Fi'ancisco E. Vigil ; they went back in several parties before the end of April, taking away about 5,000 head of horses and mules; and with one of the parties went John Rowland to bring his family and effects for the new rancho which he and Workman had secured."^^ Toward the end of the year some twenty New Mexi can families did return to settle permanently.^^ The most prominent features of foreign relations having 'been disposed of in the chapter devoted to Jones' exploit at Monterey, it only remains for me to notice several narratives from foreign pens which be long to this year rather than to any other. The first of these — Simpson's Narrative and Mofras' Explora tion, both pertaining to 1842 as well as to 1841, hav ing received attention in the annals of the latter year — is Robinson's Life in Califor-nia. Though not pub lished until 1846, it belongs more properly to 1842, because it is mainly a record of personal experiences and observations which terminated in that year with the author's departure. Alfred Robinson came from Boston as a clerk on the Brookline in 1829. He be came the resident agent of Bryant & Sturgis, spent a large part of his time in travelling from port to port, engaged in exchanging the cargoes of the Boston ships for hides, married into one of the best Californian families, that of Captain Josd de la Guerra y Noriega, and, with the exception of one trip to the east, resided continuously on the coast for twelve years, until he ,*» June 3, 1842, A. to min of rei. Dept. Eec, MS., xiii. 16-18. ^^Los Angdes, Arch., MS., u. 142-3, 157-8; Dept Eec, MS., xiu 23; Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., vi. 105-7, 115; vu. 64; xu. 59. '^Nov. 9th, arrival of 19 families announced. Dept St. Pap., Aiig., MS., -(•ii. 23. Dec. 10th, Santiago Martinez, the comandante, sends a list of those who have come to settle: list not given. Los Angeles, Arch., MS., ii. 350. Eolfe, in Frazee's S. Bemardino Co. , p. 17, speaks of the coming of these fam ilies, who settled on a part of the Jurupa rancho. This was perhaps the Slover Mt colony mentioned in the annals of 1841, there being very likely an , error in the carUer date. See Hayes' Emig. Notes, 642-S. ¦ 344 MISSIONS, COMMERCE, AND FOREIGNERS— 1842. sailed on the Alert at the end of 1842. An intel ligent and active man of business, acquainted with everybody and enjoying the respect of all, though not personally so popular as some others of the foreign traders, his opportunities for accurate observation were exceUent. It does not appear, however, that he en tertained the idea of writing a book; but during his residence he obtained from his father-in-law an inter esting account of the Indians found among Padre Bos- cana's papers, of which he determined to publish a translation ; and he was induced, in view of California's increasing importance to eastern eyes, to extend his introduction to the translation as well as he could from memory and such memoranda as were available, including letters of as late date as 1844. The result was a most interesting narrative, the title of which. Life in California, is indicative of its contents. It is an agreeable presentment of personal experiences, mingled with glimpses of political history in 1829-42, combined with sketches of the country and its re sources and its people, and including descriptions of most places, some of which are illustrated by the pen cil of the author. Robinson wrote anonymously, rep resented names without any good reasons by initials throughout the work, and of course fell into some err rors in presenting details; but as a whole, the book is worthy of much praise, and can be unfavorably criti cised only by comparing it with what the author with his advantages might have written had he undertaken the task in time. I have had frequent occasion to cite this work, and from it as an authority TuthiU and other writers have drawn a very large portion of their information for the period it covers. Except the works of Dana and Forbes, Robinson's was prob ably the best known source of information about Cal ifornia down to the discovery of gold.^' ^' (Eobinson) Life in California; during a residence of several years in that territory, compridng a descripticm of the country a-nd tlie missionary edablish- ments, ivith incidents, observations, de, etc. 'Illustrated 'with numerous engrav- . ings. By an American. To which ia annexed a historical account of the ori-. DR SANDELS. THE 'KING'S ORPHAN.' 345 Next a narrrative of the 'King's Orphan' demands attention. Bidwell, Sutter, Hastings, and others have mentioned the visit in 1842—3 of an educated Swedish gentleman known as Dr Sandels, of scien tific antecedents and proclivities, who had lived in Brazil, lost a fortune by mining operations in Mexico, and who declared that there were indications of gold in the region of New Helvetia.^* The recoUection of his presence was vague, and but for the mention of gold would perhaps have disappeared; but a manu script signed 'King's Orphan' has come to light, which Avas doubtless the work of Sandels. It is a narrative of the author's voyage from Acapulco to Monterey and of his observations while travelling in California. There is a strong element of fiction in the production, or at least in some parts of it, intended apparently to enliven the story rather than to deceive the reader, and not perhaps affecting the value of the writer's observations on men and things in California, obser vations which without containing anything especially gin, customs, and traditions of the Indians of Alta Califomia. Translated from, the original Spaniah manuscript New York, 1846. 12mo, 226 p. (of Life in CaL), and p. xii. 227-341 of translation. The illustrioua are, Sta Barbara Town, Id. Preaidio, Id. Miaaion, S. Luia Rey, S. Gabriel, S. Buena ventura, Yerba Buena, portrait of P. Boacana, an Indian dreased in the 'tobet.' Peb. 1, 1846, Robinson writea to Capt. Pitch, announcing the ap pearance of hia book, of which several copies are sent to California. Hopes P. will take no offence at the mention of his marriage adventure. Fitch, Doe, MS., 388. Alvarado and Vallejo, taking offence at some criticism of their mission policy, are disposed to criticise Robinson unfairly. Attached to the book, with distinct title but continuoua paging, ia: Boscana, Chinigchinich; a historical account of the origin, customs, and tra ditions of the Indians at the missionary eatabliahment of St Juan Capiatrano, Alta Oalifornia; called the Acagchemem Nation; collected unth the greatest care, from the most intelligent and bed inatructed in the matter. By the Eeverend Father Friar Geronimo Boacana, of the order of St Franciaco, apostolic mia aionary at said mission. Translated fro'm the original Spanish manuacript, by one who waa many years a resident of Alta Califomia. New York, 1846. 12mo, p. 226-341. The introduction is signed by the translator's initials 'A. R.' The original MS., from which the translation was made, remained in the posaeasion of a branch of the Guerra family until a few years ago (about 1878), when it was purchased for the collection of M. Pinart, of Paria, whither another copy in P. Boscana's handwriting had drifted before, as it seema. I have alao a few scrapa of the work iu the padre's hand. '"Bidwdl's Cal 1841-8,MS., 136; Yolo Co. Hid., 22; Sutter Co. Hiat, 21; S. F. Alta, Jan. 28, 1878; Upliam's Notes, 470; Hastings' Emig. Guide, 82. Sandels is also said to have made a map of Sheldon's rancho on the Cosum.i nes, 346 MISSIONS, COMMERCE, AND FOREIGNERS— 1842. new or important seem to bear the marks of intelli gence and accuracy."' Dr Sandels, several of whose original letters are in my Library, came from Aca pulco to Monterey with Captain Cooper on the Cali fornia, arriving at the end of September 1842.^* He visited San Francisco, San Josd, Sonoma, Ross, New Helvetia, and Santa Bd,rbara; made an ascent of Mount Diablo; and being an artist, joined to his manuscript several pencil sketches of places seen. Of the chronology of his movements not much is known, except that his visit to Sonoma was in February or March 1843, and that he was at Santa Bdrbara in April."^ In his letter to General Vallejo he described himself as 'physician, mining expert, and naturalist.' I have occasion to site elsewhere some of the 'Or phan's' remarks on local and personal matters. In September he sailed on the Diamond for Honolulu."^ John Bidwell's pamphlet has already been noticed SO far as it was a journal of his overland trip. It was a letter, dated at Bodega March 30, 1842, containing an abridgment of his journal. Twelve pages are de voted to the author's hasty 'observations about the "^King's Orphan, - Visit to California, 184^-3, MS., in posaeasion ofthe 'Assoc. Pioneers of Ter. Days of CaL' iu N. Y., said to have been found at N. Orleans before 1848. I have not seen the original, but a portion, includ ing the voyage to Monterey, was publiahed in the S. J. Pioneer, June-July, 1878; another portion, including travels in the Sacramento VaUey, in Id., Jan.-Feb. 1879; and a compilation frora the part deacribing the country aud viaita to northern diatriota, iu Upham's Notes, 537-62, with cuts of S.in Fran cisco and Fort Ross. The three parts form a scrap-book in my collection. Of the flve autographs of this visitor iu my possession, three are appar- ently GmafSandels; one G M af Sandels; and one 6m Waseurtz af Sandels./ Eis name was therefore G. M. (or Gus.) Waseurtz (or Warcurtz) af Sandels-/ 'af ' being the Swedish form of 'von.' From the original MS. in N. Y. th| name was thought to be Mafs or Mass. I '" In Larkin's, Doe, i. 330, is found hia aignatnre to an inventory of Lieutv Sarmiento. All the namea and most of the incidents given by the 'King's \ Orphan ' iu connection with hia voyage on the Sta Maria, Capt. Hatch, from \ Panamd to Monterey, touching ouly at Acapulco, are fictitious. " Sandels' letters to VaUejo Feb. 23, Mar. 18, Apr. 8, 1843, m Vallejo, Z)oc., MS., xL. 335, .341, 357. j i^ > > ^^Aug. 28, 1843, Sandels' application for licenae to ahip hia luggage- books, mathematical .and aurgical instmments, natural history collections,, ludiau relics, etc. Pinto, Doc, ii. 20. Arrival at Honolulu in Oct. Friend,. Oct. 1843. JBIDWFILL'S JOURNAL. 347 country,' which had been confined to Mission San Josd, Marsh's rancho. New Helvetia, Bodega, and Ross. "You will undoubtedly expect me to come out in plain language either for or against the country," he writes, "but this I cannot do, not having been able to see as much of it as I intended before I wrote to to you. I have, however, been diligent in making inquiries of men who are residents in the country." Bidwell then proceeds to describe in succession the timber of California, its agricultural productions, cli mate — with a table showing the weather each day from November 4th to April 1st — its live-stock, prices, facilities for obtaining farms, and a great variety of such information as would be welcome to persons con templating immigration. He says: "I have endeav ored to state facts with impartiality. At least half of the company return this spring to the U. States, many of them well pleased with the country; and others so sick they cannot look at it. People gener ally look on it as the garden of the world or the most desolate place of creation. Although the country is not what I expected, yet if it were not under the Mexican government I should be as willing here to spend the uncertain days of my life as elsewhere. It may be I shall as it is.""* "Bidwell, A Journey to Califorma, n.p., n.d. (Weston, Mo. 184S ?), Svo, 32 p. Preface: 'The publisher of this joumal, being aware that a great many persons in Missouri and other westem states are at this time anxious to get correct information relative to Oregon and California, hopes iu part to gratify them by giving publicity to these sheets through the press; haviug beeu so licited to do so by meu of information who have perused them in manuscript. The author, Mr John Bidwell, a young man of good acquirements and unex ceptionable moral character, came to Missouri from the Buckeye state about 4 years ago, and resided iu Platte Co. two years, during which time he made mauy stanch frieuds, and was prosperous in business. But the mauy in ducements held forth to enterprising young men to go to Califomia cansed I him to adopt the motto ' ' Westward ho, " ahoulder hia rifle, and join oue of the Califomia companies which leave the rendezvous near Independence annually. I Prior to his going he promised hia frienda to keep a jourual, noticing the incidenta of the trip, and also give his obaervationa of the couutry after hia arrival there. This promiae he has redeemed by forwarding the publiaher this copy of his journal.' eail : andl ^, , . ... he cannot do on horseback.' 'To obtain a grant you must become a citizeu 348 MISSIONS, COMMERCE, AND FOREIGNERS— 1842. John Marsh, for six years a resident of the country, "complying with the request to be made acquainted with some of the most interesting facts relative to Califor nia," wrote a letter to Commodore Jones on Novem ber 25th of this year. The writer was an educated man, and his letter contains somewhat vivid pictures of Alvarado's rule, the Graham affair, and such other prominent topics as are briefly considered. Marsh evi dently deemed California a desirable acquisition for the United States, and devoted some space to the task of showing that communication by land with Oregon was much easier than had been represented. I have had occasion to cite this letter, which I believe has never been printed, on several points.^" Another sim ilar letter was that written by Captain Henry A. Peirce to Thomas Cummins of Honolulu. It is dated Feb ruary 1st, on board the brig Maryland, and contains a good description of the country's condition and pros pects from the writer's observations during his late visit. The same man while in the east wrote a letter, which was published in the newspapers, upon the es tablishment and possible future encroachments of the Hudson's Bay Company in California. There were few letters written by Americans in this part of the world at this period which did not allude more or less and a member of the catholie churoh. Whether persons of any other de nomination would when piously disposed be interrupted by the law, I can't say, but think not.' 'All who would come to thia country muat bring pass ports from the govemors of their resident" states.' 'Missions are nearly aU broken up.' The people all object to the bishop remaining in the country, fearing they will have to pay tithes. ' The country is acknowledged by all to be extremely healthy. ' ' It is seldom a Spaniard makes a charge againat a traveller for his hospitality; they are kind iu this respect, but I can't say how much they p r.' 'Capt. Sutter would give auy information to emi granta, and I believe render any aaaiatance in hia power. S. Joa^ would be another good place to arrive at. Mr Gulnac is noted for his kindness to strangers.' Finally, directions about the route are given, though 'there would be mauy advantages iu coming by water,' the author ad-vising the uae of pack- animals instead of wagons. '" Letter of Dr John Marsh to Commodore Thomas Ap Catesby Jo-nes, con taining infor-mation on Oalifornia, MS., 19 p. Dated Nov. 25, 1842, at Farm of Pulpones. This copy was made April 3, 1843, by Dr R. T. Maxwell, who kindly presented it to me. VISCHER'S VISIT. 349 directly to the desirability of American, and the dan ger of English, occupation.^^ Here may be mentioned the fact that Edward Vischer, who visited California in 1842 on the Califor nia schooner, published in later years a series of photo graphs from pencil sketches made by himself, with a pamphlet of descriptive text, entitled Missio-ns of Cal ifornia; but it does not appear that any of the draw ings were made at the time of his first visit, though doubtless his recoUectiotis of 1842 added to the value of both pictures and text. "Feb. 1, 1842, Peirce's Ldter to Cummins, MS., copy furniahed for my use by the writer. May lat, Peircd'a letter on H. B. Co., in Niles' Eeg., Ixiii. 242, written in Boston. CHAPTER XIV. MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 1843. The Governor at Los Angeles — Financial Teoublbs — Warfare against DE.STiTUTioN — A Junta of Anoeli.nos — Aid from Citizens, from Va llejo, AND from Limantour — Symptoms op Controversy — Michelto rena WITH HIS Batallon Comes to Monterey — Reception — Rumoes of Revolt — Graham's Offer — Junta of Officers at Monterey- Prefectures SoppRESSED — Absence of Records— Swearing of the Bases — Vote for Santa Anna — Junta Departamental — Elections- Ca.stanares for Congress — ^Indian Affairs — Expedition to Mendo cino or Clear Lake — The Cholos at Angeles and Monterey— Exag gerated Accusations. During the first half of 1843 Micheltorena re mained at Los Angeles with his batallon fijo. He had assumed the civil government on the last day of 1842, though holding the military command from an earlier period, and as general had rendered himself famous, or notorious, by his methods of conducting the country's defence when it was 'invaded' by the Americans. His chief task during these months was to provide for the support of his men; and he waged continual warfare with as much energy as it was pos sible for a man of his character to show, against utter destitution. He could not get from Mexico or Maza tlan a cent of the money that had been promised; and the custom-house receipts, one third less for the whole year than in 1842, were hardly anything at aU in the earlier months of the year. Writing on April 25th, Micheltorena rendered the following account of the treasury from September to date: "Entradas, $000; salidas, $000; existencias, cuatro reales;" this (350) WAR WITH DESTITUTION. 351 latter sum of fifty cents being the amount he had found in the treasury at his arrival. In March he repre sented his men as living on six and a quarter cents per day, the officers receiving only one fifth of their pay; yet he looked forward to the time when he should get aid from Mexico, pay up all arrears, and convert his soldiers into farmers. These statements were made in connection with some of the governor's numerous appeals to Colonel Vallejo for aid.^ The records fail to show exactly how the troops were fed and clothed. The popular solution of the problem has always been that it was by stealing from the citizens; but I shall have more to say on that topic later. Micheltorena, by his gentlemanly man ners, had made many personal friends in the south; and the more wealthy of the rancherOs and traders doubtless contributed to his support. Vallejo cites a letter of Josd Antonio Carrillo, written in March, in which a junta of citizens is said to have been in ses sion for three days to deUberate on ways and means after listening to a speech from the governor on the situation. A forced loan from merchants was pro posed, but the proposition was not favorably received. The only result reached was that the gentlemen pres ent decided to become responsible for the payment of Micheltorena's salary, for which purpose others out side of Angeles were subsequently invited to contrib ute.^ From Vallejo the governor received a schooner- load of provisions sent down from Petaluma on the California in June, with a certain amount of money. 'March 15, April 25, 1843, Micheltorena to V. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 344, 365. Jan. 27th, M. to admiu. of customs. The strictest economy is required. Creditors muat aubmit to aacrificea aa well as soldiers and officers. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., MS., ui. S2-.3. March 15th, Abrego ordered to sua pend all back pay until further instructions. Dept Eec, MS., xiii. 43. March SOth, one third of the customs revenue to be paid over to the ooraisario, with which to pay civil aud military employes. One third of salariea to be paid; ofiicera of the batallon will get ono fourth, and their general nothing; judgea of the tribunal muat be content with their pro rata; Alvarado to get $1,300 on salary account, depreferencia. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., MS., iiL 3f-5. 123-5; Dept Ree, MS., xiu. 48. ^ 'Vallejo, Doc, MS., iv. 349-52. The writer says that this meeting was secret, and not known to the pubUc for several years. 352 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. So far as public funds were concerned, the times were hard also on the northern frontier, though the crops had been much better than in the south. Vallejo, though repeatedly declaring that he could no longer support at his own expense the Sonoma garrison, was unable to resist Micheltorena's appeals, accompanied as they were by hints from southern men that he was under especial obligations to aid in the support of an officer whose coming had been so largely due to his influence ; but a motive still more potent in determin ing the colonel's action was the acquisition of the Soscol rancho granted to him this year, and for which the supplies furnished for public needs to the amount of some $11,000 were to be regarded as the price,^ Another man who furnished aid to Micheltorena early in 1843, and received lands in payment, was Josd Y. Limantour, who had come to the coast as owner and supercargo of a Mexican vessel. What supplies were furnished and what lands granted, it is not easy — nor necessary here — to determine, so in volved in later frauds and forgeries did the whole matter become; but that there was an actual trans action by which Micheltorena obtained aid from Li mantour, there is no reason to doubt.* 'March 15, 1843, M. to V., begging him to send back the California with a load of provisions. No crops in the south except ou irrigated lands, and these devoured by hungry geese and crows! VaUejo, Doc, MS., xi. 344. Voyage from Petaluma to S. Pedro iu June. Cooper's Log of the Cal. , MS. Much informatiou about the suppUes furnished by V. was brought out in the litigation of later years reapecting the Soacol ranoho. April 1st, V. to M. Haa received no reply to his representations about the scarcity of supplies for the troops on the frontier aud at S. P. If relief cannot bo afibrded, he will not be responsible for results, and asks to be relieved from his com mand. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 355. May 19tli, the comisario furnishes noth ing, and V. cannot longer support the troops. Id., xi. 377. June 18th, a public meeting held at Sonoma to raise funds for support of the garrison and the erection of publio buildings. The amount raised, the Vallejos being the largest subscribers, waa $3,063, besides 155 fan. grain, 20 head of cattle, 1,100 feet boards, 12,700 adobes, and 22 laborers. Capt. Castaiieda was this day sent as a messenger to the gov. to explain the absolute indigence of the gar rison. Id., xi 411-12. * As another raeans of raising funds, ou Jau. 2d Micheltorena orders the negotiation of a loan of $10-12,000 on future customs receipts, probably with out success; though ou Jan. lOtli Castaflares was thanked ior some 'generoua offer,' which waa accepted. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., MS., iu. 28-9. THE GOVERNOR AND VALLEJO. 353 In connection with Micheltorena's appeals to Va llejo for aid, there were some symptoms of a contro versy between the two ofiicers. 'Through Pablo de la Guerra in February, Vallejo heard a rumor that the governor had expressed doubts about the fact of his having supported the troops at his own expense, and an intention to remove him from his command of the northern line. The rumor was doubtless un founded, and the colonel himself did not perhaps at tach much importance to it; but he felt somewhat sore about his own instrumentality in having brought the general and his vagabonds to California, and there were many reasons why a grievance against him and a suspension of friendly relations were rather desirable than otherwise. Accordingly Vallejo, on the assump tion that his word had been doubted and his honor offended, wrote some rather sharp letters to Michel torena, enclosing proofs of his past expenditures in behalf of the troops, and a request to be relieved of his command. The general's reply was an assurance of his high personal and official esteem for Vallejo; a denial that he had ever doubted his word, or failed to appreciate his past sacrifices, which he hoped soon to repay; and an earnest request that he would not de prive the country of his valuable services. It was wellnigh impossible to quarrel with such a man under such circumstances.^ • Besides the labor of conducting his financial cam paign, Micheltorena had other duties quite sufficient to occupy the spare time of an indolent ruler, who rarely made his appearance before noon, and had no fondness for office work at late hours. There was daily necessity to hear the complaints of citizens con cerning the depredations of the cholo soldiers, and con stant effort was required to maintain a semblance of military discipline in the batallon. Moreover, there was a variety of routine correspondence on minor matters requiring no special notice here, in which the ' Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 356, 365, 371; Id, Hist Cal., MS., iv. 352-6. Hisi. Cal., Vol. IV. 23 354 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. general's secretaries required a certain amount of su perintendence. Besides attending to the routine du ties of his office, Micheltorena turned his attention to the mission problem, and after consultation with the friars, determined, rather wisely, as I shall explain more definitely in the next chapter, on a restoration of twelve missions to what was nominally the old system, a measure which was actually carried out. So much cannot be said of another scheme devised by him, that of establishing a newspaper at Monterey, in which citizens might read and criticise the acts of the gov ernment in their behalf* In midsummer Micheltorena left Los Angeles with his batallon, and came to live at the capital. There are no original records of his journey or of any cir cumstances connected with it. There is indeed a notable absence from all archives, public and private, of any kind of documents relating to the events of this period. Many Californians remember the trans fer, and all agree that the Angelinos were perfectly willing to part with their guests of a year. Los An geles was wiUing now as never before to relinquish its claims to the honor of being the governor's residence, wishing its old rival joy in the acquisition; while the cholos themselves, having stolen every eatable thing that the south afforded, were hot sorry to transfer their industrial operations to new fields. All that is known about the date of Micheltorena's coming north '^Micheltorena, Digest of Correspondence at Loa A-ngeles, Feb. 22d to May 31, 184s, ia a printed pamphlet of 7 pagea, Svo, without imprint, doubtless printed in connection with some land case. It contains the purport of the 60 odd communications of the gov., chiefly on minor routine, from Dept. Bee, MS., xiii 37-59. March 15th, project Of a 'pliego de imprenta.' Id.; and Dept. St. Pap., Ben., MS., iii. 33. May 1st, such a press of business in the secretary's office that a second clerk was appointed at $30 per month. Arce, Doe, MS., 16. May 6th, Micheltorena deprives lieutenants Maciel and Limon of their rank, sending them aa 'paiaanos ' to S. Diego. Savage, Doc, MS., iii. 55; Dept Bee, MS., xiu. 53; 8. Diego, Arch., MS., 295. May 20th, letter .about a personal row between See. Arce and Lieut Somoza. Caatro, Doc, MS., i. 107. THE GENERAL AT MONTEREY. 355 is the facts that he was at Monterey on August 1 Sth,' and that on September 4th Vallejo wrote from So noma to congratulate him on his safe arrival.^ It is said that the usual attentions were shown to the gov ernor at different points on his journey; that Manuel Castanares succeeded in raising among government employds and citizens sufficient money to properly j'^es- tejar his Excellency, who made some glowing speeches on his projects for the country's welfare, both on the day of arrival and in the later national festivities of September 16th; and finally, that the soldiers be gan their depredations with the least possible delay.® Thus the indications are that the people of Monterey entertained no very cordial feelings toward their new ruler and his men, their dislike being mainly of course for the cholos, of whose character they were not ig norant; but for reasons that will be more apparent later, it is difficult to obtain information from impar tial sources respecting the popular feeling. Mean while the officers of the batallon, in accordance with a Mexican custom not known in California before this time I think, were quartered at the houses of citizens, a circumstance that did not tend to increase the pop ularity of the new-comers.^" There are two or three circumstances that point rather vaguely to thq OKistence at this time of cer tain schemes of revolt. Hastings, who is far from good authority, says: "The timorous movements of the governor, and especially the fact of his being un willing to venture among the Californians without an armed force for his protection, created much dissatis faction among them, which became so geaeral at one 'Aug. 13, 1843, M. at Monterey wrritea to Larkin, uot however alluding in any way to his recent arrival. Larldn's Doc, MS., ii. 29. * Vallejo, Doc. , MS., xi. 445-6. Salvador Vallejo was alao aent down to greet him, explain the state of afiairs on the frontier, and invite him to visit So noma. ^Alvarado, Hiat Cal., MS., v. 20-1; Vallejo, Hid. Cal, MS., iv. 364-8; Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 79-80. '"Aug. 28th, a custom-house celador claims exemption from the billeting of offlcers at his house. Castro, Doe, MS., i. 109; Id., Eelacion, MS., 86. 356 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. time that they determined to interpose their omnipo tence to prevent his Excellency from marching his omnifarious troops to the seat of government. But before I left, his generalship was permitted to march northward, and was in full possession of the chief town, there to be seen marching and parading his cropped and branded troops about the streets with all imaginable pomposity." ^^ This statement, though absurd in some respects — else it would hardly find a place in the work cited — may signify that the author had heard rumors of revolt from foreigners whom he met; for on August 14th Vallejo announced his discovery that certain persons were plotting against the government. By his order some documents sup posed to have a bearing on the subject were seized at San Josd on the person of Juan Padilla; but the purport of the discovery is not stated.^'' Captain Sut ter, without giving exact dates, claims to have warned Micheltorena of impending danger long before the I'e volution broke out. And finally, in August or Sep tember, Isaac Graham offered to the governor the ser vices of himself and forty other foreigners living in the vicinity of Santa Cruz, doing this presumably in the hope of getting a blow at his old foes, Alvarado and Castro, in the troubles supposed to be brewing. But seven of the foreigners protested that they had given Graham no authority to act for them, and that their only desire was to live in quiet, without being drawn into trouble by that "seditious evil-doer and pernicious disturber of the peace." Micheltorena's reply was that California was at peace, and his force amply sufficient. If the services of foreigners should be needed, they would be notified in writing through the proper authorities.^^ Financial difficulties were not greatly modified in " Hastings' Emig. Guide, 121-2. 12 Aug. Uth, 19th, V. to com. of S. Jos^, and reply. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 442, 444. " Sept. 28th, Weeks, Morris, Majors, Barton, Sweet, Heath, and Buckle to Micheltorena. Oet. 7th, M.'s reply. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 51-3. JUNTA EC0N6MICA. 357 kind or degree by the governor's change of residence. A reduction of expenses or an increase of revenue was a matter of urgent necessity, and the 9th of Oc tober a junta of officials was held at the governor's house to devise means of relief." Micheltorena pre sided, and explained the object of the meeting in an opening speech; after which Vallejo was chosen sec retary, and the first session was terminated by the appointment of a committee of seven to report in four days.^® At the session of the 13th a report was pre sented, discussed, and adopted, in substance as fol lows: The justices and secretary of the supreme court to receive each a salary of $1,200; the government secretary to have $1,200, with a clerk at $500; the offices of prefects and sub-prefects to be abolished; $1,200 to be paid to the principal of the school at Monterey, books and paper being furnished by the scholars, but in other towns schools were to be sup ported by the municipalities with contributions from citizens; the comisario to be replaced by a treasurer at a salary of $1,000 (or $1,500); alcaldes and justices of the peace, being entitled to fees as judges of first instance, not to receive the allowance of $30 per month; and finally, the administrator an^d chief clerk of the custom-house to receive the same salary as be fore, though the latter's additional pay as interpreter was to be reduced by one half. After thanking the members for the reduction of $20,000 effected in the civil budget, and promising his best efforts to bring about a corresponding reduction in military expenses, Micheltorena declared the junta at an end.'^ "The officers present were Geu. Jos^ M. Micheltorena; colonels M. G. Vallejo and J. B. Alvarado; lieut-colonels Rafael Tellez and Jos4 Castro; captains Juan Abella and Francisco Noriega; chief of artillery, Capt. Mariano Silva; captain of the port, Pedro Narvaez; comandante of the presidial com pany, Capt. Nicanor Estrada; govemor's sec, Manuel Jimeno; presidentof the tribunal, Juan Malarin; prefect of 1st diatrict, Ramon Estrada; admin istrator of customs, Manuel Castaflares; vista, Pablo de la Guerra; comisario, Jos6 Abrego; and Rafael Gonzalez, coraandante of celadores. '* Members of the committee: Cdstanares, TeUez, Vallejo, Malarin, Abrego, Alvarado, and Jimeno. ^' Junta Conavltativa y Econdmica en Monterey, Odubre de 1843, MS. 358 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. Besides the fragmentary blotters preserved by the secretary of this meeting, I find no other contempo rary record on the subject until January 1, 1844, on which date Micheltorena issued a proclamation carry ing into effect the economical measures recommended by the junta. By this proclamation the governor's salary was stopped; three of the five judgeships of the tribunal were suppressed; some other minor changes were introduced beyond those suggested in October; and some military salaries were saved. The saving in the civil budget amounted to $34,350 ; and in the mil itary to $5,042, by stopping the pay of auxiliary offi cers, of the general's secretary, and of the surgeon. By a regulation that oflScers for the present must be content with half-pay, a further temporary saving of over $10,000 was effected." On November 14th an order wks issued for an election, to be held in Decem ber, of ayuntamientos and alcaldes to serve from the beginning of 1844. In this order the suppression of the prefectures was incidentally alluded to, and the first alcalde in each place was instructed to perform the duties both of prefect and judge of first instance.^* These are blotters aud fragments preaerved by Vallejo, the secretary, some parts beiug in dupUcate, and the whole perhaps not quite complete. There were perhaps other sessions, aa on Oct. 10th Micheltorena -writea to Larkin that there will be a meeting at hia house to-morrow at 4 P. m. to conaider the matter of amuggling, trade by whalers, etc. Larldn's Doc, MS., ii. 43. The junta is briefly mentioned in Botello, Anales, MS., 108-9; and Amador, Memorias, MS., 152-3. Vallejo, Hist Cal., MS., iv. 379-82, givea some de taUs — as to the accuracy of which I express no opinion — about the junta, not included in the original record. At the first meeting after the gov. had made hia opening apeech and left the room, Prudon aubmitted a propoaitiou that the batallon be aent to Sonoraa, where they could be fed and put to work. The offioera of the batallon protested that it would be derogatory to their dig nity eveu to consider such a proposition ; and the CaUf ornians left the hall in disguat. At a second meeting Vallejo himaelf urged the aending of the army to the northem frontier, where he could supply them with plenty of meat and com, but uo money or liquor. Micheltorena was inclined to think favorably of the plan, but the Mexican officers began to bluster as before. Alvarado made a speech, in which he declared that it was useless to talk of effecting reforms so long as the defence of Californian homes aud famiUes was confided to convicts, and the junta broke up without accompliahing anything in the only direction whioh might have afforded relief aud prevented revolution. " Micheltorena, Bando Econdmico, 1 de Enero, 1844, MS. ''Nov. 14, 1843, Micheltorena's proclamation ou local elections. Castro, Doe, MS., i. 117-18; 8. Diego, Arch., MS., 297-8; Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., X. 31; Micheltorena's Admin., 16-17; Dwinelle's Colon. Hist, add., 84-5. At Angeles and Monterey the ayunt. was to consist of two alcaldes, four A NEW OATH. 359 This important change in local government has left but little trace in the archives for the period during which it was in operation, from January 1844 to July 1845, beyond an occasional and incidental allusion to alcaldes instead of prefects. Indeed, from the middle of 1843 the chain of archive evidence is in certain respects extremely incomplete in comparison to that of earlier years. It would al most seem that there had been a deliberate effort to destroy or conceal documents relating to the governor's acts in these years, for their absence is nearly aS marked in private and local archives as in those of the department. It is not unlikely that the researches of later years in connection with land litigation may have had something to do with the disappearance of these papers. In obedience to instructions from Mexico — whence no less than sixty coins were sent, or at least prom ised, for distribution to the crowds! — Micheltorena in September and October ordered a public and ceremo nial swearing of allegiance to the new constitution, the bases orgdnicas of the republic. The prefect or other chief local authority was to march through the streets with a military escort, amid ringing of bells and with all practicable pomp, before taking the oath of public employds and citizens. The oath was taken at Los Angeles October 15th; at San Diego the 29th; and at Sonoma late in December, "not as a mere for mality of law, but because the bases promise a future of peace and prosperity," as the comandante wrote. Few people in California knew or cared to know any thing about the bases de Tacubaya; yet all the same the oath was doubtless taken at every town.^® regidores, aud a sindico. At S. Diego, Sta Bd,rbara, S. Juan (Bautista), Bran ciforte, S. Jos6, S. P., aud Sonoma two alcaldes were tobe chosen. The pri mary election to be held ou the second Sunday in Dec. , aud the secondary ou the foUowing Friday. Nov. 13th, the junta departamental had fixed the num ber of alcaldes, etc. Leg. Bee, MS., iv. 13. "June 17, 1843, Bocanegra to gov., promiaing coins. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., xvu. 2. Sept. 28th, Micheltorena to prefect. Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., 330 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. Not only did California swear to the bases, but on November 1st, through her junta departamental, as sembled in extra session at -the capital and desirous of expressing its obligations "to the illustrious author of the nation's regeneration as a reward of his civic virtues and heroic deeds," she cast her vote with ab solute unanimity for General Don Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, benemdrito de la patria, for president.^" At the beginning of the year an order had been cir culated to the, effect that until the national organiza tion could be perfected, all oflScials, including judges and members of the junta, should continue in the ex ercise of their functions. ^^ The old junta, composed of Jimeno, Castro, Estrada, and Gonzalez, or those members who could most conveniently be assembled at Monterey, held two extra sessions this year. One was on November 1st, when the vote of the depart ment was cast for Santa Anna, and the other on the 13th, when it met to determine the number of mera bers to be chosen for the new junta, as well as for the different ayuntamientos.^^ Meanwhile Micheltorena had ordered an election to take place in accordance with the Mexican law of June 19th, though at a later date than was prescribed by that law.^^ The primary election was to beheld on October 22d; the second ary on the 29th; and the electors were to be at xu. 72. Oct. 3d, M. to V. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xi. 459. Jan. 1st, reply. Id., xii. 2. Swearing at Angeles. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., ui. 114. At S. Diego, Hayes' Doc, MS., 170. The friars take the oath. Arch., Arzob., MS., v. pt ii. 35, etc. ™ Session of Nov. 1st. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 12. Nov. 4th, Micheltorena's proclamation aunouucing the vote. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 299; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 468; Micheltorena's Administration, 15. Vallejo, Hist Cal, MS., iv. 374-6, says that this vote did uot represent the popular opinion. 21 Jan. 24th, 27th, Jimeno to prefect. Micheltorena's Admin., 11-12. , Jan. 27th, gov. says hia affaira are ao urgent as to prevent his attendance at ses sions of the junta at present. Dept St. Pap. ,Ang., MS. , xii. 98. Feb. 2d, pay of sec. of junta to continue. Id., Ben., iii. 119-20. Feb. 4th, 20th, all last year's judges to hold over. Id., Ang., xii. 70-1; S. Josi, Arch., MS., u. 29. ¦>-''Leg.Eee,MS.,iy. 12-13. ^'Sept. 28, 1840, M.'s election proclamation. Monterey, Arch., MS., -n. 11; Oastro, Doc, MS., i. 112-13; Micheltorena's Admin., 13-14; Mexico, Eegkr mento de Elecciones, 19 de Junio, 1843, MS. By the terms of this law, the primary election was to be held the 2d Sunday iu August, aud the electoral college to meet at the capital on the last Sunday in September. ELECTIONS AND HORSE-THIEVES. 361 Monterey as early as November 15th."^* Having at tended to the usual preliminaries in the sessions of November 16th-l7th, on the 19th the electors voted for a deputy to congress, to fill the place of Andres Castillero, of whose services for California during his term of oflSce I know nothing. The choice fell upon Manuel Castanares, a Mexican, who desired the posi tion, and was favored by the governor. Antonio M. Osio was elected suplente.^ Next day, the 20th, seven vocales were chosen to compose the new junta, as foUows: Pio Pico, Francisco Figueroa, Narciso Botello, Francisco de la Guerra, David Spence, Ra mon Estrada, and Estdvan Munras, with the same number of substitutes. It is to noted that though the name of junta was still retained in California, the term a,samblea, or assembly, was used in the bases orgdnicas.^* Indian horse-thieves were still troublesome in Cen tral California. In June various citizens of the Monterey district sent a petition to Micheltorena, re lating their troubles of past years, and stating that they would soon be obliged to abandon their ranchos, as no majordomos could be found to take charge of them, so great was the insecurity of life. The Ind ians came to the very town to commit robberies. Complaints had been made to the authorities, and some expeditions had been sent out, but they had never accomplished anything, and had generally failed 2* The electors chosen were Joaquiu Ortega for S. Diego, Ignacio del Valle for Sta Bdrbara, Ignacio Palomarea for Angelea, Joa6 P. Buelna for S. .Tos^, Manuel Castanares for Monterey, and Ignacio Peralta for S. P. Leg. Bee, MS., iv. 9-11, 13; VaUejo, Doc, MS., xxx. 364; Dept St Pap., MS., v. 95-6. '^ Castanares doubtless sailed with Capt. Cooper on the Califomia, which left Monterey Dec. 10th. He took with him a power of attorney to collect $4,002 due his brother, Jos6 Maria, for salary as supreme court judge. Bo nilla, Doc, MS., 14-15. '' Mexico, Bases Orgdnicas, 1843. The aupleutea were: CArloa Camilo, Antonio Sunol, .luan M. Anzar, Salvio Pacheco, Joa^ Castro, Ignacio Peralta, aud Ignacio del VaUe. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 14-16. Nov. 22d, Micheltorena proclaims the result of both elections. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 300; Dep. St. Pap., Aug., MS., a. 32; Michdtorena's Admin., IS. 362 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. to return the horses and saddles furnished by the rancheros. Sometimes the latter had carried thieves to jaU, but they had been set at liberty without pun ishment, and robbers de razon were almost as trouble some as the Indians. This petition having been forwarded by the governor to the comandante of the northern line, the latter sent out several expeditions, of which we have no details.^'' This was early in the year; but it does not appear that the soldiers ofthe batallon after they came north ever performed any service against the Indians. In the south, however, no hostilities are reported this year, and perhaps this fact should be attributed to the presence of the cholos. One expedition of this year from Sonoma consisted of seventy Californians and two hundred auxiliary Indians, under the command of Captain Salvador Vallejo, starting March 5th and returning the 27th. On the evening of the 12th a fight took place on an island, where one hundred and seventy Indians were killed. According to the oflScial reports the object of the expedition was to punish several tribes who had been plotting against the white people; the island where the fight occurred was represented as in the ocean near Cape Mendocino. It seems to have been in connection with this campaign that a negro deserter from the Cyane was killed whUe resisting capture.^' "June 4th, petition of citizeus of S. Jos«. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiii. 343; Id., Hist Cal, MS., iv. 357-60. Jau. 26th, gov. orders presidial company to be reorganized, and a detacliment to be stationed at Pacheco's ranoho, the rancheros being invited to share in the expense. Dept. St Pap., Ben., MS., iu. 31. March Uth, Manuel Larios writes to Castro that the campai^ against the Chuciles amounted to nothing. 8. Joai, Arch., MS., ii. 6. April 12th, Josd Castro wauts $300 for having maintained an armed force in the sierra for two months past. Dept St. Pap., Ben. Cuet.-H., MS., v. 10. Dec. Sth, citizens of S. Josd petition the gov. for a permanent detachment of troops, for the support of which they wUl contribute. PicQ, Doc, MS., i. 89. " March 13, 1843, Salvador VaUejo from Mendocino to M. G. Vallejo, describing the fight of last evening from 8 to 11 p. M. on the large island of Moth, which was reached by 12 soldiers and SO auxiliaries by meana of rafis. The Indiana refused to give up their weapons, and seemed treacheroua; there fore they were attacked. Lieut A. M. Pico commanded the force on the mainland. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 342. April lat. Col. VaUejo'a report to gov. The lud. against whom the expedition was sent were the Mottiyomi, MASSACRE AT CLEAR LAKE. 303 Dr Sandels was at Sonoma when this party returned; and he represents the outrage to have been committed on a tribe on an island in the northern part of San Francisco Bay, in the absence of all the fighting men, the provocation being a threat to steal the settlers' cattle. The negro deserter was found hidden here, proclaimed a foe to Mexico, and shot in the back.'^' Juan Bojorges, one of Vallejo's party, gives many de tails ofthe raid, and says its object from the first was to obtain Indian laborers and servants, of whom a large number were obtained from another rancheria. He says the battle was on an island in a laguna grande, where none but the guide had ever been,^" and I have no doubt that Clear Lake, and not the ocean or bay, was the scene of this massacre.^' An investigation was ordered, but the result is not known. Salvador Vallejo in such distant raids committed many barbarous acts; but an outrage so gross as this is represented to have been would hardly have been excused by his brother. I have had frequent occasion already to mention Micheltorena's soldiers, the cholos, as they were com monly called by Californians, and in no complimentary manner. Their character and acts, however, had so important an influence in bringing on the revolution of the next year, that it is necessary to present the subject somewhat fully here. The reader is aware that the batallon fijo was composed chiefly of crim inals, a large part of them having been taken from ChiUyomi, Holiyomi, TuUyomi, Supuyomi, Pagiieujelayomi, Sioomyomi, Hayomi, and Clustiuomayomi. Snow-storms and the large numbers and threatening attitude of the Indiana made it imprudent to continue hostilities the next day. Some prisoners were brought back. Id., xi. 354. On the kUl ing of the negro. Id., xL 361. April 26th, gov. to V. Says the public mind is troubled about the kUling of so many Indiana; and he orders a strict inves tigation. Id., xi. 366. ^King's Orphan's Visit, 7-8. "Bojorges, Becuerdos, MS., 24-37. "Davis, Glimpses, MS., 290, mentions the affair as having occurred iu tho Clear Lake region, and as having been regarded at S. P. as a bmtal outrage. But he makes the date 1841. 364 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. the jaUs of Mexico and Jalisco, where the rest of theni might also have been confined without much injus tice. That such men would prove useless as soldiers, and intolerably vicious as citizens, was to be expected. The sending of such a band of convicts was an outrage amply suflScient to justify revolution. Yet it must be admitted that the conduct of the cholos in California, though not exemplary, was wonderfully good when compared with what might be expected from their vicious antecedents, from the outrages committed by men of similar class in different parts of Mexico, from their destitute condition, and from the bitterly preju diced medium through which nearly all the testimony extant against them has come down to us. It would be easy to fill a long chapter with this testimony; but I content myself with comparatively few citations."^ '^ Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 84r-90, says that Lieut Marquez was clearly im plicated as au accomplice of Juana Hernandez in poisoning her husband; but waa puuiahed only by being aent to Sia Birbara. He also describes a noisy demonstration by the cholos under Capt. Mejia one night at Monterey. May 1843, Lieut Maciel and Limon suspended and sent to S. Diego. Savage, Doc, MS., iii. 55. Nov. 1844, a servant of Larkin assaulted, wounded, and robbed by a soldier; but the culprit was kept in irons for 3 months. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 20. Torre, Eemin., MS., 106-9, relates a beastly outrage by a party of aoldiers ou a drunken Indian woman in the streeta of Monterey. Swan, Hiat Sketches, MS., 2, notea the atealing of all the contenta of Josi Castro's kitchen. Arnaz, Eecuerdoa, MS., 33-6, 56-61, relates several in stances of robbery, his owu store being robbed twice. Pierre Atillau, a Frenchman and patron of the custom-house boat at Mon terey, was terribly cut aud crippled for life on March 15, 1844, by a party of soldiers to whom he had refused aguardiente. The -victim received a pension from the Mexican govt until 1846, and from the U. S. for a few years later, when it was stopped, moat unjuatly aa the Califomiana think. Unbound Doc, MS., 287-9; Castaiiares, Col Doe, 17-18; Sist cong., lat aeaa., H. Ex. Doe, 17, p. 320; Vallejo, Hist Cal, MS., iv. 368-72; Alvarado, Hid. Oal, MS., v. 42-8. The crew of a French whaler in 1844 are said to have had a fight -with a party of the cholos, in whioh several were badly wouuded on both sides, one or two of the soldiers perhapa mortally, though there ia no agreement about detaila. Oaio, Hist Cal, MS., 439-42; Gomez, Lo que Sabe, MS., 347- 52; Ezquer, Memoria, MS., 17; Swan's Hiat Sketches, MS., 2. Swan, Monte rey m '43, also speaks of a fight in which the soldiers were badly beaten by the men of the EngUsh mau-of-war Caryafort Mrs Ord, Oeurrencias, MS., 125, 131-4, records two robberies in her own ^0V;^e, one of cooking utensils by the soldiera, and the other of a portfolio iu Pablo de la Guerra'a offlce, which was supposed to contain gold com. Cap tains Noriega and Segura are accused of having been the chief culprits iu thia affair Coronel, Coaas de Cal, MS., 46-54, tells of some minor depredations which came under his own observation as judge at Los Angeles, including a description of the choloa' methods of catching fowl by means of linea baited with corn. Botello, Anales, MS., 100-7, affirms that the aoldiera were en couraged m their thefta by many of the offioera. He says oue of the thieves CONDUCT OF THE CHOLOS. 365 There is great unanimity of testimony from all sources that members of the batallon were, both at Los Angeles and Monterey, addicted to petty thefts of poultry and other edibles, as well as of other miscel laneous articles that could be utilized in barracks; so much so as to become an intolerable nuisance to all citizens whose houses, stores, or ranchos were within reach of the marauders. This is about the sum and substance of all that can be said against the cholos; waa shot while entering Orefia's store at Augeles. See also the following au thorities, all in condemnation of the choloa as intolerable thieves and broilers: Osio, Hiat Cal, MS., 433-40; Alvarado, Hiat Cal, MS., iv. 9; v. 20-2. 33- 48; Vallejo, Hist Cal, MS., 266-8, 360-1, 376-7; Arce, Mem., MS., 31-6; Gomez, Lo que Sabe, MS., 341-63; Torres, Peripecias, MS., 96; Castro, Eda cion, MS., 89-93; Galindo, Apuntes, MS., 48; Vallejo {J. J.), Eemin., MS., 163; Ezquer, Mem., MS., 16-17; Larios, Conimlsiones, MS., 17; Hastings' Emig. Guide, 121-2; Belden's Hist. Statement, MS., 40-1; Forster's Hist. Data, MS., 23-4; Streder's Eecoll, MS., 51; Wood's Wandering Sketches, 238. Bandini, Hist. Cal., MS., 101-2, states that he and others often talked with Micheltorena on the outrageous conduct of hia troops; but M. was afraid, not only of bia o-wn men, but of the Californians, if he should disarm or get rid of his batallon. Pinto, Apuntaciones, MS., 84-85, affirms that M. sometimes ordered severe punishments, but they were rarely enforced, most of the officers favoring the culprits. Coronel, Cosas de Cal, MS., 53-4, says that in private conversations with him M. often lamented the conduct of his men, which he conld uot control, but which he felt would surely defeat all his efforts for the welfare of Cal. Spence, Hist. Notes, MS., p. 20, blames M. for not having sent away his convicts as he was often urged to do. In hia letter of Dec. 12, 1844, to the aup. govt, while admitting that hia men had originaUy been malefactors, M. claimed so -well to have controlled them that not a murder, nor rape, nor serious robbery had been committed; the 400 minor thefts complained of did not amount to over $500; and soldiers had repeatedly been punished with from 200 to 600 blows. Castaiiares, Col Doc, 58-9. Thos 0. Larkin in 1845 stated that so far as he knew, robbery had been neither more uor less prevalent in 1843-4 thau iu previoua years. He had known of but one instance of a person being wounded, in which case the offender had been promptly arrested; aud he bad once beeu called upon as U. S. consul to quell a disturbance between the soldiers and some American and French sailors. Larldn'a Doc, MS., ui. 271. Alvarado, Hid. Cal, MS., V. 37-41, charges Larkin with haviug deliberately misrepresented this matter on account of his business relations with M., being perfectly aware of the con tinual outragea committed. Bidwell, Cal. in I84I-8, MS., 119-20, who was among M.'s aoldiera for two montha, doea not think they deserve to be called convicts or thieves. Davis, Glimpses ofthe Past, MS., 127-9, who was much iu Monterey while the batallon was there, who waa intimata with Capt. Paty, on whose vessel the soldiers left CaL, and who conversed -with many promi nent residents of the capital and of Los Angeles, speaks in very compliment ary terms of these men. It is true that a few of them stole chickens, but most of them had great respect for their general, aud behaved themselves wonderfuUy well. Abrego, in Oerruti's Eamblings, MS., 188, defends the choloa, who did nothing worae than ateal to aatiafy their hunger aud cover their nakedness. Janssens, Vida, MS., 177, thinks the soldiers committed only trifling thefts, for which they were often punished. Machado, Tiempos Pasados, MS., 35-6, says they behaved well enough at S. Diego. 305 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. and it is doubtful if any soldiers could be restrained by any discipline — certainly not by any Mexican dis cipline — from such excesses when, as was true in this case, they were not paid, and very inadequately fed and clothed. In respect of gambling, intoxication, licentiousness, aud proneness to disorderly conduct or murderous assaults, no Mexican or Californian sol diers had of late years borne or deserved a very high reputation; but I find no clear evidence that Michel torena's men were any better or much worse than others. And this it must be remembered is a high compliment to the cholos, when we consider their antecedents and the circumstances. The statements of Alvarado and other Californians, representing the stay of the cholos at Monterey as causing a reign of terror in which vice, robbery, outrage, and murder were rampant — neith^ property, life, nor the honor of women being safe — must be regarded as the exag gerations of men in search of a justification for later revolt. On the other hand, there was much of preju dice in favor of Micheltorena and his men on the part of Sutter, Bidwell, Larkin, and others, who defended them more or less warmly because they hoped to receive personal benefits from the governor, , whose friendly policy in land matters covered a mul titude of sins in the eyes of foreigners. While many oflScers of the bataUon are represented as having been as bad as their men, whose raids on the hen-roosts they did not discourage, Micheltorena must certainly be credited with having displayed much tact in the management of his undisciplined followers. Even those who grossly exaggerate the excesses of the lat ter, generally admit that the general did his best to restrain them. He listened patiently to complaints; paid for all losses so long as he had any money, it be ing raore than hinted that some thrifty housewives got pay for divers pots and kettles never lost, or which. they had been glad to lose; and not only chided the offenders, but often had them arrested and flogged,. POPULAR COMPLAINTS. 367 always retaining however the friendship and respect of all, and thus a certain control over them which it would have been dangerous to lose. Osio says that Micheltorena not only made a jest of his soldiers' thiev ing achievements, and refused to punish them, but quarrelled with Colonel Tellez and other officers who protested against such excesses and insisted on main taining a semblance of discipline — being moved to v/rath and tears at sight of the cholos' bloody backs, the result of floggings inflicted by order of Tellez! This writer, like j^varado, Vallejo, Spence, and others, blames the general for his "criminal lack of energy" in failing to control his men. He should have shot some of the worst cholos as an example, they said, or should have shipped them all away, or sent them to fight Indians in the Tulares, or to work and be fed on the northern frontier. It is true enough that Michel torena was an easy-going, indolent officer; and it is possible that a more energetic man might have man aged the matter better, though diflScult to say exactly how. "It was hard," as he wrote to the government, "to shoot a hungry, unpaid soldier for pilfering food;" and there was moreover no little danger, if severe measures were resorted to, of transforming the convict batallon into an armed band of roving marauders, with the property and lives of the Californians largely at their mercy. The general had no right as a Mexican oflScer to send his soldiers out of the country, and to have done so would have been to involve himself in serious complications with his superiors; even had he been free from the apprehension, as he certainly was not, that without the support of an armed force his own authority was likely enough to be disregarded by the Californians. So much for the cholos and their conduct. In a later chapter we shall see what means were eventually employed to get rid of them. CHAPTER XV. MISSIONS— COMMERCE— MARITIME AFFAIRS. 1843. Anticipation op a Change — Policy op Goveknoe and Padres — Michel torena's Decree Restoring the Missions to the Friars — Motives— The Change Eppbcted — Mission Lands — ^Missionary Personnel and Opeicials — The Bishop and his Financial Troubles — Tithes — Garcia Diego and Vallejo — Patroness op the Diocese — Friars not to be Politicians — Scandal Pre-vented — Commercial Regulations— Smug gling — Fear op Losing thb Bo.ston Trade — Whalers — Minor Items — Custom-house Oppicials — Finance — Palling-qpp op Revenues- List op Vessels. Some change in mission management was to be ex pected under a new ruler, especially in view of Mich eltorena's extraordinary powers, and the concessions made in Mexico to Bishop Garcia Diego. It does not appear that Micheltorena's policy respecting the mis sion property differed in any essential respect from that of Alvarado ; but that property, so far as it was available for the needs of the government, was prac tically exhausted; and the governor was willing to conciliate the bishop and friars by introducing any kind of a change that would not involve expense. There was no thought of really restoring the old mission sys tem. The padres had no hope of such a restoration, and probably no desire for it, being old men, unfit for a resumption of the active missionary work of other days; while the bishop of course would have opposed any real restoration of a system which would have left no place for his episcopal services. The fact was recognized by all that the mission system was dead. (368) MICHELTORENA'S DECREE. 369 The plan was now to support the friars, acting prac tically as curates, by restoring to them the church property, with such lands and cattle as had not yet been disposed of, and such neophytes as could be induced to work in community, in the hope that the establishments might thus be rendered at least self- supporting, and perhaps might yield a surplus for gov ernmental and episcopal needs. On the 29th of March, 1843, Micheltorena issued a decree restoring to the padres the temporal man agement of twelve missions, on condition that one eighth of the total annual produce of every description should be paid into the public treasury.^ In a pre- 1 Micheltore-na, Decreto por el cual devuelve la administracion de Misiones d hs frailes, 20 de Ma.zo, 1843, MS.; also iu Arch., Sta B., MS., vi. 141-7; x. 213-C4; Oh-era, Doc, MS., 22-5; Vcttlejo, Doc, MS., xi. 327; Hayes' Miss. Book, i. 358; Halleck's Eeport, appon., no. 19; Jones' Eeport, 71; Dwinel'.e's Colon. Hist, add., 83-4. Some of the documents bear date of March 20~h, whon the deoree was addressed to the mission presidents before being formally pubUshed. Tho articlea of the order are as follows: 1. Tho govt -mil deUver to the padres named by their prelate for each — the missions of S. Diego, S. Luis Rey, S. Juan Capistrano, S. Gabriel, S. Fernando, S. Buenaventura, Sta Bdrbara, Purisima, Sta In^a (erroneously called Sta Cruz by Hallock), Sta Clara, S. Antonio, and S. Jos^, to be ad ministered by them as guardians of the Indiana, as in former tiraes, 2. Since policy inakes irrevocable what haa already beeu done, the misaiona cannot reclaim any landa that have been panted; but they raay gather in all tho livo-stook and implementa that havo been loaned by the guardiana or admin- istr.itors, making friendly arrangeraents with the debtors or holders as to tirae aud manner. 3. They will also collect all scattered neophytes except, 1st' thoso lawfully freed from neophytism by tho govt, and 2d, those now in the service of private persons; though those of both classes may return volun. tarily to their missions with the consent of their masters and of the mission aries. 4. The dept. govt, in whoae posaeasion the missions have beeu till now, by virtue of its most ample powers and for the reasons already stated, authorizes tlio ministers to provide from the mission products for tho indis pensable expenses of tho conversion, food, clothing, and other temporal neceaBiiiea of tho Indians; and also to take from the same fund the moderate sum needed for their own sustenance, for the economical salary of the major- doaio, and for the support of divine worship — ou the condition that they be held bound upon their honor and conscience to pay into the treasury, ou the governor's order, for tho support of troops aud needs of civil employes, one eighth of the total annual produce and revenue of every kind, taking care also to render tiirough their prelates an exact report at the end of each year on the neophytes and property of each mission. 5. The govt, priding itself in bci.^g religious as woil as wholly Californian, and thua interested ia tho prog ress of the catholic faith and prosperity of the country, offers all its power in aid of tho missions, as it will also protect private individuals in tho posses aion. of lands which they now hold ; promiaing, however, to make no new grant without a report from the local authorities aud from tho padres, unleaa in case of notorious uou-ocoupation, non-cultivation, or neceaaity, BiBT. Cal., Vol. IV. 24 370 MISSIONS— COMMERCE-MARITIME AFFAIRS. Iude he explained that this action was taken in accord with the ideas of presidents Jimeno and Gonzalez; and stated as his motives the facts that the mission establishments had now been reduced to the mere space occupied by the buildings and orchards; that the padres had no support but that of charity; that pub lic worship was hardly kept up; that the Indians pre ferred a savage life in the desert to one of slavery with insufficient food and clothing; that continual changes of the Indians from mission to private ser vice and back again was a great drawback to agricul ture as well as to religion ; that there had been notorious fraud and waste in past management; and finally, that there was "no other remedy for reviving the skeleton of a giant like what remains of the missions than that of having recourse to experience and propping it up with the lever of civil and eccleisiastical au thority." Under the regulation just cited, the padres became independent of the administrators, with whom as a rule their relations had not been friendly. They were enabled to protect from injury and loss certain prop erty in the shape of buildings and gardens, which in the natural order of things would revert to the church. With the small remnant of cattle and implements left froin the general wreck, with the few Indians whom past changes had left in the communities, and with the temporary use of such poor lands as had not yet been granted to private ownership, the friars might now toil to support themselves. To do so vvas doubtless deemed a privilege by them, though the new life Vas in strong contrast to that of former years. Few if any dreamed of recovering their old power and wealth; but they hoped by the change to avoid at least certain persona] humiliations and annoying complications -with local and departmental authorities. On the, other hand; the acf was doubtless a wise one , on the .part of Micheltorena, who did for the friars all that he had a right to do. So completely, had the missions ...been RESTORATION OF THE MISSIONS. 371 stripped in one way or another of all that was valua ble, that revenues could no longer be depended on ; and the eighth of total production guaranteed under the new management was expected to prove a gain. In the matter of granting lands, no real change was introduced ; mission lands could stUl be granted — -in deed, the governor had no power to divest himself of that right — whenever they were not needed for the neophytes, or whenever public necessity required it; and without these conditions, they could not have been granted, theoretically at least, before. In April the governor instructed administrators to deliver the missions in accordance with the new regu lations ; and Prefect Duran issued corresponding in structions to the padres. The latter were exhorted to receive the property by inventory; to perform with the utmost exactness the duties imposed on their honor and conscience; to invest any surplus of revenue in live-stock or in means for new conversions, but not in any case to sell anything for money ; and to make the best use of this opportunity to save the neophytes and their property from utter destruction. None of the friars were to be transferred from the missions where they were living.^ I suppose the change was prompt ly effected as ordered without opposition from either friars or administrators, though I find no definite record on the subject beyond a few local items of minor importance." , The only changes to be recorded in the mission ary personnel in 1842—4 were the arrival of padres Gomez, Muro, and Rosales from Zacatecas; the de parture in 1844-5 of Mercado, Real, and Quijas to the "¦¦AprU 3, 1843, gov. to admin. Dept. Eec, MS., xiu. 50-1. AprU 18th, Duran to padrea. Olvera, Doc, MS., 24-5; Arch.,.Sta B., MS., vi. 284-9. " April 4th, order from prefect for S. Jos6 Indians not emancipated to report tliemselves to the person in, charge. S. Josi, Arch., MS., li. 33. March (?) 1st, admin, of S. Gabriel ordered to surrender the temporaUties to P. Estdnega. Dept Bee, MS., xui. 42. S. Luia Rey delivered to P. Zalvidea in April. Id., xiii. 46, 56; DepL St Pap., Ben., MS., ii. 40-3. April 23d, fov. appointa interventores for the delivery of S. Femando. Coronel, Doe, IS., 227. June 10th, P. Zalvidea lenda J. M. Osuna of S. Diego 89 cattle and JoB^ Lopez 50, each to have half the increase. Marron, Papeles, MS., 1. 372 MISSIONS— COMMERCE— MARITIME AFFAIRS. same college; and the death in 1842 of Padre Ramon Abella, the senior Femandino in California, and the only survivor of those who had come to the country before 1800. Meanwhile Duran continued to hold the office of prefect and Jimeno that of president of the southern missions; while, on the resignation of Gonzalez, the vice-prefect and president of the Zaca tecanos, Lorenzo Quijas was appointed to the former office and Antonio Anzar to the latter.* At different dates in the late autumn the friars took the .required oath in support of the bases constitucionales of Mexico.^ Bishop Garcia Diego was prevented from carrying out his grand schemes for the development of Cali fornian piety by the same difficulty that embarrassed the governor in his efforts for the country's secular well- being — namely, a lack of funds. He could obtain from Mexico no part either of his salary or of the pious-fund revenues which the government had pledged itself to pay for the propaga-tion of the gospel in California." The bishop's only other resources were the voluntary contributions of his flock, which are said to have amounted to several thousand dollars in the Santa Barbara region, and the collection of tithes. In this collection he found great obstacles and small profits. Few had paid tithes in past years and many refused to do SO now. By law -the payment was optional and a matter of conscience; accordingly the secular aU' thorities refused to interfere in the bishop's behalf, though Micheltorena ingeniously contri-ved to put his refusal in the shape of a zealous plea in favor of church prerogatives.'' In the north the opposition was more * March 6th, appointment at Zacatecas of Quijas and Ansar, ann6unoe4 iu Cal. Oct. 10th. Arch. Obispado, MS., 65; 8. Joai, Patentes, MS., 22S- 31; Sta Clara, Parroquia, MS., 28, 5 Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt ii. 35, ete. " The govt had, however, the assurance to call for a statement of the bienes de temporalidades de religiosos in Califomia, since th6 estates of friars, save those devoted to charity, had been placed at the disposal of the treasury ! Unbound Doc, MS., 2-3. 'March 1, 1843, M. tothe bishop. 'This govt which has always gloried in being catholic, apostolic, aud Roman, aud whiteh takes pride in protesting COLLECTION OF TITHES. 373 pronounced than in the south, though nowhere out side of Santa Barbara did the revenue much exceed the cost of collection. VaUejo at Sonoma flatly re fused to pay the diezmo, and had a controversy, verbal and in writing, with Padre Mercado, the collector. Vallejo declared that he had for years supported the church at Sonoma at his own expense ; that he would still make liberal contributions for religious purposes. and would contribute still more liberally for the estab lishment of new missions on the frontier; but that he would by no means recognize the right of the bishop to a tenth of his property, to be spent on impractica ble and profitless episcopal schemes.^ Vallejo was too powerful and liberal a man to be punished by ex communication, though that terrible penalty was freely held over the heads of others. Josd Sanchez was refused the conSblations of religion on his death-bed in consequence of having followed Vallejo's example in refusing the payment of tithes; and for the same reason his body, for a time at least, was denied Chris tian burial by Mercado and Quijas.^ in the face of the universe that it will remain so, has learned with the great est displeasure that sordid avarice pretends to cloak its ambitious views with reference to the payment of tithes under the pretext of beiug liable to pay them doable — to the holy mother church and to the civil authority. There fore it ia a sacred duty to exerciae the first obligation of the departmental executive by assuring all citizens and your most illustrious lordship that thia govt, confiding altogether in divine providence, will need no more than its o^vn revenues and resources for ita necessities; and that while he baa no right to lend hia civil authority, and will iu uo way meddle in the collection or payment of tithes, a matter left entirely to religion and to individual con science, yet he will feel the raost grateful satisfaction if citizena of the de partment will fulfil iu thia reapect the firat of their duties toward divine wor ship and its ministers.' Dept. St Pap., Ang , MS., xii. 98-9; Micheltorena's Admin'tstration, 12-13. March 9th, April 26th, June 22d, prefect's orders that the civil authoritiea are not to enforce the payment of tithes. 8. Josi, Arch., MS., U. 28, 93; S. Diego, Arch., Index, MS., 127. Jan. 20th, biah op'a order— from the hoapicio episcopal of Sta BArbara — that all the faith ful must pay tithes to the adrainiatratora appointed — the padres being ex empt. Arch. Obispado, MS., 24. "March 18th, 19th, corresp. between V. aud Mercado, with reference to personal interviews. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 347-50; Soberanes, Doe, MS., 282-3. Vallejo, Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 70-80, tells the story; and also copiea the .appointment and inatructiona of Hartnell as admuiiatrator of tithes in the aouth, under date of Jan. Sth. Alvarado, Hist Cal, MS., ui. 35-|-6; iv. 150-3, repreaents Quijaa aa having preached very pointedly at Vallejo in con nection with thia matter, to the great indignation of Solano. 'June 29, 1843, sons of Josd Sanchez to oom. gen. Soberanes, Doc, MS., 374 MISSIONS— COMMERCE— MARITIME AFFAIRS. The bishop was despondent in consequence of his failure to provide properly for financial necessities and of the indifference to church obligations and episcopal authority manifested by so many prominent Califor nians. Yet there were certain benefits that could be conferred on an undeserving people in spite of them selves. On January 4th, he announced the designa tion of our lady the virgen del Refugio as chief patro ness of the diocese, naming San Francisco de Asis and San Francisco de Sales as co-patrons of the second order. The swearing of allegiance to these divine pa trons was to be performed with all possible ceremony at every church on the first Sunday following the receipt of the proclamation.^" Bishop Francisco also found time this year to issue a pastoral letter, in which he enjoined it upon his clergy never to speak in public exhortation or private conver.satiori any word that might be construed as censure of the country's rulers. They must inculcate a spirit of obedience to the au thorities, but keep aloof from politics. Another evil to be avoided was that of speaking against their breth ren, whether Mexicans or Californians." Yet another achievement must be placed to the bishop's credit. He succeeded in inducing Micheltorena to give a practi cal illustration of his devotion to church precepts and to the cause of good morals, by marrying the woman he had brought from Mexico ,as his mistress. -^^ Foreign vessels entering any other port than that of Monterey were in 1843, as before, required to take 292-5. Dec, Prado Mesa to VaUejo. Excommunicaticn from the bishop ia hourly expected by many. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 473. '"Jan. 4, 1843, bishop's proclaraation, beginning 'Rejoice, for ye are al ready under her powerful protection,' etc., prescribing the ceremonies of tho oath, granting 40 days' indulgence, bestowing his pastoral blessing, and con cluding 'What a memorable and happy year for the Califomias!' SrJosi, Patentes, MS., 215-25. The required ceremony waa performed at S. JosS Misaion ou AprU 16th, Id, 225-6; and at S. Autonio on March 26th, with great rejoicings, bella, rocketa, salutes of cannon, churoh adornment, and illu- minationa. Arch. Obispado, MS., 04. " Paatoral letter. Arch. Obispado, MS., 25. " I have not seen any contemporary record of the marriage, but many re member the fact. TRADE REGULATIONS. - 375 a guard on board and to depart with the shortest pos sible delay for the capital and only port of entry. Yet many vessels, whose masters knew the regulations perfectly, came first to the other ports on some more or less plausible pretext, and remained a day or two with the guard in charge as the law required. The supercargo of one vessel explains how a cargo of $20,- 000 was landed secretly by night at San Francisco, leaving goods on board to the amount of about $1,100 for the later inspection of the revenue officers. Of course the guard was bribed to remain in a state-room with a liberal supply of aguardiente and cigars, in pre tended ignorance of what was being done with the cargo; and it is even implied that he had been selected for this duty by the receptor, with a view to the re sult. ^^ The methods adopted by this vessel were nat urally employed by others, the masters and supercar^ goes being guided in their choice of ports by the influ ence they could bring to bear on local authorities. This method had now supplanted to a great extent the earlier one of landing goods in out-of-the-way places to be reshipped after settlement at the custom-house. I think there can be no doubt that three fourths of the years' importations paid no duties, the amounts entered at Monterey being, as a rule, absurdly small. After visiting Monterey, vessels were free to trade at retail or wholesale up and down the coast under no restrictions as to landing-places; and this in spite of Mexican laws on the subject, laws supplemented this year by a decree absolutely prohibiting the retail trade by foreigners." Indeed,, the fear was that the Boston ships would abandon the trade altogether, so difficult had it become to obtain cargoes of produce, to collect debts, and to compete successfully in trade with rivals, ^' Davis' Glimpses, MS., 89-90. The vessel was the Don Quixote, Paty, maater, from Oahu. Davis and Spear were intimate frieuds of D. Fraucisco Guerrero, the receptor. " Sept. 23, 1843. Dept St Pap., Ben., MS., i. 48. It does not clearly ap pear that this decree, however, -vvaa formally pub'.iahed in Cal. before the end of the year. S7S MISSIONS— COMMERCE— MARITIME AFFAIRS. whose number was increasing and whose methods were illegitimate. But it was from the Boston ships that the country's revenue was mainly derived, and to en courage their coming Micheltorena at one time resolved to go so far as to prohibit the introduction of foreign goods by Mexican vessels, though it does not appear that he issued such an order- this year.^^ Another obstacle to the success of legitimate trade was the privilege that had been allowed to whalers of sellino' goods to pay for the supplies they needed. Not only, having no tonnage duties to pay, no long stay to make on the coast, and no extra expenses by reason of their commercial ventures, could they undersell all rivals; but they took advantage of their license to sell secret ly .an amount of goods greatly exceeding their privi lege, both on their own account and in aid of smug glers. This year, in the fear of losing the benefits of the Boston trade, whalers were deprived of the privi lege, always illegal, of selling goods at all.-^^ The total '"Aug. 13, 1843, M. to Larkin. Larkin's Doc, MS., ii 29. "' Jau. SOth, whalers exeinpt from tonnage duea temporarily. Pinto, Doc, MS., i. 397. March 15th, 17th, April 4th, strict orders, both general and in the cases of particular vessels, requiring that whalera with gooda for sale he shown no special favor, and bo required to show papera from Monterey like other veaaels. Id., ii. 3-4; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 345; Soberanes, Z>oc., MS., 284-0. Aug. ISHi, Micheltorena to Larkin. Refuaea his requeat for a whaler to sell goods sufficient to purchase supplies, and explains his reasona at some length. L. had apparently complained as U. S. consul; but M. claima that the prohibition haa been iu force more than the G montha required by inter national comity. Larkin's Doc, MS., ii. 29. Oct., a whaler aeized at Sta Cruz. Dept. St. Pap., MS., xviii 74. Oct., Nov., whalera at S. Diego required to pay tonnage dues, and not allowed to take whales in tho bay — though they did so all the oame. 8. Diego, Arch., MS., 7; Id., Index, 148; Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., vii. 97. April '25th, Dec. Sist, stringent regulations on the sale of hides, marks, etc., issued by tho juez at Monterey first, and later by the gov. There was to be a police agent at every port, without whose exaraina tion and approval no hide could be sold, uuder penalty of coniiacation aad fine. Vallejo, Doc, MS. , xxxiu. 333; Id, Hid. Cal, MS., iv. 361-3; S. Diego, Arch., MS., 294; Micheltorena's Administration, 19-20; Doc Hist Cal, MS., i. 436. Vallejo, Hist Cal, MS., iv. 356-7, says M. approved hia plan for moving the custom-house to S. P., but had to wait for reaources from Mexico! Jan. 10th, complaint against Richardson for allowing vessels to anchor at Sauzalito, and also allowing whalers to trade. Dept. St Pap., Ben., MS., iii. 40. Jan. SOth, besides 25 per cent ou value of some ilour, salmon, and butter, a 'consumption due' of 20 per cent ou the 25 per cent was collected. PiJife/ Doe, MS., i. 400. Strict ordera from Monterey on precautions with vessela at other ports. Id, i. 390-7; ii. 2-S, 7, 23, 30. March 21st, prder to bum all foreign cotton uot obeyed iu Cal. Dept St Pap., Ben., MS., iii. 45. April 7th, order from Mexico to add 20 per cent to import duties during the war REVENUE— LIST OF VESSELS. 377 amount of receipts at the custom-house was only $52,- 000, or about half of what it had been in 1841. Man uel Castanares retained his position as administrator, though Pablo de la Guerra was usually acting in that capacity; and the revenue employds obtained their salaries to the extent of $11,000. A balance of some $40,000 was turned over to Micheltorena for his army and to Sub-comisario Abrego for the civil budget. I need hardly repeat here that the income was altogether inadequate to the payment of current expenses. In the appended list I name forty-six vessels whose presence on the coast is recorded in 1843,^^ though in Texas and Yucatan. Id., ii. S3. Feb. 28th, dereeho de ave-ria extended to the whole republic. Dept. St. Pap. , MS. , viu. 6. Some permits to take otter and scala. Angelea, Arch., MS., ii. 317-27; Monterey, Arch., MS., xi. 7; Dept. Eec,' MS., xiii. 48. Jacob P. Leeao and Joel Walker^or poaaibly each on hia own account — drove a large number of cattle, horses, and sheep to Oregon tliis year. //espcHaw, ii. 147-56; Walker'a Narrative, 'M.S., 12. About 2,000 bbla of wine and brandy exported iu 1843. Castanares, Col. Doc, 23. Revenue officers; in April the corpa conaisted of Pablo de la Guerra (act ing) adminiatrator; Hartnell, Id. (proviaional); Rafael Gonzalez, comandante ot celadores, who were — Benito Diaz, Joaquiu Torre, Francisco Rico, Rafael Pinto, and Jacinto Rodriguez; Jos6 F. Alvarez, escribiente. Dept. St. Pap. , Mont, MS., -viii. 7-8. In Nov. there were only two celadores, Rico and Rafael Eatrada. Id., Ben. Cuat-H., v. 11. Oct. 6th, Caatauares notifies director de rentas, Mexico, that he has assuraed his oifice of administrator (though he must have assumed it long before). Id., Ben., iii. 40. Jan. Ist, and May, Rico resigns aa escribiente of customs and of the comisaria. Id , iii. 116; Dejk. Eec, MS., xiii. 55. The administrator is a 'miembro nato do la junta do fomento' of hia port — which muat have been a great comfort to him. Dept. St. Pap. , Mont. , MS. , viii. 8. No customs officer must take eny goods from a vessel before a settleraent is made about her duties. Id, viii. 7; Id., Ben. Cust.-H., v. 11. California, Aduana Maritima, 1843-5, n.p. n.d., is a printed col. of 6 documents ou custom-house affairs under Micheltorena. Probably translated and printed in connection with some land suit. Financial itema; full account for the year — ^receipts: balance from 1842', $120; import duties, |37,693; cotton goods, $340; 1 per cent importation, $380; consumption duty on effects, $8,807; Id., on liquors, $376; tonnage, $3,005; excise, $1,169; coin exportation, $12; total, $52,504. Expenditures: salariea and pay of guarda, aailora, interpreter, etc., $11,079; leaving a bal ance of $40,825, of which $21,894 was paid over to the comandante general, and $18,931 to the sub-comisario (for tho civil list?). Dept. St. Pap., Ben., MS., ui. 112-13. Revenue for the year, $52,000. HartneU to WyUio, iu Pico, Doc, MS., 85; Larkin's Off. Corre^., MS., ii. 37, 110. Total of re ceipts as per list of vessels, $42,030. Civil list amounts to about $100,000. Oastai'iarea, Col. Doc, 29. Jan.-March, various orders by Micheltorena, urg ing economy, suggesting a loan, suspending back pay, etc. Dept St. Pap., Ben., MS., iu. 28-35, 123-5; Dept Eec, MS., xiii. 43, 48. Sept. 12th, com. gen. had uo right to interfere and change rules of the comisaria, etc. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 45. Some fragmentary accounts of no value in Mexico, Mem. Hacienda, 1844, Doc, 1, 7, 10. " See fuU Ust for 1841-5 at cud of chap, xxiu., this vol. Vesaela of 1843: Alexander, Alex. Barclay, Admittance, Bamstable, Bertha, Bolivar, Bremen, 378 MISSIONS— COMMERCE— MARITIME AFFAIRS. some fourteen of the number had remained over from the preceding year. There were six men-of-war and ten whalers; while twenty-five made new trading trips, sixteen of them being shown to have paid duties at the custom-house, though generally in very small amounts. There are no circumstances connected with the arrival of particular vessels this year which call for further notice than is given with the list or in cidentally elsewhere. California, California (schr), Caroline, Garysfort, Catalina, Charles W. Mor- gan, Clarita, Constantine, Constellation, Corvo, Cowlitz,' Cyane, Dale, Dia mond, Don Quixote, Esmeralda, Fama, Fanny, Ferdinand (!), Oeorge Henry, Index, John Jay, Jdven Fanita (?), Jdven Guipuzcoana, Juan Joai, Julia Ann, Magnolia, Merrimac, North America, Eafak, Eelief, Eobert Bowen, Soledad, Susannah, Tasao, Trinidad, Tuscany, United States, VaUeyfeld, Vancouver. CHAPTER XVI. FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION. 1843. Mexican Epports to Pre-vent American Immigration — Almonte's Letter — Santa Anna's Order — ^A Diplomatic Controversy — Thompson and Bocanegra — English Schemes op Colonization — Wyllie to Hart nell — Forbes' Plan — Larkin and Forbes, Consuls op U. S. and Eng land — Foreigners Kindly Treated in California — Sutter's Estab lishment — False Preten.sions— Immigrants op the Yeat. — Hastings Company — ^Troubles with Indians — Chiles-Walker Company — A New Route-^Narratives — Names — Stephen Smith and his Steam- engine — Hastings' Book — Ignorance, Prejudice, and Deception — List op Pioneers op 1843. At the end of 1842 Almonte, the Mexican minister in Washington, published in the American newspapers a letter of warning to prevent emigrants from being drawn to California by false representations respecting the cordial welcome and liberal land grants to be ex pected from the Mexican government. He declared that Mexico did not desire foreign colonists for that part of her territory, and that by a recent law such foreigners would not be admitted without special per mission. I give the letter in a note.^ ' ' Having seen in your paper of Friday au article taken from the St Louia Eepublican, in whicii the people of this country are invited to emigrate to Cal ifornia uuder the pretence that the Mexican govt will give liberal grants of land to persons who shall take the oath of allegiance and conform to the doc trines of the Roman Catholic faith, I feel it to be my duty to contradict such assertion, aud to state for the information of thoae peraona who may feel de^ siroua of -removing to Cal. in that belief, tliiit the Mexican govt has never thought of colonizing the said territory with foreigners; and that it has ex pressly provided by a law of March lith that uo foreigner -will ever be per mitted to colonize or purchase laud or property in the said country without au express permission of the govt of Mexico. Knowing aa I do that no auch permission has ever been allowed to any person or corporation whatever, and (379) 380 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1843. Such a statement coming from so high an author ity, when contrasted with the letters of Bidwell and Marsh, must have caused some confusion in the rainds of emigrants who did not understand fuUj' the differ ence between Mexican sentiment in Mexico and in California. The Mexican government, however, seems to have gone much further in its determination to arrest American immigration and to save California from the fate of Texas. On July 14th Santa Anna is said to have issued to the governor the follow ing order: The president, "being convinced that it is uot proper for natives of the United States of the north to reside in your department, has been pleased to resolve that they shall quit it within the reason able time which you may fix for that purpose; and that henceforward no individual belonging to the said United States is to be allowed to enter the said de partment" — the same order being sent to Sonora, Sinaloa., and Chihuahua. There is a mystery about this order and the motive which prompted it that I am unable to penetrate. I find no evidence that it ever reached California; and in Mexico it was kept so secret that the U. S. minister heard nothing of it until December. Then the minister, Waddy Thomp son, wrote to Bocanegra, ministro de relaciones, enclos ing a copy of the order and demanding to be informed if such an order had actually been issued. No atten tion was paid to this note, nor to a second or third on the same subject, though in the latter Thompson denounced the measure as "a flagrant violation uot believing that the project set fortii iu tho St Louis Eepublican is a mere scheme of somo land speculators who wish to t.ike advantage of the credulity of tho ignorant, I think it proper to inform tho public of this country of the true facts of this new plan of encroachment, lost they should be deluded and brought iuto difficulties that would oud in the destruction of their fortunes and the diatreas of their frienda. Believing that you take a deep interest in the welfare of your countrymen, I doubt not that yon will readUy insert thia communication for tho purpose of arresting tho exooutiou of a project totally destitute of any probability of success and calculated only to fill the pockets of a few speculators, who care not for tho peace of nations nor the happiness of their kind, and who only consult their avarice aud cupidity.' - Dec. 24, 1842, Almonte to, Baltimore American, in Niles' Eeg., Ixiii, 277 (Dec. 3lst). A WAR CLOUD IN MEXICO. 381 only of the treaty, but of every principle of right and justice — an act only to be palliated by an apprehen sion of immediate war, and not even then to be justi fied." He demanded a revocation of the order; and even threatened in the event of refusal to suspend diplomatic relations. In a fourth letter of December SOth he announced the termination of his official re lations, and demanded his passports. This brought a reply from Bocanegra, in which he claimed that the action of July 14th — neither admitting nor denying that the order had been issued as charged — was a general measure directed against all foreigners, of whatever nation, who might endanger the public tranquiUity; said that 'proper explanations' had been sent to the authorities of California; and quoted laws against colonization by foreigners. This evasion was of course not satisfactory, but it led to further cor respondence; and while Thompson never succeeded in getting a direct admission or denial that the order of July 14th had been issued, he did obtain befbre the end of January a copy of instructions forwarded to the governors of California and the other depart ments, to the effect that "the order of July 14th. . . in no manner related directly to citizens of the United States (!), but was general, and comprehended all, of whatever nation, who from their bad conduct should be considered as prejudicial to public order." Thus the war-cloud passed over, and I think that no one in California even heard of it at the time; for of the countermanding instructions, as of the original order, I find no trace in public or private archives.'^ ' Expulsion of Citizens of the U. 8. from Upper California, Message of the President communicating copies of correspondence with Government of Mexico in relation to the expulsion, etc., 1843, 28th cong. 1st sess., Sen. Doo. no. .000, p. 1-15, vol. vi. Waddy Thompson, Eecollcctions of Mex., 226-7, also tells the story, confessing that he was very much afraid his paaaporta would be aent as requested; yet he hoped that thia resort to the ultima ratio of diplo macy would cut short a long discuaaion. Mentioned also in Young's Hist. ifea-., 294-5; Niles' Beg., Ixv. 352. June 7th (17th), Sta Anna issued a decree, sent to Cal., that alHoreigners takeh with arms in their hands, be they few or many, and whatever their pretexts of protection to the couutry, should be immediately shot. Guerra, Doc, MS., i. 35-8; Dept St Pap., Ben. Pref. y 382 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1843. In February President Tyler, in accordance with a, request of congress, stated to that body that the gov ernment had no knowledge of any treaty or overtures for the cession of California to England by Mexico.' There is, however, some interesting information ex tant respecting the English scheme in its aspect of 1843. Robert C. Wyllie, a, prominent member of the committee of Mexican bondholders, wrote at some length on the subject to Hartnell from Tepic in Au gust. He explained that the bonds had been divided in 1837 into £5,000,000, active, bearing interest at five per cent, and $5,000,000, deferred, bearing no in terest until October 1, 1847, v/hen they would become active. At any time before 1847 these deferred bonds were, at the option of the holders, exchangeable at par, with interest added, for lands at five shillings an acre; and 125,000,000 acres of vacant lands were hy pothecated by the government in different departments, including California. No lands had yet been taken, because the bondholders preferred money ; but as 1847 was drawing near, and as it was almost certain that Mexico would not be able to pay the doubled amount of interest after that date, it would be advantageous to both parties to cancel that part of the debt. It was a prevalent opinion of the bondholders and their committee that lands should be taken, if at. all, on the Atlantic coast ; but Wyllie believed that a location in California would be better for both England and Mex ico: to the former because of the climate and other natural advantages, and to the latter as a protection against other aggressive nations. What was wanted of Hartnell was information about the country, to serve as a basis for Wyllie's arguments before the committee. Answers were desired on twenty-four MS., ii. 2. Oot. 9th, Bocanegra to gov. Has leamed that 1,000 families have left Ark. and Mo. on the pretext of going to Oregon, but really to settle iu Cal. Let no Americans settle in the country. Sv,p. Govt St Pap., MS., xvii. 3. This is the only allusion to the order against American settlers. ' U. 8. Govt Doc, 27th cong. 3d seas.. House Joumal, p. 266, 341; Niki' ifcfl., Ixiii. 384, 397. WYLLIE ON ENGLISH SCHEMES. 333 different points relating to the country, its lands, its products, its trade, and its people. It was deemed especially desirable to know whether the people were "so orderly and contented under the Mexican govern ment that European farmers could estabUsh them selves there with a reasonable security of being able to live quietly, and of the government being able to protect them;" for, says Wyllie, "the British govern ment will give no protection whatever to British sub jects settling in California as citizens of Mexico, nor do they wish to see it in any other hands but those of Mexico. I know this to -be the fact, and that Com modore Jones' apprehension was a perfect bugbear." ;Hartnell was also requested to recommend a suitable •site "for a settlement.* On his arrival in England, WyUie published, for the benefit of "traders, emigrants, and bondholders," an exhaustive report on Mexican ¦finances, in which book two documents are given per taining to my present topic. One is a letter addressed by the author "on October 17th to Bocanegra "on the great advantages to be derived by the Mexican republic from the colonization of her public lands." The system recommended was similar to that of the United States; and the benefits were to come not only from the payment of public debts, and the de velopment of the country's industries, but, in the case of the northern frontier departments, from the secu rity acquired against the foreign aggression to which they were especially exposed. True, there was a -prejudice against colonization, well founded on the "ingratitude and treason of the Texan colonists;" but the latter were much influenced by the fact that they came from an adjoining nation, hy the arts of land ¦speculators, and by the 'notorious project' of a part *Aug, 10, 1843, Wyllie to HartneU from Tepic. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiu. 349. From Mexico, on Nov. 5th, Wyllie wrote, again, repeating the substance of the former letter, and giving some details about the situation of affairs in Mexico pointing to trouble between Mexico and England, but whioh will uot, the writer thinks, result in war. Id., xxxui. 369. Of HartneU's reply I shall have occasiou to speak in the annals of 1844. 334 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1843. of the American congress to annex the territory with a view to the extension of slavery; while "a colony of Europeans, subjects of monarchical governments, being in circumstances diametrically opposite, would adhere spontaneously and in gratitude to the Mexican government." The other document alluded to was a plan for Californian colonization formed by Alexander Forbes. This plan provided that the government should remain in the name of Mexico, but that all else should be intrusted to the company and 'the col onists, except that the mineral wealth should be shared by the company and government. Not only new colonists must pay a rent to the company, but so must those who had already obtained grants of land; and above all, there must be free trade, or at least a freedom from the interference of all 'vagabond' cus toms officials. Forbes admitted that his scheme was likely to seem Utopian ; but unless its essential features could be Adopted, he did not believe that colonization in any Hispano-American country could be made suc cessful.''^ Forbes deems the action of Jones a suflicient indication of American designs; has no doubt that France has similar ambitious plans ; and predicts that " if there be not adopted, ancl that soon, a prudent scheme of colonization, the CaUfornias will cease to be a province of Mexico." James A. Forbes was at the end of 1842 appointed British vice-consul to reside at Monterey ; and this appointment, forwarded from Mexico in January, was officiaUy recognized in CaUfornia in October," On 5 Wyllie, Mexico, Noticia sobre su Hacienda Publica bajo el Gobierno Es pafiol y despties de la Independencia. Mexico, 1845. Svo, 91 p.; ISsheets, 37 p., 2 1. The original, probably published in London, 1844, 1 have not seen. Wji-l- Ue, Observacionea, Oct. 17, 1843, in Id., appen., p. 14-28. July 1, 1843, Forbea to WyUie. Id., appen., 28-33. " Appointment made by British minister in Mexico, and approved by Mex ican govt Deo. 29, 1842; forwarded to Cal. Jan, 4th. iS'iglo xix., Jan. 8, 1843; Dept St Pap., Mont, MS., xi. 12; viu. 6; iv. 61-2; Id., Angeles, xii. 73; Sup. Govt St Pap., MS., xvii. .3-4; /S. Josi, Arch., MS., u. IS. Swan, Jl/o/i- terey in '43, says that Forbes came to Monterey on Oct. 1 1th to take posses sion of his new position. Deo. SOth, Consul Forbes maJies iaquiries abont a British subject arrested. 8. Josi, Arch., MS. FOREIGN CONSULS. 385 May 1st Thomas O. Larkin was appointed consul of the United States at Monterey; on December 2d his exequatur was issued in Mexico; his commission was forwarded from Washington February 3, 1844; and on April 2d he took formal possession of the office, being officially recognized by the Californian author ities.' On November 18th the minister of relations announced the appointment of Louis Gasquet to serve as French consul ad interim until M. Barrier, the reg ular appointee, should arrive; but Barrier never came to California, nor did Gasquet until 1845.® In California, notwithstanding the feeling in Mexi co against Americans, all foreigners were welcomed, and were treated with uniform kindness by both au thorities and people, Micheltorena showing himself no less favorably disposed than had been his predecessor. Even Hastings, of whom I shall have more to say presently, admits that strangers were now treated "with all the deceptive kindness imaginable." Bid- ivell asserts that the governor encouraged immigra tion, a fact that is proven, moreover, by the facility with which land grants were obtained by all desiring them and willing to comply with the laws; but he also states that there were occasional rumors of an in- 'May 1, 1843, Larkin'a appointment. Savage, Doc, MS., ii. 20-5. Aug. 13th, Micheltorena addresaes L. as U. S. consul. Larkin's Doc, MS., ii. 29. Deo. 2d, exequatur isaued. St Pap., Sac, MS., xix. 9. Feb. 3, 1844, tlpabur to Larkin, sending commission. Larkin'a Doc, MS., ii. 60. The commission was dated Jan. 20th. Id., Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 7. April 2d, Larkin assumes the officio. Monterey Consulate, MS., i. &y-leaf; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 22, AprU Sth, L. aska permiaaion to hoist the U. S. flag ou national daya. Lar kin's Off. Correap., MS., i. 1; Dept St Pap., MS., v. 104. AprU Oth, gov. recognizes L. and authorizes him to hoist the flag. Larkin's Doc, MS., ii 77-8; Dept Eec, MS., xiii. 74-5. AprU 10th, L. to U. S. seo. state, ac knowledging receipt of commission. Larkin's Off. Correap., MS., i. 1. April 11th, Id. to Id., asking for the necessary booka, etc., for his office. There have been 2 or S men appointed to the office, and though none of thera has ever come, there are packages directed to them, which he aaka permission to open. Id., ii. 1. April 16th, L. to Waddy Thorapson, and circular to other consuls iu Mexico and Sandwich Islands, Id., i. 2-3. AprU 20th, L. to sec. state. Asks permiaaion to leave Monterey when hia business requires it, by leaving a vice-consul iu his place. Id., ii. 4-5. *Nov. 18, 1843, Booanegra to Micheltorena. Sup. Govt St Pap., MS.,. xvu. 3; Dept St Pap., Ben., MS., i. 55-6. Hist. Cal., Vol. IV. 25 386 FOREIGN RELATIONS AI^'D IMMIGRATION— 1843. tention to expel all Americans, rumors which caused the more timid of the new-comers to talk of congre gating at Sutter's Fort for defence, or even of starting for Oregon with their live-stock.® Vallejo, referring to his correspondence with StribUng of the Cyane, noted a "constant tendency on the part of the Ameri cans to raise questions against the country's authori ties, ignoring their side of the case, reviving questions already settled, presenting accusations against the supreme government, and making absurd demands." Yet he avers that he exerts himself constantly to avoid involving his government in complications with foreigners, who are alwaj^s treated with frank hospi tality, and, in the administration of justice, with less severity than are natives of the country.^" There was a disposition on the part of the Mexican element to complain that Micheltorena was much too liberal in bestowing lands on foreigners, who were gradually getting possession of property that ought to be in Mexican hands, and that one day would be of immense value. These views were clearly expressed by Manuel Castanares in a letter to Vallejo, in which he aUudes to a. Frenchman who had already obtained most of the lands at Yerba Buena, and seemed likely enough to become possessor of the whole department if no check could be put upon Micheltorena's extraordinary pow ers. This letter is of much interest in connection with that co,usa celebre of later years, the Limantour case." The New Mexican traders came this year as ''Bidwell's Cal IS4I-8, MS., 115-16, 130. AprU 13th, Sub-prefect SuSol complains to the prefect that there is a gathering of foreigners north of Feather River. Many residents of S. Jos6 have gone, including Gulnac and Lassen, taking their cattle with them; and some lumbermen from the sierra have left their debts unpaid and their contracts unfulfilled, beaides taking along stolen horses, and leaving an insulting letter for the judges. Monterey, Arch., MS., xi. 6. In 8. Joaquin Co. Hist, p. 16, it is stated on the authority of Chas M. Weber, that that gentleman located his grant at Stockton in 1843, with a view to be on the Araerican side of the river after the division, which -was be lieved to be near at haad. '"May 19, 1843, V. to gov. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xi. 373. " Oot. 31, 1843, Caatauares to V. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 467. Don Man uel wants a piece of land at S. P. before 'that confounded Frenchman 'gets it all. AFFAIRS AT SUTTER'S FORT. 387 usual, including probably a few families who remained ; but there is little information about them; the Cha guanosos committed no outrages that are recorded.^^ Early in the spring there was reported the presence of a large party of Canadian hunters on the San Joaquin. These hunters had also commercial proclivities; the trade in stolen horses experienced a 'boom;' and the Indians became correspondingly active. ^^ At New Helvetia the state of Sutter's business affairs in 1843 did not differ materially from that of the preceding year. Crop prospects seemed good even after harvesting had begun;^* but the result was dis appointing, and the Russians got no grain; indeed, Sutter had all he could do to pay the tonnage dues on the vessels that came for wheat. In October, the Hudson's Bay Company trappers not having made their appearance, the captain saw before him a rich harvest of furs, putting forty men into the field ; yet the beaver skins did not come down the river in such abundance as was deemed desirable by Sunol and other creditors, nor so often as demands for new credit. But a few skins were sent, and some grape brandy and Indian servants, and rifles bought of immigrants. When hard preesed, Sutter promised great things for 1844, authorizing his importunate creditors to do as they pleased with him and his property if his debts were not cancelled within a year.^^ There are indications of some slight controversy between Sutter and Vallejo, arising from the fact '^Nov., mention of a caravan under Salazar, with 165 meu and 10 fam ilies. Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., vu. 95, 97. ^'Monterey, Arch., MS., xi. 1; 8. Joai, Arch., Loose Pap., MS., 56; St Pap., Sac, MS., xix. 19-20; Dept St Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., ii. 9. "June 13th, Sutter-Suiiol Correap., MS., 19. But Nov. Sth he says the grain crop was very short. Pinto, Doc , MS. , ii. 25. Belden describes 1 843 aa the driest year he has ever knowu in Cal. Hist. Statement, MS., 61. Item ou the drought. Niles' Eeg., lxvi. 192. BidweU, Cal. IS4I-8, MS., 92, says the season of 1842-3 was very dry, and that of 1843-4 the driest ever knowu, almost rainless. Robbins, Diary, MS., 1-13, gives a record of the weather at Sta Biirbara from Jan. to March. Very few rainy days. Davis, Glimpses, MS., 218, describes a heavy rain-storm at S. F. in August. '-^Sutter-Sunol Corresp., MS., 1843. ."33 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION- 1843. that the latter, as commandant of the northern line, his jurisdiction including the Sacramento Valley, had occasion sometimes to send orders and officers to New- Helvetia in connection with the search for deserters and horse-thieves; while Sutter was inclined to chafe under every attempt at interference, from whatever quarter it came. There is no evidence that Vallejo ever showed a disposition to exceed his authority by meddling in Sacramento affairs, or that relations be tween the two magnates were down to 1848 very unfriendly. ^^ These controversies have been exag gerated with a view to magnify Sutter's services in behalf of immigrants. In his autobiography Sutter says: "Vallejo and others ofthe Californians, against whom rather than the Indians I kept my fort and guns in order, were jealous of my settlement. I gave passports to those entering the country, and this they did not like. I was friendly with the emigrants, of whom they were jealous. I encouraged immigration, while they discouraged it. I sympathized with the Americans, whUe they hated them."'^'^ This, as the reader knows, is not a well founded claim. Sutter treated the immigrants well, because it was his inter est to do so; but not more kindly, except in aiding them to evade the laws, than did VaUejo; and he never favored Americans more than other foreigners; neither were the Americans in any sense hated by 1" July 26, 1843, V. to S. Does not question S.'s lawful authority at N. Helvetia, though he has no other proof than his word, does not exaotiy like the use of the term 'fortress' by a 'judge,' and knows not by what authority that region was erected into a district. At any rate, the writer's mihtai-y jurisdictiou covera N. Helvetia, and to hiin rather than to the comandante general S. should direct his communications. Desires S. iu future not to pro tect fugitives of any class, but to send thera to Souoma. He in return \rill send back all of Sutter's men who present themselves -without passports. Now sends Prudou for some deserters aud horse-thieves. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 401-2. S. perhaps questioned V.'s authority;^ for the latter, on Oct. 7th, writes to Micheltorena to a-scertain just what Sutter's authority and jurisdic tion are. Id., xi. 462; Dept St Pap., MS., v. 118. The desired information was obtained from Jimeno and aent to V. in Dec, namely, that S. had heen inveated -ftdth local civil authority. Id, v. 118; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 472. "Sutter's Personal Eemin., MS., p. 78-9. He also says he treated the foreignera with great familiarity; but was more particular with Mexicansand Californians, requiring them, officers and meu, to remove their hats in his presence! etc. SUTTER AND THE IMMIGRANTS. 339 the most influential Californians. Sutter's establish ment was a great convenience to overland immigrants, as a place of rendezvous where all could stay for a while and many obtain temporary employment, and all the more convenient by reason of its master's dis regard of his duties as a Mexican official, but at the same time more convenient to the least desirable class of Americans than to any other. It is well that pioneers look back with gratitude to the captain's kindness, whatever may have been his motives. A better man would probably not have done so well; and were it not for the absurd pretensions and the unlimited flattery of later years, it would be in doubt ful taste now to look so closely into Sutter's true character and merits. Meanwhile the magnate adventurer of New Swit zerland had taken steps to conciliate the new governor by sending a messenger, probably Charles W. Fliigge, to Los Angeles, to make Micheltorena acquainted with the situation. A store of friendship was laid up between the two, to be utilized according to mutual needs. In March Sutter was congratulated by Mi cheltorena that there were no grounds of complaint against him or his dependents.^^ The immigration of 1843 was hot so large as had been anticipated, owing perhaps to contradictory ru mors about the reception new-comers were likely to meet from Mexican authorities. The hardships of the long journey were quite sufficient without the risk of an inhospitable reception on the western shores. One par-ty, however, dividing into two be fore its arrival, came across the plains from Missouri to California direct, and another came down from Oregon. Lansford W. Hastings, a native of Ohio, and more or less a lawyer, had left Independence, Missouri, May 1842, with a company of one hundred and sixty "Dept Eec, MS., xiu. 48; Sutter's Pers. Remin., MS., p. 73. 390 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1843. persons, including eighty armed men, bound for Ore gon, being after a time elected captain of the com pany. The adventures of this party have no special bearing on the present subject, and they reached Oregon in October. On account of excessive rains and other conditions, the country, viewed through the medium of homesickness, "did not appear to be in reality that delightful region which they had thus long and laboriously sought." In the spring some de sired to return to the states, while others resolved to seek sunnier climes in California. Hastings himself had not intended to remain in Oregon; and found no difficulty in assembling a party of fifty-three persons, twenty-five of them armed men, as Hastings states, at the rendezvous in Walamet Valley for an overland trip to the south. It is not stated that all were of the party that had crossed the continent in 1842, but it is supposed that most were so. They started at the end of May 1843; and Hastings was again made captain, being an intelligent and energetic man. At Rogue River the Indians were troublesome, though not actually hostile. Soon after leaving that river they met a party of cattle-drovers bound to the north,^^ and a few emigrants who hoped to find in Oregon "refuge from the oppression which they had suffered in California"! Several of Hastings' party, one third, as he says, were induced to turn back, but the rest pressed on, sixteen or seventeen men, besides nearly the same number of women and children. I append a Ust of names.^^ " Thia was the party of Leese or Joel Walker, both of whom drove cattle to Oregon thia year, perhapa in company. Benndt's Pioneer of '43; Walker's Narr., MS., 12; Hesperian, ii. 147-56. The emigrants with the drovers probably included the two Kelaeya, Andrew aud Benjamin, and perhapa John and other members of the Bartleson company. Moss, Pioneer Times, MS., says John McClure waa with Leeae; and this is confirmed by Given. ^"Hastings immigrant company of 1843: Barnum (?), Geo. W. BeUomy, Vardamon Bennett and famUy (including perhaps Dennis and Jackaon Ben nett), Winatou Bennett, J. C. Bridgea, Francis Clark (?), James Coates, Nathan Coorabs, Alex. Copeland, Johu Daubenbiss, Geo. Davis, Sam. H. Davis, L. W. Hastmgs, James M. Hudspeth, Wm Jonea, Thoraas J. Shad- den and family, aud Owen Sumner, Jr. (aud family ?). Bellomy ia the only one named by Hastings. Bennett, Pioneer of '43, describes the joumey. THE EASTINGS COMPANY. 391 Of the journey to California we have no detaUs except some rather vaguely recorded troubles with tho Indians, for which, as there is reason to suppose, the latter were not altogether the parties at fault.^^ In a night attack on Shasta River, Bellomy was seriously wounded in the back by an arrow, and wheu the trav ellers had reached the Sacramento River hostilities were renewed. About twenty Indians were killed, "victims to their own ignorance and insolence."" The company arrived at a point opposite Sutter's Fort on or about July 10th, without other mishap than the temporary loss of two men, Daubenbiss and Davis, who after wandering four or five days with much suf fering also reached the valley ranchos in safety. While the main party was in camp opposite New Helvetia, Davis and Miss Sumner crossed theriver and weremar- naming all but Clark, and being the only one to name Bamum. He says that Smith aud Kelsey with their familiea were the only ones that tumed back, and if ao, Haatings is in error about the original number. Daubenbiss, Biog. Sketch, aays 19 raen and four farailies stated from Oregon. *' Hastings' ideas on Indian affairs are well iUustrated by the following .circumstance that occurred just after they had parted from the cattle-drovers: 'As I moved on, a half or three quarters of a raile in advance of the party, my meditations were interrupted by the sudden appearance of two Indians in close pursuit of a fine, fat cow which had strayed from the party to which I have just aUuded. I gave chase to these intruders ou ray solitude without being observed by them until I had approached within about 30 yarda, when I fired upon them. ' They eacaped to the willowa. ' The party aoon oame up, and the cow very aoon fell a victim to our retuming appetitea' ! Coraraent ia un- neoesaary. Hastings' Emig. Guide, 66. *^ Hastings' version is that several hundred Indians suddenly appeared, advancing with 'frantic yells and fiendish gestures and demoniac grins.' A. gun fired in the air only brought a cloud of arrows, whereupon 14 of them were ahot, aud half a dozen more when they renewed the attack. Bid-woU, Cal. 1841-8, MS., 108-10, aaya that on the trip 2 or 3 men were continually shooting at Indians. Near Red Bluff one of them swam the river, knocked an Indian down with a atone, aud killed him with a knife. Another was shot from behind a tree. At Stony Creek another was shot on suspicion of haviug stolen a bridle. The fight was between Stony Creek and Colusa; but Bidwell says the firing was across tho river, and no oue was killed, though Sutter later sent out a party to punish the Indians, many of whom were killed. Daubenbiss, Biog. Sketch, says a bridle was stolen by an Indian who was shot at but escaped. Later tliis Indian with 300 others approached, and aa they did not halt when the captain fired hia gun, the Americana charged, and iu hour about 40 were killed. Bennett, Pioneer of '43, says the attack by about 403 Indians oppoaite the Buttea was on July Oth. Of the number, SO were killed, two of them by B. himself at oue shot, his raother being pres ent in the thickest of the fight. Dr Sandels on tho other side of the Sacra inento heard the discharge of fire-arras. 'King's Orphan,' Visit to Cal, 21. See also Sacramento Illvst, 4. „ j. 392 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1843. ¦ried by Sutter, as Bennett states. The new-comers soon scattered in different directions, some remaining in the Sacramento Valley, some going to Napa, and several going to work for Captain Smith at Bodega.''^ The other company of immigrants of 1843, and the only one that came to California direct by the over land route, was one organized by Joseph B. Chiles, a returned member ofthe Bartleson company of 1841.^ Leaving Independence in May, Chiles foUowed the usual route, that which he had followed before with Bartleson, to Laramie and Fort Hall, often in com pany with other parties bound to Oregon. ^^ At Fort Laramie, or in that region, the immigrants met Joe Walker, who, as the reader knows, had been in Cali fornia, and who was engaged as a guide. The exact number of persons in the company there are no means of ascertaining, but it was perhaps not much less than fifty men, women, and children. No contemporary list was made, and there are wide discrepancies in different statements from memory, but I append a list of twenty-eight men which may be regarded as approx imately accurate."" ^' Haatinga, Emig. Guide, 64-9, of which book more presently, givea only a brief narrative of the journey. July 19th, Sutter to Vallejo, announcing the arrival of a party of emigranta, to whora he has given pasaports ! Vallejo, Doc. , MS. , xi. 4 26. This was the letter whicii caused some controversy about Sutter's authority. Daubenbiss, Biog. Sketch, was one of the men who was lost, and he describes his voyage dowu the Sacramento on a raft made of two cottonwood limbs, until he was rescued by Cordua and takeu to a rancho ou Feather River. 2'' In Niles' Reg. , Ixiu. , Dec. 24, 1842, is an item frora the St Louis Enquirer, on the preparations of a company to start for Cal. in the spring. The direct ors might be addressed at Fourche h. Renault, Mo. '^'' Frf«raont, Eept of Explor. Exped., 106-7, camped at Elm Grove on May Slat, ' in company with several emigrant wagona, conatituting a party which ¦was proceeding to Upper Califomia under the direction of Mr J. B. Childs of Missouri. Thc wagons v/ere variously freighted with goods, furniture, and farming utensils, containing aniong other things an entire set of machinery for a mill which Mr Childs designed erecting on the waters of the Sacramento River.' Probably not all started together from Independence. Martin, Win ters, McClellan, aud Johnson aro said to have been overtaken by Chiles on the Platte. See alao Hist Or., i. 393-400, thia series, on the immigration to Oregon. 2" Chiles-W^alker immigrant company of 1843: Lewis Anderson, James Atkinson, Wm Baldridge, John Boardman, Thoa W. Bradley, Jos. Chiles, Thos Cowie, Pleurnaye (or P. W.) Dawson, John Gantt, Sara. J. Hensley, Wm Hioks, Johnson, Milton Little, Milton McGee, Charles Mcintosh, John THE CHILES-WALKER COMPANY. 393 Chiles seems to have been the only one of the re turned Bartleson company that came back to Cali fornia this year; though several came later. Among the women were two daughters of the old trapper George Yount, one with her husband, Vines, and the other unmarried. Another unmarried woman was Miss Ayers, who subsequently married John Sinclair. Julius Martin was also accompanied by his family. Several members became somewhat prominent citizens in their new home, and it is largely from biographical matter touching those i^ien that information respect ing the journey is derived.^'^ At Fort HaU, there being a great scarcity of pro visions, a division of the company was resolved on. Chiles with nine or ten men, leaving the families and wagons in charge of Walker to follow a southern route, pressed on down the Snake, or Lewis, River with a view to obtain fresh provisions at Fort Bois^, to reach California by a direct route talked of by the hunters, and perhaps after reaching Sutter's Fort to send aid to meet the other party. This plan was carried out successfully so far as the journey was con cerned, though no effective help was sent back for Walker's party, if, as it is stated by Fremont and others, that was a part of the project. Chiles, Hens- Mclntyre, Juliua Martin, Wm J. Martin, Pierson B. Reading, Johu Thomp son (?), Bartlett Vines, Jos R. Walker, Isaac Wi,lliams, James Williams, Johu S. WiUiaras, Squire Williams, Wm H. Winter (?), and John Wooden (?). The Napa Co. Hist, 388, has a list which, oraitting 9 of these names, adda — apparently on the good authority of Baldridge — thoae of Jesse Beasley, John Conn, Adam Fiaher, Sanford, and Major Walton, for which I find no other authority. Hittell adda Ira aud John van Gordon. Thompaon is named only ui a newspaper sketch. See alao Hist Or., i. 400, this series. The narra tives referred to in the next note name from 2 to 6 of the party each. In Feb. 1844 Capt. Walker applied for passports for himself and his companions, Anderson, Cowie, and Dawson. Dept St. Pap., MS., xx. 41. '' Immigrant Company of 1843, in the 8. F. Bulletin, July 20, 1860, is a nar rative of the trip founded on inforraation derived from a member not named. Baldridge tells the story briefly iu hia Days of '46, MS., 1-S; and much more fully in Napa Co. Hiat, 387-90. Some details are also given in u, sietcli of Atkinson in the Independence Inyo Indep., Oct. 3, 1870; of Hicks, in the 8. F. Alta, Aug. 10, 1866; of McClellan, by 'Juanita,' in the Oakland Transcript, J.in. 26, 1873; and of Martin, in the 8. Josi Mercury, April 21, 1834. Alao vague mention of the arrival, iu Sutter's Pers. Eemin., MS., 72- 4; Bidwell's Cal. 1841-8, MS., p. 105-6. 394 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1843. ley, Reading, and their companions thus entered Cal ifornia by an entirely new route, crossing from Bois^ to the Sacramento by way of the Malheur and Pit rivers; but we have no details of either route or ad ventures; nor do we know the exact date on which they arrived in safety at New Helvetia.^ Walker had been confident of his ability to conduct the rest of the company with the wagons and families by a long detour southward into the route by which he had left CaUfornia in 1834; that is, round the 'point of the mountain,' since known as Owens Peak and Walker Pass, and thence through the San Joa quin VaUey to the Sacramento. He proceeded from Fort HalP^ to the Mary River, and down that stream as he and others had done before to its sink. Here, as some writers say, they waited a week, expecting relief from Chiles; but this seems unlikely. From the sink our adventurers crossed to Walker Lake, and thence with infinite hardships over the mountains to what are now known as Owens river and lake. They had been the first to enter California with wagons; but in the vicinity of Owens Lake the wagons were abandoned, and the machinery buried in the sand." With the rest of their effects on pack-animals, the 28 Frimont'sBep., 165-6, 247; Juanita (J. C. McPheraon), in Oakland Tran script, Jan. 26, 1873; and iu 8. Josi Mercury, AprU 21, 1864; Bidwell, in reaolutiona on death of Hensley, in iS. F. Alta, Juno 1868, aud other papers of the time. Sutter, Personal EemAn., MS., 72-4, says they had several fights with Indians, and that McGee fell into a bear-trap. The men who coraposed this party seem to have been Chiles, Reading, Hensley, Gantt, WiUiams (4 brothers). Winter, Wooden, McGee, and perhapa Bradley. Sutter, in his Diary, 4, implies there were 11 men. 2' Fremont waa on hia wagon trail on the Snake River below Ft Hall on Sept. 26th. Eept Explor. Ex., 165. ^° In Dec. 1845, Lieut Kem with Walker passed what he caUs ' Chiles' cache ' of mill-irons, etc. , less than a day's march south of Owens Lake. Kern's Jour., 4Q2-3. Vallejo, Hist Cal, MS., iii. 383-90, relates that Chiles appeared at Sonoma with a black mule and a negro to ask permisaion to build a saw-mill in that region. The permiasion was granted, and C. said good-by aud started for Kentucky for hia mill. A year later when V. had forgotten tho circumstance, C. reappeared with the same outfit as before to claim hia land, saying that hia mill had beeu buried iu the Tulare region. Baldridge, Days of '46, MS., says the mill was found by miners in 1863. Some say the wagous wore not only left, but burned. The only trouble with Indians on the whole trip waa tbe wounding of Milton Little by an arrow while standing on guard in the night. THE WALKER-CHILES PARTY. 395 weary company plodded on to the 'point of the moun tain' and through Walker Pass. It was here, accord ing to Fremont, that Chiles was to meet tbem, but he did not appear, though, according to Baldridge, he did come with three men, but could not find the party. Their hardships from this point are described as more severe than those they had suffered in the mountains. Their route, not known exactly, lay up the great val ley, past the region of the modern Visalia, and thence across the Tulares westward to the coast range. At Christmas-time they were encamped, with abundance of game, grass, and water, which put an end to all their troubles, in a delightful vale, still known by Walker's name on the maps, on the head waters of a tributary to the SaUnas River. In January they descended into the Salinas Valley, thence proceeding to GUroy's rancho, and scattered to different points in northern and central California.^' In connection with immigration, it is proper to mention here the arrival of Stephen Smith with the first steam-engine ever seen in CaUfornia. Smith, a native of Baltimore, over fifty years of age, and mar ried in South America, had visited the coast in 1841, and had obtained from Alvarado a promise of lands on which to erect mills. He brought his machinery from Baltimore, by way of Paita, on the George Hen ry, which arrived at Monterey in May. He brought with him from Baltimore Henry Hagler, and from '^ References to authorities have already beeu given in speaking of the party uuder ChUes. I find in the archives not a single reference to the arrival of V^alker's party, except his demand for passports in Pebruary. A writer in the Sta Cruz Times, July 25, 1870, speaks of a Major McKinstry who iu 1843 had a plan of crossing the mouutains with a band of frontiersmen to conquer California and establish an independent republic. Lettera were published and apeechea made; but McKinstry was warned by the govt at Waahington that he would not be allowed to depart on auch a mission. C. E. Pickett, Paria Expoaition, 10-11, claims to have agitated the scheme of a Pacific rail road in 1843. Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young, 214-15, speaks of ' that bold offer made to the govt by Joseph Smith in 1843, to enter into the service of the nation with several thousand well armed volunteers, to be followed by the entire Mormon community, to couquer the Pacific dominion for thc U. S., and checkmate the aims of Great Britain to establish herself on this coaat by the connivance of Mexico.' 396 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1843. South America William A. Streeter, David Dutton, and Philip Crawley, besides his brother-in-law, Man uel Torres. The new enterprise was favored by tho authorities, and some special concessions were made by Micheltorena in the matter of duties. Before the end of 1843 Captain Smith had chosen Bodega as thc site of his operations, though Sutter and his agents are said to have interposed some obstacles. He had applied for naturalization, purchased lumber at Santa Cruz, had hired several members of Hastings' com pany, Hudspeth, Coombs, Daubenbiss, Bridges, and Copeland, and had begun operations at Bodega, where his machinery had been landed from the brig. In 1844 he obtained his grant of land, and perhaps by the end of that year both saw-ndll and grist-mill were in running order. Their completion was celebrated with festivities, which included speech-making by Va llejo and Prudon, and the engine did good service until 1849-50. Not only did Smith introduce the first steam-engine, but he is also accredited with hav ing brought three pianos, the first ever heard in Cal ifornia.^^ Lansford W. Hastings left California early in 1844 to publish a book, and to return with another party later. It is said by Bidwell, who was well acquainted with him, that Llastings had come at first with a halfr formed purpose of exciting a revolution, of wresting California from Mexico, and of establishing an inde pendent republic with himself as president, or at least of annexing the country to Texas. Finding, however, that the foreign population was yet too smaU for the successful carrying-out of his plan, he determined to return to the States with a vie,w of promoting an in creased immigration through the agency of a glowing description of the country's advantages, supplemented '^ Streder'sRecoll, MS., 15-25; Torres, Peripecias, MS., 120-30; Somim Co. Hid., 53-5; Hastings' Emig. Guide, 111, etc. HASTINGS' BOOK. 337 by lectures and other personal efforts.^' While there may be a degree of exaggeration in this version, it is evident that Hastings was not only an enthusiastic advocate of California's separation from her national allegiance, but one of the large class who could not or would not understand that either the Mexican gov ernment or the Californian people had any claim to be consulted in the matter. Hastings' book, which appeared in 1845, contained a description of his journey to Oregon, a brief narra tive of his trip to California, a sketch of the two coun tries, with something of history, and finally advice to immigrants respecting routes and outfits. The book, so far as California is concerned, covered the same ground as Bidwell's pamphlet, the subject being treated of course more elaborately, though not with greater accuracy. The author was an intelligent man, with some abUity as a writer; but his book was a piece of special pleading intended to attract immigrants, and accordingly all was painted in couleur de rose. Though visited in a year of extreme drought, not a single defect was pointed out in the country's natural condition. "In my opinion, there is no country in the known world possessing a soil so fertile and productive, with such varied and inexhaustible resources, and a climate of such mildness, uniformity, and salubrity ; nor is there a country now known which is so eminently calculated by nature herself in all respects to promote the un bounded happiness and prosperity of civilized and en lightened man." His description of natural features is, however, though tinged with exaggeration, by far the best part of his book. What he says of the dif ferent settlements is superficial and marked by absurd errors; an amusing instance being his statement that each of the two largest towns was named Poabalo, one being called 'Poabalo above' and the other 'Poabalo below.' "' Bidwell's Cal. in I84I-8, MS., 110-12. It ia aaid that Hastings retumed by way of Texaa, for a conference with leading meu of that ooantry. 398 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1843. In all that Hastings wrote of the native Californian people, and of recent historical events, he displayed nothing but inexcusable ignorance and bitter prejudice. The people were "scarcely a visible grade in the scale of intelligence above the barbarous tribes by whom they are surrounded," though "the higher order of Mexicans are perhaps about equal to the lower order of our citizens in the western states." "The priests, the most dissolute and abandoned characters of the whole community, are not only the sole proprietors of the learning and intelligence, but also of the liberty and happiness of the people, all of which they parcel out to their blind votaries with a very sparing hand." In describing the Graham affair of 1840, he is more absurdly bitter against Alvarado, so far as the possi bilities of his vocabulary go, than even Farnham. A Mexican in man's clothing, as italicized by this writer, is a phrase that fully shows his spirit toward the peo ple. "Yet it is with these wild, shirtless, earless, and heartless creatures," alluding more particularly to Micheltorena's cholos, "headed by a few timid, soulless, brainless officers, that these semi-barbarians intend to hold this delightful region as against the civilized world." Lest the "terrible oppression" of foreigners by the government should frighten some of his ex pected immigrants, Hastings admits that all is changed now ; that the Californians, from motives of cowardice, now treat foreigners "with all the deceptive kindness imaginable," that passports were rarely demanded, and that lands were freely granted, notwithstanding the statement of " a certain high functionary at Washing ton." Hastings and his companions had settled on lands without even making the formal applications required by law, hoping to avoid the disagreeable ne cessity of becoming Mexican citizens. To immigrants Hastings' information respecting routes can hardly be said to have been of any value. He says: "Those who go to California travel from Fort HaU w. s. w. about fifteen days to the northern LIST OF PIONEERS. 399 pass in the Californian mountains; thence three days to the Sacramento ; and thence seven days to the bay of St Francisco. The California route from Fort Hall to the Sacramento lies through alternate plains, prai ries, and vaUeys, and over hills amid lofty mountains. The Indians are entirely inoffensive. Wagons can be as readily taken from Fort Hall to the bay of St Fran cisco as they can from the States to Fort HaU; and in fact, the latter part of the route is found much more eligible for a wagon-way than the former" — rather a rash assertion to be made before any party had suc ceeded in crossing with wagons. "The most direct route would be to leave the Oregon route about two hundred miles east from Fort Hall; thence bearing w. s. w. to the Salt Lake; and thence continuing down to the bay of St Francisco by the route just described." In conclusion, the author draws a glowing and ex travagantly colored picture of California's prospective grandeur in the time, not far off, when "genuine republicanism and unsophisticated democracy shall be reared up and tower aloft, even upon the now wild shores of the great Pacific; where they shall ever stand forth as enduring monuments to the increasing wisdom of man and the infinite kindness and protec tion of an all-wise and overruling providence."^* I append the usual list of pioneers for the year, sixty-six in number.^^ As many more new-comers " The Emigrants' Guide to Oregon and California, containing scenes and incidents of a party of Oregon emigrants; a description of Oregon; scenes and incidents of a party of California emigrants; and a deacription of California; with a description of tlie different routes to thoae countries; and all necessary in formation relative to the equipment, supplies, and the method of travelling. By Lansford W. Hastings, leader of the Ogn and Cal. emigration of 1842. Cin cinnati, 1845. Svo, 152 p. The part devoted exclusively to Cal. is found on p. 64-133. 0.ie of my copies of thia work is one that made the trip overland in 1846 with the famous Donner party. The work was reprinted from the same type, with a new title, and the addition of 8 pages containing a sketch of Cal. by Robert Semple, and a copy of the Oregon Treaty, as Hastings, A New History of Oregon and Califomia, de Cincinnati, 1847. Svo, 100 p. ; and again with Col. Mason's report on the gold region, as Id. Cin cinnati, 1849. Svo, 168 p. '•'Pioneers of 184S: Alfred Auoelin, James Atkiason, Wm Baldridge, Wm Bartram (?), Geo. W. BeUomy, Vardamon Bennett, Dennis Bennett (?), 490 FOREIGN RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION— 1843. are named in the records — and in my Pioneer Regis ter at the end of these volumes — who did not remain in California, or at least about whom nothing more is known than their presence during 1842-3. The list includes many men locally well known, eight or ten of whom still lived in 1884; but the names historically most prominent are those of Gantt, Hastings, Hens ley, O'Farrell, Reading, and Swan — the latter because of his fame as a writer of pioneer reminiscences. Jackson Bennett (?), Winstou Bennett, Johu Bichol, John Boardman, Thos W. Bradley, J. C. Bridgea, Henry P. Chaoe, Wm S. Church, John C. Clark, Nathan Coombs, Henry J. Dally, Henry Dalton, John Daubenbiss, Geo. Da vis, Pedro Davis, Rich. S. Den, Ludovico Gabel, John Gantt, Ira van Gor don (?), John van Gordon (?), Henry Hagler, Thos M. Hardy, L. W. Hastuiga, Charles Heath, Sam. J. Hensley, Wm Hicks, Jamea Hudspeth, John Keyes, Wm Laroche, Charlea Levelain (?j, Milton Little, Harry Love, Charles Mc Intosh, JuUus Martin, Wra J. Martin, Arno Maube, Wm Money, Anderson Norris, Jasper O'Farrell, Harrisou Pierce, Pierson B. Reading, John Rohl- man, John P. Romie, Charles Roussillon (?), Truett St Clair (?), Henry St Johu, Thos J. Shadden, Bezer Simmons, Wm A. Streeter, Owen Sumner, Jr., John A. Swan, John Thompson, Bartlett Vines, Isaac Williama, Jamea Wil liams, Johu S. Williams, Squire WUliams, and Wm H. Winter (?). CHAPTER XVII. MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 1844. Economy- Abrego and Pico Sent to Mazatlan— Aid prom Vallejo, Lar kin, AND Limantour— Rumors of Revolt — Arrest op Alvarado— A New General Expected — Rising op the Cholos — Arrest op Casta- Sares — War with the United States — Preparations por Defence — Militia Organized — Larkin's Lbtter.s — Indian Appair.s — Presidio ON THE San Joaquin — Junta Departamental — Candidates por Gov ernor — The Capital— Monterey and Angeles — Santa In^s as a Com promise — CastISares in Mexico — His Book — Warning against For eigners — No Results — General View op Micheltorena's Character AND Administration. At the beginning of the new year Micheltorena issued a decree carrying into effect the economical measures decided upon by the junta of October 1843.^ By this reform a saving of about $40,000 was effected in the estimated expenses of the year, chiefly in the civil budget; while by a system of half-pay reductions in the military branch, a further saving of about $12,- 000 was promised; and the total sum to be required of the treasury for 1844 was reduced approximately to $120,000, or $10,000 per month. The remaining problem was where to obtain the $120,000. By the California, the government schooner leaving Monte rey in December, Abrego, Andres Pico, and Larkin had sailed for Mazatlan, the business of the former- two, and probably of the last as well, being to obtain funds on Micheltorena's orders drawn for the amount of $8,000 per month that had been assigned him on. ' Jan. 1, 1844, Micheltorena, Bando Econdmico, MS. Hist. Cal., Vol. IV. 26 (101 ) 402 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. his departure from Mexico. There is no record of their negotiations or of definite results. The commis sioners returned in the California in March, but it does nob appear that they brought any money on government account; certainly they brought but lit tle.^ The schooner made a second and third trip to the Mexican ports before the end of the year, carry ing on the second Captain J. M. Flores as a commis sioner to obtain succor, but with results that are alto gether unknown, so far as the obtaining of material aid is concerned. Yet two Boston ships early in the year paid $58,000 in duties, more than two thirds of the total revenues of the year; $2,000 in money was obtained from Vallejo in payment, together with pro visions supplied the year before, for the Soscol rancho ; additional aid was obtained from the trader Liman tour; and probably also from Thomas 0. Larkin. So "that the financial troubles of 1844, excepting perhaps those at the end of the year, resulting from extraor dinary events to be noticed later, were not altogether insuperable after all.^ Micheltorena deserves credit for having given con siderable attention to the subject of education, taking ^ Larkin says that Micheltorena in 1842-4 drew on the Mazatlan customs for about $150,000, only a small part of which was paid, contrary orders having been iaaued in Mexico. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 37. Jan. 26th, John Parrott to Larkin. There is no hope of getting M.'s drafts cashed at Mazatlan; ao he haa aent them to Mexico. Larkin's Papers, MS. Vallejo, IlitSt Cal, MS., iv. 382-3, aays that Pico aud Abrego succeeded in sellmgat a heavy discount enough of the drafta to produce |10,000, a part of which y/as inveated in powder. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., v. 47-8, explains how jijen having amall claims of undoubted justice against the govt, despite Mex ico's notoriety for uot paying debts, almost always could sell their claims for 20 to 40 per cent of their face to the agiotiatas, who, after collecting large amounts in all parta of the republic, got an order for payment by giving the miniater and hia secretary a share of the profits. 'VaUejo, Hist Cal, MS., iv. 385, tells us that Micheltorena ajipUed to him for a loau and received $2,000, for which the grant was issued in June. Alvarado,, Hist. Cal, MS., v. 203, saya Larkin on one occasion lent the gov. $2,000, aud took a sight draft for |3,000 on the Mazatlan customs, which he could uot collect. The same writer says. Id., v. 389, that M. inveated aome 130,000 in goods which were put into Larkin's hands for sale, but proved unsalable. Aug. 26th, an invoice of goods furnished by Liraantour to M., to the amount of $32,868. Savage, Doe, MS., u. 173-6. The gov. probably took some goods not needed by the soldiers, hoping to sell them through Larkin. It was not, as Alvarado impUes, an investment of publio funds for his o-wn benefit. EDUCATION AND REVOLT. 403 a deeper interest in the public schools than any of his predecessors except Sola and Figueroa. Not only did he aid the bishop in the establishment of his ecclesiastical seminary at Santa Ines, but the archives of 1844 contain many communications from his pen showing a lively interest in the primary schools, which he is also said to have visited often in person. In May he issued a reglamento for the primary schools under female teachers, amigas, ordered to be estab lished at each of the seven chief towns under the pat ronage of our lady of Guadalupe. There is little in formation respecting the progress made with these schools, though there was a beginning at several places. At Los Angeles Lieutenant Medina met with flattering success as teacher in a school containing at one time a hundred pupils. A scheme was also de vised to obtain from the United States a teacher to open a sehool of higher grade at Monterey ; for which purpose a subscription was raised in September to the amount of $900 per year for three years.* In January there were rumors of revolt in the Monterey district, the only tangible fact in connection with which trouble was the arrest of Juan B. Alva rado. In a private letter to Vallejo, Micheltorena said that, on account of certain vociferaciones alar- mantes, he had resolved to send Alvarado as a prisoner to Sonoma, he having listened to evil counsellors who induced him to engage in plots. He confessed to having torn the passport of an officer travelling on duty. On the supplication of several persons, however, and on Alvarado's promise to abstain in future from *More of thia topic in local annals and elsewhere. May 1, 1844. Michel torena, Eeglarnentode Escuelas Amigas, MS., and in the archives. May Sth, proclamation on the subject of education accompanying the reglamento. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 305. Many items of this year ou the Angeles school, in Angeles, Arch., MS., Ui. 1-5; v. 107-225, passim; Dept. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 27-8, Sl-9; Id, Ang., xu. 10, 25-7, 74-88; Dept Bee, MS., xiu. 61-9, 76, 90. Sept. Sth, subscription by HartneU, Larkin, Abrego, Pio Pico, Jiraeno, Watson, Guerra, and Welters for $100 each, and some conditions respecting the proposed school. Larkin's Doe, MS., ii 192. Sept. 16th, Larkin to Al fred Robinson, asking Vi'it to select a teacher. Id,, ii. 196. 404 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. such practices, the governor concluded to spare him this time, and allowed him to return home.* Florencio Serrano is the only Californian who has thought to mention this affair in his narrative. He tells us that Micheltorena, being informed that Alvarado was planning a revolution, sent Captain Mejia to arrest him at Alisal. But Alvarado refused to be arrested by an officer of lower rank than himself, donned his colonel's uniform, bade Mejia be off, and came volun tarily to Monterey.^ Rumors of an impending revolt at Monterey reached Los Angeles, where they were considered in a special meeting of the ayuntamiento, which body agreed upon repressive measures — that is, to keep a strict watch, and to have all arms car ried to the comandante's house; for some of the sol diers in their cups had been heard to give vent to "suspicious utterances, indicative of speedy disorders." In case the northern rumors should prove true, it was thought practicable to station a force of fifteen or twenty men on the Santa Bdrbara frontier!^ The next disturbance to be recorded, not much more serious in its results than that of January, was a rising, not against, but in favor of Micheltorena, the revolu tionists being the cholos of the batallon. It occurred early in August in consequence of news from Mexico through private letters that Micheltorena was to be su perseded by a new general.^ Early one morning a detn- onstration was made by the soldiers, who declared they would serve under no other general, and that Micheltorena should not leave California unless they 5 Jan. 15, 1844, M. to V. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xu. 5. _ The gov. protests his strong desire to preaerve peace aud inaure the proaperity aud hannony of the Califomiana. ^Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 90-1; Id., in Pioneer Sketches, MS., p. 33-4. ' Feb. 19, 1844, ayunt., secret and special session. Los Angelea, Arch., MS., V. 117-23. Little credit was given to the rumors by speakers at this meeting; but it waa thought beat to be ou the safe aide. Peb. 24tli, alcalde to Micheltorena, announcing precautions. Dept. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 32. 8 According to Pio Pico's proclamation of Feb. 15, 1845, this ofiicer was Tedfilo Romero. Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., x. 59; also Micheltorena, Expe diente. Gomez, Lo Que Sabe, MS., 352, says that the report cauaing the trouble was that of Gen. Inieatra's proposed expedition to California. TUMULT AT MONTEREY. 405 could accompany him. It does not appear Avhich they feared most, the vengeance of Californians, whose chick ens they had stolen, or the possibly stricter discipline to which a new chief might subject them. The leader among the officers of the bataUon was apparently Cap tain Mejia, with the cooperation of Jo-se Maria Casta nares. The tumult, perhaps intended to intimidate certain Californians who had been somewhat free in their expression of hostility to the cholos, lasted but a few hours, Micheltorena having rebuked the officers, who were put under arrest, and explained to the men that these were not proper methods of expressing their devotion to a leader. Castanares was sent to Sonoma on parole; but falling sick at Yerba Buena, was al lowed to return to Monterey in September, perhaps without having gone further than San Francisco.^ The people of the capital were considerably alarmed by this demonstration, fearing that it might lead to a sacking ofthe town, the cholos from 'petty thieves be coming an organized band of robbers.^" The alarm was increased hy the arrival at this time of a reenforce ment to the batallon, a detachment of forty or fifty men who had deserted at Mazatlan, and had been re captured and sent to California on the Bolivar, land ing at San Pedro and remaining for a time at Ange les." Still another cause of popular alarm arose from ' Aug. 6, 1844, M. to V. Senda Castanares to remain at Sonoraa until fur ther ordera, to be treated according to hia rank, but not allowed to leave the place. The good of the national aervice demands it. Vallefo, Doe, MS., xii. 75. Aug. 17th, Prudon to V. Castanares ill at Yerba Buena. Fears the climate of Sonoma (!), and ¦will probably be aUowed to go back. Id, xii. 86. Sept. 5th, M. authorizes V. to perrait the return. Id. , xii. 90. '"Larkin, ¦writing on Sept. 16th, describes the affair, and says: 'The peo ple of thia town were in great alarra, expecting a sack of the town by the soldiers; the affair waa however hushed up.' Larkin's Off. Correap., MS., ii. 10. Later, in an account intended to justify Micheltorena after the revolu tion, Larkin wrote: 'I know of no trouble or alarms cauaed by the circum stance, iu Monterey.' He says the affair was all over by 8 a. m. Capt. Abella waa Uving at Larkin'a houae at the time. Id., Doc, MS., iii. 271. Aug. 17th, Prudon saya that Monterey looks like a town taken by assault, only officers and soldiers to be seen. All families have retired to their ran choa. A new division of the batallon has arrived from Angeles. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 86. Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 87-90, and Goraez, Lo Que Sabe, MS., 352-8, give some details of the night's occurrences. ''Garcia, Ajmntes aobre Micheltorena, MS., 1-5, was one of the meu, and. 406 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLI'HCAL AFFAIRS. the current reports of war between Mexico and the United States, to be noticed presently. There was little fear of the Americans; but an apprehension that the Mexicans might make the threatened invasion a pretext for plundering the town. It was in May that the Mexican minister of war informed Micheltorena that positive news had been received of a treaty having been signed for the an nexation of Texas to the United States ;^^ that it only required confirmation by the senate; and that such confirmation would probably result in war. The general was therefore to prepare for the defence of California by seeing to it that weapons were kept in good condition, that the troops were well organized and disciplined, that the militia was ready to be called into active service, and that the government was in formed promptly of any aid that might be required — though no hostilities were to be committed against such American men-of-war as might visit the coast pending the receipt of more positive orders or some act of aggression on the part of those vessels. ^^ This order was received early in July, and was at once published by Micheltorena, who announced that in consequence of it he had resolved to estabUsh his headquarters at San Juan Bautista, and "to defend the department, whose independence, religion, and in tegrity the patria intrusts now more than ever to her sons, and to me the duty of showing them the path to glory and honor in case of war." At the same time he ordered the immediate enrolnlent of all citi zens between the ages of fifteen and sixty years, in- gives the only narrative of the reSnforoement that 1 have seen. He says 43 of the 50 men had been deserters; and there were 7 women in the company. They inarched from Angelea under Comandante Valdfe. '^The treaty waa aigued by the Texan commissioners and by John C. Calhoun, secretary of state, April 12, 1844, but waa rejected by the senate June Sth. '» May 11, 1844, miu. of war to com. gen. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 35; Dept. St.. Pap., Mont, MS., iu. 131. June (May?) 11th, min. of hac. or dera that the luUitia be put ou a war footing. Dept St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 80. PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 407 eluding naturalized foreigners, to be formed into nine companies of militia, which were to be drilled every Sunday, and to hold themselves in readiness to be called into active service as defensores de la patria. Some days later a series of formal regulations for the militia was issued; and it appears that the organiza tion of defenders was effected to some extent, on pa per at least, in northern California; but in the south we hear nothing of the matter until the end of the year, when, as we shall see, it came up in another con nection." "July 6, 1844. Micheltorena, Medidas de Defensa contra los Estados Uni dos, MS.; Estudillo, Doc, MS., u. 77; Vallejo, Doe, MS., xu. 35; 8. Josi, Arch., MS., iv. 43-50. Companiea were to be forraed at S. Diego, Angelos, Sta BArbara, S. Luia Obiapo, Monterey, S. Juan Bautiata, S. Jose, S. P., and Sonoma — all of cavalry. The colonels and lieut-colonela were to be those already holding those commissions; the captains were to be named by thc govt; and lower officers were to be chosen by the companies. All officers, in validos, and publio employes chosen by the people were exerapted from the enrolment; and merchants were only required to serve in defence of their places of residence — armed and supported at their own cost. Full regula tiona for details of organization, discipline, uniforra, etc. , which need uot be giveu here eveu en rdsumd, were issued in print on July 16th. Micheltorena, Eeglamento de la Milicia Auxiliar de Defensores de la Patria y Departamento de Califomias. In Earliest Print; Vallejo, Doc.,MS., si. 51; Taylor's Spiecimens of Press, 623; Doc Hist Cal, MS., i. 467. July Sth, officers uamed by Micheltorena for the defensores: lat regiment, col., J. B. Alvarado, lieut-ool., J. M. Caataiiarea; adjutanta, Marquez and Correa; captains, 1st squadron, S. Diego co. , Andres Pioo, Correa as in structor; Sta BArbara co., Raimundo CarriUo, Plores aa inatructor; 2d aquad ron, S. Luia Obiapo co., J. M. Villa, Marquez as instructor; Monterey oo., A. M. Osio, Estrada as instructor. 2d regiment, col., M. G. Vallejo; lieut- col., Jos6 Castro; adjutants, A. Somoza and Ant. Pico; captains, 1st squad ron, S. Juan CO., Fran. Pacheco, Vargas as instructor; S. Jos^ co., A. M. Pico, Somoza as instructor; S. Francisco co., P. Sanchez, Ant. Pico as in structor; Sonoma co., Salvador Vallejo, Rodriguez aa inatructor. 1st squad ron of Augeles, Pio Pico, comandante; J. M. Ramirez, adjutant and instructor; 1st company, capt., M. Dominguez; 2d co., capt., J. M. Palomares. 2d squadron of Angelea, J. A. Carrillo, comandante; N. Helvetia co., J. A. Sutter, captain. Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., x. 44-6. July 19th, at Sonoma 59 men enroUed, including 12 foreignera. 'Vallejo, Doc, MS., xu. 55. July 21st, 53 citizens and 22 unnaturalized foreigners at S. Francisco. Id., xxxiv. 42. July 26th, Micheltorena to Vallejo, intrusting to him the organization of the companies from S. Franciaco northward, Castro to attend to thoae at S. Jos6 and S. Juau. Only oue person should be taken from a family. Id. , xii. 61; Dept. Eec, MS., xiii. 89. Aug. 4th, Capt. Osio and his company of 32 men at Monterey choose subordinate officers. Aug. 20th, list of the S. Franciaco company, 48 men beaides capt. and Ueut. Soberanea, Doe, MS., 308. In January the miu. of war proposed the organization of all the presidial companies of the Califomias and the batallon into a regiment, to have be sides ita regular officers a comandante de escudron to serve aa commandant iu Baja Califomia. Mexico, Mem. Guerra, 1844, annex. 23-4. Liat of unat- 408 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. Besides taking steps to organize the militia, Michel torena moved all the sel-viceable cannon with muni tions from Monterey to San Juan, where he proposed to make a final stand against the invaders should they make their appearance on the coast. The capital presented the appearance of a miUtary camp for a Aveek or more, the soldiers holding possession, always in readiness to retreat; whUe many of the citizens had retired with movable effects to the interior, fear ing, as I have said before, not so much the coming of the Americans as the excesses of the cholos, who were likely on the approach of an enemy to sack the town. So Consul Larkin wrote to his government, declaring that the property of Americans was safer than that of natives, and expressing the opinion that Micheltorena, in case of war, could depend only on his 250 Mexican troops to follow him, the 150 Califor nian soldiers and the 1,000 citizens available as militia not being disposed to fight for a government in which they took very little interest. ^^ To provide pecuniary means for the country's defence, the junta departamen tal was convoked in August, and authorized a sale of the mission estates ;-^^ but before anything was done in this direction news came that the war-cloud had passed over, and California resumed its peaceful atti tude; though the cannon and other war-stores were not immediately brought back from San Juan." tached and retired officers, etc., iu Cal.: J. B. Alvarado, col. auxUiary mili tia; Jos6 Castro, lieut-col. Cal. squadron; M. G. Vallejo, Ueut-col. permanent cav.; Pedro Narvaez, lieut of navy; V. Prudon, capt. permanent infantry; Jos6 Rarairez, lieut cavalry; Narciao Fabregat, lieut Mazatlan militia ; Jos^ de la Guerra y Noriega, ret. capt. of cavalry; Sant. Argiiello, ret. capt. cav. ; JosS Estrada, ret. Ueut cav. ; DAmaao Rodriguez, ret. alf . cav. ; Aniceto Zava leta, laidoro Soto, Jos6 Pena, Manuel Verdugo, and Sebastiau Rodriguez, soldiers retired with rauk of lieutenanta; Manuel Rodriguez, invAl. corporal; Eleuterio ViUa, invAl. aoldier; Luiaa Argiiello de Zamorano, widow with penaion of $60 per mouth. Dept St. Pap. , Ben. Mil , Ixxxvi. 3-4. '"Aug. 18, 1844, L. to sec. state. Larkin's Off. Gorresp., MS., ii. 8. Va llejo to Micheltorena, Nov. 18th, declared that it had uot beeu the fear of invasion by foreignera that had cauaed the citizens to leave Monterey. Bear Flag, Pap., MS., S. '« Aug. 15th, 20th, 24th, seaaiona of the junta. Leg. Bee, MS., iv. 18, 20; Earliest Printing; Olvera, Doc, MS., 7-9; Dept Rec, MS., xiu. 91-2. More about the sessions a little later. " I find no announcement by the gov. that the danger had ceased; but INDIAN AFFAIRS. 409 In connection with the military preparation just noted, I may take up the topic of Indian affairs, re specting which, however, there is almost nothing to be said in 1844. With a view to prevent the incur sions of Indian horse-thieves, who were a constant ter ror to the rancheros in central California, a scheme was devised in the spring of this year, not only to send out an expedition against the foe, but to establish a kind of frontier presidio somewhere in the Tulares, where a detachment of soldiers could be stationed perma nently for service against the Indians. In May the plan was announced by Micheltorena, and certain vaguely recorded preparations were made; but all we know of the result is that in the middle of November Castro was in the San Joaquin Valley engaged in this service, when recalled by the outbreak of revolt, as will be seen in a later chapter. ^^ There was an extra session of the junta, or asam blea, on February 10th, convoked for the purpose of choosing a quinterna for governor. The names chosen to be submitted to the supreme government as candi dates were, in the following order : Micheltorena, Al varado, Tellez, Osio, and Jimeno; and the result was announced by the governor in a bando of the 13th.^® Ijarkiu writes on Sept. 16th, that, as Texas has not been annexed, warlike preparations have been postponed. Larkin's Off. Gorresp., MS., U. 10. ''.May 31st (13th?), gov. 's order for a deatacamento ou the S. Joaquin. Con tributions to be solicited and all to be ready at Sta Clara by June 10th. Estu dUlo, Doc, MS., u. 75-6. May ISth, saddles, etc., to be borrowed from citi zens. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 81. May 14th, gov. to alcaldes of S. Jos6 and S. Juan: Jos6 Castro to command the force in the Tulares. Padres to furnish Indians. Dept Rec, MS., xiii. 81-2. June 14th, P. Mercado refers to same matter. 8. Joai, Arch., MS., iv. 6. Mention also in Caatro, Relacion, MS., 89-91; Vallejo, Hiat Cal, MS., iv. 413; Serrano, in Pioneer Sketches, MS., p. 38. Weber's treaty with the S. Joaquin tribes. 8. Joaquin Co. Hist, 16. Aug. 24th, Sutter speaks of services rendered by the Moqueleraos by return ing stolen horaea. S. Joai, Arch., MS., iv. 7. Oct. lat, au expedition alluded to, inwhich oue 'vecino' loat hia life. There is to be another aally. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 98. Oct., Indiaus defeated by govt troops. Pabdlon Nacional, Nov. 26, 1844. Jan., a rancheria attacked by 23 citizens, and the cliief, Jos6 del Carmen, killed. Dept St Pap., MS., xviu. 29-30. Feb., aavagea and Cahuillas fighting near S. Bemardino. Id., Angeles, viii. 6-7. "Feb. 13, 1844, M. 's proclaraation. Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., x. 46; Id., S. Josi, vi. 3; S. Diego, Arch., MS., 302; Micheltorena's Administration, 21. 410 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. It appears, however, that the meeting was not quite legal, being composed of northern members and sub stitutes only. The four southern vocales either were not summoned at all, or were notified too late; or at any rate were not present to insist on the proper pro portion of abajenos in the list of candidates ; and they Avere much offended at the wrong done them, protest ing both to the governor and to the national govern ment, with results of Avhich nothing is known. ^'' The southerners, having a majority, were desirous that the junta should be convened in regular session, and com plained, evidently with much reason, that the arribe nos were intriguing to prevent a meeting. Again the assembly was convoked by orders of June 19th and August 13th, and met in special ses sions on August 15th, 20th, 24th, and 26th, Estrada, a northern member, and Guerra from the south, being absent. Narciso Botello Avas made temporary, and J. M- Covarrubias permanent, secretary in place of Zenon Fernandez, deceased. The southern vocales took the oath of office, the others having done so at the former session. The business before the junta was the raising of funds with which to protect the country from foreign invasion. Micheltorena made an opening speech on the subject; and Pico responded by pledging the junta to use its best efforts in so just a cause. As related more fully elsewhere, the action finally taken was to authorize the sale or renting of mission estates. An attempt was made to bring up various other matters of minor importance ; but they j were decided to be out of order at special sessions; ^^ A letter to Castanares in Mexico declared the election an eacd-ndah de gran tamafio; stating that the order of convocation was iaaued on Feb. 4th, so that tho southern membera could not possibly arrive by the 10th. Oosto- nares. Col Doc, 17. June Sth, Pio Pico, the lat vocal, to min. of the int., encloaing the protest of himself, Figueroa, and Botello, to the gov. on April Sth. It ia a long document, in which they demand that the assembly be again convened and its past acts be declared null. The sup. govt is called upon to protect the rights of the people. Bandini, Doe, MS., 5S. Pico's reportof Apr. Sth ia alao giveu iu print iu Micheltorena, Expediente no. 1. CHANGE OF CAPITAL. 411 and with one exception, no action was taken on any of them.^^ The exception to which I have alluded was the old question of Monterey versus Los Angeles on a change of capital. Since the beginning of the year the An gelinos had resumed the old agitation of the subject; Juan Bandini having written an exposition, in which he showed that the southern city deserved some re ward for her old-time constancy to Mexico; and the ayuntamientos of the rival towns having taken new steps in the matter.^^ It was on this account that the northerners had intrigued to prevent a regular session so long as their opponents were in a majority. But Pio Pico brought the matter up in the session of August 24th, and a lively discussion ensued. Pico and Botello insisted on southern rights, and Figueroa agreed with them, though he did not think the sub ject could be legally disposed of in a session called for special purposes. Spence favored the claims of Monterey; while Munras, leaning in the same direc tion, proposed to select some third town for capital or to leave the whole question to be settled in Mex ico. Micheltorena himself as president argued at first strongly against moving the capital away from the town where the custom-house was located, also opposing any action whatever at a special session; but he finally proposed as a compromise that further definite action should be suspended until a decision '' Records of the aeasions, iu Leg. Rec., MS., iv. 17-27; Olvera, Doc, MS., 7-12. The records of the opening session of Aug. 15th and the closing one of Aug. 26th were issued iu print by Micheltorena in bandos of Aug. 28th and Sept. 3d respectively. Earlied Printing; Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 3-4; Dept St. Pap., S. Josi, MS., vi. 6; Micheltorena's Administration, 24-6; S. Diego, Arch., MS., 309. '* Jan. 16, 1844, alcalde of Angelea to Micheltorena, aending Bandini's exposition. The gov. promises to represent the matter. Dept St Pap., MS., x-viii. 28. March 13th, Alcalde Serrano announces that on the 9th the ayunt. of Monterey agreed to petition for a repeal of the decree making Angeles the capital. Monterey, Arch., MS., xi. 16-17. June 4th, Angelea ayunt. complains that the govt sec. is ¦wrong in writing ' muy ilustre ayun tamiento de eata capital de Monterey.' Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Pref. y J-uzg., MS., iu. 11-12. July 29th, Judge Requena forwarda to asserably the law of May 2.3, 1835, and aaka that it be enforced, making Angelea the capital. Leg. See, MS., iv. 17. 412 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. could be obtained from Mexico respecting the right of the assembly to act in the matter, and that in the mean time the sessions should be held in some other place than either Monterey or Angeles, suggesting Santa In^s as a convenient point. The three south erners would not accept any compromise, and at last voted solid in favor of Los Angeles; but the two northern members with Micheltorena voted for the compromise, the latter also decided the tie by his casting vote; and the next session was thus to be convoked at Santa Inds. No session ever was held there, however, and nothing more was ever heard of the project. The compromise was a most inexplica ble concession on the part of the arribenos, especially if the president had the right here exercised of cast ing a double vote.^* Let us turn to the national capital and follow the deputy Manuel Castanares in his efforts in behalf of California. He was a much more diligent represent ative than had been his predecessor, Andrds Castillero; though perhaps the real does not quite equal the ap parent difference, because the efforts of Don Manuel were recorded in print, while those of Don Andrds Avere not — even if there were any to be recorded, which is doubtful. Before the end of 1844 Casta nares received some complaints from his constituents respecting Mexican neglect, coupled with implications that the neglect was due to the deputy's own inatten tion to his duties. As the best means of proving that such charges were unjust, Don Manuel resolved to print his communications and speeches. Letters cer tifying his zeal Avere obtained from such high digni taries as Tornel, Reyes, Cortina, Trigueros, and Bo canegra; and this correspondence, with the documents mentioned, was published in pamphlet form in 1845. I proceed to glance at the contents of the pamphlet ^ Record of the discussion in Bandini, Doe, MS., 156; Olvera, Doc, MS., 11; Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 20-2. CASTANARES IN CONGRESS. 413 in chronologic order as a record of what Avas being done for California in Mexico.^* Having left California in December, Castanares directed his first official communication to the minis ter of relations on March 2d. It promised a detaUed report to be presented a little later; contained a Avarn ing of impending danger from foreign aggression and internal troubles; recommended the sending of a force of 70,0 or 800 veteran soldiers, properly equipped and provided for, to protect the department; and insisted on the prompt payment, sin excusa ni pretesto alguno, of the $8,000 per month assigned for the support of the troops already there.^^ In the extra session of March 30th, the diputado presented an able argument on the topic of missions and the pious fund, in opposition to the reports of cer tain committees. -He declared California to be "a rough diamond, requiring only application to the lapi dary's wheel to adorn the aureola of And,huac with a jewel of the most beautiful splendor"! Missionary work must be a prominent element in the polishing process; and the fund must be devoted in good faith to California, in accordance with the wishes of the ^* Casta-flares, Coleccion de Documentos Relativoa al Departamento de Cali- ifornias, Publicados por el Oiudadano Manuel Cadanarea, Diputado al Con greso General por aquel Departamento. Mexico, 1845, Svo, 70 p. The lateat communication in the collection beara date of July 17, 1845, but though pub lished in 1845 and containing information about events of the first part of that year, I choose to notice this book as belonging to 1844. The letters of Mexican officials all speak of Castanares in flattering terms. Tomel says: 'El celo de V. por el bien, felicidad, y adelanto de las Califomias que digna- mente representa, ea imponderable, aegun me consta en el largo tiempo que desempefl^ el ministerio de guerra, y en el cual dia por dia concurria V. con- migo, esforzando la justicia de que aquel precioso departamento no fuese abandonado d, su suerte. ..jamas ha abandonado su noble prop6sito yen el congreso, en el gabinete, en la opinion piiblica, y en todos los medios imagina- bles, ha Uenado perfectaraeute sus deberes.' The others, all men with whom Caatanarea had come conatantly in contact in his efforta in the different de partmenta, ¦wrote in terma no less positive and favorable. ^ 'Porcion de interesea encoutoados; uu refinado provinciaUsmo aumen- tado por el racioual seutimiento del abandono con que se ha visto A aquel departamento, y algunas faltas gravea cometidas por individuos de los que componen la eapediciou militar que march6 d las 6rdenes del Ex"" Sr Gen. D. Manuel Micheltorena, sou suficientes eleraentos, entre otroa, para temer el traatorno de su tranquilidad interior. ' Castanares to min. of rei. , Mar. 2d, 1844, iu Id., Col. Doc, 10. He uisista that if troopa are sent, proviaion raust be made for their aupport, as the couufcry cannot and will not support them. 414 MICHELTORENA'S RULE-POLITICAL AFFAIRS. founders — yet not exactly as it had been applied be fore. For, as Castanares maintained most ingeniously and eloquently, under the old mission system the Ind ians had neither' become christianized nor civilized, but had rather been enslaved, retaining their idolatry, but losing their native freedom and wild dignity; and therefore the fund of course had not been used accord ing to the wishes of its generous founders. Those Avishes must not be interpreted too literally; for the catechism was not the only means of conversion and civilization, a still more effective one being "the inti mate contact of the barbarian with the man of culture, of the idolater with the Christian." There was no better way to elevate the Indians than to encourage the development of prosperity and culture among the gente de razon. Therefore, and this was the objec tive point of all Don Manuel's reasoning, the admin istration of tho pious fund should not be intrusted exclusively to the bishop, but should be controlled to some extent by the departmental government. It is needless to add that Castanares' eloquence in this direction, did not practically enrich the Californian treasury.^^ In June we have three communications from the congressman in print, from which it appears that he complained of not having been heard in a cabinet meeting as promised; that he sought and obtained an interview with President Santa Anna; announced the arrival of the California schooner, with Captain Flores as a commissioner in quest of succor, complaining that the vessel had been sent back with mere de spatches instead ofthe material aid so urgently needed; laid before the government some private letters from his constituents, including an account of the outrage by the cholos on Pierre AtUlan; and finaUy declared that the Californians would surely revolt if not re lieved.^'' In August an announcement that the Cali- 26 Caatanarea' apeech of March SOth in congreas. Id., Col. Doc, 11-15. =" 'By what I have said, your ExceUency will aee that the condition of the CALIFORNIA IN MEXICO. 415 fornia schooner had returned to Acapulco; a new Avarning of impending invasion by the United States ; and a new appeal for the money that had been prom ised, and the men and arms and munitions that were required for defence. The reply of August 16th was that the government would attend to California as soon as it could free itself from the more urgent Texan question. September 1st, Castanares presented an exhaustive general report on the condition and needs of his de partment, in part first of which document, by describ ing the country's natural advantages, he labored to prove that its retention as a part of the republic was a matter of the gravest importance from a national point of view, far more essential than the possession of Texas. In part second the author presented his views of what should be done to keep and utilize this invaluable possession. His suggestions, supported in most instances by plausible arguments, for which I have no sp'ace, were briefly as follows: Increased pow ers to be conceded to the departmental government in both branche.3, it being vain to apply the general laws to the exceptional circumstances of the far north. Several lawyers and clerks of education and experi ence to be sent to organize the administration of jus tice in higher courts. The pious fund to be restored to California, and to be used by the bishop with the inter vention ofthe government, not only for purposes purely ecclesiastic, but for the establishment of new frontier missions and presidios, and for the general promotion of education. Mexican families to be sent as colonists Califomias is uo longer tolerable. In compliance with my duties, I have taken all the stepa and exhauated all resouroea within my reach to cause a cessation of the despair to which they are reduced. The sup. go-rt cannot fail to apply the remedy, but if unfortunately it should be so, expect nothing but a bloody revolution, a deaperate reaort it is tme, but the only one remaining to them, who have received from Mexico nothiug but au insupportable tute lage, vexations of every class, aud no protection whatever.' June 25th, Caa tanarea to min. of rei. Id., Ool. Doe, 18. July 26th, Caataiiarea and Florea made a report to the min. of war on the needs of Cal. arising from Indian troubles, and particularly the danger of American invasion. In Monitor Obnstitucional, March 6, 1845, and an editorial in the paper of Mar. 8th. 416 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. and aided by the government, the mission estates, among other resources, being devoted to that end. Foreign colonization to be encouraged, away from the immediate coast, under special laws, especially coloni zation by Spaniards, Swiss, or Germans. Soldiers Avith their families to be sent in as large numbers as possible to form a kind of military colonies for protec tion against the Americans; the soldiers being released from military service after a brief term. Supplies to be sent regularly for the support of troops in Califor nia, not only to render its defence effective, but also to reestablish the waning respect of Californians for Mex ico. Education to be promoted by all possible means. The ports to be fortified; and a navy-yard to be es tablished, with the comandancia de marina of the South Sea, at San Francisco or Monterey. The occu pation of the coast islands to be promoted. The coast , to be protected by a fleet of gun-boats or other armed vessels ; and prompt transportation of the mails to be insured. Mexican merchants to receive every possi ble encouragement and concession, with a view ulti mately to enforce the laws against coasting trade by foreign vessels. The granting of lands to be regulated, and grants already made to be fully legalized, notwith standing possible defects of minor importance. Presi dios to be maintained in the interior and on the frontiers, one of them, in the nature of a military col ony, to be at Fort Ross. Parish priests to be provided and paid. A port of deposit for foreign goods to be established at Monterey. "Uncared for and abandoned as hitherto," concludes the author, California "will be irremediably lost, and I tremble at the sad consequences of such a loss. A powerful foreign nation will pitch its camps there; the adjoining departments will not be slow to feel the effects; and California in the hands of her new master will be for its neighbors what Belize is for Yucatan. Then will sprout the seed to-day lying ignored in the soil ; then her mines will be worked, her ports crowded. A PROPHETIC SPEECH. 417 her fields cultivated; then will a numerous and toiling people acquire property to be defended with their blood; and then all this for our country will produce the opposite effects. The steps that shall put Califor nia under a foreign poAver will be doubled for us in a contrary sense ; and when there is no longer a remedy, Avhen there shall begin to be gathered the bitter fruits of a lamentable negligence and an unpardonable error, then we shall deplore in vain evils which might have been avoided, and confess with sorrow our impotence to extinguish the destructive germ which at first might have been easily uprooted. "^^ This reads like prophecy; but Castanares' suggestions were Utopian Avhen addressed to a government and a people like those of Mexico. The day had passed Avhen the ' de structive germ' could be uprooted by Mexican power exerted in Mexican methods. On September 6th thanks, most enthusiastic but somewhat premature it would seem, were rendered to the government for the unexpectedly alnple resources ordered by the president to be sent to California in the shape of money, weapons, munitions, and equip ments, 'all to defend the national integrity and sov ereignty.' No doubt, as Castanares thought, the re sponse from his department would be a grito de guerra against the insolent foreigners who sought to steal so precious a possession.^^ The only other essential fact ^ Castaflares, Califomia y sua males. Exposicion dirijida al Gobierno en 1" de Septiembre de I844. In Id., Col Doc, 21-52. In Mexico, Mem. Guerra, 1844, p. 49-50, Minister Tomel recommends Mexican colonization for Cal., and admits the urgent danger of losing that department. June 21st, the com. gen. of Cal. to be suppUed with all he needs (!). Dept St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 80-1. July 18th, $2,000 ordered paid by Mazatlan custoras. Id., i. 82. Aug. Slat, $3,000 due from Becher's estate put at gov. 's disposal. Id., i. 85-6. Sept. 3d, the $8,000 per month to be paid de toda preferencia, as ordered iu May 1842. Id.,\. 89-90. ''¦^ Sept. 6th, Castaiiares to min. of rei. Sept. 7th, reply of Rejon. Cas tanares, Col. Doe, 52-3. The aid ordered according to aletter of Gen. Ryees on Nov. 27th, Id., p. 6, included 500 infantry aud 300 cavalry uniforms! the corresponding armament; 300 complete cavalry equipments; a large quantity of lead and powder at Acapulco; 4 pieces of artillery; $8,000 per month paid ai M-izatlan de preferencia; and finally, the refitting of the schooner Calif cyrnia. But the effectiveness of this aid waa aomewhat impaired by the remark in the samo letter, 'the orders have been issued, and I believe that, en el primer mo mento de desahogo qui haya, they wiU he executed.' HiBT. Cal., Vol.. IV. 27 418 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. respecting these reenforcements and supplies is that they Avere never sent at all. In November a circular was issued forbidding all payments of funds without special orders; but Castanares succeeded in obtaining an order that the California payments at Mazatlan be not suspended! This closed the correspondence of 1844; but I shall have occasion to notice the contin uation of the deputy's efforts in the annals of 1845. Clearly, Micheltorena's administration had not been productive of any very brilliant results so far as the welfare of California was concerned. The condition ofthe country was not much better or worse in 1844 than it had been in 1841. That such was the case, however, is not to be considered to any great extent the ruler's fault; nor does it furnish an argument against the soundness of Vallejo's policy in having urged the sending of a Mexican officer to assume both commands. That the result Avas disappointing was due almost entirely to circumstances, which arose largely from blunders in Mexico. It is doubtful if there Avas an officer in Mexico who could have done better in Micheltorena's place. There is no disagree ment among those who knew him respecting the gen eral's character. He lacked force, and was even in clined to indolence. He was not a man to act either promptly or wisely in an emergency. He exhibited himself in a ridiculously unfavorable light by his blus ter in the Jones affair. On other occasions in his Cal ifornia experience he manifested weakness of character, and he Avas regarded by his Mexican opponents as a pedantic dreamer of many theories. Still he was a gentleman of considerable culture, possessed of many negative virtues and no glaring vices, imposing in per son, with manners affeble and fascinating, kind df heart and honest of purpose, gifted not only with the power of winning personal friends, but with a fair de gree of executive ability and tact.^" ""I might quote long lists of Californian authorities on Micheltorena's char- THE GOVERNOR'S CHARACTER. 419 Micheltorena made many warm personal friends, and he excited the ill-feeling and opposition of no class. He favored neither arribenos nor abajenos, but tried to reconcile sectional differences. There was never any complaint of his favoring unduly either Mexicans or Californians. He restored what was left of the mission estates to the padres without exciting the opposition of any other class. He aided the bishop in his edu cational schemes, and listened to that dignity's coun sel so far as to marry his mistress. He was liberal to and well liked by the foreigners generally. He reduced expenses without very seriously offending the men who lost their salaries; and in fact, without hav ing introduced any briUiant or sweeping reforms, he performed the duties of his office under difficult cir cumstances with creditable tact and ability. There is much to be said in praise of his policy in all branches of government, and very little to condemn. As I have before remarked, it is doubtful if any available 'officer, Mexican or Californian, could have done better; and though many even among his acter, but there ia ao little variety of opinion that it would aerve no good pur pose. Alvarado, Castro, Osio, and others of that class, while not denying that he possessed good nature and some other good personal qualities, dwell naturally on his weakness, lack of energy, and oven lack of good faith; while others, including foreigners like Sutter, Bidwell, Davis, and Larkin, are dis posed to exaggerate his kindness, wisdom, and abiUty; but on the whole, there is no man prominently named in California history about whose personal char acter there is such a general agreement. On Oct. 22, 1842, John C. Jones -wrote from Sta Bdrbara to Larkin as follows: 'From all accounts, the general ia a mild, affable, and well disposed man; but devoid of all energy, stabiUty, force, or reaolution; the very laat man who should have beeu sent to guide the destinies of CaUfornia. He appears to be fickle and very undecided, and if report speaks trae, not overstocked with courage.' Larlan's Doc, MS., i. 344. Bustamante, Mem. Hid. Mex., MS., ii 100, 170; iii. 46, condemns Micheltorena as pedantic and inefficient. Osio, Hid. Cal. , MS. , 428-32, pro nounces him a man of theoriea, better fitted for a teacher thau a governor. Mra Ord, Oeurrencias, MS., 131, notea that he rarely roae from his bed until noon. Bandini, Hist. Cal, MS., 101, praises his personal character highly. Spence, Hid. Notes, MS., 20, says that although a gentleman in manners, he was lazy, always putting things off till to-morrow. Gomez, Lo Que Sabe, MS. , 61-2, 176-7, 340-4, 365, 374-5, 380-1, has much to say of the general, not-, ing among other things his fondness for gambling. 'General de erudicion mediana, celebre por loa disparates que escribi6 al ministerio Mejicano.' Al varado, Hiat Cal., MS., v. 94^6, 39-41. Nov. 18, 1844, VaUsjo aaaurea Micheltorena that he ia very highly esteemed by the CaUfomians, aud would be more so if he would send away his soldiers. Bear Flag Pap., MS., 3. 420 MICHELTORENA'S RULE— POLITICAL AFFAIRS. friends deplore his lack of energy as fatal, I find but few occasions in his rule where the obstacles in his Avay might have been overcome by energetic action; yet it is true he should have refused to come to Cali fornia with the company that was given him. Had Micheltorena come with a force of soldiers properly equipped and provided for, to be used on the frontiers for protection against Indian horse- thieves; or had he come alone — and been allowed to assume the command, as he perhaps would have been through Vallejo's influence — there is much reason to believe that his rule would have been a wise and suc cessful one. But he brought a battalion of convicts, who, to say nothing of the insult and grievous wrong to California, or of the petty depredations of these criminals, not only consumed the country's revenues without rendering the slightest service in return, and revived the old animosities between the inhabitants and los de la otra banda, but exhausted the general's energies and abilities in the task of preserviilg among them a semblance of discipline and of providing for their subsistence. I have given him much credit for the restraint he exercised over these men; but to control and support a crowd of criminal vagabonds was a pitiful object forthe energies ofa province and its ruler. ^^ " See chap. xx. for the revolution against Micheltorena in November. Larkin, Doc, MS., ii. 271, speaks of the benefits conferred on Califomia by Micheltorena's administration; while VaUejo, Doc, MS., xii. 157, p. 2-3, in a letter to ex-President Buatamante, declarea that he left Cal. in a much worae condition thau he fouud it in — but chiefly because the cholos demanded hia whole attention. CHAPTER XVIII. MISSIONS AND BISHOPRIC— TRADE AND FINANCE. 1844. Duran's Report on Southern Missions — Local Items — Lost Sheep — Padres and Vallejo — Secularization of San Luis Obispo — Grant OE Lands to the Church — Authorized Sale op Mission Estates TO Meet War Expenses — Bishopric — Ecclesiastical Seminary at Santa lN:fes — Pastor-^l Visit to the North — Commercial Regula. tions — Retail Trade — Protection op the Boston Merchants- Whalers Allowed to Trade — Yerba Buena and Sauzalito — Rev enue Oppicers — San Francisco and Santa Barbara — Financial Appairs — ^LiST OP Vessels on the Coast in 1844. A GENERAL report on the condition of the southern missions, in charge of the Fernandinos, was made out in February, in response to a circular from Mexico. Its purport, in marked contrast to similar documents of earlier times, was as follows: San Miguel has neither lands nor cattle, and its neophytes are demor alized and scattered for want of a minister. San Luis Obispo is in the same condition. La Purisima, though without property or sowing-lands, has yet a vineyard of moderate extent, and retains about 200 neophytes. The minister. Padre Juan Moreno, is ill, and is aided by the clergyman Miguel Gomez. Santa Inds with 264 neophytes, and with sufficient resources for their support, is in charge of Padre Josd Joaquin Jimeno. Santa Bdrbara, administered by Padre Antonio Ji meno and the writer of this report, has the greatest difficulty to support its 287 souls. San Buenaventura remains in tolerably good condition, with plenty of resources. It is administered temporally by Padre (421) 422 MISSIONS AND BISHOPRIC-TRADE AND FINANCE. Jimeno of Santa Bdrbara, and spiritually by the pres byter, Josd Maria Rosales. San Fernando, with few cattle, has two vineyards, and is administered by Padre Bias Ordaz. San Gabriel, once 'queen of all the mis sions,' has nothing left but its vineyards in deterio rated condition, which, with 300 neophytes, are cared for by Padre Tomds Estdnega and Presbyter Antonio M. Jimeno. San Juan Capistrano has no minister, and its neophytes are scattered. San Luis Rey, with a population of 400, has hardly anything left, and its minister. Padre Josd M. Zalvidea, is in a state of dotage. San Diego, always a poor mission, has noth ing now. Padre Vicente Oliva cares for its 100 souls. " From all of which it appears that three missions are abandoned, in totum, for want of ministers and re sources; that there remain only eight religiosos fer nandinos, with three clergymen to aid them; that only Santa Inds and San Buenaventura have the means of moderate subsistence; and that the other nine, destroyed by secularization, and their neophytes demoralized, are in a moral impossibility of ever rais ing their heads." ^ As to the success of the friars in administering the fragments of mission property restored to them by Micheltorena, it is difficult to form any definite idea from the foAV local items that constitute the only rec ord extant. At four or five of the richest establish ments there was doubtless a partial return of prosper ity, though even in connection with these Ave have no information about the eighth of total products that was to be paid into the treasury. The padres of San Josd and Santa Clara entered with spirit into the discharge of their new duties, and took steps, with ^ Duran, Informe del Actual Estado de las Misiones de la AUa Cdlifortm al cargo del Colegio de 8. Femando de Mexico, Feb" 1844, MS. HartneU in his letter to Wyllie also reports that 'the missions are almost entirely gone to ruin, aud can never be brought back to their former state,' but he thinks this state of things is well for the country's teraporal prosperity. HartnelVs Bng- l sh Coloniz. , MS. , 88. Castanares, on the contrary, regarded the downfaU of the missions aa the greateat miafortune of Califomia. Castaiiares, Gol. Doc, 31, 49-50. .A SECULARIZATION. 423 what success does not appear, to coUect the mission live-stock that had been lent out to different individ uals.^ San Luis Obispo, not one of the restored mis sions, and one that, according to Duran's report, had no property left, Avas formally secularized by Michelto rena's decree of July 16th. That is, it was formed into a pueblo, with the unoccupied lands in the vicin ity as egidos, the few remaining neophytes being made entirely free, except that they could not sell their lands, and were to furnish six persons each week to aid the curate. The missionary house Avas to be the parsonage, and other buildings were to be dedicated to public uses. The ditches were to remain free for the common use of all; no lot was to be granted Avithout reference to the governor; and the local government, for the present, was to be in the hands of an assistant justice, subject to the municipality of Monterey. I find no evidence that any immediate action was taken under this decree, or that any other establishment was thus finally secularized this year.^ ^ May 20, 1844, PP. Mercado and Muro give Francisco Arce powers of attomey to recover this property, of which the largest item is 6,000 sheep, owned by M. G. Vallejo. Arce, Doc, MS., 1, 3, 5. Aug. SOth, V. to Arce. Denies having any sheep belonging to the missions. The whole number was only 4,000, and they were legaUy takeu by him aa aid to the govt. Id., 30. Vicente Gomez, Lo Que Sabe, MS., 412-27, recitea a long atory about a quar rel that took place thia year at Monterey, on this subject. Benito Diaz ac cused Vallejo of having enriched himself by plundering the missions, V. demanded an investigation, and some letters of friars substantiating the charge were produced. The writer, not very good authority and unfriendly to V. , represents the matter as haviug looked dark for the hatter, when it was mysteriously hushed up. Jan. 18th, P. Mercado to Alcalde. Refers to au order that ' vagabonda ' be gathered and employed in community -work. S. Josi, Arch., MS., iv. 6. April 12th, Id. to Id. A sharp reproof for med dling with the management of Ind., which belongs exclusively to the padre. Arch., Arzob, MS., iv. pt ii. 37-8. July 15th, gov. to alcalde. The free Ind. of S. Buenaventura musu be induced to leave the coraraunity lands and settle at Sta Birbara. Dept. Rec, MS., xiu. 86. 'July 16, 1844, M.'s decree secularizing S. Luis Obispo. Arce, Doc, MS., 12; Pico, Doe, MS., ii. '73-6; St. Pap., Mias. and Colon., MS., ii. 399-401. A proviaional regulation for the manageraent of the Sta Cruz property by the justice of the peace, probably of thia year. In Id., ii. 409-10. April Sth, the inhabitants of S. F. mission petition the gov. to recognize thoir establishment as a pueblo; but April 30th M. declined to grant the petition until investigation could be made, the matter not being urgent. Prora ar- cliivea, in Dwinelle's Colon. Hiat, add., 102-3. Nov. 12th, Oaio is directed by tho gov. to take the 56 cattle which he had lent to the govt from the S. Rafael atock. Dept Ree, MS., xiii. 100. 424 MISSIONS AND BISHOPRIC— TRADE AND FINANCE. In June the bishop asked that the gardens, orchards, and vineyards of the ex-missions be given up to the ministers, that by their usufruct they might support themselves and, the culto. He desired "that the said possessions may in all time be respected as a sacred thing, as true ecclesiastical property, both in respect of the object for which they are destined, and of the true ownership which in them my churches ought to have, as soon as you order extended to each in partic ular a title of proprietorship in legal form."* In the natural order of things, by the tenor of Spanish and Mexican law, this property or a portion of it would eventually revert with the buildings to the church; and, whether a specific grant was necessary or not, there was no urgency in the matter, so far as the twelve missions now under control of the friars were concerned. Possibly the bishop's purpose Avas, how ever, to guard against future demands for the eighth of products promised, the vineyards being the ouly property that could be expected to yield much profit. I have not found Micheltorena's reply to the general proposition; but in the case of two missions not in cluded in the twelve, and which were ruined and abandoned according to Duran's report, he made formal grants to the church of lands for the support of divine worship, which were accepted by Bishop Garcia Diego. To San Luis Obispo, on the same date that it was made a pueblo, were given a league of land at La Laguna and two gardens, or huertas, near the curate's house, while to San Miguel on the same date was given the vineyard known as La Mayor.^ In August, when Micheltorena called upon the junta, or assembly, to provide resources with Avhich to resist an anticipated invasion by the United States, * June 8, 1844, bishop to gov., asking for raission gardena. Arch. Arzob., MS., V. ptu. 39. ^ July 16, 1844, grant of landa to S. Luia and S. Miguel for support of worship, with acceptance by tho bishop iu name of the church. Pico, Doc, MS., u. 19-25; Sacramento, Span. Arch., MS., p. 11-16; Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 147-8. SEMINARY AT SANTA IN2S. 425 a committee consisting of David Spence, Pio Pico, and Narciso Botello indicated the mission estates as the only public property in the department on which funds might be raised for the country's defence. This report, approved by the assembly on the 24th, author ized the government to sell, hypothecate, or rent the mission estates and lands, and after paying all debts and collecting all dues, to use the surplus proceeds to pay war expenses. Santa Bdrbara as the site of the episcopal palace, and Santa Inds as that of a college, were excepted; and still others might be reserved for national tillage to afford subsistence to the troops. This disposition was to be made of the estates at such a time and in such a manner as might seem best, un der a reglamento which should provide for a proper distribution of the movable property and lands to which the neophytes were entitled, and also for the support of the curates. In other words, the governor Avas authorized to complete the secularization of the missions and to use national property remaining for purposes of national defence. The measure was a legitimate one; but the alarm of war proved false; and Micheltorena never had occasion to publish the decree, or use the power conferred on him.® Bishop Garcia Diego had resolved on the estabUsh ment of an ecclesiastical seminary at Santa Inds, and by his authority padres Sanchez and Jimeno had ap plied to the goverhor for a grant of land in support of such an institution. The grant for six leagues was issued on March 16th, and more was given subse quently.' Early in May the bishop with his attend- "Aug. 20-4, 1844, action of the assembly authorizing sale of the mission estates. Leg. Eec.,MS., iv. 20, 25-7; Olvera, Doe, MS., 10-11; Hayea, Legal Hist 8. Diego, MS., i., no. 45, p. 105-7; Hartman's Brief in Miss. Cases, 15- 16; Jones' Report, no. 22; Hoffrtmnn's Opinions, 33. Whether the assembly could confer such a power, or whether Micheltorena did uot have the power without consulting the assembly, are questions that need not be discussed here. No sales were made under this act. 'March 16, 1844, grant of the 4 canadas of Sotonocomd, Alisguey, Cala- baza, and Aguichunii of Sta In^s lands, with acceptance by bishop ou May 4th. Sacramento, Span. Arch., MS., vu. 1-2. Sept. 26th, two more aitios 423 MISSIONS AND BISHOPRIC— TRADE AND FINANCE. ants started northward, and at Santa Inds he found the grant, together with a communication from Mi cheltorena to the effect that he had assigned $500 in money per year for the seminary, on condition that into it should be admitted every Californian in search ofa higher education.® It was on May 4th, at 7 A. m., the founders assembled in the mission church; and after a pontifical mass in honor of our lady of Refuge, and a discourse from Bishop Francisco, the constitu tion which was to govern the institution was read, and the seminary declared to be in esse according to the provisions of the council of Trent, being entitled to all the honors and privileges corresponding to a diocesan seminary. The episcopal benediction was pronounced on the assembled people; and the found ers, together with the five colegiales who were to pursue their studies here, signed their names to a record of the proceedings left in the mission books.' From Santa Inds the bishop continued his journey northward, visiting this part of his diocese for the first time in an official capacity, affording nearly all the people their first view of episcopal robes and their first kiss of the episcopal ring, and administering the rite of confirmation to all the faithful. His journey granted, aud accepted by P. Gonzalez. June 4, 1846. Id., vii. 2-4. April 1845, juridical possession given of the lauds, on which occasiou it was prom ised that during the existenoe of the coUege one mass each year ahould be said for the soul of Nioolaa Den, the alcalde who gave poasession. Id, vii. 6-10. ^ Dept. Rec. , MS. , xiii. 72-4. Thanks of the bishop and padres, aud propo sition to establish an 'esouela formal de priraeraa letraa ' in connection with the aeminary. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt ii. 36-7. ^ Stalnis, Lib. Mision, MS., 28-9. Alao an original record iu iSam^e, Doc, MS. , ii 37-8. The names were those of Bishop Garcia Diego y Moreno; his sec retary, Fr. Jos6 M. de J. Gonzalez; Sub-deacons Doroteo Ambris and Gerva sio Valdda, scholars a.n6. familiares of the bishop; P. Jos6 Joaquin Jimeno, rector; P. Francisco de J. Sanchez, vice-rector; PP. Juan Moreno and Anto nio Jimeno; Presbytero Jos6 M. Gomez; aud the 5 colegiales, Jos6 de los Santos Avila, Alejo Salmon, Agapito Cabrera, Ramon Gonzalez, aud Diego Villa. Colegio Seminario de Maria Santisima de Guadcdupe de Santa lnis de Ccdi- fornias — Constituciones que para el arreglo y gobierno dd. . . hizo su fundador, el 11"^ Sr Don Fr. Francisco Garcia Diego y Moreno, dignisimo Obispo de este didcesis, ano de 1844, MS. In this document are laid down minutely the duties of officera, employes, and students, with requirements for admis sion, course of study, text-books, religious exercises, diacipline, dress, food, rocroatioua, etc. BISHOP FRANCISCO'S TOUR. 427 was a commonplace and tedious one, compared with the triumphal march it would have been fifteen years earlier, when the missions were in their glory. We have no details of his entertainment at different places along the route. At Monterey his reception by the governor and citizens is said to have been hardly less enthusiastic than at Santa Bdrbara, and his presence imparted unusual splendor to the festivities and pro cessions of corpus christi; but the general spirit of the arribenos Avas not so cordial as to swerve the ven erable old man from his purpose to reside in the sunny south. After having attended to the routine duties of his pastoral tour, visiting his old mission of Santa Clara, and extending his journey to San Francisco, he returned to Santa Bdrbara probably at the end of July.^o It is needless to say that the bishop did not succeed this year any better than before in getting from the Mexican government any part of his salary, or of the pious fund revenues, which ought to have been spent in California if not paid over to Garcia Diego.^^ Yet influences were being brought to bear in Mexico by Castanares and others which were destined to result the next year in a favorable decree, if not in an actual sending of funds." '" May 19, 1844, bishop at S. Antonio. Lib. Mision, MS., 20. May 14tb, Monterey ayunt., on invitation of P. Real, votes to pay expenses of illumina tion of the to-wn for S daya when the biahop should arrive. Monterey, Arch., MS., V. 30. Festivities at Monterey deacribed in Gomez, Lo Que Sabe, MS., 365-73. Ou April 20th, P. Quijaa, the vice-prefect, being about to leave the country, had sent instructions that when the bishop should come to make his paatoral visit, the books were not to be submitted for hia inspection unless he would appoint regular curas dodrineros for the churches to take posaesaion by inventory iu due form. Garcia Diego, finding thia order copied in tho book of patentea at S. Antonio, declared ib must be held as 'baseless and of no value; having no fouudation, being contrary to lawa and rules, and inju- rioua to episcopal authority;' and forbade the copying of any more such 'scandalous circulars.' Arch. Obispado, MS., 65-6. July 2d, the bi.shop is sues instructions for the collection of tithes in the northern districts. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt ii. 39-45. July 11th, bishop visits S. Jos(5. Lib. Mision, MS., 14. July 16th, at S. F. Lib. Mision, MS., 52. " May 31, 1844, bishop sends a power of attorney to Ramirez, diputado of Zacatecas, to collect the $6,000 frora the Guaymas custora- house. Unbound Doc, MS., 249-50. ^''Castanares, Col. Doc, 11-15. 428 MISSIONS AND BISHOPRIC— TRADE AND FINANCE. By a decree of September 23, 1843, the Mexican government had prohibited retail trade by foreigners throughout the republic. In January 1844, the gov ernment of the United States, through Minister Thompson, protested against this action as "an open infraction of the treaty between the two countries." Bocanegra would not accept this view of the case; but it is not necessary to go into the merits of the argu ment, because no attempt was made to enforce the decree in California. Yet American traders in this country Avere advised through Consul Larkin to pre pare certified inventories of the goods which they might be prevented from selling at retail, with a view to later claims for satisfaction." The governor not only did not interfere with for eigners engaged in retail trade, but he went further in his disregard of Mexican revenue laws, prohibiting by an order of July 30th the introduction of foreign goods from Mexican ports — except of course, as is rather awkwardly expressed in the decree, on con dition of paying the full duties exacted on such goods when brought from foreign ports. For a few years past Mexican and other vessels had been bringing these goods from San Bias and Mazatlan, as ' national ized' goods, and underselling the Boston ships. The theory was that they could not have done this if the legal duties had been paid upon introduction of the effects into Mexico. The reduction of prices in Cali- ornia was not the evil sought to be avoided, but there Avas danger that the Boston merchants, if exposed to such a rivalry, practically one with smugglers, would abandon the field, greatly to the detriment ofthe de partmental revenues. Thus Micheltorena's measure was one of self-defence, justified by the circumstances, and perhaps not beyond the scope of his 'extraordi nary powers.' I find no record of any attempt to ^' Correap. between Thompaon and Bocanegra. U. 8. Govt Doc, 28th cong. lat seas.. Sen. Doc. 390, p. 16-20, vol. vi. March 1st, U. S. min. to Larkin, in Larkin's Doc, MS., u. 66. Decree of Sept. 23, 1843, iu Dept St Pap., Ben., MS., i. 48. THE WHALERS. 429 evade compliance Avith the order before the end of the year. There was, however, a period of six months accorded to new-comers ignorant ofthe decree before its penalties of confiscation Avere to be enforced." Another measure that had been devised for the protection of the Boston traders as revenue payers was the prohibition of trade by whalers. Such trade in itself, if legitimately carried on, had been regarded as beneficial to the farmers of the country, enabling them to exchange produce not otherwise salable for goods in small quantities; and the prohibition — due largely to abuses of their privilege by the whalers, who had become to a certain extent the confederates of smugglers — had drawn out many protests from the rancheros. Accordingly the prohibition was again re moved by a decree of October, providing that whalers, by paying $30 for a permit, anchoring where required, and receiving revenue guards on board like trading craft, might sell goods to. an amount on which the duties should not exceed $400 for each vessel.^^ The whaling vessels came iu greater numbers than before, and at San Francisco especially they caused the rev enue officials much trouble. They as well as some "July 30, 1844, M.'s order forbidding the introduction of foreign goods from Mexican ports. In Earlieat PriMing ; Guerra, Doc, MS., ii. 24-7; Dept. St Pap., MS., V. 90; Id., Monterey, iu. 101; Id., Ben., iu. 46. Mentioned by the gov. to the junta Aug 20th, Olvera, Doc, MS., 8-9; and to alcaldes, etc., Sept. 6th. Dept St Pap., Mont, MS., iv. 70; Pinto, Doe, MS., ii. 93. Re ported by Larkin to U. S. sec. state, ¦with comments on the independence of Californian officials, and on the benefits likely to reault to American traders if thia order could be enforced. L. seeraa not to attach much importance to the aUeged smuggling whioh gave rise to the order, but implies that the gov emor'a purpoae waa aimply to have the duties paid in Cal. rather thau in other parts of the republic. Larkin'a Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 10-12. It wiU be remembered that Micheltorena had in 1843 announced hia intention to issue such a regulation. Chap. xv. of this vol. , "Oct. 19 (2 ?), 1844, M.'s order permitting whalers to sell goods under cer tain restrictions; with instructions requiring renewed vigilance on the part of revenue officers. Pinto, Doe, MS., u. 91-2; Dept St Pap., Ben. Oust-H., MS., vi. [150-1]; £aj-iJ«'«i)oc., MS., ii. 242,278; Id.,Off.Corresp>.,MS.,i. 13, 21; ii. 15. Nov. 18th, Vallejo to Micheltorena, indorsing a petition of citizens on thia subject. Bear Flag Papers, MS., 4. Another measure repealed this year was the regulation of Deo. 1843, on the sale of hides under the supervision of a police agent. By decree of June 27th, the regulation of thia matter was restored tothe ayuntamientos. S. Diego, Arch., MS., .307. Feb. I4th, petition of Angeles ayunt. forthe repeal. Dept. Su Pap., MS., xviii. 31-2. 430 MISSIONS AND BISHOPRIC— TRADE AND FINANCE. other craft shoAved a decided inclination to anchor at Sauzalito rather than at Yerba Buena. The reasons alleged were the greater conveniences at Whalers Har bor for obtaining AVOod and water ; but the chief motive was a desire to be free from all legal restraints. Will iam A. Richardson, captain of the port, resided at Sauzalito; but he does not seem to have been over burdened with a sense of responsibility as a Mexican official, and in the minor controversies of frequent oc currence Avas found, so far as he troubled himself about the matter at all,, on the side ofthe whalers.^® Each vessel bringing a cargo for sale seems to have been required to pay $600 in addition to her duties, a sum devoted theoretically to the building of a pier; but respecting the collection and use of this fund the records are too meagre to be of any use; neither is there anything requiring special notice in the regula tions issued from time to time on detailed methods of enforcing the revenue laws." Consul Larkin in his letters of this year to the secretary of state, John C. Calhoun, gave a very complete general account of Californian commerce, thougli embodying no points with which the reader is not already famUiar; and the same may be said of HartneU's report to Wyllie from an English point of view.^^ '^Corresp. of the receptor, Benito Diaz, 1844, in Pinto, Doc, MS., i. 272- 84; u. 97-103. The small boats, or lighters, employed on the coast, but chiefly in S. P. Bay, were this year required to obtain patents, or licenses, from the govt. It does not clearly appear whether vessels were forced to employ these registered lighters rather than their owu boata. Id., i. 271-2; Dept St Pap., MS., XX. 37-51; Id. Ben., iu. 53. "Jan. 1, 1844, reference to the exaction of the $600. Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 133. Feb. 22d, gov. called upon to remedy difficulties caused by failure to follow Mexican regulations, aud to fix some method of determining the value of cargoea. Id., Ben., iii. 54-7. Feb. 23d, reglamento in 9 articlea for the receptorea, in Id., Ben. Cust.-H., viu. 13; Pinto, Doc, MS., ii. 46-8. March 7th, rulea for S. Franciaco. Id., ii. 58-9; Dept 8t Pap., Bm., MS. , iu. 53-4; Id. , Ben. Oust -H. , viu. 3-5. June 28th, Hartnell's regulations for celadorea. Doc. Hi-it Cal., MS., i. 464. July 20th, a ' reglamento de cela dorea,' probably the aame, iaaued. Los Angeles, Ayunt., MS., 5. Oot. 2d, ' rulea to govern vessels aud merchants, 10 articlea. Pinto, Doe, MS., ii. 88-90. .'8 April 16, Sept. 16, Dec. 9, 1844. Jan. 1, 1845, L. to CaUioun. La.r- kin'a Off. Corresp., MS., U. 3-A, 10, 13-14, 16-18; Hartnell's Engl Goloms., MS., 87. Also a general account iu Hunt's Merch. Mag., xvi. 36-8. CUSTOM-HOUSE. 431 Manuel Castanares being absent in congress, Pablo de la Guerra, the contador, acted as administrator of cus toms in 1844, with William E. Hartnell as first officer and interpreter, and Rafael Gonzalez as commandant of the guard. ^* Benito Diaz was sent in February to succeed Francisco Guerrero as receptor at San Fran cisco, with two celadores and two boatmen. Diaz was a more energetic man than his predecessor, and a kind of commercial awakening was observable at the future metropolis in the enforcement, real or pretended, of the revenue laws. A beginning was made on a small building to serve as a kind of branch custom-house, the laborers being Indians from San Josd and Sono ma, and the material being taken from ruins at the mission and presidio. There was even a proposition to dig a well near the beach, that vessels might have less excuse for going to Sauzalito. Progress on these improvements was not rapid, because the receipts from all sources were not enough to pay salaries, and com plaints were several times made that the laborers Avould quit work if the government, instead of send ing funds, insisted on certain tonnage receipts being send to Monterey.^" In May Micheltorena declared the roadstead of Santa Bdrbara open to the coasting trade, though the exact difference between its subsequent and former status is not apparent. Josd de la Guerra accepted '" The celadorea, two of them serving at S. F. , were Francisco Rico, Rafael Estrada, Eugenio Machado, Joaquiu de la Torre, Jacinto Rodriguez, and Rafael Pinto. Tomda Soberanes succeeded Jos6 Alvarez aa clerk iu August. There were 4 or 5 boatmen. The captain of the port, Lieut Narvaez, at Monterey, was not a customs officer. ™ Jan. 22d, receptoria ordered. Feb. 12th, Diaz succeeds Guerrero. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., MS., iu. 48; Id., Cud.-H., viii. 2. The well proposed, to cost $60 or $80, a spot haviug been selected in Feb. Id. , viii. 8. Oot. 2d, action on the matter soon to be taken! Pinto, Doe, MS., ii. 92. The new bnilding. Troubles to get material and to pay workmen. Likely to fall to pieces in Nov. Id, i. 273-4, 288; U. 49-50; Dept Eec, MS., xiii. 64-5, 82; Dept St Pap., Ben. Cuat.-H., MS., viu. [148, 184]. The employes at the custom house must stop their notorious gambling, lii. , -viu. 5-6; Pinto, Doc, MS., ii. 06-7. March 1st, two men engaged for the boat at $6 permonth. Id., i. 274. Expenses of custora-house for Dec, $301, including the price of a flag, $50. Id., u. 113. Receipts, Feb. to Aug., $97. Dept St Pap., Ben. Cuat.-H., MS., viu. [182-3]. 432 MISSIONS AND BISHOPRIC— TRADE AND FINANCE. the position of receptor, naming citizens to act as celadores as their services were needed. Los Angeles, hearing of this honor to Santa Bdrbara, wanted a like one for San Pedro; but of San Diego's old aspirations in this direction we hear nothing in these years.^' Josd Abrego remained throughout the year in charge of the departmental finances, being termed treasurer instead of comisario, in accordance with the governor's bando econdmico of January. The total receipts at the custom-house for 1844 were $75,625, of which sum $10,429 paid the expenses of collection; $24,707 were turned over to the treasurer for the civil list; while $40,489 were paid to the general for the sup port of his army. The revenues, although fifty per cent larger than those of the preceding year, were still but little more than half the sum required for current expenses after their reduction to an economical basis by Micheltorena and the junta. I append a few financial statistics. ^^ The maritime list of 1844, as given in a note, con tains fifty-three vessels."^ The record is not nearly ^' May 11th, M. declares Sta Bdrbara open to ' comercio de escala y cabo tage.' Guerra, Doe, MS., iv. 196; Dept Eec, MS., xiu. 84-5; Dept. St Pap., Ben., MS., iii. 51. Guerra appointed, and accepts ou June 1st. Id., iii. 50; Id., Ben. Cud.-H., viii. 1-2. Expenses of the office: receptor, $792; clerk, $180; seal, $50; stationery, $12. Doc Hiat Cal, MS., iv. 1160. Collections for first half of year, $519. Dept St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., v. 0. June 6th, Angeles wants S. Pedro opened. Dept. St. Pap., MS., xvui. 37. , ''' Total revenues, $75,625, with distribution as in my text. Custom-house recorda iu Pwio, Doc.,MS.,ii. 111. Total, according to Z.arKn'sO/'. Corresp., MS., ii. 37, 110, $78,739, of which American vessela paid $60,326; Mexican, $5,194; and others, $13,739. Receipts to AprU 20th, $58,000. Pico, Doc, MS., i. 85. Annual expenses reduced from $171,711 to $132,318; of which sum about $113,000 was assigned to military expenses, and was to be reduced to about $100,000 by a system of half-pay. Micheltorena, Bando Fcon. Amounts paid out by M. : batallon, $19,430; presidial companies, $9,618; artUlery, $3,914; old debta, $6,392. Dept St Pap., MS., xii. 7. Due M. peraoualiy Dec. Slat, $7,521, ou aalary account. Id., xii. 6. Pay-roll forun- attaolied officera, penaiouers, etc., $12,910. Id., Ben. Mil, Ixxxvi. 2-3. Some uselesa statistics in Mex., Mem. Hacienda, 1846. ^ See alao liat at end of chap, xxiii., this vol. Vessels of 1844: Admit tance, Alexandrovich, Angelina, Barnstable, Benj, Mc/rgan, Bolivar, Brothers, Ccdifornia, Catalina, Ohas W. Morgan, Clarita, Constanti-ne, Delphos, Don Quixote, Eagle, Esmeralda, Fama, Geo. Henry, Georgia, Guadalupe, Hibernia, Hogue, Josefita, Jdven Guipuzcoana, Juan Josi, Juanita, Julia Ann, June, L,agrange, Londresa, Levant, Lion, Menkar, Modeste, MonmouUi, Morea (?), Ncint-uckd, Newton, Oajaca, Primavera, Eosalia, ^-usedl, Sacramento, San LIST OF VESSELS. 433 so complete as that of the preceding and of most other years in respect of details concerning particular vessels; but it may be regarded as containing approx imately all the names. Of the whole number, fif teen, more than usual, were whalers; eight were small craft or lighters, which had to be registered this year, though most of them had been used on the coast for some years ; five were men-of-war or national vessels; four were traders which had wintered on the coast; while fifteen, composing the trading fleet proper of the year, may be supposed to have brought new cargoes, and to have contributed to the country's revenue — though in this last-mentioned matter there are no records for the separate vessels. The two Boston ships Sterling and Vandalia doubtless paid a very large part of the $75,000 which made up the year's revenue. Francisquito, Sarah, Savannah, Sterling, Tasao (?), Trinidad, Vandalia, Warren, Wm G. Nye, Y'uba. In the S. F. Call, Jau. 24, 1882, from the Neuiport (B. I.) Mercu-ry, is a mention of a master of a whaler, not named, which entered S. Diego iby the aid of Dana's book on Sept. 10th. On account of rumors of war, the meu amused themselves by spiking the guns at the fort. Larkin, ou Jan. 1, 1845, writing to the U. S. sec. state, says that 29 sail had entered Monterey iu 1844, of which 14 were American. The whole number of arrivals — the sarae ves sel entering several times — were 57. A Genoa man-of-war not in my list ia mentioned. Larldn's Off. Corresp., MS., u. 18, 110. Hartnell, in hia report to WyUie, states that frora 1839 to April 1844 there had entered 67 vessels in aU, 31 being Amerioan and 19 Mexican. Engl' Coloniz., MS., 85 Hist. Cal., Vol. IT. 28 CHAPTER XIX. IMMIGRATION AND FOREIGN RELATIONS. 1844. John C. Fremont — His Early Life— First Expedition, 1842-3- Report- Second Trip, 1843-4 — The Overland Immigrant Route to Oregon— From Oregon to California — Across the Sierra by a New Route- Return East — Fremont's Book — Map — Value op Fr^imont's Sur vey — Prejudice op Pioneers — ^Kelsey Company op Immigrants- Names— The Bale Affair— Stevens' Company— List — The Pikst Wagons — ^Bt the Truckee Route — Foreign Relations — Sutter's Affairs — Annexation Schemes — U. S. Consulate — English Colo nization — Wyllie and Hartnell — Hudson's Bay Company — Wood's Wandering Sketches — Alphabetical List op Pioneers. The immigrant parties of 1844, like those of the preceding year, were two in number; and, as in 1843 also, one came from Oregon, whUe the other crossed the Sierra by a more direct route to California. Be fore either of these parties, however, there arrived an exploring expedition, leaving also a few settlers, to which the attention of the reader is first called. In a certain sense this may be regarded as the third explo ration of California by the United States government; since Walker in 1833 had acted under or disobeyed official orders from Captain Bonneville — that is, being ordered to explore the Salt Lake, he had established his winter quarters at Monterey; and Wilkes, coming by sea and land, had made an official survey of the Sacramento in 1841. John Charles Frdmont, a man whose name will be prominent in later Californian annals, was a native of Savannah, Georgia, where he was born in 1813, his JOHN C. FRfiMONT. 435 father being a Frenchman of some talent who had married a Virginian lady of good family and some property. He spent the first twenty years of his Ufe at Charleston, South Carolina, where he was expelled from college in consequence of a love affair, and sub sequently became a teacher. From 1833 he made a cruise of over two years as teacher of mathematics on the U. S. sloop-of-war Natchez; served as assistant in several railroad and military surveys in Georgia, Ten nessee, and the Carolinas; and in 1838-9, accompanied M. Nicollet in two exploring expeditions to the upper Mississippi region, being appointed in 1838 second lieutenant in the corps of topographical engineers. In 1841 he had married a daughter of Thomas H. Benton, which has been regarded with much reason as the most brilliant achievement of his life. The importance of extending an accurate survey over the regions of the great west, geographically known only by the vague reports of trappers and emi grants, was of course understood in Washington ; and Fremont, full of energy and ambition, seeing in this work a splendid field for congenial, adventurous, and honorable employment, had easily obtained, through the influence of his father-in-law, a commission from the chief of his corps to undertake the work. For this service he was in every respect well qualified by natural temperament, education, and experience. Frdmont's first expedition was made in 1842; and as in it he neither reached California nor explored any part of any new route leading to California it may be disposed of very briefly here. The company, consisting of twenty-two French Qanadiian voyageurs, familiar with the country through service under the fur companies, with Kit Carson as guide. Maxwell as hunter, and Charles Preuss as assistant topographer, started from near the mouth of the Kansas River in June. The route was that which for years had been followed by the Oregon trappers and emigrants, up the Platte, past Fort Laramie, to the South Pass, which 43a IMJHGRATION AND FOREIGN RELATIONS. they reached in August. During the next tAvelve days Frdmont explored the Avestern base of the Wind River Mountains, and climbed to the summit of the highest peak, which has since borne his name. The return was by the same route, though a part of the trip was made by boat on the waters of the Platte, reaching the Missouri on the last day of September. There had been no remarkable adventures or discov eries ; but the party had made a series of accurate ob servations on a portion of the overland route, which could now be correctly mapped and described. Frd mont's report was dated March 1, 1843; and it was published before the end of the year by order of the senate.^ In less than three months after the rendering of his first report, frdmont was on the banks of the Missouri with a company similar to that of the pre ceding year, ready to start on a second trip. The ob ject was to continue his exploration of the Oregon emigrant route, from the South Pass westward, until he could connect the former survey with that made by Wilkes on the Columbia, and thus complete the transcontinental line. The details of the trip are therefore as unimportant for my present purpose as Avere those of 1842. The company started June 29th, and a few days later came in contact with the Chiles party, with whose journey the reader is already fa miliar. The route was somewhat farther south than that of 1842, being up the Republican fork, and south fork ofthe Platte, off the emigrant road, and generally through regions not before explored except by trap pers. A part of the men under Frdmont went from St Vrain's fort down to the Arkansas and back, thence proceeding -across the mountains to the Sweetwater. They were at South Pass August 13th, and reached ' Frimont's Report of cm exploration of the country lying between the Mis souri Eiver and the Eocky Mountains on the line of the Kansas and the Oreat Platte Eivers. Washington, 1843. Svo, 207 p. , map and plate. Thia report, in conuectiou with that of the second expedition, was reprinted iu several edi- ¦tions, as wUl be noted later. FREMONT'S SECOND EXPLORATION. 437 Fort HaU September 19th; but on the Avay Frdmont had turned aside with a few men to make a five days' survey of Great Salt Lake, on the waters of which he made a boat-voyage. From Fort Hall they took the usual route down the Snake River, reaching Fort Boisd October 8th, and the Dalles the 4th of Novem ber. This completed the line of overland survej?^ by connecting it with that of Wilkes; but Frdmont made a boat-trip down to Fort Vancouver and back, before preparing for his homeward journey — which brings us to that part of his expedition which has a proper place in the annals of California. On the 25th of November, 1843, the company of twenty-five men started from the Dalles.^ Frdmont's Intention was to explore the Tlamath, or Klamath, lake, thence to go south-east "toa reported lake called Mary's, at some days' journey in the great basin; and thence still on south-east to the reputed Buenaventura River, . . . flowing from the Rocky Mountains to the bay of San Francisco;" then to the head waters of the Arkansas, to Bent's fort, and home — there being no intention of crossing the sierra into the Californian valleys at all. Following up the Fall River, they reached Klamath marsh, mis taken for the lake of that name, on December 1 Oth ; discovered and named in succession Summer, Abert, and Christmas lakes; and, always in search of Mary Lake, or the sink of the Humboldt, they reached and named Pyramid Lake on January 10, 1844, its sal mon-trout supplying a welcome feast. For one day, 'The author says there were 25; but I do not know which are the 5 names to be erased from the 30 of the following list: Alexis Ayot, Pranpois Badeau, Olivier Beaulieu, Eaptiste Bernier, John G. Campbell, Kit Car son, Manuel Chapman, Ransom Clark, Philibert Courteau, Michel Cr61is, Baptiste Derosier, Jacob Dodson, Thos Fitzpatrick, John C. Fremont, Alexis Godey, Louis Mtoard, Louis Montreuil, Sara. Neal, Francois Pera, James Power, Raphael Prauie, Charlea Preusa, Baptiate Tabeau, Theodore Talbot, Charlea TapUn, Charlea Towns, Joaeph Verrot, Tiery Wright, Louis Zmdel, and a Chinook boy. The doubtful names must be sought araong the following: Ayot, Clark, Courteau, Cr^Us, Menard, Montreuil, Pera, Power, AVright, and Zindel, who are not named in the Californian portion of the narrative, and are not known in Cal. records. 438 IMMIGRATION AND FOREIGN RELATIONS. January 16th, they followed up the Salmon Trout, now Truckee, to its bend, and then kept on southward in quest of the mythical San Buenaventura. It was on the 18th, on what is now the Carson River, that Frdmont resolved to cross the Sierra into the Sacra mento Valley, the condition of his animals' feet not warranting an attempt to cross the country eastward. Seeking a pass, but ever loath to enter the forbid ding snows, the explorers kept on southward far up the eastern branch of what is now Walker River, nearly to the region of the modern Bodie; and then, turning to the north-west, and being forced to abandon on the way a brass howitzer which they had brought thus far,' they returned to the Carson River, which they supposed to be the Truckee. From the 2d to the end of February the travellers struggled desper ately over the mountains and through the deep snows, Frdmont and Preuss getting a view of the Mountain Lake, since called Tahoe, on the 14th. The pass, corresponding somewhat Avith the Carson Canon and Johnson Pass of later maps, Avas farther north than those by Avhich Walker in 1833 and Bartleson in 1841 had crossed; and the season was more unfavor able; so that this was really the most perilous cross ing of the sierra that had yet been effected. Fortu nately no lives were lost, though the suffering was great. Two men became insane for a time, and 33 out of 67 horses and mules Avere lost or killed for food. Six days' march down the south branch of the Amer ican River brought Frdmont and part of his men to Sutter's Fort, where all arrived the Sth of March. "An impetus was given to the active little popula tion by our arrival, as we were in want of everything," 'According to Lancey, Cruise of the 'Dale,' 49, and a writer inthe Inde pendence Inyo Independent, Oct. 3, 1870, the gun was found In later years somewhere between Aurora aud Genoa. Lancey attempts to tell where, bnt fails to make hia meaning clear. There had been some trouble at Washington about the taking of this howitzer from the arsenal at St Louia; and an order waa sent to countermand the expedition^an order which fell into the hands of Mrs Fremont, who shrewdly failed to forward it. Benton's Thirty Years, ii., chap. 134; U. S. Govt Doe, 22d cong. 1st sess.. Sen. Doc, ii, no. 14. FRMONT in CALIFORNIA. 439 writes Frdmont. "Mules, horses, and cattle were to be collected; the horse-mill was at work day and night to make sufficient flour; the blacksmith-shop was put in requisition for horseshoes and bridle-bits; and pack-saddles, ropes, and bridles, and all the other little equipments of the camp, were again to be provided. The delay thus occasioned was one of repose and en joyment which our situation required, and anxious as we were to resume our homeward journey, was re gretted by no one." Less than two weeks were spent at New Helvetia; and on the 2 2d of March the ex plorers encamped on Sinclair's rancho, as a prepara tory movement of departure. Six of the company were left in California.* The plan for return was to go up the San Joaquin Valley; through the pass discovered by Walker, for which Fremont suggested the name of Walker Pass; to the Santa Fd, or WolfskiU, trail; to follow that trail until it turned to the right to cross the Colorado ; and thence north-eastward to Utah Lake. The jour ney up the valley was from March 24th to April 12th, River of the Lake, as applied to Kings River, being the only noAv name given. They were guided by Christian Indians through Tehachepi Pass, so far as I can determine from the map and narrative, and not through Walker Pass at all. On April 18th they * Samuel Neal, the blacksmith, was discharged at his own request. Bap tiate Derosier wandered from the camp aud waa uot heard of again, and four othera were diacharged with their own consent, three of them being perhapa Oli-vier BeauUeu, Joseph Verrot, and Charles Towns. Sutter, Pers. Remin., MS., 129-32,141-2, complains, as ia his wont, that he lost heavily by helping Fr&nont, taking his pay in drafts ou the topographical bureau, ou which he had to discount 20 per cent. He says that two men were tried before him for stealing sugar, and acquitted; but Fremont was angry, and discharged them from his service, one being Neal. Furthermore he claims to have hast ened Fremont's departure on account of the approach of a party sent by Mich eltorena to investigate. In hia Diary, p. 4, Sutter notes Fremont's arrival on March 6, 1842 (4); andou the 27th, after the viaitora had departed, that of Col. Tellez and 25 men to learu Frdmout'a buainess. March 13th, Benito Diaz at S. P. to adrain. of cuatoma at Monterey. Has heard of the arrival in the Sacraraento of a party of ooramissioners to survey a boundary line between the U. S. and Mexico. Dept St Pap., Ben. Cust.-H., MS., viu. [229]. Thia was doubtless the report that caused Tellez to be sent. March 28th, Sutter's letter to Larkin, announcing Fremont's viait, enclosed by L. April 12th to U. S. sec. state. Larkin's, Off'. Corresp., MS,, ii. 2-3. 440 IMMIGRATION AND FOREIGN RELATIONS. struck the trail of the Santa Fd caravans, which they followed for a month, losing one man, Tabeau, who Avas killed by the Indians, and being joined at Las Vegas by Joe Walker. On May 24th, Badeau hav ing been accidentally killed on the way, Frdmont's company reached Utah Lake; and thus completed the circuit, on which they had travelled 3,500 nules since September 1843. The route from that point eastward Avas in general terms by the Uintah River, the Three Parks, Arkansas River, and Smoky Fork, to the mouth of the Kansas, where the company ar rived at the end of July. Frdmont's report of this his second expedition was dated March 1, 1845, the author being at the time about to undertake another trip, of which I shall speak in a later chapter, and it was published by order of congress in the same year, together with a reprint of the first expedition.^ The author confined himself closely to actual observations of himselfand associates, Avhich he described in a style at once fascinating, terse, and strong, but withal modest and unassuming, which not only gave his writings much popularity, but received ^ Report ofthe Exploring Expedition to the Eocky Mountaina in the yeor 184^, and to Oregon and California in the yeara 1843-4- By Brevet Captain J. C- Frimont, dc. Printed by order of the Senate of the United Statea. Waahing ton, 1845, Svo, 693 p., map and platea. (U. 8. Govt 2)oc., 28th cong. 2d sess.. Sen. Doo. uo. 174, also printed by order of the house of representatives in an edition of 583 p., according to Sabin.) The lat expedition occupiea p. 7-101; the narrative of the 2d expedition, p. 103-290; acientifio observations, tables, plates, etc., p. 291-693. Beaidea the general raap, there ia one ahowing the route from the Tahoe region to Sutter's Fort on a larger scale; and some of the platea contain planta, foaaila, etc., belonging to California proper. The edition just described is the oue to which I refer habitually aa Fr6- mont's Eeport. There are others, several of them in my collection, from which and from Sabin I note the following: Fremont's Eeport, etc., AVash. (1845), Svo, 278 p.; Id., Narrative of the Exploring Expedition, etc.. Wash., 1845, Svo, 324 p.; Jd, Syracuse, 1846, 12mo, 305 p.; Id., N. Y., 1846, Svo, 186 p.; Id., N. Y., 1849, Svo, 186 p. (often bound with Frimont and Emory's Califomia Guide-book, N. Y., 1849)i Id., London, 1846, Svo. These reports, or parts of them, are also included in many of the biographical works on Fremont which I shall have occaaion to refer to elaewhere. It doea not aeem desirable to give here long lists of references to mentions of Fremont's explorations, containing nothing that doea not come from the original official report. I have already given the few slight references to his presence in Cal. Preuss' map of 1848, 31st cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc. 17, p. 944, vol. v., also shows Prtoont's route of 1844. FRljlMONT'S REPORTS. 441 a high degree of praise from scientific critics. Both in the execution of the task committed to him, and in the narration of his adventures, Frdmont showed that he possessed a high degree of talent. I have been able to give but a brief outline of his long tours, and I find no space for the long quotations that might appropri ately enough be introduced from his experience in the Sierra Nevada, or from his general remarks on the geography of the great west. His visit to California, or the region now known as California, was but an incident of his exploration, and his narrative has no importance as a record of the general condition of af fairs in the department. Its geographical importance is best shown by the reduction of his map, which I present. This is not the place to consider the complicated controversies of later years respecting Frdmont's char acter and abilities; but one particulai" phase of the matter should be noticed here rather than elsewhere. Fremont has not been a popular man among the pio neers and mountaineers of California and Oregon, many of whom extend their condemnation of his military, political, and financial fiascos back to his career as an explorer, denouncing and ridiculing him as a vain, in competent, and pretentious charlatan, enjoying a high reputation for achievements that belonged to others. Men who neither knew nor cared anything about Frd mont's merits were glad to foster this feeling of the pioneers, and to utilize it as testimony of great weight against their political foe. Thus injustice has been done, the origin of Avhich it is not difficult to trace. There are slight indications of an unfriendly feeling against Frdmont among the immigrants of 1842-4, with whom he often came in contact on the road, aris ing from the fact that as an officer of the government he maintained a degree of military discipline among his men, and was thought to hold himself somewhat above and aloof from those of the ox-teams ; again, the publication of Fremont's narrative may have aroused Fremont's Map, 1844. INJUSTICE TO AN EXPLORER. 443 some jealousy on the part of men whose journeys and hardships were destined to remain unrecorded; and finally, Frdmont in 1846-50 made many enemies among those who are now knoA\m as pioneers. Yet all these things are not sufficient to account for the popular prejudice to which I have alluded, the true origin of Avhich must be sought in the political campaign of 1856. At this time Fremont's merits as a 'path finder' were absurdly exaggerated in campaign eulo gies, intended to strike a popular chord in the eastern states, and printed in books and newspapers Avhich Avere read by everybody. The general purport of these statements was that the presidential candidate had been not only the conqueror of California, but the original discoverer and explorer of the whole western region, overcoming obstacles and enduring hardships unknown to others. At least, so it was interpreted by Pacific coast mountaineers and overland immigrants, who re sented asa personal Avrong the praise and honors award ed to one who as an explorer had only followed in their tracks. Thus a bitter feeling was engendered, and many ridiculous charges were made against a man who was not responsible for the absurd praise lavished upon him. As we have seen, Frdmont claimed no honors that belonged to such men as Walker and Carson and Fitzpatrick, men whose services Avere nowhere more heartily acknowledged than in his book. He men tioned over and over again the fact that the trappers or immigrants had everywhere preceded him. His task was altogether different from theirs; it was to explore scientifically a country with Avhich they had long been familiar, but respecting Avhich their knoAvl- edge Avas not available for geographical purposes. He performed his task in a manner creditable to his intel ligence and energy; shirked no hardships involved in the performance; and described his achievements with all due modesty. His work was the first and a very important step in the great transcontinental surveys 444 IMMIGRATION AND FOREIGN RELATIONS. that are still being prosecuted; and for his service as topographical engineer Frdmont deserves praise. We have seen that Hastings, coming down from Oregon in 1843, had met certain Californians bound northward in disgust, who carried back with thera several" families of the Hastings company. Among the former seem to have been Benjamin and Andrew Kelsey, who had come with Bartleson in 1841; and among the latter Avere other Kelseys. Most of them, however, came back to California in 1844 in a com pany which, the leader's name being unknown, rnay be called by that of Kelsey. Nothing is known of the organization or adventures of this party, beyond the facts that it consisted of thirty-six persons and ar rived in the Sacramento Valley probably in June. I giA'e in a note the names of twelve men Avho are known to have been members of this company, including the two Kelseys who had been in the country before, as had Buzzell probably.® The only document of the year that throws light on the names of these new comers is a defence which Benjamin Kelsey found it necessary to make of his character and conduct in September. Dr Bale, for firing a pistol at Salvador Vallejo, by whom he had been flogged, had been seized by Solano and his Indians at Sonoma, where Colonel ^ The Kelsey compauy from Oregon, 1844: Wra Bennett, David T. Bud, Jos. Willard Buzzell, Henry Fowler, AVra Fowler, AVra Fowler Jr, AVm Har grave, Andrew Kelsey, Benj. Kelsey, David Kelsey, Sarauel Kelsey, Gran viUe P. Swift. In the Yolo Oo. Hiat, 32, the name of Wm H. AVuiters is added — perhaps correctly, as there appears to be sorae doubt of hia having come with the Chilea party of 1843; AVillard Buzzell ia called Joaeph Buzzle; and it is said, 'they left the Sacramento abont ten miles above Knight's Land ing, and went acrosa the country to Wm Gordon'a place, on Cache Creek, arriving in June, where all those whose names have been giveu stayed for about one month. ' Dennis and Jackson Bennett firat appear ou a S. F. padron of July, and it is not quite certaui whether they came iu this party or with Hastings the year before. Aug. 6th, Sutter to Micheltorena, announcing the arrival of a party from the Columbia, who wish to settle and become good Mexicans. Dept St-. Pap., MS., xvii. 85. Aug. 7th, Sutter -to Larkin, saying the party contained 36 persons; and another large company was preparing to come. Larkin's Doc, MS., ii. 157. Brief notice of immigrants leaving Ore gon for the raore fertile Cal. Niles' Eeg., IxvuL 38; Oreenhow's Hist. Or. and Cal., 387-8. THE STEVENS COMPANY. 445 VaUejo, having rescued him from the Indians before they could hang him, had locked him up to aAvait trial.' It appears that there was some talk among the foreigners of releasing Bale by force ; at any rate. Captain Hinckley testified that he had heard of such threats through residents of Sacramento, and that the Kelseys and Merritt were the ones implicated. There upon three of the Kelseys, the Fowlers, Hargrave, Buzzell, Swift, and Bird signed a document on Sep tember 7th, to the effect that all had come from Ore gon together, and that the charges rnade were alto gether unfounded.^ The second immigrant party of 1844 came under the leadership of Elisha Stevens, though it has been also called the Murphy company, from the name of a large family, afterward prominent citizens of Santa Clara County, which came with it. There were over fifty men in the party, besides women and children, when they left the Missouri River in May. The route was that usually followed to Fort Hall, where the company separated, about half the members going to Oregon, while the rest directed their course down the Mary River, as Walker and Bartleson had done before them, until they reached the sink. I give their names in a note.^ They had about a dozen ' Vallejo, Hist Oal , MS. , iv. 391-8. The writer states that Bale waa tried and found guilty; but that Micheltorena released hira, fearing trouble witli the Engliah couaul. Another Sonoma quarrel of thia year was that between Capt. Prudon and Alcalde Leese, in which the two came to blows, and in con sequence of which the latter was dismissed from office. Dept. St Pap., MS., V. 114; Id., Ben., iv. 49. 'Aug. 29, 1844, Hinckley's deposition. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xU. 88. Sept. 7th, Sam. Kelsey to his brother Benjamin — who, it appears, was chiefly sua- peoted, having had some difficulty with Salvador Vallejo 2 years before. Id., xii 92. Sept. 7th, document simed as stated in the text. Id. , xii. 93. 'Stevens company of 1844: Edmund Bray, Vincent Calvin, Francis De- land, John Flomboy, Joseph E. Foster, Caleb Greenwood and his two sona Britain and John, Matthew Harbin, Hitchcock, Hitchcock, Jr (?), OUvier Maguent, Dennis Martin, Patrick Martin, Patrick Martin, Jr, Janies Miller and family, Wm J. Miller (boy), Allen Montgomery and wife, Bernard Mur phy, Bemard D. Murphy (boy), Daniel Murphy, James Murphy and family, Jamea Murphy (boy), .John M. Murphy, Martin Murphy, with children and grandchildren, Martin Murphy, Jr, and faraily, Martin Murphy (boy), Pat rick W. Murphy (boy), Patterson (boy), Mrs Patterson aud children, Mosea 446 IMMIGRATION AND FOREIGN RELATIONS. Avagons, the first that ever completed the trip into the valley of California. The Stevens company Avas probably the first to cross the sierra by the Truckee and Bear rivers, sub stantially the route of the railroad; but the particu lars of the crossing are vaguely and confusedly re corded. A journal is said to have been kept by Townsend and Schallenberger, but to have been lost." The arrival at the sink of the Humboldt was late in October or early in November; and some time was spent here in rest and preparation for the trip over the mountains.^^ JBefore they resumed their journey "the snow had begun to fall, and their progress to the summit, which occupied nearly a month, was of course slow and attended with great suffering. According to numerous newspaper items of 1875-80, the Truckee River was named at this time for an Indian guide to whom the name Truckee had been given on account Schallenberger, Elisha Stevens, Johu Sullivan, Michael Sullivan, Robert Sul livan, and John Townsend. The moat complete liat ia that in the 8. F. CaU, Sept. 13, 1864, by a womau who aeems to have been oue of the party, per haps Mrs Montgomery; but it does not specify those who came to Cal. as distinguished from those who weut to Oregon. My Ust has been revised by Schallenberger, who is my ouly authority for Flomboy and Patterson, the latter a boy with the Hitchcock family, aud whose name should perhapa take the place of Hitchcock Jr. The Oregon Pion. Assoc, 1876, p. 42, gives also the name of Jackaon. Some authorities name Jamea M. Harbin aa diatinct from Matthew Harbin. Some include Wm J. Martin in this party inatead of the Chilea company of 1843. Bray, in his Memoir of a Trip io Cal., MS., names 25 of those who came to Cal. He gives the date of departure aa May ISth; saya they camped July 4th at Independence Rook, when a child was bom iu the Miller family; datea the separation at Pt Hall iu Sept., and the arrival at the sink about Oct. 24th. Clyman, Diary, MS., deacribea the march to Ft Hall, and aays the Hitchcock party, vnth 13 wagons, left the Oregon company on or about Sept. ISth. Thoa Gray, a resident of S. F. in 1884, intended to cross the plains iu 1844, but changed hia mind. Through the influence of Senator Benton he got a pass dated March 29th, the original of which he showed me with a letter from Benton. Doubtleaa there were raany aimilar cases. ^'' The writer in the Call absurdly says that the loss of these journals gave Fremont his title as 'path-finder,' since the latter followed in Stevens' traclia, and renamed the streams, etc., which he pretended to discover. The -writer supposes Stevens' to have been the first party of immigrants that came over land ! " Quigley, Irish Eace in Califomia, 177-83, 195-205, in a sketch repro duced in the Mariii Co. Hist, 114-17, 472-3, says they arrived at the si-ok on Nov. 10th, remaining about 10 days; while Bray, Memoir, MS., says tha arrival was about Oct. 24th, and that they camped here only two nighta. See also a mentiou of this party iu Maguire's Irish in America, 266-7. THE STEVENS COMPANY. 447 of his resemblance to a Frenchman so called. ^^ Early in December they encamped in the region of what was named later, from the terrible experience of an other immigrant party, Donner Lake. Here there seems to have been a division, one party proceeding in advance to Sutter's Fort and subsequently returning to aid the others; but the details of movements from this point are conflicting.^^ Evidently the company reached the valley in two or more detachments, and perhaps by different routes ; but it does not clearly appear that the families left behind in their mountain camp suf fered more than the ordinary hardships of such an experience. On December 13th Sutter announced the arrival; and either he or Micheltorena, from mo tives that will be apparent to the reader of the next chapter, saw fit to state that the new-comers num- " Upham's Notes, 568-9; Gold HiU News, May 5, 1875; Vallejo Chronicle, Sept. 26, 1878; Eeno Oazdte, Aug. 23, 1880; Sacramento Bee, Sept. 4, 1880; S. F. AUa, May 10, 1875, etc. ^' Bray'a veraion ia that the larger part of the corapany preased on to the American River, leaving the reat at Donner Lake. The latter kept on, however, until they encamped on what the -writer auppoaes to have been the Yuba. Here they stayed a week, and a child was bom iu the Murphy faraily. Then 8 men, including the writer, pressed on before, leaving James Miller iu charge of the women and children with the oxen for food aud the wagons for shelter, and reaching Johnson's rancho on Bear Creek Dec. 23d. A mouth after their arrival at Sutter's a party went back and brought in those left behind. (See important additional matter in note on p. 454. ) According to Quigley, log houses were built, perhaps at the place located by Bray on the Yuba, aud roofed with hides -taken from the oxen that were killed for food; here the families were left in charge of Miller, while most of the men pressed forward to Sutter's, joining iu the campaign iu behalf of Micheltorena, at least as far as S. Jos^, before they went back after the fami lies. This ia confirraed by B. D. Murphy in conversation. Meanwhile, when all in carap were on the point of starvation. Miller and hia little boy atarted out to aeek relief; and were lucky enough after about a week of wandering to meet the rehef party. I auspect that this writer's account of Miller's adventures and the sufierings in camp are very much exaggerated. The Call account reads: 'The Stevena company paaaed up the Truckee River, called Stevena River by Dr Townsend, to the forks, where the Donner and Reed farailiea periahed, and camped at the lake on the aouth fork of the Truckee. Dr Townaend's wife and EUen Murphy croaaed the mountaina by following the north fork of the Truckee, aud atruck the Sacramento 40 railes above Sutter's Fort.' BidweU, Cal. '41-8, MS., 113, 222-3, saya the party came by the Truckee and Bear rivera; but their wagona were left on the sura mit until spring. In Sutter Co. Hid., 18, it la aaid that Schallenberger was left in charge of the wagons. According to Schallenberger's stateraent in McGlashan's Hist Donner Party, he with Foster and Montgomery reraained behind at the lake, building a cabin later used by the Donners; and finally when they were forced to attempt escape, S. waa left ill and lived aloue at the cabm until a rescue party came in March 1845. 448 IMMIGRATION AND FOREIGN RELATIONS. bered one hundred and fifty, and that another larger company was close at hand!" On the general topic of foreign relations in 1844 there is little more than a series of detached items to be presented. Micheltorena's policy toward strangers was in no respect less friendly than before; and if any considerable number of Californiatis disapproved that policy they left no record of their disapproval. Even the alarm of war with the United States in the summer, already noticed, does not seem in the least to have disturbed friendly relations in Cali fornia; though there was a question raised about the propriety of enrolling foreign residents among the defensores de la patria, and though in Mexico the Californian representative continued to urge that the country should be closed to Americans.^^ Foreigners took an important part in the revolution against the governor which began this year. But all connected Avith that affair will be recorded in the following chapters; also what there is to be said of a general nature respecting Sutter and the state of affairs at '^Dec. 15, 1844, S. to Vallejo. The immigranta came through on Fre mont's route, and are now getting their wagons down. The number ia not atated. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 122. Dec. 18th, gov. to Castro, announcing Sutter's despatch ou the arrival of 140 or 150 men. Guerra, Doe, MS., i. 43; Dept St Pap., MS., v. 102-3; Id., Ang., x. 59. On April 29th, Larkin had asked Sutter to keep him fully posted about the numbers, names, etc., of all iraraigrants that might come. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 7. '5 i?he padron of S. P. resideints fit for military service, prepared by Hinckley July 21st, contains the names of many foreigners. Vallejo, Doc, MS. , xxxiv. 42. July 19th, Alcalde Leese reports that while Chiles, Vines, etc., are willing to support the govt, Dawson, Hardy, etc., objeot. Dept St. Pap., MS., xvii. 81-2. July 25th, Larkin to Spear, stating that foreigners not naturalized caunot be required to serve iu the militia according to the treaty -with the U. S. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 9. Belden, Hist Statement, MS., 49, apeaka of the ease with whioh he and others obtained naturalization papers. Feb. 9th, at the requeat of Consul Forbes, blank cartas de seguridad to be aent to chief towna for convenience of applicants unable to go to Monterey. Dept. St. Pap., MS., v. 75-6. Alvarado, Hist Cal, MS., ii. 143-4, says that Vallejo was well known to be 'ooquettmg' with the Americans with a -view to obtain settlers for the northern frontier and thus advance his own interests, a policy which displeased Caatro and others. Wood, Wandering Sketches, 231, says a large number of foreigners from all parts of the country assembled at Monterey on the occasion of a marriage, and the authorities, becoming alarmed at the crowd, sent to inves tigate, but the foreignera had aU disappeared, no one could say where. AMERICAN PROSPECTS. 449 NeAV Helvetia, where there was little variation from the statu quo of the preceding year.^^ Of course military duties devolving upon the captain in connec tion with the revolution obliged him to defer the pay ment of his debts until a more convenient season. In the matter of annexation schemes at Washington, the year brought no new developments. The project was in a sense taking care of itself with the rapid in crease of American immigration; but a sharp watch was kept on the coast by the Pacific squadron, three vessels of which were in California in 1844, and all was believed to be in readiness for any one of the three emergencies likely to occur — a rising for independence on the part of Californians foreign or native, an at tempt of England or France to take possession of the country, or war between Mexico and the United States.^' Meanwhile Castanares in Mexico uttered '" In his Diary, 4, Sutter says he was made captain in the Mexican army aud comandante of the northem frontier by Micheltorena, implying that it waa long before the revolution, and that under this comraission he formed a regular garrison whioh he brought into a good state of discipline before the gov. called for his aervicea; but I flnd no record of either commiaaion or appointment. Sutter did not use the title, nor waa it used by othera in cor respondence of the time; and I have uo reason to suppose that he ever held any military rauk except auch aa waa obtained frora Alvarado, or waa con ferred on him duriug the campaign of 1844^5 (partial error, seep. 407). Deo. loth, S. complains that though acting as postmaster he has to uae his own horses every time he has occasion to send despatches to the govt. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 122. April 17th, S. to gov. Leese is becoming more and more insolent; he should be told not to meddle in Sacramento matters, the Vaca rancho being the boundary of the Sonoma juriadiction. Dept. St. Pap-., MS., xvu. 83-4. June 4th, justice of peace at S. Juan complaina of Americans with passes from Sutter, who go about catching wild horses and buying stolen ones. VaUejo, Doe, MS., xxxiv. 32. In the S-utter-Su-nol Corresp., MS., 22-6, there are 9 letters of 1844. ¦ Most are like those of former yeara, in which Sutter asks for something and proraises to pay something, with conatant excuaea for not paying at the time. Some Indian laborers were aent down. His harvest began the 17th of June. His largest vessel made a trip to the Colurabia River, and his launch some time in the summer waa aground at Roaa. In Auguat he would soou have some hats and bridles ready; in September his leather would soon be, finished. On Oct. SOth, lie -wrote from Monterey, and Nov. 9th from Yerba Buena. He expected soon to meet a ' certain person ' who was coming overland, and if he did not see him, then the best he could promise was to pay his debt iu beaver skins this winter! FrcJmont, Report, 246, says ' Mr Sutter was about raaking arrange menta to irrigate his lands by raeans of the Rio de los Araericanoa. He had thia year sown, and altogether by Indian labor, 300 fanegas of -wheat. '- The season was dry, aud there is no record of crops. " Casta-nares, Col Doc, 10, 16, 19, 31, 37, etc. The author speaks of Cal. as ' threatened with the perfidy of our neighbora of tlie north. ' ' The ambi- Hisi. Cal., Vol. IV. 29 450 IMMIGRATION AND FOREIGN RELATIONS. frequent and ineffectual warnings against the Ameri cans who were crossing the mountains every year in larger numbers, most of them "without other patri mony than their rifles," and who were taking advan tage of Mexican neglect to inspire the Californians with disloyalty; while Consul Larkin assured his gov ernment that the general feeling of the people toward Americans had been most friendly since the visit of Commodore Jones. At the beginning of the year Albert M. Gilliam was appointed U. S. consul to re side at San Francisco; but he never came to take the place, and at the suggestion of the consul at Monterey, his resignation was accepted, and Larkin's jurisdiction was extended to cover all places that were nearer to his than to any other consulate. ^^ tion of the U. S. ia not limited to the poaaeaaion of Texas, but extends to that of Califomias, which by a thouaand titlea ia more desirable.' Cal., 'over 1,000 leaguea from the capital, adjoining lioatUe territory, haa besides these two fatal elements another germ still raore prejudicial; that is the sympathy which the inhabitants have with our northem neighbors, raany of whom have intimate relations in the country, not only through the commerce, that ia exclusively in their hands, but by the stronger bonds of marriage and prop erty.' 'It is to be feared that the American emigrants in Oregon are begin ning to distribute arms among the Indiaus in exchange for stolen horsea and cattle.' 'El auprerao gobierno est4 convencido de que Califomias es hoy la ambioion de todas laa nacionea, y la conducta observada por nuestros vecinos del norte, reapeoto de Tejas, no deja duda ya de que esta naciones nuestra enemiga natural.' In one place he speaks of 1,000 armed Americans in the Sierra de Sta Cruz ! April 16th, June 20th, Aug. 4th, Larkin's letters. If an American fleet should now attack Monterey, there would not be the same feeling as before. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS. i. 11; U. 4, 7. Webster's views in 1844. Sacramento Union, Nov.' 9, 1869. G-win, Memoira, MS., 3-4, refers to iuter-viewa in 1844 with John C. Calhoun, aee. of atate, in whioh he spoke with great enthuaiaam of Cal. aud the deairabUity of obtaining it, es pecially S. P. Bay; and said he had proposed, through a secret agent in Mexico, to settle the Texas question by fixing the boundary as a line running from a point raidway between S. F. and Monterey due east to the Rio Grande, and dowu that river to the gulf, |10,000,000 being offered to Mexico as an in ducement. Sutter, Pers. Eemin., MS., 141-2, says he asked Frtoont whether if he should declare his independence the U. S. would annex him. P. repUed he thought it raight be done, though the govt would have to be consulted. Castaiiares, Col Doc, 36-7, urged that colonization by other foreigners should be encouraged, but that Americans should on no account be admit- ted,iuto the country. Bustamante, Mem. Hid. Mex., MS., i. 15, mentions in AprU the report from Micheltorena that Cal. had been invaded by over 1,000 Anglo- Americanos. '8Jan. 9, 1844, Gilliam's appointment. Savage, Doc, MS., i. 35. Com mission forwarded Feb. 3d. Larkin's Doc, MS., ii. 61. June 24th, Larkin argues that only one consul is needed in Cal. Id., Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 7. Oct. 25th, sec. state announcea Gilliam's resignation, and the extension of .Larkin's juriadiction. Id., Doc. Hiat Cal, MS., ii. 233. Dec. 31st, disburse- BRITISH HOPES. 451 Respecting the English scheme of colonization I have to note an interesting continuation of the corre spondence between Hartnell and Wyllie.^^ In April Hartnell wrote at some length, replying to Wyllie's series of questions upon the condition of CaUfornian affairs, chiefly from a commercial point of vicAv, and with reference to the advantages for colonization. Having ansAvered the questions, he goes on to say: "I have spoken to the governor. No instructions whatever have been received in CaUfornia touching the exchange of deferred bonds for land. But his Excellency has assured me that he will do all he pos sibly can for you with respect to granting a tract of land for colonization. His faculties do not allow him to give more than eleven leagues to one person, but I can ask for one tract for you and another for myself; and I am almost certain that I shall succeed in obtain ing the privilege to hold on to them a reasonably sufficient time to enable settlers to come out from England, say two years from the time of the grant, without being obliged to stock or cultivate them, as others have had to do. The governor told me plainly that he wished very much that settlers would come out from Europe, so that all the vacant lands should not be given to Americans ; and he even hinted that 'he should like to take a share in the speculation him self He has always professed himself particularly friendly to the English."^" And in his reply from Honolulu in November Wyllie says: "American views on the territory are apparent, and if the question of Texas had led to a war, the result cannot be doubted. In such an event, the only power that could save Cali fornia is Great Britain; and nothing could justify her interference so much as previous grants of land under the Mexican government to British subjects. Be menta of the office for laat 6 montha, $131.34; expenses of hospital depart ment, $724.22. Id., Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 21. ''See chap. xvi. of this volume on this topic iu 1843. ^"HartneU's English Colonization in Cal. Ldter to Eobt C. WyUie, April 1S44, MS. 452 IMMIGRATION AND FOREIGN RELATIONS. ready then to grasp all you can for me and yourself if such a crisis should threaten; and if the governor wishes to favor us he could secretly have one third of the allotment to me and you so that his grant also Avould come under British protection." ^^ Notwith standing this alleged friendliness of Micheltorena to English interests, the agents of the Hudson's Bay Company in California, one of them the British vice- consul, seem to have aided the revolutionists against the governor by furnishing arms and ammunition.^^ Larkin warned his government that the importance of this company had been greatly underrated, and that there had been an application in its behalf for a large grant of land; but whatever may have been its plans in this respect, hunting operations in Califor nia seem to have been abandoned W the company after this year.^' The only book of 1844 requiring notice, in addition to Fremont^s Report, to Avhich the reader's attention has been already directed, is one written from obser vations made this year by William M. Wood, who visited California as surgeon of the U. S. man-of-war Savannah, and devoted four chapters of his book to that country.'** Dr Wood arrived October 3d and sailed December 15th, being present at several balls "Nov. 13, 1844, W. to H. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiv. 72. Aug. l8th, Larkin to seo. state. Suggests that if England gets Cal. au efibrt should he made to exchange 8 degrees north of tbe Columbia for 8 degrees south of 42°! Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 8. ^^ This appears from a letter of Larkin to the seo. state. Larkin's Doc, MS., iu. 337, aud from other docuraents of 1845 relating to a bill for the aid furnished. 23 June 20, 1844, Larkin to seo. state. Larkin's Off. Correap., MS.,ii. 6-7. Hittell, Hist S. F., 90, talks of a visit of Sir Jas Douglas in' 1844, and his disapproval of Rae's management. In Yolo Co. Hiat, 29,, and S. Joaquin Co. Hist, 11, there is some rather vague information about the com pany's operations iu theae laat years, from the recollections of J. A. Forbes., There is a remarkable absence of all contemporary records or correspondence on the subject. ''^Wandering Sketchea of people and things in South' America,' Polynesia; California, and other places visited, during a cruise mi board of the. U. S. ships Levant, Portsmouth,' and Savannah. By Wm Maxwell Wood, M. D., surgeon U, 8. Navy, late fleet surgeon of the Pacific squadron. Philadelphia, 1849, l2iuo, 386 p. That part relating to California ia fouud on p. 212-87. DOCTOR WOOD— LIST OP PIONEERS. 4.53 and dinners with Avhich the Californians and naval officers mutually entertained each other. He gives brief pen-pictures of the person and character of Mi cheltorena and other prominent men whom he met, including such foreigners as Sutter, Graham, and Chiles. Most of his remarks are devoted to the man ners and customs of the people Avith whom he came in contact, and with whose hospitality and most other characteristics he was greatly pleased. He says but little of politics, but conveys a tolerably accurate idea of the country's general condition and prospects. In November, with a party of officers and Californians, he made a tour to the rancho of Joaquin Gomez. He saw Alvarado at Alisal, surrounded by conspirators, and was being entertained by Padre Ansar at San Juan when the revolution broke put and arms were seized at the mission. The narrative is written in pleasing style ; I have occasion to cite it elsewhere on special matters. Out of more than two hundred foreigners shown by the records to have visited California in 1844, all of whom are mentioned elsewhere in .this Avork, one hun dred may be regarded as pioneer residents, and are named in the appended list.* About half of them '^Pioneers of 1844: Henry Adama (?), Geo. Anderaon, Olivier Beaulieu, Jamea P. Beckwourth, Wra Bennett, Dav. T. Bird, Henry Booker, C. P. Briggs, Edmond Bray, Vincent Calvin, John G. Campbell, Herman C. Cardwell, Johu Carter, Jamea Cash, Clement Colombet, ,Tohn Counera (?), Geo. Cook, G«o. A. Corcoran, Martin Corcoran (?), Baptiate Deroaier, Carl Dittmann, John C. Ev erett, Thomas Fallon (?), Daingerfield Fauntleroy, Joseph E. Foster, Heury Powler, Wm Fowler, Wm Fowler Jr, J. C. Fremont, Frangois Gendreau, Cdrlos P. Glein, Alexis Godey, Henry A. Green (?), Caleb Greenwood, Jolin Gregory (?), John Hames, Matthew Harbin, Wra Hargrave, James Henry, Sam. A. Hinckley, Andrew Hoeppner, Thoraas Hudson, Laurent Hueratel (?), Albert G. Jonea, Dav. Kelaey, Sam. Kelaey, Charles A. Lauff, Perry Mc Coon (?), Jas McKeever, OU-vier Maguent, Dennis Martin, Patrick Martin, Pat. Martin Jr, Joseph Maacarel, Jaraes Miller, Wm J. MiUer, Allen Mont gomery, Bemard Murphy, B. D. Murphy, Dan. Murphy, Jamea Murphy (2), John M. Murphy, Martin Murphy (2), M. Murphy Jr, Pat. W. Murphy, Sam. Neal, W. B. Osbom, Wm. Peirce, R. K. Petrowaki (?), Henry P. Pitts, John Potter (?), Raphael Prauie, Ed. Read, Pierre Richarda, Heury Richardaon, Louia Robidoux, Emeat Rufua (!), John Sawyer, Moses Schallenberger, EUsha Stevena, John Sullivan, Michael Sullivan, Robert Sullivan, GranviUe P. Swift, Theodore Talbot, Charles Towns, Johu To-wnsend, Albert Trescoui, Joseph A''eiTot, Eph. Walcott, Benj. Washburn (?), James W.- Waters, James Wil aon, Joseph W. WolfskUl, Geo. T. Wood, and Geo. F. Wyman (?). 454 IMMIGRATION AND FOREIGN RELATIONS. came in the Frdmont, Kelsey, and Stevens companies by the overland route. Respecting sixteen, there is a degree of uncertainty, particularly as to the exact year of arrival. With the exception of John C. Fre mont, none in the list became specially prominent in the country's history ; but there were many well known aud influential citizens. There were about twenty sur vivors in 1884. (Note 13 continued. See p. 447.). Moses Schallenberger's Overla-nd in 1844 is a MS. received since my account on p. 445-8 was stereotyped, and is iu many reapecta more satisfac tory than any other extant. S. waa a boy of 17, and his party from Buchanan Co., Mo., consisted of himself, Dr Townsend and wife (S.'a aiater), and Allen Montgoraery and wife. An intereating account is given of hunting and other adventures along the way. The Cal. corapany is giveu aa 11 wagons, 26 men, 8 woraen, and about a dozen children. From the sink of the Humboldt they had to find their own way, ha-ving no guide; but they found an old Indian named Truckee whose statementa proved ser\dceable, preventing their takiug a southern route as many were incUned to do. At the forks of the Truckee River, John and Daniel Murphy, Maguent, Deland, Mra Townaend, and EUen Murphy, each with a horae, left the main party, following the river to Lake Tahoe, and thence croaaing to the headwaters of the Araerican, and down that stream to St Clair's rancho -without disaster, though with great toil. The rest kept on a few miles to Donner Lake. Here part of the wagons were left with three men. The compauy then climbed to the sumrait and pressed on to the head of the Yuba, where the rest of the wagons were left, and where Miller and faraily, old raan Martin, Mrs Martin Murphy and 4 aona, Mrs Jaa Murphy and daughter, and Mra Patterson and family remauied through the winter, sufi'ering considerably from hunger. The others reached Sutter's Fort and the men enlisted for the Micheltorena campaign. The 3 remaining at Donner Lake were Foater, Montgomery, and Schallenberger. They had a valuable invoice of goods to protect, built a cabin, and had uo doubt of beiug able to live by hunting; but the suow soou became so deep as to make success ful hunting impossible; and early iu Dec, to escape atarvation, they atarted across the mountains on improvised snow-shoes. But the boy, Schallenberger, was attacked by cramps ou the summit, and crawled back to the cabin, deem ing his slight chance for Ufe better there thau if abandoned, as he would probably have to be, further on in the mountaina. Alone, with but one poor quarter of beef for food, thia boy's prospects were not bright, and his expe rience was a remarkable one, for he remained here until the end of February. His salvation was the finding of some steel traps left by Capt. Stevens, with which he caught coyotes and foxes — the latter so plentifully that only once did he have to eat the former— never sufferiug from hunger, though con tinually from fear of it. At last, Dennis Martin retumed from the CaL valley to relieve the party on the Yuba, and extended his trip to the lake to succor young Moses if by chance he had survived. All reached the settle ments in March, though delayed by a freshet ou Bear River. I regret that the author's delay in furnishing this interesting MS. haa obliged me to dispose of it ao summarily. CHAPTER XX. REVOLUTION AGAINST MICHELTORENA. 1844. Peeliminaey RisuMi — Motives of the Rebels — Feeling against the Batallon — Plots and AVabnings — Pronunciamiento of the CaSada de San Miguel — The Govbrnob's Proclamation — CAMPAiGiir of La guna Seca, or Santa Teresa — Narratives — The Treaty — Casteo at Mission San Sosk — Micheltorena's Proclamation And Reports — His Treachery — Resolves to Break the Treaty — ^Affairs in the South — Rising at Santa BArbara — Policy and Motives of the For eigners — Suttee's Contract — Preparations at New Helvetia — Vallejo's Protests — Occurrences at San Francisco — -Weber's Ar rest. In former chapters I have brought the annals of Micheltorena's rule down to November 1844. I have described the governor as a gentlemanly, affable, kind- hearted, and personally popular man, possessing much executive tact, though lacking energy and inclined to indolence. I have shown that the policy of his ad ministration was in most respects conciliatory and wise, though not productive of great benefits for the country, by .reason of circumstances largely beyond his control. I have described the little army that came with him from Mexico as a band of criminals, most of whom were taken from the jaUs, and whose conduct in California was much better than might have been expected, not notably worse than that of ordinary soldiers, Mexican or Californian, in similar circumstances, but whose presence was a bitter insult to the Californian people, and whose discipline and support exhausted the energies and revenues of the (456) 456 REVOLUTION AGAINST MICHELTORENA. department, sadly needed for more important and beneficial uses. I now have to describe the revolu tion by which Micheltorena and his convict army were driven from the country. The motives of this revolt were three — ^popular dis content and indignation at the presence and petty depredations of the cholos, the personal ambition of certain prominent Californians to govern their coun try and handle its revenues, and the old feeling against Mexicans de la otra banda, imbittered by quarrels with officers and men of the batallon. And these three motives had nearly equal influence in producing the result. All witnesses admit the agency of the third, as do most that of the others; but certain classes of men have been disposed to exaggerate or ignore the influence ofthe first and second respectively. That there did exist a strong popular feeling against the batallon is a fact that cannot be ignored, and there was abundant justification for a much more bit ter feeling than wds actually entertained. Alvarado and other active leaders in the movement, however, have grossly' exaggerated the evil deeds of the cholos. They have represented them as an uncontrolled band of thieves and assassins, accusing them of numerous outrages , that were never committed, and unjustly blaming the general for not being able to control his men. They have pictured a reign of terror, which drove the people — their lives and property and the honor of their families being in constant peril — to rise as a last desperate expedient and overpower their oppressors; and they have naturally assumed ther61e of patriot leaders of a popular rising in defence of their country's liberties. In fact, being Californians, they desired now, as in 1836, that the department should rule itself under national allegiance. They desired personally a return to poAver, and they Avere ready to utilize in part, for their own interests, the only just cause of complaint against the administra tion. CAUSES OF REVOLT. 457 On the other hand, those who in the struggle sided with Micheltorena have pushed their exaggerations quite as far: notably so John A. Sutter and other more or less prominent foreigners. They have doubted the reports that the batallon Avas composed of convicts, ridiculed the idea of founding a revolution on the stealing of a few chickens, regarded the feeling against the cholos as a mere pretext of the revolutionary leaders to bolster up their ambitious schemes, over praised the governor and the wisdom and benefits of his rule, and have even had the assurance to claim in some instances that the Californians revolted against Micheltorena chiefly because of the latter's disposi tion to favor American immigrants. I shall have much to say later about the part taken by foreigners in this affair; but it is well to state here that the gov ernor's foreign policy had little or nothing to do with the rising, at the beginning at least. It should also be stated at the outset that the Californians from be ginning to end had no thought of throwing off their national allegiance to Mexico; though that view of the matter was somoAvhat current in the United States at the time. I need hardly add that no class of the Californians had at first any personal grounds of ob jection to Micheltorena as governor; though this does not imply that there were not several individuals al together willing to take his place. Before November there had doubtless been talk of using force to get rid of the batallon, but the plan had probably not assumed any definite form, even in the minds of the plotters; while on the other side there were but vague suspicions of danger. Warnings Avere sent to Mexico, but such warnings were not infre quent, coupled with appeals for aid.^ Judlh B. Alva- ' As early as March Castanares expressed fears of intemal troubles iuCal., on account of the conduct of the convicts, and for other reasona; aud Michel torena, in announcing the outbreak of the revolt, spoke of having predicted the trouble in his letters of April and August. Caataiiarea, Col Doc, 10, 58. Mofras, Explor., i. 313, whose book was printed iu 1844, says: ' L'autorit6 du 458 REVOLUTION AGAINST MICHELTORENA. rado had in some way, not clearly explained, rendered himself an object of suspicion at the beginning of the year;^ but while there is no reason to doubt that Al- A^arado, Osio, and perhaps Castro had taken a promi nent part in preliminary speculations respecting the best way to get rid of the obnoxious Mexicans, and in fomenting the popular feeling against them, there is reason to belieA^e that they had not agreed upon a plan, and that the final outbreak was without their immediate leadership or even knowledge. Michelto rena's personal popularity, the obligations under which he had put Jos^ Castro by defending him in Mexico, his relations with Vallejo and the uncertainty re specting the latter's probable course, a fear that the foreigners might aid Micheltorena or that the Ameri cans might take advantage of a revolt to seize the country, and finally a lack of assurance that the south could be induced to cooperate — were circumstances Avhich troubled the leading Californians, obscured their prospects of success, and delayed the perfection of their plots, if, as is believed, they entertained such plots. At any rate, on the 14th and 15th of November, a party of perhaps fifty Californians, under the leader ship of Manuel Castro, Jesus Pico, Antonio Chavez, and Francisco Rico, having driven off all the govern ment horses from Monterey to the Salinas VaUey, 'pronounced' at the Canada de San Miguel, seized at, San Juan Bautista such part of the arms and muni tions stored there as they could use, and set about the task of rousing the people to support their patri otic enterprise. One version is to the effect that at a fandango some of the Californians had a quarrel g^n^ral Micheltorena ue paralt gufere affermie; il est probable que t6t ou tard il sera traits comme ses predecesseurs mexicains. Les Californiens influents repfetent souvent que, ne reoevant rien du Mexique, Us pr^tendeut n'employer lea revenus du pays qu'a aolder dea Californiens; iis ajoutent que a'Us con- sentent h, eutretenir uue petite troupe de soldats. Us ne veulent pas avoir ¦! craindre lea attaquea dea galeriena . . . et tout port ^ croire que le general Mi cheltorena ue tarderd. pasSsubir le sort des gouvemeurs Victoria, Herrera (?), Chico, Gutierrez, et Carrillo. ' ' See chap. xvu. of this vol. PRONUNCL^MIENTO OF SAN MIGUEL. 459 and came to blows Avith officers of the batallon; and that in their anger Castro, Pico, and Chavez, Avith a dozen or fifteen others, left Monterey that same night, driving away the horses which were under guard in the Carmelo Valley.® A more probable and better supported statement is that of Manuel Castro him self, who says that the plan was formed and signed at, Monterey by himself and the others in October. Early in November they left the capital, gathered a company in the Salinas Valley, and sent Chavez back with a small force to capture the horses and cut off supplies.* The plan of San Miguel is not extant, if indeed it was ever reduced to writing; but the pur port of it Avas doubtless that the batallon, and per haps its leader, must leave the country.® Alvarado, in a letter of the time which there is every reason to credit, claimed that all this Avas done prematurely and without his knowledge. He had been on a visit to Sonoma, probably to sound Vallejo on the subject of revolt, with results that are not known, and on his return to Gomez's rancho, and to Alisal, had been warned by friends from Monterey, and by Commodore Armstrong of the Savannah, who had come out with a large company to hunt in the A'alley, that he was the object of much suspicion at Monterey, and that it was unsafe for him to remain at Alisal. He accordingly departed, but was soon overtaken by Jesus Pico, with news ofthe rising, which he Avas asked to support, and consented, though sur- ' Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 91-2; Torre, Remin., MS., 117-18. Ou Sept. 18th, Micheltorena wished to buy of Vallejo 100 horaes for the govt; and Oct. 28th, V. writes that they will be sent via the Sacraraento, at |50 each ( 1). Vallejo, Doe, MS., xu. 95. These were doubtless amoug the animals taken by the rebels. * Castro, Relacicm, MS., 97-9. Larkin in a letter of March 22, 1845, says 10 or 15 raen 'came into' Monterey and drove off the horses; aud during the month gathered about 100 raen. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 35. ^In the Micheltorena Expediente oi 1845, Pico claimed that the peopleof Monterey rose eu masse to demand a raeeting of the asaembly, etc., which is absurd. Castro, ubi supra, aud Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 409, talk about the bases of Tacubaya, and the restoration of Alvarado to the governorship, of wliich he had been despoUed. 460 REVOLUTION AGAINST MICHELTORENA. prised, and looking upon the step as too hasty.^ The report was sent to Mexico at the time, and it has often been stated since that Colonel Vallejo, as well as Al varado and Castro, was a leader in this pronuncia miento ; but as we shall see later, he took no part in it Avhatever.'' ^Nov. 20th, Alvarado, Carta Rd.acion,MS., 108. A. wrote from San Pablo. Wood, surgeon of the Savannah, was a raember of the party of huuters to whicii Alvarado aUudes. The viait to the ex-gov. waa on Nov. 13th. He waa found 'surrounded by several of his countrymen, with drinking materials ou the table at which they were sitting, and frora subsequent events it is cer tain that they had assembled in furtherance of a political conspiracy, which soon developed itself. Alvarado haa the appearance of physical strength and mental energy.' Osio was met at Gomez's raucho, 'a large, dark, grave-look ing man, neither in manner nor costume resembling a Mexican.' On Nov. 14th the Araerican officers visited S. Juan miaaion; and at a baU giveu by Padre Anaar a letter waa received by one of the Mexican officera who had ac companied the huutera, probably Capt. AbeUa, atating ' that 20 aoldiers had deserted from Monterey, taking with them every horae. ' Thia was about 2 or 3 A. M. on Nov. 15th. Later in the day the whole country was said to he in revolution, under Alvarado and Osio, though there was much uncertainty about Castro being implicated. ' The people at the miaaion were friendly to the rebels, and no objection was made when an ox-cart came to carry off am munition. Wood remained at S. Juau two nighta more, and on the 17th started for Monterey, where he arrived on the 19th. The Mexican officera had beeu allowed after aorae objeotiona to return with the Americana. They had learned during the past few days that the rebels were seizing all supplies and arms to be found at the ranches; and they found the capital in a sad state of alarm. Wood's Wandering Sketehes, 254, 259, 273-85. Francisco Rico, Mem. Hiat, MS., 1-3, tells us that after the plan was formed at Monterey, he was sent with it to Alisal to obtain Alvarado's ap proval, which after many objections was given. This statement of course con tradicts that of Alvarado. Castro, Eelacion,, MS., 97-9, says that he first submitted the plan to Alvarado after the pronunciamiento, and that he de clined at first to sign it, retiring to S. Pablo. Alvarado's statement in his Hist Cal. , MS. , V. 22-3, agrees with that made in his letter of the time — that he disapproved of the haste shown by the hot-headed young Californians, but joined the movement and weut to S. Pablo to work for the cause. Rafael Gonzalez in a record made at the time, Vallejo, Doc, MS., xiSxiv. 112, says that he and others had repeatedly wamed Micheltorena that a revolt was brewing. Francisco Arce, Memoriaa, MS., 35-7, was invited to take partin the plots begun at Manuel Castro's house, but declined ou account of personal favors from the gov., proraising however to keep silent. A letter announc ing the revolt seems to have beeu dated Nov. 14. Dept St. Pap., Ang., MS., viu. 34. Vallejo, Hiat Cal, MS., iv. 417-18, apeaks of the movement as having begun at Alisal on Nov. 14th. Micheltorena wrote to Mexico that the government horses were seized Nov. 15th, together with all catHc and horses in the region, so that Monterey waa cut off from all suppUes. Casta iiares, Col. Doe, 57. ' Everett of the Tasso, who left Cal. ou the Guipuzcoana on Dec. 2d, car ried the first newa to Mexico, reporting that Alvarado, Caatro, and VaUejo had pronounced at Alisal Nov. 14th, with 300 arraed paisanos. Castanares, Col Doc, 56. TuthiU, Hist Cal, 149-50; Hall, Hist 8. Josi, 133-5; the author of Yolo Co. Hiat, ll; Tmkhara, Hist Stockton, 87; and Robinson, Life in Cal, 212-13 — the last being the original followed by the othera— tell ua that Vallejo, Alvarado, aud Caatro harmonized their old differences, THE GOATERNOR'S MOVEMENTS. 461 Micheltorena's first step to put down the revolt Avas to issue a proclamation on the 18th of November, the tenor of which was, that, whereas a band of horse- thieves had pronounced at the Rio, therefore all tak ing part in the movement would be tried under the laws, and lose their property. Foreigners so forget ful of the hospitality shown them as to join in the disorders would be put to death without quarter; those who aided the rebels would be executed or con demned to the presidios according to their degree of guilt; but any who might present 'themselves within eight days would receive pardon for past offences.* At the same time — or probably a day or two before issuing the proclamation, for we have no exact dates — Colonel Tellez arid Captain Mejia were serit out to reconnoitre with a force of eighty men. They reached the Sali nas River, but returned Avithout having overtaken the rebels or recovered the lost, horses, though they did obtain from the ranchos a foAV cattle that had es caped the clutches of the other party.^ Finally, with most of his batallon, perhaps 150 men, Micheltorena marched out of the capital on the 2 2d to crush the rebellion, "both because the necessity of eating made itself felt, and because the rebel forces were on the in crease, destroying and carrying away everything, al- tumed against Micheltorena, and captured S. Juan where the govt ararauni tion was stored. The outbreak of the revolt is also raentioned without any additional information requiring notice iu Osio, Hiat. Oal., MS., 442-4; Coro nel, Cosas de Cal, MS., 55; Galindo, Apuntes, MS., 48-9; Garnica, Recuer dos, MS., 4; Ord, Oeurrencias, MS., 134; Ezquer, Mem., MS., 17; Amador, Mem., MS., 153; Fernandez, Cosas de Cal, MS., 111-12; Gomez, Lo Que Sabe, MS., 361; Belden's Hist Statement MS., 36. 'Nov. 18, 1S44, M.'s proclamation. Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., x. 47-8. ° Nearly all the authorities mention this expedition, sorae implying that there were two, one uuder Tellez and a later one uuder Mejia. AVood, Wan dering, Sketches, 282-5, on approaching Monterey frora the interior, spent the night of the 18th at a rancho, where the people were in great trouble because the night before Capt. Mejia's foragers had seized a herd of cattle which a young man of the faraily had coUfected in anticipation of his approaching marriage. In his report to Mexico, Casta-iiarea, Gol Doc, 57, Micheltorena claimed to have paid for all the cattle taken, in order to ahow the contrast between the conduct of hia raen and that of the rebela; but thia waa probably a figure of apeech. 462 REVOLUTION AGAINST MICHELTORENA. though not yet manifesting any political plan or ob ject. ''i" Meanwhile the Californians under Manuel Castro labored to increase their strength, the leaders meeting but little opposition' among the people, but having considerable difficulty in obtaining weapons and ammu nition. Messengers were sent in all directions to rouse the people. Josd Maria Villavicencio and Jos^ Antonio Carrillo were notified of what had been done, and Avere expected to cooperate with forces from Santa Barbara and Los Angeles. A courier was sent in great haste to summon Josd Castro, who with about twenty-five men was absent on Indian service in the Tulares. Influences were brought to bear on Weber and Gulnac at San Josd to secure the support of for eigners. Manuel Castro made a visit in person to the Santa Cruz region. Francisco Rico Avas sent to San Francisco, which place was also visited by Anto nio Maria Osio, and Alvarado proceeded to San Pablo to rouse the inhabitants of the Contra Costa, and es pecially to labor with his uncle Vallejo. Naturally we have few details respecting the rebel movements in these days, and the few extant are contradictory and unreliable. It appears clearly enough, however, that reenforcements were obtained from all the places mentioned above except perhaps the south; that some miUtary stores were obtained at San Francisco by Rico and Torre with the connivance of other officials ; that Joaquin de la Torre joined the rebels and was associated with Manuel Castro in the military com mand before the arrival of Don Josd ; that the forces retreated from the Canada de San Miguel and Salinas Valley as Micheltorena advanced, by way of San Juan to Santa Clara; and that there about 220 men were assembled before November 28th, including a com pany of foreigners under Charles M. Weber, the '"Deo. 12th, M. to Mex. govt. Castanares, Col Doc, 59. CASTRO'S POSITION. 463 whole under Josd Castro, with Alvarado nominally second in command." Colonel Castro arrived from the Tulares, joined the rebels at La Brea- near San Juan, and assumed the chief military command. All agree that he did this with much reluctance, real or pretended. He was friendly to Micheltorena, being also under great per sonal obligations to him for past faA'ors. There is no need' to record all the variations of opinion that have been expressed about his action and motives in this affair. The Californians have been much mystified on the subject. Some think he had been an original leader in the plot with. Alvarado, and that his reluc tance was a pretence ; others, that it was real, his scruples having been overcome by the arguments, entreaties, ridicule, and even threats of his associate Californians, and ofthe men under his command; still others, that he took the command with a view to help his friend, the general; and finally, there are some — both Vallejo and Alvarado accepting this theory — who insist that he had an understanding with Mi cheltorena from the first, the latter requesting him to take command of the movement, and to conduct a sham campaign which should drive him honorably from a position and a country of which he was heartily tired, without the risk of shedding either Mexican or Californian blood! This theory has its charms, ac counting for some things otherwise more or less inex plicable, and is not altogether improbable; yet in the absence of positive proof, it is perhaps as well to con- "Dec. 10th, Alvarado, Carta Rdacion, MS., 116; Rico, Mem. Hist, MS., 3-8; Torre, Reminis., MS., 117-20; Ondro, Eel, MS., 97-105; Alvarado, Hist Cal, MS., v. 23-4; Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 92-3; Amador, Mem., MS., 154-5. VaUejo, Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 408, speaka of a pronunciaraiento at S. F. on Nov. 20th, made without any knowledge of what bad happened on the Salinaa. Pinto, Apuntaciones, MS., 93, 97-8, speaka of Oaio 'a coming to S. F. and working to enliat the cuatom-house employes in the revolt; but aaya that himaelf and Jacinto Rodriguez refuaed to join the moveraent. Rico teUa ua that the receptor, Benito Diaz, and Comandante Joaquiu Pena, aided him in hia work. German, Sucesos, MS., 9-12, narratea at aome length a quarrel between hia Ijrother Luia Gerraan and Gabriel Castro while the rebel forcea were at Sta Clara. 4C4 REVOLUTION AGAINST MICHELTORENA. elude that Castro deemed his own interests as weU as inclinations to be on the side ofthe Californians; and that he satisfied his scruples of conscience, so far as such a man had any scruples, by reflecting that the movement was against the batallon, and not the gen eral. ^^ Colonel Vallejo felt perhaps more deeply than any other man in California the disgrace of having his country used as a penal colony, though he had not, like the Montereyans, come directly in contact with the cholos. He knew that the country could not prosper under such a burden; and he was the more troubled because in a sense he had been instrumental in introducing the convict army. He had doubtless expressed his views freely, but there is no contempo rary evidence to conta-adict his statement, and that of others in later times, that he took no part in promot ing the revolt of November. On hearing of the ris ing, Vallejo, November 18th, wrote the governor, assuring him of his belief that the only ill-feeling of the Californians was against the batallon, and sug gesting indirectly that as the troops were useless and burdensome both to the general and to the country, and as there could be no peace while they remained, the best way out of present difficulties was to send them away.^^ Soon came Alvarado's letter of the 20 th from San Pablo, in which the writer described " Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 100-7, relatea that he waa subsequently shown by Castro a letter in which Micheltorena wrote: 'My godson, a revolt h.is broken out at the Canada de Sau Miguel, amoug some hot-headed young men. This suits me, but I do not wish for any personal persecution or ven geance. Put yourself at the head of this movement, aud we sha/U come to an underatauding.' VaUejo, Hist Cal., MS., iv. 412-19, adds that the letter was sent in duplicate to Caatro, and one of the copiea was captured on the way; but this -writer's version of ensuing complications between the two Castros is utterly absurd and unintelligible. Alvarado, Hist. Cal,M.S.,y. 23, also speaks of the captured letter. Arce, Memorias, MS., 39-40, was told by Caatro that he joined the movement to help Micheltorena personaUy. Botello, Anales, MS., 113-14, and Arnaz, Becuerdos, MS., 68-9, give credit to the theory that there was an understanding between C. and M. " Nov. 18, 1844, V. to M., in Bear Flag Papers, MS., 3. In his Hist. Ccd., MS. , iv. 417-18, V. declares tha't he not only had nothing to do -with thc revolt, but was ready to defend M. as gov. if hia authority should be threat ened after tho departure of the batallon. VALLEJO NEUTRAL. 465 what had occurred, declared the movement to be a just and popular one, and called upon Vallejo to sup port it, either in person or at least by sending his brother Salvador with horses and supplies.^* The colonel's reply was to send Don Salvador to confer Avith Alvarado at San Pablo, and to bring back more minute details of what the rebels had done, what they intended to do, and what were their prospects of success, for Vallejo retained all his old spirit of cau tion and fondness for being found on, or at least not very strongly against, the winning side.^® His posi tion was a somewhat difficult one. As a Mexican officer his duty was of course to obey and support his superior; but in doing so he would be obliged not only to take sides against his friends and countrymen, and to defend a band of convicts whose presence he deemed a curse to California, but also to pay from his own pocket the whole expenses of the campaign; Avhile on the other hand, he had little doubt that, without his support, Micheltorena would soon be compelled to yield, send away his troops, and thus prevent revolutionary troubles and possible bloodshed. His decision was to remain neutral; and to avoid the obligation of obeying the general's orders to send reenforcements, though it nowhere clearly appears that such orders were ever issued, he disbanded the Sonoma forces November 28th, on the plea that he could no longer support them at his oavu expense as he had been doing. The men were left free to gain a living as best they could, and doubtless some of them joined the rebels.^* ^* Alvarado, Carta Eelacion, MS., p. 108. Nov. 20, 1844. In this letter A. statea that J. J. Vallejo would join the rebela; and he apeaka of a correspondence between himaelf and Micheltorena, in which M. had de plored the injurioua results of a revolt, admitted the justice of complaints, and promised to arrange all satisfactorily aa soon as the California should arrive -with orders and aid; whUe A. had replied that he could uot control the movement, which resulted wlioUy from the conduct of tlie cholos. '5 No date, V. to A., with blotter of 14 pointa on which information is required. Must have the minutest particulars to guide his course, which will of courae be ' in accordance -with honor, duty, and patriotism. ' Vallejo, Doc, MS., xiv. 21-2. '"Nov. 28th, V. to gov., notifying hira of having disbanded the troops^ Hist. Cai,., Vol. IV. 30 466 REVOLUTION AGAINST MICHELTORENA. Micheltorena, marching from Monterey on the 22d with 150 men and two or three pieces of artillery, encamped four or five days later at the Laguna Seca, on the rancho of Juan Alvires, ten or twelve miles south-east of San Josd. The rebel forces, 220 strong, marched down from Santa Clara to meet him, encamp ing in the hills of the Santa Teresa rancho, a mile or two from the lake and the general's camp. After two or three days of manoeuvres and negotiations; a treaty was concluded, by which Micheltorena agreed to retire to the capital and send away his batallon, Avhile the Californians promised to retire to San Josd mission and wait for the general to fulfil his agree ment. Such is an outline of the campaign. Most who have described it from memory add but little of importance in the way of detail ;^^ but there are some contemporary narratives that demand attention. Micheltorena himself, in a report to the government, described the campaign as foUows: "I made such rapid marches by night as they could not even believe pos- having no meana for their aupport. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 111. In later communications, bearing uo date, he goes more fully into the matter, ex plaining that a failure of crops had diminished his resources, and com plaining that Micheltorena had neglected the northern frontier. Id., xiv. 30, 33. In hia Hist Cal, MS., iv. 410-11, he explaina his motives, add ing to those I have raentioned his belief that M. and Castro had a secret understanding, and hia unwilUngness to take part in any such farce as the campaign was likely to be. C. E. Pickett, in Shuck's Beprea. Men, 228-9, relates that V. took a leading part ui planning this revolt, but that later most of hia men were induced to join Sutter'a force in aid of Micheltorena! '' Moat of the Califomiana greatly exaggerate the forcea on both sidea, 400 men being a favorite number for Micheltorena's army. All agree that the weather waa very cold, diaagreeable, and rainy. Several apeak of a small idetaonment sent out by the rebels in advance of the main force to try to sur prise the foe. Osio, Hid. Cal, MS., 444-7; Alvarado, Hist. Cal, MS., v, ^3-4; Garcia, Apuntes, MS., 5-6; Larioa, Convulaionea, MS., 17-19; Oei-man, Sucesos, MS., 3-5; Ezquer, Mem., MS., 17-18; Arce, Mem., MS., 41-2; Ser rano, Apuntes, MS., 93-5; Castro, Eel, MS., 104-7; Torre, Eemin., MS., 120. None of these give auy details requiring special attention. Rico, Mem. Hist, MS., 7-11, gives more particulars, agreeing in substance with Alvarado's nar rative;, to be noted presently. Vallejo, Hist Cal, MS., iv. 420-1, seemsto imply that Castro aimply agreed to wait until Micheltorena could get reen forcements from Mexico, thus betraying the Californians. Arnaz, Becuerdos, MS., 67-8, Pico, Acont, MS., 58, Amador, Memorias, MS., 154-6, and BoteUo, Anales, MS., 110-12, state more or less clearly that M. waa under stood to have promised merely to ask frora Mexico authority to send his men away. Boronda., Notas, MS., 22, claims to have guided the general back to Monterey by a.shorter way than he had come. CAMPAIGN OP SANTA TERESA. 437 sible for infantry; but without a conflict, because such is the masonry of every Californian, that while I had not a single notice or a single spy, knowing only the ground I trod, the slightest strategic movement of my expedition Avas instantly communicated by these peo ple, who travel on their horses forty or fifty leagues a day Avithout fatigue and as a pastime. Finally I suc ceeded in, getting them into a narrow defile, where, as I advanced to fight them, they begged that I, like a father, would hear their complaints, as shown in the enclosed documents. It would have been a work of five minutes to destroy these men Avho have never heard a shot nor the whizz of a ball, who came as to a ^esto, enibarrassed by their very weapons, bringing with them to the war their children of tender age, in fact every male ; but the revolution would never be calmed, and by force and terror it would be necessary to put to the knife or to shoot half the department, while my small number of valiant men would inevitably be killed by rifle-balls in the unpeopled camps of the desert, without seeing a single foe, or having anything to eat, because they carried off everything before them, with drawing every kind of supplies, in imitation of what I ordered done at the time of Commodore Jones' inva sion. I haA'-e put them off by offering to send away the bad men for good reasons within three months, in order to gain this time, during which I aAvait the schooner California." '^^ In this report the reader will not fail to note a slight admixture of truth Avith a large amount of the senseless gasconade which character ized the writer's despatches in the Jones affair of 1842. It was Micheltorena's fate to make an ass of himself whenever he had occasion to Avrite for the eyes of the Mexican government. The best narrative extant of this campaign is that written by Alvarado to Vallejo at the time. On November 27th or 28th, the rebels received a mes sage from Micheltorena, in reply to a request to sus- ^'Dec. 12, 1844, M. to chief of staff. Casta-nares, Col Doc, 59-60. 438 REVOLUTION AGAINST MICHELTORENA. pend his march with a view of allaying the popular excitement, that they must lay down their arms and submit to his clemency, or he would destroy all before him without quarter. On the night of the 28tb, they resolved to attack the general at Alvirez's raucho, marching out of Santa Clara, two companies of rifle men and musketeers of forty and sixty men respect ively in advance, with 120 under Castro and Alvarado in the rear. They hoped to capture the foe by sur prise, and favored by the darkness and rain, approached within 200 yards; but a gun was accidentally dis charged, and they had to retire to a wood for protec tion from artillery. On the 29th, Micheltorena asked for a conference, and Francisco Sanchez and Manuel Castro were sent as commissioners to a point midway between the two camps, authorized to treat on the basis of recognizing Micheltorena, if he would disor ganize the bataUon, sending away the worst men and scattering the rest. Nothing was effected; but the general desired a postponement of hostilities until the next day, which was granted. On the 30th, Michel torena solicited a personal interview with Alvarado, at which he sought a delay of three months'in which to send away his soldiers, and also permission to estab lish his camp at Santa Clara for further negotiations; but being refused, he threatened an attack for the next morning. Instead of an assault, however, on December 1st there was another conference with Al varado, and the general finally gave his word of honor to accede to the wishes of the Californians. During the night articles were drawn up, and when the gen eral showed some further hesitation, he Avas threat ened Avith an ^tack within an hour; and accordingly, after a personal interview Avith Castro, he signed the treaty, and soon started for Monterey in the rain, much to the disgust of some of his officers and men. '^^ Alvarado, Carta Eelacion; Campa-na de Lagu-na Seca, 1844, MS. The writer represents the treaty as having beeu signed on Dec. 2d, but the docu ment as preserved in copies bears date of Dec. 1st, as we shall see. One other version of the campaign, presumably that of Chas M. Weber, as given in A. TREATY OF LAGUNA SECA. 469 That Micheltorena signed a treaty at the Laguna binding himself within a certain time to dismiss from the service or send away to Mexico the soldiers of the batallon fijo, with some of the more vicious officers, there can be no doubt; indeed, he admitted as much in his report to Mexico, and never denied it subsequently so far as I know. The original of the treaty is not extant ; but I have copies, the genuineness of which there is no reason to call in question. At first the period Avithin which the men were to be sent aAvay was fixed at two months; but the general insisted on changing it to three, and also on the condition that JoaquinCo. Hist, 18-19, and Tinkham's Hist. Stockton, 87-8, deserves notice here. I quote from Tinkhara: 'Gen. Micheltorena took the field to quell the inaurgenta, and marched to within 12 railea of S. Joa^, where he waa met by an a^med force under Capt. Weber, Caatro'a army having fled from S. Jos^, leaving the inhabitanta to the tender mercies of an array recruited frora the Mexican prisons — a band of deaperate couvicta, who would plunder aud ran- aack the town if they were onoe allowed to enter. Weber knew this, and having a large stock of goods on hand, he waa naturally anxioua to protect hia property, and prompt action alone waa demanded. Depending on his friendship with Micheltorena, and resorting again to peace raeasures, he sent a note to that general, informing him that Castro had fled, and requesting him to march around the town. War knows no friends, and Micheltorena informed Weber that he must march through the town in purauit of Castro. Thia meant destruction of property if uot of life, and Capt. Weber deter mined to resiat. Hastily summoning the men of S. Jos^, he told thera of the condition of affairs, and that by organizing, the progress of the pursuing army could be checked. A company was forraed, Weber was placed in cora mand, and they set out to raeet the enemy. Sending a messenger to Michel torena, he informed him what he had done, telUng hira he waa acting only in defence of hia property. AVhen Weber met Micheltorena he relied upou atrategy to aecompliah hia purpose. To do this he coramanded his men to appear on the surrounding hilla, and by riding quickly from one point to another give the appearance of a large army. AVhen the acouta of the enemy appeared Weber's force drove thera back. These raanoeuvres lasted for sev eral daya, until Caatro, hearing of the brave atand of thia handful of men, became ashamed of his cowardice and reenforced Weber's raen. Michel torena, finding that he theu had a large force to encounter, made peace and agreed to leave the valley.' There is no doubt that Weber took a prominent part among the foreigners of S. Jos^, who were induced by the solicitations of A. M. Pico and other Californians to support their cause, that he commanded one of the compa nies that marched to Sta Teresa, and that the presence of his men had a wholesome effect in deterring Micheltorena frora a conflict — if indeed he ever thought of fighting. As for the rest, however, it ia wise to conclude, iu the abaence of corroborating e-vidence, that Weber, in clairaing for hiraself such exclusive credit for ha-ving checked the general and saved S. Jos6, drew very largely ou hia imagination for facta, and counted overmuch ou the credulity or ignorance of hia hearers. 470 REVOLUTION AGAINST MICHELTORENA. citizens must by contributions aid him to carry out the terms of the treaty.^" Whatever may have been the secret purpose and ambition of the Californian leaders, it must be ad mitted that their actions had been entirely consistent Avith their avowed object, that of driving away the cholo soldiers; and had afforded no indication of any ulterior design against Micheltorena. I know of no good reason to suspect that they had any intention of deposing the governor if he should keep his agree ment, or of violating their own obligations under the treaty of Santa Teresa. Had Micheltorena kept his promise, Alvarado's chances of regaining control of the government would have been slight indeed; and his ambitious hopes, if he had such hopes, rested on a very different foundation. In his letter of Decem ber 10th, already cited, he expressed his belief and that of his companions that Micheltorena had signed the treaty only as an expedient to gain time and es- 2" Dec. 1, 1844, treaty of the Campo de Sta Teresa, or Rancho de Alvires, or Laguna Seca. Guerra, Doe, MS., i. 39-41; and (without date) Dept. St Pap., MS., V. 101-2; also, aa senttoMenico ainAyxintedi'm Michdtorena, Expe diente, no. 2. Art. 1. Batallon to be sent away in two months. 2. The 'di vision del norte' to retire to S. Joa6 misaion, and the general'a force to Mon terey. 3. Entire amnesty for all who had taken part in the movement. 4. The resources of Miasion S. Jos^ to be used for the support of the force quar tered there. 5. The said force to be at the disposition of the govt as soon as art. 1 shaU be fulfilled. 6. Horses of that force to be returned to private owners immediately after arrival at S. Jos6. 7. Expenses incurred by that force or parties belonging to it to be paid frora the public treasury after ap proval of eaoh claim by the subscribers. 8. To the fulfilment of these articles hia Excellency pledges his word of honor, signingi with two of his chiefs. Signed, Juan B. Alvarado, Jos6 Castro. Subscribed to on condition (9) that the term named in art. 1 be 3 instead of 2 mouths; and (10) that citizens in easy circumstances ahall contribute in cattle or produce a aufficient amount to enable the govt to comply with this agreeraent, Manuel Micheltorena, F^hx Valdfe, Luia G. Maciel. The campaign and treaty of Sta Teresa are mentioned in Larkin's letter of March 22, 1845. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 35; and also m various news paper communications — perhapa from Larkin alao — republished in Niles' Reg., Ixviu. 211, 235-6; Ixix. 203. It should be noted that Juan Alvirez waa ruined by Micheltorena's encampraentat his place. In 1845 the rancho by a decision of the supreme court was ordered aold to pay his debt. A petition signed hy Alvarado and Castro stated the cause of the trouble to be M.'s failure to pay as he had proraised, with a -view to sorae reUef, but vrith results not recorded. Dept St. Pap., MS., vi. 125-6. MEDITATED TREACHERY. 471 cape from the superior forces that opposed him, not intending tp keep his faith, but to continue the strug gle. The pronunciados had for the most part returned to their homes, leaving Castro with fifty men at San Josd, poorly armed, destitute, and constantly in fear of an attack from the general's forces. Confident that the war had only just begun, Alvarado was naturaUy more anxious than ever to secure the support of Va llejo. That his apprehensions, or hopes if the term be preferred, were well founded will presently appear.^^ In a proclamation of December 16th, Micheltorena announced to the people that the cloud of civil war threatening such dire results had passed away, because he, "preferring the voice of humanity to the horrible roar of cannon," had flown to the front, not as a ty rant, but as a friend to those who led the movement. He had listened to their complaints, recognized the justice of some, and had not hesitated to promise relief; so that the citizens had retired to the bosom of their famiUes, and peace Avas restored. "This frank ness will always be the guiding-star of my proceed ings," wrote the general. ^^ Yet he had sent orders to Andrds Pico in the south to arm the militia in defence of the government ;^^ and he had sent Colonel TeUez aud Captain Mejia to Mexico for aid. In his report of December 12th sent with these officers by the Savannah, a document Avhich I have had occasion to quote several times before, he says plainly and with- " In the letter cited Alvarado -writes, 'If the plan had beeu to destroy the general with all hia expedition, it could have been done in five rainutes; but as it was merely to get rid of his batallon and preaerve his govt, nothing could be done ' but aaseut to the treaty. Alvarado had been dangerously ill at S. JosiS for several days after the treaty. '^Deo. 16, 1844, M.'s proclaraation. Earliest Print; Olvera, Doc, MS., 27-9; Vallejo, Doe, MS., xii. 128; Micheltorena, Expediente, no. 3. Dec. 18th, M. sends sorae copies of the proclamation to Jos6 Castro, stating also that he has sent Tellez to Mazatlan to get permission to send away the batallon. Guerra, Doc, MS., i. 42-3. On Deo. 7th, he had -written to Covarrubias in the south, that he had quelled the revolt by gentle means, and waa confident of saving the ship frora the storra. 'Andrea Pico muat not for get my ordera. ' Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 114. ^ Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., xii. 104-5; Los Angeles, Arch., MS., v. 243-4. 472 REVOLUTION AGAINST MICHELTORENA. out any manifestation of shame: "I have put thera off by promising to send away the malos within three months in order to gain that time during which I expect the schooner,. . .remaining, I and my compan ions, with arms in our hands constantly and every night with kindled match; for the foe is cowardly, numerous, muy de d caballo, moving incredible dis tances from hour to hour, and therefore incapable of good faith, unworthy of confidence, and only capable of a surprise or golpe de mano" ! He goes on to urge, it is true, that an order be issued for him to retire with his officers and men, "each one worthy of a statue," not because he had pledged his word, but because he had little hope for the sending of an army 1,500 or 2,000 strong to save the country.^ The general made no preparations whatoA^er to comply with the treaty, but did all that he could to prepare for another resort to force. If he ever had any intention of keeping his promise, it soon yielded to the railleries of Tellez, who had not taken part in the campaign,^" and to the reviving hope of success through the aid of foreigners. I have no doubt that his treachery was largely due to the promises and solicitations of Sutter and Graham; but on foreign interference I shall have more to say presently. As I have before remarked, there was no reason to sus pect that the Californians were not acting in good faith. Their force had been for the most part dis persed; and they returned the horses to their owners as promised.^^ The article calling for contributions ^^ Gadanares, Col Doc, 59-60. The writer hoped to get a reply from Mexico early in March. '¦'^Oaio, Hist Cat, MS., 448, Arce, Mem., MS., 41, and othera state that Tellez waa aelected for the miaaion to Mexico chiefly because M. could uo longer endure hia reproaches for the cowardice displayed in the Sta Teresa campaign. Nearly all the Californiau witnessea whora I have cited in this chapter speak in general terms of M. 's failure to do as he had agreed; and I need uot repeat the list of references. ^^Deo. 12th, Castro, writing to Micheltorena on this subject, aeema to complain that the general's officers were attempting to utilize the returned horses for themselves! Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 118. Others say that an at tempt was made to drill the batallon in cavalry tactics. M. never accused the Californians of breaking the compact except by failing to return some of the property, evidently but a pretext, eveu if partly true. PREPARATIONS. 473 from citizens afforded an excellent basis for a disa greement; but it does not appear that he ever called for any such contributions, or complained that they were not paid. Without troubUng himself to justify his actions, he went calmly ahead with his prepara tions, and awaited the organization of the foreign reenforcements, just as if the breaking of a solemn pledge Avas an ordinary method of gaining an advan tage over his opponents. Larkin wrote of both par ties producing different treaties, each denying the genuineness of that shown by the other ;^'' but there is nothing to confirm that statement, to say nothing of its inherent improbability. Meanwhile the Cali fornians throughout December did nothing but await developments, their leaders protesting against the general's policy, and VaUejo using all his influence to induce Micheltorena to keep his promise and to pre vent the foreigners from interfering. Both Michel torena's treachery and the policy of the foreigners strengthened in one sense the spirit of revolt, and created a personal opposition to the governor, that had not before existed; but the rebels were at the same time terrified, and became timid about engaging personally in such an unequal struggle. At no time in December did their military strength equal that which they had organized in November; and besides, they had lost for the most part the support of Web er's rifle company at San Josd.^^ "Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 35. '''Dec. 11, 1844, Padre Mercado ordered to quit the north for aeditious conduct by Castro. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xu. 117. Dec. 12th, Castro to gov., assuring him of the good -faith and friendship of himself and party. Entreats him not to resort again to force. Id., xu. 118. Dec. 13th, C. to Alvarado. Reports that Tellez will come to attack thera. Danger irarainent. A. must come at onoe. Money must be obtained from Rae. He, C, has already pledged all his property. Horaes must be had from S. Rafael. Victor Castro seema well disposed. Montenegro has uot come. If A. goes to S. Frauoisco he must try to get arms and ammunition secretly. Id., xii. 120. Dec. ISth, VaUejo to Sutter, explaining that by the late treaty all had been satisfac torily settled, aince the 'prsetorian guard' of criminala waa to be sent away, and there waa no opposition to Micheltorena. There was no ground what ever to fear any further plota againat the govt. Id., xii. 119. Dec. Mth, Osio to V. Appearances indicate that M. will violate his pledge, though he haa always been regarded as a man of honor. Id., xu. 121. Dec. 19th, sarae 474 REVOLUTION AGAINST MICHELTORENA. There are two communications of Micheltorena written in December, which I give in a note as the best possible source of information respecting his pol icy as declared by himself at the time. The first was addressed to Sutter on the 23d. It showed a perfect understanding with that officer, and contained instruc tions for miUtary movements in the near future. It also contained a brief defence of the governor's pro posed treacherjr, in the form of a claim, doubtless false, that he had seen a plan against the government, Mex icans, and foreigners, of later date than the treaty of Santa Teresa. The second letter was addressed to Castro on the 29th, in reply to that officer's protest of the 27th against his apparent intention to renew hos tilities. It was for the most part a vague and evasive plea, the only definite statement being the false one that no orders had been given to Sutter. Not a word to Castro of new plans or of bad faith on the part of the rebels.^* to sarae. The general aent commissioners to Mexico, but does not seem dis posed to attack Castro at S. 3os6. Id. , xii. 125. Deo. 20th, gov. to Abrego, $5,887 to be placed to the credit of Vallejo for supplies fumished. Dept. St Pap., Ben., MS., iU. 134. Vallejo, Hist Cal, MS., iv. 435, says he went to S. Pablo to conault with Alvarado and Castro, and in consequence of the general'a treachery at one time ofifered to join them if they would give him exclusive command and limit the war to the expulsion of the bataUon — which Castro refused. ^^ Dec. 23d, Micheltorena to Sutter. ' I have received the lettera of your self, of Pablo, and of Juau. I entirely approve what is said iu that of the last. AVhat you may do, I approve; what you proraise, I will fulfil ; what you spend, I will pay. 'They showed rae a plan of two articles ' (treaty of Sta Teresa), ' promising to auataiu me, aud asking the punishment of the bad men. This was just, and I granted it. Afterward I have seen a real (verdadero) plan against the government, againat every Mexican and foreigner. To a brave man like you orders are not giveu. To aot ia to conquer. The cursed schooner ' (the California, expected from Mexican ports), ' whioh I cannot lose with swords and money and saddles, and the arma and powder here de tain rae; but if the former arrivea, I will go with more forcea to meet and aid you. No attention ia to be paid to papera or atatementa of anybody. The country claima our aervicea; our personal security demands them; and the govemraent will kuow how to corapensate all for thera. I approve entirely your second letter brought by Juan Moreno. God and Liberty. Monterey, Deo. 23, 1844. Manuel Micheltorena. If you have uot started for any reason, without need of new orders on leaming that I move from Monterey to San Juan, you will march imraediately, and I will calculate the time to act upon them (rubric). D. Juan A. Suter, SeSor Capitan.' In Micheltorena, Expediente, no. 4. Dec. 29th, M. to Castro. 'Convulsions which disturb the publio order can produce nothing but disorder. The springs of society being broken, each one FEELING IN THE SOUTH. 475 In the south little occurred in connection with the revolution before the end of 1844, and .of that little still less is knoAvn. The northern leaders doubtless had an understanding, and kept up a correspondence Avith certain individuals at Santa Barbara and Los Angeles; but none of the communications have been brought to light by my researches. At Angeles, when news of the rising came in a letter addressed to J. M. Villavicencio, an ayuntamiento meeting was held November 29th, and after a most patriotic speech from Juan Bandini, it was resolved to invite the junta departamental to meet and take the necessary steps for the preservation of order. But the members of the junta declined to accept the invitation, on the ground that only the governor had power to convoke that body.^° Early in December there came orders from Micheltorena to Andres Pico, that he, acting with Pio Pico and Josd A. Carrillo, should organize and call into service the militia, in accordance with the regulations of July. The people assembled the 14th at the alcalde's summons, and declared their fidelity to Mexico; but protested, through six repre sentatives, chosen to consult with the military author ities, against being called into service when so far as was known there was no danger of foreign invasion.^^ Evidently they had no relish for a campaign against Californians in the north without prospective pay. seems to think and aot aa he deems beat. I have aaid, aud I repeat, that if judgment is used, I conaider myaelf capable of sa-ving the department in its crisis by gentle and politic means; but if no judgment is shown, and other methods are followed, I shall also know how to conduct rayself energetically. The southern forces would be hero already if I had not directed them to await my orders; and Sutter has received no orders to move or not to do so. If he marches, it is in consequence of your revolution. Just as you instigate some citizens -to revolt against the legitimate authority, so others have moved iu its defence; and the fault will always be on the side of the rebels. I have persecuted nobody; those who are at home live iu tranquillity. Neither as governor nor as individual have I failed either in friendship or duty; and if there is anything to accuse me of, it is only an exceaa of leniency, conaidera tion, aud love for the people. God aud Liberty !' Guerra, Doe, MS., i. 57-8; Dept St Pap., MS., v. 103. '"Los Angeles, Arch., MS., v. 237-8; Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., viii. 34-6. '^Dept St Pap., MS., xviu. 41-3; Id., v. 102-3; Id;, Aug., xi. 134; xu. 104-5; Loa Angeles, Arch., MS., v. 243^. 476 REVOLUTION AGAINST MICHELTORENA. Only half a dozen could be induced to sign the rolls; and Andrds .Pico is said to have had some difficulty in defending these from a mob.^^ Farther north, at Santa Bd-rbara, on November 28th, Josd Ramon Car riUo and Jose Lugo with six companions pronounced in favor of the northern movement, and arrested the alcaldes. Next day they repented, asked pardon, and Avere themselves locked up. All were pardoned by Micheltorena, who also thanked the alcaldes for their patriotic conduct. ^^ There was no good reason why the foreign resi dents should take part on either side in the revolution of 1844-5. In theory, as good citizens, they should have given their moral support to the legitimate ruler had his authority been threatened, while their sym pathy was also due to the Californians in their justi fiable efforts to get rid of the convict army; but, excepting some old residents married to natives, they were not influenced by either motive. The movement Avas not in any sense one against the foreigners, nor Avere the interests of the latter in any way threatened by its success, even if it was, as some suspected, a plot to depose the governor in favor of Alvarado and Castro. Micheltorena's policy had been very favor able to foreign settlers, and so had that of Alvarado before him. Both, while entertaining, professedly at least, a patriotic horror of foreign political encroach ment, favored the coming of all who were willing to become Mexican citizens and obey the laws. The only difference Avas that Micheltorena had had more applications for land grants and passports than Alva rado, and had been less careful -to insist on full com pliance with legal formalities. There was no ground " Coronel, Cosas de Cal, MS., 55, says the people resisted in arma under the leaderahip of Hilario Varela; and Pico, Hist Cal., MS., 104-5, teUsus tliat hia brother had to train a cannon on the crowd. '^Dec. IS, 1844, Caatro to Alvarado, encloaing copiea of gov. 'a lettera of Deo. 7th to Covarrubiaa, Cdrloa Carrillo, and the alcaldes. Vcdlejo, Doc, MS., xu. 114. FOREIGN INTERVENTION. 477 for fear-^-nor indeed was there any fear on the part of leading foreigners, though Sutter, Bidwell, and others have implied that such was the case — that the success of the Californians would result in oppression of immi grants.^* Yet most foreigners in the north supported Micheltorena; and it is necessary to explain their motives, which, though many and varying Avith dif ferent individuals, are' by no means involved in mys tery. John A. Sutter acted in this matter of course, as in all others, solfely for his own interests. Both Michel torena and Alvarado had been his friends, his obliga tions to the latter being much greater than to the former; but he thought "little of these things, and did not even act on the theory that Micheltorena was a ruler more easily managed than the other. He went directly to the governor, warned him that trouble was brewing, and made a contract to aid him with all the force at his command, in consideration of having all his expenses paid, and of receiving a large grant of land in addition to that already obtained from Alva rado. It has been suspected by the Californians that a much greater recompense was promised before the revolution was ended, perhaps including means to pay the Russian debt; but there are no proofs that such was the case. Sutter pretended at the time, in his corresponderice with Vallejo and others, to be acting from a patriotic desire to support the legitimate gov ernment against the ambitious plots of Alvarado and Castro. A little later, when defeat had endangered his personal prospects, he set up the plea that he had as a military officer merely obeyed, the orders of his '* The idea has alao been more or less current that the movement against Micheltorena was favorable to the success of English over American schemes; but though Forbes and Rae seera to have givm it some encouragement, yet it ¦will be remembered that Hartnell represented M. aa uot only favorable to but deairous of having a personal interest in the Engliah project. No theory but had ita advocatea. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 697, tella ua that M. was ousted by a party favoring annexatiou to the U. S. !; and Pio Pioo, Hiat. Cal, MS., 103-4, found Some reason to auspect that the gov. had a project of unit ing with Sutter to declare independence I 478 REVOLUTION AGAINST MICHELTORENA. superior. In later years he was anxious to be re garded as having been in this affair the champion of American interests, but he has also admitted the real motives of his action,^^ Avhich without his confession Avere indeed apparent enough. Isaac Graham's motive was to avenge what he chose to regard as his wrongs at the hands of Alvarado and Castro in 1840, wrongs for Avhich, largely through the influence of Californians, he had not been able to get the damages he had claimed. Some of Graham's old- time companions in exile acted from the same motives, and they controlled others by their personal influence. Sutter also controlled some in the same way; but he had a much more powerful lever. Not only did he insist on a land grant for himself, but he obtained a document which authorized him practically to grant lands to settlers in the Sacramento Valley, which of course put the settlers largely in his power. There were many new-comers who had never come in contact with Californians or Mexicans, knew nothing of the true state of affairs, and were ready to believe any kind of a story Sutter chose to tell. Yet another class, which furnished many men for active service, Avas that of Americans who shared the views of Has tings and Graham, believed in annexation by Texan methods, were anxious to have a part in any civil dis sensions that might occur, and did not care in the least on Avhich side they fought so long as it was against Mexicans or Californians. At Monterey Larkin, and some others of the mer chants probably, had a business interest in Michelto rena's success. Other foreign residents were person ally well disposed toward the governor, Avhose liberal commercial policy pleased them; but at the same time they recognized the justice of the popular clamor against the convicts. ""There was therefore a difference of opinion, resulting in a kind of tacit agreement to '^Sutter'a Pers. Remin., MS., 78-88. He admits that the contract waa made iu Monterey before the revolt broke out. SUTTER'S ACTS AND POLICY. 479 remain neutral, with, as I suppose, a promise on the part of Larkin and others that during Micheltorena's absence the capital should not be allowed to fall into the hands of the rebels. Undoubtedly, in addition to the classes of foreigners I have mentioned, there were many Avhose sympathy was on the side of the Califor nians; but to them it seemed important abo\-e all else that the foreigners should not quarrel among them selves, and they therefore wisely remained inactive, or limited their efforts to opposing Sutter's plans and persuading their friends not to meddle in quarrels that did not concern them. A few seem to have joindd Sutter's force with the deliberate intention of disor ganizing it, and in this way did some excellent service for their adopted country. Ha\'ing thus explained the motives by which the foreigners were influenced, I proceed to present a brief narrative of preparations before the end of the year, on which available informa tion consists mainly of corresponderice bearing on Sut ter's movements and designs. The militia organization ordered in the summer to re pel American invasion included a company at New Hel vetia under Sutter as captain, who soon notified the governor that the force Avas ready to defend lapatria.^^ In October Sutter and Bidwell went down to Mon terey. At San Josd on the way they learned from Forbes and others that a revolt was being planned, aud they warned the governor of the danger on arrival at the capital. Then the contract was made, Sutter promising to render assistance whenever called upon. He returned home by water by San Francisco,^' and at once began his preparations for a campaign. Bid- '^ July 23, 1844, S. to gov. Dept St Pap., MS., xvii. 84-5. Hesays Sin clair and Rufus are his officers. The artiUery only requires practice. Many men besidea thoae enrolled will aerve; aud he haa 40 Indians who shoot as well aa anybody. If muaketa are aent, he will organize a corapany of Indian grenadiera. '^ Sutter's Pers. Eemin., MS., 78-88. He went up to S. P. on the Don Q'lixote. He says, without any foundation I suppose, that hardly had he left Yerba Buena on his launch when au order arrived from Castro for his arrest. Wood of the Savannah, Wandering Sketches, 227-8, met S. at Monterey. 480 REVOLUTION AGAINST MICHELTORENA. well remained for a month or more until after the re volt, and on his way home met Micheltorena returning from the campaign. The governor said he had been unable to succeed for want of horses; but sent assur ances to Sutter and to all Americans of his friendship and of his ability to suppress the revolt! From San Josd Alvarado and Castro also sent friendly greetings to Sutter.^^ On Bidwell's return to New Helvetia, Sutter caUed upon all foreigners in the north for aid. He even had the assurance to inform Vallejo of what he was doing, calling upon him for horses, and assuming that the natural and proper thing to be done as a matter of course was that the, two should work together to save the country from the attacks of rebels I Vallejo's reply Avas to send a copy of the treaty of Santa Teresa, by which, as he assured Sutter, all difficulties had been peaceably settled. There was no danger or opposition whatever to the governor, but if such should arise, he "Bidwell's Cal. I84I-8, MS., 119-22. In his Diary, p. 5, Sutter says; 'In the fall 1844 I went to Monterey -with Major Bidwell and a few armed meu how it waa customary to travell at these times, to pay a visit to Genl Micheltorrena. I has beeu received with the greatest civil aud miUtary honors. One day he gave a great diner, after diner all the Troupes were pai-ading, and in the evening a balloon was sent to the higher regions, etc. At the time it looked very glooray, the people of the Country was arraing and preparing to make a Revolution, aud I got sorae certain and sure informatiou of the Brit ish Consul and other Gentlemen of my acquaintance, whioh I visited on my way to Monterey. They did uot know that the General and myself were friends, and told and discovered me the whole plan, that in a short time tbe people of the country will be ready to blockade tho General and his troupes in Monterey, and theu take hira prisoner and send hira and his aoldiera back to Mexico and make a Gov'r of their owu people, etc. I waa well aware what we could expect should they succeed to do this, they would drive us foreigners all very soon out of the country how they have done it once, in the winter of 1839. Capt. Vioget has already been engaged by Castro and Alvarado to he ready with his vessel to take the Gen'l and bis soldiers to Mexico. I had a confidential Conversation with Gen'l Micheltorena, who received me with great honors aud Diatinction iu Monterey, after having him informed of all what is going on in the Country, he took hia meaaure in a Counsel of war in which I haa been present, I received ray Ordera to raiae such a large auxiliary force as I possibly could, and to be ready at his Order, at the sarae time I received some Cartridges and some small Arms, whioh I had shiped on board the Alert, and took a passage myself for San fraucisco. if I had travelled by land Castro would have taken me prisoner in San Juau, where he was laying in Ambush for me . . .After my arrival at the fort, I began to organize a force for the General, regular drill of the Indian Infanterie took place, the Mounted Rifle Company about 100 men of all Nations was raised, of whioh Capt. Gantt was Com mander.' VALLEJO'S EFFORTS. 481 ¦would be the first to defend him, and Avould gladly accept Sutter's aid. To this Sutter replied, De cember iTth, that, as he was informed on good au thority, though this was doubtless unknown to the colonel, Castro was gathering a force at San Josd, of course with the iutention of violating the treaty, so that there could be no doubt of his own duty to defend the governor.^^ Vallejo now addressed to Sutter an earnest and forcible remonstrance against his proposed interfer ence. It was rumored, he said, that Micheltorena contemplated breaking his solemn agreement. Should he do so, encouraged by offers of foreign aid, the country Avould be plunged into the horrors of civil Avar. The people had risen to rid themselves of a band of convicts, and could not j.ustly be termed rebels. Happily, they had accomplished their purpose without bloodshed. Why should foreigners, Avho have been most kindly treated by all parties, interfere to renew the quarrel? Sutter M'^as entreated to hesitate and reflect before taking a step that would not only en courage the governor — whose authority was not in any Avay threatened — to violate his pledge, but must , seriously disturb the friendly relations that had ex isted between the Californians and foreigners.*" This appeal did not reach the foreigners as a class, to many of whom its force would have been apparent; and it had no effect whatever on Sutter, Avho simply went on with his preparations. His agents seem to have trav elled over the whole northern frontier in quest of sup plies, taking some of Vallejo's horses at Soscol and '"Dec. 17, 1844, S. to V. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xu. 123. From thU it is evident that V. had written ou Dec. 15th. In Id., xii. 119, 122, I have a let ter of V. on Dec. ISth, and of S. on Dec. 15th. They are copies from a sus picious source, and therefore, as thero is some discrepancy iu dates, I have paid no attention to their contents, though the general purport seems all right. *»Dec. 18, 1844, V. to S. Guerra, Doc, MS., i. 44-50; Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 302-4; Dept St Pap., MS., v. 120. It is of course clear to the reader that Sutter's claim that Castro was collecting a force at S. Jos6 had no weight; for by the treaty he waa allowed to maintain the organization until the batallon should be sent away; he had in reaUty disbanded a large part of his force; and Micheltorena's actions were ample justification of all possible precautions. Hi8i. Cal., Vol. IV. 31 482 REVOLUTION AGAINST MICHELTORENA. Petaluma, threatening even to attack Sonoma, and talking very freely about their intention to capture Alvarado and Castro dead or alive.*' Before the end of the month, Castro wrote to Sutter, demanding ex planations with regard to his military preparations in a time of peace. A copy of this communication was sent by Castro to Micheltorena, with a letter in which he announced his belief that Sutter, under pretext of defending the government, was preparing for a move ment in the interest of American adventurers and in vaders. He declared his own purpose to resist by force the attack which Sutter was said to contemplate on the pueblos, and expressed his grief and surprise at — or rather his unwiUingness to believe — ^the current reports that the governor had authorized Sutter's actions with an intention of violating the treaty of December 1st, and thus plunging the country in civil dissensions.*^ Most of the Californians insist that Sutter offered Micheltorena to bring him the heads of Castro and Alvarado; but this charge perhaps does not rest on any very strong foundation, though Alvarado goes so far as to quote literally the broken Spanish in which the promise was raade. On the 22d of De cember Micheltorena signed and forwarded the doc ument confirming all land grants approved by Sutter, a most potent agent for enlistment purposes, which -figured prominently iu later litigation as the 'Sutter general title.'*^ Also on or about the 22d Sutter's " Deo. 19th, Osio to V. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 125. Reply. Id., xxxiv. 85. No date, V. to gov. , narrating Sutter's outrages at Soscol and Napa. Id. , xiv. dl). Dec. 23d, V. to Alvarado. Id., xu. 126. No date, same to same. Id., xw. 31, with albisions to other corresp. not extant. It would seem that many ol the Califomiau rancheros aided Sutter, perhaps more or less against their wiU. «Deo. 24th, C. to S. Guen-a, Doc, MS., i. 59-60. Dec. 27th, C. to M. Id., i. 51-6; Dept St Pap., MS., v. 119-21. General mention of Sutter s preparations iu Dec. 1844, iu Streder's Eecoll , MS. , 53-5; Belden's Hist Stat., MS., 36; Tuthill's Hist Cal., 149-50; 8. Joai Pioneer, March 6, 1880; Sviter Co. Hid., 18; Brooks' Four Montha, 34; Buelna, Notas, MS., 1-5; YaUejo, Hiat Cal, MS., iv. 173; Alvarado, Hist Gal., MS., iv. 235-45; v. 67. ^ Land Commiasion, paaaim; U. 8. Sup. Court Eepts, 21 Howard, 255, 262, 408, 412, etc. I shall have more to say on this subject in another part of my work. ARREST OF WEBER. - 483 launch made its appearance at Yerba Buena with a small cannon and other arms on board. Some of the inhabitants, apparently under the leadership of Fran cisco Guerrero and Dr Ancelin, managed to capture this armament, and to smuggle it across the bay for the use of Castro's army; but it was deemed politic, though Sutter's plans were well known, to wait for him to commit the first act of hostility; and all was therefore sent back and restored to the launch.** Another event that occurred about the same time, and merits attention here, was the arrest of Charles M. Weber. This gentleman, it will be remembered, had aided the Californians in the campaign of Santa Teresa; and now, while it does not appear that he or his companions desired to extend their service beyond the protection of San Josd, he was strongly opposed to Sutter's plan of interference. Confident that the foreigners were being induced. by false representations into a most unwise action, he went up to New Hel vitia to put matters iu their true light. This was exactly what Sutter and his companions did not de sire, as it would interfere with their plans; so they simply arrested Weber as a plotter against the gov ernment, and kept him under arrest till the campaign was over, and his tongue could do no harm.*^ " Caatro, in hia letter to Sutter of Dec. 24th, says au order has beeu is sued to reatore all to ita original condition. Guerra, Doc, MS., i. 60. Pinto, iu a letter to the administrator of cuatoma at Monterey, speaka of the affair, names Ancelin aa a leader, and aays the cuatom-houae boat waa uaed to trans port tho cannon, and waa damaged. Pinto, Doc , MS. , i. 290. Robert Bir nie, Pioneer Soc. Arch., MS., 89-91, relatea their having borrowed the cuatom-house boat for a collecting trip round the bay. He agreed to carry Francisco Guerrero across to S. Leandro to join Castro. Guerrero put the swivel-gun and other arms frora Sutter's launch into the boat without Bir nie's knowledge, though he had aome trouble to make Sutter believe in hia innocence. *^ln Suiter Co. Hist, 18; Marys-mile Appeal, March 16, 1879; Yiiba Oo. Hist, 30, ia given a fac-simile of the following document: 'We the subscrib ers chosen aa council of war have uuanimoualy resolved the following: lat, that Mr Weber be put in irons and detained iu the fort (New Helvetia) until such timea aa we may receive ordera frora his Excellency tho govemor as regards his disposal. 2d, that Mr Pearson B. Reading be requested to keep Mr Weber iu a convenient roora, and afford him such necessaries aa circura stances may admit of and his safe detention may require— J. A. Sutter, John To-wnsend, WUliam Dickey, Isaac Graham, Edward Mclutoah, Jasper O'Farrell, S. J. Hensley, John Bidwell, secretary.' CHAPTER XXI. EXPULSION OP GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. 1845. The Go-ternoe Breaks the Treaty of Santa Teresa — ^Foreign Inteefee- ENCE — Pears of Californians — Sutter Joins Micheltorena at Sali nas — Capture oe Manuel Castro — Alvarado and Castro March South, Followed by Micheltorena and Sutter — Capture of the Garrison at Angeles — Conversion of the AbajeSos — Negotiations AT Santa B.iBBARA — The Campaign of San Buenaventuea — Campaign of Cahuenga — Withdrawal of the Foreigners — Capture of Sutter — A Bloodless Battle — Defeat of Micheltorena — Treaty— Pioo Governor, and Castro Comandante General — Micheltorena and THE Batallon Sent Away — His Later Career — Affairs in the North — Sutter at Home. Micheltorena had resolved to break the treaty signed by him at the Laguna de Alvirez on Decem ber 1st. It was a treacherous and at the same time a most foolish resolve, since it changed the revolution from one directed exclusively against the convicts, in whose expulsion he should have had as deep an inter est as others, to one against himself, with a popular feeling that had not before existed. The determina tion was wise enough, however, though none the less treacherous, if, as some believe, he desired to be forced out of the country. Sutter had promised to . support Micheltorena in his war against the Californians, and had raised a force of foreigners and Indians for that purpose. This as a stroke of business on the part of the Swiss, or of revenge on that of Isaac Graham, calls perhaps for no very severe criticism; but forthe mass of foreign residents it was a most unjustifiable, (48*) THE WAR BEGINS. 485 uncalled-for, and injudicious interference in matters tbat nowise concerned them. Many would not have engaged in the enterprise had they been aware of its true nature. Others desired a quarrel with the Cali fornians, with the hope that it might result in — some thing or other, they hardly cared what. The peojale of the country were of course greatly alarmed; and many rumors more or less absurd were in circulation. It was feared — and there was no absurdity in this— that Sutter's taking up arms for Micheltorena was but a pretext to seize northern California. Many believed that the governor had promised to the strangers the lands and cattle of all who opposed him, that foreign ers and Mexicans were to possess the country. The arming of the Indians was another terrible thing in the eyes of Californians, it being currently rumored that Sutter had armed 2,000 savages to be turned loose on the country. The leaders of the rebels, ex cept from a purely military point of view, were strengthened by the popular feeling that was spring ing up against an administration that would expose the country to the inroads of foreigners and Indians in addition to those of the convicts; and the new as pect of affairs was all the more favorable to them if they entertained the ambitious schemes attributed to them, for noAV they were amply justified, and would be sustained by all, in deposing Micheltorena if they could. On the 1st of January 1845 Sutter marched with his force from New Helvetia to attack Castro and Alvarado at San Jose. His force consisted of about 220 men — that is, a company of foreign riflemen, for eigners of different nationalities, about 100 strong, under Captain Gantt; a company of about 100 Indians commanded by Ernest Rufus; eight or ten artillery men in charge of a brass field-piece; Dr Townsend and John Sinclair as aides-de-camp, Jasper O'Farrell as quartermaster, S. J. Hensley as bommissary, John 486 EXPULSION OF GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. BidweU as secretary, and a few subordinate officers.^ P. B. Reading was left in command of the garrison at the fort. The line of march was by way of Marsh's rancho, where Marsh joined, though he was no friend ofthe cause; Sunol's rancho, where, as Sutter states, they captured one of Castro's spies; Sa:n Josd Mis sion, where many of the men got drunk; San Josd, where the liquor-shops were kept closed, and whence nearly all the Californians under A. M. Pico had fled ; and thence by San Juan to the Salinas, in a week or more from New Helvetia, where they were joined in a few days by Micheltorena. From San Josd a committee of citizens, consisting of Forbes, Sunol, and Gulnac, came out to meet the army and dissuade its leaders frorii continuing in their unwise course; but without success, as Sutter declared that he had gone too far to turn back.^ Somewhere on the Avay to Salinas Sutter's inen were lucky enough to capture no less a personage than Manuel Castro, the original leader of the revolt, and possibly the person termed a spy in Sutter's narrative. Perhaps, however, the capture was effected before Sutter's arrival by a party of men organized to join him from the region of San Jose and Santa Cruz. Several participants tell the story, but none succeeds ' This is Sutter's own statement iu a letter of Jan. 12th to Fliigge, which he signs as 'Comandante MUitar del Norte.' Guerra, Doc, MS., i. 65-7; Dept St. Pap., MS., v. 123. In his Pers. Eemin., MS., Sutter says he had 400 men, including 40 Califomiau soldiers who had deserted from Vallejo at Sonoma — and later deaerted from Sutter alao! Bidwell, Cal. I84I-8, MS., 122, says there were about 80 riflemen and 60 Indians. John Chamberlam, Memoirs, MS., 14-20, who waa one of Gantt's company, gives aome particu lara of the organization. He says many joined the company against their wishes. Wiggins, Remin., MS., 8-11, was another meinber. Sutter also mentions in his Diary, p. 5, the deserters from Vallejo, and the departure 'with music and flying colors on the 1st of January, 1845, to join the general and comply with his orders.' No list of Capt. Gantt's company, so far as I kuow, is extant; but I name the following who seem to have belonged to the expedition, though some of these did not go south: Sutter, Gantt, Coates (lieut), Bidwell, Hensley, Sinclair, O'Farrell, Graham, Coombs, Swift, Bird, Dickey, Sherreback, Wyman, Murphy (3 or 4), Chamberlain, Sheldon, Wig gins, McVicker, MoCoouj. Kjiight, Mcintosh, Lindaay, Bray, Merritt, Keyser, Kelsey (2 or 3), Nye, Greenwood (2 or 3), Martin (2), Green, Bennett, Clark. 2 Jan. 3, 1845, letter of Jesus Vallejo. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xii. 3; Sutter Co. Hist, 18; 8. Joai Pioneer, March 6, 1880. THE GOVERNOR'S PROCLAMATION. 487 in making the particulars quite clear. Castro was taken in the vicinity of GUroy's rancho while on his way with one companion from San Jose to rejoin the rebel force, his captors being Bennett, Carmichael, Coppingerf and McVicker. They were pursued by the Californians toward the San Joaquin, and were overtaken in the Pacheco Pass, the result being that Castro was given up in exchange for Charles Brown, the only foreigner in the pursuing party.^ On January 4th Micheltorena issued a proclamation as follows: "Don Joaquin de la Torre, Don Francisco Rico, Don Manuel Castro, Jesus and Francisco Pico, and others having failed. in their obligation to the government by not returning horses and cattle to their owners as they had solemnly promised, binding and carrying off N. Alvarado, a soldier of Monterey, for getting my consideration and leniency, and revolting anew after several had come to ask for papeles de seguridad, and Avhile they were going and coming without the slightest insult and with absolute liberty, as everybody has seen — this comandancia general finds itself in the unavoidable necessity of using its powers against the ingrates who may remain Avith arms in tlieir hands. . Therefore, and having to march at the head of my troops, I declare the city of Monterey un der martial law, the comandante de batallon Don Juan J. Abella, being intrusted with its defence, aided by the brave officers and troops whom I leave under his orders, and with the cooperation of the vecinos whom T caUed to arms, and ofthe two judges, it being the duty of all citizens to protect their hearths and to maintain pubUc order, while I in the mean time have the pleasure of reestablishing it and of bringing you ¦ 'Caatro, Edacion, MS., 107-15; Brown's Statement, MS., 19-23; Larios, Convulsiones, MS., 19-20. Winstou Bennett, Pioneer of '43, was one of the pai-ty of 15 from Sta Cmz on their way to join Sutter. He says Castro and another were captured, aud were exchanged for Browu and John Carpenter. Bennett did not go to the sonth. Alvarado, Hist. Cat, MS., v. 56-7, tells us of a party of 40 men under Hensley, attacked and defeated by the alcalde of S. P. and Romualdo Pacheco. There is no other evidence of such an occur rence. 488 EXPULSION OF GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. the olive of peace which certain perverse men have stolen from you."* Two days later Micheltorena marched out from the capital to effect a junction Avith Sutter and crush the rebel force. He had, as in the former campaign, about 150 men of the biltallon, re enforced probably by twenty-five or thirty Mexican residents of Monterey, who went as volunteers. At SaUnas, on or about the 9th, the general joined Cap tain Sutter. He- had now a total force, Mexicans, foreigners, and Indians, of about 400 men; but the foe had not Avaited to be crushed.'' Meanwhile Alvarado and Castro, whose force had dwindled to less than IOQ armed Californians, were not much discouraged by the overwhelming force by which they were threatened, though of course there Avas no thought of risking a fight Avith Gantt's rifle men. With new obstacles, something of Alvarado's old-time ability and energy came back to him. It was resolved to transfer the struggle to the south, where the feeling against the convicts was already strong; where the people would be much excited by Micheltorena's treachery, and stUl more by his send ing against them an armed force of foreigners and Indians; and where, should other motives faU, a powerful appeal might be made to local pride by an offer of the governorship or capital. As to the foreign ers, Alvarado understood perfectly the circumstances under Avhich they had enlisted; and he had every reason to hope that the company could not very long be kept together, under the explanations and influence *Jan. 4, 1845, M.'s proclamation. Dept St Pap., Mont.,MS., iii. 111-12. Jan. 7th, Abella's order iu consequence of preceding, about precautions to bs taken with persons entering the town. /(/., iii. 112-13. Jan. 25th, Larkin writes that 'there are perhapa 100 foreignera atanding guard in Monterey and ' other placea to support Gen. Micheltorena.' Larkin'a Off. Corresp., MS., u. 17-18. s Larkin, in hia letters of the time. Off. Corresp., MS., i. 19-20, 35; Id., Doc. HistCal, MS., iii. 12, gives the date of leaving Monterey as Jan. 6th, aa doea Robinson, Life in Cal, 212-13. Larkin givea M.'s force in one place as 150 soldiers and some citizens, and in another as frora 150 to 200 Mexicans. Sutter, in his Pers. Eemin., MS., says M. marched out with 800 men, leaving 200 in Monterey! In his Diary, however, he puts the uuited force onthe Salinas at 600 men. RETREAT OF THE REBELS: 489 of Marsh and others, who doubtless joined the force with the deliberate intention of disorganizing it, and of preventing a conflict between the foreigners as a class and the Californians. The rebel army, ninety strong, left San Josd Jan uary 2d for the south." There seems to have been a plan of attacking the batallon at Monterey, but if so it was abandoned. At Alisal rancho on the 6th, the same day that the general left Monterey, Alvarado and Castro addressed to Micheltorena the following coni- munication: "Senor, wh'en the division of the north, trusting in your word of honor, signed the treaty of December 1st, which, made on the field of Santa Teresa, restored peace to the department, you did not fail to make every effort to assure us both verbally and in writing of your good wishes and firm resolve to comply religiously with that solemn agreement celebrated in the most formal manner. Our conduct has given no cause for you to doubt our good faith; but notwith standing this, you, as appears from convincing proofs in writing, were forming a combination with the for eigner Sutter to surprise us at San Josd with 200 ad venturers from the United States. It was hardly credible that you in the midst of peace should at tempt the ruin of ourselves and our families, still less of a country intrusted by the supreme government to your care; but in view of this invasion, instigated by you, your black intent became evident. Sir, you have aroused the country; within three days you wUl be united with this enemy of our country, a most infamous proceeding for a Mexican general. The sons of California will do us justice, and we will * Jan. 3d, Jesus Vallejo to hia brother in Souoma. VaUejo, Doc, MS., xii. 3. Sutter's veraion in hia Diary, 5, is as foUov/s; 'Castro had his headquar ters then in the raission of Sau Joa6, ho did not expect us ao soon, as he was just commencing to fortify himself, ho ran away with his Garrison, waa col lecting a stronger, force, and want to trouble us on our March, but as he aaw that I was on a good Qui Vive for hira, ho left for Monterey to unite with the forcea that was blockading the General aud his troops, and advanced or runed for the lower country, to call or force the people there to take Arras against the govemraent.' 490 EXPULSION OP GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. shed our blood rather than permit our country to en dure this infamous oppression. You are going to join that band of adventurers at San Juan, but do not flatter yourself that Our lives v/ill be destroyed by those bandits to whom you have promised our ranchos and property."'' They seem to have started imme diately on their march to Los Angeles, where, as we shall see, they arrived the 21st. They could not have had much more than 100 men at the start, though some recruits were gained on the way. No details of the march are knoAtrn.® On the 13th, a week after Castro's departure, Michel torena and Sutter started from Salinas in what they termed a pursuit, though they never came within a hundred miles of the rebels till the latter came back from Los Angeles to meet them. Before starting they had a suspicion of what Alvarado's policy was likely to be in the south; for they wrote to Fliigge, an old retainer of Sutter's, as the only man except Andrds Pico in whom confidence was felt, asking him to take steps to prevent the schooner California from falling into the hands of the rebels if she should arrive at San Pedro. Sutter also wrote to another German friend, to defend his men against charges that had been made that they were serving for pay and not for patriotism. He seemed to fear that foreigners in the south might be induced to take part against the general.^ Micheltorena's progress was extremely slow. Hav ing an infirmity which prevented his rjding, he was drawn in a kind of carriage. Sometimes he halted for a day or two, and then would advance but three 'Jan. 6, 1845, A. and C. to M. Guerra, Doe, MS., i. 61-3; Dept St. Pap., MS., V. 124. There is raore in the document, but utterly uninteUigi ble. These meu acted well, but on this occasiou they wrote some very non sensical sentences. 'Janaaena, Vida, MS., 181-5, apeaks of having talked with Castro as he passed liis rancho. He alao says that orders were issued for the arrest of Covarrubias aud Juau Camarillo, the former escaping and the latter being paroled. Garcia, Hechos, MS., 81, joined the force at S. Luis Obispo. "Jan. 12th, S. and M. to Flugge. Ouerra, Doe, MS., i. 65-7; Dept St Pap., MS., V. 122-3. No date, S. to Gessen, fragment. Id., vL 140-1. THE GENERAL'S MARCH. 491 or four mUes in a day. Cattle were taken for subsist ence wherever there were any left to take. "By the time he arrives in Santa Bdrbara," writes Larkin to Parrott, "Castro may be in Monterey. The for eigners now are very anxious to meet the Califor nians; but in a few weeks they will become tired and perhaps leave the general and go home to their farms. In this case Castro may win the day."^" And indeed, the foreign auxUiaries were disgusted with the snail's pace at which they advanced. Some deserted; and many more, from this cause and from Marsh's explanations, were in a state of mind tending to desertion. Nothing of importance occurred on the way until by the Gaviota Pass they arrived early in February at Santa Barbara. Here they found no adherents, and were urged in vain by leading citizens to suspend hostilities; and here, and at the Rineon a little farther on, they encamped for more than a week in the rain, and had some negotiations with represent atives of the foe, which I shall notice a little later." At Los Angeles the troubles connected with an at tempt of the Picos and CarriUo to organize a militia "Jan. 21, 1845, L. to P. Larkin's Doc, MS., iu. 12. Also other letters of Jan. 25th and March 22d. Id., Off'. Corresp., MS., i. 35; u. 17-20. '¦'¦ Sutter, in his Peraonai Eeminiscences, MS. , takes special pride in noting that Micheltorena treated hira as an equal ou the march, making hira a colo nel, intmsting him with the active leadership, and giving him a special body guard of 25 men. Mrs Avila, Cosas de Cal. , MS. , 3-5, relates that Miguel Avila was reported to the gov. by Bonilla to be engaged iu a plan to seize the California on her arrival at S. Luis Obispo, for Castro. Accordingly a party waa sent to Aviia's rancho to arrest him; and he waa saved from beiug shot only by Mra A.'s eiforts iu forwarding to the general two mule-loads of delicacies for his table! Janssens, Vida, MS., 181-5, was interviewed by Micheltorena, as by Castro, and furnished aorae auppliea, for which he got no pay. M. aeemed to dread overtaking tho foe for fear blood might be shed. Vallejo, Hist. Cal, MS., iv. 447-50, gives some unimportant details of the route. He says the Barbareiios off'ered to defend M. if he would send the convicts away. The following authorities speak of M.'s 'pursuit' of Castro without adding anything to what I have given: Ba,ndini, Hist. Cal., MS., 106-9; Gonznlez, Memorias, MS., 13-18; Larioa, Convulsio-nes, MS., 19; Oaio, Hist Cal, MS., 449-50; Pico, Acontecimientos, MS., 58-60; Nidever's Life, MS., 110-11; Rico, Mem., MS., 10-11; Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 95-6; Ama dor, Mem., MS., 156-9; Torre, Remin., MS., 125-7; Ord, Oeurrencias, MS., 135; Davia' Glimpses, MS., 121-2; Ezquer, Mem., MS., 19; German, Sucesos, MS., 6-6. 492 EXPULSION OF GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. force for Micheltorena's defence, as already noted,^^ Avere still in progress, the authorities not having as yet succeeded in convincing the citizens that any such organization was necessary," when the northern force under Alvarado and Castro arrived unexpectedly in the city. During the night of January 20th, an ad vance detachment of that force, twenty-five or thirty strong, under Joaquin de la Torre, suddenly entered the town and attacked the barrack, or the curate's house used temporarily as a barrack, which was occu pied by a small garrison under Lieutenant Medina of the batallon. The place was taken after a fight, in which several men were kUled or wounded, the leader of the attacking party being one of the latter. Little more is known, there being no contemporaneous rec ord. I give some particulars in a note.^* Most of the Californians state that Andres Pico was captured with the garrison, and that it was with some difficulty that Torre's men were kept from wreaking vengeance ^^ See chap. xx. of this volume. ^' Jan. 17th, Pio Pico to alcalde, an unimportant coramunication on the sub ject, complaining that the escuadron de auxiliares had not been put under his command. He ia now going back home, ha-ving done hia duty. Dept St. Pap., MS., vi. 67; Id., Ang., xi. 136. In his Hist Cal, MS., 106, Pico says he was ordered by Micheltorena to raise funds for the organization of civic troops; aud was abaent at Sau Juan Capiatrano for that purpose when he heard of Caatro'a arrival at Angelea by a letter from Caatro himaelf. ¦^* Coronel, Cosas de Cal, MS., 56, asserta that one of Medina's men was killed; and that the alcalde and several others were iraraediately arrested. Rico, Mem., MS., 11-12, says there were three killed and six wounded. Pico, Hist. Cal., MS., 106-7, has it that one man known aa Juan Tambor, 'Juan the drummer,' was killed in the fight, and later Jos6 M. Barreras of the gar rison was shot in cold blood as he waa trying to eacape over the wall. Garcia, Hechos, MS., 83, names the drummer and a civilian OUvares as wounded oa Castro's aide; and one Soto as the man who killed one of the garnson. Sev eral agree that the latter was killed while trying to escape. Botello, Anaki, MS., 113, thinka Torre had 50 or 60 men. ."Bandini, Hist Cal, MS., 106-9, saya four men were killed. Caatro, Relacion.. MS., 115-21, Pico, Aeoiit., MS., 60, Vallejo, Hist Cal, MS., v. 4, and Alvarado, Hist Cal', MS., v. 57-9, agree that Juan Higuera of Sta Cmz and Antonio Vazquez of S. JosiS, of the attacking party, were killed. Castro makes the strength of the garri son 20 men, others as low as 7. He names himself as associate oommauder, and mentiona Lieut-Col. Segura aa one of those captured. Alvarado says the attacking force was 56 volunteers, all officers, Ezequiel Soberanea being sec ond in command. Pico namea Bonifacio Olivarea as one of the wounded.. All agree that Torre was wouuded iu the foot, and that several pieces of ar tillery were" captured. See also Larios, Convulsiones, MS.. 19-20- Serrmo, Apuntes, MS., 95-6; Buelna, Notas, MS., 8-9. ! " ^"» oerrm,,,, ALVARADO AT ANGELES. 493 on him for the death of their comrades. The main force soon arrived and took possession of the plaza. In the morning Alvarado and Castro addressed a com munication to the alcalde, announcing their coming as "proclaimers of the country's rights," and requiring a meeting of the ayuntamiento at noon, in order that the whole movement might be explained.^^ For a Aveek from the date of the communication just cited there is no documentary record of develop ments at Los Angeles ; nor is it known what action was taken at the meeting of the city authorities on the 21st. Alvarado and Vallejo in their narratives represent that the Picos, J. A. Carrillo, the members of the junta, and other prominent citizens were at once brought into the pressence of the revolutionary leaders, some under arrest and others under threats of arrest, and were submitted to a process of intimida tion and flattery combined, Avhich soon transformed the abajehos into strong partisans; that is, they were required to choose between holding office as patriots on the side of freedom, or being shot at once as ad herents of tyranny. This version as presented by the gentlemen named is not Avithout dramatic effect; but I suppose it has little foundation in fact, though it is not unlikely that threats had to be used on some of the surenos, while prospective offices had an effect on others.^* The week was doubtless spent by Al varado and his associates in working up public senti ment in the city, in recalling the old depredations of the cholos iu the south, in dwelling on Micheltorena's failure to observe a solemn treaty, and especially in depicting with much exaggeration the outrages to be "Jan. 21, 1845, A. and C. to alcalde of Angelea. Dept. St. Pap., Aug., MS., xi. 134-5. They announce that they came at 2 A. M. and are holding the plaza. ^'Alvarado, Hist Cal., MS., v. 60-5; Vallejo, Hist Oal., MS., v. 3-8, partially supported by Manuel Castro, Relacion, MS., 121-4, and Rico, Me morias, MS., 11-12. Jos6 Antonio Carrillo is said to have been won over by being made Castro'a 'mayor general,' or chief of ataff. Many condemn the conduct of Andrea Pico aa treachery to Micheltorena. Gomez, Lo Que Sale, MS., 79, aays that Pico waa the ouly one of the Californians againat whom M. retained any bitter felUng. 494 EXPULSION OF GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. expected from Sutter's foreigners and Indians, and the governor's baseness in enlisting such forces against the Californians. Their arguments were strong and most effective. There was but little opposition. Men and supplies were obtained for the campaign, and southern members of the junta were converted to a state of mind favorable to the popular cause. One of the most important things accomplished was the formation of a company of foreigners to counterbalance the force under Sutter. The interests of foreign residents in the south Avere not in any re spect different from those of the northerners; nor Avere their political sympathies materially different, though the loud-mouthed advocates of American con quest were uot very numerous in the south, where neither Sutter nor Graharn was popular, and where most of the foreigners were more or less content with Californian methods of life. The sympathy of the southerners was for the Californians, and they acted in accordance with it, but not to any great extent be cause of it. They did not Avish Los Angeles to be occupied by Micheltorena and his men, who on their march were understood to have seized all the property that came within their reach, and who would natu rally resort to forced loans if not to indiscriminate plunder on capturing a town. They looked with no favor on Sutter's personal schemes, did not relish the airs he would put on nor the power he would Avield in case of success, and above all dreaded the unfriendly feelings between Californians and foreigners that would be sure to result if Micheltorena should suc ceed by foreign aid. Moreover, they did not expect to fight against their countrymen, understanding the false representations under which most of Sutter's men had been enlisted, and feeling sure that their opposi tion in connection with other influences already at work would cause them to abandon a bad cause. The strongest motive of all was probably a desire to put an end to the war, which it was evident could be ef- FOREIGNERS OF THE SOUTH. 495 fected quickest by forcing Micheltorena and his men to leave the country.^' At any rate, there was little or no difference of opinion. Stearns, Workman, Vignes, Rowland, Wilson, McKinley, Bell, and other promi nent citizens exerted themselves personally ; and about fifty men were enlisted for military service. The leaders seem to have been James McKinley and Will iam Workman!, though there was perhaps no formal military organization.^^ Pio Pico was induced to convoke the junta, which met on January 28th, present, vocales Pico, Figueroa, Bo tello, and suplente Cd,rlos Carrillo. Agustin Olvera was chosen temporary secretary. Don Pio, the president, opened the session with a speech, in which, with the usual superfluity of words deemed de rigueur in such cases, he announced the approach of Micheltorena, " Abel Steams, in a letter to Larkin, expresses this last view very strongly. Larldn's Doe, Ui. 58. B. D. Wilson, Obaerv., MS., 46-56, gives prominence to the deaire for harmony with the Califomiana, and the feeling that men like the cholos were really the element moat unfavorable to American and all foreign enterpriae. Bidwell, Cal. I84I-S, MS. , 124, has no doubt the south erners were in sympathy with the inaurrectiou, but they were alao influenced by exaggerated reporta of outragea by the general'a forces. Many new-comera heard only one aide of the queation, and really thought they were saving the town from pUlage and outrage. Alvarado, Hist. Ccd., MS., v. 65-6, thinka a few prominent men really favored his cause. The rest foUowed their lead, or were actuated by a dislike for Graham and Sutter. Johu C. Jones, writing to Larkin, expreaaea the opinion of Sta Bdrbara that Micheltorena's success would have been a great misfortune to the CaUfomians, largely through Sut ter's influence. Lark'in's Doc, iii. 75. ''In a letter from Cahuenga, Alvarado and Castro later spoke of having 34 riflemen. Dept. St Pap., MS., vi. 17. Moat authorities agree thatthe whole number was from 40 to 60. Wilson, Obaerv., MS., 46-56, says there were 50 in different companies, implying that Workman was the commander of his company. The Californians generally represent McKinley as having been iu command; aud Jones in a letter of the time also names him as leader. Larkin's Doe, MS., ii. 65. Davis, Glimpses, MS., 123, says McKinley took no active part, and that Steams did not leave the town. Bidwell, Ccd. I84I-8, MS., 124, says that the principal force was a corapany of 40 mountaiueera. under William Fallon; and Sutter wrote ou July Slat of 'O'FaUon who marched against us with hia gang for the aake of getting aome horaea. ' Lar Un's Doc, MS., iu. 234. Michael White, Cal AU the Way Back to '28, MS., 19-21, tella ua there were 100 nien in his corapany, under Capt. Workman and Lieut Rowland. The writer waa enliated against his will. The foUowing men are uamed by oue witneaa or another aa having served iu this campaign: James McKinley, Abel Steams, B. D. Wilson, Alexander Bell, Richard laughlin, Nathaniel Pryor, Alex. Sales, Michael White, P. Mace (?), James Beckwourth (?), Jamea Barton (?), Wm Fallon, Wm Workman, John Row land,, Louia A^gnea, Wm Gamer, Sam. Carpenter, Henry Dalton, Daniel Sex ton, John Reed, CaUahan (3), Comelius Pejry (?), Wm Smith. 496 EXPULSION OF GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. whose intentions were not known, and the invasion of the city by the division of the north claiming to act in defence of the country. He therefore called upon the junta to consider the situation, and to take such measures as would check the movement of hostile forces and restore tranquillity.^'' The only business transacted the, first day Avas to call upon Alvarado and Castro for an explanation of their coming at the head of an armed force. At the next session on the 29th, the explanation with documentary vouchers was re ceived, read, and referred to Figueroa and Carrillo as a committee. This document was a forcible present ment, riot exaggerated, and comparatively free from verbiage, of the events of the past two months, with which the reader is familiar. The authors called. attention to the fact that hitherto Micheltorena's authority as governor and general had not been ques tioned or threatened by anybody, the movement hav ing been directed against the criminal soldiers exclu sively, and the governor himself having recognized its justice; but now they declared that Micheltorena, by breaking the treaty of Santa Teresa, by arming foreign adventurers and savage Indians against the Califor nians, and by giving a high command to a man who was known to have made threats against Mexican authorities, was guilty of treason to his government, and should be sent to answer for his crimes before the tribunals of the republic. The assembly should take charge ad interim of departmental affairs in accordance Avith the laws, and in reporting the charges against Micheltorena, should petition that the command be conferred upon a native or a citizen of California.^" ''Pico'a discourse of Jan. 28, 1845, in Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiv. 96; Bandini, Doe, MS., 57. Ridiculed by Vallejo, Hist Cal, MS., iv. 442-3, without any good foundation. The speech was wordy, but sensible enough. '-" A Ivarado and Castro, Exposicion contra Micheltorma dirigida d la asam blea departamental por los Gefes de la Diviaion del Norte, 29 de Enero, 1845, MS. The 9 acoorapanying docuraents are not given; but they consisted of corresp. that has already been cited. Sessiona of Jau. 28th-29th. Id., iv. p. 28-9; Dept 8t Pap., MS., v. 1; Id, vi. 110; Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 36; 8. Josi, Arch., MS., i. 4; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiv. 103. ACTION OF THE JUNTA. 497 The committee could find in the evidence before it no reason for Micheltorena's present action, after having proclaimed that the country was at peace, and that he had yielded to the just demands of the male- contents. The campaign seemed to be merely a per secution of those who had Avished to send away the bataUon ; and the governor's relations with foreigners, and especially with so suspicious a character as Sut ter, instead of strengthening his cause, had prima facie removed all his claims to popular sympathy in the south. Both sides of the question should, however, be heard ; and to that end the committee reported in the session of February 1st that the president of the junta should appoint a committee to wait on Michel torena, to consult with him on means for putting an end to dissensions, and to request that pending nego tiations he would suspend his advance on Los Ange les, and thus avoid bloodshed. This report was ap proved before the session the same day. Pico had sent the governor a letter by Sepiilveda, enclosing his speech at the earlier session with other records, and explaining the object of the junta to prevent dissen sions.^^ Also on the afternoon of the 1st a meeting of the people was convoked. ^^ What was done at that meeting, if anything beyond announcing the action of the junta, is not known; but within a few days Castro with a part of his force set out for San Buenaventura, Avhither we shall follow him later. The commissioners appointed by the president of the junta on the 3d were Josd Antonio de la Guerra of Santa Bdrbara, Vicente Sanchez, Abel Stearns, Antonio F. Coronel, and Antonio M. Lugo. Their instructions, dated the 4th, went perhaps a little be yond the original resolution of the assembly. They "Sessions of the junta, Feb. 1, 1845. Dept St Pap., MS., vi 2-8, 11-12; Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 30-1, 305; Dept Eec, MS., xiv. 3, 42. Feb. Ist, Pico to M. Micheltorena, Expediente, no. 5. M. repUed Feb. 4th, from Arroyo Hondo,. saying briefly that in order to reply he needed a copy of the constitution not, to be fouud in camp! Id., uo. 6. " Feb. 1, Castro to alcalde. Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., xi. 139. Hist. Cal., Vol. IV. 32 498 EXPULSION OF GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. were to urge Micheltorena to respect the universa] desire of the people by complying with the agreement of Santa Teresa; to dismiss his foreign aUies, whose presence with arms in their hands was against the laws and a menace to the nation ; and to send the Ind ians back to their rancherias, their arming being a most impolitic and dangerous act. Should ho consent to these terms, his person and position would be respect ed, and the junta Avould cooperate with him to restore order; should he refuse, he would be held responsible for the war that Avould result, since every Californian was ready to take up arms in defence of national in tegrity.^^ Captain Guerra was already at Santa Bdr bara, where some of the other comisionados joined him, and early in the morning of the 7th they called on Micheltorena at the mission. He refused to treat officially with them as representatives of a junta which as he maintained had not been legally convened; but being about to resume his march, he consented to con fer with them as private individuals on the way. Ac cordingly they called the same evening at his camp at Carpinteria, but accomplished nothing. Next day the general started for San Buenaventura, but returned on learning that Castro held that place; and after a conference Avith Sutter and other officers, he made known to Guerra his ultimatum — ^that pardon Avould be granted to the revolutionists, and even the lives of the leaders would be spared, if they would give up their arms and place themselves at the disposition of .the governor.^ '''Feb. 3d, 4th, appointment aud instructions of coramiasioners. Ouerra, Doc,., MS., i. 68-72; Dept St Pa-p., MS., vi. 9-10; Corond, Doc, MS., 235- 7 . j:he original resolution of the junta of Feb. 1st, with a note from Pioo, was sent to M. on the Sth, when the comisionados atarted. Micheltorena, Expe diente, .no. 7-8. "Feb. 7th, 9th, Guerra to Pico. Doc Hiat Cal, MS.,iv. 1154r-5; Guerra, Doe, MS., i. 75-8,; Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 12. On Feb. 4th, however, ao- , cording, to Leg. Rec.., MS., iv. 32, M. had written to Pico from Arroyo Hondo, iu reply to Pico'a note .of the lat, promiaing to anawer queationa of the assem bly. Coronel, one qt the comraittee, Coaas de Cal., MS., 58-63, gives some details of their labors, including several trips back aud forward between Micheltorena and Castro, which do not agree at all with the original records. ^He says the, committee co^sasted of himself, Sanchez, and John Wilson. He PIO PICO GOVERNOR. 499 The junta, not having received the explanations promised by Micheltorena on the 4th, nor having any evidence that he had replied to the comisionados, voted on the 12th to demand peremptorily a reply within an hour after the receipt of the demand, which Avas sent to Guerra, with a threat that if no answer were received by the 14th the assembly would take such steps as it might deem proper to secure the rights of the people. The day came, bringing only the news that the governor had refused to recognize either the junta or its commissioners. Thereupon, on motion of the president, it was resolved, 1st, That Micheltorena's authority be ignored; 2d, That the two positions for merly held by him be filled according to law; 3d, That the junta continue its sessions at Los Angeles, and take measures to make its authority respected; and, 4th, That it proceed to prepare formal accusations against Micheltorena, to be presented to the supreme government. Next day, the 15th, Pio Pico, as senior vocal, was declared to be the legal governor ad in terim. The customary proclamations to the people and orders to subordinate authorities were issued. Alvarado and Castro gave in their adhesion to the new rdgime, and Don Pio, having announced his in tention of marching in person against the foe, pub- fished on the 17th an order that all citizens, native or foreign, must present themselves in arms for active service on the following day — an order which was obeyed very promptly. ^^ bad some personal interviews with M., who asked him not to exert himaelf to bring about a peaceable arrangeraent, since he wished to get out of the country honorably before it ahould fall into American hands. ^^Feb. 10, 1845, T. S. Avila testifies that on the Oth he heard Michelto rena say that he ignored the assembly. Dept 8t. Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., ii. 40-1. Feb. 12th, action of junta demanding an immediate anawer, communicated by Pico and Olvera to gov., Guerra, and the people. Leg. Ree, MS., iv. 32; Dept Rec, MS., xiv. 43; Guerra, Doc, MS., i. 79; Dept. St Pap., Aug., MS., xi. 137-8; Micheltorena, Expediente, no. 9. Feb. 14th, Guerra to junta, announcing the ref uaal of M. to treat with the comisionados. Doc Hiat Cal., MS., iv. 1155-6; Dept St. Pap., MS., vi. 13; Guerra, Doc, MS., i. 81-2. Same date, action of junta ignoring M., proclaimed by Pioo. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 33-5; Dept St Pap., MS., -vi. 14-16; Los Angelea, Arch., Ms., iu. 13-15; Coronel, Doe, MS., 111. Micheltornea, Expediente, no. 10, 500 EXPULSION OF GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. Castro, Avith most of his northern division and a foAv Avho joined him in the south, perhaps 150 in all, had left Los Angeles within a few days after Febru ary 1st, and on or about the 8 th had occupied San Buenaventura with a view to watch Micheltorena's movements, and to prevent his advance as long as possible, while preparations were being made in the city. Here he is said to have thrown up some slight intrenchments, to have sent out parties of scouts to observe and worry the enemy, and to have performed a variety of evolutions, respecting the unimportant details of Avhich there is no agreement among wit nesses.^® Micheltorena and Sutter — the latter having taken the precaution to have his land grant signed' before leaving Santa Bdrbara — started from Carpinteria southAvard on the 8th; but learning that Castro had occupied San Buenaventura, they marched back again to their former camp, or perhaps to El Rineon, and stayed there a week. During this time Lieutenant Coates, with fifteen men of Gantt's company, made a reconnoissanee over the hills, and all were captured by an advance party of Californians, probably under Manuel Castro. There is conflicting testimony as to how the capture was effected, and room for suspicion that it was not much against the will of the foreigners. At any rate, they were well treated in Castro's camp, with date of 15th, forwarded to M. ou aame date with a long letter of expla nation, proteat, aud warning. Id., no. 11. Feb. 15th, junta declarea Pico to be gov. ad interira, hia communications to different officials, and his patriotic proclamation to the people. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 35; Dept St. Pap., MS., vi. 16-17; Id., 8. Josi, v. 91-2; Id., Angeles, x. 58-60; Sta Cmz, Arck, MS., 36. Feb. 17th, Alvarado and Castro acknowledge Pico, who aays he will march against M. Leg. Eec, MS., iy.SQ. Pico to M., reproaching and warning him. Dept St Pap., MS., ix. 8-11. Pico to citizens, calling them to arms. All who aid M. to be regarded as enemies to the country and to suffer ac cordingly. Id. , Angeles, x. 56. The proceedings of the assembly and nego tiations with M. are also described more or less fully, nothing being added to what I have given, in Pico, Hist, Cal, MS., 106-11; Bandini, Hist Gal, MS., 109-10; Pico, Acont., MS., 60-1; Larios, Convulsiones, MS., 20-1. ^'Garcia, Hechos, MS., 81-3; Fernandez, Goaas de Cal.. MS., 112-17; Ar naz, Becuerdos, MS., 70-1; Pico, HLst. Cal, MS., 111-12; Serrano, Apuides, MS., 96-7; Larios, Convulsiones, MS., 21-3; Ord, Oeurrencias, MS., 135, These throw no light on the details of Castro's proceedings. THE GENERAL AT SAN BUENAVENTURA. 501 being thoroughly relieved of all fears of oppression from the Californians, and sent back under parole, having promised to take no part in future hostilities. Returning to Santa Bdrbara, they induced many of their companions to join them and withdraw from Micheltorena's service. Others had Avithdrawn be fore, influenced by their disgust at the slow progress southward and by Marsh's arguments; so that now not over half of the foreign allies, some fifty in num ber, remained with the convicts and Indians, and many of these were retained only by their unwiUing ness to abandon a cause in which they had once em barked.^' At last, on the 1 5th of February, the day on which the junta voted to ignore Micheltorena's authority, the latter ordered an advance southAvard. His army entered San Buenaventura that day or the next. Castro retired without resistance at the enemy's ap proach, though Sutter speaks of a charge led by him self which compelled the Californians to break and "Wm A. Streeter, Eecollediona, MS., 35-51, givea more detaila about the captivity than any other. He happened to arrive at S. Buenaventura just at that time, and served as interpreter between Castro and the prisoners. He names Knight, Swift, the Murphys, CoonibS, and Mcintosh as amoug the number, and saya they were detained 5 daya. Streeter weut with them to Sutter'a camp, and wheu questioned greatly exaggerated the dangers of at tacking Castro. In spite of Capt. Gantt's entreaties, 35 men besides the pa roled prisonera decided to leave the company, the -writer coming north with them. Sutter, Peraon. Eemin., MS., saya that Coatea and hia men after a day'a abaence came back with a story that they had beeu captured and re leaaed on parole, and he, not without auapioiona, let them go. Charaberlain, Memoira, MS., i4r-20, names Sheldon, Wyman, and McCoOn as araong the captives. Nidever, Adventures, MS., Ill, says the men had been warned at Sta Bdrbara that they would be captured if not more careful. The news of the capture and release was received at S. P. before March 2d. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xu. 139. Manuel Caatro, Eelacion, MS., 124-6, namea Loa Pitoa aa the place where the Americans were taken. Rico, Memorias, MS., 11-16, gives some detaila of the capture, which he says waa effected by retreating scouts leading the Americans into an ambush, Rico himself being iu command. Osio, Hist. Cal., MS., 450-1, has it that SO foreigners met aud retreated before Castro's force, whereupon Jos6 Castro marched out alone to meet them aud persuade them that they were ou the wrong side. Larios, Convidaiones, MS., 21-4, tells us that Murphy, after the capture, promised Castro to go back to camp and induce most of Gantt's company to leave the service, and did so. Meu- tionalaoin Vallejo, Hist. (7o?., MS., iv. 450-2; Buelna, Notas, MS., 5-8; Pico, Acont, MS., 61. Larkin iu lettera ofthe tirae states that at least half of the foreignera and some of the Mexicana deserted before the battle of Cahuenga. Jones says that only SO, of the riflemen were left. 502 EXPULSION OF GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. flee, and there is some evidence that a few cannon- balls were sent after Castros' army as it disappeared in the distance.^ The adverse action of the Angelinos seems not to have been known at this time; but on the contrary there was a report credited by Michel torena, and by the people of Santa Bdrbara, that the Picos had raised a force and were marching to the general's support.^^ Alvarado and Vallejo, vaguely supported by a few other Californians, talk of a per sonal interview between Castro and Micheltorena at San BuenaA'entura, at which, in continuation of their former agreement, the flnal arrangements for a sham- battle and treaty were made. I have no reason to believe that any such interview took place.^" Micheltorena remained a day or two at San Buena ventura, and then resumed his advance, spending a night either at El Triunfo or Las Virgenes, and arriving at the Encino in San Fernando Valley at nightfall on February 19th. Meanwhile Castro had retired to Los Angeles, Avhere he had been joined by Alvarado with reenforcements. The two had again ^"Sutter, in his Personal Eeminis., MS., affirms that he led the advance with 600 raen, by the mouutains, while the general with the rest of the array (!) and the artillery came next moming by the beach road. Sutter crossed the hills in the night in a heavy rain, and at daybreak was in sight of the mission, half his force having loitered behind. Sutter made a charge, and the foe fled to form again in line of battle half a mile away. Bidwell was sent back to get permission to attack them, but Micheltorena refused. He could easily have routed Castro's anny, he thinka. He raentiona no flring of cannon. Caatro, Eelacion, MS., 124-7, says the long rains had damaged their powder, and that M. with his artillery conpelled a retreat. Gonzalez, Memorias, MS., 13-24, Wiggina, Eemin., MS., 8-11, and Arnaz, Becuerdos, MS., 70-1, say that two or three cannon shots were fired at long range. ^ Feb. 16th, J. C. Jonea to Larkin. Announces the occupation of S. Buena ventura, Castro's retreat, and the reports from Angeles. He thinks M. loiew of Pico's approach before he advanced. 'There is no doubt that this news is irue, which has put a death-stroke to the hopes of Castro and his party. The Californians must now submit to be govemed, by Mexicans, and with a rod of iron.' Larkin's Doc, MS., iii. 36. Vallejo, Hist Cal., MS., iv. 447-8, re ceived from M. a letter written at this time, in which he announced the good news from Angelea aud his confidence in success. '"Alvarado, Hist Ccd., MS., v. 28-9, 48-53; Vallejo, Hid. Cal, MS., v. 2-3. Gonzalez, Memorias, MS., 23-4, speaks of M. having received lettera from Alvarado and Castro, the former read to the men and containing insults, while the latter was read privately. Others say something of the receipt of letters, but nobody claims to have seeu the interview. BATTLE OF CAHUENGA. 503 advanced through the Cahuenga Pass with 284 men, encamping on the 18 th in the southern edge of San Fernando Valley seven or eight miles from Encino. Pio Pico probably came up from the city next day with additional reenforcements, since there is a gen eral agreement among authorities that the Califor nians had in all nearly 400 men,^^ Friday morning, the 20th, the rival armies advanced from Encino and Cahuenga respectively — that of Micheltorena down, and that of Castro up, the general course of the Los Angeles River — until they ap proached within shooting-distance, at very long can non-range of each other. Both parties, or at least some portions of each, sought protection under the banks of the river, or of the dry gulches communi cating therewith. The Californians had two small cannon, the Mexicans three, including the one brought from New Helvetia. It was probably noon before the firing began, and it Avas kept up all the afternoon on both sides, Micheltorena's gunners using grape and firing over a hundred times; while the others fired less shots, using ball and in some cases perhaps small stones. The result was that a horse on the patriot side had his head bloAvn off — some say two horses fell ; while I am impelled by a spirit of histori cal fairness to record a rumor, not very well authen ticated, that a mule on the side of the cholos was slightly injured. Not a drop of human blood was spUled on the battle-field of Cahuenga, or of Alamo, as it is called by several writers familiar with the region.^^ Just before night Micheltorena moved his force eastAvard across the plain, with the apparent intention of executing a flank movement, striking ''Feb. 18th, Alvarado and Castro to Pico. Have arrived, with their di-viaion of 250 meu, increased by 34 riflemen at Cahuenga. No signs of the enemy yet. An interview with Pico is deaired. Dept St. Pap., MS., -vi. 17. Feb. 20th, alcalde of S. Diego to Pico. People here lukewarm about poli tica, yet a party of volunteera atart to-day to join Alvarado and Castro. Id., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., ii. 114-15. These volunteers, aa usual for the S. Diegans, were too late. ''' Snch are Forster, VaUe, Botello, ete. 504 EXPULSION OP GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. the river at its bend, and following it down to the city. Accordingly a large part of the Californian army withdrew through the Cahuenga Pass. Then they proceeded to the left until they reached the riA'er, and after ascending its course for a few miles, encamped for the night. Thus when the sun rose on the 21st it found the two armies again facing each other on the Verdugo rancho, some ten or twelve miles from the battle-field of Friday. There seems to have been more cannon firing for an hour or two on this Saturday morning, though this is not quite certain. Then Micheltorena, raising a white flag, proposed a capitulation. Thus ended the battle of Cahuenga — accompanied by a Avar of the elements, one of the sand-storms peculiar to this region — the second ofthe name in Avhich a Mexican governor was defeated by the Cali fornians. I have briefly described its general feat ures, with as much accuracy as is deducible from the mass of confused, contradictory, and often false testi mony extant on the subject. I append in a note some items from this testimony, and proceed to take up an important feature of the conflict, the part taken therein by foreigners, not noticed before. ^^ ''The narrative of B. D. Wilaon, Obse-njationa on Early Days,MS.,iG-5S, who waa an eye-witneaa of all that occurred, ia on the whole the clearest, moat consistent, and best supported stateraent of the whole affair, though the author does not go very minutely into details except ou the part taken hy foreigners.- The editor of the Los Angeles Co. Hid., 41, appeara to have seen a copy of Wilson's narrative which was made from my original by a inember of hia family. The lettera of John C. Jonea from Sta BArbara to Thomaa 0. Larkin on Peb. 23d,. 24th, Larkin's Doe, MS., ii. 65; iii. 37, and of L. tothe U. S. seo. state ou March 22d, 24th, Id., Off. Corresp., MS., i. 22-24; ii. 19- 21, contain the earlieat accounts, agreeing substantially with Wilson and with my text. Jones says 'unfortunately nothing living was killed except a few horses;' and he attributes the general's defeat to his slow movements, depend ence ou cannon, the outrageous plundering of private property by his men on the march, and to Sutter's bluster. In his first letter he mentioned the rumored killing of 1 1 cholos and one foreigner. Larkin also meutioned re corded rumors of several men being killed. Both state that the cannonading continued on Saturday raorning. March 2d, reports of the defeat reached S. P. ; 12 cholos, one foreigner, one Indian, and one officer killed ! Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 139. Sutter, Pers. Eeminis., MS., saya they saw the enemy on the night before the battle (19th). Advanced at sunriae, Micheltorena commanding the artil lery and infantry, Sutter the cavalry. i?he first shot broke the wheel of one DEFECTION OF SUTTER'S MEN. 503 Micheltorena had less than fifty of his foreign rifle men left when the battle began, and these left him without firing a shot, being so persuaded by the of the enemy's guns, and scared away the gunnera. Then was the time to charge, ' but we had bad luck. Sorae of the Mexican dragoona began to wa ver and aorae of them deserted. The order to charge was not obeyed by the riflemen. ' M. gained a position on a wooded hill and defended himself till night and encamped. Next moming, being entirely surrounded and deprived of suppUea, he aurreudered. S. was, however, captured the firat day and knew but little of what occurred subsequently. In his Dia-ry, 5-6, Sutter saya: 'Near San Femando the enemy occupied a fine position, and appeared in full atrengtli, joined by a company of Araerican traders coming from So nora and another company of the aame conaiating of Tradera and Trappers and the whole force of the enemy was over thousand meu ( !) well provided -with everjrthing, and our force has beeu no more as about 350 or 375 Men, and during the battle of Cavenga near San femando the balance of the mounted riflemen and the ArtUlerie deserted, and myself fell in the hands of the en emy ... A few days after this, the general, surrounded by the eneray so that he could get nothing more to eat, capitulated.' Wiggins, Eeminiscences, MS., 8-11, who waa preaeut during part of the battle, aays M. had several horses killed and an Indian wounded; the loss on the other side being probably twice aa great. Davis, Glimpses of the Past, MS., 117-29, was at Angeles during this campaign, having charge of Bell's store while the owner was absent at Cahuenga. He gives a vivid and intereating account of the non-combatant in habitants of the city crowding on the hill listening to the boom of distant can non, waiting for news, aud praying for the aafety of relatives and friends. He also devotes some space to praise of M., and to a development of the absurd theory that he might with his superior arms and disciplined troops have elaughtered the Californians, but was restrained by feelings of huraanity, or dering his men, as the writer was told, to fire over the enemy's head. The Yolo Co. Hist, 11—12, contains a fair account of the carapaign, drawn mainly from Bird and Forbes, though the latter in a letter falls into some absurd errors respecting the battle, as -wUl be noted later. See also Chamberlain's Memoirs, MS., 14-20; letters in Niles' Eeg., Ixviu. 235-6; Nidever's Adven tures, MS., Ill; 8. F. Chronicle, Feb. 13, 1876; Id., June 15, 1879— this ar ticle coming from the Sonoma Index, and being whoUy false, if uot intended as a burlesque, of which there is no indication; Tuthill's Hist. Cal., 150; Eob inson's Life in Cal, 212-13; Honolulu Friend, iii. 61; Los Angeles Hist , 15; Belden'sHid. Statement, MS., 39; Forster's Pioneer Data, MS., ^7; Temple's Eecoll, MS., 6-7; Streeter' s EecoU., MS., 35-51; Spence's Notes, MS., 20-2; Hayes' Emig. Notes, 214-15; Bdl's Eemin., 13-14. None of these add any thing definite to what I have presented. PioPico, Hist Cal, MS., 112-19, gives a good general account of the battle, and adds many details, some of which I doubt uot may be accurate, though I have uo means of determining which. According to him, the action began at 9 a. m. Alvarado fired the first gun with his owu haud. Alf. Luis Altamirano and Capt. Rico were iu charge of the -two guns. Pico himself acted as conuuander-in-cliief. Micheltorena sent two requests for a cessation of firing, but Pico insisted on a surrender. AVorkmau aud McKinley were reprimanded on the field for trying to opeu relations -with the foe. Jos4 Castro was found skulking iu disguise out of danger. Pico commanded iu person the company that prevented M.'s flanking movement, but Castro came up later, aud by morning the foe was entirely surrounded. Alvarado, Hid. Cal., MS., v. 66-75, tells us that ou the aecond day he ordered his meu not to waste tlieir powder by repeating the cannonade of the day before. Pico, on a hiU out of range, sumraoned the -writer and ordered hira in au airy tone to continue the battle. A. went straight back to his guns, and ou open- -506 EXPULSION OF GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. -fifty foreigners on the other side, against whom they would not fight, knowing many of them person ally. They had been Avavering before, and were not sorry for an excuse to withdraAV from a bad cause; but they went through the forms of listening to argu ments from their compatriots of the south. While posted in the bed of the creek, after the firing had be gun, they Avere visited by McKinley and Wilson, who came as representatives of their company, posted in the same gulch about a mile below, and who labored to show that it was neither the duty nor the interest of foreign residents to fight for the purpose of keeping Micheltorena's rabble in California. Captain Gantt and other prominent members of his compauy, who had come out to meet the others at a little distance from their camp, admitted the force of Wilson's rea soning, but replied that their men were afraid of losing the lands which Micheltorena had granted or promised them. To remove this difficulty, Pio Pico was sent for and came in person — so say WUson, BoteUo, and Pico himself — explaining to the foreigners that Michel torena's grants and promises were worthless, because lands could not be granted legally to any but Mexi- ing fire had the good luck to kill three cholos and mortaUy wound another, whereupon M. at ouoe ' raised a white flag over his carriage. He also nar, rates that Trinidad Espinoaa rode out before the foe, challenging pursuit. when a cannon-ball killed hia horse under him. Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., v- 2-15, agreea with Alvarado, and both insist that the battle waa a sham, as per agreeraent between M. and Caatro. Manuel Castro, Eelacion, MS., 127- 34, gives a very correct general account of the whole affair. Pico, Acont,, MS., 61-3, learned from cholos who remained in the country that some of their number -were killed. Garcia, Hechos, MS., 84-5, says the Californians had three guns, one of whioh was iu his charge. Rico's gun was dismounted during the fight. 'Botello, Anales, MS., 112-18, witnessed the, first day's fight from a distance with Pico. He thinks there waa no intention of hurlr ing anybody. Gonzalez, Memorias, MS., 23-30, who served under M., gives some particulars of no especial importance. He represents the aoldiers as having .been anxioua to fight, while the general waa backward, and says that the Califomiana first proposed a truce. "JChe narrative of Buelna, Notas, MS., 9-16, is one of the best extant on this matter, though by no meana so on all subjects. See also, as containing uo definite information of any value not already presented, Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 96-8; Torre, Eemin., MS., 125-8; Arce, Mem., MS., 42-6; Amador, Mlem., MS., 156-9; Osio, H'tst Cal., MS., 452-4; Bandini, Hiat Cal, MS., 109-12; Ord, Oeurrencias, MS., 135-fi; Valle, Lo Pasado, MS., 34-5; Janaaena, Vida, MS., 184^5; Femandez, Gosas,de Cal., MS., 114-17.- FOREIGNERS REFUSE TO FIGHT. 507 can citizens; yet he assured them that they would in no way be oppressed, that their present occupation of lands would not be disturbed, aud that as soon as they chose to become citizens he would give them legal titles. This being satisfactory, all agreed to leave the general's service, though they would not consent to join the other side, and before night they Avithdrew from the field. It was reported at the time in the letters of Jones and Larkin, printed a little later in Alfred Robinson's book, repeated by Tuthill and oth ers, and has become the current version, that the two bodies of foreigners mutually agreed to withdraw and leave the Californians and Mexicans to fight out their own battles. It is nearly certain, however, that this was not the case, and that the southerners made no such promise. There is little evidence that they did withdraw from the Californian ranks, and they could not consistently and honorably give a promise which would prevent them from defending Los Angeles and its ranchos against Micheltorena's convicts. They may possibly have promised not to use their rifles — as they had no occasion to use them later — except it should be necessary to check the Mexicans' advance on their homes.^ "Most -writers state that the foreigners on both sides withdrew out of range of the guns. BeU says they 'went on a picnic,' with a mutual agree ment to permit no sacking or forced loans. Streeter says alao that Michelto rena was not to be allowed to enter the town. Jonea heard from oue of Gautt'a meu that both parties raet in Castro's camp, and that Castro not only prom ised them kind treatment, but proposed to join them iu declaring Califomia independent of Mexico! Alvarado and Vallejo talk of Graham and McKinley marching out in advance of their respective corapanies to make an agreeraent by whicii both partiea withdrew, repreaenting Grahara aa having talsen the initiative, and McKinley aa beiug very reluctant. Torre and Serrano tell ua that Graham waa captured by Joaquin de la Torre. Jeaus Pico and Botello state that the northerners went to S. Femando, the former affirming that Castro fumished thera horsea, and the latter that the Indian company went with them. Sutter and Bidwell represent that the agreement to withdraw was rautual, and that the aoutheruera broke their promiae, thua cauaing defeat. Thia ia aupported by AViggins and Galindo. Apuntea, MS., 49. J. A. Forbea, in a letter in Yolo Co. Hist, 12, gives the followiug vivid but imaginary pic ture of the battle: 'Wild firing began by the Mexicana with grape and can ister, without effect, and soou the rifle-shots from McKinley's men began to tell upou the Mexican artilleryraen, but not a shot was fired against Sutter's meu. McKinley had staked his all on the issue, having delivered his atore of gooda of aU kinda. worth more thau |5,000, to the Califomia party gratis,. 508 EXPULSION OF GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. Sutter Avas riot in the ravine with the riflemen, but came there while the negotiations were in progress, to learn why they were not obeying orders. His eloquence was of no avail ; his old arguments had lost their force. On his Avay back to the general's posi tion, he and BidAvell, his aid, were surrounded and captured by a party of Californians. They were taken before Castro, kindly received by him and Alvarado, and after a brief detention at the rancho of Cahuenga, Avere sent under parole, Rowland being their surety, to Los,Angeles, where they Avere lodged at the house of Abel Stearns. There is room for suspicion, though there is no proof of the fact, that Sutter's capture was not altogether against his will, being merely a pre arranged method of 'honorably' deserting Micheltore na's cause. It Avas evident from which quarter the winds were soon to blow, and it was high time for the wily Swiss to trim his sails accordingly. But for a previous stipulation with him or his men, the Cali fornians would have been amply justified in showing him little mercy. His head was all, and perhaps a little more than, he could reasonably have hoped to save.^^ and now he had come on that field to offer hia life in their cauae. The Mex ican infantry kept up a fire of musketry at McKinley's party, and he, impa tient of delay, desiring to speak to many of his friends in Sutter's party, left his ovm raen, and rushing out on the plain with hia rifle in one hand and wav ing hia hat with the other, paaaed' at a run under a atorra of musket-balls, and unhurt, was received by his friends iu Sutter's party, where hia cogent argu raents aoon cauaed their defection frora the Mexicana, and the result waa the capitulation ' ! '^ In hia Personal Eeminis., MS., S. aays that when he went to the ravine he found his men balloting to decide whether to desert or not. Marsh's elo quence being very effective, aud the coraing of the southerners to the camp settling the question; that while Alvarado and Castro treated him with great kindness, there was a large party both on the field aud at Augeles in favor of shooting him; and that during the first night of his capture he was forced to write advising M. to surrender, though he wrote iu French and in such a way as to let the general kuow he wrote uuder compulsion. BidweU in car rying orders had before been taken by Castro'a men, but had eacaped. He impliea that Sutter's visit to the raen was after they had raade the agreement and left the ravine. Mauricio Gonzalez testifies that S. joined the enemy with his foreigners and Indians. Manuel Castro says S. surrendered himself voluntarily. Buelna tells a sirailar story. Osio has it that S. waved a white flag and gave himself up, begging Alvarado's favor. Jones wrote at the time that S. aud Graham went to Castro's camp and surrendered theraselves. Sut- TREATY OF SAN FERNANDO. 509 Micheltorena had never auy idea that he could de feat the Californians with his cholos of the batallon alon?. The former were not very good soldiers, but infinitely superior to the latter in every way. The general feared that if he sent away the convict army, as he promised at Santa Teresa, the Mexican govern ment would not approve his action. Therefore he had decided to break the treaty, and trust to Sutter's foreign riflemen to defeat the people. Should Sutter fail, he might yet succeed in getting himself and men sent away under some arrangement that would at least look as well in Mexico as the former treaty. Sutter had failed; there Avas no thought of continu ing the contest; and the general therefore raised a Avhite flag and proposed a capitulation on the morning of February 21st. Of the negotiations that took place during the rest of the day we know little or nothing. Josd M. Castanares took the initiative on the general's side. Pio Pico and Jose Castro had each a personal interview with Micheltorena, and finally commissioners were appointed — -Valdds and Castanares for the Mexicans, Josd Antonio Carrillo and Manuel Castro for the Californians — who pro ceeded to arrange the terms of a treaty.^^ The treaty signed on the Campo de San Fernando on Sunday the 22d, by the comisionados that have been named and by Micheltorena and Castro as prin cipals, was in substance as follows: Art. 1. Michel torena, not having received from the supreme govern ment the order asked for through Tellez to retire with ter 'has fallen, and I think, like Lucifer, never to rise again; it ia thought he will be baniahed.' " General accounta of the negotiations, containing little that is reliable, iu Pico, Hiat Cal, MS., 119-20; Alvarado, Hist Cal, MS., v. 66-84; Vallejo, Hist Cal, MS., v. 2-21; Gonzalez, Mem., MS., 28-30; besides raany raen tions of the treaty. It is said that Bandini was secretary of the commission, aud that Castro sent food to M.'s camp for his meu. ^Pico after his interview with the general, iu which he aays the latter wamed him not to truat Castro, returned to Angeles, whence, under date of Peb. 21st, he writes to some one on the field, suggesting that M. should be made to acknowledge the acts of the assembly and Pico's appointraent as gov.; and alao recommending cau tion to prevent him from breaking this treaty as he did the former one. Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 68-70. 510 EXPULSION OF GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. his men, the revolt of the Californians being against the latter, and being no longer able, with his small force and resources, to check the conflagration which has become general throughout the country, agrees to march with his troops to San Pedro, where Castro Avill furnish a vessel to carry him to Monterey. Art. 2. At San Pedro those who wish to remain in the country will give up their arms, and the authorities are bound to protect them as citizens. Art. 3. Those who wish to follow the general will embark for Monte rey, whence, with those of that garrison, they will sail in the same vessel, or another if that will not hold them, for whatever port of the interior they may choose, taking their arms with them. Art. 4. Offi cers wishing to remain will be considered as belonging to the Mexican army, and will be paid frora the pub lic funds, their lives and property being guaranteed. Art. 5. The same privileges will be accorded to all citizens who have aided Micheltorena. Art. 6. All the armament and war-stores in the armory at Mon terey are to be delivered to the commander of the re volted forces, in order that with them he may defend the departmental and national integrity which the general intrusts to him. Art. 7. From this date the political command is turned over to the first vocal of the assembly, as that corporation has provided in ac cordance with the laws, to which end the general will at once issue a circular order for publication. Art. 8. He will also issue another order that Lieutenant- colonel Josd Castro be recognized as comandante general of the department. Art. 9. Micheltorena's division will march with all the honors of war, with music, flying colors, and three pieces of artillery with lighted matches, the flag to be saluted by Castro's drummers, but the guns and appurtenances to be given up at San Pedro.^^ •¦" ' Convenios celebrados eu el Campo de Sau Femando eutre los Sres Gen. de Brigada y Comandante General de este Departamento D. Manuel Michel torena, y el Teniente Coronel de Ej^rcito D. Jose Castro, comandante de las THE GENERAL'S DEPARTURE. 511 The ex-governor seems to have been allowed to dictate the terms of this remarkable, not to say ab surd, treaty, according to his own fancies of what would make the best impression in Mexico, the Cali fornians being willing to indulge his idiosyncrasies without limit, if they could only get rid of the bata llon as a military organization. On the 23d Governor Pico issued a proclamation, congratulating the people on the peace of Cahuenga, and setting forth in some Avhat flowery language the blessings that were to be shoAvered upon the country under the new rdgime. Next day the treaty and the changes of government resulting from it were officially circulated by Juan Bandini, who had accepted the position of govern ment secretary under Pico.^^ Little is known in detail of Micheltorena's subse quent experience in California. Not more than a day or two after the treaty, perhaps on the same day, he started with his batallon, enjoying all the military honors that had been promised him, for the coast, and encamped for more than two weeks at the Palos Ver des rancho near San Pedro.^^ Meanwhile Pico and fuerzaa prominciadaa en el miamo.' 8. Josi, Arch., MS., i. 5-9. Copies iu Alvarado, Hist Cal, MS., v. 75-6; VaUejo, Hist Cal, MS., v. 15-18; also printed in Micheltorena, Expediente, no. 12; translation by J. A. Forbes in Yolo Co. Hist, 12. The fipst 8 articlea are signed by the four comiaionadoa aa well aa the principals; the 'additional article,' which I have caUed art. 9, by M. and C. only. ''Feb. 23d, Pico's proclamation. VaUejo, Doe, MS., 67; Dept St Pap., S. Josi, MS., V. 88-91; Id., Ang., x. 55. Feb. 24th, Bandini to to-wu au thorities. 8. Josi, Arch. , MS. , i. 2, 5, 9. I have not found the circular orders promised by M. in the treaty; but Feb. 25th the bishop sends to P. Durau that oue announciug Pico as gov. Dept. St Pap., MS., vi. 111. *'In Jonea' letter of Feb. 24th we read: ' McKinley writea that the general shed tears like an infant at Angeles, and publicly told the people that he thought he had done -wrong in takiug up arms againat the citizena of Califor nia. ' Larkin's Doc , MS. , iii. 37. But I do uot think he paaaed through the city ataU. Gomez, Lo Que Sabe, MS., 156-9, speaks of the noble aud frank bear ing of M. in contrast with Pico's downcast eyes and stamraering speech on the occasiou of the formal transfer of the command; but I have no reason to sup poae there was auy such occasiou. Davis, Glimpses, MS. , 125, called ou M. several times at Palos Verdes. Mauricio Gonzalez, Memoriaa, MS., 30-3, waa with the force, and subsequeutly retumed to Angeles to deliver the ar tillery. He apeaka of aome insults offered to the cholos by the people, and relatea that Jos6 Limantour came to S. Pedro and had busineaa interviews with M. Coronel, Cosas de Cal, MS., 66, also had au interview -with M. Alvarado, Hist Cal, MS., v. 86-9, and Vallejo, Hist Cal, MS., v. 18-20, 512 EXPULSION OF GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. his associates made a contract with John Paty to transport Micheltorena and his troops, 200 in number, to Monterey, and thence to San Bias, in the Don Quixote, for the sum of $11,000 in silver, or its equiv alent.*" The vessel left San Pedro about March 12th and arrived at Monterey about the 1 9th. Davis, who Avas on board the Don Quixote, describes himself and Paty as having been charmed with the bearing of Micheltorena, and with the deportment of his soldiers. So impressed were these gentlemen with the general's affable manners that they accepted his explanations of past affairs with entire credulity, and seem to have honestly believed that this kind-hearted man had spared his beloved Californians from a terrible slaugh ter.*^ At Monterey the vessel lay at anchor for a week, the soldiers not being allowed to land, and their comrades of the garrison joining them on board. Seven or eight officers of the batallon remained in California under the terms of the treaty, as did a few soldiers, besides fifteen or twenty who had previously left the service and had been scattered through the country. Micheltorena was permitted to go on shore, Avhere he held interviews with leading citizens, and obtained some statements to be used in his defence. He was joined by his wife, and finally sailed in the last days of March, receiving a salute from the guns of the fort as the Don Quixote left the harbor.*'' He talk of M. stealing cattle, offering granta of miaaion estatea to frienda, apiking the guns before sending them back, etc. March Oth, Huson (?) complains of the soldiers spoiling his wall and threatening to shoot him if he did not sell them brandy. Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 112. "" Feb. 25th, Paty to Larkin. Expects to get the contract. SiippUes to be gathered. Larkin's Doc, MS., iii. 39. March 7th, D. Quixote ready for sea. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 20. March Stb, contract between Pioo and Paty. 11,000 payable at S. Pedro; $1,000 at Monterey; |9,000 ra 90 days. Pico, Figueroa, aud Lugo sureties for the $9,000. The govt also to pay for food. The sum was paid iu July. Id., vi. 20-1. March 18th, no money at Monterey to pay the |1, 000. Id., Ben., iU. 66. *' Davis, Glimpses of the Past, MS,, 127-9. Davia did not make the trip to S. Blaa, but saya that Paty was delighted to the last with his passengers. Both Micheltorena and Paty are said to have been masons of high degree, alid the more intiraate on that account. " March 20th, M. at Monterey to Vallejo, mentioning Caatro's appoint ment. Will soon aail., Va,lli'jo, Doc, MS., xii. 140. March 2l8t, Larkm to M., a friendly letter expressing sympathy for hia miafortuuea, due to hia ex- FAREWELL TO THE GENERAL. 513 wrote from San Bias on April 19th, sending to Pico some documents, including his oavu (M.'s) appointment as constitutional governor in accordance with the terna sent by the junta in 1844; and he next appears in the records on July 9th, when he had an interview with President Herrera, by whom it is said he was not very warmly received.** I have not found his report to the government, whose action in consequence of his expulsion wiU be noted later. It seems, however, that he tried to advance his own cause and throAV dis credit on his opponents by creating the false impres sion thathe had been overthrown by the aid of Amer icans and by a party which favored annexation to the United States. In taking leave of Micheltorena, I need not repeat, even in brief rdsumd, what has been said in former chapters of his life in California, and before he came : neither is their anything more to be said of his char acter. The reader has found him a strange mixture of good and bad; a most fascinatirig and popular gentleman; honest, skilful, and efficient as an official in minor matters; utterly weak, unreliable, and even dishonorable in all emergencies. In person he was taU, slight, and straight; with agreeable features, clean-shaven face, light complexion, and brown hair. A portrait, copied from a painting in Mexico, was presented to Governor Booth in 1873 for the state capital, where it is still to be seen.** The general cessive kindness and aversion to shedding blood. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i> 21-2. Mar. 24th, the vessel still at anchor. M. allowed 6 days to settle his affairs. Id., u. 20. Arce, Mem., MS., 44-7, tells us that M. expressed much gratitude to himself and a few others who had taken uo part against him. As he walked dowu to the boat, dressed in black with only his gener al's sash, with his wife on his arm, both were cheerful, saluting all they met. Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 98-9, mentions as the officers who remained Col. Segura, Capt. Flores, lieuts Villa and PadiUa, alfs Duenas, Garfias, Servin, and Sanchez. *' Mit^hdtorena's Admin., 28; Dept. St Pap., MS., vi. 82; Bustamante, Mem. Hist Mex., MS., ii. 170. ** Califomia Joumal of Assembly, 1873-4, p. 143; Haj/es' Scraps, Cal Notes, y. 10; Taylor's Discov. and Founders, i., no. 11; see also a lithographic portrait in Eamsey' s The Other Side, p. 114. His wife Dona Josefa Fuentes ia spoken of as a bright, inteUigent, pleasing, and generous woman, who was highly respected by the Californians. HiBif Oal., Vol. IV. 33 514 EXPULSION OP GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. was a man of good education who made some literary pretensions; and who on the evening of September 27; 1845, a few months after his return from Califor nia, read in a public celebration at the University of Mexico a literary production, which, if we may credit the bitter criticism of Cdrlos Maria Bustamante, put all his hearers to sleep.*^ In February 1847 Michel torena served as adjutant-general under Santa Anna at the battle of Buena Vista, or Angostura.*^ In October 1847 he was appointed comandante general of Oajaca, but the appointment was revoked because his presence was deemed necessary at Queretaro as a member of congress.*^ In April 1849 he writes from Mexico to Manuel Jimeno.** In 1850-1 he was comandante general of Yucatan;*^ and in 1854 his name no longer appears in the list of officers belong ing to the Mexican army.''" During his absence in the south Micheltorena, as we have seen, had left Captain Abella with about fifty men of the batallon to protect Monterey. It is not easy to form a definite idea of what occurred at the capital during the period; but it appears that a party *' Bustamante, Mem. Hid. Mex., iii. 46. 'Este pedanteaco miUtar tiene toda la audacia y orgullo que da la iguorancia, y que lo ooustituyen objeto de burla eu toda linea. Por deagracia es mi payaano, y sin duda es el Oajaqueiio mas orgulloso y touto que ha visto Mexico'! In M!ay 1833, onthe occasiou of the removal of Gen. Vicente Guerrero's remains to Oajaca, Col. Micheltorena took a prominent part in the exercises, contributing a eulogistic oration, a Latin distich, and a poera. Guerrero, Soberano Estado de Oajaca, Oajaca, 1833, Svo, 61 p. In Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 271, I have an origmal doca- ineut entitled Chronologia, Remitido, a, treatiae ou chronology, aatronomy, dominical letters, etc., illustrated by a. human haud, the fingers marked with letters and flgures in a mysterious aud complicated manner. 10 leaves, and tables. Dedicated to the bello sexo, and signed Manuel Micheltorena. •* Feb. 2Sd, he issued au order of thanks to the army for gallantry, etc. From Boldin de la Democracia, in El Sonorense, April 3, 1847; from N. 0. Picayune, in 8. F. Californian, Oct. 27, 1847. See also Ramsey's The Other Side, 114, etc. " Oajaca, Esposicion, 1848, p. 7. M. was at the time brigadier-general and ayudante general. Castro, Doc, MS., ii. 203. ^'Doc Hist Cal., MS., i. 506. It is a brief note contaiumg no informa tion. '^ Mexico, Mem. Guerra, 1851, p. 11. ^"Taylor, Odds and Ends,.nQ.l%:, p. 59, aays that he died in Michoacan about 1856> namuig uo autliority, and. presumably having none. AFFAIRS AT MONTEREY. 515 of Californians Avas organized outside the town, with a view of attempting its capture, which was prevented more by the influence of citizens and foreigners than by the strength of the garrison. At the end of Feb ruary, after a series of hostile demonstrations con fusedly recorded, on receipt of rumors that Alvarado and Castro had been defeated, Gabriel de la Torre, in command of the force mentioned, summoned Abella to surrender. The captain refused, and Torre made no attempt to enforce his demand, yielding, as he stated, to the solicitations of Spence, Hartnell, and Pablo de la Guerra, who came out as representatives of the townspeople, and because news soon arrived of what had really happened in the south.®^ Immedi ately after the surrender at Cahuenga, General Castro, fearing that Micheltorena might break this treaty as he had the former one if allowed to land at Monterey, despatched Andrds Pico with a small party to go to Monterey by forced marches and assume command. He left Los Angeles on February 24th, and arrived at Monterey before March 5th. Torre put his men at Pico's disposal; and Abella made no objection to giving up the command. Thus Micheltorena's men "March 1, 1845, Abella to Torre. Refuses to surrender the town with- Qut an order from Micheltorena. Doc. Hist. Cal. , MS., ii. 13. March 5th, Torre fo Caatro, explaining the reaaona for making the demand and for not having enforced it. He had 62 meu. Id. , ii. 14. I suspect that Torre may, have made the aecond demand after he heard of Pico'a approach, with a view to gain credit with the new govt. Joaiah Belden, Hid. Statement, MS., 36-9, saya the Californians marched on Monterey and deraanded its surrender soou after the govemor's departure. Mrs Micheltorena was uot sure of her own soldiers, and Belden at Larkin's request organized a guard of 6 American riflemen, who thereafter kept guard at her house. Abella and his officers Vfere at first incUned to surrender, but Mrs M. protested and carried her point. Later came a second demand (that of Torre already noted), and cora- miaaionera were sent out, who made au arrangement by which the Califomi ana were to hold the fort, and the garrison the town, one party or the other to yield later according to the iaaue of the atruggle iu the aouth. Swan, Hist. Sketches, MS., 3-4, says the foreigners stood guard uuder the direction of Spence and Dr Stokes. Feb. 4th, news of the troublea at Monterey had reached S. F. Torre was said to have won over most of the garrison, and even to have occupied tho town. Vallejo, Doc. , MS. , xii. 134. Garcia, Apunte, MS. , 0, says that sorae of tho garrison went over to the Californians. Gomez, Lo Que Sabe, MS., 190-4, and Gamica del Castillo, Becuerdos, MS., 4-7, talk ot Various movements of defence and offence, of spies, of shots fired, of threats to blow up the govt house, etc. Felipe Butron and Santiago Estrada are named as leaders among the Californians. 516 EXPULSION OF GOVERNOR MICHELTORENA. were not peruiitted to land, and the purely imaginary danger of new troubles with him was averted.^^ There was an alarm at Sonoma that Sutter on his march southward had detached a part of his force to return and ravage the northern frontier. Colonel Va llejo so far credited the report that he issued a stirring appeal to the people to rally in defence of their homes ; but Osio soon Avrote from Yerba Buena that the report was founded on nothing more terrible than Sutter's boasting of what he would do on his return.^^ Mean Avhile Sutter Avas detained for some days under nomi nal arrest at Los Angeles; but finally the new authori ties pretended to accept his explanation that he had aided Micheltorena merely as a subordinate officer in obedience to orders, and not only released him, as indeed they were bound to do by the treaty, but also allowed him to retain all his old powers on the Sacramento. In March he started Avith Bidwell, Townsend, Vaca, his kanaka servants, and part of his Indian warriors, returned northward by way of the Tejon Pass and Tulares Valley, and arrived at New Helvetia the 1st of April. ^* The foreigners of the rifie company did not return in a body, but most of them were probably at their homes before the end of March. Gantt and Marsh before leaving the south made a contract with Pico to attack the Indian horse-thieves for a share of the live-stock they might recover. None of the num- "Yeh. 2Sd, Castro's inatructiona to Pico. Pico, Doc, MS., u. 27-8. Al varado, Hist Cal, MS. , v. 89-93, thinka M. had no idea of making a new atand. Moat Californian writera merely mention Pico'a taking command at Monterey; there is uo need to repeat the referenoea. 53 Feb. lat, V.'a circular. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xu. 132. Feb. 4th, 6th, Sth, Osio to V. Id, xu. 134, 136-7. 5' Sutter, Personal Eeminis. , MS. , claims that many were in favor of shoot ing hira, which is likely enough, and that the discovery of M.'s order among his papers was all that saved him. But of course he was protected by the treaty, and probably also by promises made to him at, the time of his capture and previously to his companions, to say nothing of the fact that, he promised- his hearty support to the new govt. Feb. 26th, S. to Pioo, asserting that he had acted merely by M.'s orders, and asking to be released. Dept. St Pa-p,, MS., V. 123-4. Arrival home on April lat, after having been ' acquitted with all honors.' Sutter's Dia-hy, 6. Before AprU 9th he had made, an Indian cam paign and killed 22 of the savages who had killed Thomas Lindsay. Dept. St Pap., MS., vi. 173. RETURN OF GANTT'S COMPANY. 517 ber lost anything but their time, or suffered any op pression because of their unwise meddling in politics, though the most of them, not being citizens, were not legally protected by the treaty. ^^ '=Feb. 27th, contract between gov. and Gantt. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 171-2; St Pap., Sac, MS., xix. 20-2. March lat, Gantt to J. A. CarrUlo. Declarea that qjiargea against himself. Marsh, Hensley, and Dickey, in a letter from Carrillo, are unfounded and very strange. Currilli) (Dom.), Doc, MS., 104. He was then at S. Franciaco rancho. April 12th, Caatro to AVeber. Sutter'a men wishing to settle may be off'ered guaranties; besidea, they are pro tected by the treaty. Letter in Halleck's Mex. Land Laws, MS. CHAPTER XXII. RULE OF Pico AND CASTRO— POLITICAL ANNALS. 1845. Pico and Castbo in Command — Los Angeles the Capital — Sessions of Assembly — Expediente against Mioheltokena — Pbisonebs' Revolt- Junta DE GUEKEA AT MONTEREY — AOTS OF MEXICAJf GoVEENMEJfT — Efforts of CastaSaees — Iniestra's Expedition — A Fia,sco — Hltak's Mission— J. M. CastaSaees Sent to Mexico— Proposals for Gover nor — Supreme ConET — Constitutional Reforms — Peefectuees Re stored — Vote for President — Jones and Larkin — Castillero's Mis sion — Military Organization — September Revolt at Akgeles— Elections — Alvarado for Congress — Varela Revolt at Angeles — Carrillo Exiled — Flores Revolt at Santa Barbara— Indian Af- aies — Contract with Gantt and Maesh— Local Items. The rule of Pio Pico as governor, and of Josd Castro as comandante general, both holding office ad interim under Micheltorena's enforced acknowledg ment, and Pico also legally as senior vocal of the assembly, dates from the treaty of Cahuenga on the 22d of Februar}^ 1845. Neither had any special qualifications for his position; neither Avould have been chosen by the leading citizens, or even by a popular vote, perhaps, in his own section; and neither would have selected the other as his associate. Castro had earned his place by his services in the revolution ; and Pico, in addition to his legal claims and his claims as a southern man, had also the support, politically, of Alvarado. Don Juan Bautista, if, as many believe, he had hoped to secure the governorship for himself, had been forced to make this concession as an alterna tive of failure; and when the danger Avas past, he was (618) LOS ANGELES THE CAPITAL. 519 not a man to break his Avord, nor did he desire to place himself in open rebeUion against Mexico, or to stir up the old sectional animosities.^ It is not known whether there had been any posi tive stipulation that Los Angeles was to be the capital, as part of the price paid for southern cooperation ; but the silence of northern politicians onthe subject during this year indicates that such was the case.^ At any rate, with a southern governor and a southern major ity in the assembly, there was no hope for Monterey; and to Los Angeles the capital went and remained there Avithout official protest, the sessions of the as sembly being held there, for the most part without the attendance of northern members. Pico made Juan Bandini his secretary of state at first, and a little later Jose M. Covarrubias. He was unsuccessful in his ef forts to bring the treasury also to the south, and to establish a custom-house at San Diego; but he made Ignacio del Valle a kind of treasurer to have charge of that portion of the roA^enues belonging to the civil government, Alvarado Avas made administrator of 'Alvarado, Hid. Cal., MS., i. 231; iv. 17-18; v. 59-60, 64-5, 72, says he was urged by Castro aud by others to raake himself govemor, on tho legal ground or pretext that he had not served out his term wheu Micheltorena had come to relieve hira; but he refused, beiug determined not to aet an, example of violating the lawa. I auspect that a still stronger motive was his proraise to Pico and his friends; but it raust be admitted that Alvarado, throughout his career, was rarely if ever found taking a position againat the letter of the law. Pioo, Hist. Cal, MS., 121-2, tella ua that he distrusted Castro from the first, making an effort to have Vallejo chosen as general. Many officers agreed with him, but it was feared that if the matter were pressed Castro would com mit some act of violence. March 21st, J. C. Jones, writing to Larkin iu approval of the general result of the revolution, says: 'But as to our new governor. Yo gods ! The idea of Pio Pico being dignified with the title of Excellency ! It is alraost too ridiculous to believe, but still Pio Pico will be a more efficient govemor than Micheltorena, and if he errs, it will be through ignorance and bad advice. I do not believe, however, that his reign will be long; there will be a fl.are-up no doubt before many raonths between the CaU fomians themaelvea. The greatbugs of Sonoma are to bo crushed; there vf ill be no office assigned to any one of that great family.' Larkin's Doc, MS., iii. 75. March 4th, Larkin sends his respects, etc. , to Pioo, aud asks for informa tion about the changes of govt. Id., Off. Gorresp., MS., i. 29. Feb. 27th, Bishop Garcia Diego congratulates Pico ou his accession. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 141. ' Private individuals in the north complained frequently of the inconven ience of so distant a capital. VaUejo in his letter to Bustamante recom mended Sta Clara as a central and altogether suitable place. 520 RULE OP Pico AND CASTRO— POLITICAL ANNALS. the custom-house at Monterey, where Abrego retained the treasury, and where Castro established his military headquarters, with Francisco Arce as secretary. Cas tro's military authority in the south was delegated to Josd A. Carrillo, who was an enemy to Pico, aud who occupied a position as comandante of the southern line similar to that of Vallejo in the north. Thus the conditions were not favorable to har mony. With the governer, capital, and assembly at Los Angeles, and the civil offices all in the hands of the abajeiios, while the military headquarters, custom house, and treasury were at Monterey, under the con trol of arribeho politicians, a renewal of the old sec tional quarrels, as well as of those between military and civil authorities, might safely be predicted. Yet, perhaps because the spoils and adA^antages were more evenly divided between the north and south than in former years, the quarrel was not in 1845 so bitter or so disastrous in its effects as might have been ex pected. The troubles were, moreover, not so much between the two sections of the department, as be tween the general and governor; and in most cases the petty conflicts were waged ou southern soil, be tAveen the Pico element and certain southern men who represented, and were perhaps abetted by, the Castro clique at Monterey. Outside of the personal and official jealousies re ferred to, the reader wUl flnd but little to condemn in the acts of this adrriinistration; that is, in comparison Avith the average of preceding ones, and before the outbreak of the final and inevitable storm that brought it to an end. Particularly will there be found much to be mildly praised in Pico's general policy during the year 1845. He was not a brilliant man, and eft fected no radical reforms ; but he displayed a credita ble degree of good sense and moderation in his man agement of public affairs, and was far from deserving the ridicule that has been heaped upon him by his countrymen and others. This Avill be particularly SESSION OF THB JUNTA. 521 apparent from the three following chapters, devoted to the important general topics of mission affairs, trade, finance, immigration, and foreign relations. The asamblea, or junta, whose sessions of January and February have already been recorded in connec tion with the revolution,^ met again at Los Angeles in regular session on the 2d of March, and held fre quent meetings until October, the northern members, Spence, Munras, and Estrada, being absent, but sev eral southern suplentes being called in at various times to take their places.* Pico, Botello, Figueroa, Cdrlos Carrillo, and Ignacio del Valle were the members and suplentes who were present from March to May. The first matter that came up for consideration — and the only important one except those connected Avith commerce and missions, as noted elsewhere — was the preparation of an expediente on the late proceedings against Micheltorena, to be sent to Mexico as a de fence of the Californians. Pico and Castro, three days after the treaty of Cahuenga, had written to the ' See chap. xxi. of this vol. 'Sessions of March, AprU, and May, recorded in Dept. St. Pap., MS., x. 77, 87: Leg. Bee, MS., iv. 37-64, 250-61, 266; Dept St Pap., 8. Josi, MS., V. 93i Id., Ben., ii. 101. Many minor routine raatters, including land grants, local coraplaints, days of meeting, regulations of voting and debate, reports of committees, excuaea of membera for non-attendance, etc., receive no further notice. I may note, however, the followiug itema not pertaining to the topica treated in my text. March 28th, four lawa proposed and sent to Mexico for approval, 1st and 2d, ou trade, openingtheportof 3. Diego, aud pro hibiting the introduction of liquors; 3d, on the appointment of gov. , the pres ident to appoint him for 5 years frora a list proposed by the asaembly accord ing to art. 136-7 of the baaea orgdnicas, the 2d part of facultad xvii. of art. 134 — giving the prea. authority to disregard the list iu the case of frontier departments — not to have effect iu Cal. ; aud 4th, Alta Cal. to extend south to S. Fernando on the Baja Cal. frontier. April 18th, 2lst, action on missions. April 23d, educational projecto de ley. April 25th, discussion on confirmation - of land grants. April 28th, prop, to establish a mercantile tribunal at Mon terey; also secret aeaaion to propose candidates for gov., with no reault given. April SOth, May 7th, laud grants. May 9th, 12th, Uth, varioua rainor raat ters, without resulta. May 16th, a foreat law paaaed, prohibiting the cutting of timber on private landa and regulating it on public lands. May 19th, the sec, Olvera, to have au aaaistant as aoon aa the asaembly cau afford the funds; rumora of war witli the U. S. May 2l3t, misaion mattera. May 2Sd, local troublea between judgea at S. Franciaco. May 26th, troublea cauaed by the absence of membera without legal excuaea. May 28th, decree on the renting and sale of miasions. 522 RULE OF PICO AND CASTRO— POLITICAL ANNALS. president, asking that the ex-governor's reports be not credited, and that judgment be deferred until full ex planations could be received from a comrnissioner who would soon be sent for that purpose.^ The assembly named Spence and Abrego at Monterey, Olvera at Angeles, and Francisco de la Guerra in Santa Bdr bara to collect evidence on the subject, indicating in instructions issued some of the sources from which and points upon which evidence was to be sought. At the same time Miguel Pedrorena and J. A. Car riUo Avere appointed to visit Mexico and present the charges. Both declined the service, and Pico was authorized to appoint substitutes; but nothing more is recorded in the matter after the end of April." On the 28th of March, however, Pico had sent a report and defence to Mexico, with a collection of twelve doc uments in support of his statements. The documents have been already cited; and the only peculiarity of Pico's defence is the fact that he represented Michel torena's refusal to convene the assembly as one of his chief offences, alluding to the illegal session at Mon terey in the spring of 1844. This phase of the sub ject was rather weak.'' MeanwhUe there were disturbances at the new capital, more or less political in their significance. In March Simplicio Valdds was arrested on a charge of having conspired to seize the public funds and proclaim Micheltorena governor and general.^ At the same time Matias Moreno, afterward a somewhat prominent man, was prosecuted for indecorous expres- "Feb. 25th, P. andC. to pres. Dept St Pap., MS., ^'i. 18. 'Mar. 4th, appointments. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 37-44, 306-8. Pioo to Spence, Alvarado, and Castro. Dept Eec, MS., xiv. 6. Pico to Olvera with inatruc. Dept St. Pap. , MS. , vi. 74-5. April Oth, Abrego's instruc. to take statements of 5 or 6 prorainent men, search for doc. , etc. St. Pap., Sac, MS., xix. 1-2. April 11th, Alcalde Escobar prepared 20 p. of matter under Abrego's instruc. Leg. Bee, MS., iv. 311-12. April 2Sd, Carrillo and Pedrorena decline. Dept St Pap., MS., vu. 330. ''Micheltorena, Expediente contra el Oeneral, 1845. In Monitor Constit, May 27-8, 1845; Minerva, May 29-31, 1845. " March 26th, Agapito Ramirez was the accuser. An investigation ordered. No reaulta recorded. Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 27; Id., Ben. Pref. y J-mg,, "¦ 54; Dept Rec, MS., xiv. 27. TUMULTS AT THE CAPITAIi. 523 sions against the govemment in writing. There Avas an order issued to bauish Moreno across the fi-ontier, but he was set free a few months later.' In the night of April Sth, some twenty criminals confined iu the jail, or gfuard-house, overpowered their guards, seized their arms, and stationed themselves before the church, where they kindled a bonfire and opened fire with cannon and muskets up and down the street, shouting "Down with Pico, Carrillo, and Sanchez!" As the citizens began to assemble in arms, the enthusiasm of the rebels cooled, and most of them surrendered to the authorities. Three or four of the ringleaders obtained horses and escaped, to be retaken later and sentenced to six years of convict life at Acapulco.^" At the beginning of May, for reasons not explained, Carrillo was temporarily relieved of his command in favor of Andres Pico, by Castro's order." John C. Jones wrote to Larkin as foUows: "I have just returned from the pueblo; they are all at loggerheads there. Pio Pico is most unpopular, and Jose Antonio CarriUo, in my opinion, is endeavoring to supplant him. The present govemment of CaUfomia cannot exist six months; it wiU explode by spontaneous combustion."^ "March 26th, Sist, Jnne 13th, 25th. De^. Bee., MS., xlv. 28-9. "April 9th, C^los Carrillo to Capt. Guerra. Guerra, Doc , MS., iv. 252-3. April lOtb, J. A. Carrillo to com. of Sta Barbara. Id., v. 168-9. Ricardo Uribe, Ritillo Valencia, and Cordero are named aa leaders. JiUy, 4 men condemned. Castro wishes them sent away on the Soledad. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 46. T\oY\oo,Hid. Oal.,MS., 138-9, in teUiug the story, states that the prisoners were 6 or 8 'respectable men ' who were exasperated at Mayor Gen. CarriUo's iU treatment, and fired their cannon at his hotise. A few days later they sent for Pico, and by his advice gave themselves up for trial, and were acquitted. Jo86 Amaz, Eecuerdoa, MS., 79-81, gives many particulars of the efforts of the citizens nnder Covarrubiaa and Palomares to recapture the prisoners. He says their leader was one Faustino, a Spanish carpenter, who had been unjustly imprisoned by Alcalde Sanchez. They were not sent to Acapulco, bat takeit north by Castro and finaUy released. Mannei Castro, Eelacicm, MS., \i3r-Z, says the prisoners were Indians. "May Ist, command of the plaza surrendered, Dept. St. Pap., Ang., MS., viii 44. "Maylst, J. toL. LarJan'sDoc.,MS.,iiL 139. In a letter of May 23d he continues. Id., iii. 163: 'I am more and more convinced that the new govem ment wUl be of short life. His ExceUency has few or no friends, aud every day ia becoming more unpopular. Since the arrival of Don Andr6s and his taking command over Don Jos6 Antonio, who leads a powerful party, the govemor 524 RULE OF PICO AND CASTRO-POLITICAL ANNALS. It was in May that the Maria Teresa brought a report of war with the United States. The matter was mentioned in the assembly, exciting but little at tention; but at Monterey it was deemed sufficiently important to justify the holding of a junta de guerra, at which about thirty officers were present, the 24th of May. Patriotic speeches were made by Castro, Alvarado, and others; but the only practical result was to authorize the general to despatch a vessel to Acapulco iu quest of definite news, and material re sources for defence, as well as to give assurance of California's loyalty and determination to resist inva sion.^* It does not appear that any vessel was char tered ; but Castanares was subsequently sent to Mexico by the general. The arrival in June of a comisionado from the supreme government, and the sending of a military comisionado to represent the department at the na tional capital, as will be recorded a little later, render this a convenient opportunity to turn our attention to Mexico, and to what was done there in 1845 with reference to Californian affairs. During the first three months of the year no later news reached Mex ico from Monterey than that contained in Michel torena's reports of December 12, 14, 1844, which arrived in January. Over and over again did Cas taiiares represent the critical condition of his depart ment, declaring that if relief were not promptly afforded, not only would Micheltorena be forced to leave the country, but that within a few months California would share the fate of Texas, and be lost forever to Mexico. The administration was some what alarmed, summoned Castanares to a conference, and proposed to send him as governor and general and Carrillo have been at swords' poiuts. They have descended to personal and scurrilous abuse, and carae almost to blows.' Joues was a man prone to hold exaggerated views in these days. "May 24th, full report of the meeting by J. M. Castaflares, sec, and signed by all the officers participating, in Amigo del P-ueblo,. Aug, 30, 1845. CASTANARES IN MEXICO. 525 to restore order and save the country. Don Manuel was willing to accept the position temporarily, but he refused to start unless he could carry with him not only assurances and promises, with definite instructions to send away the Avorst of the cholos aud to convoke the assembly, but also 200 cavalrymen perfectly armed and equipped, a complete equipment for 150 infantry men of the batallon, some cannon aud 200 muskets with the proper munitions, and above all, some $13,000 in ready money, with positive orders for prompt quar terly payments in advance of the $8,000 per month already assigned ! He did not propose to go to Cali fornia on a fruitless mission, to be ridiculed and driven out by his constituents; but his conditions did not suit the government, and no more was heard of the appoint ment. This was on February 1st; after keeping silent for two months from motives of delicacy, Don Manuel renewed his supplications, and was assured on March 27th that the president had ordered the sending of troops to California." Ministers Cuevas and Garcia Conde iu their reports of March both alluded to the lamentable condition of aftairs in California and to the probable expulsion of Micheltorena. They regarded the defence of that de partment as of the highest importance, recognized the real causes that had led to the late governor's over throw, regretted past neglect on the part of Mexico, and announced the purpose of the goverament to aA'^ert the consequences of that neglect by prompt action. "Corresp. of Castanares with the govt, Jan.-March 1845, in Castanares, Col Doc, 54^70. In his letter of March SOth he seeras uot to approve the sending of troops that had been announced, without other necessary raeasures, since their coining was likely to alarra rather than reUeve the Californians. The only letter of later date than March was one of July 17th, inwhich he ex pressed his feara that it was now too late to save Cal. He wrote uo more, as ne atates in a final note, because the govt in subsequent measures did uot con sult him at all. The preface to his printed coUection is dated Oot. 10th, and he concludes with: 'Quiera Dios alejar de noaotroa los males que traerla_ d la nacion la p^rdida de laa Califomias!' Buatamante, N-uevo Bemal Diaz, i. 48, repreaents Caataiiarea aa raaking hiraself intrusive, iu the hope of succeeding Micheltorena. The deputies sitting near him complain tihat he keeps them Califca-niados, talking of nothing else. The zealous deputy never retumed to CaL 523 RULE OF PICO AND CASTRO— POLITICAL ANNALS. "The government is busy with measures whicii wiU assure the integrity of our territory in that most pre cious part of our republic. A purely military expedi tion would be impoUtic in the actual state of CaU fornias, since the people were groaning under the ominous yoke of soldiery, which never permitted a meeting of the assembly or of municipal bodies, but made them feel all the weight of brutal power. There fore the government has to employ force, but always combined with political measures expected to produce the most happy results. The executive regrets that he cannot announce his plans on this subject; but re peats that he hopes for a favorablg and permanent re sult," said Garcia Conde; while Cuevas added, "This administration desires — and may its measures be suc cessful ! — to supply resources in men, money, and arma ment, on the point of starting under the command of a new chief, Avho by his wise conduct may be able to conjure the evils with which California is threat ened."" Early in April there came the news of Micheltore na's actual overthrow — news by no means unexpected; whereupon Josd Maria Hijar, a person not unknown to my readers, Avas at once sent as a comisionado to California, with instructions dated April 11th, which Avere virtually an approval of all that had been done. There was in them no word of blame ; there was an exhortation to peace, a request that the assembly would propose the man desired for governor, and an assur ance that the military force to be sent for the coun try's defence would be composed of good men under a carefully selected leader.^® Early in May, the tidings came to Mexico that, de- ^= Mexico, Mem. Rei, 1845, p. 25-7; Id., Mem. Guerra, 1845, p. 9-10. Jan. 9th, declaration of 'TeUez and Mejia — Micheltorena's agents- that they adhere to Gen. Paredes' pronunciaraiento. Meteoro de Sinaloa, Jan. 20, 1845. Jan. 18tli, decree subjecting Cal. to art. 134, fac. 17 of bases orgdnicas — that ia, allowing the prea. to appoint a gov. without regarding the liat of candidates sent by the asaerably. Mexico, Col de Leyes [Palacio), 1844-6, p. 81. ^' Hijar, Instrucciones del Oobierrio Supremo al Comiaionado para Cali forriia, I84S, MS. Later iu this chapter I speak again of Hijar's inission. , A MILITARY EXPEDITION. 527 spite Micheltorena's downfall, order had been restored in California, which was by no means disloyal to the nation; and on May 25th Avas printed in the official newspaper Pio Pico's report of March 28th, in which he gave a correct version of the late troubles, with assurances that his countrymen were law-abiding peo ple." In reply, a communication was despatched to Pico on May 29th, virtually recognizing the legality of his position as governor, asking his cooperation for the welfare of the country, repeating the spirit of Hi jar's instructions, demanding California's vote for pres ident, and renewing the promise of a military force.^* In June and later, several orders were sent to the north bearing on the imminence of war with the United States, as will be noted later,^^ and in July, as Ave have seen, Micheltorena arrived and was not very cordially received. With one . exception, there is no other topic to be noticed in this connection.^' The military expedition determined on by the gov ernment as early as April was long enshrouded in a kind of mystery, for reasons not very apparent. I have already noted several allusions to the matter. As late as July 18th, the minister of war assured congress that there was being fitted out 'a most bril liant expedition,' the success of which depended on a secret which he had no authority to reveal.^^ It was in August that the veil of secrecy Avas lifted, and it became known that a fully equipped force of at least 600 men, veteran troops, was to be sent from Mexico I' Diario del Gobiei-no, May 25, 1845, containing Pico's report of March 28th, copied in substance next day in Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., ii. 103- 0, with previous mentiou of the subject iu Id., ii. 92, 100. Bustamante dis liked Micheltorena, aud was very ready to believe that the Californians had been justified. The report of Pico has been noted in connection with the Micheltorena, Exped., printed iu other Mex. newspapers. '*May29th, Cuevas to Pico. St Pap., Sac, MS., xvi. 17-19; Ouerra, Doc, MS., vu. 199. "Vallejo, Hist Cal, MS., v. 64-9, quotes a letter of June 3d from Cas tillero to Castro, announciug that the latter was to be confirmed as coraan dante general. ' The pill is a bitter one, but they will have to swallow it'! ^'In Nov. there was a report of a uniou of sorae kind between Cal. and Sonora. Bustamante, Mem. Hiat. Mex., iii. 158. '^ B-uatamante, Nuevo Bernal Diaa, i..48. 523 RULE OF PICO AND CASTRO— POLITICAL ANNALS. by Acapulco, under the command of Colonel Ignacio Iniestra, an able officer educated in the military schools of France. Salvador M. Iturbide was the agent, or comisario, who, under Iniestra, superin tended the outfit of this army. Large quantities of stores were purchased at the capital and sent on. mules to the coast; four vessels were chartered at Acapulco to transport the troops under two men-of- Avar as convoys, and the troops themselves, including three hundred infantry under Colonel Baneneli, marched from Mexico in detachments, which in Oc tober were scattered along the route to Acapulco. Meanwhile Andrds Castillero had been sent to Cali fornia to superintend preparations for the reception of the force,^^ and a controversy had broken out at the capital. It was charged that there had been waste, extravagance, and even dishonest management in fitting out the expedition, so that the funds liber aUy but carelessly provided by the government had been exhausted at the beginning, and before the end of September great difficulty was experienced iu sup porting the troops already en route. Iniestra and Iturbide denied the charges of mismanagement, and threw the blame for present difficulties on other shoulders. In the details of the scandal we are not interested,'^ and the results are not very definitely ''^No date, Castillero's instructions from Gen. Iniestra. Dept. St Pap., MS., vii. 37-8. It was probably in July or August that he left Mexico, and the expedition was then expected to aail from Acapulco about Sept. 20th. ^' Iniestra, Expedicion de Oalifornias, 1845, a series of long editorials, with letters frora Iniestra, Iturbide, aud others, iu the Amigo del Pueblo, Sept. 2, 9, 18, 27, Oct. 4, 23, 25, SO, Nov. 15* 25, 27, Dec. 4, 1845. It was charged that tent-polea were aent from Mexico ou mulea; that 'hard-tack' waa likewise transported, its cost in Mexico being about the same as at Acapulco; and that the charter of one of the vessels at least cost asmuch aa the vessel was worth. Much ridicule was also directed to the employ-i ment of a large number of musicians; it beiug suggested that Califomia, like Jericho, was to be taken by the sound of trumpets miraculously, by thia 'expedicion musico-militar.' The transports chartered and lying at Acapulco for months at great expense were the Mercurio, Catalina, Correo de Acapulco, and Primavera; aud the convoys .4 ntiAuoc i and Ocrrreo de CalAformas. In mauy nurabers of the Amigo from Sept. to Nov. appeared a series of 'pre- guntas sueltas,' one of which was, 'La espedicion & Califomias, por fin, va 6 no ? Herros visto al Coronel Iniestra muy despaqio en un caf6, y muy con tento al parecer, mientras que los buques estan ganando estadias en Acapulco^ INIESTRA AND HlJAR. 529 recorded. It seems, however, that before the end of the year the arms, ammunition, and various other stores belonging to the expedition reached Acapulco, as did a large part of the troops; but the men joined General Alvarez in the revolution of December against President Herrera, and all the stores, together with the ships, fell into the hands of the revolutionists, while California Avas left to defend herself.^* Let us return to California and to the month of June. Josd Maria Hijar, Mexican comisionado and formerly director of the famous Hijar and Padrds colony of 1834, arrived at Santa Bdrbara on June Sth. He announced his arrival, presenting his instructions next day, and was welcomed by Governor Pico on the 11th, by the assembly on the 13th, and by Castro and Alvarado a little later, no secret being made of the nature of his mission.^^ Hijar had been selected because of his knowledge of California, where his unpopularity, arising from the colony affair, was supposed to have died out. Had there been any difficulties in his way, his mission would doubtless have been a failure; but as he really had nothing to y se eati apolillando la galleta qne se Uev6 all4 desde esta capital. Esto no ea calcular d la Iniestra, sino k la ainieatra. ' ^* President Paredes, iu his address of June 6, 1846, to congress, quaUfles the revolt of this expedition as 'horrible and parricidal.' Mexico, Mem. Relaciones, 1847, annex., p. 94. Gen. Manuel Marquez de Leon -writes to the Eeo de Occidente (Guaymas), Sept. 25, 1878, that he was a raember of the expedition, and blames the party that prevented its departure and thua loat CaUfornia. The uewa that the expedition was in difficulty and would proba bly not come reached CaUfornia ou the Hannah, Jan. 17, 1846. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., ii. 116. See also Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal Diaz, u. 14, 58. ''¦'July 1st, Pico to min. of rei., announcing Hijar's arrival and reception at Angeles; likewise the 'inexplicable pleasure in my heart' with which he ordered the publication of his instructions, ' amid salvos of artillery, ringing of bella,' etc. Dept. Ree, MS., xiv. 55-6. April 11th, Hijar's instructions. Dept St Pap., Ben., MS., iu. 72-6. June 9th, H. to P. Dept St. Pap., MS., vi. 34-,5. June 11th, P. to H. Dept Ree, MS., xiv. 49-50. June 13th, action of asaembly, thanking the sup. govt and welcoming Hijar. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 68-70. June 21st, Alvarado to H. Castro starts to confer -n'ith H. Dept St Pap., Ben., MS., iu. 70-1. June 25th, Pico to Larkin, describing Hijar's mission. VaZfc/o, Z>oc., MS., xxxiv. 139. June 12th, Pico announces to the people that the sup. govt is seeking to proraote the welfare of Cal.. Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., x. 77; alaoiu Avila, Doc, MS., 143-8. Hist. Cal., Vol. IV. 34 530 RULE OF PICO AND CASTBO -POLITICAL ANNALS. do but to announce the welcome news that the revolutionists had nothing to fear from Mexico, he met with no opposition whatever. He was an educated gentleman, Avho played the guitar and made himself agreeable. He did not meddle in politics beyond writing a few routine communications, and he died at Los Angeles on December 19th, probably before he had spent all the advance of salary received in Mexico.^® At about the time of Hijar's arrival, Castro sent Josd Maria Castanares to Mexico, presumably in con sequence of the Monterey meeting of May 24th, to explain California's needs in connection with the ru mors of coming war. Of his instructions, or what he tried to accomplish in Mexico, nothing is known, and nothing was known at the time; but Pico and the as sembly suspected that the mission might not be fa vorable to their interests, and requested the supreme government to pay no heed to Castanares' representa tions on matters pertaining to the civil administra tion.''' On June 27th, in accordance with the recom mendation brought by Hijar, the assembly balloted for a quinterna of candidates for governor, selecting the following five names given in the order of prefer ence: Pio Pico, Juan Bandini, M. G. Vallejo, Josd de la Guerra y Noriega, and Antonio M. Osio." In =«Dec. 19th-20th, death amd burial of Hijar. Dept St. Pap., MS., vi. 136; Arch. Sta B., MS., x. 247. Arnaz, Becuerdos, MS., 82-3, saya that Hijar told him he had authority to declare himself governor or general if he should deem it beat. Alvarado, //isi. Cal., MS., v. 96-109, 116-23, and Vallejo, H'lSt Cal, MS., V. 35^3, devote considerable space to Hijar's mission, which tbey ridicule, blaming Pico also for divulging the nature of his secret instruc tions. They atate that H., finding he could accorapUsh nothing, resigned. They say also that he waa coldly received by all but Bandini and some of the old colony men, speakmg of impolite toasts and speeches made at a banquet given him by Bandini. I find, however, no conteraporary evidence that the iold troublea were remembered, or that Hijar had any difficultiea whatever. f^ Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 246-7; Dept /Si. Pop., MS., vi. 84; vui. 8-9; Cadro, Eelacion, MS., 145-9. •'* June 27th, Pico'a proclamation of the result. Doc Hid. Oal, MS., ii. 40; Dept. St Pap., MS., viu. 30-3; Id., S. Joai, v. 95-6; Leg. Eec, MS.,iv. 74, 70; July 29th, CiSlia to VaUejo._ Vallejo, Doe, MS., xii. 145. 'What a se lection f writes Jones. ' This I will wager, however, that should the president select from that number — a thing most improbable — ^Bandini will be the man; and in ray ojunion, of the five he is the man most fit to fill the office; he would. SUPREME COURT. 531 the same month there were fears at the capital that there was to be another revolt of the prisoners, Josd Antonio Carrillo having in the mean time been re stored to command.^^ I append an outline of the as sembly's proceedings for June and July.^" The three great matters that occupied the atten tion of the legislators at Los Angeles in July were the reorganization of the supreme court, constitu tional reform, and a restoration of the prefectures. The tribunal superior, according to the act of the as sembly on July 2d and Pico's proclamation of the 4tl!, was to consist provisionally of two justices, to al ternate as presidents, and a fiscal, each receiving a salary of $2,000 and being appointed by the governor from candidates named by the assembly. The tribu nal was to appoint a secretary, first oficial, and clerk; Avas to be divided into two chambers to consider cases of second and third instance respectively; and was to be governed by the law of 1837. Men learned in the law were to be obtained for justices as soon as possi- however, never go down for governor in CaUfomia.' Larkin's Doe, MS., iii. 212. ^' June 16th, CarriUo to Pico, aud govemor'a orders. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 42-3; Id., Aug., xi. 149-51. ™ Sessions of assembly, June 1845. June 1 1th, land grants; coraplaints of private individuals against local authorities; abseuce of members. June IStli, Guerra ot Sta BArbara takes his seat; land granta; Hijar's inatructions. June 10th, 18th, lands; Hi'jar'a miaaion. June 20th, lauds; Bandini retires from secretaryship in favor of Covarrubias. June 23d, lands; committee on polit ical diviaion of the department urged to make haate; Valle uot permitted to retire. June 25th, landa; petty local affaira; committee work. June 27th, landa; S. Diegaua want a tribunal mercantil; report on courts; quinterna for governor. June SOth, lands; courta. Botello and Valle generally monopo lized the diacussions in these days. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 64-77. Session of July 2d, organization of courts. July 4th, ditto; and division of dept into districts and partidos. .July 7th, reply to criticism; absent mem bers; vote to publish corresp., showing that due efforts had beeu made to se cure attendance. July Oth, lands; supremecourt. July 11th, lands; elections; conatitutional reform; Valle allowed to retire; also Guerra for 15 days. July 14th, ICth, 18th, constitutional reform; Spence and Munras still 'sick.' July 21st, same topic; long discussion on parliamentary rulea; Botello va Pico; gov. not allowed to decide a tie by hia vote de calidad. July 25th, Botello had left the assembly in disgust, but now returned to his duties; declaration in favor of the federal system of 1824; Castro's representation to the sup. govt read. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 77-104. The raore important topics are fur- fiier uoticed in my text. 532 RULE OF PICO AND CASTRO— POLITICAL ANNALS. ble, and were to receive an increased salary. As the court seems never to have performed any of its duties, it does not appear necessary to specify those duties more fuUy.^^ On July 9th the assembly suggested three candidates for each of the leading positions, and two for each of the substitute justices; and on the 12th the following appointments were made: 1st min istro, J. A. Carrillo; 2d, Manuel Requena; fiscal, Ma riano Bonilla; ministros suplentes," Ignacio Coronel, Santiago Argiiello, Raimundo Carrillo, Josd Abrego, Salvio Pacheco, and Guillermo Castro.^^ Carrillo de cUned the appointment immediately, and Bonilla later, as did Bandini appointed in CarriUo's place. Juan Malarin, president ofthe old tribunal, protested against a change which deprived him of his position, but his protest was not heeded. In September, and later, an attempt was made to organize the court by calling in the suplentes, but apparently without success.^' In the matter of constitutional reform, suggestions had been received from Hijar on changes affecting California alone ; while on those affecting the national system, propositions were received from Michoacan, Puebla, and Chiapas. On the first point, the decision reached by the assembly, June 14th, to be submitted to the supreme government for approval, -was that to CaUfornia there should be granted exceptional laws, giving to the governor, assembly, and municipalities greater powers than Avere held in other states, and also that duties on foreign goods should be reduced at least ten per cent, no class of goods being prohibited, "July 2d-4th. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 75-85; Doc Hist Cal, MS., ii. 46; Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., x. 64-7. '^Leg. Eec,MS., iv 87-9; Doe Hisi. Cal, MS., u. 51-2; Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 85; Id., Angeles, x. 67-9. ''3 July 13th, Carrillo decUnes. Dept 8t Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS.,iv. 44, 46-7. July 21st, Requena accepts. Id., iv. 47. Aug. Sth, Sept. 11th, Coronel and Bonilla decline. Id. , iv. 44, 46. Aug. 20th, Malarin complains. Id., iv. 47. Sept. 25th, 27th, Bandini declines. Id., iv. 45-6. Aug. 18th to Oct. Ist, action of assembly and efforts to organize the court. Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 113-15, 227-8, 237-8, 281-2, 290-3; Dept St Pap., MS., viu. 29; Id,, Ang., X. 73; xi. 161. Malarin had been snubbed by the assembly, but he still presented his claims on Dec. Slat. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 137--8. PREFECTURES RESTORED. 533 and trade in national goods being entirely free. So far as national affairs were concerned, the assembly voted finally, on July 25th, in favor of the federal .sys tem of 1824, with some modifications to prevent cen tralization of power, and to insure individual rights.^* The third project, and the only one of the three that was practically carried into effect, was a division of the department into districts, and a restoration of the former system of prefectures. By the act of July 4th, published by Pico July 5th, Alta Cal ifornia was divided into two districts — the 1st, that of Los Angeles, from San Luis Obispo south, with three partidos, 1. Los Angeles, 2. Santa Bdrbara, 3. San Diego; and the 2d, that of Monterey, from San Miguel north, with two partidos, 1. Monterey, 2. Yerba Buena. At Monterey there was to be a prefect, and in every other partido a sub-prefect. At Los Angeles and Monterey the ayuntamientos were to remain; and in each other partido there was to be a junta municipal, consisting of the justice of the peace and two citizens, presided over by the sub- prefect. In the 1st district the sub-prefects were to exercise the powers of the prefects, except cer tain ones reserved for the governor. All the new officials were to be governed by the former regula tions of 1837, except so far as they might conflict Avith the constitution and with the present decree.^® Manuel Castro, nephew of Pico, cousin of the gen eral, and a prominent man in the first movement against Micheltorena, was made prefect of the 2d district, and assumed the office August 2d.^^ The "June ISth, Hijar to Pico. Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 35-7. Action of as sembly July 11th, Mth, 16th, 21st, 25th. Leg. Ree, MS., iv. 91-103, 270-3; Moreno, Doc, MS., 85; CarrUlo, Doc, MS., S-4; Carrillo (J.), Doc, MS., 47-9. '= July 4th, 5th, decree of assembly and Pico's bando restoring prefec- turas. Doe Hist Oal, MS., ii. 47; Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 79-83; Dept St Pap., S. Josi, MS., V. 98-101: Id., Aug., x. 60-3; Sta Cmz, Arch., MS., 30. The prefect had a salary of |1,500, with a sec. at ^600; sub-prefects had |500, except at Angelea, 5P600 — all to pay their own office expenaea. All appointed by the gov. except the aub-prefect of Yerba Buena, who waa appointed by the prefect with the governor's approval. '^July 12th, Castro's appoiutment; July 18th, letter of acceptance; 534 RULE OF PICO AND CASTRO— POLITICAL ANNALS. appointments of sub-prefects will be given in connec tion with local annals. Early in July General Castro went down to Los Angeles. About the same time the Soledad brought Captain Flores with the Mexican despatch of May 29th, already mentioned as including a virtual approval of all that the Californians had done, an assurance that a large military force would soon arrive, and a request for the presidential vote of the department.^' Castro's business at the capital was chiefly connected v/ith the division of the revenues between the civil and military branches, on which topic the governor and general soon came to an agreement, as will be re lated in the next chapter. ^^ There is but slight evi dence of controversy at this time between the two factions, except in the letters of Jones, who repre sented Castro as having come south full of wrath and determined to have vengeance, though his tone was somewhat modified by the news from Mexico. It is evident that Jones' statements on this subject were exaggerated.^* Jones and Larkin also fell into an error respecting the news from Mexico, representing the coming expedition as intended to punish the Cali fornians and their foreign allies against Micheltorena, all of whom were in great terror, but resolved to resist to the death, and to that end were engaged in Aug. 2d, swom in. Doc Hist. Cal, MS., i. 491; u. 84; Cadro, Doe, MS., i. 132, 137; Dept Rec, MS., xiv. 65-6; Dept St Pap., Ben., MS., v. 375- 6, 364-5; Id., Angdes, x. 68-9. ''' July 9th, arrival of the Soledad at S. Pedro; July Uth, 12th, publication of the deapatch of May 29th. Dept. St Pap., MS., vui. 1-2; Id., Ang., xi. 156-8; 8t Pap., Sac, MS., xvi. 17-19; 8. Josi, Arch., MS., iu. 2; Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 91-S; Guerra, Doe, MS., iv. 188-9. July 12th, McKmley to Larkin on the arrival. Larkin's Doc, MS., ui. 218. " June 21st, Caatro leavea the command at Monterey to Alvarado durmg hia abaence. Dept St. Pap., MS., xiii. 11. June SOth, C. expected soon at Augeles, but not yet arrived. Doc Hist Cal, MS., ii. 44. ''July 7th, Jonea to Larkin. Larkin'a Doc, MS., iii. 212, and similar ideas iu other lettera. In hia lettera of July 20th he aays: 'From all accounts, the capital is in a raost rebellious and disorderly state. Justice haa cloaed her wings and fied frora that place. The governor ia moat unpopular; he is led by the nose by the new secretary (Covarrubias), who is placarded almost every day. The Honorable Assembly are at loggerheads, and confusion is the order of the day.' It is also said that Castro and Hijar had quarreUed. VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 535 raising forces.*" Of course this was all wrong. Mexico had no intention to avenge Micheltorena's downfall; and the Californians had no fear of such a movement, understanding perfectly that the expedition was to de fend the country against American invaders. It is not easy to determine whether Larkin intentionally misrepresented these matters for effect on newly ar rived immigrants and at Washington, or whether he was misled by Castro and Alvarado, who wished to conceal the preparations being made against tho United States. CaUfornia's vote was cast on August 1st by the as sembly for Herrera as president of the republic, though Gomez Farias got two of the five votes— those of Bo teUo and CarriUo.*^ Later in the month came rumors of impending war, duly published with appeals to pop ular patriotism, and orders for military organization — all to be repeated and redoubled in September, when there came from Mexico more definite reports and orders, brought by Andrds Castillero, who came to act as co-comisionado Avith Hijar, and especiaUy to prepare for the reception of Iniestra's army. Indeed, this expectation of war with the United States, Avith resulting acts and correspondence, including the re ception of overland immigrants and Castillero's nego tiations for the purchase of Sutter's Fort, was the principal matter to be noticed in the last half of this year; but it is also a topic to be treated in a later *» July 7th, 20th, J. to L. July 10th, L. to sec. state aud to N. Y. Journal of Commerce Larkin's Doc, MS., iu. 212, 226; Id., Off. Co-rre^p., MS., ii. 25- 6; NUes' Reg., Ixix. 203. *' Aug 1st, vote for Herrera announced by Pico to min. of rei. Dept. St. Pap., MS., viu. 7; Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 104-5; Doc Hiat Cal., MS., u. 71; Vallejo, Doe, MS., xxx. 147. Vallejo, Hid. Cal, MS., v. 43-4, credits Pico with having managed thia affair very skilfully to get the vote thrown for Her rera, who was uot popular, while Castro and Alvarado were absent; but there is no foundation for this view of the niatter. Doubtless the bearer of the de spatch of May 29th had inatructiona aa to who was to receive the vote, and the Californians were glad to obey orders, not oaring who was president. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 705, states that Cal. did uot vote. Perhaps the vote did not arrive in time. On April 2 1st Herrera's accession to the presidency had been published in Cal. Dept St Pap., Ben. Pref y Juzg., MS., v. 30. On Sept. 9th, a vote was also thrown for Castillo as justice of the Mexican sup. . court. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 121-2. 536 RULE OF PICO AND CASTRO -POLITICAL ANNALS. chapter*^ — only one of its phases, the controversy that to some extent grew out of it, requiring attention here. Pico claimed the exclusive right to organize the militia according to Mexican decrees of June; and his jealousy ofall military interference was shared by Pre fect Castro, the representative of civil authority in the north. There resulted a controversy between the pre fect and Colonel Alvarado on the matter of enlistments, a quarrel which was thought to be healed on the gen eral's return to Monterey.*^ It was revived again, however, when Pico declared that no military fuero could be recognized except in officers of the regular army, and called upon General Castro to put all other officers, including Alvarado of course, at the disposi tion of the civil authorities.** This the general deemed *^See chap, xxv., this vol. Sept. 10th, Hijar to Pico, announcing Casti llero's appointment, andreceiptof $l,OOOfortravellingexpeuses. Sept. 13th, C.'s instructions publiahed. Dept St. Pap., MS., vi. 37-9. Sept. 20th, Jonea -writea to Larkin: 'You will have learnt the news from Castiyares (Castillero), who, by the way, is the most outrageous Uar I ever encountered. Do not be lieve a word he tella you. He haa no commission whatever, ouly a letter from the new govemor to advise him of the state of the coast when he arrives. He ia a spy, nothing raore.' Larldn's Doc, MS., iii. 278. Sessions of the asaerably Aug.-Oct. : Aug. 1st, election of presideut of the republic. Aug. 4th, Botello sick; petition of a sub-prefect for increaae of sal ary, refuaed; land grants. Aug. 6th, nothing done. Aug. 7th, secret session to deliberate on war. Aug. 8th, Uth, 13th, sarae subject, and lands. Aug. 18th, 20th, 22d, lands; aupreme court. Aug. 25th, 27th, 29th, com. on mis sions; prop, to adjourn at end of month carried, and raerabers not reaiding at Angelea perraitted to retire — but the aeasions went on just the same. Sept. 3d, dept treasurer; lands. Sept. 5tli, report of com. on missions. Sept. Oth, vote for magistrate of supreme court in Mexico. Sept. 10th, missiona; elec tiona; military organization; celebration of the fiesta of the 16th. Sept. 12th, forms of celebration; Carrillo absent on account of sickness; CastiUero's ap pointraent. Sept. 13th, forra of ceremonial at the fiesta. Sept. 19th, elec tions; military organization; Botello objecta to a proclaraation whioh Pico propoaes to publish. Sept. 22d, preliminary reports of committees; sup. court. Sept. 24th, regulations for railitia in 13 articles; a treasurer to be ap pointed; lands. Sept. 26th, lands. Oct. lat, landa; cattle-stealing; sec. to get his salary notwithstanding the adjournment; sup. court: reference to election of senators of the republic. Oot. Sd, land grants. Oct. Sth, regula tions for the sale of hides; land granta; aessions suspended for the rest of the year, because inabiUty to pay salaries makea it neceaaary to allow members to retire. Leg. Bee, MS., iv. 104-244; Olvera, Doc, MS., 37-8. Oct. Uth, Pico'a proclamation closing the sessions. *» August. Doc Hist Cal, MS., U. 109, 112-13, 118-19. Sept. 1st, Pico calls for information about rumors of disturbances at Monterey, Id. , ii. 125; and is assured Sept. 12th by Castro that all is quiet now, though there had been uneasiness in consequeuce of rumors that the prefect aud citizens would attack the soldiers. Dejit St. Pap., Ben., MS., v. 363-4. "Sept. 13th, P. to C. Doc Hiat Cal, MS., u. 148-9. GENERAL AND PREFECT. 537 an unwarrantable interference Avith his prerogatives, and issued a general order annulling the governor's de cree on the ground that the officers in question were in active service and therefore under his own command. The prefect then issued a proclamation in defence of Pico's rights, and declared that dissensions between the chief authorities should not be allowed to interfere with the miUtary organization, since while they were quarrelling he would put himself at the head of the citizens and save the country! General Castro re plied, praising Don Manuel's patriotic zeal, but remind ing him that the country's defence was a duty belong ing only to the comandancia general.*^ The trouble continued to some extent in October, the only definite result being to prevent the enlistment of defensores, and to lay the foundations of a still more bitter con troversy for 1846. So far as the north Avas concerned, CastiUero's visit and his tour with Castro to Sonoma and New Helvetia tended somewhat to allay personal dissensions in the last months of 1845.** " Sept. 29th-30th, prefect's proclaraation; Castro to Pico and to prefect; and Alvarado'a proteat. Doc. Hist Cal, MS., ii. 168; A-vila, Doe, MS., 56- 8, 61; Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 56. Larkin, Off. Corresp., MS., u. 27, writes on Sept. 29th that mattera were getting worse and worse between the two ' parties, so that the people hardly cared what flag waa exchanged for their owu. *^Oct. 1st, Caatro to prefect, expreaaing aurpriae, etc., at his proclamation. Doc Hiat Cal, MS., u. 172. Oct. Sd, Don Manuel defenda himaelf at aome length in a letter to Dou Jos^, using plain and forcible language. He has offered his resignation, but until relieved proposes to discharge faithfully and fearlessly the duties of hia office. Manuel waa a much abler man than Joa6, and was evidently not so manageable as the latter had expected to find him. Id., ii. 173. Oct. 1st, a friend of the author wrote to Robinson, Life in Cal, 214, giving a glooray picture of the country's miserable and disorderly condi tion, arising from internal dissensions; but all foreigners grosaly exaggerated the difficultiea in these days. This writer states that Pico had been arrested and imprisoned. Oot. 15th, A. M. Pico at S. Jos6 to prefect. Wants a detailed account of the troubles; thinks there ahould be no revolt save for serious causes. Doc. Hist Oal, MS., ii. 192. Oct. 28th, Alvarado to Pinto, on preparations for Caatro's trip to -the northern frontier. Pinto, Doc. , MS. , ii. 208. Dec. 10th, Gen. Castro to prefect and to Castillero. In consequence of news just received, desires to see tbem iu Monterey to take steps to avert civU war. Castro, Doe, MS., i. 239. Dec. 20th, Castro is going south and leaves Narvaez in command at Monterey. Doc. Hist. Cat, MS., ii. 255. Vallejo, Hiat Cal, MS., v. 46-8, blames Pico for all the troubles. Osio, Hid. Cal., MS., 455-6, thinks Castro at first tried to act iu harmony with Pico, but was influenced by Castillero to turn against him. Botello, Anales, MS., 126, thinks the old triumvirate, Alvarado, Castro, and Vallejo, were intriguing to overthrow Pico aud recover the capital. Most Californians merely refer to the controversy of 1845-6 as a general matter, with a general- 538 RULE OP PICO AND CASTRO— POLITICAL ANNALS. ' At the capital in the mean time the abajehos not ouly circulated exaggerated rumors of northern trou bles, but made some progress in their own phases of the current quarrel.*'' In the night of September 1 5th- 16th, the garrison revolted, but next day returned to duty, some changes being made by the governor and assembly in the officers commanding. Josd A. Car rillo accused Pico of having instigated the troops not to recognize his authority; while the governor's Aver sion Avas that the troops had risen because unable to endure the comandante's oppression, but had been persuaded to submit. Carrillo was temporarily re lieved of the command, or at least a recommendation to that effect was sent to General Castro.*' Pico's messengers bearing despatches for Castro respecting the late occurrences were overtaken north of Santa Bdrbara by a party sent in pursuit by Carrillo to seize the despatches and carry others to Castro, iu which they Avere successful; while another party sent by the alcalde of Santa Bdrbara to capture CarriUo's messen gers failed. Neither were those messengers arrested in the north as ordered, but soon came back with passes from Castro, much to the disgust of Pico, who with reason looked upon the proceeding as an outrage expression of opinion that govemor and general wished to get rid each of the other. Both are accused of favoring their friends without much regard to the public welfare. *' Jones, now that the troubles were no longer quite imaginary, wrote on Sept. 3d: ' His Excellency still continues to hold the reins, and rules with even-handed justice. I begin to think the chair of state- inight have been filled by a much less worthy citizen. ' Larkin's Doe , MS. , iii. 279. *°Sept. 17th, Pico to Castro. Hilario Varela, 3os& Carrillo, and Jacobo Sanchez seemed to be ringleaders. A junta de guerra called by the assembly on the 16th put Lieut Somoza iu coramand, aud left the chief command— CarriUo's place — for the general to decide upon. Doc Hist. Cal, MS., ii. 150. Sept. 17th, Somoza to Pioo. All ia tranquil, the meu regretting their acts. Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 54. Sept. 18th, Pico orders a prosecution of Carrillo for saying that he could prove Pico to have reduced the troops. Id., vi 54. Sept. 18th, to Caatro. Protests agauist Carrillo's restoration to the oom- inand. Id., viii. 11. Joues on Sept. 16th sent an inaccurate report of the matter to Larkin, to the effect that Pico and his friends had tried to put dowu Carrillo, failed, and been arrested. Larkin's Doc, MS., iu. 278, 297. The bishop's prayera had been invoked to restore tranquiUity. Dept. St Pap. , MS., vi. 149. Sept. SOth, prefect pubUshes Pico'a report at Monterey; and Gen. Castro tella P. that he haa ordered the disbandment of the rebellious troops aa a punishraent! Dept. 8t Pap., MS., vi. 57; Id., Monterey, Ui. 109. GOVERNOR AND ASSEMBLY. 539 upon his authority.*^ The governor protested that there was no foundation in the current reports that he was disposed to ignore the military authority; and he urged upon Castro the necessity of united efforts, so that the chiefs of the department might uo longer be objects of ridicule. But a little later, in a report to Mexico urging the sending of mUitary forces under a new general, he accused Castro and Alvarado not only of creating dissensions which endangered the territo rial integrity, but also of squandering the public funds.^" The assembly adjourned on the Sth of October, assigning as a reason the necessity for country mem bers to go home and earn a living, as there was no money with which to pay their salaries.^^ During the sessions the northern members had not been in attendance, ostensibly on account of sickness, but in reality because they were unwilling to serve as a minority and at a southern capital.^^ Two days before the adjournment, October 5th-6th, a general election Avas held, the last under Mexican rule, at which Juan B. Alvarado was chosen diputado to con gress, with Manuel Requena as substitute, though ''Sept. 21st-29th. Dept St Pap., Ben. Pref. y juzg., MS., u. 17.5-7; Lar- Idn'aDoc, MS., iii. 297. Pico's messengers were Juan Supiilveda aud Leonardo Cota; Carrillo's, Capt. Jos6 CarrUlo, Joa6 Lugo, and Jacobo Sanchez, who re tumed in Nov. Capt. Valentin Cota had also been summoned by CarriUo, and waa intrusted -with a comision reservada to Sta Bdrbara ou Sept. 2Sd. Cota, Doc, MS., 17-18. '"Oct. 2d, Pico to Castro. Dept St Pap., MS., viu. 17-21. Oct. 9th, P. to Abrego. Id., vi. 91-2. Oct. 24th, P. organizes a special force uuder Capt. Juan Gallardo and Lieut Leonardo Cota to preaerve order. Olvera, Doe, MS. , 51. Nov. 3d, Jones writes: 'The civil and railitary authorities are at open war in the capital. The governor and people have refused to allow the can non to be removed to this place in compliance with Castro's order, aud J. A. CarriUo is on his march -to establish his headquarters iu Sta Bdrbara.' Lar kin's Doc, MS., Ui. 364. Nov. 11th, P. to min. of rei. Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 96-7. "ieff. Eec., MS., iv. 243-4. ^^Ou July 26th, in accordance with a vote of the assembly, and iu conse quence of some current charges that that body waa uot acting legally, Pico pubhalied in a bulky document hia correap. with Spence and Munras, show ing that they had been legally summoned aud repeatedly urged to attend be fore the suplentes were caUed in. Pico, Correspondencia con los vocales recal- dtrantes del Norte, 1845, MS. BoteUo, Anales, MS., 120, has also something to say on this topic. Munras claimed that he had uo horses to make the joumey. Spence had sore eyes, and feared the Angeles climate. 540 RULE OF PICO AND CASTRO— POLITICAL ANNALS. neither ever went to Mexico to tate his seat.^' At the same time there were chosen three A^ocales for the assembly, to take the places of Spence, Munras, and Estrada, whose terms had expired. The suc cessful candidates were Juan Bandini, Josd Abrego, and Santiago Arguello, leaving one northern mem ber against six southerners, with Joaquin Carrillo, Abel Stearns, Santiago E. Arguello, Agustin Olvera, Ignacio Palomares, Antonio M. Pico, and Joaquin Ortega as suplentes.^* At the end of November there were some new de velopments in the politico-military quarrel at Los Angeles and Santa Bdrbara. Josd Antonio Carrillo, with the Varela brothers, Sdrbulo and Hilario, formed a conspiracy to depose the governor and seize his person. An attack was to be made upon his house in the night of November 28th; but Pico was in formed of the plot, put Carrillo under arrest, and called upon his friends in the city and ranchos for assistance. The Varelas ran away, and even suc ceeded on the 29th in capturing the horses of a party of rancheros who hacl come in at the governor's call; but they Avere promptly pursued and taken prisoners. After an investigation before the alcalde, it was de cided to banish Carrillo and Hilario Varela, who were put on board the Clarita aiid sailed for Maza- =3 Oct. 5th, election. Olvera, Doc, MS., .37; Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 58. °*Oct. 6, 1875, election of merabers of assembly. Dept. St. Pap., MS., viii. 37-8, 125-6. There was a tie between Bandini and A. M. Osio, whioh was decided by lot in favor of the former. Preliminary corresp. and orders as follows: Laws of June 19th, Mexican, iu Doc Hist. Cal, MS., u. 39. July 11th, 12th, deoree of gov. and asserably on detaila of the election. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 89-91; Dept St. Pap., MS., viu. 36-7; 8. Josi, Arch., MS., i. 42; Castro, Doc, MS., i. 131. Local, priraary, and aecondary elections m Aug.-Sept. Doe Hist Cal, MS., U. 70, 88, 94, 108, 126-7, 136, 140, 180; iv. 1161; Caatro, Doc, MS., i. 149; 8. Josi, Arch., MS., iu. 6; Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 49-52. The S. P. elector waa uot chosen becauae the compromisarioa, from Sonoma and Contra Coata failed to appear. Thoae who went to Angeles were Narciso Botello, Pedro Carrillo, and Antonio F. Coronel for Angeles; Juan M. Marron for S. Diego; Francisco de la Guerra and Raimundo Carrillo for Sta Bdrbara; aud Pablo de la Guerra and Joaquiu Eacamilla for Monterey. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 282, 287. Incomplete record of preliminary organization of the electoral junta on Sept. 28th, in Coronel, Doe, MS., 115-17. REVOLT AT ANGELES AND SANTA BARBARA. 541 tian the 5th of December from San Diego. Sdrbulo Varela was detained in prison, but escaped before the end of the year; while the exiles found their way back early in 1846, Carrillo not deeming himself safe at Angeles, but joining Castro in the north.^^ The outbreak at Santa Bdrbara, presumably as a part ofthe same general plan, occurred on November 29th, one day later than the proposed movement at the capital. A large number of citizens under Captain Gumesindo Flores, Josd Antonio de la Guerra, and Josd Lugo arrested the sub-prefect and alcalde, de claring their purpose to ignore the authority not only of those officials but of the governor also, and to rec ognize only General Castro. The alleged grievances Avere that the civil authorities had disregarded a peti tion of the citizens to be relieved from guard duty, and that at the capital military officers had been oppressed by the governor. Flores, the comandante at Santa Bdrbara, was the chief instigator, and doubtless had an understanding with Carrillo. At a meeting held on the 30th it was proposed to march on Angeles; but, the news being unfavorable, this project was abandoned. On December 11th the pronunciados held another meeting, at which it was decided to send for the sub- prefect and submit to the civil authority. By Pico's order there was a later attempt at legal investigation, leading to no practical results; as it soon became ap parent that a large majority of the people had directly or indirectly favored the revolt, and that they would '^Nov. SOth, alcalde'a investigations. No details except that Jos^ A. Tapia, Agapito Ramirez, Dolores Higuera, Casimiro Rubio, and Romero were arreated aa acoomplicea. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., ii. 102, 130, 140-1, 152. Nov. SOth, Pico to sub-prefect of S. Diego. Dept St. Pap., MS., vi. 99-102. P. to C&lis and to Capt. Vioget of the Clarita. Id., vi. 98-9; viii. 22. SaUmg of the exiles. Id., vi. 63; Id., Ben. Pref. y Juz-j., u. 68. Dec. 2d, P. 'a report of the whole affair circulated by Seo. Covarrubiaa and the aub-prefects. Doc Hiat Gal, MS., u. 223, 231; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiv. 170. Dec. 24th, escape of Sdrbulo Varela. Dept St Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., ii. 169. Sorae particulara are given by Pico, Hist Cal, MS., 140-6, aud a general account ia found alao in Vallejo, Hist Cal., MS., v. 49- 58; Alvarado, Hist Cal, MS., v. 109-14. Botello, Anales dd Sur, MS., 126-8, tells us that an outbreak of sorae prisoners iu the jail under one Ri cardo Uribes atarted the investigation which irapUcated Carrillo. 542 RULE OF PICO AND CASTRO— POLITICAL ANNALS. not permit the governor to select a few individuals for vengeance.'^® Castro's part in the disturbances just described is not brought to light by the evidence. Friends of Pico in the south believed that Castro and Carrillo were acting in perfect accord to overthroAV the governor. Such was probably the case, though it is possible, as VaUejo and Alvarado insist, that Carrillo may have acted independently so far as the detaUs of this par ticular revolt were concerned. At any rate, Castro in his communications, while he urged the people to pre serve harmony and submit to the lawful authorities, had no blame for Flores, and accepted that officer's theory that the revolt had resulted from Pico's ar bitrary acts.®' I have also a private letter from Hila rio Varela to Castro, which shows not only that the latter was in secret communication with the leaders of the southern revolt, but that Pico, with the support of the northern prefect, was believed to be preparing for a golpe de estado against the general.^* The de velopment of this quarrel will form a prominent topic in the earlier annals of the next year. ^^Deo. 2d, Sub-prefect A. Carrillo to Pico, announcing his arrest and that of the 1st alcalde (apparently Nicholas Den) and Antonio Rodriguez. Dept St. Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., ii. 168. Nov. SOth, Jones to Larkin, de scribing the affair as the work of a gang of outlaws, who now have possession of the town. Hopes that Castro -will sustain the gov. Larkin's Doc, MS., ui. 386. Dec. 11th, record of submission and promised pardon. Dept, St. Pap., Ang., MS., xi. 168-9; Id., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., u. 168. Dec. 23d-30th, in vestigations. Id., Ben., iv. 27-35. Jan. Oth, prefect still in quest of evidence. Dept St Pap., MS., vu. 98. ^' Dec. 15th, Castro to Plores, Pico, and to the people. Dept St. Pap., MS., vi. 63-4; Id., Ben. Mil, Ixxxvi. 9-11. The general announced hia pur pose to come iu person to the south. ^^Oct. 25, 1845, Varela to Castro, reaervada. Says that Castro's orders to him have been obeyed; and that Pico is trying, by offers of good places in the cuatom-houae wheu it shall be removed to the south, to gain aupport among the people againat Castro, though not with much success. He continuea: 'I will also tell you that communications from Senor Manuelote' — ^Manuel Castro, the prefect — 'have been shown me, in which he tells tlie gov. to make hia grito wheu he chooaea; that he will tie them here. This is tme, my friend. All this haa beeu laid before me, probably to induce me to take part with them, but I would never do it. I therefore await you witliout fail for Nov. Sth. Be not afraid — we will die together — and let me know in time of your coming, that we raay be prepared . . .Don't fail to come at the time I teU you, para fregar 6 que noa frieguen.' Doc. Hist. Cal, MS., u. 204. INDIAN AFFAIRS. 543 The Indians were still troublesome, though their ravages — with the exception of killing Thomas Lind say in the spring and William Brander in November^^ — were confined for the most part to the stealing of horses and cattle. One of Pico's first acts was to try a new experiment in Indian policy, by letting a contract to punish the savages. Captain Gantt and Dr Marsh, with their followers who had marched south under Micheltorena and Sutter, agreed to undertake an ex pedition, and to free the country from its Indian pests at their own expense. Their compensation Avas -to be 500 cattle, and one half of all live-stock that they might recover from the robbers."" This raid was to be begun apparently in connection with the return march of Gantt's company to the north ; but I find no information respecting its results, except that in June Captain Sutter declared his belief that the contractors would not be able to accomplish any of the great things promised, because the men were not willing to accom pany them.®^ Soon after making this contract for the country north of the capital, Pico made an effort to organize a campaign against southern horse-thieves. From April to June active preparations were made, on paper at least, for a grand combined movement of volunteer forces from all the southern towns. The force was to march from San Fernando on June 15th; but about a week before that date all communications cease, and we are left to conjecture that the Indians' operations ^'Brander was kUled ou Nov. SOth, at Amesti's rancho. Doc. Hist Cal., MS., ii. 219, 252. ™Feb. 27, 1845, contract between Pico and Johu Marsh and John Gantt for au expedition against the Indians. Also Gen. Castro's instructions to Gantt. Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 169-74; Id., Angelea, xi. 140-2. Alao referred to in Sta Bdrbara, Arch., MS., 45; Edudillo, Doc, MS., ii. 85. According to the contract, auy raen who joined the party raight take their own animala recovered before the diviaion was made. In the instructions certain friendly tribes were named which muat be reapected, and othera who were notorious robbers. Men might be kiUed if they resisted; but women and children were to be put at the disposal of govt; aud no inhuraanity was to be shown to those who would submit. "June Mth, Sutter-Su-flol Corresp., MS., 20. 644 RULE OF PICO AND CASTRO— POLITICAL ANNALS. were not seriously interrupted at this time.^^ In the San Jose region at the north complaints of depreda tions seem to have been somewhat less frequent than in former years. In June Colonel Alvarado announced that he had taken command of the forces and was about to march against the Indians, making at the same time some extended explorations ; but his achieve ments are not of record.®^ North of the bay Ave read of a raid from Sonoma to the region of Ross, made by rancheros with a view to obtain Indian laborers, and brought to light in the local courts on account of a quarrel about the division of the spoils.^* At New Helvetia Sutter's men made a few successful raids on hostile rancherias, having also a degree of success in making treaties with several chieftains. The captain still sold Indian children and the labor of older cap tives to his creditors around the bay."® A Walla Walla chief from Oregon was killed at Sutter's Fort early this year, or at the end of 1844, by Grove Cook, from Avhom he had stolen a mule ; and his tribe were much excited about the matter, proposing to send 1,500 warriors to avenge the act. Elijah White, missionary ancl Indian agent in the Walamet Valley, reported the matter to Consul Larkin and Governor Pico, urg- ^^ April 19th to June 7th, orders aud corresp. ou the proposed expedition. Dept Eec, MS., xiv. 31, 37-8; Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., x. 51-2; xi. 145- 6; Id, Ben. Pref. y Juzg., u. 104, 109-10, 149; Sta Bdrbara, Arch., MS., 45, 49-53; Guerra, Doc, MS., iv. 188-9. July lat, B. D. Wilaon from Jurupa sends a diary of his recent expedition against the Indians, who are still trou blesome. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 43-4. Aug., further alarms. Id, Ang.,-xi. 159; Id., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., ii. 132. Oct., alarm cauaed by the coming of AA'ak, a Yuta chief, with 180 peraona to S. Bernardino; but hia purpoae proved to be friendly and comraercial. Dept. St Pap., MS., vi. 177; Id., Angdes, xi. 16S-6. «' June 21st, Alvarado to Pico. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xxxiv. 143. Aug. 2d, a reported attack on Sta Clara, iu which two meu were killed. Napa Eeporter, Aug. 10, 1872. Oot. 19th, complaints of depredations on the rancho del Ee fugio. Doc. Hist Cal., MS., U. 199. Deo. 6th, Bolcof at Sta Cruz aaka per mission to send out 25 men every fortnight. Id. , ii. 252. ^* August, proceedings before the judge. Dept. St Pap., Ben., MS., v. 383-94. Several Indians were killed and 150 were captured. Antomo Castro and Rafael Garcia are named as the leaders. Wm Benitz complained of out rages committed at his rancho. Two women were outraged there. ^ Sutter Sunol Corresp., MS., 27-31; Dept St. Pap., MS., vi. 177; Dept Rec, MS., xiv. 10. AA'ALLA AV ALIAS. 545 ing that Cook if guilty should be brought to justice. An investigation was ordered, but of the results we know only that Sutter declared the chief — a trouble some fellow 'named Leicer — to have been killed by Cook in self-defence ; and that the Walla Wallas re mained more or less hostile, their conduct giving rise, as Ave shall see, to some sensational rumors in 1846.*" 6sMay6, 1845, White to Pico, and Sept. 24th, Pico's reply. Dept St Pap., M?., vi. 178-9. July 21st, Sutter to Larkin. Lark'in's Doc, MS., iu. 227. See also Honolulu Friend, iv. 29. Hist. Cal., Vol. IV. 36 CHAPTER XXIII. THE MISSIONS— COMMERCE AND FINANCE. 1845. Sectoaeization to be Completed — Pico's Polict — Cheonological Devel opments — Views of Peesident Duran — Bandos of Apeil, May, and OCTOBEE — PkEPAEATIONS AND InVENTOEIES — DeBTS — PiCO's RBGnLA- TioNS FOK Sale and Renting of the Missions — Theee Establishments Sold — Foite Rented— Ecclesiastical Affairs — Pioos Fund- Com- MEECE — Poeeign Goods — A New Class of Smuggling — Whalees— Custom-house — Alvaeado as Administeatob — Minoe Poets — Treas- UBT — Abebgo and Valle — Financial Difficulties and Statistics— Casteo and Pico — The 'Star of the West' Weecked — Distbibutio.v of Debt and Revenue — List of Vessels, 1841-5. The mission estates occupied Pico's attention from the first months of his rule. It was desirable from every point of view that the process of secularization should be completed. As was evident to every person in California, the old system was dead, past all hope of recovery. No step short of complete secularization could have been more beneficial than Micheltorena's of 1843; but under the administration of the padres there was no restoration of prosperity.^ The remnants of property Avere small and unequally distributed; many of the estates Avere burdened with ever increas ing debts; the Indians fit for work were few and un manageable; and the friars were old, worn-out, dis- ' Gleeson, Hist. Cath. Chureh, ii. 156-7, thinks the misaiona were slowly but surely gaining when Pico dealt the blow that completed their ruin; but there ia no evidence that thia was so, or that the friars themselves thought so. They sometiraes coraplained of the acts of government, recalled the past glo ries of the missions, and pointed out the ruiu that secularization had caused; but I find uo expression of a belief that prosperity could be restored — save, of course, by a complete retum to the original systera with many absurdly im possible conditions — though Durau aud others expressed the contrary behef. (61GJ PICO'S MISSION POLICY. 547 couraged men, utterly incompetent to overcome the obsta.cles that beset their path as administrators. The estates were doomed to irremediable ruin at an early date, unless the values they represented could be real ized and properly invested without delay. Creditors demanded a change which should enable them to col lect their dues. There Avere some, indeed, who desired to get possession of the mission lands. The governor was in duty bound to protect national property, and Avas willing to help his friends among the two classes just mentioned. Further than this, he was anxious, let us hope, to deal justly with the ex-neophytes, and he saw in the mission estates a source of possible rev enue to be utilized by the government in emergencies; while the padres, representing the Indians, opposed a change, if at all, only because of fear that their wards might be cheated out of their rights. That individ uals were actuated by selfish motives, and that high ofiicials were Ukely to misapply the net proceeds, are facts that do not affect the soundness of the views held by Pico and others respecting the necessity of final secularization. It was important that the estates should be saved from rhin and made to yield a reve nue. That revenue belonged to the government; if the authorities did not intend to spend it wisely, they are to be blamed. Their announced intentions and their proposed methods Avere altogether praiseworthy. Pico sent Cdrlos Carrillo and Ignacio del Valle to the missionary prelates Avith an explanation of his views, to the effect that the mission estates must pass into private hands if any part of the property was to be saved for the neophytes. Pie desired advice from the padres as to the best methods of carrying out his plans, at the same time suggesting a sale of the smaller es tablishments and a renting of the larger ones, the proceeds to be devoted exclusively to the benefit of the Indians.^ Duran refused flatly to take any share 'March 18th, P. to C. aud V. Ardi. Arzob., MS., v. pt u. 45-S; St Pap. Miss., MS., xi. 56-8. 548 THE MISSIONS— COMMERCE AND FINANCE. in "the tremendous responsibility about to be incurred before God and man." He was surprised that a gov ernor ad interim should dare to undertake such inno- A'ations, and declared the real motive to be clear — "the master-key which opens all windows to see, not through a screen but the clearest crystal, the mystery lurking behind the absolute liberty of the Indians." Their ideas of liberty were those of school-boys glad when the master is sick and school closed. The 'new masters' Avill have use only for the strong and Avell; Avhat is to become of the rest? He would never con sent to a sale of the missions, which belong not to the nation, but to the Indians. A 'supreme injustice' was about to be perpetrated in the interests of men Avho Avished to get the estates at less than their real value.^ The governor did not, however, abandon his project, upon which Duran was soon induced to look more favorably than at first. In April Pico issued a bando, in accordance with a resolution of the junta, which called for detailed ac counts of debts and assets from all in charge of mis sions. He suspended the granting of lands near the missions, as they might be required as egidos for new towns. He suspended also the granting of freedom papers to neophytes, and enjoined upon the padres to abstain from selling movable property.* The call for reports and the injunction respecting sales were cir culated by the prelates to the padres. The replies of the latter, so far as I can judge by the specimens before me, contained little information about the financial status of their respective establishments;' but to the injunction most replied, some indignantly 'March 26th, Duran to Pico. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt ii. 48-51. * April 18th-19th, reportof com. of junta. St.Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., ii. 398-9; Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 42-3. April 21st, Pico'a bando, identical with the report. Dept St Pap., 8. Josi, MS., v. 94; Sta Cmz, Arch., MS., 45; Hartman's Brief, 17; Hoffman's Opinions, 33. ^Sta Infe, debt |1, 151; Sta BArbara, $2,765; no aaaeta mentioned in either except small quantitiea of tallow and hidea. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt ii. 52-3. S. Pemiiudo, no debt, a few cattle. Arch. StaB., MS., X.1S7. S.Diego, a Uttle property, no debt mentioned. Id., x. 188-9. S. Gabriel, haa sold land to Dalton for |400. Dept. St Pap., Ben. Pref. yJuzg., MS., u. 119. RENTING OF THE MISSIONS. 549 resenting the imputation as an insult, that they had sold no property at all, except in the case of useless articles, with the governor's permissiop. Duran sub sequently admitted, however, that Estdnega at San Gabriel and Jimeno at Santa In^s had been at fault in this matter.^ On May 28th the junta, following to a great extent apparently the suggestions of Padre Duran himself, who had been won over by the eloquence of Juan Ban dini,' passed the following resolution, pubUshed as a decree by Pico on June 5th: 1. The Indians of San Rafael, Dolores, Soledad, San Miguel, and Purisima are warned to re-unite and occupy those missions within a month, or they will be declared mosfrencas and dis posed of for the general good of the department. 2. Carmelo, San Juan Bautista, San Juan Capistrano, and Solano are to be considered pueblos as at present; and after reserving a curate's house, church, and court house, remaining property shall be sold at auction for the payment of debts, the surplus being devoted to the support of divine worship. 3. The rest of the missions may be rented at the option of the govern ment; and the Indians shall be free to work for the renters, on the lands to be assigned them, or for other persons. 4. The principal building of Santa Bdrbara is reserved for the bishop and the padres, and the rent of this mission is to be equally divided between the church and the Indians. 5. The product of the rents 'Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt ii. 52-5; Arch. Sta B., MS., x. 181-8; Pico, Doc , MS. , ii. 51-3, 59-60. Jimeno and Real were the indignant onea, the for ¦ mer denouncing the order aa part of a scheme to find excuaea for a change of administrators; while the latter demanded personal satisfaction for the insult. 'May 16th, Duran to Pico, in reply to Pico's of Sth (not extant), praising the govemor's patriotisra and willingness to seek advice. Arguing iu favor of leasing rather than selUng the missions. The sale would put the best mis sions in foreign hands, and would be more likely to result in malversation of the proceeds. The plan of renting should be limited to those eatablialiments not profitably worked by the neophytes in community. Abandoned missions ¦might properly be sold aa bienes mostrencos after a warning to the Indiana to occupy them. All steps should be approved by the assembly. ' AVe are grow ing old; there is no possibility of our beiug replaced; the abandonraent of the misaiona is but a question of time.' Translation in Pico, Doc, MS., u. 31t47. May 21st, thanks voted to Bandini and Duran. Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 57-8. 550 THE MISSIONS— COMMERCE AND FINANCE. shall be divided into three equal parts, one for the support of the minister and of worship, one for the Indians, and orje for the government to be devoted to education and the public welfare, after the payment of debts. 6. The first part shall be placed at the dis posal of the prelates for equitable distribution. 7-8. This to be duly published ; and debts due the missions to be strictly exacted and the proceeds used for the purposes named in the third part of article 3.^ In June, also at Duran's suggestion,' the gov ernor appointed Andres Pico and Juan Manso as commissioners to visit each mission for the purpose of making inventories of property, with a view to carry ing into effect the decree of June.^" The appointees performed the duty assigned them in July and August, apparently to the satisfaction of most concerned, though there was a little trouble at the start with Padre Estenega of San Gabriel, and though several padres held themselves aloof and would take no part in the proceedings.^^ Among the papers of Andres Pico, I find the inventories made during this tour for ten establishments: Santa Ines and Santa Bdrbara in the south with property valued at $20,288 and ^May 28, June 5, 1845, Pico's bando and decree of the junta. Doe. Hist. Cal, MS., ii 33; Castro, Doc, MS., i. 127; Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., x. 49; Bandini, Doe, MS., 61, 64; Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 63-4; Halleck's Report, appen. 20, p. 162-3; Jones' Report, 72; /. Rockwell, 4/ 1 ; Dwi-nelle's Colon. Hist, add., SS; Hayes' Mission Book, i. 302; Id., Legal Uist 8. Diego, i. 45, p. 108- 11; Hartman's Brief, 17-18; Hoffman's Opinions, 33; Hall's Hist. S- Joai, 430-3; Taylor's El Dorado, i. 184. Mune 23d, D. to Pico. Pico, Doc, MS., U. 59-^2. ^^ June SOth, July 1st, Pioo to Duran, announcing the appointment, and asking that corresponding instructions be sent to the padres. Dept Eec, MS.; xiv. 5.3-4; St Pap., Misa. and Colon., MS., u. 415-16; Arch. Sta B., MS., X. 235-8. July 3d, Duran to padres. Pico, Doc, MS., u. 49. "S. Gabrich Dept Eec, MS., xiv. 57; Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt ii. 53, 55. Sta Cruz and S. Josd. id., v. pt ii. 64-5. Staines. Sta lnis. Lib. Mision, MS., 39. Something iu tho proceedings at S. Gabriel seeras to have offended P. Duran, who again refused to havo anything to do with the matter. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt ii. 56. The old raau, however, soou changed his miud, aud ou July 2lst wrote to thank the gov. for the good judgment he had shown iu appointing the commissioners, who had acted with the greateat moderation aud prudence. Pico, Doc, MS., ii. 51-3. Den and HiU are recommended aa worthy persona, who wish to rent Sta Bdrbara. July 12th, McKinley to Larkin, on the appointment of Pico aud Manso. Larkin's Doc, MS., iU. 218. DURAN'S ATEWS. 551 $25,846 respectively; and all those from San Miguel northward, except San Carlos, San Francisco, and San Josd, aggregating $58,876; Avith San Rafael and Santa Clara at $17,230 and $16,173 respectively, and Solano at zero.^^ Padre Duran proposed in August some regulations designed to secure for the padres under the new ad ministration a certain control in the matter of com pulsory Avorship and of personal service; but it does not appear that any action was taken on the sub- ject.^^ The debts that encumbered some of the mis sions were found to be serious obstacles to the secur ing of favorable leases; and Pico, at the suggestion of the junta, consulted Duran on the practicability of paying the debts out of the pious fund recently re stored to the bishop's management." The prelate's response Avas prompt, to the effect that the fund could not be used for the purpose, and that the encumbered establishments must be sold to pay the debts. In the first place, argued the friar, though the remnant of the fund had been restored, on paper, to the bishop^ it was far from certain that any property would be secured; secondly, the fund, if entire, could not justly be used to pay debts which the missionaries had not contracted, or if they had, had also left abundant assets for paying; and finally, if consent should be given, the administrators of the fund might deduct the amount required from the sinodos of the friars — a manifest in justice." There had probably been no hope of ob taining the friar's consent to a use of the pious fund, but only to- the sale, which he had hitherto opposed. "Pjco, Papeles de Miaion, MS., 7-14, 29-42, 89-99, 115-40, 147, 152. The land of S. Rafael was valued at $8,000, which accounts for its high relative figure. '"Aug. 1st, D. to Pico, with a reglamento iu 6 articles. Arch. Arzob.,MS., V. pt U. 57-8; Pico, Doe, MS., u. 63-4. ''Sept. 10th, resolution of the junta. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 114, 122-3. Sept. 11th, Pioo to Duran. Arch. Sta B., MS., x. 239-42; St Pap., Miaa. and Colon., MS., ii. 417-18. '"Sept. 15th, D. to P. Pico, Doc, MS., U. 65-8. He suggests that the missions in debt be offered to the creditors at a valuation fixed by appraisers. Oot. 7th, D. suggests that the Indians should be aUowed to retain their little gardena on condition of not aelling them. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt ii. 58-60. 552 THE MISSIONS— COMMERCE AND FINANCE. Pico's regulations for the sale and renting of the missions were issued October 28th. This decree pro vided for the sale at public auction of the abandoned San Rafael, Dolores, Soledad, San Miguel, and Pu risima, and of the mission pueblos of San Luis Obispo, Carmelo, San Juan Bautista, and San Juan Capis trano. From each of the pueblos were to be reserved the church and buildings for a curate's house, town house, and school; and from all the establishments disposed of by sale or rent, such produce and goods as were necessary to support the padre and Indians till the next harvest. The product of the sale was to be paid into the treasury and used for the pay ment of the debts of each establishment, the surplus going to the prelates for the support of public wor ship. Bids were to be received from date ; San Luis, Purisima, and San Juan Capistrano were to be sold on December lst-4th, and the others on January 2d-4th. Santa Cruz and Solano were not named in the decree. The remaining ten missions were to be rented to the highest bidder for a term of nine years; •San Fernando, San Buenaventura, Santa Bdrbara, and Santa Inds on December 5th, and the rest as soon as obstacles arising from their debts could be removed. There were reserved the churches and public buUdings already indicated, all of the principal edifice at Santa Bdrbara, and some small pieces of land occupied by the Indians. The renters were to -take all other property by inventory, giving bonds .for its return in good condition, and for the payment of rent quarterly. The government reserved the right of watching over the property and of prevent ing its destruction or waste. The Indians were to be entirely free to remain in the service of the renters or to settle elsewhere; and they were to receive titles to their lands on application. Each ex-mission cdm- muniity was to, be goverijed under the laws by fpur celadoi'^es, chosen monthly from among, the Indians, arid subject to the juez de paz. Ten or a dozen Ind- SOLD AND RENTED. 553 ians were to be furnished by each community for the padre's service and that of the church." In November an order was issued in Mexico that all proceedings connected with the sale of missions be suspended; but this document belongs properly to the annals of the next year, when it reached Califor nia. Meanwhile, before the end of 1845, the three missions were sold and the four rented, according to the reglamento. December 4th were sold San Juan Capistrano to John Forster and James McKinley for $710; La Purisima to John Temple for $1,110; and San Luis Obispo to Scott, WUson, and McKinley for $510 — the titles being issued on the 6th, though the price was not in all cases paid, or full possession given, untu the next year." On the Sth Avere leased Santa Bdrbara to Nicholas A. Den and Daniel Hill for $1,200 per year; San BuenaA'^entura to Josd Arnaz and Narciso Botello for $1,630; Santa Ines to Josd Maria Covarrubias and Joaquin CarriUo for $580; and San Fernando to Andres Pico and Juan Manso for $1,120, the executing of bonds and formal giving of possession not being completed in all cases until the next year.^^ Of general mission matters outside of those con nected with the disposal of estates, a bare mention will suffice. The presidency was held by Duran in the south and Anzar in the north. Two friars — Josd M. Gutierrez and Miguel Muro — left the country duringthis year; and one, Juan Moreno, died — all be- " Pico, Eeglamento para la enagenacion y arriendo de laa Misiones, 28 de Oct., 1845, MS. Tranalation iu Halleck's Report, appen., 21; I. Rockwell, 472; Jones' Report, 75; Dwinelle's Colon. Hist, add., 90. See also Arch. Sta B., MS., X. 190-6; Olvera, Doe, MS., 27; Hartman's Brief 18; Hoff- marUa Opiniona, 33-4. Nov. 16th, Duran to Pico. Says the Indians are so fuU of liberty that there is no such thing as restraining them. On account of the scarcity of laborera, fear of robberiea, etc., he fears bids will be very low. Much property has disappeared aince the inventories were made. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt ii. 60-1. " See translation of all the papers for the three missions in U. S. vs Bol ton, Appellant's Brief, U. S. Sup. Court, append., p. 155-60. Also St Pap., Miss., MS., xi. 65-6; Unbound Doe, MS., 390-1; 8. Luis Ob., Arch., MS., 11. ^'St Pap., Miss., MS., xi. 68,. 58-9; Arch. Sta B., MS., x. 243-7; Arch. Arzob., MS., v. ptii. 61-3; Hayes'- Miss. Book, 373-7; Unbound Doc, MS., 331; Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 136. 554 THE MISSIONS— COMMERCE AND FINANCE. ing Zacatecanos. From Mexico came news that the old college of San Fernando had been almost ruined by an earthquake.^' Bishop Garcia Diego still re sided at Santa Bdrbara, but Avas unable to accomplish anything in behalf of his diocese so far as I know, except to represent his difficulties to President Her rera and Governor Pico.^" In Mexico the form of assigning the bishop's cdngrua and the friars' sinodos was still kept up at the treasury department;''^ though there is no record that any part of the $18,600 was paid. By a decree of April 3, 1845, which seems to be the last ever issued on the subject, all the pious fund property not already sold under the law of 1842 was restored to the administration of the bishop as in 1836.^^ There are extant, however, no figures to show what property if any was turned over to the bishop's agents under this decree; nor is there any record to show additional payments in 1845-6 of interest due from the government on the proceeds of past sales. In 1845-6 Consul Larkin continued to send his government not only current statistics, but clear and comprehensive descriptions of commercial methods.^' The methods, already more or less familiar to the reader, did not change materially in the last decade of Mexican occupation; and it is only Avith the history of commercial events, changes, and statistics that I have to do in these chapters. " Arch. Sta B., MS., xu. 146. ™ July 4th, bishop to Pico. Has no means with whioh to support wor ship. Will try parish fees, though they wiU not do much good. AViahea that ' a succeaaor might be found for him. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 142-7. Sept. 27th, letter to Preaident Herrera on the lamentable conditiou of all religioua interesta in Cal. The only method of relief he could suggest waa to bring a new force of prieata and missionaries for old aud new establiamenta from Europe, paying the expenae from the pioua fund. In Memorial Hist, Jan. 20, 1846, cited aa Nov. 27th in Buatamante, Mem. Hist Mex., MS., iv. 3.3^. 2' Mexico, Mem. Hacienda, 1844, preaupueato 7; Id., 1845, p. 267. The sinodos were$l2,60p, and the c6ngrua $6,000. '^^ Au original of the decree of April 3d in Pina-i-t, Ool. Doc. Son., print, no. 747. '" Larkin'a Descrip. Cal 1845, MS., p. 98-100; letters of March 22, 1845, and Jan. 4, 1846, iu Id., Off. Corresp., MS., u. 35, etc. TRADE REGULATIONS. 555 Governor Pico issued, March 22d, a decree revoking that of his predecessor dated July 30, 1844, by which the importation of nationalized foreign goods from Mexican ports had been prohibited. I find, however, no evidence of complaint either against the original order from Mexican traders, or from the Boston men against its repeal. A clause was added to this decree, requiring strict compliance with Mexican laws on the coasting trade, to which of course no attention was paid."^* In the case of one vessel, the Star of the West, an attempt was made to reverse the former process by entering at Monterey foreign goods intended to be reshipped to Mazatlan; but the loss of the vessel and cargo by wreck gave a dismal prospect to the devel opment of this new commercial industry. ^° Another of Micheltorena's regulations now revoked was that placing restrictions on trade by whalers. These craft might now sell goods to any amount in exchange for produce by paying the regular duties. They were no longer required to pay a tax of thirty dollars each, and Avere permitted to go or send their boats freely to Sauzalito or any other part of San Francisco Bay.^' Each vessel had to pay this year, as in 1844, a tax of "March 22, 1845, Pico's deoree. Pinto, Doe, MS., u. 123-5; Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 77-9; Id., Aug., x. 54-5; xi. 144; Id., S. Josi, v. 93-4; Id., Ben. Mil, Ixxxvi. 6-7; Sta Cmz, Arch., MS., 6. '^ See list of vesaels under Star of the West 2" The order was dated Sept. 9th. Pinto, Doe, MS., ii. 185; Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 88; Id., Ben. Cust-H., viU. 10-11. Sept. 26th, 28th, inatmc. to re ceptor at S. Franciaco. Id., viii. 12-13; Pinto, Doc, MS., ii. 185-6, 188. Sept. 29th, Larkin to U. S. sec. state. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 28, who says 'the Californians are determined to exchange their produce with whalers in their own way.' Oot. 10th, whalers to be well treated at S. Diego, so as to attract them to that port. Dept. St Pap., MS., viu. 10. Yet later there was trouble with the Espadon, which was required to pay a tax of |30, Id. , -viii. 73-4, 78, so that the order iu favor of whalers may have applied only to S. Francisco. June aud Nov. , Antonio Menendez of Lima, Mexican vice-conaul, complained to the aup. govt, and obtained a recommendation to the Cal. au thoritiea in favor of his buainess agents Cot and Pedrorena, who, it waa al leged, found great difficulty iu collecting debts due for goods. Doc. Hid. Cal., MS., u. 210; Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., xi. 167. Feb. 22d, cu-culated in Cal. Sept. Oth, tax of 1 per cent ou money transferred from one dept to another repealed. Doc Hiat Cal., MS., u. 12; Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., ix. 53. Feb. 19th, circulated iu Cal. Sept. 9tli, 2 per cent of fines on smug glers to be devoted to support of hospitals or to charitable works. Doe Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 11. April, orders ou introduction of cotton goods. Id., ii. 17; Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 92. 556 THE MISSIONS— COMMERCE AND FINANCE. fifty dollars per month for a license to engage in the retail trade. From this revenue the guards kept on board Avere paid, and the balance was devoted to the construction of a pier at Monterey.^'' The assembly in March decided to prohibit the importation of bran dy and ordinary wines, and this resolution was sent to Mexico for approval. ^^ Juan B. Alvarado, as his share of the revolution ary profits, was made administrator of customs, taking possession of the place on May 1st, and Pablo de la Guerra, the acting administrator, resuming his posi tion of contador from that date. There was no material change in the personnel ofthe revenue department at Monterey under Alvarado, and his administration was marked by no special events requiring attention here. In June, being named by Castro to command an expedition on Indian and exploring service, he placed his resignation at the disposal of Pico, who — in conse quence perhaps of troubles between himself and Cas tro, and somewhat unexpectedly I think to Alvarado - — accepted it in July. The transfer of the office to Guerra was delayed, however, on one pretext or an other, until December 20th, Alvarado having in the mean tirne been elected to congress.^' At San Fran- ^'' In Nov. it was proposed to abolish the guards, to whoae preaeuoe moat tradera objected; but not the tax of $000 per year, which most were wiUing to pay. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., MS., iii 81-4. There are records of 10 or 12 vessela agreeing to pay the tax in 1845. Id., Cust.-H., MS., vi., paaaim. 28 March 20th. Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 40-1. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xu. 157, p. 5-7, in a letter to Ex-president Bustamante, urged that the porta of California should be made free; and the expenaea of the govt be paid by a direct tax on productive property, with a small allowance punctually paid by the nation. Pico's regulations on the sale of hides, in Doc Hist. Oal., MS., iii. 104; Va llejo, Doc, MS., xxxiv. 167; Fitch, Doc, MS., 371; Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 239- 42, 355-6; Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., x. 75-6; xi. 164. 2' March 16, 1845, Alvarado'a appointment by Pioo. Vallejo, Doc, 'HIS., xxxiv. 122. Takea possession of the office May 1st ; and June 21st leaves Guerra teraporarily in charge. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Cust.-H., MS., vi. 6-7; hi, Ben., MS., iu. 69, 77. No date, Pico, on receipt of Alvarado's note of June 21st, relieves hira in favor of Guerra, deeming the oflSce incorapatible with a mUitary command. Dept St. Pap., MS., -viii. 23-4. July 17tli, P. to A, to same effect, but iu slightly different words. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiv. 143; Guerra, Doc, MS., iv. 191-3. Sept 5th, etc., A. still acts as administrator. Dept. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 7. Sept. 9th, A. has not yet surrendered theoffice, on account of difiiculties aud lack of orders respecting certain payments. Id,, CUSTOM-HOUSE AND TREASURY. 557 cisco Rafael Pinto was by Alvarado made receptor in August to succeed Diaz ; the new custom-house building was perhaps completed before the end of Sep tember.^" At San Diego, Henry D. Fitch served as receptor. I find no commercial records respecting either Santa Bdrbara or San Pedro. Early in the sessions of the assembly at the new southern capital a proposition was adopted to open San Diego as a first- class port, equal in every respect to that of Monterey. This was sent to Mexico for approval, and nothing more was heard of it.^^ The treasury remained throughout the year in the hands of Josd AbregO at Monterey. There was an attempt to riiove it Avith the capital to Los Angeles, but Abrego protested against the right of the depart mental authorities to interfere in any way in his office, and, the supreme government sustaining him, refused to permit the change.^^ Ignacio del VaUe had been appointed treasurer in anticipation of the change, and seems to have acted in that capacity at Los Angeles, vi. 889. Oct. 11th, P. repliea, sending the orders and urgiug haste. Id., yiii. 14. Dec. 20th, office tumed over. Id, Ben., iii. 84; Id., Ben. Cust.-H., vi. 6-7. March 5th, list of customs oflficers at Monterey, -with salaries. Id., vi. 4-5. Sept. , Rafael Sanchez appointed 1st oificer. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 123. July Ifith, Eutimio Trejo appointed iu Mexico celador at Monterey. ™Aug. 30th, Pinto appointed. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Cust-H., MS., viii. 10. Sept. 27th, Jacinto Jiodriguez and Pdnfilo Soberanes appointed to reenforce the guard. Id., viii. 11. Feb. 21st, let the house remain in its present state. Pinto, Doc, Ms., ii. 121. Sept. 30th, total expenditures on the building now completed, |2,678. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Cust-H., MS. [235-7]. Dec. SOth, Castro orders the com. to let the receptor have all the tiles he may need. Pinto, Doc, MS., ii. 216. Paid to Leidesdorff |50 for a Mexican flag for the bmlding. Id., ii. 209. This flag was in later years presented to the Society of Cal. Pioneers. July 29th, Pinto complains that the custom-house estabUsh ment ia a laughing-atook. To-day a vessel came in, and he went down to the beach to borrow a boat to go off and viait her; but uo attention was paid to hia ahouta by the veaaela at anchor! Id., i. 295. "Seaaion of March 28th. Leg. Ree, MS., iv. 39-41. The new eatablish ment was to have an adminiatrator at $1,500, a contador at $1,000, a clerk at S480, and two guarda at $240. The Monterey custom-house was to be put on the same basis. Sta BArbara, S. Pedro, and S. Francisco were to be puertos memores for coast trade, to have each a receptor at $500. The abajenos had lost something of their old spirit, or they would have cloaed the northern ports altogether. '^Aug. lat, the treaaurer announcea thia decision of the pres. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 101. May 17th, Abrego to Pico. An argument that the dept. authorities had no power to move the treasury or change its officiala. Dept St Pap., MS., xiu. 12-13. 558 THE MISSIONS— COMMERCE AND FINANCE. SO far at least as to take charge of that portion ofthe revenues sent south for the civU list.^^ In August Abrego resigned, assigning as his reasons his belief that the treasury should be at the capital, and the in sufficiency of his salary for the support of his family;^* but when in December Valle was sent north to take possession, General Castro refused to permit a trans fer of the office, fearing that there was still a design to move the treasury, and insisting that such a step would interfere with a proper defence of the country against foreign invaders.^' The obligation to pay $11,000 for the transporta tion of the late governor and his men, together with other necessary expenses growing out of the revolu tion, involved the new administration in some financial difficulties, which were, however, greatly lessened by the early arrival of the Tasso and California, and by the fact that the customs revenue for this year Avas nearly double that of 1844. One of Pico's first orders in February was to suspend the payment of all debts, having in mind chiefly the debts recently incurred by Micheltorena in his efforts to defeat the Californians. There was no desire to repudiate any part of these obligations; but it was deemed unfair to give them the preference, by carrying out Micheltorena's special agreements, which he had been led to make so freely in his time of need. Larkin had advanced large sums to the ex-governor, to be repaid from duties on the first cargoes that should arrive, and he protested against the suspension, as perhaps did others; but Pico in reply assured him that the debts would be paid, the delay being necessary for an examination of resources and a plan of distribution by Avhich justice " June 19th, 25th, VaUe addreased as treaaurer by Bandini and Carrillo. VaUe, Doc, MS., 69-70. In Sept. the aaaerab. considered the advisibility of appointing a treasurer to take charge of go-vt funds. Leg. Rec. , MS. , iv. 120-1. ^¦i Aug. 27th, Abrego to Pico. Dept St Pap., MS., xui. 9-10. -"Deo. SOth, Castro to Pico. Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 64-5. Same date, Guerra to Pico. Id., Ben., ni. 84. Feb. 15th, Arce's letter iu Vallejo, Doc.,US., Xll. 184. See also Valle, Lo Pasado de Cal., MS., 38-9; BoteUo, Anales, MS., 12o-6. FINANCIAL CONTROVERSY. 559 might be done to all. Larkin was also reminded that "speculators must take risks." By the end of March payment seems to have been resumed on a basis that afforded all claimants a share, though a small one, of the revenues;^® but in September there Avas another suspension of payment in the case of the Michelto rena claims. - Quite naturally there had been disagreement be tween Pico and Castro about the distribution of public funds, especially as to the shares of the civil and mil itary branches. Each had a host of friends to be re warded with profitable positions; but Castro had the advantage, because it was easier to find a pretext for increasing the list of military officers than that of civil employds; and the general did his best to give every body a commission. After a series of wranglings, of which we have no detailed record, the two chiefs made an agreement to divide the revenues as foUoAvs: Act ual indebtedness growing out ofthe late political events and including the Micheltorena claims were to be paid de preferencia, with a view to restore credit for future emergencies; and these debts having been paid direct from the custom-house, one third of the balance Avas to be paid over to the governor for the civil list, and two thirds to the general, through the treasurer, for " March 27th, Pico to Alvarado, who is directed to reserve from the duties of the California $9,000 for Capt. Paty, and $8,200 for other payments, and to make an equitable diatribution of the balance among employes. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Cust.-H., MS., vi. [353-5]. March Sth to April 12th, corresp. be tween Larkin and Pico. Larkin's Off'. Corresp. , MS. , i. .30, 39 ; Id., Doc, MS., 60, 62, 107. May 27th, Pico urges Alvarado to cooperate in promoting econ omy, since full payments cannot be made on account of obligations growing out of the late struggle. Dept. Ree, MS., xiv. 48-9. Before August some of Micheltorena's drafts had been paid, including $5,600 to Limantour. Dept. St Pap., MS., -vi. 120-1. March 18th, Guerra and Hartnell certify that since Jan. 1843 the custom-house has paid over to Micheltorena $83,256. The amount of outstanding drafta uot knowu. Larkin'a Doe, MS., iii. 70. March 20th, Abrego certifiea that M. tumed into the treasury $207,682 in re ceipta of employes, oflficers, and troops. Id., iu. 74, 88. Sept. 9th, $20,000 still unpaid on M.'s drafts for horses and cattle seized by him. Alvarado thinks actual employes should have the preference. Dept. St Pap., MS., vi. 88-9. Sept. 11th, Feliciano Soberanes clairas $782 for live-stock. St Pap., Misa., MS., xi. 67. Sept. 18th, an order to suspend payment of the Michel torena claims referred to. Dept St Pap., MS., vui. 11. 560 THE MISSIONS— COMMERCE AND FINANCE. military expenses, neither to interfere in the distribu tion of the other's share.^' It may seem strange that Pico and Castro should have consented to pay the whole indebtedness in pref erence to other expenses, but a communication f'roni Castro to Abrego throws a flood of light upon this subject. It appears that the chiefs had reason to ex pect the payment into the treasury, in addition to the regular revenues, of a sum sufficient to pay all debts and leave a surplus. But the goose that was to lay this golden egg — doubtless John Parrott's Star of the West, which was to pay half-duties on a rich cargo to be reshipped to Mexican ports — failed by a visitation of providence to keep her contract. This being the case, the first part of the agreement became of course a nuUity; and the creditors had to wait.^^ The total revenue paid into the custom-house in 1845 was about $140,000, of which sum about $14,000 were consumed in expenses, leaving $126,000 for the civil list estimated at $42,000,^' for military expenses amounting to $34,000 for officers alone, and for the payment of outstanding debts, to an amount not " No date, agreement between P. and C. The latter was to pay from his share $125 per mo. for schools in the south. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 47-S. July 28th, Aug. 7th, P. to Abrego, aud reply, referring to the agreement. Id., viii. 4-5; vi. 120-1. The purport of the agreement seems to have been kno-wu as early as June 25th. Valle, Doc, MS., 70. July Uth, 14th, a proposition was approved in the aaaembly to give to Cal. one half of her revenues, the other half going to the national treasury — that ia, for the support of the mil itary department, whioh in theory was supported by the uation. Leg. Sec, MS., iv. 245-9. This was a acheme to get more for the civil liat than the agreement granted, but it had to be approved in Mexico. The national govt in August gave Cal. two thirds of her revenue — raore than the assembly asked; but I find no evidence of any attempt of Pico to enforce this. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., u. 73; Sup, GovtSt Pap., MS., xvin. 15. " Castro to Abrego, copied to Pico by the latter ou Aug. 27th. Dqit 8L Pap., MS., xiii. 8-9. Abrego at the time of the agreement had $9,000 on hand, of which sum he waa ordered by Pico to send $5,000 for urgent ex penses at Angeles, and distribute $4,000 among employ^. Id., xiii. 10. '^ Estiraate of June SOth for the year, specifying all branches and officers, $42,550. Leg. Ree, MS., iv. 20.3-5. The items were, assembly $12,800,gov- ernor's ofiioe $19,200, tribunal $12,750, prefecture $4,000, treaaury $2,800. A partial list of March foots up $14,985. Dept St Pap., Ben., MS., ui. 133. Revenue oflficers $13,600. Id., Cust-H., MS., vi. 4-5; Sup. Govt St Pap.,. MS., xvi. 2-3. Coat of military officera, invdUdoa, etc., for a month, also ar tillery company, .$2,843. Dept St Pap., MS., xiii. 3-5. Some fragmentary atatiatica of diatribution in Id, passim. DEBTS AND MARITIME LIST. 561 known. Existing accounts are too fragmentary to give any accurate idea of how the funds were distrib uted among the three classes of claimants, none of whom got all that was due them, and none of Avhom suffered much inconvenience from the loss. According to an elaborate statement prepared by Larkin for the U. S. government, the total indebtedness of California at the end of 1845, not all accrued in this year, but none of it dating back more than two or three years, was in round numbers $158,000. Of this sum $62,000 was due to twenty private individuals, Vallejo and Larkin having the largest claims; $32,000 to twenty- eight civil employes for salaries, Josd A. Estudillo ofthe tribunal being entitled to the largest sum, $3,000 ; $45,000 to fifty military officers, Vallejo heading the Ust with $5,600; and $19,000 tq the soldiers of differ ent companies.*" I name sixty vessels in the Californian fleet of 1845, though there are about a dozen doubtful names, many of them resting only on the statements of men who claim to have come to the coast on them;" two are ^"Larkin's Off. Correap., MS., ii. 112-16, with full details, naraes, etc. In Id., Doc, MS., iii. 98, is a balance-sheet of the treasurer, showing the total amount of raoney disbursed by Micheltorena iu 1842-5. The sum was $209,219, divided as follows: presidial companies, $18,000; artillery, $11,000; batallon, $127,000; hospital, $2,500; schooner Oalifornia, $3,000; Tulares estabUshment, $429; iiiviUdos, $36, etc. '•''¦Admittance, Alfred, America, Argo, Baikal, Bajio, Benj. Morgan (?), Bull, California, Oalifornia (schr), ClarUa, Constantine, Constitution, Cowlitz, Don Quixote, Drornio (?), Erie, Espadon, Fama (2?), Fannie (?), Gustave, Han nah (?), Helvetia (?), Hiroine, Hibernia, HopeweU, John and Elizabdh (?), Jdven Guipuzcoana, Juanita, Julia, Julia Ann, Levant, Lion, Magnolia, Ma ria, Maria Teresa, Martha, Matador, Medicis, Morea, Naslednik, Oajaca, Pacific, Portsmouth, Primavera, Republicano, Sarah, Savannah, Soledad, Star of the West, Sterling, Tasso, United States (?), Vandalia, Vancouver (^.), Warren (2), Waverly (?), and Wm Nye. According to a table in the Honolulu Friend, ii. 37, the number of vessels leaving that port for Cal. was 9, while there arrived 5. Larkin, Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 36-7, 111, gives a table of shipping at Monterey for 1845 as follows:- American vessels 27, Mexican 18, EngUsh 4, German 3, French 3, Hawaiian, 3, total 58; men-of-war 5, whalers 5, tradera 48, total 58; ahips 23, barks 17, brigs 8, achoonera 10, total 58; total crewa, uot including men-of-war, 885; total tonnage, 14,670 tons; cost of cargoea, $189,500; value in Cal., $367,000; dutiea paid, $138,360. The amount of the auras as given for each vessel in the list is $142,309; aud a total of $144,913 ia given in oue record of the custom house. Tho total receipts for the year at San Francisco were $1,029, of which- Hist. Cal., Vol. IV. 36 562 THE MISSIONS— COMMERCE AND FINANCE. Boston ships that had wintered on the coast; fifteen were traders that brought new cargoes this year; twelve were whalers; eight were men-of-war; and thirteen came on miscellaneous or unknown business — to bring despatches, to collect debts, to obtain cattle, or to re pair damages. The notable arrivals, if any may be so termed, were the Matador, which paid into the treas ury $67,000, an amount far exceeding any ever paid before by one vessel; the Star of the West, a pioneer in a new class of smugglers, wrecked near Monterey; the Ta,sso, the first to furnish revenues for Pico's ad ministration, and the assault on whose captain was one of the most prominent current themes of San Francisco local annals; and the Russian Naslednik, Avhose supercargo, Markof, pubUshed a narrative of his visit. I have given for each year a mere list of vessels; but have reserved all details respecting each vessel for a general list for 1841-5, which I append to this chapter. I thus not only effect a saving of space, but produce a result much more satisfactory to the reader than by a scattering and repetition of particulars.*'^ sum $271 waa paid out for expenses. Pinto, Doe, MS.,ii. 215; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, MS., Ixxxvi. 13. There are no other statistics except such aa are fragmentary and of no value. Davia, Glimpses, MS. , 205-6, apeaka of a steamer from Sitka visiting S. P. Bay this year or in 1844. « List of vessels, 1841-5: Admittance, Araer. ship, 501 tons; 20 men; Peter Peterson, master; Henry Melius, sup. and oonaiguee. Arr. Mout. from Boaton Mar. 4, 1843;' cargo, ,.$10,221; .duties, $2,407 (20,407?). Paaaed 2 wintera ou the coaat, touching repeatedly at all the ports. Sailed for Boaton in autumn of 1845. Alert, Amer. ship, 398 tons; W. D. Phelps, master. Had arr. in 1840; and-sailed for Boston iu Dec. 1842. Alfred Robinson seems to have departed inher. She was the last ship sent out by Bryant & Sturgis. Her exploit of spiking the San Diego guns iu the 'Cora. Jones War' is recounted elsewhere. Alexander, or Alexandrovich, or Jdven Alejandro, ov Alexander the Hdr, Russ. bark. AJ; S. F. from Sitka in spring of 1843 aud autumn of 1844. On the 2d trip she had some trouble about entering S. P. before going to Mont.; about support of guard put ou board to prevent smuggling; and about ton nage dues. She came for wheat from Sutter; and S. tried to pay the tonnage -wjth a draft op, custom-house, which was not acceptable. See Naslednik. Alexander Barclay, German whaler, at Sauzalito in Dec. 1843. Perhaps •aWin 1842. Alfred, Hamburg bark, at S,. Pedro Feb. 1845, iu ballast from Callao. America, Engl, man-of-war, 50 guna; John Gordon, cora. At Mont, and S, F. July 1845, bound .toColumbia Riv. At Honolulu in Oct. VESSELS OP 1841-5. 563 In this list there are named 148 vessels, of Avhich a dozen or more rest on doubtful records, 18 being found Angelina, Fr. whaler, atMont. 1844. Her crew had a fig'nt with soldiera of the batallon. Argo, Fr. whaler, at Mout. Aug. 1845. Ayacucho, Mex. schr, 93 toua; J. Blanca, maater; Jos Liraantour, aup. and con. According to Mofraa ahe now belonged to Bizat & Roussell of Bor deaux. Arr. Mout. Oct. 1841; cargo, $15,586; duties, $15,726. Sailing for S. P. she was wrecked uear Pt Reyes, the crew and part of cargo being saved. Mofras makes the date Sept. 27th, but it was at least a month later. Baikal, Ruaa. brig, 180 tons. At S. P. Oot.-Nov. 1845 for grain from Sutter and others. Bajio, bark, ou the coast iu May 1845. Dept St. Pap., MS., viii. 4. Barnstable, Amer. ship, 403 tous; Jas B. Hatch, master. Arr. from Bos ton at Mont. July 7, 1842; cargo, $27,943; duties, $28,548. Fined $300 for admitting a private Individ, before the revenue officers. Spent 2 winters iu CaL, making the round trip up and dowu several times; and sailed for Bos ton in Uee. 1844. Benj. Morgan, whaler, at S. P. autumn of 1844, aud perhaps also in 1845. Bertha and Jenny, Hamburg brig; 130 tous; John Mein, raaster; A. M. Ercilla, sup. Arr. Mont, from Callao Dec. 1842; cargo, $5,394; duties, $6,802. Sailed for Mazatlan in ballast Jan. 1843. Bolina, Mex. achr. Brought back 19 of the exiled foreigners in July 1841. Bolivar, Amer. brig, 202 or 180 tons; Gorham H. Nye, master. Said by Peirce and Simpson to have been on the coast Nov.-Dec. 1841. At Sta B. Dec. -Jan. 1842-S. Back from Honolulu June 1843; John C. Jones, raaster; A. B. Thorapson, sup.; cargo, $2,329; duties, $3,121. At S. Pedro Nov. 1844; Roderick, raaster. Larkin's Doc, MS., ii. 24i. Braganza, whaler; Waterraan, raaster. At Mont. Sept. 1841. Bremen, whaler, at S. P. Aug. 1843. £rofAera, Engl, bai-k frora Col. Riv. to Oahu. At S. F. July 1844. Re-, fused to pay tonnage because driven iu by weather. Thia -view austained by Consul Forbea. BuU, Swedish brig; arr. Honolulu, Sept. 1845, from Col. Riv., via Monte rey. California, Mex. schr; Cooper, master; arr. at Mont. June 1841, frora Mex. coast, paying $291 and $457. Lay at Sauzalito Sept. -Dec, and aaUed for Mont. Dec. Slat. In 1842, John Roderick waa raate, crew of 14, all foreign ers but 2. Expense this year $2,831, besides $6,428 paid to Peirce & Bre-«'er for pre-vious repairs. See Simpson's Narr., 282, 294-5, 358, for amusing de tails about her outfit for a voyage. Sailed Jan. 20, 1842, for Acapulco, with the comisionados Prudon and Castanares and 7 or 8 other passengers. Arr. Acap. Feb., Honolulu March, Mont. June 2d; duties, $4,136. Sailed again June Oth, arr. Acap. July, S. Bias and Mazatlan Aug., Mont. Sept. SOth. Pay-roU for the 2 trips, $1, 842. Captured by U. S. with Monterey Oot. , and re leased. Trip to S. Pedro and Sta B. and back Feb. -AprU 1843; in S. F. Bay and Petaluma Creek, Apr.-May, thence south with provisions from Vallejo to Micheltorena; back at Sauzalito Oct.-Nov., and Moul;. Nov.-Dec. Sailed Deo. 10th, with 'lots of passengers,' including Larkin, Abrego, Andres Pico, and Capt. Wolter, lea-ving S. Pedro for Mazatlan Dec. 23d. Expenses to Sept., $2,754. Her cargo to Maz. included 127 casks brandy, 23 bbls of wine, 6 bbls pisco, 1 bbl olives, 1 can dried fruit, 16 hams, 112 cheeses. Came back to S. Pedro with the passengers, including also Davis, Johnson, Glein, and Dr Moro, Feb. 1844. Small-pox among the kanaka crew on this voyage. Coop er's Log., MS., closes abruptly Mar. Sth on the way to Mont. Swan, one of the crew, says Cooper was ordered to sea by the gov. on account of smaU-pox, but repUed he would see the gov. damned first In May the schr carried 664 THE MISSIONS— COMMERCE AND FINANCE. also in the list of 1836-40. Of the 134, the stars and stripes were borne by 45 ; 26 sailed under the Mexican Capt. Flores to Mazatlan and returned in June; arr. Acapulco in July and lay there rest of year. StUl at Acapulco iu .Tan. 1845. Some aocta of ex penaea down to June; but I find no evidence that ahe ever returned to Cal. California, Amer. ship; 422 tons; Jas P. Arther, master; Curtis Clap, sup.; arr. Mont, from Boston Feb. 1842; cargo, $21,961; dutiea, $21,,328; up and dowu the coaat; carried lumber from S. P. to Mont, in Oct. 1843; no record of her departure or of her presence in. 1844. In apring of 1845 back from Boaton; Howard, sup.; cargo cost $35,000, worth in Cal. $70,000, ap praised at $27,599; duties, $18,000, or $21,243, or $25,129, ace. to difi'erent rec ords. Remained all the year. Caroline, Amer. whaler; at SauzaUto Oct. 1843; 6 of her meu stole the boat and escaped. Garysfort, Engl, man-of-war, 26 guns, 240 men; Lord Geo. Paulet, com. ; at Mont. Oct. 14-21, 1843, from Honolulu for Mazatlan. John Swan describes a ball on shore and dinner ou board; also some fights, in which the ship's men got the beat of the choloa. Catalina, Mex. brig; Chria. Hansen, master; E. C^lis, sup. AtMont. and S. P. May and Nov. 1841; dutiea, $858; left coast in spring of 1842. Back at Mont, in Ang. 1843; Robert Marshall, maater. And again from Acapulco in Aug. -Nov. 1844. Charles W. Morgan, Amer. whaler; Thos A. Norton, maater; at Mont, in Aug. 1844; and alao, according to Daily's Narr., MS., in autumn of 1843. Chato, Mex. brig, paid $387 duties at Mont, iu .1841. In 1842 brought part of Micheltorena'a force to S. Diego in Sept. Clarita, Mex. bark, 202 tons; Chas Wolter, master. Paid $382 in spring of 1841. On coast July, Oct., 1842; detained for a day by Com. Jones at Mon terey. Two tripsin 1843 from Mazatlan; cargo, $1,391, dutiea, $239. Vioget, maater in 1844-5. Duties in 1845, $750 on cargo of $6,500. Columbia, Engl, bark; Humphries, master; Wm Wood, sup. Arr. Mont Jan. 1, 1841, from Oregon; duties, $2,311 on cargo of $1,777. Jas Douglas and a party of huuters on board. Columbine, Mex. schr, 55 tons; Manuel Turincio, master. At Mont. July 1841. Duties, $57; cargo, $456. Constante, Chilean brig; Prancisco Unamano, master, 1842. Dept St. Pap., Ben., MS., iii. 13. Condantine, or Grand Duke, Russ. brig, 220 tons; forraerly the Wallace. At S. P. Nov.-Dec. 1841. CaiTied 100 of the Roas colonista to Sitka. Win tered at S. F. 1843-4; aud oarae again for grain in Oot.-Nov. 1845. Constellation, U. S. mau-of-war, 46 guns, 350 men; Kearney, com. At Mout. fr. Honolulu, Sept. 15-29, 1843. From China, aquadron bound for U. S. Constitution (?), U. S. man-of-war; John Percival, com. Left Honolulu for Mazatlan via Cal. Dec. 2, 1845; no record of arrival. Corsair, Araer. brig, 182 tons; Michael Dowd, maater; Dav. Spence, con signee. At Mont, from Callao May 1841; cargo, $11,944; duties, $12,217. Corvo (Craw-fish?), whaler, at S. Fran. Aug. 1843. Cowlitz, Engl, bark, 312 or 345 tona; Wiu Brotchie, master. At Mont Aug.-Oct 1841 from Col. Riv. via Honolulu; duties, $10,965; Rae and Bimie passengers. Back from'Oreg. in Dec. with Sir Geo. Sirapaon, Jolm McLough lin, aud Duflot de Mofraa; tonnage, $518; sailed for Oahu Jan. 1842. At Mont, again in Aug. 1843; and again in apring of 1845. Curagoa, Engl, man-of-war, 28 guns; Jones, com. At Mont. Nov. 1841 from Honolulu on business connected with Graham affair. Cyane, U. S. man-of-war, 20 guns, 250 men; StribUng, com. At Mont. Oot. 19-Dec. 11, 1842; thenoe to S. P. with Cora. Jonea iu Dec. Left Mont VESSELS OP 1341-5. 565 flag; 11 under British colors; 8 were French; 7 Ger man or Swedish; 5 Russian; 3 South American; Jan. 10, 1843, and S. Pedro Jau. 22d for Mazatlan; back at Mont, and S. Fran. Apr.-May. Left Mont. June 3d for southern ports and Honolulu. Back again at Mont. Deo. lOth-lSth, and aailed for Mazatlan. Loat some deserters, includ ing a negro named Norris> who waa killed by Califomiana. Some diasatis- f action about the deaerters aa shown by corresp. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xi. 352, 361,364, 373; 'Ki-ng' a Orphan,' Visit, 7; Bojorges, Recuerdos, MS., 37. Dale, U. S. sloop of war, 16 guns, 165 men; Dornin, com. Arr. S. P. frora Panamil Deo. 15, 1842; at Mout. Jan. 5-10, 1843, and sailed for Mazatlan. Delphos, whaler, Sept. 1844. Diamond, at S. P. Aug. 1843 with lumber and missionaries from Col. Riv. for Oahu. W. Powler, master. Dr Sandels, the scientist, left Cal. on this vessel. Don Quixote, Araer. bark, 270 tous: Johu Paty, master. Arr. Mont. Sept. 1841 from Hon.; duties, $6,989 on cargo of $6,584. Arr. again June 1842; cargo, $2,651, duties, $3,056. Perhaps came back and wintered ou coast. Left Sta B. Peb. and returned frora Hon. to S. F. May; cargo, $1,108; duties, $1,745; tonnage, $304; Wra H. Davis, sup. By connivance of guard $20,000 of goods were landed in the night at S. P. Ou the coast Nov.-Dec. 1844. Iu Feb. 1845 carried Micheltorena aud his array to S. Bias, retuming in May, and sailing for Hon. in Dec. Dromio, doubtful narae of 1845. Eagle, whaler, at S. Diego, Sept. 1844; Perry, maater. Elena, Russ. brig, at S. F. Feb. 1841 , and came back from Sitka to Bodega in July. Tonnage lat trip, $253. Eliza, Fr. whaler; Malherbe, maater. At S. Frau. Sept. 1841. Erie, U. S. store-ahip; Lieut C. C. Turner, cora. At Mont, and S. P. autumn of 1845, according to Lancey. Esmeralda, Mex. achr, 92 toua; Hugo Reid, maater. At S. Pedro May 1842. At Mont. Sept. from Hon.; cargo, $1,167; dutiea, $1,305. At the porta Jan. 1843; tonnage, $138. At Sau Pedro Jan. 1844. Espadon, Fr. whaler; D&ir^ Batan, maater. S. Diego Sept. 1845. Fama, Amer. ship, 343 or 397 tons; C. Hoyer, master. At Mont. Jan. 1842 from Hon.; cargo, $5,353; duties, $5,868. Again iu Aug.; cargo, $868, duties, $1,383. Her mate waa consulted by Com. Jonea before taking Mont in Oct. Wintered, and left Sta B. with horaes for Oahu in Jan. 1843. Back from Col. Riv., Nye, master, in June; cargo, $183; duties, $221. Left Mont. and Sta B. in Oct. Nov., for Hon. Back at Mont. June 1844, vrith cargo to J. C. Jones. Arr. Hon. from Cal. April 1845; Wm P. Reynolds, raate. Back at Mout. June; cargo, $6,000; duties, $2,459. Was wrecked ou the coast during this voyage, according to statements of Larkin aud Swasey. Fame, whaler; Mitchell, master. S. P. 1845. Fanita (?), Mex. schr; Limantour, master. Spencer's list for 1843. Fanny, Fr. whaler, 409 or 364 tona; Duval, master. Mont, and S. P. Nov.- Dec. 1843. Tonnage and duties, $621 or $546. Suspected of smuggling. Pinto, Doc, MS., i. 265-6, U. 31-2; Estudillo, Doe, MS., u. 63. Possibly also iu 1845. Fariseo, Mex. brig, 105 tona; Jos^ D. Yndarte (?), maater. Mont. Oct. 1845 fr. Acapulco. Cargo, $3,000; duties, $667. Ferna-ndo, Mex. brig. At S. Pedro m June 1842. (The Ferdinand also named in 1843.) Flying Fish, U. S. schr; Knox, cora. Tender to Vincennes of U. S. Expl. Exped. At S. P. Oct. 1841. Oeorge Henry, Araer. bark, 344 tons, 19 meu; Stephen Smith, master and owner. Arr. Mont. fr. Baltimore aud Paita May 1843; cargo, $5,941; duties, $7,744. Brought tlie 1st steam-engine, which was set up at Bodega; alao the 506 THE MISSIONS— COMMERCE AND FINANCE. and in the case of 29 — many of them whalers and most perhaps American — no nationality is mentioned in the lat pianos. Obtained a credit of 9 months for duties. At Sauzalito in Jan. 1844. Georgia, whaler; Hull, master. S. P. 1844. Guadalupe, lighter on S. F. Bay, 9 tons. 1844-5. Gustave, Bremen bark; Clement Norton, master. S. Diego Oct. 1845. Probably a whaler. Ham'dton, whaler; Hand, raaster. Mont. Sept. 1841. \ Hannah, doubtful name of 1845. Helvetia, doubtful narae of 1845. Hiroine, Fr. riiau-of-war; Lecomte, com. Mont July 1845. Lost some deserters. Hibernia, Amer. whaler; Jas Smith, master. S. F. 1844, 1845. Hogue, or Hougue, Amer. whaler; Jos Hawley, master. S. P. Aug. 1842, and Feb. 1844. Hopewell, whaler; Geo. Littlefield, master. S. Diego Nov. 1845. Index, Engl, bark, 211 tons; Wilson, master; Scott, sup. Mont. Sept. 1841, Cargo, $2,459; duties, $2,776. Also seems to have wintered 1842-3, and left Sta B. for Valparaiso Feb. 1843. John and Elizabeth, doubtful uarae of 1845. John Jay, Amer. whaler, 400 tons; AVra J. Rogers, master. Mout. Sept. 18, 1843. Josefita, lighter, 3 toua, used by Victor Castro in S. F. Bay, 1844. Joseph Peabody, John Dominia, maater; doubtful record of 1842. Jdven Carolina, Colomb. schr, 172 tons; Jos6 Legarda, master; Mig. Romana, sup. Mont Peb. 1841, fr. La Uuion; cargo, $793; duties, $902. J6ven Fanita. See Fanita. Mex. schr, S. F. Nov.-Dec. 1842. Jdven Guipuzcoana, Mex. brig, 210 tons; Snook, master; Mig. Pedrorena, cons.; Aguirre, owner. AtMont. fr. Callao June 1841; cargo, $8,427; duties, $8,740. In Jan. 1842 brought Aguirre and bride with the bishop from S. Diego to Sta B. Detained by Coin. Jones at Mont, in Oct. At Sta B. in Jan. 1843. Back at Mont fr. Callao in Aug.; cargo, $3,503; duties, $4,553. On the coast in 1844; OrbeU, master. At Mont. Aug. 1845 from Callao; cargo, $10,500; duties, $5,314. StiU on coast in Dec. Jua-k Diego, schr, to sail for Mazatlan in Oct. 1841. Juan Josi, Colomb. or Mex. brig, 218 tons; Thos Duncan, master. Mont Oct.-Dec. 1842 to winter; duties, $608 (possibly also iu 1841). Back from Mazatlan -Aug. -Dec. 1843; cargo, $1,696; duties, $318. At Sta B Nov. 1844. Juanita, Haw. (?) schr, 102 or 126 tons; John WUson, master. Mont. April 1844 frora Mazatlan. S. F. Aug. 1845. Julia Ann, Amer. schr, 106 tons; Wm A. Leidesdorff, master; J. C. Jones, cons. Arr. Mont. June 22, 1841, from N. Y.; cargo, $7,149; duties, $6,807. J. J. Wamer, pasaenger; also Robt G. Davis and J.W. Weed, and J. C. Jones from Panamd. In Sept. went to Hon., A. B. Thorapson, pass.; and returned Nov. to Mont.; cargo, $6,445; dutiea, $0,604; John Sraclair, paaa. At Sta B. Jau. aud S. F. Dec. 1842. At all the porta in 1843. Arr. Mont. fr. Mazatlan in May aud Aug. 1844. Arr. Mout. fr. Hon. Jan. 1845; cargo, $17,000; dutiea, $3,688. June, whaler; Eddy, raaster. S. Diego Sept. 1844. Lagrange, Fr. ship at Mont. Apr. 1844. In trouble for smu_ Carabuston and Peter Richards fined $500 each, and goods confiscated. Lahaina, whaler, at S. F. Sept. 1841. Niles' Reg., Ixi. 401. La-usanne, probably inaccurate mention of 1841. Leonidas, Mex. schr; Stock, master. At S. Diego July 1841, doubtful record. Leonor, doubtful record of Jan. 1841, VESSELS OF 1841-5. 567 records. Of the 134, again, 43 were whalers; 22 were national craft of war or exploration, leaving 69 engaged Levant, U. S. inan-of-war, 20 guns, 237 men; Hugh N. Page, com. At S. P. and Mont July-Aug. 1844. Back at Mont, in Oct. 1845, carrying Larkin to S. Fran. Lion, Fr. transport; Bonnet, master. At Mont. June 1844 for cattle, etc. , for Marquesas Isl. Allowed to purchase for cash and drafts. At Sauzalito in Aug., retused to pay for a guard to prevent trade. Probably wintered ou coast. Sailed in April 1845 with 400 cattle, losing 350 and her masts on the voyage. In Aug. she was back at Hon. on her way to Cal., where her arrival is uot recorded. Llama, Amer. brig, 208 tona; Jones, master. Arr. Mont, frora Boaton via Hon. May 13, 1841; cargo, $6,038; duties, $6,350. At Hon. with John Sinclair as pass, in Sept. Apparently at Mont, in June 1842. Magnolia, Araer. whaler, 400 tous; B. Simmons, maater. Mont. Aug.- Sept. 1843. Also at S. F. in 1844 according to Davia. Maria, 'Hamburg or Daniah brig, 109 tons; W. Holstein, master. Mont, in Deo. 1845 fr. Valparaiao; cargo, $12,000; dutiea, $19,467. Maria Teresa, Mex. brig, 185 tons; Julian Hanks, master. S. Diego and Mont. May-June 1845 fr. Mazatlan aud Guaymaa; cargo, $8,000; duties, $1,164. Martha, Amer. whaler; Dav. R. Drabe, maater. S. Diego Oct. 1845. Ma-ryland, Amer. brig, 100 or 160 tona; BUnn, maater. At Mont, in apring of 1841; tonnage, $192; P. Johnson, sup. Capt. Blinn died ou a trip to Kamchatka. Back at Mont, in Nov.; Henry A. Peirce, raaater and owner; tonnage, $192. Wintered on coast and aailed in Jan. 1842 for Mazatlan. Capt. Peirce has giveu me hia original diary, noticed elaewhere. Matador, Hamburg brig; C. P. Matchin, master. Mont. July 1845 fr. Valparaiso; cargo, $55,000; dutiea, $67,030 (the largeat ever paid iu Cal.). Medicis, Fr. bark; Huguee, maater. Left Hon. June 1845 for Cal. Nb record of arrival. Menkar, whaler, S. Diego, Sept. 1844; Shearman, master. Merrimac, whaler. At SauzaUto Sept. 1843. Modeste, Engl, man-of-war; Thoa BailUe, com. At S. P. and Mont. Oct.- Nov. 1844. Monmo-uth, whaler; Hedges, maater. S. P. 1844. Morea, whaler; Benj. Cushing, maater. S. F. Nov. 1845. Also men tioned on doubtful authority iu 1841 aud 1844. Nantucket, Amer. whaler; Geo. W. Gardner, maater; Mont. Oet. 1844. Naslednik, Russ. brig; apparently the same aa the Alexander. At S. P. Oct.-Nov. 1845, aud went down to Carmen Isl. for salt. Alex. Markof, the supercargo, published a narrative. New Spring (?), schr, at S. P. Dec. 1842. Newton., whaler; John Sawyer, or Sanger, master, who died at S. Diego Nov, 30, 1844. Ninfa, Mex. schr; Hen. D. Fitch, master (and later Norton). Arr. fr. Mazatlan April 1841; cargo, $4,508, duties, $240. On the coast tiU Nov. North America, Amer. whaler, 31 men; Geo. Deston, master. Mont. Sept.-Oct 1843. Oajaca, Mex. brig; A. B. Thompson, owner and sup.; at Sta B. June 1844; cargo, $1,555 and $4,075; duties, $704 and $1,913. Sailed for Mazatlan AprU 1845. Oregon, U. S. brig; Carr, com. Formerly the Thos Perldns; bought for the U. S. Explor. Exped. At S. F. Oot. 1841. Oreza, whaler; S. P. Aug. 1841. Ori-zaba, doubtful record of 1841. Pacific, Amer. whaler. Mont. Aug. 1845. Palatina, at S. Diego Oot.-Nov. 1842. 568 THE MISSIONS— COMMERCE AND FINANCE. in trade. Of that number, 30 came chiefly from Mex ican and South American ports; 8 from Boston; 7 Porpoise, U. S. brig; Ringgold, com. of U. S. Expl. Exped. At S. P. Oct 1841. Touched at Mont Portsmouth, U. S. man-of-war; John B. Montgomery, oom. At Mont. Oct. 1845 from Honolulu. Primavera, Mex. brig; Alex. Chienes, master. S. F. Oct.-Nov. 1842. Clairaed daraages on account of Jones' taking of Mont. At Mont, autumn of 1844; Chas Baric, master. At S. Diego March 1845 fr. Mazatlan. Mont. June; cargo, $5,000; duties, $538. Rafak, Amer. whaler, 249 tons, 26 men; Henry S. West, master. Mont. Sept. 1843. Belief, U. S. store-ship; Isaac Sterrett, com.; at Bodega and Mont. Jan. 1842; and again in Jan.-Feb. 1843. Eepublicano, Mex. transport. Probably brought part of Micheltorena's array iu Aug. 1842. N-uevo Eepublicano named in Feb. Also at Mont. Oct 1845; Machado, master. Robert Bowen, whaler; Sauzalito Sept. 1843. Eosalia, see Savannah, Ughter, 24 tons. Patent applied for by Wm Johu sou April 1844. Eosalind, Engl, brig; Henry J. Crouch, master. Brought bishop and others to S. Diego Dec. 1841; tonnage, $307. Sailed in the spring of 1842. Evssdl, whaler; at Sta B. Oct 1844; duties, $36.50. Sacramento, schr; runuing on the river and bay. Patent applied for by Flugge for Sutter in 1844. Son Francisquito, lighter, 5 tons. Patent applied for by A. B. Thompson in Aug. 1844. St Louia, U. S. man-of-war; at Mont, iu 1841, to carry away Estabrook and protect Americana, according to Mofraa. No other record of her pres ence; but she waa at Honolulu bound to Cal. Sapphire, whaler; Cartwright, master; at Mont. Sept. 1841. Mofras saya she harpooned 3 whales in oue day in the harbor. Sarah, whaler; Myrick, raaster; at S. F. in 1844 aud 1845. Savannah, U. S. mau-of-war, 50 guns, 610 men; Armstrong, com.; at Mont. Oct. .3-Deo. 1844. Carried Tellez and Mejia as Micheltorena's agents to Mazatlan. Surgeon Wood published a narrative of the voyage. Back at S. Frau. Oct. 1845 frora Honolulu. Soledad, Mex. brig, 105 tons; Chas Hubbard, master; Henry Dalton, aup. On coaat Oct.-Dec. 1843 fr. Mazatlan; cargo, $3,709, dutiea, $1,279. John Swan, a well known -writer of pioneer reminiscences, was left by this vessel. Back at San Pedro iu July 1845 with despatches, and Capt. Florea aa pas senger. Star of Oregon, schr, built iu Or. ; Jos Gale, master. Came down the coast in 1841, and was sold iu Cal., the meu retuming -with cattle to Or. iu 1842. Star of the West, Engl, achr; Wm Atherton, maater; John Parrott, own er. Wrecked at Pt Lobos near Monterey July 27, 1845, aud all that was saved was sold to Belden aud others for $3,000. The Star brought a very valuable cargo from Liverpool, not intended for Cal., but for Mexico. Appar ently the Californian authorities had agreed to take duties ou a nominal val uation, a clean profit of the whole amount for them; while Parrott would then introduce the goods free of duties at Mexican ports and thus realize a large profit. Da-vis, Glimpses, MS., 167-9, tells us that all the Montereyans became -wreckers for the time, sorae raaking great gains; though 3 men were drowned. Swan, Hist. Sketches, MS. , IS, thinks the plan was merely to pay duties in goods iu Cal., while cash would be required at Mazatlan. Sterling, Amer. ship, 386 tous; Geo. AV. Vincent, -master; Thos B. Park, sup. Arr. Mout. from Boston April 1844. Still on coast in 1845. Susannah, schr; .built iu Napa Creek iu 1841. At Mont, from S. P. Nov. VESSELS OP 1841-5. 509 from Honolulu; 6 from the Columbia River; 5 frora Sitka; 7 were lighters employed on Californian inland 11-12, 1843. Sailed for Mazatlan. Swan says she was loaded -with potatoes which were sold for $3,750, and the schr for $2,000, Capt. Davis returning on the California. Cooper, Log of the Ccd., MS., caUs her the Eosalia. Tasao, Araer. bark, 314 tons; Sara. J. Hastings, master; John H. Everett, sup. Arr. from Boston June 28, 1841; cargo, $15,990; duties, $16,467. Re fused to land her goods unless permitted to engage in coasting trade; and the authorities yielded rather than lose so large an amount. There was a plan to seize her in 1842 at the tirae of Cora. Joues the captain being arrested. She sailed for Boaton late iu 1843. Came back Feb. 1845; Elliott Libbey, master; Henry Melius, sup.; cargo, $35,000; dutiea, paid at S; Diego, $16,107. At S. F. Oct. 11th sorae of the Tasso'a men on shore late at night were arrested by a patrol, or by a party of men claiming to be such; and Capt. Libbey on at tempting to interfere waa badly cut and beaten, his companion, Nathan Spear, being also beaten. This affair gave rise to rauch excitement and correspond ence, Larkin coraing up frora Mont on the Levant, and 6 of the asaailanta being sent to S. Jos6 for trial. No penalty waa ever inflicted so far as the records show. See correap. between Prefect Castro, Larkin, Forbes, sub-pre fect, judgea, Cora. Page, etc., extending to May 1846, in Larkin's Doe, MS., iii. 320-3, 327, 347; iv. 66, 101; Id., Off. Corresp., i. 53-67, 77, 97; Castro, Doc, MS., i. 175-7, 184-5, 204-9; ii. 14, 19, 25. 76; Doc Hist Cal, iU. 112, 160, 222; Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 67-8; Id., Ben, Pref. y Juzg., u. 93; Pinto, Doc, MS., u. 205-6; Femandez, Doc, MS., 41-3; Castro, Eel, MS., 153-4, 163; Buelna, Notas, MS., 20-1. Thomaa Perkins, Amer. brig; Varney, maater. At Mont. Feb. 1841 fr. Hon. ; Warren and Geiger, paaaengers. Went to S. Diego to load hides for Peirce & Brewer, but was ordered away, and reached Hon. in March, 13 days from S. Diego. SaUed in April for N. W. coast, where she was sold to U. S. govt. See Oregon. Trinidad, Mex. brig, 170 tona, 14 men; R. Menchaca, maater; C. Latai Uade, aup. At S. Pedro July 1842; detained by Com. Jonea at Moiit. in Oct. ; and in Nov. carried deapatches from Micheltorena to S. Bias. At Mont. Sept. 1843; Manuel Diaz, maater; cargo, $3,696; dutiea, $517 (?). Back again in Sept. 1844; Jos6 M. Gamon, master. l''uscany, whaler, at Sauzalito Oct. 1844. United States, U. S. mau-of-war; Armstrong, com. Flag-ahip of Pacific squadron, with Cora. Jones on board. At Mont. Oot. 1842. Made a trip to Hon. and back in Nov.-Dec. Probably sailed from Mont with Dale aud Cyane Jan. 10, 1843 (also doubtful mention of 1845). Valleyfidd, Engl, bark, fr. Col. Riv. At S. F. Sept. 1842, iu ballast. Also Jan.-March, 1843; duties and tonnage, $822. Vancouver, Engl, bark, 325 tons, 30 men; Alex. Duncan, raaster. At Mont, and S. F. Feb. 1843 fr. Col. Riv.; duties, $933 on cargo of $368. She left Col. Riv. for Hon. via Cal. in Dec. 1845. No record of her touching. Vandalia, Amer ship, 491 tons; John C. Everett, raaster; W. D. M. How ard, sup. Arr. Mont. fr. Boston Feb. 21, 1844; uo record of cargo or dutiea. Stul on the coast in 1845. Three sailors were arrested for a robbery. Being Engliahmeu, they were claimed by Conaul Forbes. Larkin also interfered, and to him the men were giveu up after a month's iraprisonraent. The correapond ence on thia subject is aomewhat extensive. Vincennes, U. S. man-of-war, of U. S. Expl. Exped. ; Wilkes, cora. At S. F. fr. Col. Riv. Aug. 14 to Nov. 1, 1841. Sailed for Honolulu. Warren, U. S. man-of-war, 24 guna, 250 men; Joa. B. Hull, com. At Mont fr. Hon. Nov.-Dec. 1843. Also on coast July-Sept. 1845 fr. Mazatlan for Honolulu. Warren, whaler, S. P. Nov. 1845. Waverly, doubtful narae of 1845. 570 THE MISSIONS— COMMERCE AND FINANCE. waters; and 6 came from various ports of America and Europe, the exact business of a few not being known. Wm 0. Nye, whaler; Budington, master. At S. Fran. 1843. Again 1845; Stevens, master. Yorlctown, U. S. man-of-war; J. H. AuUck, com. At Mout. fr. Hon. Nov. 23-7, 1841. Took sorae testimony on the Graham affair. Again at S. F, Sept 1842; Nicholas (?), com. Yuba, lighter, 5 tons; patent applied for May 1843 by Theo. Cordua. The authorities for the inforraation in this list are chiefly scattered docu ments in many different archives public and private; but I raay mention also as valuable general authorities the Honolulu Friend; Polynesian; and Tem perance Advocate; the custom-house records in Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Cuat.-H., MS., ui. ; v.--viu. ; Larkin's Doe, Off. Correap., aud Papers; Cooper's Log; Bobbins' Diary; aud Pinto, Doc. CHAPTER XXIV. IMMIGRANT COMPANIES AND PIONEERS. 1845. OvEELASfD Immigration — New Mexicans — The McMahon-Cltman Com pany EBOM Oregon in July — Clyman's Diary — -Oregon Train of 1845 — Palmer's Journal — Cooke's Scenes — Californian Agents at Fort Hall — The Swasey-Todd Company — Sublette and his Men — ^Thb Geigsby-Ide Company — ^Names — AA'ombn and Children — Recollec tions of Miss Ide — Statements of Knight, Gregson, Dewell, Elliott, and Tustin — Fremont's Third Expedition— Over the Sierra by Two Routes in December — A Blunder — Kings River AND Kern Ri-vbr — ^Bibliography — The Hastings-Semplb Company — A Narrow Escape — Pioneers and Visitors of 1845. Overland immigrants to California in 1845 num bered about 150 men, besides women and children, who may be estimated, for we have no definite records on the subject, at nearly 100. They came from Ore gon in the north and over the Sierra from the east in six companies; though one of them was not fitted out originally as an emigrant party, and two of the others were properly but divisions of the same company. Not more than two thirds of the whole immigration remained permanently in the country. I shall notice the six companies in the chronologic order of their ar rival.^ 'Besides those companies, Bidwell, Cal I84I-8, MS., 125-6, aud Sutter, Pera. Eemin., MS., 106; Diary, 5, say that among the foreigners oppoaing Micheltorena at Cahuenga were 30 or 40 mountaineers just arrived. Cronise, Nat Wealth of Cal., 54, tells us that m the spring of 1845 neariy 2,000 Mor mons left the Missouri for Califomia; aud Tustin, Eecolledions, MS., 2, speaks of a Mormon company under Barstow which came -with his party to the summit of the mountains (?). May 26th, Julian FoUen petitions for a tract of land in the S. Joaquin VaUey for himself aud 20 foreign colonists — about whom there 572 IMMIGRANT COMPANIES AND PIONEERS. The first came from Oregon in July, and may be called the McMahon-Clyman company, the captain having been Green McMahon, Avho, as the reader will remember, had first come to California in 1841 with Bartleson; and James Clyman, Avho twenty years be fore had been in the Rocky Mountains with the fur- traders, having written a diary of the trip. Most of the members had come overland to Oregon in 1844. Clyman's diary describes the journey day by day from May 14th, when they left Independence, until October, when they reached the Willamette VaUey. Near Fort Hall the California immigrants of that year, the Stevens company, left the main body, which at one time consisted of nearly one hundred wagons, forming with cattle and horses a column about two miles in length. The details of this journey do not concern us here. Of the nineteen men in Clyman's particular company, or mess, only Everhart accompanied him to CaUfornia. In the spring of 1845 a party was organized of such as were dissatisfied with Oregon or wished to see more of the western country before settling perma nently ; and they started southward from the rendez vous in the upper Willamette June 8th, forty-three in number, including one woman and three children. I append a list of their names made by Sutter at the time of their arrival.^ The march, though described is no information. Leg. Eec, MS. , iv. 60. May 7th, Jos^ Autonio Garcia asks for land for S3 New Mexicans. Wants S. Gabriel. Refused. Id. , MS., iv. 50. Aug. 18th, petition of Santiago Martinez and 20 New Mexican famiUea at S. Bernardino for La Jabonera, aa a site fora settlement. Id., iv. 112, 23-4. In June, Felipe Castillo formed an itinerary of his journey frora HermosUlo to Los Angelea, giving diatancea, geographical featurea, etc. Total diatance, 264 leagues. CastiUo, Itinerario desde Sonora hasta Califomia, 1845, MS. ^McMahon-Clyman immigrant company of 1845: Hiram Aores, Jamea (?) Barrett, Wm Bartel, Martin Brown, Buchanan, Benj. Carpenter, S. U. Chase, Morris R. Childers, James Clyman, Thomas Cochran, Joseph Davis, Duncan, St Vrain Durand, John EUick, Lazarus Everhart, Abner Frazer, Wm Fra zer, Marion Gibson, Hayea, Geo. Hibler, James Houck, Huet, Lenoir, Frank Lightstone, Green McMahon, James W. Marshall, Wra Northgrave, Ed. Owens, Henry Owens, James Owens, Johu Owens, Thomas Owens, R. K. Payne, Mrs Payne (a widow), J. D. Perkey, Al. Sanders, Franklin Seara, Sipp, Owen Sumner, and Lindy Thorp. John EUick seems to have been in California before, being called alsoAUiok, AlUg, lUg, EUigi Lightstone'sname THE McMAHON-CLYMAN PARTY. 573 in detail, has no special importance or interest, the ap parently unprovoked shooting of two Indians by Sears being the only exciting incident. Crossing the Rogue, Klamath, and Shasta rivers successively, the travellers struck the upper Sacramento at the end of June. On the 9th of July they encamped on Cache Creek near Gordon's, where they were met by Sumner, whose father was in the party, and were hospitably treated by WolfskiU, Knight, Gordon, and others. In a day or two the party was broken up. Some on July 12th started for Sutter's Fort.* Clyman continued to record his movements and those of the men Avho remained Avith him. His first trip was to Yount's and back. Then he went before the end of July by way of New Helvetia, Liver- more's, and San Juan, to Monterey,* spent the first days of August Avith Isaac Graham, and returned to Napa by Santa Clara. After a hunting tour Avith the Kelseys he visited Yerba Buena; but he lost his ink stand, and the daily record was suspended for a time. At the beginning of December we find him at Clear Lake ; and his diary for the winter is filled chiefly with a record of the weather and of his hunting ad ventures. The hunting was good, but Clyman found little else in the country that pleased him; and he soon began to plan the organization of a company in the spring to return eastward, while many of his asso- was really Lichtenstein. In Yolo Co. Hiat, 86, an account of the arrival is given on the authority of S. U. Chase, iu whioll James Lewis, Thoraas Smith, and Nelson McMahon are named, doubtless inaccurately, as members. Chase givea 24 namea correctly, and aays the party numbered 39. Clyman, in his Diary, alao aaya there were 39 raen, but naraes only McMahon, Seara, Frazer, Owena, and Suraner. 'Inhis letter of July 15th, Sutter says: 'AUof this people have a de scent (!) appearance, aud some very useful men amongst thera. Sorae of thera will remaiu here, and the majority will spread over the whole country like usual. A good many will corae to Monterey and present themselves to you. 1 give thera passports, and give notice to the govt. A letter informs me that in 6 or 8 weeks another company will arrive.' Larldn'a Doc, MS., iii. 220. No such company came. *Aug. 25th-26th, there was a corresp. between Prefect Castro and Judge Escobar about a party of foreigners- doubtleas Clyman 's-^who were to be required to show passports or state their naraes aud business; but it was found they had gone, and Consul Larkin knew nothmg about them. Castro, Doc, MS., i. 144; Monterey, Arch., MS., viu. 18-19. n'ri IMMIGRANT COMPANIES AND PIONEERS. ciates, equally disgusted with California, were already talking of a return to Oregon. These ])laus were car ried out in 1846, as we shall see. The old mountain eer's remarks about men and places, as well as his descriptions of personal adventure, are A'ory interest ing. The writer returned to California, where he Avas still living in 1878.^ Comparatively few of the McMahon-Clyman company bore names which be came prominent in later annals of the country; yet Marshall was destined to be' the discoverer of gold; and Chase, Sears, Lightstone, Cochran, and others were locally well known. The Oregon immigration of 1845, like that ofthe preceding year, has been described in a diary, which, unlike that of Clyman, has been printed. It Avas written by Joel Palmer, captain of one of the com panies, whose journey from Independence to Oregon lasted from May to October.® This company on the way passed, and Avas passed by, many other simUar parties; but it forms no part of my task, even if it vvere possible, to explain their movements or relative positions at any particular time. Colonel Kearny with some 300 U. S. dragoons passed over the route to the South Pass and back, theoretically perhaps to protect the emigrants, and practically to eat up the grass and consume the water at all the best camping spots in advance of them. One of his oflficers, Philip St George Cooke, saw fit to record the tour in print; and his narrative brims over with philosophical reflec- " Diary of Col Jas Clyman's Overland Journey from Missouri to Oregon and Califomia in 1844-S, MS., 143 p. This is a literal copy made in 1871 by R. T. Montgomery. The original is iu the form of 9 small memorandum books. The diary extends from May 1844 to April 1846, when the writer started ou his retum. A tenth volume, describing the return, has beeu loat Clyman's Note Book, MS., 27 p., ia an abridgment of the same original made by Ivan Petroff in 1878. It contains some additions which will be noticed iu the annals of 1846. ' Palmer's Journal of Travela over the Eocky Mcmntaina to the mouth of ihe Columbia Eiver, etc. Cincinnati, 1852. 12mo. 189 p. That portion narrating the trip from Independence to Fort Hall, the only part bearing in directly upou the CaUfomian immigration, from May 6th to Aug. 13th, is on p. 12-44. THE OREGON TRAIL. 575 tions to the entire exclusion of useful information.' Let it suffice to regard the route to Fort Hall as a great national highway along which ox and mule trains passed westward during the season, not with the frequency or regularity or couA'-enience of the more modern railroad trains, but yet without hardships and dangers so excessive as to prevent the travellers from being born and married and buried on the way. Very few, comparatively, left the Missouri River with the intention of going to California; but more were tempted to swerve from the way when they reached Fort Hall. Says Palmer: "While we remained in this place great eflforts were made to induce emi grants to pursue the route to California. The most extravagant tales were related respecting the dangers that awaited a trip to Oregon, and of the difficulties and trials to be surmounted. The perils of the way were so magnified as to make us suppose the journey almost impossible . . . On the other hand, as an induce ment to pursue the California route, we were informed of its shortness when compared with that to Oregon ; as also of manj'^ other superior advantages it possessed. These tales, told and rehearsed, were likely to produce the eflfect of turning the tide of emigration thither. Mr Greenwood, an old mountaineer, well stocked with falsehoods, had been despatched from California to pilot the emigrants through; and, assisted by a young man by the name of McDougal, from Indiana, so far succeeded as to induce thirty-five or thirty-six wagons to take that trail," in addition to the fifteen wagons that had been fitted out expressly for Califor- nia.® Sutter, who had received letters from Hastings, ' Cooke's Scenes and Adventures in the army; or Eomance of Military Life. PhU. 1857, 12mo, p. 282-390, etc. They paaaed the emigrants on May 25th- 26th, the author noting a wedding by which- a pair of blankets was made to do double duty; and again met them on July Sth ou the retum march, wheu the author met Capt. Joe Walker on his way to Cal. Palmer, Joumal, p. 18, 31, notices the same meetings. ' Palmer's Journal, 43-4. ' What the result of their expedition has been I have not been able to leam;' but he adds in a note that the emigrants, 'not finding Califomia equal in point of soU to their high--wrought expectations, have made the best of their way to Oregon '1 The same writer, p. 10, speaks 570 IMMIGRANT COMPANIES AND PIONEERS. and expected "a very large company of more as 1,000 souls," Avrote in July, "1 am very glad that they meet with some good pilots at Fort HaU, people who went over there from here to pilot emigrants by the new road, which was found right down Bear Creek on my farm."^ Most of those who came to California state, in the narratives to be noticed later, that they started originally for Oregon. The second company to arrive in California, being the first offshoot of the Oregon immigration at Fort Hall, may be called the Swasey-Todd company, from the names of its latest survivors, or it might be termed the Snyder-Blackburn party, from the names of its best knoAvn members, as it appears to have had no regular captain. It was composed of twelve or thirteen young men, who, with their pack-animals, determined to press on in advance of the teams.^" I give their names in a note, chiefly on the authority of Swasey, who was in 1884 a resident of San Fran cisco.^^ There is a degree of uncertainty respecting the exact relations of this advance party and the main company, since most witnesses, members of the latter, Avhose narratives I shall notice presently, say nothing of any such division; but I suppose the truth to be that a portion of the teams managed to keep up with of a party of Germans frora St Louis, 4 men, 2 women, aud 3 children, with 2 wagons aud 8 mules, who started for California and travelled with Palmer's company to Ft Hall. See Hid. Or., i. 552, this series, for a pub lic meeting in Or. in June 1846, at which testimony against Cal., and the methods of turning the stream of immigration thither, was taken from 6 of the victims. ^Larkin's Doc, MS., in. 220. '" Mra Healy, in Ide's Biog. , 33-4, says ' a party of young men concluded to "pack through," that is, to go on horseback — pack themselves and their baggage on horses; ' and she remembers the names of 6. Palmer, Journal, 44, names McDougal as one of the most active iu promoting the Califomia movement at Ft Hall. "Members of the Swasey-Todd company of 1845: William Beale, Wm Blackbum, Wra B. Gildea, Francia Hoen, Thomas Knight (?), John Lewia, George McDougal, Hirara Rheusaw, Thoraas (?) Smith, Harry Spiel, Jacob E. Snyder, Wm F. Swasey, Wm L. Todd. Rheusaw ia alao called Renahaw and Ruaoff. Thomaa Knight waa not strictly a member of this advance party, having a team with the main body, whicli he went back to meet on the summit Miss Ide names Keyes as one of this party, but I think he must have been with the tearaa. There is alao a list in the iVajja Eegiste-,; Juae 1, 1S72. THE SUBLETTE PARTY. 577 the horsemen until they reached the mountains.^^ At any rate, McDougal and his men left Fort Hall on or about August 13th; kept in advance of the main body; crossed the Sierra by the Stevens, or Truckee, route, without special adventures; and reached New Helvetia late in September.^' The third company of the year was one respecting which I know only the fact of its arrival, and Avhat is to be learned from a letter of Sutter to Larkin dated October 8th. He says: "Yesterday Mr Sublette of St Louis arrived here with his party consisting of fifteen men. He passed both of the companies of emigrants,^* who have crossed the most difficult passes and are close by Mr Sublette is a brother-in-law of Mr Grove Cook, and a man of considerable prop erty. He intends to establish himself here when he likes the country. A good many of these emigrants have cash more or less, some of them several thou sand dollars in gold. Not one company has arrived before in this country Avhich looked so respectable as this. I have now a great chance to buy plenty of well broken American oxen and wagons from the o '^Knight, Early Events, MS., 3-4, says that his party, with fifteen wag ons, went on to the Truckee, from which point he with McDougal and Sny der went on before to Sutter's, whence he returned to meet his party on the summit, where he found that his wagon and other property had beeu burned by the explosion of a keg of powder. Miss Ide, Biog., 40, mentions the explosion near the lake, and also the fact that the wagon belonged to a raem ber of the advance party. Swasey, Statement, MS. , 1-2, says nothiug of this; but in conversation to-day (April 23, 1880) thinks that Knight may be right •'According to the New Helvetia Diary, MS., S et seq., the best possi ble authority, Gildea with Greenwood and a few others arrived September 27th, more came on the 28th, and 11 ou the SOth, having left their wag ous in the mouutains. Sept. SOth, preparations to send back aid for those iu the Sien'a. Oct. 2d, part of the new arrivals left the fort on a hunting tour. Sutter, Diary, 6, also has the date of arrival Sept. 27th; and says that on the SOth he sent aid — that is, by Knight on hia retum. Swaaey testifies that ac cording to his memoranda he arrived Sept 26th. though Snyder always in sisted it waa on the 23d. Bidwell, Cal. I84I-8, MS., 112, and Belden, Hist. State., MS., 42, mentiou the arrival, and narae aome raembera of the company. "The alluaion muat be to two portiona of the Grigaby-Ide company. In N. Hdv. Diary, MS., 5-6, are the following entries: 'Oct. 7th, to-day a party from the U. S. arrived, having with them Mr Sublette of St Louis. They report 60 wagons in the mountains.' Oct. 10th, part of Sublette's party start for S. P. Four of them got pasaea. Hist. Oal., Vol. IV. 37 578 IMMIGRANT COMPANIES AND PIONEERS. young men, which prefer horses so that they can travel in the country. "^^ None of the fifteen are known by name. Some of them are perhaps in the list of the next company, and others probably in the general list for the year. Sublette and three men, not of his original company, were met by Bryant in July 1846 on their way east. I now come to the fourth company of immigrants, passed on the Avay by Sublette's, the main body, left at Fort Hall by Swasey and his companions in August. I call it the Grigsby-Ide company,' John Grigsby having been, according to some authorities, the captain, and William B. Ide not only a prominent member but also somewhat famous a little later. There were about fifty men, whose names, so far as I can ascertain them, are given in a note.^* Many of ¦" Oct. 8th, S. to L. Larkin's Doc. , MS., iu. 315. In Jan. , SubUtz— probably the same man — was at Yerba Buena with some of his company; and notwith standing Sutter's praise, he was pronounced by Leidesdorffa ' great Blaggard.' Id., iv. 6. In 1844 Clyman had met Mr Sublette on the plains -with a party largely composed of invalids travelUng for their health. Knight speaka of having met Sublette somewhere on the plains. Ide met on the summit 'a pack-train on their way to sorae fort. ' The following men are shown by different records to have been in Cal. iu 1845, most of them at Sutter's Port; but the exact circumstances of their coming are not known. Some doubtless carae by sea, but others probably overland, and the liat probably includes raost of the Sublette party. W. D. Barry, A. J. Bolan, Elij. Bristow, Abner Bryan, Clemens, Wm Dodson, C. Dornte, Eustis, Sam. Gibson, Jac. Herman, Hess, Jackson, Julian, Johu H. Kelley, Dan. Leahy, McDonald, Jas McDowell aud family, McKenzie, Thos Middleton, Johu Neal, G. R. NightengeU,, H. O'Brien, Wm O'Connor, Noah Peters, Sanford, Chas Savage, Felix Scott, AVm Sigler, Stanley, Nio. To- metty. Hen. Trow, J. Washburn, Lewis Wigmau. There is a possibility that another sraall party, an ofi'shoot frora the Oregon immigration, arrived this year iu addition to the six recorded in this chapter. In this connection I should note that Mrs Maggie M. Hunt, a daughter of James McDowell, the well knowu pioneer of Yolo Co., fumishea through John Bidwell a partial liat of the party that came -with her father, aa prepared by Geo. W. BeU. The Ust is as follows: Geo. W. BeU, Wm Bennett, Dr Boyle, Jas Cameron, J. Colwell, English and family. Hen. Everts, Dolphus Hannah, Sam Hawkins, Dr Zac. Hawkins (died on the way), Dav. Ingals and fam.. Hen. Marlin, Wm McClure, Thos B. Reed, Simpson, Jos Smith (nephew of the Morraon prophet, whocame to Cal.), Jas Stevens and fam.. Rich. Stevens and fam., Dr Welsh andfam., Whitaker, White and family, andRich. Wylis. In the Oregon immigration of 1845 — see Hist. Oregon, i. 525 et seq., this series — the reader will find names resembling many of these. It is not cer tain that any one of them came to Cal. , but possibly a few did so. '^Grigsby-Ide immigrant company of 1845: Anderson (?), AVm R. Baaaham, Jarvis Bonney, Truman Bonney, Julian Bradahaw, Baffin (?), Thomas H. Burgess, Geo. Carter, Michael Coleman, Wm C. Cooper, Thoa THE GRIGSBY-IDE COMPANY. 579 these men brought their families; and of men, women, and children, there were doubtless over one hundred souls in the company. Under the guidance of the Greenwoods, they left Fort Hall about the rniddle of August, and proceeded slowly, without other mishaps than the loss of some cattle and the burning of a Avagon with its load, down the Humboldt, across to the Truckee, and into the mountains. The work of crossing the Sierra with the teams was of course a tedious one; but the winter snows had not yet begun to fall, and Ide, bringing his Yankee genius to bear on the problem, is said to have devised new methods Crafton (boy), Davis (?), Benj. DeweU, WmB. Elliott, Sara. Field (?), Isaac A. Flint (?), John Gibbs, B. Grant (?), Caleb Greenwood, John Greenwood, James Gregson, C. C. Griffith, Jaraes A. Griffith, Prank P. Grigsby (?), G. W. Grigaby (?), Johu Grigaby, Heaa (?), Dav. Hudson, Wm Hudson, Dau. Ide (boy), Jaraes Ide (?), Lerauel Ide (boy), AVra Ide, Wm B. Ide, A. Kinney (?), S. Kumey (?), Robt 0. Keyes, Thos Knight (?), Pat MoChriatian, Henry MarshaU, John Marshall, Meeres (?), G. R. NightengeU (?), Harvey Porterfield, Potter (?), Charles Roether (?), Win R. Roulette, Horace Sanders, Felix Scott (?), John Scott, Wm W. Soott, John Sears, Eugene P. Skinner, 6. M. Smith (?), Thomas (?), Fern. Tustui (boy), Wm I. Tustin, V7ihnot (?), Geo. WUliams (?), Joseph AVood, Wright (?), Dav. York (boy), John York, AV. E. York (boy). No list was made in early tiraes, so far as I know. Beaidea the half-dozen boys mentioned above, there were doubtless many others. Those men who were accompanied by their families were apparently: Anderson (?), Bonney, Buffin (?), Davis (?), Elliott (7 children, including several sons, aome of thera grown), Griffith, Grigaby, Hudson, Ide, Kinney (?), Meeres (?), Potter (?), Roulette, Soott (?), Skinner, Thoraaa (?), Tuatin, and York; but it will be no ticed that nearly half of theae are among the doubtful membera. Of the 56 men named in the liat, 35 are named by several authoritiea, and there ia no room for doubt about them, 15 of the number giving bonds for good behavior at Sonoma in Nov. Of the 23 names raarked aa doubtful, two. Field and Flint, alao ga.ve bonds, bnt do not seem to have beeu reraerabered by anybody as members. G. M. Smith is named at the fort in connection with the party, but not positively as belonging to it. These, vrith Felix Scott and the two Kinney s, whose presence at Sutter's Fort is recorded, may therefore have come in Sublette's or some other party, though Miss Ide remembers farailies named 'Keeny' aud Scott in the Grigsby-Ide company. Eight names — An derson, Buffin, Davia, Grant, Meeres, Potter, Thomas, and Wilmot — rest only ou the memory of Miss Ide (Mrs Healy); and sorae if not most are probably erroneous, or at least belong to men who went to Oregon instead of Cal. The twoGrigsbys I suppose to have been sons of Capt. John Grigsby, though I have no positive evidence. It is not clear that James Ide carae to Cal. Four — NightengeU, Roetlier, WiUiaras, and Wright — are meutioned by newspapers or county histories as having come in this party or with niembers of it. Hess is named in the N. Helv. Dia-ry, and is reraembered by Bidwell. Thos Knight may be properly enough included in this or iu the Swasey-Todd party. The fact that many went to Oregon the next year in parties of whioh no lists are extant makes it difficult to fix these names accurately. The mat ter is however cleared up aa far aa poasible in the biographical sketches giveu elsewhere. 580 IMMIGRANT COMPANIES AND PIONEERS. which greatly lessened the difficulties. It Avas at diflferent dates and in small parties from the 10th to the 25th of October that they came down Bear Creek to Johnson's, and made their appearance at Sutter's." Here the company broke up in a few days, some going south, but most either remaining in the Sacra- " In New Helvetia Diary, MS., the entries ou the subject are as follows: Oct. Sth, 'Visitors of the party from the U. S. carae to the fort, bringing with them letters frora different frieuds in the U. S. ' These were probably meni- bsrs of the relief party frora the fort. 10th, 'Two emigrants from the hind comp. of 15 wagons carae in to-day for proviaiona, and iram.ediately left again. ' Uth, 'R. Gildea with hia party from the wagons. Dr Carter also.' 12th, Bonney aud famUy. 14th, Bonney went back with a horse. 15th, 'G. M. Smith came iu frora the mta with aome 2 or 3 more from the wagona and re port the wagous most on to the plains. ' 17th, '5 wagons from the mts arrived last night about 12 o'clock.' 19th, 'Last night 1 more wagon belonging to Mr Hess; to-day 2 more belonging to Mr Todd and Mr Roulette — 4 or 5 wag ons more are expected immediately. ' 20th, 5 more wagona. Several of the meu engaged to work at the fort. 21at, several raore. 23d, a German fam ily from the U. S. 24th, 3 more wagons. 25th, 4 wagous, those of Ide aud Skinner. SOth, Ide started up river. Slat, Skinner and Tustin shingling the hatter ahop. Sutter, Diary, 6, notea the arrival of a large party with 69 wagona on Oct. 7th; but there ia perhapa an error, as this waa the date of Subiette'a arrival. Dewell says he reached Johnson's on Oct. 7tli; Marahall at Sutter'a on Oct. 20th; Ide at Sutter's soou after Oct. 25th; and others late in October, without specifying the day. Ide, Biographical Sketch (Claremont, N. H.), 1880, 16mo, 240 p., ia a book to be more fully noticed in the annals of 1846. Chapters iii.-iv. p. 28-50 are devoted to a description of the overland journey, chiefly frora the recollections of Mra Sarah E. Healy (Ide). The Ide party, 13 in number — father, mother, daughter, two grown-up sons, two sraall sous, an adopted boy, and four men who drove the teams for board and passage — with 165 cattle, left home in Illinois iu April and joined the train at Independence, bound like the rest for Oregon. The crossing of the Sierra is somewhat minutely described; and at tention is particularly given to Ide's skill and energy by which the teams were brought to the summit iu two days. They found the spot where the Stevens company of 1844 had encamped aud left their wagons; and then 'our emigrants on coraing to this plain all raade a rush for the long-sought CaU fornia; ambitious to be first— not waiting much for one another; the best teams leaving the rest; every one looking out for himself only. Some went to one part of the country and some to another. ' The Ides soou went up the valley with Peter Lassen. Thomas Knight, Early Events in Cal, MS., came frora St Louis with Burgess, joining the Batchelder co. for Oregon at Inde pendence in AprU. James Gregson, Statement, MS., p. 1, etc., came with his wife, a aiater of the Marahalla, from IUinoia, bound for Oregon. Benjamin Dewell, Napa Eeporter, Oct. 12, 1872, earae frora Indiana for Oregon, and left Independence May 6th. John Brown, the captain, waa succeeded by Grigsby at Laramie. Wra B. Elliott, Santa Eoaa Democrat, Feb. 5, 1876, left Missouri with wife and 7 children in April. Wm J. Tustin, Eecollections, MS., 1-2, came from Illinois in April with -wife, child, and ox-teams for Ore gon. Henry Marshall, 8. Joai Pioneer, Aug. 10, 1878; Sonoma Co. Hid., 474, carae iu the Welch co. with Gregson aud others to Pt Hall. In Yolo Co. Hist, 32, this company is incorrectly represented as coming from Oregon. See also McChristian's Narrative, MS. All these authorities give some shght details of the journey. PRilMONT'S SECOND VISIT. 581 mento Valley, or going to the Napa and Sonoma val leys. Of the latter, about twenty appeared at Sonoma in November, when older settlers signed guaranties for their good behavior, George Yount becoming se curity for most, but the names of J. B. Chiles, Will iam Benitz, and Manuel Torres appearing on a few of the papers.^* Some of this company went to Oregon in the spring; and of those that remained many took a prominent part in the troubles of 1846. In December came the fifth company of the year, Fremont's explorers, who crossed the mountains in two parties by widely diflferent routes. Immediately after completing his report on the exploration of 1844 as already noted,'* Fremont had hastened to St Louis, and organized a company for a third expedition. In May or June he left the rendezvous, near Independ ence, Avith about a hundred men, including a few of his old companions, and proceeded to Bent's Fort. From this point he started in August with about sixty men, including halfa dozen Delaware Indians. He ascended the Arkansas River to its source, explored the coun try in a north-westerly course to Utah Lake, and spent over a week at the end of October in an exploration of Great Salt Lake. The few details accessible re specting these operations have no direct bearing on the history of California. At the end of October the explorers entered what is now Nevada, in the region of Pilot Peak; and on November 5 th, at a spot called Whitton Spring, near the head waters of the Mary, or Ogden, or Humboldt, the company was divided. Fremont with a small party took a southern route through the unexplored regions since constituting the counties of Elko, Eureka, Nye, and Esmeralda; and reached Walker Lake on the 23d.^ "Nov. 19th-27th, the original bonds in Vallejo, Doc, MS., xu. 152-75. " See chap. xix. of this volume for Fr6mont's 2d expedition. ^"The stations along this route where observations of lat. aud long, were takeu were, Whitton Spring, Crane branch of the Humboldt, head of s. fork of Humboldt, Connor Spring, Basil creek, BoiUng springs, Moore creek, Se- condi spring, Sheep Mt., Lake Walker. Frimo-ht'a Geog. Mem., 56-7. 582 IMMIGRANT COMPANIES AND PIONEERS. The main party in the mean time — under the guidance of Walker, who had been met somewhere on the way as he was likely to be at any time or place in the great basin — followed the emigrant trail doAvn the Humboldt to its sink, and thence turned southward to Walker Lake, where they rejoined Fremont on the 27th.^' After two days the parties again separated, with an agreement to meet on the other side of the Sierra, at the forks of the main river flowing into Tulares Lake, about which place of rendezvous I shall have more to say presently. The main body, perhaps under the command of Theodore Talbot, guided by Walker, and accompanied by E. M. Kern as topographer, re mained at Walker Lake to recruit their animals until December Sth, when the southward march was re sumed. By a route somewhat to the right, or west, of Walker's in 1843, thej'^ reached the head of Oavchs River — so named for a member of the company^ — on the 16th; followed that stream down to the lake, on the shores of Avhich they were on the 19th-21st; con tinued southward past Little Owens Lake, and round Owens Peak, through the original Walker Pass of 1834, and down the south branch to the forks of Kern River, so named later for the artist of the party, where they encamped on the 28th. This was where they expected to meet Fremont, and here they waited for him three weeks.^^ Meanwhile Frdmont left Walker River on NoA'eni- ber 29th with fifteen men, reached the Salmon Trout; or Truckee, on December 1st, crossed the summit by the emigrant trial on the 5th-6th, and then, leaving the trail to the right, descended by a more southern route into the valley,^^ and on the 10th was welcomed '^Kem'a Journal, 477-80. The editor has confounded the two parties, representing Fremont as having followed the river. ^'' Kern's Joumal, 480-4, with a full diary of the march from day to day. " Martin fork and Hamilton creek are named Dec. 7th-8th with latitudes. I auppose them to have beeu named for members of the company; but Martm — or at least one Martin — was with the otber party. Frimont's Geog. Mem., 28-30, 57, is the only definite authority for Freraont's trip. Routes shown on Preuss' map of 1848, U. 8. Govt Doc, Slat cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doo. 17,, p. 944. FRfiMONT AND WALKER. 583 at Sutter's Fort, whence after a stay of four days he hastened southward with aid for Walker's party.^* Progress up the San Joaquin Valley Avas slow, on ac count ofthe cattle that were being driven along; but on December 22d they reached Kings River, or Tulares Lake River as they called it, or River of the Lake as Fri^mont had called it in 1844. Here they expected to find Walker's party, and on this stream they waited, following it meanwhile far up into the mountains and back, until the 7th of January.^^ The two parties thus encamped and waiting for each other at the end of December 1845 on Kings and Kern river respectively, numbered about sixty men, whose names I give in a note as completely and ac curately as I have been able to obtain them from miscellaneous sources.^^ They served in California, as Ave shall see, through the next year, and most of them '''Dec. 10th, arrival; Dec. 12th, 14 mulea furnished; Dec. 13th, start to join Walker. Sutter's Diary, 6; New Ilelvetia Diary, MS. , 22-3. Frdraont, Geog. Mem., 16, says he started ou the 14tli. Deo. 10th, Sutter to Vallejo, anuounc ing Fri5mont's arrival with part of his company to obtain supplies and spend thewinter in a mild climate. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii 176. Dec. 22d, S. to Larkin. Fremont has gone to meet -Walker and will visit Monterey ou his return. Larkin's Doc, MS., iii. 405. Jan. 4, 1846, sub-prefect at Yerba Buena to prefect. Has heard of the arrival of commissioners to fix the bound ary between Mexico and the U. S. Castro, Z>oc., MS., i. 251. BidweU, CW. I84I-S, MS., 15'.J-6, speaks of Sutter's absence at the time of F.'s arrival and of the latter's dissatisfaction at Bidwell's — and later Sutter'a — inability to fur- niah mules, etc. '''' Frimont's Geog. Mem., 16-19, 57. ''* Fremont's corapany of 1845: Francis AUison (?), Auguste Archarabeau, Henry Brant, Chas J. W. Braune (?), Thos E. Breckenridge, Francis Briggs (?), John G. Campbell, Kit Carson, Wm Chinook, James Connor, Crane, F. Creutz feldt (?), Phil. Courteau (?), Jerome C. Davis, Denny, Duchfeue (?), Sidney Duketel (?), Fabbol, J. C. Fremont, Alexis Godey, Sam. Goldsmith (?), Guth rie, Haler (?), Hamilton, Geo. Haslitt (?),,Thos Hill, Hubbard (?), Wra Hughes, Ed M. Kern, Henry King, Basil Lajeunesse, Louis Lapierre, McCrady, Mar- quet (?), Thos S. Martin, Luoien Maxwell, Risdon A. Moore, A. Morin, J. J. Myers, Rich. Owena, Poinsett (?), Raph. Prauie, Charles Preuaa, Reddick (?), Rhett (?), Eugene Russell, Johu Scott (?), Jaa Secondi, Wm Sigler (?), Stepp (or Steppenfetdt), Stradapeth, Jaraes Swanich, Charles Taplin, Theodore Tal bot, Torrey (?), Joseph R. Walker, Wetowah, AA'hite, AVhittou, and Marion Wise. Not raore than half of these 60 naraes can be proved correct, though at least 50 of them are probably so. A few are definitely named as raembers of the expedition iu Frimont's Geog. Mem. and Kern's Journal; many are indi rectly mentioned by Frc^raont, who applied their naraes to locaUties; and some are remembered by Martin and others, or are accredited to this expedi tion by newspaper writers with sorae probability of accuracy. 584 IMMIGRANT COMPANIES AND PIONEERS. returned to the east in 1847. All might properly enough be named in my Usts of pioneers. The mis take of Fremont and Walker by which they faded to meet each other, confounding the two streams, was not an unnatural one when the circumstances are con sidered; nor did it involve any such degree of stupid ity as partisans have sometimes imputed to one or the other explorer. Walker had traversed the valley several times, and had crossed both rivers; but it had been his fortune to cross Kings River at seasons and places where there was little or no Avater running; and he believed Kern River, heading in the moun tains near his pass, to be the only large affluent of Tulares Lake, having no doubt of its identity with Frdmont's River of the Lake.^'' Frdmont had also crossed both streams, and had found them to be of considerable size; but he crossed Kern River far south of Lake Tulares, of which he did not regard it as a tributary, but of another lake at the head of the val ley;^' and he had no doubt that Walker's original pass was near the head of his own River of the Lake. Both men agreed to this theory at their conference east of the Sierra. No other conclusion was consist ent with Walker's statement that his river was the first of any size south of the San Joaquin; and having reached this conclusion, nothing was easier than to name a place of meeting.^' Thus the error was mainly Walker's, and the result, fortunately involving no loss of " His error is proved by the fact that when he reached Kings River in Jau. 1846 he believed it to be the S. Joaquin. Kern's Journal, 485-6. ^'Frimont's Eeport, 252-S. See alao his map. '" That is: Fremont had but to follow up the first large river after cross ing thc S. Joaquin; and AValker had but to follow down the first river after passing round the point of the mountain. Fremont iu 1844 had intended to go through Walker Paaa, Beport, 248, 254, and there is nothing in his narra tive to show that he did not believe himself to have done so; but it ia neces sary to conclude that the two men, on comparing the notes and map of the one with the recollections of the other, had decided not only that Fremont's pass of 1844, whioh had also been traversed by Walker probably, waa farther south than AValker'a original paas of 1834 and 1843 — as was indeed true, though the difference was less than they supposed — ^but that the Kern River, flowing into a lake distinct from the Tulares, was also south of the original pass. This removes all difficulties, and agrees substantially with Kern's not very clearly expressed ideas. THE HASTINGS-SEMPLE PARTY. 585 fife, is known to the reader. I leave the explorers on their respective rivers until needed for the annals of 1 846. Frdmont's official report of this third expedition has never been published, and the gentleman has never seen fit to fulfil his frequent promises to furnish material for my use; therefore I have been obliged to draw upon other sources of information, the most important of Avhich I specify in the appended note.^" The sixth and last party to enter California in 1845 was that of Lansford W. Hastings. This man, as we have seen, had visited the coast in 1843, and return ing to the states, had delivered lectures, and Avritten a book inwhich he painted California in_ glowing colors, as a field for American settlers and conquerors. His book was not published early enough to have much eflfect this year; and his other eflforts do not seem to have been very effective, as nearly all the emigrants of the year started for Oregon in spite of his advice. In July, however, he had a company of twenty-two men bound for California direct, more than half of '" The chief authority is the Jou-mal of Mr Edward M. Kern of an explor- atlon of Mary's or Humboldt Eiver, Carson Lake, and Owens river and lake, in 1845. The journal extends from Nov. 5th to Feb. 13th, and describes the movements of the main party. The author gave his narae to Kem County and Kern River. Next in iraportance is the Geographical Memoir upon Upper California, in illustration of his map of Oregon and Calif ornia, by John Charles Frimont, addreased to the Senate of the U. 8. AVashington, 1848, Svo, 67 p. [U. 8. Govt Doc, .SOth cong. 1st sess.. Sen. Miscel. Doc. no. 148]. Also editions of AVashington, 1849, Svo, 40 p.; New York, 1849, Svo, 29 p., with Frimont and Emory, Notes of Travel, also published London, 1849, 1856; and Philadelphia, 1849, Svo, p. 1-26, with additions from different sourcea. The memoir is by no means a connected account of the expedition, but con tains incidental aUusions to the narrative, with tables of latitude aud longi tude, dates, etc. A r^sum6 of the exploration is given in Warren's Memoir to accompany the map ofthe Territory ofthe U. 8., etc., 1859, p. 48-50. The author notes an edition of Fremont's narrative theu in press; but so far aa I know, it haa never appeared. Martin's Narrative of Frimont's Expedition to Califomia in 1845-6, MS., 58 p., is a very coraplete and interesting account of the expedition, aud of the eventa which followed it, dictated for ray use to E. P. Murray in 1878, by Thomaa S. Martin of Sta Barbara, a man who carae and went with Pr(5raont's party, but returned to California in later yeara. See alao an account in Lancey's Cruise of the Dale, 34-6. Many of the authorities ou Frdraont's operations in 1846, to be cited later, contaiu allusioua to his arrival in 1845; and I might add a very long list of references to books, pam phlets, and newspapers, onPrcSmont's life and services, including this trip; but this could serve no good purpose, as these references wiU hav^e to be giveu 586 IMMIGRANT COMPANIES AND PIONEERS. whom decided finally to stay at home.^' They started, ten in number, from Independence about the middle of August, far behind the last of the Oregon trains; and between forts Laramie and Bridger were obliged to make a long ddtour to avoid hostile savages. , From Fort Hall they foUowed the usual trail. Besides being late, this company was inadequately supplied with food, and its members, dependent for the most part on the rifle of Smith — 'Old Bony' the hunter — were very near starvation in the mountains.^^ "If they had ar rived one day later, they would have been cut oflf by the immense quantity of snow," wrote Sutter. ^^ But by good luck they escaped starvation and the snows. They came out at Johnson's rancho in two parties of six and four respectively, and arrived at New Helvetia on Christmas. A full list of their names is appended, Semple being most famous, and taUest ofthe number — six feet eight inches, according to the newspaper that announced his departure for California.^* I conclude this chapter with the usual annual list of new-comers. It includes many whom we shall find '^ A list of their 23 names is given in the Independence Mission Expositor, July 6, 1845. ' Men of the right stamp for such an undertaking, and leave right willingly for the plains. Apparently regardless of all dangera, they venture forward, buoyed up with hopes of success, and stimulated by deeds of daring, by the desire of bettering their condition and that of their friends who have gone before thera. The season of the year for such a jaunt is uunsuaUy late; they seem to think not, and appear determined to show to the world that nothing need prove an obstacle to our crossing the plains. We give the namea of the company and their late resideucea.' Niles' Eeg., Ixix. 7. In Id., Ixix. 18, is a notice of 5 or 6 returned and disgusted Californians who passed through Boouesville, Mo. I have no idea who they could have been. ''^Biog. Sketch of Napoleon B. Smith, by 'Fides,' 1875, MS., 17 p. Pre sented to me by John A. Swan. This is the most detailed account of the trip extant. See also sketch of Henry C. Sraith in Livermore Enterprise, Dec. 4, 1875; Stockton Independent, Dec. 4, 1875; HaUey's Centennial Book of Alameda, 560. "Sutter's Diary, 6, announcing the arrival on Dec. 25th. Arrival also recorded Deo. 25th, in N. Hdv. Diary, MS., 25-6. Lawyer Nash aiiived on the 26th. '^Members of the Hastinga company of 1845: A. H. Crosby, Helm Down ing, L. W. Hastings, Wm N. Loker, W. M. MendenhaU, J. H. Nash, Robert Semple, Henry C. Smith, Napoleon B. Smith, andIra(or J. B.)Stebbin3. These names are given in a letter of Sutter to Vallejo on Deo. 26th. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 180; and also, with 13 who did not come, in Niles' Eeg., Ixix. 7. Mendenhall is also called WilUam aud Henry as well as Philip. LIST OF NEW COMERS. 587 taking a prominent part in the stirring scenes of the next two years, and not a few whose names have been Avell known in later times. Almost all remained in the northern part of the department; and few if any took steps to become Mexican citizens. Those who wished for land hoped to obtain it without that for mality. How tbey were received by the Californian authorities will be told in another chapter. The whole number of foreigners whose names appear for the first time in this year's records is OA'er four hundred, and this without including the muster rolls of the U. S. craft; but the number of pioneer residents named in the appended list is one hundred and seventy.^^ This number might be largely increased, and legitimately "'Pioneers of 1845; Hiram Aores, Charles Albin, Francis Alliaon, Horace G. Austin (?), 0. de Grande Barque (?), Jaraes Barrett, W. D. Barry, Wm Bartel, Waah. A. Bartlett, Wm R. Bassham, Theo. E. Baugh, J. G. Baxter, Narcisco Bennett, Alex. Beritzhoff (?), Susan Biggerton, ' Billy the Cooper,' Joseph Black, AVra Blackburn, Wm Bowen, C. J. AV. Braune (?), Charles Brown, John H. Bro-wn, Abner Bryan, Buchanan, Thomaa H. Burgess, Charles L. Cady (?), Geo. Carter, S. U. Chase, James Clyman, Thomas Cochran, Charles Cook, Thoraas Crafton, Philip Crosthwaite, Alex. David, Jerorae C Davis, Joseph Davis, Johu W. Dawd, Denny, Benj. Dewell, Jacob Dopken, Helms Downing, ,1. Dupaa, St Vrain Durand, John EUick, Wm B. Elliott, Lazarus Everhart, Wra Fallon, C. J. Fellows, Wm Fisher, H. T. Planning, Fred. W. Franz, Louis Gasquet, John Gibbs, Marion Gibson, Sara. Gibson, AVm B. Gil dea, Nio. Gordon, James M. Green, James Gregson, Calvin C. Griffith, James A. Griffith, Frank W. Grigsby, Granville W. Grigsby, John Grigsby, Julian Hanka, Thomas Harding, Wm Hardy, Geo. Haslitt (?), Jacob Herman, GU man Hilton, Francis Hoen, T. W. Hubbard (?), David Hudson, Wm Hudson, Dan. C. Hugeniu, Dan. ide, James Ide, Lemuel Ide, Wm Ide, AVm B. Ide, Jackson (?), Ed. Johnson (?), Julian, John H. Kelley, Robert C. Keyes, Thomas Knight, Theodore G. Kohler, Milton Ladd, Basil Lajeunesse, Dan. Leahy, Lawton Lee, John Lewis, Frank Lightstone, Wm N. Loker, Pat. McChristian, Redding McCoy, McDonald, Alex. McDonald, Geo. McDougall, James Mc Dowell, McKenzie (?), Alex. Majors (?), Henry Marshall, James "W. MarshaU, John Marshall, Wra Marshall, Thomas S. Martin, W. M. Mendenhall, Thoraas Middleton (?), JohnB. Montgoraery, John E. Montgomery, WmH. Montgom ery, John H. Nash, John Neal, J. M. Nichols (?), G. R. NightengeU (?), Sam. Norris, Wm Northgrave, Geo. W. Nutter, AVra O'Connor, Albert Packard, John Parrott, Mary Patterson, J. D. Perkey, Perry, Noah Peters, Harvey Por terfield, Wm Reynolds (?), Hirara Rheusaw, Wm Rodford, Geo. Rodman, Geo. Rodgera, Charlea Roether, Horace Saudera, John Scott, Wm W. Scott. Frank Seara, John Sears, Robert Semple, Fred. C Smith (?), Henry C. Smith, James Sraith, Napoleon B. Smith, Sam. Smith (?), Thomas Smith, Thomas J. Smith, Wm M. Smith, Jacob R. Snyder, Henry Spiel, Fred Starke, Ira Steb bins, Swanich, Wm P. Swasey, Anthony Sylvtater, Wm Thompson, Lindy Thorp, Wm L. Todd, Henry Trow, Sara. Turner, Fernando Tustin, Wm J. Tustra, Geo. WaUace, J. AVashburn (?), Wm T. AA'heeler, Lewis Wigmau, Wm C. Wilson (?), John York, David York, Wra E. York. For biographical notices of all these meu, see Pioneer Regiater at end of these voluraes. 588 IMMIGRANT COMPANIES AND PIONEERS. enough, by adding all of Fremont's explorers who served in California from 1845 to 1847, and also the naval forces serving on the coast for the same period, many of the sailors and marines doing garrison and other duty on shore; but I have thought it best to omit both classes here, as being sufficiently noticed elsewhere. Ide, Marshall, Parrott, and Semple are the men of 1845 who became most widely known. The registered foreign population in 1840 has been given as 380.^* In later statements females must be excluded for lack of reliable data. In the period of 1841-5 new-comers numbered 420, and the foreign male population at the end of 1845 may be regarded in round numbers as 680, the number of departures and deaths during the half-decade being approxi mately 120. ''See pp. 115-17 thia volume. CHAPTER XXV. FOREIGN RELATIONE 1845. Foreign Consulates — Larkin, Leidesdorff, Forbes, Gasquet, and La- taill ADE— British Schemes — Nothing but Suspicions — Hudson's Bat Company — Suicide of Rae — Schemes op the United States — ^Bu chanan to Larkin — Plans op Marsh and Weber — Impending War — Arrest op Smith — Orders prom Mexico — Pico's Proclamations — Military Preparations — Kind Treatment op Immigrants — Mexican Obdees poe Expulsion op Ambeicans — Castro Permits Them to Remain — ^Affairs on the Sacramento — Sutter's Welcome to New comers — The Russians Want their Pay — Suttee Wishes to Sell OUT — ^DiAEY op New Helvetia. Thomas O. Larkin continued to perform the duties of U. S. consul, duties which consisted mainly in fur nishing aid to destitute American seamen, and writ ing to the secretary of state on the country's general condition in respect of commercial and poUtical af fairs.^ In October he went to San Francisco and made an attempt to bring the assailants of Captain Libbey to justice;^ but otherwise, none of his diplo matic correspondence with Californian authorities requires notice. In October he appointed William A. Leidesdorflf as vice-consul at Yerba Buena, which appointment was recognized as valid by General Cas- ^ Larldn's Off. Corresp., MS., i., ii., passim. Many of the communica tions on special topics are noted elsewhere. The financial accounts of his office for the year are found iu Id., U. 24, 34-5; Id., Doe, MS., iii. 150; Monterey, Consulate Arch., MS., i. 1-15; U. 10-18; FaZ/e;o, jDoc. , MS. , xxxi v. 178; Larkm's Papers, MS. Hospital expenses for the year were about |800, and other expenses about $500; while his fees araounted to less than |200. He pretended to regard his position as a very burdensome and unprofitable one. * See ohap. xxiii. of this volume. 590 FOREIGN RELATIONS— 1845. tro, who really had nothing to do with the matter; but not by Pablo de la Guerra, administrator of cus toms, who was supported in his refusal by Governor Pico. Meanwhile Leidesdorflf was instructed to go on with his duties on board vessels, and get along on shore as best he could until his appointment should be confirmed.^ In October, also, there was sent to Larkin from Washington an appointment as confi dential agent of the U. S. government, which he did not receive till the next year.* James A. Forbes did nothing as British vice-consul which has left any special trace in the archives; but in addition to his consular duties he assumed the management of the Hudson's Bay Company's estab lishment at Yerba Buena, after the death of Rae. Louis Gasquet, acting consul of France under an appointment of earlier date, arrived in March by the Primavera to take possession of his office. His sal ary was about $4,000, for which in 1845 he made some inquiries about the past trouble between Michel torena's cholos and the crew of the French whaler Angelina, also making an eflfort to recov^er some de serters from the Heroine.^ On August 26th Cesdreo LataiUade was appointed vice-consul of Spain to re side at Monterey; but his exequoiur was not received from Mexico until the next year.^ In his communications to Secretary Buchanan and to eastern newspapers, Larkin chose to represent the ' Got. 29th, 'Larkin to Leidesdorff, with appointment. Larkin's Off. Ccfr- resp., MS., i. 66. Oct. SOth, Id. to prefect aud Castro. Id., i. 68-9. Nov. 1st, Castro approvea. Id., Doc, MS., iu. 371. Nov. 20th, 27th, Guerra and Pico disapprove. Id., iii. 400, 409. Dec. 1st, Larkin to Pico. Id., Off. Cor resp., MS., i. 72. Dec. 6th, Id. to Guerra. Dept St Pap., MS., v. 106-7. Jan. 20, 1846, Larkin to Leidesdorff. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 74. 'Oct. 17th, Buchanan's Instruc, MS. 5 March 10th, arrived at S. Diego. Larkin's Doe, MS., iii. 92; Pinto, Doc, MS., U. 126; Dept Eec, MS., xiv. 52. July 18th, affair of the de serters. 'Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiv. 144. July 10th, Larkin to sec. state. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 26. ^Aug. 25-6, 1845, appointment and exequatur. Dept. St. Pap., Ang., MS., xi. 173; Sup. Govt St Pap., MS., xviu. 11. Sept. 2d, Pavon to Guerra. Dept St Pap., Mont, MS., vui. 10. LARKIN'S SUSPICIONS. 591 maintenance of an English and French consulate in California — where neither nation had any commercial interests to protect, or the slightest .apparent need of consular service, costing a salary of $4,000 to Gasquet and $1,000 to Forbes — as a very suspicious circum stance. Indeed, Forbes was allowed to attend to his own private business and that of his company, rarely visiting Monterey. "These consuls have nothing to do, apparently ; why they are in service their govern ments best know, and Uncle Sam will know to his cost."'^ This was an extravagant view ofthe matter, but it pleased the government at Washington, and the American press to some extent, to accept the suspicion as a legitimate one, and to believe that Gasquet and Forbes were plotting to wrest from Uncle Sam his prospective prey.® So far as French schemes for ob taining California are concerned, Gasquet's presence was the only ground of fear known at the time or since brought to light. The fear that England would seize the country rested on a slightly better foundation; for inthe com munications cited Larkin announced that the agent of the Hudson's Bay Company had presented a bill for arms and munitions supplied to the Californians in their late struggle; that Forbes raised his consular flag for the first time and fired a salute on hearing of Micheltorena's overthrow ; and that now the Mexican army about to invade California was "without doubt" sent at British instigation, and to be paid with Brit ish gold ! Truly, these were alarming circumstances, if in the troubles between California and Mexico the 'June-July, L.'s letters. Larldn's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 24-6; Id., Doc, MS., iu. 335-7; N. Y, Journal of Commerce, quoted in Niles' Eeg., Ixix. 203. * Buchanan, Instructions, MS., pronounces the appearance of the consuls 'well calculated to produce the impression that their respective govemments entertain designa on that country whioh must necessarily be hostile to its in terests. On all proper occasions you should not fail prudently to warn the govt and people of Cal. of the danger of such an enterprise to their peace and prosperity — to inspire them with a jealousy of European dominion, and to arouse in their bosoms that love of Uberty aud independence so natural to the Americans continent' 1 592 FOREIGN RELATIONS— 1845. British lion was disposed to roar on both sides. The status of the English scheme in 1844 is already well known to the reader.® Many of the bond-holders were in favor of taking Mexican lands in payment; and some were in favor of locating those lands in Califor nia. The government, so far as can be knoAvn, had nothing to do with the matter, and oflfered no encour agement; but the men interested doubtless hoped that, if they could secure a broad tract of land and estab lish on it a large colony of former British subjects, they would eventually obtain from the government such recognition and protection as might be needed, and that perhaps California might become a British province. So far as evidence goes — I have no power to penetrate court secrets — this expectation was the sum and substance of the English bugbear; and there were many tedious and difficult steps to be taken be fore it could be realized. The year 1845 brought no new developments, except that an Irish priest applied in Mexico for a grant of land to be settled by a colony of Irishmen, and has been accused of having acted at the instigation ofthe English government. This Mc Namara project was perhaps an outgrowth of Wyllie's plan, of Avhich we hear nothing more;^° but it belongs more properly to the annals of the next year. An article in the French papers, quoted by the London Times, in which it was stated that Santa Anna had been on the point of ceding California to England for 25,000,000 piastres, brought the subject up in parlia; ment in March, when, in reply to questions by Wort ley, Sir Robert Peel for the' actual government, and Lord Palmerstbn for the past, explicitly denied that the rumor had any foundation in fact." There was ' See chap. xix. of this vol. for correap. of Wyllie and HartneU. '"In 1845 AVyUie waa aee. for foreign affairs at Honolulu. See his cor resp. with Com. Sloat and Admiral Seymour, in Honolulu Polynesian, ii. 99- 100. " Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, Ixxii. 430; lxxviii. 430-2. In Niles Eeg., Ixix. 147-8, is an article from the N. Y. Courier ou the evident inten tion of England to possess Cal., including a letter frora Caleb Cushing on the past history of the matter. No evidence is presented with which my readers HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY. 593 in California the next yeara project discussed by cer tain men — and it is not unlikely that it Avas begun before the end of 1845 — to obtain an English protec torate; but there is no definite OA^idence on the sub ject, which will be fully considered later. In relation to the aflfairs of the Hudson's Bay Com pany, there is the same lack of records that has been noted before, but it does not appear that the hunters came at all this year. The most prominent event in this connection, howoA^er, was the suicide of William G. Rae, the company's agent at San Francisco, Avhich occurred on the morning of January 19th. Rae, after having made a will and taken an opiate, deliberately blew out his brains with a pistol-shot, in the presence of his Avife.^^ As to the motives of this act, the in quest revealed nothing beyond the fact that Rae had beeu for some time in low spirits. It is supposed, however, that his depression grew out of financial troubles, and his failure to manage the company's business successfully ; and that it was aggravated also by the excessive use of intoxicating liquors.-'^ Other motives, both domestic and political in their nature, are not already famiUar. The Monitor Constit, Apr. 16, 1845, contaiua ex tracta from Araer. papera on reports that documenta shovring Sta Anna's ne gotiations with England had faUen into the power of his foes at Vera Cruz. ^'' Rae, Invesiigacion J-udicial sobre el Suicidio del agente de la Compafiia de la Bahia de Hudaon en Yerba Buena, 19 de Enero, 1845, MS. This ia a rec ord of the inquest held the next day. It appears that about 8 a. m. , Wm Sinclair, a servant, and Mrs John Fuller were attracted by loud words to Rae's room, where they found liim with hia coat off aud a piatol in hia hand, declaring hia intention to kill hiraaelf. Mra Rae fainted, but Sinclair suc ceeded in aeizing the piatol before it could be discharged, and hastened to call Hinckley. Rae, however, obtained another pistol, probably from his coat in another room, and accomplished hia purpoae, being dead when Hinckley and the rest arrived. It waa shown that he had taken a strong dose of camphor ated tincture of opium, or paregoric, just hefore the act. The witnesses were Sinclair, Mrs Fuller, Hinckley, John C. Davis, Johu Rose, Wm Reynolds, and Nathan Spear, wno also acted as examining surgeon. Jas A. Forbes pro duced Rae's will, or instructions for the disposition of the corapany's prop erty, which had been delivered to him the day before, though dated Jau. 20th. The verdict was death by suicide. "Phelps, Fore and J ft, 271-5, speaks of him as a hard drinker, especially after buaineas reverses. Mrs Rae, Harvey's Life of McLoughlin, MS., says nothing of the suicide or its causes, but atatea that the company's business waa in a bad atate, it being impossible to coUect debts. Oct. 3d, Forbes, com plains of the impossibiUty of collecting the $15,000 due the company. Dept. St Pap., MS., y'ni. 67-70. Hisi. Cai,., Vol. IV. 38 594; FOREIGN RELATIONS— 1845. have been ascribed with some plausibility. It is said that the Scotch bon-vivant had succumbed to the at tractions of a native Californian woman, which fact naturally led to a quarrel with his wife; and the sit uation was complicated by the fact that it was to his wife's father, Dr McLoughlin, that he owed his posi tion.-'* Larkin believed at the time and later that the suicide resulted mainly from the part Rae had taken in the revolution then in progress. He had aided the Californians with arms and munitions belonging to the company, and had been present on the field of Santa Teresa. Now Micheltorena seemed sure to succeed; and his vengeance was likely to' com plete the ruin of the company's establishment, for which he, by reason of his unjustifiable and unsuccessful interfer ence, would be held responsible.^^ After Rae's death Forbes took charge of the establishment at Yerba Buena; but there was little to be done except to pre pare for its abandonment, which took place the fol lowing year, Avhen McTavish came down on the Van couver in March 1846, as agent with instructions to sell the company's house, settle all business, and re turn to the Columbia by the next vessel, with the re mains, family, and effects of Rae.-'® I come now to the plans of the United States re specting California, or rather to what was said about " Davis, Glimpses of tlie Past, MS., 72, tells us that Rae, whom the writer knew intimately, waa a very aenaitive man, and was driven to hia death by sharae aud mortification when the scandal became pubUc. Hittell, Hid. 8, F., 90, also alludes to this matter, probably ou the authority of Leese. ^5 June Oth, L. to seo. state. Larkin'a Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 23. Also statement of L. in 8. F. Alta, Aug. 27, 1854. Robert Bimie in an AUa ot 1865 confirms Larkin's statement, and denies that family troublea had any in fluence. Sutter, Person. Remin., MS., 67-8, saya noone knew why Rae killed himaelf. ' He aaid to rae one day in a fit of raelancholy, "It ia just fit weather to cut one's throat. " ' In the ^ Ita, ubi sup. , the finding of Rae's body ou Aug. 26, 1854, by workraen employed iu digging for a sewer on Commer cial St between Montgoraery and Keamy is mentioned. The coffin had a glass plate, and bore Rae's name. It was re-interred in Yerba Buena ceme tery. In Barry and Patten's Men and Mem., 23, the finding ia put in 1852. 1 have much doubt about the identity of the remains found. . ^'Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., u. 51; Honolulu Friend, iv. 161; McKays Recoil, MS., i. SCHEMES OF THE UNITED STATES. 595 them; for 1845 brought no modifications in the plans themselves. American writers spoke in the most glowing terms of the country's natural advantages and glorious destiny." They declared its separation from Mexico inevitable, were certain that England was straining every nerve to Avin so valuable a prize, and equally sure that the United States must have it — though there were some who hoped to see the end attained by purchase rather than by a repetition of the Texan jugglery. The works of Hastings and Fremont having been noticed in connection with the visits that gave rise to them, as also that of the Rus sian, Markof, there are no other books of 1845 on California that demand attention; but I give in the appended note some quotations which reflect the spirit of the times on the matter uoav under consider ation.^^ " Yet there were exceptions. In the Southern Quarterly Review, viii. 199, we read: 'AVhether Cal. will ever become of any groat iraportance iu the his tory of the world, or advance to any conspicuous position either agricultur ally, commercially, or politically, ia auaceptible of the greatest doubt. . .Iu itself it haa little prospect beyond a nerveless imbecility . . . Scarcely a couu try in the world is cursed with a soil more hopelessly sterile. Everything is bumed up from want of rain. ' '* Waddy Thompson, Eecollections of Mexico, N. Y. , 1847 (preface signed Feb. 1846), chap. xxv. p. 232-41, formerly U. S. minister in Mexico, says:' ' I had been consulted whether in the event of a revolution m Cal. and its Successful result in a separation from Mexico, our govt would conaent to sur render their clairaa to Oregon, and that Or. and Cal. ahould constitute au independent republic. I of courae had no authority to answer the question.' California ' is literaUy a waif, aud belongs to the first occupant . . . Capt. Suter is the real sovereign of the country if , any one ia. . .1 have no doubt his force would be more than a match for any Mexican force which will ever be sent against him ... I am well satisfied that there is not on this continent auy country of the same extent as Uttle desirable as Oregon, nor any iu the world which combines as raany advantages as Cal ... If man were to ask of God a climate, he would ask juat such a one aa that of Cal., if he had ever been there . . . The richest mines of gold and silver have beeu discovered there ! . . . I will not say what ia our policy iu regard to Cal. Perhaps it is that it re main in the hands of a weak power like Mexico, and that all the maritime powers may have the advantage of its ports. But one thing I will say, that it wiU be worth a war of 20 years to prevent England acquiring it, whioh I have the best reasons for believing she desires to do, and just as good reasons for believing that she will not do if it costs a war with this country. . .1 want BO more territory, for we have already too much. If I were to raake an ex ception, it would be to acquire Cal. But I should grieve to see that country pass into the hands of England. . .1 am by uo means sure that another sister republic there. . .will not be best for us ... Whenever the foreigners iu Cal. make the moveraent, it raust succeed.' The author did not believe there would be a war ou account of the Texas matter. The A'^. 0. Courier says 'Cal. is destined erelong to be annexed to the U. 595 FOREIGN RELATIONS— 1845. And I can do no better than to quote in my text a letter of James Buchanan, secretary of state under President Polk, to Thomas 0. Larkin, written iu October, at the same time that Lieutenant Gillespie was sent to California. "The future destiny of that country," says Buchanan, "is a subject of anxious solicitude for the government and people ofthe United States. The interests of our commerce and our whale- fisheries on the Pacific demand that you should exert the greatest vigilance in discovering and defeating any attempts which may be made by foreign govern ments to acquire a control over that country. In the contest between Mexico and California we can take no part, unless the former should commence hostUities S.;' on which the A''. 0. JVo^ic comments: ' If any evidence were wantingto show the spirit of aggression aud national plunder which has seized upon the minds of a portion of our people, the foregoing paragraph supplies it in abun dance. . .What we feared haa come to paaa; and before the detaila of the an nexatiou of Texaa are aettled, -we see influential journals caUing out for the annexation of Cal. And how, pray, is this proposal to be brought about? The couutry, one of the best in the world, is represented in glowing colors, and American citizeus are induced to emigrate. That thousands will accept the invitation, it requires no seer to tell. The American population wiU soon be sufficiently numerous to play the Texas game! The standard of revolt wiU be raised— the govt wUl be overthrown— the cry of "liberty" wiU be raised iu this country, and thousands of the young and adventurous wiU fly to the relief of their oppressed countrymen in Cal. ! Mexico wiU be unable to reduce her refractory province to obedience, and another ' ' Lone Star Republic " will spring up on the shores of the Pacific. A little while longer the " Republic of California" will be knocking at our doors; aud we shall have the absurd cry of re-annexation. It will be all right of courae; it will only be "extend ing the area of freedom "—but will the apirit of robbery stop in its rapacious career?' etc. Niles' Beg., lyiyiii. 162. 'We lay it down as an axiom — to be enforced by war if necesaary— that wheu Mexico ceasea to own Cal. it must constitute an integral part of the American Union.' N. Y. Courier, iu Id., Ixix. 147. 'Albert M. Gilliam, late U. S. Conaul at Cal., ia of opinion that it muat aoon fall into the hands of the Amerioan . race, and that a railroad direct from S. F. might be made to great advantage.' Id., Ixix. 203. The same nnmber contains Larkin'a letter of July, taken from the N. Y, Journal of Commerce, in which he givea a de scription of current affairs calculated to promote immigration and create fears of English designs. He incorrectly represents the Californians as preparmg to resist an expedition to be sent against them at English expenae and insti gation. In Id., Ixix. 244-5, is an article from the Baltimore Patriot, in whioh the writer, evidently Dr Wood of the U. S. navy, saya: 'I think I can foresee in the inevitable destiny of thia territory one of the moat efficient fortresses from whicii new and liberal are to combat old and despotic institutions. Circumstances kuown to me here assure rae that Great Britaiu, aa the watch dog of despotisra, sees the same thing, and is ready to arouse every energy to impede such a result. If the view I present is correct, it would indicate our polioy iu case of beUigerent relations.' BUCHANAN'S LETTER. 597 against the United States; but should California assert and maintain her independence, we shall render her all the kind offices in our power as a sister republic." While the exercise of compulsion or improper influence to acquire territory would be repugnant to the sentiments of the president, "he could not view with indifference the transfer of Cali fornia to Great Britain or any other European power. The system of colonization by foreign monarchies on the North American continent must and will be resisted by the United States." This is in reply to Larkin's communications of July, and the writer agrees that the presence of Forbes and Gasquet affords grounds for grave suspicions. He urges Larkin to incite the Californians against foreign de signs, and continues: "Whilst I repeat that this government does not under existing circumstances intend to interfere between Mexico and California" — 7 there was as my reader knows no present controversy between the two, though it had suited Larkin's purposes to represent the contrary — "they would vigorously interfere to prevent the latter from become ing a British or Frenbh colony. In this they might surely expect the aid of the Californians themselves. Whilst the president will make no eflfort and use no influence to induce the Californians to become one of the free and independent states of this Union, yet if the people should desire to unite their destiny with ours, they Ayould be received as brethren, whenever this can be done without aflfording Mexico any just cause of complaint. Their true policy for the present in regard to this question is to let events take their own course, unless an attempt should be made to transfer them without their consent either to Great Britain or France. This they ought to resist by all the means in their power, as ruinous to their best interests and destructive of their freedom and inde pendence." Buchanan concludes by appointing Larkin a confidential agent of the government, expressing 598 . FOREIGN RELATIONS— 1845. confidence in his patriotism and discretion, recom mending caution so as not to alarm the other foreign agents, and referring him to Gillespie, with whom he ia to cooperate." The prospect of a war with Mexico, as a means of obtaining California, was hardly alluded to in the writings which I have cited, though the an nexation of Texas was approved by congress in March; the territory Avas formaUy admitted as a state in December; and Mexico had repeatedly threatened war on this ground. It was not generally believed at the end of the year, in the United States, that there would be war, Mexican threats "being regarded as mere bluster. It was even thought that Slidell, the newly appointed minister, would succeed in fixing the national boundaries amicably, and that he went to Mexico authorized to pay a round sum for California.^" Should this project fail, then California must come into the Union by the Texan filibustering methods. In California, meauAvhile, the Americans had noth ing to do but wait — politically speaking. Many of the new-comers of the last two years were ready enough to revolt; but so kindly were they treated by the Californians, as Ave shall see presently, and so ob viously unfounded were the rumors of intended op pression occasionally circulated, that no pretext for a rising could be found. ^^ The only attempt at organ ized action on the part of foreign residents during the year was one Avhich, though not clearly explained, was apparently not intended to have any revolution ary meaning. It was a call issued at San Jos^, March 27th, to all foreigners residing in northern California, who were invited to assemble at the pueblo the 4th of July. It was written by Marsh and signed by twenty- ^'Oct. 17th, Buchanan's Instructions. Original MS. ^"American Beview, Jau. 1846, iii. 82; Niles' Eeg., Dec. 1845, Ixix. 244. "^A Mexican writer in the Die Univ., viii. 157; Guerra, Apuntea, 353, pictures the Americans as having been scattered through Cal. awaiting the signal to commence a war of usurpation. This was by uo means true of all or even most. A CALL TO FOREIGNERS. 599 three names.^^ The object, as expressed in tho docu ment itself and as explained by Weber, was to promote uuion among the foreigners, and to prevent their tak ing sides — especially diflferent sides — in Californian quarrels as they had done in the late troubles. Weber adds that the organization was designed ultimately to result in wresting northern California from Mexican rule and making it, like Texas, an independent state. It is not likely, however, that the plan had yet as sumed so definite a form. The main idea evidently was to prevent foreigners from Avasting their strength and to prepare the way for united action whenever it might be deemed necessary. I can hardly believe that Marsh and Weber were planning an actual revolt, though there were many who favored such a course. The meeting of July 4th was not held; or if so, was not largely attended, and accomplished nothing that is known. That Marsh's brain was teeming with the politics of the future is shown, as also the general drift of his schemes and those of others, by the ap pended extracts from a letter to Larkin.^^ ^' 'The underaigned, in common with all other foreigners with whom they have been able to communicate personally, being very deairoua to promote the union, harmony, and best interests of all the foreignera resident in Califomia, have thought that thia deairable object cau be beat attained by a meeting of some individuals from each of the different diatriota of the northern part of the country. We therefore hereby invite all persona of foreign birth, whether naturalized or not, to send two or raore of their nuraber to represent them in a meeting to be held in the pueblo de San Jos6 ou the 4th day of July next. It is considered to be very desirable that Monterey, Sta Cruz, Yerba Buena, Sonoma, and the district of the Sacramento ahould be fully repreaented. In the mean time we think it will be obvious to every raan of sense on reflection that the foreigners ought carefully to refrain frora taking any part either in word or deed in auy movement of a poUtical nature that may take place iu the country (amongst native Mexicans). Pueblo of St Joseph. March 27, 1845. John Marsh, Charlea M" Weber, Wm Gulnac, Peter Daveaon, John Burton, Geo. W. BeUomy, Jamea W. AVeeka, John Daubeubias, Thoraaa G. Bowen, Benj. Waahburn, Danell Milner, Peter Hegarty, Geo. A. Ferguson, Jamea Rock, Thoraaa Jonea, Willard Buzzell, H. M. Pierce, John Haraea, Wra Knight, Daniel Fiaher, George Fraezher, Tomas Cole, Guillermo G. Chard.' Fac-aimile frora the original in poaaession of Weber, in S. Joaquin Co. Hist, 19. Also prmted iu Yolo Co. Hist, 13-14; 8. Joai Pioneer, March 6, 1880. The same worka contain lettera of Geu. Cnstro of April 12th, 15th, appointing Weber a captain of auxiliary infantry, one of which is alao iu Halleck's Mex. Land Laws, MS., '' 'It aeema that the attention of the world is at last being attracted towarda Cal. and Oregon. I agree with you entirely that the two countries muat ultimately be united to form one independent nation; but I beUeve they 600 FOREIGN RELATIONS— 1845. The Avar threatened by Mexico in consequence ol the annexation of Texas was a prominent topic in California, though, as we have seen, it did not enter very largely as yet into current American specula tions respecting the future of that country. Perhaps the Californian people had not much greater faith that there would be a war than was entertained in the States; but the authorities were Mexican, and as such had to believe officially all that Mexico threatened, besides really sharing to a considerable extent in the popular indignation against the United States for the policy observed in Texan aflfairs. I need not repeat here what has been said of Mexican measures of the year concerning California,^ though most of these measures were adopted with sole reference to defence against American invasion ; but I may state that there came from the supreme government repeated warnings that war was to be declared, with the corresponding orders to put the department in a state of defence; and that rumors to the same eflfect arrived eveu in advance of such definite orders.^^ It should also be will first be uuited to form an integral partof the great and glorioua republic, etc. It must all be united, not ouly Cal. and the region bet-R'een this and the Colurabia, but it raust extend far north of that river, to the 49th parallel at least. . .1 am inforraed by intelligent persons from the Wallaraette, that the inhabitants there were desirous to unite with Cal. Last winter sorae of the principal men of Cal. expressed a wish to me to unite their destinies per manently with thoae of the people of Oregon, and -wiahed to know whether in my opinion a proposition of the kind would be well received. I thought it would be acceptable. If you should think proper, it might not be araiaa to feel Alvarado'a pulae a little ou thia subject. I merely suggest this. Well, then, suppose a union between Cal. and Oregon — that nature itself has clearly pointed^^ out, aud the course of events will, I think, render inevitable — the cupidity of the H. B. Co. aud the ambition and intrigues of the British govt will be exerted in vain to prevent it. ' He theu pictures the glorious future of the country, with ita metropolis on the bay — ^perhaps at S. Joa6 — apeaks of the numerous iraraigrants coming, thinks the current abuse of Cal. by inter ested parties iu Oregon cau do uo harm, and proraises to -write on Cal. forthe Eastem papers, as Larkin had suggested. Aug. 12th, M. to L. Larkin's Doc, MS., iii. 247. ^* See chap. xxii. of this vol. '^^ April 1st, Garcia Conde to com. gen. Texas annexed; war necessary; be on guard to avoid surprise and resist invasion. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., xviii. 2-3. April 3d, Cuevas to gov. , on the arrest of Stephen Smith; hoatili- tiea to be expected fromthe U. S. ; uae all precautious. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 41-2. May 14th-19th, reports of war between U. S. and Mex. brought unofficially by the Maria Teresa. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 56; Depf. St. Pap., Ben. Oust.-H., MS., -vi. [479]. June 7th, Mexican deoree for raising a corps JUNTA AT MONTEREY. 601 recorded that Stephen Smith of Bodega, being at San Bias in March, was arrested as he was about to sail in the Julia Ann on a charge of being concerned in a scheme to declare California independent under the protection of the United States. There being no proofs against him, he was released and permitted to return home, where the authorities were directed to watch him.^^ In consequence of rumors brought by the Maria Teresa, a junta of officers was held at Monterey the 24th of May, at which the most patriotic sentiments were expressed by Alvarado and others, and Castro was authorized to send a vessel to Acapulco for news and aid.''^ Jos^ M. Castanares was soon sent on this mission, as we shall see. On August 7th the assem bly was convoked in special session to consider a com munication from General Castro, with reports that war had probably been declared. The reports had been brought to San Francisco 'by a U. S. man-of- war, which vessel was said not to have fired the usual salute, a circumstance in itself deemed suspicious. After reference to a committee and six days of delib- t of 'defensorea de laa leyes 6 independencia.' Doe Hiat. Ccd., MS., ii. 31-2, 178; Leg. Eec, MS.,iv. 280. July 9th, miu. of rei. to gov. on sarae subject. Dept. St. Pap., Ang., MS., xi. 162; Sup. Govt St Pap., MS., xvui. 7-8. July 16th, Gar cia Conde to com. gen. The govt is resolved to (leclare war; will initiate the measure in the chambers to-morrow; will excite popular patriotism. Prepare troops for active service. Id. , xviii. 21-3. July 10th, orders to gov. and geu. to prevent the entry of imraigrants. Id., xviii. 8. Castro, Doc, MS., i. 152. July 19th, orders to Castro and Vallejo to 'proceed forthwith to put all towns of the dept in a state of defence.' Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 46; 'Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 144. July 16th, Cuevaa to gov. See that the defensores render due service, so that the national army may be available iu the Texan affair. Sup. Govt St Pap., MS., xviii. 9. July 2Sd, meu to be raised for war. Id., xviii. 11. Aug. 22d, stock, produce, etc., on the coast to be reraoved to a place of safety. A close watch to be kept. Id. , xviii. 10. Aug. 27th, unite the forces for a march to the frontier. Id, xviii. 11. Sept. 4th, payment of the defensores to be stopped. Dept. St Pap., Ben., MS., i. 103. Dec. 24th, fov. authorized to arrest anj' persons whose conduct seems to require it. hpt St Pap., MS., vu. S3; Sup. Govt St Pap., MS., xvui. 14. Some of these orders were of course general routine ones, issued to other departments aa well. "^ April Oth, Aug. 6th, Cuevas to gov. June 11th, Parga at Tepic to Gov. Corona. Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 40-2; Niles' Beg., Ixix. 65. I have no other evidence that Capt. Sraith left CaL at all. " Amigo dd Pueblo, July SO, 1845. A fuU report with names of 27 602 FOREIGN RELATIONS— 1845. eration, the assembly decided that war was imminent, and authorized the governor to organize and arm the militia, calling on the general for funds from his two thirds of the revenues! and to dispose of the officers in active service as might be required; and when an official announcement of war should be received, to call on the people to defend their homes, consulting the general respecting a plan of action. This resolu tion was published by Pico in a bando of August 27th, perhaps after Castro had received the orders dated in Mexico on April 1st, though this is not cer- tain.^^ With this bando was published an appeal to the people to be firm and united in defence of their country, a document which contained a special exhor tation not to forfeit under any circumstances the Cal ifornian reputation for hospitality, by any act of op pression toward foreigners residing peacefully in the country. ^^ There were sOme slight eflforts made to organize the militia, about which we know only that before the end of August they resulted in a quarrel between Alvarado and the civil authorities of Mon terey district.^" Early in September came the Mexican despatches of June and July, including a reglamento for miUtia organization, and a definite announcement that war would be declared immediately. At the same time there arrived Andrds Castillero as a commissioner to make preparations for the reception of a military force 28 Aug. 7th, 11th, isth, acts of the assembly. Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 108-12, 280. Aug. 27th, Pico's bando in Z)oc. Hist Oal, MS.,u. 107; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiv. 151. Aug. 30th, Pico to Vallejo, ordering him to organize his regiment and be ready for the news of war. Great confidence expressed in the colonel's zeal and patriotism. Doe Hist. Ccd., MS., ii. 115. Aug. 10th, Jones -writes, 'Castro is still at the capital raising a force composed of all the robbers aud cut-throats he cau collect. He has had the audacity to re port that Mexico is at war with the U. S.' Larkin's Doc, MS., iii. 243. 2»Aug. 27th, Pico to the people. Pico, Doc, MS., 20; Doc Hist Oal., MS., ii. 106. ' FeUow-citizens! tJnited we shall be able to save our country in its tirae of need.' s»Aug. 28th-30th, Doc HM. Cal, MS., U. 109, 112-13, 119. It appears that the right of enlisting meu belonged to the civil authorities, and Alva rado forced sorae meu into the ranks against their wUl. Castro came to Monterey and reatored harmony. PATRIOTISM. 603 that was soon to follow under Iniestra.^^ Pico pub lished these orders in due form September 9th-13th; declared the decree of August void so far as it con flicted with the new reglamento respecting the organ ization of the defensores; and issued a new procla mation to the people, calling upon them, in the usual flowery and extravagant terms, to 'fly to arms' for the defence of their beloved patria against the attacks of a foreign usurper. ^^ The flight to arms was by no means instantaneous or universal; but a few young men were enrolled as defensores despite the lack of a cordial understanding and cooperation between the governor and general.^^ At the end of the year all were waiting, more in curiosity than terror, for the news that war had been declared, for the appearance of the invaders, or for the coming of Iniestra's Mexi can army. Meanwhile Castro had made a tour in the north to learn the attitude of foreign residents, to receive assurances of patriotic zeal from the magnates of Sonoma and New Helvetia, and to confirm, by su perior orders, Vallejo's military jurisdiction over the whole linea del norte.^ ''Sept. 13th, CaatiUero to Pico, with Iniestra's inatructiona. Dept. St Pap., MS., vi. 37-8. ''^ Sept. Oth, Pioo publishes the printed circular and reglaraento of June 4th, 7th. Doe Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 31-2; Reglamento de Defensores de la In dependencia ydelaa Leyes, 7 de Junio, I84S, MS.; Dept. St. Pap., 8. Josi, MS., vi. 38-40. Sept. Oth, Pico's procl. to the people. Doc. Hist. Oal., MS., ii. 141; Edudillo, Doe, MS., ii. 92. Sept. 12th, Pico to general and to pre fects, enclosing Mexican order of July 10th on the prevention of immigration, of which I shall speak again. Castro, Doc, MS., i. 152; Sup. Govt St Pap., MS., xviii. 8. Sept. 13th, Pico to gen. and prefect, enclosing reglaraento, and exhorting them to active cooperation. Doe Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 148-9. ''Some uniraportant records of Oct., including methods of enlistment, quarrels about the miUtary /uero, local complaints of abuses. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 59; viii. 13-17; Monterey, Arch., MS., xi. 10; Caatro, Doc, MS., i. 167; 8. Joai, Arch., MS., iv. 2; Doc Hist Cal, MS., ii. 188. Oot. 8th, Pico's bando establishing regiatera for the enrolment of defensores. 13 arti cles. Dept St Pap., Mont, MS., iu. 117-18. Published at Monterey Deo. 24th. Torre, Reminiacenciaa, MS., 128-9, tells ua that all munitiona of war were removed from Monterey to Alizal raucho either as a precaution against the Americans or againat Pico. "Nov. 11th, Caatro delegatea his powers to V. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xu. 151. Sept. 29th, Larkin to sec. state. 'The gov. has ordered the militia to prepare for war with the U. S. ; the farmers are likewise ordered to drive their cattle away from the coast; neither of which has been done, nor do I suppose they wiU be. The general has here about 150 soldiers, mostly boys 604 FOREIGN RELATIONS— 1845. Notwithstanding the bitter feeling entertained in Mexico against Americans, the imminence of national hostilities, and the warlike nature of the orders sent to the north, immigrants to California from the United States were still received with the greatest hospitality and kindness, though in most cases they entered the country illegally, and in many were not backward in declaring their disregard or contempt for all Mexican formalities of law. The supreme government had perhaps some ground for blaming the Californian au thorities for the manner in which they enforced the laws, or failed to enforce them; but the immigrants had no cause of complaint whatever. There was not in 1845 the slightest sign of disposition to oppress foreigners in any Avay. There were rumors, fomented by men who desired an outbreak, and circulated among new-comers on every route, of an intention to drive out all Americans; but these rumors were unfounded, and were credited only by the ignorant, who did not come personally in contact with the natives, and who never could understand that the Spaniards, as they were called, had any rights in their own country. "The Spaniards were becoming troublesome"! — isa common remark of old pioneers, who justify their ac tion of the next year by dwelling on the growing jeal ousy and hatred of the people toward Americans; but all evidence to be drawn from correspondence of the time shows that not only were the people still friendly, but that the authorities, far from being hostile, were even more careless than in former years about enforc ing legal formalities in connection with passports, nat uralization, and land grants. In April, Castro, appointing Weber a captain of militia, calUng upon him to aid in the defence of the country against foreign aggression and Indian pressed into the ranks; others whom he pressed the alcaldes sent home to their parents.' Larkin's Off. Correap., MS., ii. 27. Dee. 26th, P. Duran to Pico; writes: 'Por lo que toca & la politica yo voy de acuerdo con los doctores politicoa que creen que uo tardaremoa en ser objeto de conquista estrangera.' Arch., Arzob, MS., v. pt U. 63. HOSPITALITY TO AMERICANS. 605 raids, and directing him to investigate the views of resident foreigners and the legality of their entry, was emphatic in his declaration that peaceful, law-a.biding foreigners would be fully protected.^^ In June, he as sured Larkin of his willingness to allow the entry of Americans from the Sandwich Islands, although their passports were not in accordance with the latest in structions from Mexico.^® And in August, as we have seen, Pico, in calling upon the people to arm in defence of their country against the United States, declared that under no circumstances must foreign residents be treated otherwise than with the hospitality charac teristic of Californians.^ In September, however, with a more positive an nouncement of impending war, and news of a Mexican force en route for California, there came a positive order from Mexico — and a very proper order under the circumstances, it must be confessed — that the entry of American immigrants from Oregon and Missouri must not be permitted.^^ The orders were duly cir- " April 12th, C. to W. Yolo Co. Hist, 14; Halleck's Mex. Land Laws, MS. ' If auy of the foreigners who participated in the movement of Sutter should deaire to settle permanently iu Cal. , and feel doubtful of the protection of the govt, you raay freely offer to all whom you raay find useful and industrious, all the guaranties they may desire for establishing themaelvea in this depart ment and for Uving securely in the exercise of their respective occupatipus. You wiU also inform them that the friendly feeling of this office toward them is already secured to thera,' by the treaty of S. Fernando; 'and you may as sure all those referred to in that document, as well as any other foreigners re siding ou the frontier, that they shaU receive aU the protection within the scope of my authority. ' '"June 6th, L. to sec. state. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., U. 23. "Aug. 27th, Pico's procl. Doc. Hid. Cal., MS., u. 106. " Order of July 10th, published in Cal. Sept. 12th. The min. of rei. says to Pico: 'The introduction iuto the departraent of famiUes which, from the Missouri and Columbia are settling in the new Oregon ' — that is, the diversion of the Or. immigration to Cal. — 'must produce inconveniences which, by their nature, cannot fail to cause a subversion of order, to complicate our foreign relations, and to create other emibarrassments which will retard the progresa of the conatitutional regime. The preaident has his attention fixed on that department; desires to consolidate in it peace and union; aud to remove all obstacles in the way of so praiseworthy an object. Believing, therefore, that among other means to that end, one should be that of preventing the entry of said famiUes, he orders me to say this to you, iu order that you may issue the most positive orders to that effect.' Castro, Doc, MS., i. 152; Sup. Govt St Pap., MS., xviii. 8. Sept. Oth, Alvarado to Pico. Sutter has granted passes — on what authority the writer knows not — to 40 Americana just arrived (the McMahon co.) Vigilance is needed. Dept. St Pap., MS., vi. 606 FOREIGN RELATIONS— 1845. culated among local officials ; but no attempt was made to enforce them against the immigrants known to be on the AA^ay, and who soon arrived. In November, however, Castro, with Andres Castillero, and perhaps Prefect Manuel Castro, made a tour of observation in the north, largely with a view to ascertain the number and disposition of the foreigners; and during this tour the immigrants were summoned to appear before the general, Avhich Elliott, Gibbs, and Lewis did as repre- sentatiA'^es of those who were in the Sonoma and Napa valleys. On being asked for their passports, they said they had none, ahd explained, through Leese as inter preter, that on leaving the United States their desti nation had been Oregon, for which no passports were necessary. Castro then had read to them the Mexi can order of July 10th, to which they replied that the alleged breaking-oflf of friendly relations between the two republics had been after they left the states; that their intentions were in every way pacific; and that to return across the mountains in winter was utterly impossible. If allowed to remain, they promised to submit to the laws in every respect, and to go away in the spring if their petitions for licenses to settle were not granted. "'Therefore," says Castro in his decree dated November 6th at Sonoma, "conciliating my duty with the sentiment of hospitality which dis tinguishes the Mexicans, and considering that most of the said expedition is composed of families and indus trious people, I have deemed it best to permit them, provisionaUy, to remain in the department" — on condi- 89. Sept. 18th, Pico to Castro. Haa ordered the prefect to prevent the entiy of foreigners; cannot go north himself on account of other duties. /44. 'Castillo was empowered to pay as much aa $100,000; and actually offered Sutter in addition several fine tracts of mis sion lands now worth millions. But Sutter, with au unselfish devotion to our interests whioh has never beeu properly appreciated, rejected all these temptmg offers, preferring to unite hia fortune with the Americana. ' Swasey, Cal. in '45-6, MS., 3, and also in varioua newapaper articles, speaks of the offer; but seema not to have had auy personal knowledge of it. Bidwell, Cal. I84I-8, MS., 145-6, mentions Caatillero'a visit; states that the approach of the visitors caused great alarm, it being feared that Castro had come to attack the fort; tells us that Caatillero had hard work to get a word in private with Sutter on account of Castro's jealousy, but succeeded in signifying his approval of Sutter'a conduct in aiding Micheltorena; but he says nothing of any offer — being doubtless pretty well aware that none waa made. The coraing of Cas tillero and Caatro was uot in reality unexpected; for as we have seen, it had beeu announced at the fort on Nov. 3d. Nov. 5th, Sutter, writing to Larkin, said ho had uo objection to Castro's coraing, though he thought it would be prudent to leave his force at Sonoraa to avoid alarm,ing the settlers. Larkin's Doc, MS., iu. 369. On Nov. 6th Castro had not only announced his coraing, but had sent a messenger to asserable the foreigners. Savage, Doc, MS., ii. 45. Sutter and Bidwell ignore this part of the visitors' business. Nov. 14th, 614 FOREIGN RELATIONS— 1845. Were there no evidence on this matter beyond Mr Sutter's statement, as indeed there is none on his side, it would be necessary perhaps to conclude that he has told the truth; that CastiUero and Castro, going far beyond any powers or means they could have pos sessed, did make Avhat Sutter regarded as an oflfer for the property; and that it was declined by the captain, not in the interests of the American settlers — for such a plea, advanced later for a well known purpose, is to any one acquainted with the circumstances and the man an utter absurdity — but because he lacked faith that payments would be promptly made. There is, hoAvever, some further evidence, leaving no doubt in my mind that Sutter's statement is false, and that the offer Avas made if at all by himself Notifying Larkin of his interview with the commissioners, he wrote: "No doubt their visit will be to our mutual benefii I am now on the most friendly terms with Dou Jos^ Castro, and with Senor CastUlero. "^^ A flat refusal to accede to their wishes Avould hardly have led to a state of things so satisfactory. Bidwell states that "Sutter was inclined to dispose of his fort and land." About ten days after the visit "Vallejo wrote to Ex- president Bustamante as follows: "It would be very desirable to close that door of communication between the U. S. and this country, even at some sacrifice. Castro and Castillero having made propositions to Sutter for the purchase of his establishment, he said that he would cede it tothe government for $100,000. I grant that this is a high price to pay for a few pieces of cannon, a not very scientifically constructed bastion, some fosses or moats, ten or twelve adobe houses, and corrals ofthe same material; but the security of the country is what is to be paid for, and that is price- Sutter notifles Larkin of the visit, aud of his having flred 7 guns at the arrival aud departure. Larkin's Doc, MS., iii. 374; also A''. Helv. Diary, MS., 15-10. In his Person. Eemin., he has it 21 guns. ™Nov. 14th, S. toS'Lt Larkin'a Doe, MS., iii. 374. Torres, Peripecias, MS., 32-4, tells us that Castillero opened negotiations without any authority; but Sutter's demands for ready raoney were so excessive that nothing could be done. Sutter proposed the sale first through Prudon. SUTTER AVILUNG TO SELL. 615 less."®^ Again, Sutter himself wrote on January ], 1846, to Victor Prudon as follows: "I Avas astonished to hear down there," at Yerba Buena, "the report that I had sold my establishment to the government. It appears that ces messieurs have not kept it secret. What do you think of it ? Do you believe that the government will buy it? I would Uke to be sure of that, so that I might take necessary measures. In case the government decides to make the purchase, do you think it Avould be possible to obtain a part of the price on account sufficient to pay a part of my debts? I could give possession of the establishment after har vest. I believe the government will do Avell not to neglect this matter, for next fall there will be many immigrants from the United States." ^^ And finally, Sutter wrote to Castro early in 1846, "believing that the government will buy my establishment, I will put all in the best condition" for the Mexican garrison which Castro is advised to send for service against the immigrants 1^^ In view of the fact that Sutter's state ment is entirely unsupported, of his strong temptation to misrepresent the matter, and of the inherent im probability that he would refuse or the Mexicans make such an oflfer — I have no doubt the reader will deem the eA'idence conclusive that no such oflfer was made or refused, but that Sutter, instead of refusing in the interest of American immigrants, was eager to sell for his own interest. As we have seen, Castillero "Nov. 22d, V. to B. VaUejo, Doc, MS., xii. 157, p. 9-10. It is to be noted that it is not a mere question of veracity between Sutter and A^^allejo. The other, writing at the time, with no possible motives for misrepresentation, mentioned this matter with many others in a long letter; while Sutter told his story lator, with a well known motive to enlist the sympathies of Araeri cans, and obtain compensation from the govt. !>* Jan. 1, 1846, S. to P., in Vallejo, Corresp., MS., 157-8; Id., Bist Cal., MS., V. 25-6. The letter is a long one, the writer treating of a great variety of matters besides the oue in question. It must be adraitted that it is only a copy; but it contains abundant proofs of ita genuineness as a whole; and I have no doubt of its accuracy so far as this matter of the sale is concerned, though iu one or two other respects it may have been tampered with by the copyist — not by Gen. Vallejo's consent, I must add, as some reader might pos sibly suspect from tho titles heading this note. ''S. to C. Origmal letter in Castro, Doe, MS., u. 98-9. 616 FOREIGN RELATIONS— 1845. and Castro adopted another and cheaper method of accomplishing their object, by recommending to their government the purchase of the Russian mortgage — though Sutter does not appear to have known anything of this scheme.^* In connection with aflfairs at New Helvetia, an im portant diary should be noticed here. It is a daily record kept at the fort by Swasey, BidweU, and Loker, as Sutter's clerks, and during a part of the time by Sutter himself, from September 9, 1845, to May 25, 1848. It deals chiefly with the arrival and departure of employds, visitors, and immigrants; and is of the greatest value as a record of exact dates, as a source of information about hundreds of early pioneers, and as a contemporary journal of local aflfairs. I owe its possession to the kindness of William F. Swasey, of San Francisco, one of the authors and a man deeply interested in all that relates to the pioneer history of California. °^ ^*Apr. 23, 1846, the Mex. govt tells Pico that the subject of acquiring Sutter's Fort has been deferred. No details as to the nature of the proposi tion. St. Pap., Miss, and Col, MS., u. 411-14. ''^ New Helvetia, Diary of Events 1845-8, by Swasey, Bidwell, Loker, ancl Sutte.r,MS., 1881, 212 p. Copy from original. There are unfortunately aome long blanka in the record of 1846-7. CHAPTER XXVI. LOCAL ANNALS OF THE SOUTH. 1841-1845. Population — San Diego- Last op the Peesidial Company — Municipal Ajtaibs— Ranchos — Mission San Diego — San Luis Rey- Padee Ibarra — Wasting-away op the Estates — San Juan Capisteano— Pueblo of San Juan db Aeguello — San Dieguito, San Pascual, AND Las Floees — Los Angeles District — Statistics^City and Suburbs— Local Events — Peepectuee and Municipal Government — Criminal Record — Ranchos — San Pedro — San Gabeiel — Decad ence UNDEE Majordomos — San Beenaedino — Agua Mansa — San Fernando — Mission Rented — Santa Barbara District — Presidio and Town — Sub-prei-ect and Jueces de Paz — Ranchos — Mission— Inventoeies and Renting — San Buena ventura^Santa Ines — Padre Moreno — The College — Purisima — Padre Abella — Small-pox — Ruin and Sale. Southern California in the half-decade of 1814-15, the territory and period embraced in this chapter, gained in white population about 500 souls, or from 2,850 to 3,350. The ex-neophyte Indian population feU oflf about 1,500 souls, or from 5,100 to 3,600, of Avhich latter number 1,880 were still living in the ex- mission communities, and 1720 were scattered in towns and on ranchos. It must be understood, how ever, that these figures, while carefully founded on all the data extant, are much less exact than popula tion statistics of earlier years. The last trace of the old presidial organization at Sau Diego is a report of Alfdrez Salazar in November 1842, to the eflfect that he had a total force of four teen men without arms or ammunition. Earlier in (C17) 618 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE SOUTH. the year Mofras found a few soldiers and an officer at the pueblo, also a few cannon half buried, in the sand amid the ruins of presidio and castillo. In October the prefect commissioned Jos6 A. Estudillo to bring away in carts all the useful guns and balls from the fort; but in the Jones aflfair of November, Captain Phelps of the Alert saved Estudillo all trouble by spiking the guns and throwing movable articles into the bay.^ After 1842 there is nothing in the records on company, officers, or military finance except an occasional complaint that there were neither soldiers nor arms for defence. But fortunately there was but slight need in this half decade for military operations either against disloyal nortenos or savage raiders. The Indians committed comparatively few and slight dep redations and rancheros were left to tend their herds for the most part in peace. Respecting the popula tion of the district, excluding Indians, estimated at 150 in 1840, we have nothing but Mofras' figures of 100 in 1842 and the fact that there were about 70 men capable of bearing arms in 1844-6. I suppose that this population in 1845 mayhaA^e been 350_souls; and the ex-neophyte population 600 at the missions and pueblos, 1,000 including the ranchos, and perhaps 1,500 or more including those living as fugitives in gentile rancherias. AU this however rests on a very slight basis. The half decade was a period of tranquU prosperity, but uneventful even when compared with the past monotony of existence at this least bustling of the California towns. A classified summary is appended iNov. 7, 1842, Salazar to Vallejo. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xi. 303; Mofras, Explor., i. 325-6. Oct. 26th, Prefect's orders to Estudillo. Savage, Doc, MS., iU. 45. May 28, 1841, com. of froutier calls ou juez to return the 11 muskets and bayonets lent for defence. Los Ang. Arch., MS., u. 53-9. . June 1842, lud. have risen; only 5 men at S. Diego, 3 of them being for eigners; all the rest absent ou their ranches. Dept. St. Pap., Ang,, MS., iy. 125. July 1844, Juez sends a list of 71 citizens capable of serving in a civic company, not including foreigners or Indians. Dept. St Pap., MS., xviii. 4. Sept. 1845, reference to 63 names of meu iu the juriadiction able to hear arma. Id., Ben., Pref. y Juzg., ii. 83. July 1846, the municipaUty has 73 men between the age of 15 aud 60 years. Id., i. 159. SUMMARY OP EATENTS. 619 of events and institutional progress.^ Sectional strife Avas temporarily at an end ; San Diego was the first to welcome Governor Micheltorena; Avas spared a ' Chronologic summary of events at S. Diego: 1841. May-June, a reported rising of the Ind. of the Sierra de Jamur on the frontier, leading to corresp. between alcalde, prefect, and gov., with orders, precautions, and complaints of lack of men and arms; but no casualties nor dellnite resulta. Dept. St. Pap. Ang., MS., vi. 32, 43; xu. 57; Dept. Rec, MS., xii. 13; Fitch, Doc, MS., 106. Douglaa proposed an estab. of the H. B. Co. here. Thia vol., p. 216. Deo. Ar rival of Biahop Garcia Diego. Id., 196, 332. Deo. 20th, a tumult at La Playa resulting in one or two deaths. No further details. It was probably a quarrel between sailors or Indians. Dept. St. Pap., Aug., MS., yi.S2. 1842. Visit of Duflot de Mofras and his in vestigations in Jan. This vol., 224, 250, 253; Mofras, Explor., i. 332-3. April-June, troubles with the Ind. of Jacum. The pre fect thinks the inhab. have provoked the troubles by unwise conduct, but orders further examination and authorizes defensive measures — that is, the borrowing of some arma frora Capt. Fitch. 8. D. Arch., MS., 287-8; Dept St. Pap., Ang., MS., vi 125, 129; thia vol., p. 338. Death of Capt. Zaraorano. Vol. iii., p. 320. Oct. 29th, Nov., Capt. Phelps of the Alert spikes the guns of the fort in connection with Cora. Jones' exploits at Monterey. This vol., p. 320, 324, 340. Arrival of Gov. Micheltorena and his troops from Mexico iu Au gust. Id., 289-93. Whalea taken in the bay. Hayes' Em. Notes, 433. 1843. Oath to support the bases orginioas, or new Mex. constitution in Oot. ; alao elections. Hayes' Doc, MS., 170; thia vol., 359-01. 1844. July, a railitia company to be organized under Capt. Andrea Pioo. Id., 407. Doubtful record that the guns of the fort were again spiked by the crew of a whaler. Id., 433. 1845. Efforts to open S. Diego as a Ist-class port and establish a custom-house. Id., 519, 557. Elections in Oct. Id., TAO. Civil and raunicipal govt and Uat of officers: 1841. Rosario Aguilar, juez de paz {1st, principal, or proprietary); Jesus Moreno juez de paz (2d, auplente, or interino), appointed the preceding Dec. by the prefect at Los Angeles and ap proved by gov. in Feb.; Aniceto M. Zavaleta, aecretary; Frau. M. Alvarado named as depositary of funda in May; Manuel Verdugo and Joa^M. Alvarado j uecea del campo, appointed by juez in Feb. at prefect's order. Jan. , a liat of all vagranta required by prefect. 8. D. Arch., MS., 268. Feb. |18 duo Fitch on dudea illegally collected but not paid for want of municipal funda, to be paid by a monthly rebate of P.'s taxes. Id., 269. March, anew game of cards, more like 'raonte' thau 'thirty-one,' ia becoming popular aud must be stopped. Id., 275. Prefect recommends a bando against all games of chance, includ ing raffles. Id., 269. March-June, municipal receipts $28, expend, for clerk's salary |10 and expenses |S6.50; in the treaaury |5.50. Dept St. Pap., Ang. , MS. , vi. 19. April, sentence could not be executed for want of food for prisonera. No 'public \(orks;' one prisoner hired out at 12 reales for 15 days. S. D. Arch., MS., 276. May, Andrea Ibarra and Rafaela Serrano by prefect's or dera muat pay tax on their dram shop or the liquora are to be confiaoated and deposited. Id , 270. Au Ind. waa fined 12 realea for playing a game of chance. A man sent to collect it at the Indian's expense compromised the matter with the cul]^rit(!), but later had to give up two horses with $10. Id., 277. Prefect orders juez to collect $20 fine and $12 duty on otter skins from Osuna, to pay J. A. Estudillo the rent of a room for the juzgado, and keep the rest for arms and ammunition in case of Ind. troubles. Id., 270. June, murder of Lieut. Jos6 A. Garraleta by his wife Juana Gastelum across the frontier. Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., i. 75, iv. 14. June-Aug., munic. receipts $2.5, expend. $41. Id., vi. 60. Dec, Robinson, a storekeeper, iined $3 and put iu chainsfor refusing to serve on the patrol. A?., vi. 84. Asailor of the i-'/ima- vera fined $5 for cutting another of the California, besides paying $18 to the injured party. 8. D. Arch., MS., 288. 1842. Jos(S Ant. Gdngora juez de paz; Joso M. Alvarado suplente. G6n- 620 LOCAL ANNALS OP THE SOUTH. long infliction of supporting his cholo band; contrib uted mildly to his overthrow; and had the satisfac tion of seeing Pio Pico, one of her most prominent gora acted as his own secretary and claimed the salary of $10. Rent $2. Joaquiu Ortega was encargado de justicia for S. Jos6 del Valle aud S. Felipe to Cajou ranchos. Alvarado also acted aa receptor ad int. of the cuatom- houae. A kanaka fined $6 for lying with au Ind. girl Petra, and wounding an Ind., Jos6 Maria, who interfered. Petra was given 25 blowa and sent to the misaicn nunnery; and Jos^ Maria was given 50 blows for his 'atrevi- miento.' S. D. Arch., MS., 288. Two Ind. fined 20 reales for beating a man and the latter 20 reales for selling the fonner brandy. A foreigner fined $8 for creating au excitement by the false announcement of the biahop's arrival. Id. 1843. Joaquin Ortega juez de paz; Jos6 Maria Orozco suplente. Ortega resigned in May, aud J. A. Gongora was appointed by the prefect to aucceed him. Manuel Pico encargado at Sta Isabel. Jos6 M. Orozco receptor of the port. Pinto, Doc, MS., ii. 16. Oct., an Amer. whaler entered the bay for repairs and asked permiasion to take whalea. The latter waa declared by the prefect to be beyond his authority, but he directed the alcalde to permit the repairs, collecting 12 reales per ton for duties and sending the money to the prefect; but the captain went on with his whaling operations in spite of the prohibition. Soon a German whaler entered aud was allowed to remain por el tiempo muy precise, great care being taken. 8. D. Arch., MS., 7; Id., In- dexl 148; Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., vii. 97. 1844. Juan Man'a Marron juez de paz; Thomas Ridington suplente. Oct., Juez Marron issued an order to the inhabitants to turn out and construct a v,fatering-place in the arroyo and build a public corral to keep cattle from damaging the tovvn. Penalties are affixed for failure to obey. S. D. Arch., MS., 311. Two cx-neophytes for having stolen hides in their possession sen tenced to 6 months of public work. Three gentiles for stealing an ox, 6 months. Three Ind. for stealing a res, 3 raonths; for kiUing a res, 6 raonths with chains. Id., 314. 1845. Frauoisco M. Alvarado juez depaz; Josd Raraon Argfiello, suplente, Alvarado was suapended by the sub-prefect in Nov. — because as he claimed he Y/ent to a baptism at S. Luia, Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 132 — and Jos6 Autonio Estudillo apparently served temporarily in Nov.-Dec. Alvarado aud Estudillo served aa captain of the port and receptor. Fitch being also named a,5 receptor. Juan M. Marron was elector de partido. Santiago Argue Uo was appointed by the gov. as sub-prefect of the partido on July 12th and took posseaaion of the office on the SOth. Dept. St. Pap., Pref y Juzg., MS., ii. 84. May 13th, Gov. Pioo ordera the 2d alcalde to return to his duties, This is the only record for the year in iS. D. Arch., MS., 315. June 9fh, Gov. to alcalde. Sta Margarita has always been in the jurisdiction of S. DiegOi S. Juan uot extending beyoud S. Mateo. Dept Rec, MS., xiv. 38-9. Oct., whalera muat be treated well to attract them to the port. Yet there waa trouble with the Espadon, which was required to pay a tax of $10 or $30, Dept. St. Pap., MS., viii. 10, 73-4, 78. Dec, sub-prefect complains of op position and intrigues and calumny against himself. The alcalde has left town merely because he was suspended from office. Id., Pref. y Juzg., U, 68- 70. Ranchoa of the S. Diego diatrict iu 1841-5. See p. 611, vol. iii. for ranches granted before 1840, and about whicii there is uo definite information during this period. Agua Caliente, 6 leagues granted in 1844 to Jos6 Ant. Pico and J. J. Warner, the latter beiug claimant before the land commisaion. Agua Iledionda, 3 leagues, granted in 1842 to J. M. Marron, who waa claimant be fore L. C. Buenavista, ^ league, granted 1845 to Felipe; Jeaua Machado claim ant before L.C. Caj on, 1 1 leagues, granted in 1 845 to Maria Ant. EstudUlo de PRIA^ATE RANCHOS. 621 citizens, promoted to the governorship. Indian dep redations as I have said were comparatively slight, and not only were the dozen or more ranchos reoccu pied by their owners, but more than twenty uoav grants Avere made by Alvarado, Micheltorena, and Pico. Prominent happenings were the bishop's arrival and that of the governor, the visit of Duflot de Mofras, and Phelps' exploit at the time of the American in vasion. At the end of each year a juez de paz, popu larly known as alcalde, was appointed by the prefect*- at Los Angeles to manage local aflfairs for the next year; and the successive incumbents of the office Avere Aguilar, G(5ngora, Ortega, Marron, and Alva rado. In July 1845 Sau Diego was deemed worthy Pedrorena; heirs of Miguel Pedrorena claimants. Canada de los Coches, 400 varaa, granted in 1843 to Apolinaria Lorenzana; Lestrade claimant. Cuca, J league, granted in 1845 to Maria Juan de Los Augeles, who was the claimant. Cuyaraaca, 11 leagues, granted in 1845 to Agustin Olvera, who was the clairaaut. Enoinitos, 1 league, granted iu 1842 to Andrds Ibarra, who was the claimant. Guajome, 1 league, granted in 1845 to Andrds and Josd Manuel; Andrds et al. claimanta. Guejito y Canada de Palomia, 3 leagues, granted in 1845 to Josd Maria Orozco; claimant George AV. Haraley. Laguna, 3 leagues, granted iu 1844 to J. Manriquez; clairaaut Abel Stearna. Nacion, 6 lea,guea, granted in 1845 to Johu Forster, who was the clairaant. Pauba, 6 leagues, granted in 1844-6 to V. Marago (?) aud Luis Arenas; claimant Louis Vignes. Pauma, S leaguea, granted in 1844 to J. A. Serrano et al., who were the claimanta. Rineon del Diablo, S leaguea, granted in 1843 to Juan B. Alvarado, whose heira were claimanta. San Bernardino, 4 leagues, granted in 1842, 1845, to Josd P. Snook, whose widow was the claimant. San Dieguito, 2 leagues, granted in 1845 to Juan M. Osuna, whose heirs were claimants. Sau Jacinto, 4 leagues, granted in 1842 to Josd A. Estudillo, who was the claimant. San Jacinto y San Gregorio, granted in 1843 to Santiago Johnson; Louis Robidoux, claimant. S. Juan Capistrano, mission granted in 1845 to Johu Forster, -who was cl. ; Miaion Vieja, or La Paz, to Aguatin Olvera, cl. Forater; Potre ros de S. Juan Cap., Forster; and a lot to A. Rios in 184,3. Santa laabel, 4 leaguea, granted in 1844 to J. J. Ortega and Edward Stokes, who were the claimants. Santa Margarita and Las Flores, granted in 1841 to Pio and Andrds Pico, who were the clairaants. In March 1841 the Picos asked to ex change Teradcula for Sta Margarita, paying for iraproveraents ou the latter. Dept. St Pap., Ben., P. y J., MS., iv. 5. Temdcula, 6 leagues, granted in 1844 to FdUx Valdds; Louis Vignes claimant. Julian Manrique claimed the land under au earUer grant. See Dept. Eec, MS., xiv. 35, 39; Dept St Pap., Pref. yJuzg., MS., ii. 109. Temdcula, ^ league, granted in 1845 to Pablo Apia (Ind.) who waa the claimant. Tia Juana, abandoned by Argfiello ou account of Ind. hoatilitiea, and 'denounced' by J. A. Aguirre in 1843. Argu eUo proteating. The courta decided iu Aguirre's favor, but Gov. Micheltorena gave Arguello 6 montha time to renew hia poaaeaaion, which he apparently accompliahed. Hayea' Em. Notes, 517-22. VaUe de Parao, 4 leagues, granted iu 1843 to J. J. Ortega and Edward Stokes, who were the clairaants. See land oom. records in Hoffman's Beports. All the .grants meutioned above were finally confirmed. See also 8. Diego Index, MS., 119-23, for reference to doc. on land grants, including pueblo lots. ^22 LOCAL ANNALS OP THE SOUTH. of being made a partido of the Los Angeles district, of Avhich Captain Argiiello Avas appointed sub-prefect, proceeding Avith the least possible delay to quarrel with the juez de paz. At Mission San Diego Father Vicente Pascual Oliva continued his ministry in 1841-5, and from 1843 managed also the meagre remnant of tempo ralities, Juan Maria Osuna having served as major- tiomo in 1841 and probably until the padre took charge in AprU 1843. Mofras gives the number of Indians in the community as 500 in 1842, and an official report of 1844 as 100. The mission retained the ranchos of Santa Isabel and El Cajon until 1844-5, and apparently an interest in certain por tions later. It was the father's boast that he in creased the value of the property, though there were only ten head of cattle when he took charge. Of events there are none to be recorded.^ Padre Francisco Gonzalez de Ibarra served at San Luis Rey until his death in 1842 at the age of 60 years. Mofras speaks of the deplorable condition of this friar whom he saw "forced to sit at the admin istrator's table and listen to the ribaldry of major domos and vaqueros who would have thought them selves lucky a few years before to have been the father's servants."* After his death Padre Zalvidea ' May 1841. Osuna majordomo at a salary of $240. The padre reporta the mission unable to pay the salary. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ix. 10-12. Pos sibly therefore O. left the place before 1843. May 7th, Joad Fidel, a raission Ind., accuaed of stealing cattle, which he denied. 'The authoritiea ' took the precaution to apply an arbitrary puniahment of aome azotea,' when he con fessed and waa sentenced to work 48 days for Alvarado and pay a fine of $6. S. D. Arch., MS., 276. July, an Ind. complains that the majordomo keeps him at the mission, though he has the papers to prove himself a free raan. Also that the maj. owes hira $19 which he will not pay. Hayes' Miss. B., 353. 1842. Mofraa' atatement of population.. £ayfor.,i. 320. 1843.- Thiamiasioa and others turned over to the padres by Micheltorena's order ot March 29th. Thia vol., p. 369. 1844. Estado of southern miaaiona dated March 18th. S. Diego has 100 Ind. and no meana to aupport thera. Pico, Doe, MS., i. 14; this vol., p. 422. June 1845. P. OUva'a report ou the condition of the mis- smn. Arch. Sta B., MS., x. 188-9; thia vol., p. 548. Francisco Gonzalez de Ibarra was a native of Viana, Spam, bom in 1782. ±le became a Franciscan iu the provmce of Bdrgos, came to Mexico m 1819, ancl to Cahforma in 1820. Regarded at tlie time of hiaarrival as a promising SAN LUIS REY. 623 came from San Juan to take his place, serving until after 1845. This mission had 650 Indians in 1842 and 400 in 1844, the establishment at Las Flores be ing included in both cases. Jos^ A. EstudiUo served as majordomo until required under Micheltorena's or der to turn over the property to Zalvidea in April 1843; but the padre immediately put everything in charge of a new majordomo in the person of Joaquin Ortega, who in turn was succeeded by Juan M. Mar ron in July 1845.® The destruction of mission prop- missionary, active and of fair talent. Payera's report of Dec. 31, 1820, in Arch. Sta B., MS., iii. 126-7. After visiting S. Luis Obispo he became min ister of S. Fernando, where he served frora 1820 to 1835, when he retired to Mexico. He came back in time to perforni the burial service for Padre Cabot iu Oct. 1836; but nothing more is known of him till 1839, from which date he served at San Luis Rey until his death in 1842. Hia death was a sudden one, from apoplexy. The date is only known from the statement by Estudillo, Datos, MS., 35, who remembers that his father the raajordorao took charge of $3,000 or $4,000 left by the padre, giving it up to the Los Angeles authorities. Moreover Ibarra was seen by Mofras in Jan. , Exjjlor. , i. 343,, and is not mentioned iu any later record thau 1842. At S. Fernando he was known as an efficient manager, and was not an unpopular man. He waa nicknamed Padre Napoleon frora his disposition to boast and insist on the superiority of everything at hia own miaaion, and alao for the independent style in which he criticiaed the acts of the authorities in secularizing the mis sion and disposing of its lands. Mrs Ord remerabers him as jolly and full of fun. Julio Cdsar says he waa well liked by the Ind. at S. Luia, and waa called by them Tequedeuma, indicating a plain, unassuraing raan. Robinson only. Life in Cal , 34^5, speaks unfavorably of him aa ' a short, thick, ugly- looking old man, -whose looks did uot belie hia character,' nicknamed El Cocliino for his meanness; but he had au immense quantity of hides and tal low which he would not part with ou what seemed to the supercargo fair terms, and this circumstance may have had sorae effect on the latter's criti cism. ' 1841. J. A. Estudillo raajordorao. according to raany records. April, valuation of property: vines $3,000, trees $100, fence $100, house $100, total $3,300. Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., vi. 1. March and April, gov. through prefect orders that two arbitrators go to Sta Margarita and appraise the value of property there, for whioh the Picos are to pay the Ind., the consent of the latter being taken before a magistrate. Hayes' Miaa. B., 348; 8. D. Index, MS., 137. I think the preceding valuation of $3,300 raay refer to Sta Mar garita. May, five Ind. sent to the juez at Los Angeles for stealing; Pico's cattle, after they hadalready worked in chains at the mission for a month and received 50 lashes from the majordomo, who had uo right to punish prisoners. 8. D. Arch., MS., 276-7. July, order to collect all the scattered Ind. Los Angeles Arch., MS., ii. 80-1. July 26th, decree of gov. releasing a S. Luis Ind. from his condition as neophyte. Bandini, Doe, MS., 52. Oct., receipts 124, expend. $6; Nov., reopts $11, expend. $5; Dec, recpts $7, expend. $4; Jan. 1842, recpts $39, expend. $302; Feb., recpts $21, expend. $8. St Pcip. Miss., MS., ix. 12-13. 1842. See plans and viewa of S. Luis m Mofras' and Robinaon'a worka. The fonner ia in some respects very inaccurate, but has been often reproduced. 1843. April 22d, Estudillo turns over the property to P. Zalvidea, and the latter ou the sarae day to Joaqum Ortega. Dept St. 624 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE SOUTH. erty was constant, and is said to have been especially rapid under the administration of Ortega, who of all the vast herds and flocks possessed by this establish ment in earlier times turned over to his successor only 250 cattle and about the same number of horses. Meanwhile all the mission ranchos had passed into private ownership. At San Juan Capistrano Father Josd Maria Zalvi dea served as minister until the latter part of 1842, Avhen he went to San Luis Rey as before mentioned, and San Juan had no padre for the rest of the period. The padre had about $2,000 in Spanish onzas buried at the mission, Avhich treasure gave rise to some rather curious controversies.® In 1840 as we have seen Father Zalvidea had been put in temporary charge of Pap., Ben., MS., U. 40-3; Dept Eec, MS., xui 46, 56; this vol., p. 369, 371. May, Ortega complains that the misaion haa no reaources, grain for only two months, no impleraents or clothing. The gov. iu reply authorizes him to buy or borrow implements, aud plaoes $800 at his disposal to clothe the Ind. , half going to the Pala Ind. Ib. June, contract of P. Zalvidea with J. M. Osuna and Josd Lopez, by which the forraer receives 89 and the latter 50 head of miaaion cattle on sharea, the misaion to get half the increaae. Marron, Pap., MS., 1. 1844. Very little property left, with 400 scattered Ind., adminia- tered by P. Zalvidea in his dotage. Pico, Doc, MS., 14. 1845. July 20th, the property is turned over by Ortega to his successor Juan Marfa Marron, whose salary is $300. Inventory, 279 horses, 20 raules, 61 asses, 196 cattle, 27 yoke oxen, 700 aheep, sorae implements and other effects of slight value. Estudillo, Datos, MS., 40-1; St Pap., Misa., MS., xi. 59; Dept Eec, MS., xiv. 62; Marron, Pap., MS., 1-2. ' Janssens, Vida, MS. , 169-75, gives a full account. The raoney had been entrusted to him by the padre to avoid the iraportunities of borrowers, and he had buried it in his roora. Having to go to Monterey ou official business, J. told the padre where the money was before starting. In the north he heard that he was accused of having fled -with the coin, and in returning he had some difficulty in avoiding arreat. At S. Juan, Zalvidea on hearing the ruraora declared J. innocent, but iu doing ao incautiously revealed the hiding- place, and the money was soou dug up by thieves. Bandini was summoned, aud succeeded in recovering most of the coin, but kept the matter quiet in the intereat of certain partiea implicated in the theft. The only other ver sion is that of Juan Bandini iu a long letter of July 8, 1842, to Josd de la Guerra in Guerra, Doe, MS., v. 124-9. He aaya he waa auinraoned by the padre, anxioua about hia treaaure in view of Janaaena' departure, and in the presence of witnesses dug up the raoney, whicii waa fouud to be 6 ounces short. At Zalvidea's request he took charge of the amount and gave it to Abel Stearns for safe keeping; but soon he found himself the object of accu sations. It seems that he was charged with so arranging the matter as to be able to keep the money in case of tho padre's death; and Father Duran wrote a very bitter and inaulting letter, whioh filled Don Juan with wrath, and in the letter from which these facts are taken he announces his purpose to come to Sta Bdrbara for satisfaction, and to have it settled whether he is a picaro or Fr Narciso an impostor. SAN JUAN CAPISTRANO. 625 the temporalities, and had appointed Janssens major domo. This management lasted until past the middle of 1841, though meanwhUe preparations were being slowly made for the complete emancipation of the Indians that had been promised, and the whole estab lishment Avas drifting to ruin.^ There was no lack of applications for grants of the foAv mission ranchos; and citizens of the district petitioned for the privilege of becoming settlers at the proposed town. About the middle of June the prefect, by the governor's or ders, sent Agustin Olvera as a comisionado to distrib ute the San Juan lands among the ex-neophytes, about 100 in number, and some forty petitioners de ' Janssena iu hia Vida, MS., 164-8, gives many details of his appointment and experience, claiming to have accomplished great thinga during hia raan agement, bringing back refugeea, building fences, repairing the ditches, cloth ing the Ind., and accoraplishing all kinds of reforra, greatly to the joy of the padre and of all concerned, though sorae of the neighbors ridiculed hia zeal, and predicted that all hia efforta would go for nothing. And such proved to be the caae, for soon orders for the delivery of cattle began to corae in which J. refused to- obey, and then carae the order to forra a pueblo after J. had vainly applied for a lease of 6 years, binding himself to retum the property in an improved condition, and assuring the gov. that there waa no real necessi ty for selling the inission estates. Very likely Janssena exaggeratea the value of his services. He claims that the final aecularization was effected by him self aa representing Bandini. Jan 1st, gov. approves majordomo's act in effecting a loan to purchase needed articles. Janssens, Doc, MS., 52. Jau. 21at, P. Zalvidea to gov., has bought 800 cattle with the sum allotted for worship and padre's aupport, and has sent thera to the Cidnega to be paatured. Dept St Pap., MS., v. 47. Jan. 22d,, neophytea complain that several men are trying to get grants of mission lauds. The padre aska that this be stopped. Id , 48. March 14th, prefect orders that Janssens be prevented from taking Ind. from S. Juan, whioh he has uo authority to do. Los Ang., Arch., MS., ii. 44-5. March 22d, Zalvidea asks that Argiiello and Estudillo be ordered to reraove their cattle frora Trabuco and the Mision Vieja. Dept. St. Pap. , MS. , v. 53. June 7th, gov. orders raaj. to deliver to Saut. Arguello SO filiies on account of pay due him. Janssens, Doc, MS., 52. June, Josd Sepulveda has a claim to only the Cidnega de las Ranas rancho and not to El Toro and Niguil. Toro be longs to Trabuco. Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., vi. 46; Los Ang., Arch., MS., u. 50-1, 62-4. July 5th, raajordorao says that worms have destroyed all the crops, and the Ind. have left the mission. Aska that aid be obtained from S. Luia where there is abundance. St. Pap., Mia., MS., xi. 46-7. May 10th, gov. deoidea, at the request of .S. Diego vecinos, to dissolve the S. Juan community. T'he prefect and juez de paz are to see that the Ind. have their lands aaaigned provisionally pending perraanent regulations from the govt. The prefect to aend a comiaionado to aot with the adminia trator and see that the Ind. have the same rights as those de razon. Dept. St Pap. , Ang. , MS. , xu. 54. May 2l8t, prefect publishes the order of May 10th. S. Diego index, MS., 137; Hayes' Miss. B., 126. June 7th, Jesus Moreno appointed to inform vecuios that their petition has been granted, and they are to corae to S. Juan on the Uth, to take temporary possession. Id., 127-8, Hist Cal., Vol. IV. 40 626 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE SOUTH. razon, only a small part of Avhom ever came to occupy their lots. At the end of July regulations were pub lished, and soon, probably in August or September, 121-2. Probably lauds were assigned on the 14th. June SOth, petition to be admitted as new settlers at S. Juan from A. Janssens, Feliciano Rojas, Teodosio Yorba, Josd Caiiedo, Josd M. Canedo, Juan M. Cafiedo, Josd A. Serrano, Josd Cristan, Severiano Rios, Miguel Verdugo, Eugenio Arce, Joad A. Yorba, Antonio Coronel, aud Fraucisco Ocarapo. Granted in a marginal note by prefect. Other similar petitions, and Jnly 12th, a list by Agustiu Olvera (who was apparently the commissioner) of all who received lands, from 100 to SCO varas each, as follows: Andrds Pico, Tomds Gutierrez, Ricardo Pena, Josd Lopez, Cirlos Silvas, Juan M. Marron, Jesus Moreno, Ramon Silvas, Ramou Argiiello, Sant. Argiiello, Sant. E. Argfiello, Josd A. Estudillo, Narciso Botello, Juan Bandini, Agustin Olvera, Joaquin de los Rios, Josd Alipas, Roaario Aguilar, Bias Aguilar, Antonio A'alenzuela, and the 14 already named, besidea 5 free neophytes. Also list of the neophytes, each family receiving 100 varas, and each individual 50 varaa, the whole amounting to 9,775 varaa. Dept. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 43-53. The Ind. had the preference, and chose the eastem valley. Hayea' Mias. B., 121-2. July 11th, Manuel Castanares, apparently a special comisionado, reports to the gov. that the only property belonging to the ex-missipn was 5 yoke of oxen; apparently uo asseta and uo debts. There were still living in coraraunity 26 married men, 7 widowers, and 5 single raen, a total of 38 beaidea 4 gentiles; no. of women and children not given. C. says he assembled the people on the 10th; told them the govt, was about to give thera their liberty, appointed Julian captain and alcalde, but told them till the docuraents should come they must live aa before. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiii. 216-17. July 29th, gov. to the encargado, announciug that Bandini haa ordera to emancipate the Ind., examine accounts, etc. Janaaens, Doc, MS., 5-6. July 29th, regulationa iaaued by Gov. Alvarado. 'Articuloa que provision- alraente deben observarse en el nuevo arreglo del establecimiento de S. Juan Capistrano. ' Lalnds to be held as already assigned by the prefect's comisio nado. Crops to be distributed according to comisionado's judgment until each native can cultivate his own land. Li\'e-stock and implements, not being sufficient for distribution, to be kept by com. aud furnished as needed. Or chards and vineyarda devoted to worship and the padre's support, and to be rented by the govt in accord with the padre. Manufacturing iraplements etc. to be kept in the rooms where they now are for use of Ind. workmen. Sheep may be entmsted to sorae person who will receive J of the increase, and will deliver the wool for use in the weaving establishment. One third of blankets etc. , manufactured to be delivered to padre for use of poor and old Ind. Of the buildings J will serve for the padre's dwelUng, J for some Ind. families, and J to the com. in whicii to accommodate travellers, or to be rented to fami lies de razon and the rent applied to repairs. No builduigs, even in ruina, to be sold without authority of the govt. The govt to assign lands outside of those granted to the settlera for ejidos and propios of the pueblo. No lud. can wOrk for a private individual without a bolda frora the com. expressing .the name of the eraployer. Any lands abandoned by either Ind. or gente de .razon for a year will belong to the pueblo and may be rented at a moderate rate, the original owner having the preference. The govt to appoint a juez de paz to be Bubject to the cabecera of the district. 17 articles iu Dept. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 48-51. Oct. 12th, Bandini's report. He visited S. Juan, and assembling the Ind. found that 70 rdeaired a pueblo and SO old meu and women opposed the change. After B. 'a reading and explanation of the regulationa some of the latter changed their minds and B. formaUy declared the ex-raiasion a pueblo (no exact date). He found that Janssens had been inciting the lud. against the change and PUEBLO OF SAN JUAN. 627 Juan Bandini Avas sent to supervise the formal foun dation of the pueblo, named San Juan de Arguello in honor of Don Santiago and his family. Bandini remained until March, 1842, in charge of the slight remnants of community property; then for a month or two Zalvidea, with Janssens as juez interino, managed aflfairs; but the padre soon went to S. Luis, and Agustin Olvera was made juez de paz. From this time not much is known of pueblo annals, except that half-a-dozen families of gente de razon and twenty or more of ex-neophytes lived quietly, if not very prosperously, at San Juan, under Olvera as juez in 1842-3, Rosario Aguilar in 1843-4, Emigdio V^jar in 1844-5, and John Forster from July 1845. Finally in December the ex-mission buildings and gardens were sold to Forster and McKinley by order scheming to retain his place as majordomo; therefore he removed J., ordering hiin to present himself with hia unintelligible accounts to the govt, and ap pointed Santiago E. Arguello to take the place. At this time only the ex- neophytea and 4 or 5 families de razon who had lived at S. Juan for sorae tirae, had occupied their lands. There were now 325 sheep and 146 horses. Ban ditti resigns his office aud recomraends Arguello for a successor. The resigna tion is accepted in a marginal note. Id., 51-2. Jan. 2, 1842, Bandini had resonsidered his reaignation at requeat of govt and taken up his residence at S. Juan. The pueblo badly demoralized, scoundrels having entered under pretence of being settlers, and vice and crime being prevalent. No man here fit for juez de paz. St. Pap., Miss., MS., xi. 38^2. March 7, 1842, Bandini has surrendered everything to Zalvidea, who has appointed Janssena, and B. haa recognized J. aa ' encargado de policia. ' Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., vi. 101-2. March 18th Janaaena' appointraent as juez interino approved by prefect. Loa Ang. Arch., MS. , ii. 185. May SOth, Ban dini's resignation accepted. Dept. Eec, MS., xii. 51. April 23d, Agustin Olvera appointed juez de paz of S. Juan de ArgiieUo with Santiago Rios as suplente. Dept St. Pap., Aug., MS., vi. 108; Id., Pref. y Juzg., iii. 04. Dec. lOth, Olvera and Rios reappointed for 1843 by prefect, Id., 107, but in Jan. Olvera declines to serve. Id, Ang., MS., vii. S3. Yet Olvera was uot excused aud was serving in June 1843, when he sends a list of settlers who have failed to occupy their lands, with other matter, and again asks to be relieved. Dept. St Pap., MS., xviii. 53-4. Rosario Aguilar appears to have been ap pointed, since iuAug. he pleads incapacity and asks to be replaced. Id., Aug., vu. 88. Jan. 1844. Aguilar ordered to surrender the juzgado to Eraigdio Vdjar. Id., viii. 4, 6, 16. In the report on southern raissions in March 1844, S. Juan is said to be abandoned for want of a rainister and its Ind. demoralized and dispersed. Pico, Doc, MS., i. 14. July 11, 1345, Vdjar ordered to give up the juzgado to Jo'nu Forster. Dept. Eec, MS., xiv. 63, 65. Dec. 4th, sale of the miaaion buildings, furniture, and gardens to John Forster and James McKmley for $710. This vol., p. 549-53; St Pap., Miss., MS., xi. 66; Unb. Doc, MS., 390-1. Some old men acquainted with the facts aay that the mission was not sold at this tune. Ha-ijes' Misa. B., 121. 628 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE SOUTH. of the government, the first-named of the purchasers remaining in possession for many years. Respecting the other pueblos of the district. Las Flores, San Dieguito, and San Pascual, Ave have a few meagre items forthe years 1841-2, just enough to indicate their continued existence. After 1842 noth ing appears in records of this period, though San Pascual certainly and Las Flores probably were not wholly abandoned until after 1845.? The population of the Los Angeles district may be supposed to have increased in 1841-5 from 1,800 to 2,000, of which number perhaps 1,250 lived in and about the town, and 750 at the ranchos and ex-mis sions. There was besides an ex-neophyte Indian population, in community aud scattered, of 1,100 in the district.* During this period, and especially in the last two years, the records show some eflforts on the part of citizens and authorities to encourage pub lic improvements, to beautify the streets and build ings, and to render the city more worthy in appearance of its position as metropolis of California. It must be confessed that results were somewhat meagre, yet 'Tadeo and Josd Barrena jueces de campo for S. Dieguito April, 1841. Hayes' Doe, MS., 149. Feb. -AprU, 1841, 1842, Encargados of S. Dieguito and S. Paacual appointed by juez of S. Diego. 8. D. Arch.,^MS., 283. Pio Pico encargado of Laa Florea iu 1842. Id.; Hayes' Doc, MS., 156. In Feb.- April 1841, there was much dissatisfaction among the Ind. of Las Flores with the Pioos. The juez weut to see thera and explain that Pico still had authority, but he appointed 3 Ind. alcaldes here, and also at S. Pascual and S. Dieguito, much to the satisfaction of the Ind. Pico required thera to fence their land to keep out his cattle! Hayes' Miss. B., 347. Mofras, Explor., i. 343, says there was 400 Ind. at Las Flores in 1842. There are no later figures. Oct. 1841, suicide of au Ind. girl at S. Pascual. Dept. St Pap., Aug., MS., vi. 73. In February J. A. Yorba applied for a lot 500x400 varas at Las Flores ' called also Sau Pedro,' but the grant was refused as the land would not support raore people than were already there. Los A-ng. Arch., MS., u. 153-6. ' The most definite authority is a padron of 1844, which givea the pop. as 627 men, 500 woraen, 720 children, or a total of 1847, and 650 Ind., or 2,497 in all, not including the Ind. at S. Gabriel and S. Fernando or the gentiles. Los A-ngeles, Ayunt. Eec, MS., 13. On July 26th of the aame year a census, is raentioned aa allowing 401 raen. Dept. St. Pap., MS., v. Ill; and ui Aug. 1841 294 veomoa are mentioned. Id, 65. Mofraa, Explor., i. 318, givea the pop. of the diatrict aa 1,200 in 1842; and Simpson, Narr., i. 402, says the town alone had 1,500 in the same year. LOS ANGELES. 629 I have deemed the efiorts worth a separate record.^" Local events of the half-decade as appended in chron ologic order, if not of the greatest importance, were at least sufficiently exciting to occupy the Angelinos' at tention during a temporary lull in political and sec tional controversies.^^ The leading event of 1841 was " 1841. April, the alcalde calls for subscriptions to rebuild the churoh, Leandry being the coraisionado. Dept. St. Pap., Aug., MS., vi. 10, 31. 1842. March, the prefect interested iu the subject, and thinka the curate'a house would be the better for repairs. Los Ang. Arch., MS., ii. ITi. 184,3. June 3d, keepers of shops and taverns must put a light in front of their places from dusk tp 9 P. M. Dept St. Pap., Ang., MS., vii. 64-5. July, au appeal to citizens for funds to build a govt house and barrack. In response A. M. Lugo, V. Sanchez, and L. Vignes gave $500 each in effects; T. A. Yorba $400; J. Temple $300; P. J. Sepiilveda $10; T. S. Colima $15; and F. J. Alvarado a bbl of wine. Id., vii. 79. 1844. A social society or club was organized by leading citizens, and naraed Amigos del Pais. A lot 100 varas sq. waa granted iu May, free from taxes. Id, v. 154-5. Au adobe building waa erected, with reading-room, dancing-hall, etc. After a few entertainmenta, according to Arnaz, Recuerdos, MS., 39-41, the merabera disagreed and the property was put up ill a lottery, Andrds Pioo being the lucky member. The project of a new cemetery was stUl agitated as in the past decade, but though the need waa recognized and a site of 100 varas had been selected, thera were financial diificulties. A subscription was raised, however, aud work was pushed for ward so that the new burial ground was consecrated by P. Eatdnega on Nov. 4th. Then the ayunt. formally preaented it to the church on conditiou that there ahould be no church tax ou buriala; whicii the bishop decltued, and claimed that by the act of consecration the ceraetery becarae churoh property. The ayunt. would not accept this view and resolved to appeal to the govt, meanwhile reserving the right to grant licenses for burial. Coronel, Doc, MS., 96-100; Los Ang. Ayunt. Eec, MS., 8. May-Oct., long and coraplicated dis cussions on the opening, closing, and straightening of streets, especially the Callejon de Prior. Dept Eec, MS., xiu. S3; Los Ang. Arch., MS., v. 164-6, 203-13; Dept St Pap., MS., v. 110. A school under Lieut Medina in pros perous conditiou this year. Tliis vol., p. 403. 1845. Jan., cas.is consistoriales to be built on lot between Juan Doraingo and S™ Uribe. Loa A-ng. Arch., MS., v. 269. April 19th etseq., theayunt., on motion of Regidor Cota, resolves to ask the gov. to order the repair and plas tering and whitening of house-fronts in the city; and Gov. Pico issued the decree on the 22d, requiring the work to be done within 3 raonths, under penalties of fine from $3 to $25. Any lot with ruined walls might be denounced after 2 months. Fines to be applied chiefly to beautifying the town. On July 19th the gov. ordered the fines collected; but on the 25th he put off the matter for a month, and no more is heard of it. Id., v. 207-9; Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., x. 53-4, xi. 154-5; Id., Ben., v. 347-50; Los Ang, Go. Hist, 13-14. May-July, more about the streets and Prior's callejon, which hedoes not wish tobe closed as ordered. Bandini, Doc, MS., 56; Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 154-6. July 26th, a comraittee appointed to name streets and number bouses. Los Ang. Arch., MS., v. 280; Hayes' Land Matters, 20. Sept., a priest desired aud promised by the bishop; meanwhile the people must depend ou the mission. Dept. St Pap., MS., vi. 149-50. "Summary of events at Los Angeles. 1841. New Mex. caravan, the Chaguanosos, and Peg-leg Smith. This vol. p. 208. Murder of Nicholas Fink mentioned. Id., 200. Fink was a Gerraan shoeraaker and shop-keeper, who had lived in Cal. 5 years. On Jan. 18th, wheu his shop had been closed for four days an investigation showed that he had been murdered and his place 630 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE SOUTH. the robbery and murder of a German trader, followed by the prompt execution of the assassins. In 1842, besides the reception of a new governor, we have the robbed in the night of the 14th. The body waa found in the shop, the skull having been broken by a blow from a gun- barrel. Ascencion Valencia, Santi ago Linares, and Josd Duarte were aoon known to be the assassins, the latter having aroused suspicion by a statement that he had seen Fink on his way to S. Fernando, and Linares confeaaing after a quantity of the atolen gooda had been fouud iu possession of hia sweetheart. There was great excitement iu town, guards were posted, citizens were required to be withiu doors by 10 p. M. , and strict precautious were required by the prefect in a series of bandos. The priaonera were confined separately, and besides the volunteer guard, a detachment of 11 soldiers uuder Lieut. Roberto Pardo was obtained from Sta BArbara. There was a complaint and controversy about the support of these men, but citizens finaUy coutributed for the purpose. Early in March the process waa aent by the prefect to the governor, with a memorial signed by 33 citizens asking for prompt action and an extreme penalty. The reply waa an order that the murderera be ahot by soldiers, citizeus arming to maintain order, within three days; and the sentence was executed between 10 and 11 A. M., on April Oth, the governor's proclamation being read publicly, and a force of mounted citizens standing guard for three days to maintain tranquil lity. The proclamation was also published at Sta BArbara. I think there ia uo foundation for Mofras' statement that the foreigners compelled the gov. to act by threats of sumraary proceedings. Eulogio Cdlis was the next year charged by the Gennan chargd d'affaires in Mex. to settle Fink's estate. De tails and corresp. in Los. Ang., Arch., MS., ii. 13-17; Dept St Pap., MS., V. 55; xviii. 24; Id., Ang., i. 49, 60; iii. 70-2, 76-9; vi. 16; xu. 65; Id., Pref, yJuzg., iv. 6-8, 19-20; vi. 51; Dept Eec, MS., xii. 7-8, 39; Z>oc. Hid. Gal., MS., iv. 1076-85; Ouerra, Doc, MS., v. 202-4; vi. 15-16; 8. Diego, Arch., MS., 280; Sta B. Arch., MS., 19; Hayea, Doc, MS., 150; Botello, Anales, 184r-6; Mofras, Explor., i. 323-4; Amaz, Recuerdos,MS.,Gl. 1842. May, fears of Ind. depredations by distant tribes. This vol., p. 338. Arrival of large party of traders frora N. Mex. Id., 342. Arrival of Micheltorena and his battalion in Sept. Id., 290-1. Dec, Gov. Micheltorena takes the oath of office; great festivities. Id., 294-5. Sir Geo. Simpson describes Los Angeles, which he did not visit, as 'the noted abode of the low est drunkards and gamblers of the country. This den of thieves is situated, as one may expect frora its being almost twice as populous as the two other pueblos taken together, iu one of the loveUest and raost fertile districts of Cal.' Narrative, i. 402. Discovery of gold at S. Francisco rancho iu March. This vol. , p. 296-7. Thia subject seeras of sufficient importance to justify the following summary of documentary evidence. May 3d, prefect appoints Ignacio del Valle encargado de justicia at the gold mines. He may collect feea from all coraers, as the laud is his, and must report so that the ground raay be legaUy apportioned. Dues on liquors and other effects must bo col lected as iu town. Francisco Zorrilla is naraed as suplente. Valle, Doc, MS., 57; Dept. St Pap. Ang., MS., vi. 121. Janssens, iu a newspaper scrap, describes Zorrilla as a Souorau gambuaino who worked for a long time in these mines, and finally disappeared in the rush of 1848. May 6th, Manuel Requena to Barron, says the gold was discovered in March, two leaguea had been proapected, the miners were few and without skill, making $2 per day each. Requena, Doc, MS., 4-5. Bandini, Hist. Cal., MS., 42-4, saya the diacovery was in April. In Loa Angeles, Hist, 10-11, it ia atated that Pran cisco Lopez made the discov. accidentaUy, finding, in pulUng some wUd onions, a pebble like sorae that Andrds CastiUero had found before and had declared to indicate the presence of gold. Bidwell, Cal I84I-8, MS., 215- 19, who viaited the mines in 1845 when SO men, chiefly N. Mexicana, were THE GOLD MINES. 631 discovery of gold and a mining excitement. The visit of Commodore Jone'S and the thieving exploits of the cholo battaUon were in 1843 the leading fea- making 25 cents per day each, deacribea the methoda, and namea Jean B. Rouelle as the discoverer. Alvarado, Descub. de Oro, MS., describes the accidental finding by two peasants of particles looking like copper, but pro nounced gold by Sonoran experts in town. From the first gold brought to Monterey the gov. had earrings for his wife and a ring for his daughter made — the ring having been for a tirae in ray possession. May ISth, prefect noti fies alcalde at Angeles of Valle's appointraent, and that many people are going to the placeres. Los Ang. Arch,., MS., ii. 211, 256-8. May 14th, gov. asks for information which was sent in Aug. Dept. St. Pap., Aug., MS., xii. 03, 65; Dept. Rec, MS., xui. 32, 36. Same date, prefect to gov. ou the aub ject. Id., Pref y Juzg., iii. 64. June 17th, Valle's report to prefect. Only a few miners, getting uot over $1 per day. Prospecta apparently favorable; placer of great extent; amall nuggets found. No tax should be imposed yet. 100 raen at oue tirae, not over 50 now. Great lack of water. Miners will return with the rams. Good order preserved. Id., iu. 15-17. Oct. 16th, Bandini denounces a mine iu the S. Bernardino region, as he had also done a year before. Los Ang. Arch., MS., U. 117-19; v. 478. Aug. 6th, 1843. Alfred Robinson to Abel Stearns frora N. Y., sending mera. of gold carried from Cal. in 1842 and deposited in the Phil, mint in July, 1843. In archives of Cah Pioneers, and printed in several newspapera. Steams in a letter of 1807, lb., also names Francisco Lopez as the discoverer, aud gives the date correctly as March. Wiggina, Eemin., MS., 19, clairaa to have visited the mines in 1843. Mofraa, Explor., i. 489, mentions them as worked by Charles Baric and yielding about 1 oz. per day. Apr. 20, 1844. Placer mentioned ina letter of HartneU to Wyllie. Pico, Doe, i. 88. Castanares, Gol. Doc, 10, 22-3, reported and exaggerated the discov. in Mex. March 18, 1S46, ayunt. appointa a cora. to gather inforraation with a view to regulate the working of the ' Sau Feliciano ' placeres. Loa Ang. Arch. , MS. , v. 331. June 30, 1846, Larkin writea to N. Y. Sun that a coraraon laborer cau pick up $2 per day. Larkin's Doc, MS., iv. 183. 1843. Jan. , Cora. Jones at Angeles and his entertainment by the gov. and citizens. 'Phis vol. , 321-2. Some descriptive matter in Jones' Unpub. Narr. Micheltorena and his cholo batallon, their troubles and depredations at Los Angelea Jan. -June. Thia vol. 350-4, S64r-5. Oath to the baaea orgAnicaa or new Mexican constitution in Oct. Id., 359. Election for con gressman, Palomares the elector. Id^., 301. 1844. A proaperoua school in operation under Lieut Medina. Id. , 403. Military organization for the im pending war with the U. S. in July. Id., 407. Renewed agitation of the capital question, Angeles vs Monterey, Sta Inds as a coraproraise. Id., 411- 12. Reports of the revolt againat the gov., and atterapta at military organ ization in Dec. Id, 404, 462, 475. 1845. Jan., the city captured and converted by the northern rebels against Micheltorena under Castro and Alvarado; organization of a foreign company; meeting of the junta. Id., 490-7. Feb., unsuccessful ne,£;otiation3 with Micheltorena; Pio Pico declared gov. ; campaign and battle of Cahuenga, downfaU of Micheltorena, aud treaty of S. Fernando. Id., 497-517. Capital, governor, and assembly at Angeles. Id., 518-22. March-April, arrest of Valdds and Moreno; prisoners' revolt. Id., 522-3. June-July, sessions of the assembly; prefectures reestablished with Angeles as 1st district. Id., 531-4. July, etc., Indian troubles in the S. Bernardino region; much corresp. aud slight results. Id., 543-4. AVilson, Observ., MS., 29, 34-5, says thathe dis covered and naraed Bear Lake during this Ind. campaign. Aug.-Oct., ses sions of assembly; gov. va com. -gen.; Pico and J. A. Carrillo; revolt of the garriaon in Sept.; electiona; Varela revolt in Nov. This vol., p. .536-41. Iguacio del Valle as treasurer; death of J. M. Hijar. Id., 557, 530. 632 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE SOUTH. tures of southern annals. 1844 was the tamest year of the five, but the citizens agitated anew the capital question, and expressed some patriotic sentiments against foreign invaders and northern rebels. Iu 1845 there was a return of the old 'war times' of 1837-8, including two battles, and resulting in Los Angeles being recognized as the capital with a southern gov ernor. Then came a series of local tumults and re volts and the beginnings of what was destined to be the last political controversy, under Mexican rule, be tween north and south. The prefecture of the second district was held by Santiago Arguello in 1841-3, and by Manuel Dominguez for the last seven months of 1843. There was no prefect in 1844, the system be ing abolished by Governor Micheltorena, after whose fall it was restored by Pico in July with Los Angeles as the first district and Jose Sepiilveda as sub-prefect, the governor's presence removing in theory the neces sity of a prefect. ^^ In 1841-3 municipal aflfairs were '^Prefecture, raunicipal govemment, official list, and crirainal record of Los Augeies. 1841, prefect Santiago ArgueUo, sec. Narciso Botello. Juecea de paz Ignacio Palomarea, Ignacio M. Alvarado; sec. Rairaundo Carrillo (in Feb. at least). Tax-collector, etc., Basilio Valdds; miinic. receipts $754, ex pend. $095. Salary of the sec. $20 per raonth. ¦ The prefect in letters to Capt. Guerra complains of the scandalous prevalence of concubinage and im morality uot only in town but throughout the diatrict. Ouerra, Doc, MS., vii. 82-3. Feb., list of 30 vagrants sent to gov. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., Pref. y Juzg., MS.,iv. 3. Many orders of various dates on gambling and sale of liquors. April, Ricardo Uribe, a retumed exile, to be sent to Sonoma. Id., ii. 55. Prefect ordered by gov. to pay back from his salary funds takeu by him for office expenses from Steams' fines as a smuggler. Id., iv. 1-2. A soldier gets 25 blows for stealing a horse. Id., Aug., vi. 13. Oct., Sepiilveda, when drunk, attacked Judge Palomares iu Ms horae and lost an eye in the affray, for which he was fined |10. The prefect appointed Leandry as a special judge in this case. Id., Ben., iv. 10-11. Dec, list of 18 prisoners, 12 out on bail. Id., Ang., vi. 83. 1842, prefect Santiago Arguello; sec. Josd Ramon Arguello from Feb. lat. Juecea do paz Manuel Dominguez and Joad L. Sepiilveda y Avila; no aee. named. Juecea de campo Antonio Ign. Avila, Macedonio Aguilar, Ramon Lugardo Ibarra, Fernando Sepulveda (not approved), Felipe Valenzuela, Joad M. Lopez; encargado de juaticia at the gold mines Ignacio del Valle, suplente Franciaco Zorrilla. Recaudador, Valdes; receipts $747, expend. $737, the collector's percentage being $59. 'Botello, Anales del Sur, MS., 186, men tions the execution of Antonio Valencia for killing Antonio AguUa who was beating his little brother; but I find no other record. Jan., alcalde exUes a woman for adultery. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., Pref. yJuzg., MS., vi. 91. Feb., citizens living at old S. Gabriel must be made to come and live in town aa soon aa the crop ia harvested. Los Aug., Arch., MS., ii. 151-2. A. M. Or tega fined by prefect for refusing to act as juez suplente. Dept. St Pap., B. MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS. 633 managed by two justices of the peace, the first judge being successively Ignacio Palomares, Manuel Do minguez, and Antonio F. Coronel. In 1844 the ayun- P. &J., MS., iii. 72-4. July 7th, Samuel Taggart, for a crime uot specifled but comraitted in 1841, is executed by the governor's order, a guard of 20 soldiers coraing from Sta Bdrbara. His accomplice, Henry Richards, was sentenced to 10 years' presidio in Jalisco. Id., iv. 41; Id., Aug., vi. 133; Los A-ngeles, Arch., MS., ii. 246-59. Dec, a woman accuses her cousin of leading a bad Ufe, which she confesses. Dept. St. Pap., Ang., MS., vii. 35. 1843. Prefect Argiiello till May I6th, when he resigned, Manuel Domin guez aaauming the office temporarily on that date and receiving the governor'a appointraent a few daya later. At the same time Botello resuraed the secre taryship. Jueces de paz Manuel Dominguez and Antonio P. Coronel till May, Coronel and Rafael Gallardo from May, but the former resigned in Oot. Jueces de campo perhaps sarae as before; Macedonio Aguilar suspended in Dec. Recaudador Tomds Sanchez; receipts $849.37, expend. $849.25, fees $29.25. Loa Ang., Ayunt. Eec, MS., 3. March, case of a woman prostituting herself iu a group of soldiers. Dept St. Pap., Ang., MS., vii. 53. June, po lice regulations issued by prefect. Id. , 64^6. June, case of Francisco Sepiil veda, daughter of Joad, engaged to marry Noriega, au officer of the batallon, but whose grandfather and others by invoking the aid of prefect aud juez succeeded iu breaking off the match, luckily, as N. later proved himself a scamp. Coronel, Doc, MS., 229-31, 233. July, 9 deserters from the batallon to be arrested. Dept. St. Pap., Aug., MS., vii. 74. Oct. 11th, Juez Coronel fined Rubio $12 for insulting officera at a tavern; the miUtary commandant against C.'s orders took Rubio and put him in irons and flogged him; where upon C. resigned his office, deeraing his dignity outraged. Perhaps his resig nation was not accepted. Id., vii. 91, 94. Dec, death of J. B. Leandry. P. Eatdnega refuses burial because L. had uot paid his tithes; but the prefect decides againat the padre. Id. , 103. Election of an ayunt. for the uext year. Dec 23d, Id., Ben., P. & J., iii. 113-14; Los Ang. Arch., MS., i. 106-9. 1844. No prefect. Alcaldes Manuel Requena, Tiburcio Tapia; regidores Luia Arenaa, William WolfskiU, Felipe Lugo, Cristdbal Aguilar; si'ndico Juau Bandini; sec, Ignacio Coronel. Jueces de campo (now called celadores rura- les) Josd Cirmen Lugo, Ramon Ibarra, Tomds Talamantes, Pedro .ivila, Juan .Avila, Tomds Colima, Bernardo Yorba. Agente de policia Gabriel de la Torre. Comisionado de Zanjas Vicente Sanchez from April; Zanjeroa Caspar Valen zuela, Antonio M. A/'aldds, Joad M. Lopez. Munic receipts $996, expend. $965. Los Ang. Arch., v. 265, and monthly accts paaaim. Jan. 5th, 1st meet ing of tbe ayunt., Monday fixed for weekly sessions, committees appointed, and other routine business. Id. , v. 106-8. Jan. 12tli, Lugo claims exemption from service as regidor because he had been suspended formerly as alcalde, but this waa overruled by the gov. Dept St. Pap., MS., xviii. 28. Jan. 2Sd, munic. regulationa in 21 articlea. Id., Aug., viii. 1. Feb., ayunt. wishes the govt to pay rent forthe curates' houae uaed aa a barrack. Dept St Pap., MS., xviii. 30. Aug., complaint that celadores neglected their duties, and a sar gento (agente?) de policia was to be appointed at $10 to oversee them. Los Ang. Arch., MS., v. 192-3. Nov., ayunt. resolves to divide the city into eections of 500 inhab. each, and to appoint a comisionado to register voters. Id., V. 235-6, 240. Dec. 16th, primary elections had uot taken place for lack of voters. Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., viu. 37. 1845. Sub-prefect Joad L. Sepulveda appointed July 12th at $600 salary, which he deemed too little. The assembly refused to raise the salary and S. seems to have taken the office unwillingly, and perhaps resigned, aa the place was offered in Oot. to A. P. Coronel, who declined. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 100; Depit St Pap., MS., vi. 167-8; viu. 3. Alcaldea Vicente Sanchez, Juan Se piilveda; regidorea FeUpe Lugo, Cristdbal Aguilar, Leonardo Cota, Luis Jor- 634 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE SOUTH. tamiento was restored, and the chief alcaldes this year and the next were Manuel Requena and Vicente Sanchez. Jueces del campo, or rural guards, Avere appointed each year to watch over the enforcement of law in the suburbs and at the ranchos. There was much complaint of immorality, disorders, and theft of live-stock, the criminal record including several murders, and four or five men being executed for crime by the governoi''s order. About thirty new ranchos Avere granted in these years to private own ers ;^^ and the rancheros, notwithstanding the depreda- dan; sindico Basilio Valdds; sec. Ignacio Coronel. Juecea del campo, A. M. Lugo, Macedonio Aguilar, Ignacio Reyea, Antonio Ign. Avila, Prancisco Gar cia at S. Feliciano. Munic receipta to Aug., all expended, $593. Los Ang. Arch., MS., V. jiassim. Jan. 7th, sess. of ayunt., routine business. Storea may be opened on Sunday after maas but uo liquor sold, and bottlea to be covered. Seasions to be on Saturdaya; fine for abaence $5. Id., 268-9, 278; Dept St. Pap., Ang., MS., viii. 37-8. March, Gov. Pico'a corresp. on the necessity of doing something to check crime. Id., xi. 143; Mont. Arc-h., MS., xi. 4-5. March 19th, ayunt. discusses a plan to increaae revenuea by taxing property; also favors a direct tax for schools. Loa Ang. Arch., MS., v. 287- 91. April, govt has no funds to support the presbyter A. M. Jimenez aa pariah prieat, but a aubacription of $168 is raised in June. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., P. y J., MS., ii. 130-1. May, many complaints that prisoners are not properly treated. Dept Eec, xiv. 33. May 12th, number of estates, -vine yards, etc., to be estimated for purposes of taxation. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 52- 3. June, alcalde orders the return to his family of a mau who had enhsted. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., P. y J., MS., ii. 119. July, Alcalde Sanchez says that Fran. Sepulveda and other 'low persons' are circulating a petition for his re moval. He desires his acts investigated. Id., 138. Sept. , 4 prisoners set to work ou the national buildings. Id., 133. Gov. objects to priaonera being sentenced to work for private individuala. Id., Aug., xi. 160. Oct. 16th, gov. ordera garriaon dissolved, and an aux. force of citizens to keep order and guard prisonera. Id., 164. •' Ranchos of Los Augeles district 1841-5. (See vol. iii. chap. xxiU. for grants of 1831-40.) Those marked with a* were rejected by the land commis sion or U. S. courts. Agua Mansa, a part of Jurupa in S. Bernardino region, obtained m 1841 by Lorenzo Trujillo's N. Mox. colony, whoae settlement was called S. Salvador. Hayea' Em. Notes, 642-3. Aguage del Centinela, granted in 1844 to Ignacio Machado; B. Avila claimant. Alamitos, sold by Fran. Figueroa to Steams. Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., -vi. 132. -"Alamos y Agua Caliente, 1843, Pedro C. Carrillo, who waa the cl. Aliaoa, aee Caiiada. Azuza, IJ 1., 1841, A. Duarte, who waa cl. Bolsa Chica, 2 I., 1841, J. Ruiz, who was cl. Brea, see Rineon de la Brea. *Cahuenga, 6 1. and J 1., 1845, 1843, J. Y. Limantour aud Joad Miguel Triunfo; L. and D. W. Alexander being ol. Canada de los AUsos, 2 1., gr. in 1842, and extended in 1846 to Josd Serrano, who was ol. Canada de los Nogales, J ]., 1844, Josd M. Aguila, who waa cl. Castac, 5 1., 1843, Josd M. Covarrubiaa, who waa cl. Chino, or Sta Ana del Chinoi 5 and 3 I., 1841, 1845, A. M. Lugo and Isaac Williaras who was cl. Cidnega or Paao de la Tijera, 1 1., and ? 1., 1843, Vicente Sanchez, who with othera was cl. Encino, 1 1., 1845, Ramon, Fran cisco, ana Roque; Vicente de la Ossa cl. Escorpion, IJ I., 1845, Odon and Manuel, who were ol. Fdlix, IJ I., 1843, M. J. Verdugo, who was cl. PRIVATE RANCHOS. 635 tions of cattle-thicA'^es, were prosperous as far as the easy gaining of a living was concerned; that is as far as they cared to prosper. Jabonera, aaked for by Santiago Martinez for himself and 20 N. Mex. familiea discontented with S. Bemardino, but decided to be private property. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 112, 23-4. Jurupa, purchased by B. D. Wilson, for $1,000 per league as he states in Hayes' Doc, MS., 11. *Matzultaquea, 4 1., gr. 1845, Ramon Carrillo, J. B. Frisbie cl. Merced (old mission), 1 1., 1844, Casilda Soto; P. P. P. Temple et al. ol. Muacupiabe, 1 I., 1843, Michael White, who waaol. Miguel, 3 1., 1842, Juan Avila et al., who were cl. Potrero de Felipe Lugo, 1845, Teodoro Romero et al.; Jorge MoriUo cl. Potrero Grande, 1 1., 1845, Manuel Antonio; J. Matias Sanchez cl. Providencia, 1 1., 1843, A/'icente de la Ossa; D. W. Alexander and F. Melius cl. Puente, 48,000 acres, 1845, John Rowland and Wm Workman, who were cl. The grant was really obtained in 1842, P. Duran protesting in a letter to the Mex. govt againat the governor'a aale of thia and other miasion ranches. Doc Hist Cal, MS., iv. llSl-2; Arch. Sta B., MS., vi. 81-3; Sta B. Arch., MS., 39. Rineon de la Brea, 1 1., 1841, Gil Ibarra, who was cl. Thia rancho seems to have beeu called Cafiada de la Brea originally, and the padres feared an intention to make it include the Riconada de la Puente. Dept. St. Pap. , Aug., MS., vi. 0-7; Loa Ang. Arch., MS., ii. 56-7. Rineon de loa Bueyea, il., 1821, confirraed in 1843 to Bemardo Higuera; Prim. Higuera etal. cl. *San Autonio, 4,000 varaa, 1842, Nicholas A. Den; R. S. Den cl. Sau Antonio, 1 I., 1831 (misprint for 1841 ?), Maria Rita Valdds, who was cl. La Canada, 8 1., 1842, Josd del Cdrraen Lugo et al., who were cl. Sau Bernardino, 2 1., 1843, Ignacio Coronel; J. R. Scott and Ben Hayes cl. *Sau Emigdio, 4 1., 1842, Josd Antonio Dorainguez; F. Dominguez et al. cl. Sau Francisquito, 2 I. , 1845, Henry Dalton, who waa cl. San Gabriel Miaaion. The mission lands were asked for iu 1845 by Josd Aut. Garcia for S3 N. Mex. settlers, but his petition waa not granted. Leg. Ree, MS., iv. 50. For granta of amall lota near S. Gabriel in 1843-5, and finally confirmed to the granteea, see noa 408, 415, 417-19, 424-5, 448, 466-8, 489 of the laud com. cases. San Josd de Buenos Aires, 1 1., 1843, Mdxirao Alania; B. D. Wilaon cl. San Pascual, SJ ]., 1843, M. Garfias, who was cl. San Pedro cannot be attached for Domiuguez's debts, as it was a colonization grant for his faraily, 1841. Los Ang. Arch., MS., ii. 98-9. Santa Ana del Chino, see Chino. Santa Anita, 3 1., 1841, 1845, Perfecto Hugo Reid; Henry Dalton cl. Santa Ger trudis, no date (part of the raain rancho), A. M. Nieto; Z. Sanchez Colima cl. Tajanta, 1 1., 1843, Anastasio Avila; Enrique Avila cl. Tejon, 22 I., 1843, J. A. Aguirre and Ignacio del Valle, who were cl. Trabuco, 5 1., 1841, 1846, Sant. ArgiieUo et al. , Jolin Forster, who waa cl. Yucaipa, refuaed to an applicant in 1841, aa included in the tract of the S. Bemardino colony. Dept St Pap., Ang., MS., vi. 79. See record of cases in Hoffman'a Reports. See nos 376-7, for grants of small tracts to J. M. Ramirez in 1841 and Vicente de la Ossa in 1842, conf. to Daniel Sexton, locality uot specified. In De-pt. St. Pap., Aug., MS., viu. 2, is a list of some 50 ranchos as classified in 1844 for supervision by the 7 cela dores. The ranchos of this list not mentioned (or at least not by the same names) in my lists of 1831-45 are Los Mejicanos (in the S. Bern, region). Rodeo de Loa Angeles, Pales Verdes (granted in 1840), Rancho Nuevo, La Mesa, La Osa (probably Providencia), Pacifico, Juan Perez (perhaps Paso de Bartolo), and Juan Pablo y Peralta. On the contrary the following of my lists do uot appear in this: Bolsa Chica, Castac, Cidnegaa, Escorpion, Habra, Morccd, Ojo de Agua, Paso de Bartolo (Perez?), Providencia (La Osa?), S. Autonio,_S. Josd Buenos Airea, Sta Anita, Sauzal Redondo, Tejon, Tujunga, and Virgenea. See also Loa Ang. Oo. Hist, passira, for much informatiou on rancho history at different periods. , In 1841 some ateps were taken iu 1841 to assign the 4 leaguea of land be- 636 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE SOUTH. San Pedro continued to be visited each year by many vessels of the trading fleet, oflfering rich cargoes of inland produce to compensate for its deficiencies as a port, which were fully appreciated by all who had occasion to anchor here. An auxiliary juez at the Dominguez rancho exercised a kind of authority over the region; John Forster was made captain of the port in 1843; and a collector of municipal taxes was appointed by the ayuntamiento of Los Angeles the next year. In 1841 the Hudson's Bay Company pro posed an establishment here that was never founded. Mofras touched here in 1841-2, including in his work a chart of the port. The Tasso's captain was arrested here in connection with the Jones invasion in 1842; and in 1843 Commodore Jones landed here on his way to the city with no warlike intent. In 1844 the Angelinos tried to obtain a receptor for San Pedro, which they declared to be a much better harbor than that at Santa Bd,rbara; and in 1845 the assembly took steps to make it a puerto menor with a receptor at a salary of $500, like San Francisco. Here the exiled governor, Micheltorena, embarked on the Don Quixote in this last year of the period. Father Estdnega remained at his post at San Ga briel throughout the decade, having charge not only of spiritual aflfairs but generally of temporal interests as well.^* He was aided by Juan Perez and later longing to the pueblo, but little or nothing waa accompliahed. Dept. St Pap., Ben., P. y J., MS.,iv. 64. March 4, 1844, action of the ayunt. on town lands whioh if not cultivated by the owner raay be deuouncsd; the govt asked to authorize a tax on the lands; lands granted by the ayunt. cannot be sold. Loa Ang. Arch., MS., v. 126-7. March 11th, holders of lota having no title must present themselvea. Id., v. 131. 1845. Machado'a complainta that the ayunt. had despoUed him of certain lauds. Leg. Ree , MS. , iv. 56, 65-9. ^' Sau Gabriel affairs. 1841. Juan C. Perez majordomo under the padre. The prefect complained that the place had become a brothel, blaming both padre and raajordorao. Jan., mission cattle 805 head. Dept St. Pap., Ang., MS., iii. 72. Feb., Estdnega complains of Perez' mismanagement and Perez of the padre's distrust. The prefect on investigation deoidea that the major domo haa been at fault, taking $280 more than his salary. Dept. St Pap., MS., V. 49; Id., Ben., P. X- /., iv. 8-10. May, Estdnega complains of en croachments of citizens at Mision Vieja, who are therefore ordered to come to the town. Id, vi. 22-3, 29. June, complaints that two persons have car ried away beams aud bricks from S. Bernardino. Id., Ang., vi. 36. July, SAN GABRIEL. 637 Manuel Olivera as majordomos; but there was no semblance of prosperity, and a constant if not very rapid decrease of mission property, the padre himself going so far as to sell small tracts of land and super fluous effects, though he bitterly complained of the granting of mission ranchos, and was unwilling to give up the estates in 1845 when their renting was resolved on by the government. The final inventory is unfortunately missing, so that the amount of live stock and other property is not known ; but Ave may be sure the renmant was very small. At the end of cook and vaquero discharged ou account of poverty of the mission. Dept. St. Pap., MS., V. 59. Oct., Ust of effects received and expend, from Feb. The chief iteras of the forraer are 100 bbls wine, 47 hides; aud of the latter 130 bbls wine and 54 hides. 300 fan. maize to be harvested in Nov. St. Pap. Miss., MS., X. 2. Nov., arrival of Rowland and Workraan from N. Mex., who the next year got the raission ranoho of La Puente. This vol. , p. 277, 331. 1842. Perez still raajordorao. Picture of the mission iu Eobinson's Life in Oal. Mofras, Explor., i. 320, gives the pop. as 500, being followed by Gleason and others. Frauoisco Figueroa atterapts to sell a piece of land ceded by the padre to hia brother in 1834, but is prevented by the prefect. Los Ang. Arch. , MS., ii. 182-4; Dept St Pap.. MS., v. 65-7. 1843. Perez ordered March 1st to give up the administration of property to P. Estdnega. Dept Bee, MS., xiu. 42; this vol., p. 309, 371. Hugo Reid was encargado de justicia for a diatrict including the raission from this year. For grants of lots near the raission in 184.3-5 to Manuel Olivera, Prdspero Va lenzuela, EraiUo Joaquin, Serafin de Jesus, Arno Maube, J. Alvitre, A. Valen zuela, Michael White, Raraon Valencia, Fraucisco Sales, Manuel Sales Taaion, and Felipe, see Uat iu Hoffman's Eeports, noa 408, 415, 417-19, 424-5, 448, 466-8, 489. 1844. P. Eatdnega aaaiated by the presbyter Antonio M. Jiraenez. The estate in bad conditiou with 300 Indiana according to an original report iu Pico, Doc, MS., i. 14. May, a subscription taken for funds to pay for re pairing the church bells. Dept. St. Pap., Aug., MS;, viii. 17. 1845. Juau Perez again appears as majordomo, but in Oct. is succeeded by Manuel Olivera. Id., 55; Dept Sec, MS., xiv. 63. April, oomplaiats of scandalous robberiea of atock by Indiana and vecinoa. Dept. St Pap., Aug., MS., viU. 40-1. May, P. Estdnega repriraanded for having aold land to Dalton, and admita having diaposed of some effects of no use to the Ind. Id. , Ben., P. & J., u. 119; Arch. Sta B., MS., x. 187-8; this vol., p. 548. May 7th, Josd A. Garcia, for himaelf aud S3 New Mexicans, aska for a grant of the mission lands, whioh is refused. Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 50. June-July, Andrda Pico and Juau Manao, comiaionadoa to take inventoriea for renting the mia sion, have trouble with Eatdnega, who refuaea to surrender the eataie, but yielda on au order from Duran, and the property is turned over before July 7th. Thia vol., p. 549-50. The inventory ia not extant. July, Hugo Reid reporta the Ind. aa alarraed at a stateraent by Juan Perez that they are to be kept in greater subjection than before and will never be free; whereupon the administrator (OUvera?) is authorized to assure them that the govt has no deaire to keep them in slavery. Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 175; Dept Rec, MS., xiv. 63. 638 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE SOUTH. the half-decade there were but 250 Indians, probably less, remaining in the community. The branch establishment at San Bernardino seems not to have been reoccupied by a neophyte commu nity after the Indian troubles in 1834. The rancho was granted to the Lugos in 1842, who sold to the Mormons nine years later. In 1841, however, a colony of New Mexicans settled in the same region under the leadership of Lorenzo Trujillo, obtaining a tract of the Jurupa rancho from Bandini and calling their establishment Agua Mansa, or San Salvador. Nothing is known of events in the early annals of this colony; but in 1845 the settlers became discontented and made an eflfort to obtain lands nearer the city.-^^ Padre Bias Ordaz was the minister at San Fer nando, and manager of the estate from 1843, YUlavi- cencio's administration having continued to AprU of that year. There are no statistics to show the rate of decadence in property and population; but I sup pose there may have been 300 ex-neophytes in the com munity at the last. Ordaz claimed to have achieved a degree of success during his exclusive management; and that this establishment was comparatively pros perous is shown by the fact that it was one of the few whose financial embarrassments did not prevent its being leased on favorable terms. Andres Pico and Juan Manso became the lessees in December 1845, agreeing to pay an annual rent of $1,120.^^ '^On the early history of S. Bemardino see Hayes' Em. Notes, 642-3, 650-1; 8. Bern. Times, July 8, 1876; 8. Bem. Co. Hid., 83-4; Frazee's «. Bern., 15-18. Nov. 1841, an applicant for Yucaipa is told that it belongs to the tract of the colony. Dept St. Pap., Ang., MS., vi. 79. May 1845, application for S. Gabriel mission lands. Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 50. Aug., ap plication for La Jabonera. Id., 112, 23-4. Both efforta were succeaaful. '^1841. Nov., atatistics of the year showing as the ijptal of receipts for 11 raouths, $5,854; expend., $8,507; inventory of effects on hand Oct. 31st, $G,208. The items are as follows: silver $20, 137 hides $205, 44 arr. tallow $J5, 11 arr. lard $22, 98 bbls. brandy $4,500, 29 bbls. wine $580, 15 fan. beans $37, 300 fau. com $600, 10 sides of leather $28, soap $160. St. Pap., Miss., MS., 22-4. 1842, receipts for April $1,134, expend. $1,998. Id., xi. 47. Mofras, Explor. , i. 320, 360, found sorae signs of prosperity and gives the pop. as 400. Aug. 8th, alcalde orders that if the salina is in condition S. Femando be perraitted to take a little salt. Valle, Doe , MS. , 60. Discovery of gold on land formerly belonging to this mission. This vol., p. 296, 630-1. Gov. Michel- SANTA BARBARA. 639 Says Sir George Simpson, whose visit was in 1842: "Santa Bdrbara is somewhat larger than Monterey, containing about 900 inhabitants, while the one is just As much a maze without a plan as the other. Here, however, anything of the nature of resemblance ends, Santa Bdrbara in most respects being to Monte rey what the parlor is to the kitchen. Among all the settlements as distinguished from tlie rascally pueblos, Santa Barbara possesses the double advantage of be ing both the oldest and the most aristocratic. The houses are not only well finished at first, but are throughout kept in good order; and the whitewashed adobes and the painted balconies and vera,ndas form a pleasing contrast with the overshadowing roofs blackened by means of bitumen, the produce of a neighboring spring. Nor is the superiority of the inhabitants less striking than that of their houses." Then follows a eulogy of the fair Barbarenas.^' For an estimate of the gain in white population, 900 in 1840, there is but slight basis in contemporary records, but as no circumstances are known to prevent a consider able increase, I put the number at 1,000 at the end of the half-decade. Meanwhile the christianized, semi- civilized, or ex-neophyte Indians had decreased from 1,350 to 1,000, of which number only 730 were still living in the ex-mission communities. As in the other districts I index and summarize in a note the meagre torena here on hia way north when he hears of Cora. Jones' invasion at Mon terey. Id., 291, 315-16. 1843, teraporal raanageraent restored tothe padr^. Id., 369, 371. Ant. F. Coronel and Fdlix Valdda appointed by the gov. aa in terventores for the transfer April 23d. Coronel, Doe, MS., 227. 1844, report of March 18th, scarcely any live-stock, but sorae vines. 'The doc is unfortu nately torn so as not to show the pop. Pico, Doe, MS., i. 14. 1845, battle at Cahuenga. This vol., p. 503-10. Exped. organized against lud. Id., 543. May, P. Ordaz claimg to have adrainistered the estate suooeaafuUy, paying off all the debta and purohaaing 120 head of live-stock, besides making other ira- provementa. Arch. Sta B., MS., x. 187. Renting of the estate by Gov. Pico'a ordera in Deo. This vol., p. 5.i2-3. '-''Simpson's Nam., i. 379-81. Peirce, Joumal, MS. , 90, also gives a flatter ing picture of the place in the sarae year. Mofraa gives the pop. of the pueblo and district as 800. Explor., i. 318, .369-70. In Dept St Pap., Sen., P. and J., MS., u. 14-15, is a Ust of 56 ownera of ranchos, 7 or 8 of whom are foreigners, 4 woraen, and 2 neophytes. 640 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE SOUTH. array of local occurrences.^^ There was nothing to disturb the monotonous tranquillity of existence at this town, unless Ave note as slight exceptions the festivities attending the bishop's arrival in 1842, a very feeble and short-lived revolt in connection with the movement against Micheltorena in 1844, and a similar rising of the military against the civil authori ties in 1845 in the interost of Castro against Pico; but the visits of trading vessels were frequent ; travel lers by land were always glad to prolong their stay in this hospitable burg; and social diversions were al- w^ays in order. 'The rolls of the presidial company showed a rank and file oif 34 to 38 men, involving a nominal expense of $700 to $900 per month, the force actually on duty at the presidio, including invdlidos, being from 10 to 15 men, and the actual cost being the varying amount of rations they could get; this in 1841-3, after which there are no definite reports.^^ Captain Jose de la "Sta Bdrbara affairs. 1841. Headquarters of the otter-hunters in this and following years. This vol., p. 209. 1842. Visita of Sirapaon, Peirce, Mofraa, Sandela, and Com. Jonea, which reaulted in some deacriptive raatter in print and MS., with a chart iu Mofras' work and views of town and mis sion in that of Robinson, who left Cal. this year. Id., 218-19, 224, 250, 2.33, 314, 320, 345-6. Arrival of Bishop Garcia Diego in Jan., his grand reception and grander plans. M., 332-5. 1843. Generous contributions to the biahop's fund. Id., 372-3. In Robbi-iis' Diary, MS., 1-13, are found the author's weather recorda frora Jan. to March. 1844. The bishop makea a pastoral tour in the north, and returns to StaB. This vol., p. 427. May. Gov. Micheltorena opens Sta B. to the coasting trade, and Josd Ant. de la Guerra becomes receptor, acting also as captain of the port. Id., 431-2. Nov., re volt of 8 raen iu support of the Monterey revolt against Micheltorena. Their Bubraisaion, irapriaonracnt, and pardon. Id., 462, 475-6. Caataiiarea in his letter of Sept. 1st to the Mex. govt, Castaiiares, Col. Doe, 42, aaya that Sta B. isles are the resort of sraugglers. They should be settled and a presidio established on Sta Cruz. Streeter, RecoU., MS., 20-33, describes his own successful efforts to resist the smaU-pox by vaccination, and the evil resulta of impure virus used by 'another doctor.' Davis, Glimpses, MS., 273-4, notes a Shakesperian performance got up by W. D. M. Howard and John C. Jones. 1845. Feb. Micheltorena's array here on the way south. This vol., p. 491, 501. Aug. 10th, election of 8 corapromisSrios who on Sept. 7tli choose two eleotores de partido. Id., 540; Doc. Hid. Cal, MS., iv. UGI; Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 49. Nov. Capt. Flores' revolt and arreat of the civil authorities. This vol., p. 540-2. Thomes in his On Land and Sea spins some yarns, all strictly true let us hope, of hia sailor-boy adventures at this port iu 1843-5. "MiUtary items of Sta Bdrbara. Company rosters, pay-roUs, ,eto., in Dept St Pap., B. M., MS., Ixxxv. 1, 8, 10; Ixxxvi. 6, 7; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxvii. passim; Doc Hist Cal, MS., iv. 1114r-15, 1135-7, 1140; Ouerra, Doc, MILITARY AND MUNICIPAL. 641 Guerra y Noriega, old, infirm, and discouraged at the governor's apathy in the matter of military reorgani zation, retired from active service in April 1842, leav ing the command of the post to Brevet Lieut-colonel Gumesindo Flores, and of the company to Alfdrez Roberto Pardo. Ignacio del Valle was habilitado to July 1841, followed by Pardo; and Jose Lugo con tinued to hold the place of second alfdrez. Flores and Pardo were in command until 1845. The sub-prefecture was resigned by Raimundo Car rillo in January 1841, and though steps were taken and a trio of candidates recommended for the ap pointment of a successor I find no record of any in cumbent in 1842-3. On the restoration of the pre fectures in 1845, Anastasio Carrillo received the appointment in July.^" Municipal aflfairs were raan aged by a succession of jueces de paz, or alcaldes in 1844-5 during the suppression of the prefecture, as follows: Fernando Tic6, Joaquin CarriUo, Juan Ca- marrUlo, Josd M. Covarrubias, and Nicholas A. Den, each aided by a second, or suplente.^^ Items connected MS., passim. Jau. 25, 1842. Flores' appointraent as cora. Vallejo, Doe, MS., xi. 49-50. April 1st, Guerra y Noriega turns over com. to Flores and Pardo. Id., 219. Capt. Josd Carrillo (Josd de la Guerra y CarriUo?) acting as com. in Sept. 1845. Dapt St. Pap., B. M., MS., Ixxxviii. 51. Juan P. Ayala acting in same capacity in same month. Cota, Doe, MS., 17. Jan. 1841. Guerra to gov. ou the neceaaity of increasing the force; and Alvarado's un favorable reply of Feb. 7th. Guerra, Doc, MS., vi. 12-13. April 9th, Guerra says he had to send a force to Los Angeles ou duty ' barefooted aud badly equipped.' Doc. Hist Cal, MS.,iv. 1092. JulyO, 1842, thecom. has ordered the soldiera to retire from aervice to gain their own living, since there ia noth ing to eat, and the govt will not force the miaaiona to. contribute; but 10 men at requeat of juez are retained to guard priaonera, etc. Dept. St. Pap., Ang., MS., vi. 129. Lieut Manuel Marquez waa here iu 1843. Jan. 30, 1841. Due the company aince Feb. 1839, $9,008. Doc. Hiat Cal, MS.,iv. 1114-16. Received from misaions for 2d half of theyear $404. Guerra, Doe, vi. 89. Paid to comp. from the treasury from 1839 to 1842, $10,814. Id. In store March 1842, $259. M, 90. ™R. Carrillo's reaignation Jan. 15, 1841. DeptStPap., Ben., P. & J., MS., vi. 50. Trio prtipoaed by prefect to gov. Joaquiu CarriUo, Joad A. de la Guerra, aud A. M. Ortega. Id., iv. 5; Dept. See, MS., xu. 5; Dept St Pap. Ang., MS., xii. 45. July 12 or 15, 1845, appointment of A. CarrUlo. Id., Ben., P. &J., ii. 84, 17; Dept Rec, MS., xiv. 64; StaB. Arch., MS., 55-6. July 4th, the asaembly makes the Cuesta de Sta Susana the boundary of the partido. Dept. St Pap., MS., viii. 35. " Pueblo officials and municipal affairs. 1841. Jueces de paz Fernando Tic6 and Santiago Lugo, Josd Moraga si'ndico, Raimuudo CarriUo sec. to Oct., succeeded by Francisco Lopez. Jan. 28tli, in reply to the demand of Hiai. Cal., Vol. IV. « 642 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE SOUTH. with the municipal government and administration, though somewhat more numerous and better recorded than in the preceding decade, are of but little moment. A list of some twenty-five private ranchos granted during the five years is appended. ^^ the prefect for a list of vagrants, the juez replies that there are none in hia jurisdiction. Sta B. Arch., MS., 17. March, efforts of prefect to check drunkenness on Sundays. Juez says the evil is exaggerated, and that his regulations are very effective, though some will buy liquor on Saturday to drink on Sunday. Id., 19; Dept. St. Pap., Aug., MS., i. 55; iii. 89. July, a prisoner who haa been shut up 9 months for homicide in irons, living on charity, wishes permission to work for food aud clothes. Id., vi. 50. Oct., Pedro Ortega kills his wife at Refugio, Miguel Cota being an accomplice. Both arrested. Id., vi. 70. 1842. Jueces de paz Joaquin Carrillo and Antonio M. Ortega, the latter declining to serve and being replaced by Juan Camarrillo iu March. Tax collector Nicholas A. Den. Dec, Josd M. Liadrraga — the same man who has been mentioned aa a prisoner in 1841 — the murderer of Jesus Valdds, has escaped. Sta B. Arch., MS., 43. 1843. Jueces de paz Rairaundo Carrillo and Ramou Valdds appointed in Deo. 1842, Dept St Pap., Ben. P. * /., MS., iu. 107; but Juan CamarriUo is the justice named in several records; and Joaquin Carrillo in Leg. Rec, MS. , iv. 308. (3apt. of the port from thia year J. A. de la Guerra. Jan. , J. J. Warner obtained permission to hunt goats and seals on the Sta B. islands by paying 4 reals for each otter akin and 2 reala for each seal, into the munic. fund, aud giving one fourth of tho goatskins for the troops. Loa Ang, Arch., MS., ii. 317-27. Case of J. M. Domiuguez, accused of stealing cattle, and disagreement between juez and gov. on the subject. Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 309- 10. 1844. Alcaldes Josd M. Covarrubias and Antonio Rodriguez. Janssens, Vida, MS., 177-80. 1845. Alcaldea Nicholaa A. Den aud Rafael Gonzalez. Aguatin Janssens, Vida, MS., 177-80, clairas to have been elected, but his opponenta tried to annul the election and he retired. July 1st, Juan Fdlix was killed at Refugio by a neophyte uamed Manuel. Sta B. Arch., MS., 55; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. P. <& J., MS., ii. 18. Sub-prefect to gov. announcea certain scandals and the sending of one of the women concerned to her uncle at S. Luis Rey. Id., 171. She had been living with Pedro Ortega, who had been convicted of killing his wife. Sta B. Arch., MS., 57-9. Aug., the juez tries to break up a monte game at the house of Widow Cdrmen Ayala, and is soraewhat rudely handled by Hilarion Garcia. Id., 59-61. ^^Sta Bdrbara ranches of 1841-5. -* Alamo Pintado, 1 1., granted in 1843 to Marcelino, Maria Ant. de la Guerra de LataiUade claimant. Calera, or Pozitas, 1843, 1846, Narciso Fabregat, aud T. M. Robbins who was cl. *Camu- los, 4 I., 1843, Pedro C. Carrillo, who was cl. Canada del Corral, 2 I., 1841, Josd D. Ortega, who was cl. Cafiada Larga 6 Verde, J 1., 1841, Joaquina Alvarado, who was cl. Canada de los Pinos, see Sta Inds. Cafiada de Salsi puedes, IJ 1., 1844, Pedro Cordero, John Keyes cl. Cieneguita, 400 varas, 1845, Anastasio Carrillo, who was cl. Corral de Cuati, 3 )., 1845, Agustin Ddvila; M. Antonia de la Guerra de LataiUade ol. Cuyama, 5 1., 1843, Josd Maria Rojo; M. Antonia de la G. de LataiUade cl. Dos Pueblos, S 1., 1842, Nicholas A. Den, who was cl. In Arch. Sta B., MS., x. 228-31; Dept St. Pap., Aug., MS., vii. 59-60, is recorded a dispute between Den and the mis sion iu 1843. By arbitration the arroyo dela Cafiada de las Arraas was made the boundary. *Huertas, 1,300 varas, 18-44, Prancisco et al.; M. Ant. de la G. de LataiUade cl. Laguna, 1845, Miguel Avila; Octaviano Gutierrez cl. Lomas de la Purificacion, 3 1., 1844, Agustin Janssens, who was cl. Mision SANTA BARBARA. 043 The mission of Santa Bdrbara remained under the control of Padre Duran, aided by Padre Antonio Ji meno from 1844 and Padre Jose Maria de Jesus Gonzalez, a Zacatecano, from 1843. The number of neophytes varied from time to time, but was 260 at the end of the period. Leandro Gonzalez held the place of majordomo down to 1843, when the temporal management was restored to the padres. The estab Ushment has no recorded annals down to 1845, when the community was broken up.^^ Padre Duran in his old age had become discouraged; the Indians were careless and improvident; and though there was yet Vieja, see Purisima, Nojoqui, 3 1., 1843, Raimundo Carrillo, who was cl. Puri sima, 1845, Josd R. Malo, who was cl. Purfsima (Mision Vieja), 1 1.,' 1845, Joaquiu aud Josd Ant. CarriUo, who were cl. S. Buenaventura (mission), 40O varas, 1845, Fernando Tied, who was ol. S. Cdrlos de Jonata, 6 1., 1845, Joa quin CarriUo et ah, who were ol. S. Josd de Gc.acia, seo Simi. S. Miguel, H I., 1841, Rairaundo Carrillo et al., %vho were cl. Santa Cruz Isl., asked fo'r by Andrds Castillero iu 1845. Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 134. Santa luds or Caiiada de los Pinos, or college rancho, 6 1., 1844, catholic church, which was cl. Santa Paula, 4 1, 1843, Manuel J. Casarin; J. P. Davison cl. Santa Rita, 3 1, 1845, Josd Raraon Malo, who was cl. Santa Rosa Isl., 1843, Jood Ant. and Cdrlos Carrillo; M. Carrillo de Jones cl. Iu 1844 the grantees ceded the island to Mrs Jones and Mrs Thompson. Dept. St. Pap., MS., xviii 69; Dept. See, MS., xiii. 70. Simi or S. .losd de Gracia, 92,341 aores, 1842, confirmed to Patricio Javier and Manuel Pico; Josd de la Guerra y N., cl. Temascal, 3 1. , 1843, Francisco Lopez et al. ; M. Arguisola cl. Tequepis, 2 I., 1845, Joaquin Villa; Antonio M. Villa ol. *Todo3 Santos y S. Antonio, 51., 1841, Salvador Osio; AViuE. Hartnell ol. See Hoffman's Eepts. Grants marked * were rejected by the L. C. or U. S. courta. ^' Sta Barbara Misaion. 1842. Mofraa, Explor., i. 320, givea the pop. aa 400. 1843. Controveray with Den ou boundary of Dos Pueblos rancho. Arch. Sta B., MS., X. 22S-31. 1844. Duran's report ou southern missions gives a pop. of 287 with difficulty maintained. Pico (P'to), Doc, MS., i. 14. 1845. May, debt-reported as $2,765 with no assets. Arch., Arzob., MS., v. pt. ii. 53. The assembly authorizes tho gov. May 28tli to rent the eatate. This vol., p. 549. July 2jth, inventory by the appraisers Andrds Pico and Juan Manso, with P. Duran. Pop. 234 souls. Buildings reserved for bishop and padrea, 33 rooma, $1,500. Storehouae aud its contents in goods, implements, etc, $1,552. Collar with barrels, still, etc. $768. Soap-house and outfit ^398. Tannery $250. Smithy $160. Weaving room, looms, etc $126. Carpenter shop $.34. Majordomo's house $385. -Vaquero's outfib $24. Orchard, with adobe wall and 512 fruit-trees, $1,500. Vineyards, 1,295 and 2,400 vinos $1,720. Live-stock at the mission 816 cattle, 393 horses, 9 mules, $3,545. Corrals $265. S. Joad vineyard, 2,262 vinea, 100 trees, $1,335. Cieneguita with fence and crops $300. S. Antonio, a corral $25. S. Marcos with build ings, vineyards, gram, live-stock (140 cattle, 90 horses, 1,730 sheep), $6,936. Total $25,845. Original in Pico, Pap. Mis., MS., 7-15. Sept. 15th, Durcan to gov. askin:; to be relieved of the temporal raanageraent. The Ind. are re spectful to lura, but careless and wasteful. He will remain only till the grapes are harvested. Pica (Pio), Doc, MS., u. 68. Oct. 3d, gov. to Duran, Be may entrust the estate to a person of his confidence, or he may reni it. Dept St Pap., MS., viu. 26-7. Oct. 28th, Pico's order to rent the mission. 644 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE SOUTH. considerable property, the prospect of an increasinp' debt caused all parties to deem a change desirable. An inventory showed a total valuation, not including land or church property, of nearly $26,000, live-stock comprising 956 cattle, 488 horses, and 1,730 sheep. The estate was rented in December to Nicholas A. Den and Daniel Hill for $1,200 a year. The princi pal buildings were reserved for bishop and clergy. The Indians were to retain a part of the buildings, to have lands assigned them, to be at liberty to work for the lessees or for themselves, and to have a third of the rental ; but there is no evidence that they got anything beyond the privilege of remaining. At San Buenaventura Padre Antonio Jimeno re mained till late in 1843, with Padre Francisco de Jesus Sanchez as an associate in 1842-3. In No vember 1843 the bishop appointed the presbyter Josd Maria Rosales as curate, and the church property Avas turned over to him. Rosales had already lived here for nearly two years and remained until after 1845.^* Rafael Gonzalez was succeeded as majordomo This vol. , p. 552. Deo. 5th, renting of the raission to Den and Hill. Thia vol. , p. 553. Henry MeUus signed a bond Dec. 1 1th, and the lease was made out later. Hayes, Misa. B., 373-6. Dec. 16th, gov.'s order to Duran to give up the estate. Produce, food, saddles, etc., to be retained, the produce tobe sold to pay debts including $200 for the comisionados. Arch., StaB., MS., x. 243-5. Dec 26th, Duran's reply. Has given up the mission. Finds fault at paying $200 for 4 days' useless work. The only produce left is 50 hides and 0 or 7 bbls of brandy. He raay present a charge later of $1,000 of his own money spent on the Ind. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt. ii. 61-2. " S. Buenaventura iteraa. 1841. July 3d, Gonzalez to gov., objecting to the propoaed entry of gente de razon as likely to demoralize the Ind. St. Pap., Mias., MS., ix. 51. Sept. lOtli, thelnd. complain that they have been given nothing since 1839. Gonzalez asks license to make a repartition on mission account. Id,. 50. Dec Oth, G. explains that he administers heavy punishraents only for serious offences, aud believe there is no other way. Id. , 52. Expenses in Feb. $385; on haud, $1,427. M, 51. 1842. Gonzalez re signs in Feb. on account of his private business. Clairas to have kept the mission in good condition for 4 years. Id., 48. Crisdgono Ayala was appoint ed encargado in July and took charge iu Sept. Id., x. 10; Dept. Eec, MS., xii. 59; but Ramon Valdda, Mem., MS., 30-1, claima to have been in charge continuoualy from thia year. He aaya there were about 100 men besides -Bomen and children. Mofras, Explor., i. 320, makea the pop. SOO. View of S.'&nena.yentura.inRobinaon's Lifein Cal. 1843. Temporal management to be reatored to padrea. This vol., p. 369. April 3d, P. Jimeno certifies an in ventory minutely itemized with full description of church, etc., but no val ues. There were 2,382 cattle, 529 horses, 2,299 sheep, 220 mules, and 18 asses; 1,032 frait trees and 11,970 vines; crdits, $2,548, debt, $3,080. Pico, SAN BUENAVENTURA. 645 in 1842 by Cris6gono Ayala; and Ramon Valde3 sub sequently held the position. In 1843 the property was put in charge of Padre Jimeno, who retained it apparently after he went to Santa Bdrbara, as Rosales had nothing to do with the temporal management. The only event of the period Avas the occupation of the mission in 1845 by Castro and Micheltorena in the campaign which resulted in the latter's downfall. Circumstances leading to and accompanying the final renting of the estate were similar to those noted in the case of Santa Bdrbara; but the inventories are not extant. The lessees were Jose Arnaz and Nar ciso Botello, and the rent was $1,630. The neophyte population in 1845 I put at 200, but it is a guess rather than an estimate, as there are no contemporary figures. Nor are there any statistics of property later than 1842, though the rent paid serves as an indica tion of the value as compared with Santa Barbara. Padre Josd Joaquin Jimeno remained in charge of Santa Inds, with Juan Moreno as associate from 1842 and Francisco de Jesus Sanchez from 1844. Padre Moreno died at the end of 1845.^^ The leading event Pap., Miss., MS., 67-76. Ayala still raajordorao. Id. Nov. Sth, bishop's appointraent of Presbyter Rosales. He was to have a garden wich servants and $50 per month from the mission fund. Arch., Sta. B., MS., x. 225-7. 1844. The mission still iu tolerable condition with plenty of resources. Rosales had nothing to do with the property. This vol., p. 421-2. July 15th, gov. to Sta B., alcalde. He must seek to induce the free Ind. of S. Buena ventura to leave the coramun.ty lauds, and settle near Sta B., to stop the continual complaints of robberies, etc Dept. Rec, MS., xiii. 86. 1845. Ramon Valdds raajordorao. Id., xiv. 40. Josd Moraga proposed for juez de paz (?) in Nov. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., P. and J., MS., ii. 170. The oppos ing forces of Castro and Micheltorena at the raission in Feb. This vol. , p. 49S-.502. Renting of the estate in Doc Id., 553. Valdds, Mem., ilS., 30-1, saya the property was iu good condition, yielding enough to support the lud., when turned over to the lessees. In Unb. Doc, MS., 331, Stephen C. Foster is named as one of the original lessees who withdrew in 1846. ^•^ Juan Moreno was born Jan. 27, 1799, at Montenegro, la Rioja, Old Cas tUe; but becarae a Franciscan in M,exico, being ordaine! aa sub-deacon at Toluca in 1821. He came to Cal. in 18.27, and his missionary service was at Sta Barbara in 1827-9; at Sta Cruz in 1829-30; S. Juau Bautista iu 18:50-2; S. Miguel iu 1833-42; and Sta Inda (having charge alao of Purisima, and probably living there a part of tho time) iu 1842-5. Except that he was a quiet, patient man, well liked by all, we know very Ut:;le abi>ut him. Asi sara, an Indian of Sta Cmz, Amador, Mem., MS., 90-113, says he was very skilful in throwing the reata and was very p,-oud of his success iu lassoing bears. Of his poverty at S. Miguel in 1838 he writes to Capt. Guerra, 'Le 646 LOCAL ANNALS OP THE SOUTH. of the period was the foundation of the colegio semi nario de Maria Santisima de Guadalupe de Santa Inds de CaUfornias in 1844 as recorded elsewhere.^® Miguel Cordero continued to act as administrator of the mis sion estate until in 1843 it was restored to the man agement of the padres. The ex-neophyte population in 1845 was 270 souls. According to the inventories of 1841 and 1845, live-stock decreased from 12,000 to 2,000 animals; and the total value of property from $49,000 to $20,000, and perhaps more, since the first inventory seems not to have included lands, as the last did. There were charges of a reckless distribution of the cattle among favorites of the government.^' uoticio que ya uo chupo porque no tengo; vea Vd si es fuerte apuracion esta !' He served as a professor in the Sta Inds college; and he was buried by the rec tors and alumni on Dec. 28, 1845. Sta lnis, Lib. Mis., MS., 27. '" See this vol. , p. 425-6, with full references. ^'Sta Inds record. 1841. Miguel Cordero became administrator Jan. 15th, having aoted ad int. before. The inventory of transfer from Francisco Cota shows a total valuation, exclusive of lands aud churoh property, of $49,- 115, with a debt of $975. Buildings, implements, and effects in store S12,- 237; live-stock (10,295 cattle, 525 horses, 1,704 sheep, 28 mules, 49 pigs, 4 asses), $34,086; 987 fruit-.trees, $987; credits $1,828. Cordero's receipts to end of June $1,477; expend. $1,173. July. C. ordered to kill 500 fat cattle on govt account. Oct. et seq. C. has trouble in getting possession of the Purisima property. St. Pap. Miss.,MS.,ix. 1-6. Francisco Cota appointed juez do paz in Dec. Sta B. Arch., MS., 35. 1842. Valentm Cota temporarily iu charge iu Cordero's absence iu Nov., at which time there was trouble about tho delivery of 300 cattle to Cdlis on the gov.'s order. Guerra, Doc, MS., v. 305-6; Cota, Doc, MS., 16. Manuel Gutierrez seems to have had some au thority iu Sept. Dept. St Pajy., A-ng., yii. 11. Pop. 250, according to Mofras. Explor. , i. 320. Jau. , gov. orders $80 to be expended on the churoh. Dept Rec, MS., xii. 47. May, the music- teacher Luis to be placed at the disposal of P. Jimeno. Id., 56. July, owners of Sta Rosa and Alamos ranchos must permit the cutting of tiraber for the mission. Sta B. Arch., MS., 41. Sta Inds was the southern limit of Vallejo's coramand over the linea del norte. This vol., p. 292. 1843. Temporal manageraent restored tothe padres. Id, 300; but there are no details' or inventories. May SOth, gov. grants to the Carrillos tho irrigable lands of Mision Vieja in company with the Ind. Dept Rec, MS., xiii. 58. 1844. Founding of the seminary as noted elsewhere. A roport of Duran says the mission is still in moderately good condition, with 2li4Ind. Pico(Pio), Doe, MS., 14. The asaembly to meet at Sta Inda, but never did so. This vol., p. 412. 1845. May, debt of the mission $1,151, no assets (?). Arch. Arzob. , MS. , v. pt ii. 25. J.uly 22d, inventory by Pico and Manso as ap praisers. Pop. 270 souls. Buildinga, implementa, and effecta in storehouse $7,943. Lands, gardens, 092 fruit-trees, 5 sitios of grazing land, $5,240. Live-stock, 496 cattle (beaidea 965 due from 7 private individuala), 193 horses, 1,608 sheep, 15 raules, 3 asses, and 33 swine, $5,093; credits $1,736. Total $30,288. Debt $2,848. Pico, Pap. Mis., MS., 89-100. But an entry in the Sia lnis. Lib. Mis., MS., 39, states that Pico and Manso acted without the cooperation of the padre, who did not sign the inventory. In Id., 38-9, ia an entry to effect that Carrillo and Covarrubias, the grantees of Jonata ranoho. SANTA INfiS AND PURISIMA. 647 At last the estate was rented in December 1845 to Josd Maria Covarrubias and Joaquin Carrillo for $580 per year. The venerable Padre Ramon Abella, last survivor of the Fernandinos Avho came in the last century, served as minister at Purisima for a few months be fore his death in 1842; and subsequently the mission Avas under the spiritual care of Padre Juan Moreno and the presbyter Miguel Gomez, though both resided most of the time at Santa Ines.^-'' Josd Antonio de la Guerra was the administrator in 1841-2, and is with the connivance of the gov. had not kept their agreement with the mis sion. They were to pay $(j00 and a number of cattle, and to leave land enough to support the cattle. Nov. , Joaquin Carrillo proposed as juez de paz. Dept. St. Pup., Ben., P. tS: J., MS., ii. 170. Lease of the mission in Dec I'his vol., p. 553. "Ramon Abella was born May 28, 1764, at Monforte, Aragon, Spain; and became a Franciscan at Zaragoza on March 6, 1784, coming to the Mexican college in 1795 and to Cal. iu 1798. His missionary service of 44 years was at S. Francisco in 1798-1819, S. Cdrlos in 1819-33, S. Luis Obispo in 1833-42, and Purisiraa in Feb.-May, 1842. He was rated by his superiors as one of the most zealous and ablest friars in the country for raissionary work proper, and fitted for any offlce, but somewhat unfitted for temporal management. Autobiog. Autog. de los Padres, MS, ; Sarria, Inf. de 1817, MS., 71, 117; Pay- eras Inf. 1820, MS., 135-6. As early as 1804 he wished to quit the country. In 1807 and 1811 he made entradas araong the gentiles, of which his narratives are extant. See list of auth. vol. i. On July 22, 1814, at S. Frauoisco he buried the last Indian who remerabered the foundation of the mission in 1776, Biridiana, a woman of 63 years born ou the very site of the miasion. 8. F. Lib. Mis., MS., 74. He was present at the founding of S. Rafael in Dec 1817; and there ia hardly a miaaion regiater in Cal. iu whioh hia uarae doea not ap pear. In 1826 he professed obedience to the republican governnient, though refuaing to take the oath. Before leaving S. Carlos he becarae sick and in firm; and his terra of service at Sau Luis Obiapo was one of illnesa aud dia- oourageraent, nearly approaching dotage at the laat. In 1836, he waa brood ing over impending death, lamenting the unhappy fate of the missions and friars, and wishing that he could get the money due him so that he might pay his debts and secure a passage to some other country. In 1838 he declared his neophytes to be the most wretched and poverty-stricken beings on earth, aud himself as needy as any. In 1839 he weut to Purisima for a tirae, refusing to live at S. Luis unless Angel Rarairez with his opeu iraraorality and 'genio domiuante' should be reraoved. Why he was sent to take charge of Purisima in 1842 it is hard to imagine, unless it was to humor a whim of his own. While at this mission he declared that he had been robbed of all he brought from S. Luis; and P. Jimeno in a letter of March 9th, Guema, Doe, MS., charged the administrator and others, ' who were not Indiaus ' as pretended, with the robbery, and with having treated the old padre ' with the greatest ingratitude, inhumanity, aud vileness.' Rafael Gonzalez, Mem., MS., 5-8, who had au interview with Abella at Purisima, describes him as having acted in a very strange mnnner, evidently insane or in his dotage. His last days were spent at Sta Inds, where he waa buried on May 24, 1842, iu the church near the presbytery ou thc epistle side about two varaa frora the church wall. Sta, lnis. Lib. Mis., MS., 25-0. 648 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE SOUTH. accused of having dissipated what was left of the mission property of any value, the remnants beino- put in charge of the Sta Ines administrator in 1842, and all turned OA'cr to the padres in 1843.^' Subse quently there was no resident padre, but a subordi nate majordomo was probably left in charge by Padre Moreno, who from Santa Inds visited his flock from time to time. In 1844 the smaU-pox kUled most of the 200 Indians and broke up the community. In 1845 I suppose there may have been 50 ex-neophytes living in the vicinity. What was left of the estate, except church property, was sold to John Temple for $1,110. ^' Purisima affairs. 1841. Josd M. Valenzuela tumed over the mission to Josd Aut. de la Guerra, his successor, on July 1st. St Pap. At iss., MS., xi. 23. It appears that in Sept. -Oct., Guerra was ordered to deliver the property to Cordex'o of Sta Inds, but refused to do so unless paid $700 for which he clainied to be personally responsible to creditors of the mission. Id., ix. 5. In Dec, Francisco Cota was appointed juez for the ranchos of this region. Dept St Pap., MS., xviii. 66. 1842. In Feb., Guerra made the delivery to Cordero as required, but the latter declares that the property, except ' unos cuantos muebles inservibles, ' had disappeared, and that G. had killed and scattered the live-stock ou pretext of orders from the govt. St Pap. Misa., ix. 6. P. Jimeno also accuses Guerra of having robbed the mission of everything, and claims to have irrefutable proofs. Guerra, Doc, MS., vii. 10-17. In April Diego Femandez is addressed aa majordomo, and is informed that the raiaaion's yearly quota of presidio supplies is 20 fan. maize, 10 fau. beans, 40 arr. lard, 10 arr. tallow, 70 pairs of shoes, and $25 of soap. St Pap. Mis., MS., x. 1. June, the gov. appoints an encargado at $10 per month. Dept Eec, MS., xii. 58. Mofras, Explor., i. 320, gives the pop. aa 00 Ind. 1843. Estate turned over to the padres. This vol., p. 369. No particulars. 1844. Duran reports 200 Ind. , no live-stock or cultivated lauds, a vineyard of mediura extent, adrainistered by P. Moreno, very infirm, aided by Gomez, recently ordained as a clergyman. Pico (Pio), Doc, MS., 14. Aug., the smaU-pox had killed most of the Ind. and waa still raging. Guerra, Doc, MS., vii. 17-18. 1845. April, P. Moreno denies that the padres have disposed of auy property, but the govt has sold all the lands. Arch. Sta B., MS., x. 185. June, Ind. ordered by gov. to reoccupy the mission within a mouth or the property -will be sold. This vol., p. 549. Dec, mission sold to John Temple for $1,110, including buildings, two vine yards, etc., church property reserved. 'This vol., p. 552-3. CHAPTER XXVII. LOCAL ANNALS OP THE NORTH. 1841-1845. Population op the North and or Califoenia — Montebet Disthict — Events at the Capital — Military Items — Prbfeotpre — Municipal Affairs — List oe Ranchos — San Carlos — San Luis Obispo — A New Pueblo — Sale of Ex-mission Property — San Miguel— San Antonio — SoLED.iD — San Juan de Castro — Santa Cruz — Villa de Branci forte — San Francisco District — Population — Events — Pueblo Mat ters — Sub-prefecture— Military — Growth of Yebba Buena — New CusTOM-HousE — Land Grants in the North — Mission Dolore.s — San Rafael — Solano — Pueblo of Sonoma — Ross and Bodega — New Hel vetia — San Jost Mission — Padres Muro, Gutierrez, and Quija,s — Santa Clara — Padre Mercado — Pueblo of San Josi:. Northern California, or the two districts of Mon terey and San Francisco, forming the territorial basis of this chapter, may be regarded as having had a population of 3,550 gente de razon in 1845, besides nearly 400 foreigners, newly arrived and unsettled, or at least beyond the reach of Mexican registers, and about 1,300 ex-mission Indians, besides nearly as many more scattered in and near the settlements and ranchos, not nominally or av holly relapsed into barba rism. Combining there figures Avith those of the pre ceding chapter — 3,350 de razon and 1,880 Indians — we have for the population of California at the end ofthe period 6,900 gente de razon and 3,180 Indians Avith a nearly equal surplus as explained above. The foreign population has been given elsewhere as 680, of which number I suppose that somewhat less than half should be included in the figures given above. ( 649 ) 650 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE NORTH. The Monterey district gained in population, by es timate, for there are no contemporary padrones except at Santa Cruz, from 1,600 in 1830 to 1,950 in 1845, this number being made up of 750 in town — or nearly 1,000 during the stay of Micheltorena's battaUon in 1843-4 — 775 at the ranchos and ex-missions, 75 at San Juan, and 350 at Branciforte. There were also about 450 ex-neophytes living at or near the ex-mis sions or as servants in town, while other Indians scattered in the district could not have been much less in number. There were probably over a hun dred foreigners whose names and residence were known. Events at Monterey, by reason of its position as capital and chief port, were in many instances of de partmental as well as local interest and importance, and have therefore been pretty fully recorded in other parts of this volume. They are, however, summa rized and indexed with a supplemental mention of minor happenings in the appended note, which con tains also details respecting military matters, munici pal affairs, and private ranchos of the district.^ 1841 ' Summary of Monterey events. 1841. Matters connected with the Graham exilea of the precedhig year; visita of French, English, and U. S. men-of-war. This vol., p. 33-40. Visit of Douglas and hia plana for a H. B. Co. establishraent. Id., 211, 216. Douglas' description of a visit to the Salinas A''alley. Journal, MS., 102-3. July, order of the gov. to build a block of S0-k30 varas for barracks and offices at an estimated cost of $10,003. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., MS., iii. 168. Aug., estimates and specifications for rebuilding custoin-houae $2,400. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiii. 229. Earthquake on May 12th. This vol., p. 249. Visit of Duilot de, Mofraa, whose work contains a view of the town. Id., 249-52. 1842. Prudon's experience as A^allejo's commissioner for Mex. 7a!., 281-5. Meeting of the junta departa mental and tribunal superior. Id., 295-6. Capture and restoration of the town by Com. Jones in Oct. Id., 298-.329. A large lithographic view by oue of Jones' officers hangs in my library. Visit of Dr Sandels, the 'King's Orphan.' Id., 346. Dr Maxwell, on Jones' fleet, in hia Monterey in '42, MS., 21, apeaka of a man engaged in collecting curioaitiea for the German princea, wiio was shot through the lung by an arrow hi the Salinas valley. Dr M. attended hira and extracted tho arrow by 'pushing it through.' I do not know that Sandela had such an adventure, or who else the scientist could have been. Visit of Sir Geo. Simpson. Thia vol., p. 218 et seq. Iu hia Narrative, i. 343-71, Sirapaon givea much descriptive matter from which I quote as foUows: Thetown 'is a raere collection of buildinga, scattered as loosely on the surface as if they were so many bullocks at pasture; so that the most expert surveyor could not possibly classify them even into crooked streets. The dwellings, some of which attain the dignity of a second story, aro all built of adobea, being sheltered on every side from the sun by over hanging eaves, while toward the rainy quarter of the s. E. they enjoy the MONTEREY ANNALS. 651 is marked by the return of the Graham exiles, and, like the next year, by the visits of several foreigners who have made public their experiences and observa- additional protection of bougha of trees, resting like so raany ladders on the roof.'... 120 earthquakes iu two months of last season, but not severe. ' Externally the habitations have a cheerless aspect in consequence of the pau city of windows ... As to public buildings this capital of a province raay, with a stretch of charity, be allowed to possess four. First ia the church, part of which is going to decay, v/hile another part is not yet finished; its only peculiarity is that it is built, or rather half-built, of stone. Next comes the castle, consisting of a small houae, aurrounded by a low wall, all of adobea. It oomraanda the town and anchorage, if a garriaon of 5 soldiers and a battery of 8 or 10 rusty and honey-corabed guna can be said to com mand anything. Third is the guard-house, a paltry raud hut, without win dows. Fourth and laat atands the cuatom-houae, which is, or rather promises to be, a sraall range of decent oiHoea; for though it has been building for 5 years it ia not yet finished . . . After raass the pastor and his flock weut to christen a bridge, whicii had. lately beeu thrown over the little river of the town, and was now gayly decorated with banners, etc. , for the occasion . . . The only seminary of education in the province is a petty school at Monterey. ' On other general and commercial matters, impressions of individuals, and the visitor's personal experiences something is giveu elsewhere in this and other volumes. Forbea appointed British vico-couaul to reside here. This vol., p. 384. 1843. Arrival of Gov. Micheltorena and his army. Id., 354 et seq. Financial troubles, and meeting of the junta econdmica. Id., 357 ct seq. Sessions of the junta departamental and electiona. Id., 3G0 et seq. Coraplaints of citizeus of depredations of lud. horse-thieves. Id, 361. Ex cesses by Micheltorena's cholos; Id., 364 et seq. Grand celebration of the fiesta of Sept. 16th, described by Torre. Eemin., MS., 114-15. John A. Swan in his Monterey in 1843 gives a good sketch of affairs as he found them at his anival. Josiah Belden, Hi'it. Statement, MS., 40, also writes from memory of the town and region in 1843. 1844. Eventa of Micheltorena'a rule; hia plan for a school of high grade; ruraora of revolt iu Jan. and arrest of Alvarado; counter-revolt of the choloa in Aug. ; preparations for war with the U. S.; sessions of the junta departamental; agitation of the question of Monterey vs Los Angeles as capital, /c/., 401-12. Visit of tho biahop. Id., 427. Visit of the U. S. inaii-of-wiir. id., 567-8. Outbreak of the revolu tion against Micheltorena, Nov.-Dec Id., 458-83 passim. Ravages of the smaU-pox during the summer. BidweU says it waa brought by Larkin frora Mazatlan, and that about 80 died. Streeter claima to have vaccinated 300 in Larkin'a parlor. Torre notea the establishment of a hospital by the ayant. The peat was especially fatal among the Ind. I find nothing of this iu the archives. Bidwell's Cal, MS., 138-9; Streder's Eecoll, MS., 27-9; Torre, Eemin., MS., 110-13. Sorae descriptive matter on Monterey affairs in Wood's Wand. Sk., 212 et seq. 1845. Micheltorena declares martial law and leaves Monterey to fight the rebels in Jan. Thia vol. , p. 487-8. Returns in March to take a final departure with his cholo b-ittalion. Id. , 512. Monterey aff'airs during the governor's abaence Jan.-March; Andrds Pico takea command. Id., 514-16. Junta de guerra in May to discuss prospects of a war with U. S. Id., 524, 601. Electiona of Aug. 17th and Sept. 7th. Pablo de la Guerra and Joaquin Escamilla being choaen electorea de partido. Doc. Hist. Cal. , MS., u. 94; Castro, Doe, MS., i. 149. In May P. Real makes an appeal to the gov. in behalf of the church needa, and a popular aubacription is author ized. Dept St Pap., MS., vi. 83. Oot. 19th, juez de paz of 'pueblo del Piefugio ' reporta an attack by 8 Ind. frora the aalinas, and asks for troops. boc Hist Cal, MS., u. 199. $5,000 bad beeu apent ou a wharf— the money bein" raiaed by a tax of $50 per month on vessels— whioh was perhaps oom- ^^2 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE NORTH. tions. Commodore Jones' capture and restoration of the town in the name of the United States was the great event of 1842. Governor Micheltorena and his pleted by Larkin thia year. Dept St Pap., MS., in. 81-4; Monterey Herald, Aug. 1, 1874; S. J. Pioneer, Nov. 24, 1877. AVreok of Star if the West This vol., p. 562. Clyman, Diary, MS., 126-7, deacribes a visit to Monterey thia year. Military affairs. MiUtary comandantes of the post; Gumesindo Florea 1841-2, Joad Caatro 1842-3, Geu. Micheltorena or oue of his officers 1843-4, Juau Abella, Andrds Pico, Pedro Narvaez, and Josd Castro 1845. The pre sidial cavalry company varied irregularly from 21 to 58 men rank and file, being 32 at the end of 1845. Pay-rolls $10,000 to $15,000 per year. Capt. Josd Castro, abaent most of the time 1841-3; Nicanor Eatrada 1843-4; Joa quiu de la Torre 1845. Lieut Manuel Caatro in 1845. Alfdrecea Rafael Pinto, Jacinto Rodriguez, Joaquiu de la Torre, agregado from 1841, Fraucisco A'ar- gas 1843, Valentin Gajiola (agregado and habUitado), and Dolorea FdUx in 1845. VaUejo, Doc, MS., xxvu. pasaim; Dept St Pap., B. M., MS., Ixxxv. 3-4, 7; Ixxxvi. 12-13; Ixxxviu. 43-5; Id., Ben., 0. & T., v. I, 7. Artillery, 17 to 7 rank and file, pay-roll about $600 per month, uuder Capt. Mariano Silva, Sub-lieut Anastasio Cortds, and Gabriel de la Torre, agregado iu 1845. Thia vol., p. 198; Dept. St Pap., B. M., Ixxxvi. 1'2-13; Ixxxviu. 44; Id., Ben., 0. & T., y. 2, 8, 10. In 1841 an auxiliary company of 4 to 19 men under Capt. Santiago Eatrada ia raentioned. Id., B. M., IjCxxv. 9. In 1844 a company of defensorea de la patria, or auxiliary cavalry, waa organized 32 strong, and costing $800 per month. The offlcers were Capt. A. M. Osio, Lieut Joaquin Escamilla, alf. Rafael Estrada, and Francisco Araiza. There was a similar company at S. Juan under Capt. Francisco Pacheco. Id, Ixxxviii. 50; St Pap. Sac, MS., xix. 18-20; this vol. p. 407. See M, p. 280, for a statement of men and officers in Micheltorena's battaUon. Mofras in 1841-2, Explor., i. 325, reports 40 aoldiera and 12 artiUerymen, the presidio razed, the fort and siraple battery with S bronze guns. An official report of 1842 givea tke available force aa 9 cavalry aud 13 artilleryraen. This vol., p. 293. Jan. 1842, arrangeraents raade to buy a rancho caUed S. Josd from Abrego, and stock it with cattle for the company; but nothing more appears about it. Vallejo, Doc , MS., xi. 24. Armaraent removed to S. Juan ia 1845. This vol., p. 603. For maritime affairs and revenue officials for this half decade see Id., 206 et seq., 339 et seq., 374 et seq., 428 et seq., 554 et seq. Prefecture. Tiburcio Oastro -was prefect of the 1st district reaiding at S. Juan, until July 1841, when Josd Ramon Estrada succeeded him, being ap pointed by the gov. ou the 22d, taking possession on the 25th, issuing a proo- lamatiou ou the SOth, and offering his resignation, whioh was not accepted, ia Au3. Dept Rec, MS., xii. 15; Mont Arch., MS., xvi. 29; Dept St Pap., MS., xvii. 12-1,3; Id., Ben., G. & T, iv. 64; Id., Ben., P. &J.,iy.23; S. Josi Arch., MS., ii. 39. Franciaco Arias had beeu appointed suplente in Jan., Dept Eec, MS., xii. 3, but nothing more is heard of him. Estrada's salary waa $2,000, and he seems to have resided at Monterey, but thia is not certain. Manuel Castaiiares was .secretary of the prefecture until Deo. 1842, whon Manuel Castro was appointed. Dept St. Pap., Ben., MS., ii. 38; Id., P. d:!-, iv. 32. In Nov. 1842, Estrada waa in charge of the govt duriug Alvarado's absence. VaUejo, Doe, MS., xi. 306. Oct. ISth, 1843, the officea of prefect and sub-prefect were aboliahed by the gov. and junta. This vol., p. 357- 8. July 12, 1845, prefecture restored, Monterey made 2d district with the town as cabecera, and Manuel Castro appointed prefect by Gov. Pioo. Cas tro took possession on Aug. 2d, having accepted on July 18th. Dept. St Pap., Ang., MS., x. 68-9; Id., 8. Josi, v. 97; Id., Ben., v. 364-5, 375-6; Dept Eec, M3., xiv. 65-6; Castro, Doc, i. 1,32, 1.37; Doc Hist On/., i. 491; ii. 59, 84. Florencio Serrano was secretary. It appears that Pico ou July 12th first MUNICIPAL RECORD. 653 vagabond army came to the capital in 1843. In 1844 the cholos remained, the bishop came, and the small pox raged. In 1845 the governor was expelled by named David Spence as prefect. Dept. St. Pap., MS., viii. 4; Id., Ben., P. <& J, ii. 84; but nothing appeara in explanation of the change. Caatro offered his resignation on Dec. 31st. Id., 93, but it was uot accepted. List of municipal officers. 1841. Juez de paz, Siraeon Castro to Nov., Josd Amesti frora Nov.; suplente Franciaco Ariaa; juecea auxiliares Juan Resales at S. Cdrlos, Vicente Cautiia, Joaquin Buelna (from Aug.), aud Euse bio Boronda (from Oct.) at Pilarcitos. 1842. Juez de paz Josd Z. Femandez, suplente Teodoro Gonzalez; juecea auxiliares Joaquin Gutierrez, Antonio Tapia for S. CArlos, Graciano Manjares and Geo. Allen for Zanjon, Joaquin Buelna for Refugio, Juan Higuera (?), Mont Arch., MS., xvi. 37; juez de carapo Josd Maria de la Torre; capt of the port Pedro Narvaez. 1843. Juez de paz PAn- filo Soberanea Jan.-Feb., Joad Z. Fernandez March-July, Teodoro Gonzalez May-Oct. ; juez suplente Juau Autonio Vallejo, acting as juez 1° Nov.-Dec. ; juez auxiliar at Refugio Salvador Espinosa; tax-collector Antonio Chavez and later Pierre Atillau; capt. of the port Pedro Narvaez. 1844. Alcaldes Jusd Amesti and Florencio Serrano; regidores Gregorio Castaiiares, Marce lino Escobar, James AVatson, Estdvan de la Torre; sindico Salvador Munrds; secretary Josd Antonio Chavez. Amesti being Ul Serrano acted as alcalde 1°, and Escobar also seems to have acted often iu the same capacity. Juecea auxiliarea Joad Castillo, Antonio Mendez,- TomAs Salgado, Joaquin Genling (?), Franciaco Lugo (?); agente de policia Gabriel de la Torre; capt. of port Pedro Narvaez. 1845. Juez or alcalde 1° Marcelino Escobar, not aUowed to resign in March. Dept See, MS., xiv. 26; Dept St Pap., MS., viii. 38; juez 2° Joaquin de los Santos Escamilla in Jan. , Francisco Araiza March-Aug. , Feliciano Soberanes frora Sept.; Vicente P. Gomez secretary; sindico or tax- collector Olivier Deleisdques to May; in Sept. Vicente Molina wis recom mended for collector and Ignacio Ezquer for treasurer. Doe Hist. Gal, MS., ii. 123; but Florencio Serrano was appointed treasurer on Sept. 24th. Mont. Arch., MS., xvi. 42. Agente de policia (?) Gil Sanchez; juez at Refugio Trinidad Espinosa. Municipal govemment and adrainistration of justice. 1841. Municipal and police regulations, card-playing, and lights before shops. Dept. St. P., Mont, MS., iv. 36; Mont Arch., MS., x. 19-20. July 4th, the body of Dan iel Ferguson was found on the Salinaa road. Joad Ant. Arana, ou account of hia intimacy with F. 'a wife Maria del CArraen Ruiz, was suspected of the mur der and in Dec. was condemned to quit Cal. Dept St. Pap., Ben., MS., iv. 11-15. Arana is said to have returned to Cal. in 1856. July, Joaquin Alva rado sentenced to one month in the chain-gang for slandering the daughter of Miguel Avila. Mout. Arch., MS., iii. 6. 1842. Police regulations etc., sell ing liquor, no standing ou streets at time of raass, prisoners to have one hour in the sun each day, lights before houses as well as shops. Id., x. 23; xvi. 32 -3; Dept St Pap., Ben. P. y J., MS., iv. 21; Id., Mont, iv. 131; Vallejo, Doe, MS., xxxiii. 274; Dept Bee, MS., xin. 31. May, Joad C. Botiller aen tenced to 8 years 'de servicio en las arraas' for rape and seduction, and Igna cio Arroyo to banishment as an accomplice. Mont. Arch., MS., x. 27. June, James O'Brien banished to the Sonoma frontier for 3 years for adultery. Id., iii. 15. Dec, ooUections for the year $71 in fines, $156 from shops. Id., 28- 9. Gov. approves appointment of jueces de paz, but the old authorities must continue uutil the 'nacion se constituya.' Dept. St. Pap., Ben. P. y J., MS., iv. 32. An Ind. shot by order of the gov. for asrsault on a woman. Garnica del Castillo, Recuerdos, MS., 2. Torre, Remin., MS., 97, relates that Manuel Gonzalez or Mauuelillo, a South Araerican shoemaker, who had long been sacristan at the Monterey chapel, was executed in July for the murder of an Englishman at S. Isidro, though Gonzalez maintained to the last that he had ^5* LOCAL ANNALS OF THE NORTH. revolutionary patriots. Military annals are confused and fragmentary; but the old presidial company Avas StiU kept in existence with a force of 20 to 30 men; acted in self-defence. 1843. Instructions to jueces de campo, on slaughters, hide-sales, fires ui fields; and other police regulations on prisona, gambling, liquor, etc. Mont Arch., MS., xi. 5-6, 14-15; Dept St Pap., Mont, MS., IV. 137; Id., Ben. P.yJ., iy. 36; Id., Ben., iii. 159. Jan. , a confirraed cattle- thief condemned to 8 j'ears in presidio at Acapulco. Mont Arch., MS., iii. 23. Alcalde VaUejo complains of an order to tum over munic funds to Chavez the collector as showing a lack of confidence in himself; but his viewa are overruled by the prefect, and he is warned to be more moderate in his expres sions. Id. , xi. 2. July, Bonifacio OUvares banished for a year to Los Augeles as a vagabond. Id., iv. 1. Oct. a man accused by an Ind. woraan of violence to her daughter, but acquitted on the ground that the mother had taken hia raoney. Id., xvi. 39-40. Dec. 10th, election of compromisarios to choose an ayuut. Highest no. of votea 330. Leg. Eec, MS., iv. 3-8. 1844. Jan., 3 agentes de policia appointed. Dept St Pap., MS., xvu. 14. Feb.-March, a blotter of the ayunt. records. Choice of a publio plaza between the houses of Benito Diaz, Francisco Pacheco, Teodoro Gonzalez, and Estdvan Munras. A light for the municipal house and bridge, also near Hartnell's houae and in the casa consistorial. A plan of the capital received from the gov., with a request that the ayunt. ahould make town improvemeuts conforra to it? Other routine raatters and police regulationa. Mont Arch., MS., v. 29-35. More regulationa on the old aubjecta, alao on care of the atreeta, fire-arms, racing, etc.; also an order of the gov, of Feb. 4th, prohibiting the posting of lam poons under heavy penalties. Dept. St. Pap., Mont, MS., iu. 98-9, 104-5; iv. 148-9; Dept St Pap., MS., xvii. 19. The plan of the town, which I liave been unable to find, is also mentioned in Dept. Eec , MS. , xiii. 66. Nov. 12th, order for election of ayunt. on 1st Sunday in Dec, half the regidores to hold over. Dept St Pap., Aug., MS., xu. 89. Gomez, Lo Que Sabe, MS., 75, relates that after the governor fixed a fine for uot keeping lights in front of houses, J. M. Castanares one night put out Micheltorena's own light, reporting its absence to the alcalde, who collected $5 from his excellency. 1845. Financial. Feb. 1st, debts $190, list of credits $80, but incomplete. Receipts and expend. to end of May, $208. June 4th, alcalde owes munic fund $21, less $13 paid. Pay of alguacil $8 per month. A timber tax collected. Receipts in Dec. $251, expend. $49. Doc Hist Cal., MS., ii. 35, 80, 128, lSO-1, 169. Alcalde Escobar, hia resignation being refused iu March, went away for a month in May; and alcalde Araiza soon went away also because the military officers disregarded his authority. Capt. Torre was appointed to act temporarUy, but many would not recognize him. All this and more — a sorry picture of muni cipal disorder — is presented in letters of July from Escobar and Araiza. Dept St. Pap., MS., viii. 38-45. Josd Castro says in June that there are no jueces. Doc llist. Cal., MS., U. 60. July 13th, Col. Alvarado in a proclamation says that Mont, has been long without civil authorities, and an, Indian mur derer will be hanged to-day by sentence of court-raartial. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xxxiv. 142. Torre, Eemin., MS., 130-2, gives some detaUs of this man's crime, an attack on women and children while bathing. July 28th, Escobar saya he opened his court but waa ordered by Alvarado to cloae it; aud Rafael Sanchez (the Ind. referred to ?) has been shot without process of law. Dept St Pap., Ben. P y J, MS., iv. 48. May, E. Martinez and M. Castro sen tenced to 5 years' presidio at S. Vicente, L. Cal. De2it St Pap., MS., vi. 33. Juez cannot 'run his court' without paper aud a knife, which are furnished, 32 sheets of the former. Doe Uist Cal, MS., ii. 25-6. June, $10 ordered paid for a lantern on the bridge. Id, 61. Aug., controveray between prefect and mil comandante on complamt of Alcalde, Araiza, about au Ind. woman deposited by civil process in the house of a citizen, but takeu out and flogged PRIVATE RANCHOS. 655 Micheltorena's battalion was a large but undesirable addition in 1843-4; and from 1844 a company of auxiliary cavalry, defensores de la patria, was ready by Gabriel de la Torre. Id., 75, 82, 93; Caatro, Doc, MS., i. 140. Araiza was insulted on the street in connection with this affair; and got leave of absence from the gov.; Escobar was still absent at Sta Birbara; and the pre fect asked for authority to appoint 2 jueces ad int., and apparently was per mitted so to appoint Soberanes as 2d juez. Doc Hist. Cat, MS., i. 474; Dept. St Pap., Ben., MS., v. 364-5. Deo. 10th, election of an ayunt. for 1840. Doc Hist Cal, MS., ii. 240. List of private ranchos granted in 1841-5. Those marked, with a * were rejected by the land comraission or U. S. courts. -* Agua Puerca and Las Francas (Sta Cruz), 1 1. , 1843, R. Rodriguez and P. Alviso, who were claimants. Aguilas, see Real de las A. Ano Nuevo (Sta Cmz), 4 1., 1842, Simeon Castro; M. A. Pico et al. cl. *Arastradero (Sta Cruz), 1 1., 1844, Albert F. Morris; AA''m Blackburn cl. Arroyo Grande or S. Ramon (S. Luia Ob.), 1841, Seferino Carion; Francia Branch cl. Asuncion (S. Luis Ob.), 1845, Pedro Estrada, who was cl. -''Atascadero (S. Luis Ob.), 1842, Trifon Garcia; M. A. Ortega cl. Atascadero (S. Luis Ob.), I 1., 1842, Trifon Garcia; Henry Haight cL CaSada, see Carpinteria, Chorro, Osos, and Rineon. Carneros, 1 1., 1842, Maria Antonia Linares, who waa cl. Carpinteria, Caflada de la, 4 L, 1845, Joaquin Soto, wlio was cl. Cayucos, see Moro y C. Cholam (S. Luis Ob.), 0 1, Mauricio Gonzalez; EUen E. Wliit-e cl. Chorro, canada (S. Luis Ob.), 1 I., James Scott and John Wilson; AVilson cl. Cidnega, see Paioines and Gavi lan. Coches, 2J 1., 1841, Josefa Soberanes, who wascl. Corral de Piedra (S. Luis Ob.), 2 1. 1841, 1846, J. M. Villavicencio, -ivho waa cl. Corralitos (Sta Cruz), 41, 1844, Josd Amesti, who waa cl. -*Gavilan, cidnega, 11 I., 1843, J. Y. Limantour, who was cl. Huaama (S. Luis Ob.), 5 1., 1843, Isaac Sparks, who was ol. Huerfano (S. Luia Ob.), 1 1., 1842; Mariano BonUla; Francis Branch cl. Huerta de Romaldo (S. Luis Ob.), 1-10 1., 1842, Romaldo. lalay, see Osos. Laguna, see Punta de la L. Laureles 2,000 v. 1844, J. Agricia; L. Ransom cl. Lomaa Muertaa, IJ 1., 1842, Joad Ant. Caatro; -Vicente San chez et al. cl. Moro y Cayucos (S. Luia Obispo), 2 1., 1842, Vicente Fdlix; James McKinley cl. Ojitos, 2 1., 1842, Mariano Soberanes, who waa cl. *Osos, Canada, 11 1., 1844, Modesta Castro, who was cl. Osos, Pecho y Islay (S. Luis Ob.), 1842-3-5, Linares et al.; John Wilson cl. Paioines, -2 1., 1842, Angel Castro, who was cl. -*Pajaro, 6 auertea, 1843, Joae M. Borgas (?), who was cl. -*Panoohe Grande, 41., 1844, Vicente P. Gomez, who waa cl. Paso de Robles (S. Luis Ob.), 6 1., 1844, Pedro Narvaez; P. Rios cl. Pecho, see Osos. Piedra, see. Corral de P. Piojo, 31., 1842, Joaquin Soto, whose heirs were ol. Pleito, 3 I., 1845, Autonio Chavez; W. S. Johnson et al. cl. Potrero deS. Luis Obispo, 1 I., 1842, M. Concepcion Boronda, who was cl. Punta de la Laguna (S. Luis Ob.), 6 1., 1844, L. Are llanos and E. M. Ortega, who were cl. Punta, see Auo Nuevo. Real de las Aguilas, 7 1., 1844, Fran. Arias, and Saturnine Cariaga; Maria Ant. Castro de Anzar, cl. Refugio (Sta Cruz) 3 1., 1841, Josd Bolcof, whose sons were cl. Rineon, canada (Sta Cruz), 2 1., 1843, Pierre Sainsevain, who was cl. Rin eon, see S. Pedro. Roliles, see Paso. Romaldo, see Huerta. S. Agustiu (Sta Cruz), 1 I., 1841, J. J. Crisdstorao Mayor; Joa. L. Majors cl. S. Benito, 14 I., 1842, Prancisco Garcia; J. Watson cL S. Bernabd, 3 1., 1841-2, Petro nilo Rios; Henry Cooks cl. S. Bernardo, 3 I., Mariano Soberanes, who was cl. S. Gerdnirao (S. Luis Ob.), 2 I., 1842, Rafael Villaviciencio, who was cl. S. Juan Bautista, 2 1., 1844, J. A. Narvaez who was cl. S. Lorenzo, 51., 1841; Feliciano Soberanes, who was cl. S. Lorenzo, 5 1., 1842, Franciaco Rico; A. RandaU cl S. Lucaa, 2 I., 1842, Rafael Eatrada; J. McKinley cl. S. Luis Obispo mission buildinga, etc., 1845^ Soott, Wilson, &'McKinley; John WU son cl. Ranchos not named in S. Luis Ob. 1841, Ramona CarnUo, who was 656 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE NORTH. to defend California from foes within and without. The presidio had disappeared, but a so-called fort, or castillo, was garrisoned by a dozen artillerymen with three or four guns in working order. Tiburcio Castro, the prefect of this first district, was succeeded in 1841 by Ramon Estrada, who served until the pre fecture was abolished by Micheltorena at the end of 1843. On the restoration in July, 1845, Monterey became the second district, and Manuel Castro the prefect. Municipal affairs Avere directed by a juez de paz, except in 1844 when there was an ayuntamiento with an alcalde at its head. The successive muni cipal chiefs were Simeon Castro and Jose Amesti in 1841, Josd Zenon Fernandez in 1842-3, Pdnfilo Soberanes and Teodoro Gonzalez in 1843, Jose Amesti, Florencio Serrano, and Mariano Escobar in 1844, and Escobar, Francisco Araiza, and Soberanes in 1845. Municipal government was marked by a few contro versies and many complaints of neglected duties, especially in 1845; and the administration of justice by the usual sequence of criminal trials. Great con fidence must have been felt in the abilities of the town oflScials, for on one occasion they were required cl.; 1,000 v., 1842, Vicente Linares, who was cl.; 100 x 50 v., 1844, Joad Mariano Bonilla, who was cl. ; see also Arroyo Grande, Asuncion, Atascadero, Cholam, Chorro, Corral de Piedra, Huasma, Huerfano, Huerta, Moro, Osos, Paso de Roblea, Punta de la Laguna, Potrero, S. Gerdnirao, S. Luisito, S. Miguelito, S. Simeon, Sta Isabel, Sta Margarita. Sta Rosa, Vena. S. Luisito (S. Luis Ob.), 1841, G. Cantua, who was cl. S. MigueUto (S. Luis Ob.), 2 1., 1842, Miguel i[vila, who was cl. S. Miguelito de Trinidad, 5 1., 1841, Rafael Gonzalez, who was ol. S. Pedro, rineon (Sta Cruz), 1842, Josd Arana. S. Raraon, see Arroyo Grande. S. Simeon (S. Luis Ob.), 1 I., 1842, Ramon Es trada; J. M. Goraez cl. Sta Cruz ranchos, see Agua Puerca, Aho Nuevo, Arastradero,_ Corralitos, Refugio, S. Agustin, S. Pedro, Sayante, and Trea Ojos. Sta Isabel (S. Luis Ob.), 4 I., 1844, Francisco Arce, who was cl. Sta Margarita (S. Luis Ob.), 4 1., 1841, Joaquin Estrada, who was cl. Sta Rosa (S. Luis Ob.), 3 1., 1841, Julian Estrada, who was cl. Sayante (Sta Cruz), 1 1., J. J. Cris6stoino Mayor; Isaac Graham et al. cl. Trancas, see Agua Puerca. Trea Ojos de Agua (Sta Cruz), 1,300 v., 1844, Nicolas Dodero, who wascl. Trinidad, see S. Miguelito. 'Tucho, 800 v., 1841, Siraeon Castro, whoso heirs were cl. Tucho, 250 v., 1842, 1844, Thomas Cole, who was cl. *Tuclio, 1,500 v., 1843, J. J. Goraez; V. Gomez et al. cl. In Aug. 1845 Pedro A'-asquez aaked for land near Tuoho. Doc. Hid. Cal., MS., i. 492. *Veua (S. Luia Ob.), 1 1., 1842, Franciaco E. Quintana, who was cl. Ranchos of Mont. not named: *5 1., 1844-5, Josefa Martinez, Milton Little cl.; 400 v., 1844, Thomas Blanco, whoae heirs were cl. ; *3 suertes, 1843, Josd C. Boronda, J. Stokes cl. SAN CiRLOS AND SAN LUIS. 657 to master a plan of the pueblo, to which improvements must conform. Private ranchos granted during the half-decade numbered about 60, of which 22 or more were in the San Luis Obispo region, and 9 near Santa Cruz. Of San Cdrlos there is little to be said. Perhaps 40 ex-neophytes, the figure given by Mofras, stUl lived in the vicinity, but the mission buildings were abandoned. Padre Jose Maria Real was nominally in charge, living at Monterey, and possibly holding service occasionally in the mission church until 1845, when his brother Padre Antonio Real, and for a time Padre Juan Antonio Anzar, seem to have served here. Simjpson aud Maxwell describe the ruins, giving chief attention to the paintings still hanging in- the church, which was cared for by a man and his wife, the only residents. In Pico's decrees of 1845 San Cdrlos Avas regarded as a pueblo, or abandoned mission, and the remaining property was to be sold at auction for the payment of debts and the support of worship; but of the property, if any existed, the sale, and the worship, we have no further record. The glory of San Cdrlos Borromeo del Carmelo de Monterey had departed forever — or at least until 1884, whan a shingle roof was put on the old church.* At San Luis Obispo, in the extreme south of the district. Padre Ramon Abella served until the end of 1841 or beginning of 1842 and the presbyter Miguel Gomez took charge as curate apparently late in 1843. There are no statistics, but Mofras gives the popula tion as 80 in 1841-2, and I suppose that in 1845 there may have been 60 ex-neophytes living on the ex-mission lands,^ Cand, as administrator, Avas suc'- ^ Simpson's Nam., i. 370-1; Mofras' Explor., i. 320; Maxwell's Mont in- '4S, MS., 21-2; Revista Cientif., i. S28-9; thia vol., p. 549-52. 'S. Luis Obispo, 1841-5. 1841. Vicente Cand, juez auxiliar and pre sumably majordomo. Los. Ang. Arch., MS., ii. 27-8; Mont. Arch., MS., x.. 10. July 19th. Cand sends to gov. a plan of a sq. league of laud susceptir- ble of irrigation, 2,000 varas from the raission. Other landa are broken and without water. St Pap. Miss., MS., ix. 77. 1842. Mariano Bonilla took Hist. Cal., Vol. IV. 42 658 LOCAL ANNALS OP THE NORTH. ceeded in April, 1842, by Mariano Bonilla, also juez de paz, who in obedience to the governor's order of July made at least a partial distribution of the lands and other property to the ex-neophytes. In July, 1844, the governor ordered the complete emancipa- charge April 26th, having been appointed adrainistrator and juez de paz auxi liar on the Uth. Id.; Dept Eec, MS., xii. 50, 52; xiu. SO, 36; Dept St Pap. Mont, MS., iv. 58; Mont Arch., MS., x. 26; Avila,' Doc, MS., 1-4; 8. Luis Ob. Arch., MS., 4; Bonilla, Doe, MS., 10-11. May 4th. B. writea that the establishment is iu a bad state, nothing of value left. St. Pap. M-iss., MS., ix. 78. Sept. 9-lOth, the gov. orders Bonilla to distribute to the Ind. from the vacant lands (as iu the plan noted above ?) lots not exceeding 100 varas; also implements, furniture, and other property, according to merit, size of family, etc Pico, Pap. M-is., MS., 59; 8. Luis Ob. Arch., MS., 4, Dec. 10. Dec. 10th, a specimen grant by Bonilla unrler the above order to the ex-neophyte Odon a lot of 75 varas, the Iiouse occupied by him, a copper pot, aud two troughs. The conditions are that he must care for certaiu fruit- trees on the land, the fruit belonging to the community; cannot sell or trans fer tlie property; and muat cultivate the land or it will revert to the commu nity. Bonilla, Doc, MS., 10-11. 184S. No record whatever, except the coming of P. Gomez. S. Luis Ob., Lib. Mis., MS., 56. 1844. Josd Man'a ViUavicencio and Josd Ortega, jueces de paz. Mont. Arch., MS., v. 27; xi. 16-17; 8. Luis Ob. Arch., MS., 3; Dept See, MS., xiu. 63. Feb. 16th, the Mont, ayuut. voted to appoint a 2d alcalde for the new pueblo of S. Luis. Mont. Arch., MS., v. SO. March 18th, a report ou the aouthern missions repreaenta S. Luis aa having no lands or live-atock, its Ind. being demoralized and dispersed. Pico (Pio), Doc, MS., i. 14. July 15th, decree of Gov. Micheltorena. The mission, having no property, and only a few aged neo phytes who oam their living as best they oau, is formed into a pueblo, having for its ejidos the unoccupied lands near the place where the Ind. are located; the Ind. to be entirely free except that they must furnish the personal service of 0 each week to the curate; the padre's house to be the parsonage, and other buildings for school, jail, and other public uses to be assigned by the govt iu accord with the curate; the pueblo to liave for the present an aux iliary juez de paz, subject to the ayunt. of Monterey; lots to be granted only by the govt, the water in ditchea aud atreama to be free for uso of citizens, the curate charitably attending to the assignment; the juez to have charge of all mission implements, etc., and with thera to judiciously aid the Ind.; the Ind. not to aell their lands, whicii wheu unoccupied will revert to the nation; the emancipated Ind. and other citizena must attend to repairs of church, parsonage, etc., also of ditches aud other public works, alao assisting at rodeos. Pico (P-io), Doc, MS., n. 73-6; St Pap. Miss., MS., u. 399-401. In Arce, Doe, MS., 12, is an original order of sarae date identical with Art. 5 on the buildings. July 16th, the gov. grants to the church for the support of -worship a sq. league of land at La Laguna and two huertas, cultivation by Ind. actually living ou the lands uot to be impeded. The grant ia formally accepted by the bishop. It was in later years confirmed by the U. S. courta. Pico, Doc, MS., u. 23-5; Hayes' Hiss. B., i. 2-4; Thia vol., p. 423-4. July, a railitary corap. under Capt J. M. Villavioenoio to be organized. Id , 407. 1845,. Joaquin Estrada juez de paz, Jeaus Pioo mil. com. and proposed for juez in Nov. tS. Luis Ob. Arch., MS., 25; Dept St Pap., vii. Ill; Id., Ben. P, cfc /., ii. 177; Id., Ben, Mil, Ixxxviii. 51. In Sept. the bishop protested against the Laguna lands being ceded to John Wilaon. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 147-8. Dec 4th, sale of the ex-mission buildings, except curate'a house, town hall, school, and jail previously reserved, to Scott and Wilson, for $510. This vol. , p. 552-3. This title was confirmed by U. S. courts. Posseaaion was given iu Dec 1845, to Jesus Pico, representing S. & W. SAN LUIS AND SAN MIGUEL. 659 tion of the Indians and secularization of the mission. A regular pueblo was to be formed, with toAvn lands comprising all vacant mission lands in the vicinity, and buUdings for the curate's house and for public uses were reserved. At the same time a rancho at La Laguna and two gardens, or orchards, were granted to the church. This grant was in later years confirmed by the United States courts ; but no claim for pueblo lands was ever presented by the town ; and nothing is known of the new pueblo, except that after Bonilla, Jos^ M. Villavicencio, Josd Ortega, ancl Joaquin Estrada held successively the position of justice of the peace. In December, 1845, the ex- mission buildings, not reserved as above, were sold to Scott, Wilson, and McKinley for $510. Such was the end of Sau Luis Obispo de Tolosa as a mission ary establishment. Ranchos of this region have been named in the general list. Padre Juan Moreno remained in charge of San Miguel until 1842, and subsequently the estabUsh ment was under the spiritual care of Miguel Gomez at San Luis.* When Inocente Garcia's administrat orship came to an end does not appear. He says that for a long time he did his best to preserve order; but finally reported to Governor Alvarado his inabili ty to control the Indians, and was told to "turn the mission upside down or do what he pleased Avith it," whereupon he gave up the church to the padre and aU other property to the Indians. In 1844 the vine yard was granted for the support of the church. In *S. Miguel itema. 1841-5. Inocente Garcia, Hechos, MS., 63-7, givea some reminiaoences of hia life at aud uear S. Miguel, but -without any definite datea. March 1844.' The eatabliahment is reported to have no live-stock, lauds, or minister, the neophytea being demoralized and dispersed. Pico (Pio), Doc, MS., i. 14. July 16, 1844. Grant of the vineyard La M.ayor for the benefit of the church, accepted by the bishop and put in char^'e of P. Gomez. Id., n. 19-21: Hayes' Misa. B., i. 2-4. S. Miguel was the southem boundary of the Monterey district on the restoration of the prefecture in 1845. This vol., p. 533. July 31, 1845. Inventory by the comisionados Pioo and Manso. Value of buildings, $5,875. No other property mentioned, except 9 leagues of land mostly without water. Pico,Pap. Mis., MS., 114. In June the Ind. were ordered to reoccupy the mission, and in Oct. the abandoned establishment was ordered to be sold at auction. Thia vol., p. 529, 562. "660 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE NORTH. 1845 all the property had disappeared, except the buildings, valued at $5,800, which were ordered to be sold at auction. Jose Antonio CarrUlo is named as in charge at this time. Many of the Indians ran off to the tulares to join the gentiles when there were uo more cattle to eat; but Mofras gives the number as 30 in 1841-2, and I suppose about that number may have been living near their old home in 1845. The ruin of S. Miguel had been very rapid and the record is very meagre. Padre Jose de Jesus Gutierrez appears as the min ister of San Antonio until 1844, and there seems to have been no resident padre the next year. Jesus Pico probably remained in charge till 1843, but no ad ministrator or other official is mentioned till 1845, when Mariano Soberanes was juez de paz and encargado of the mission.^ Thus the local annals of the period are a blank; yet I have the original inventory of 1845, which shows a valuation of $8,000 against $90,000 ten years before, chiefly in buildings and vineyards, the live-stock having entirely disappeared. At this time the population is given as 10 men and 5 women; but Mofras gives the number as 150 in 1841-2; and I suppose there must have been at least 75 Ind ians living near San Antonio at the end of the half- decade. Soledad had no minister; its slight remnant of live stock disappeared early in this half-decade; and the Indians in 1841-2 were given their liberty with the few remaining implements. Feliciano Soberanes was in ^1841. Trouble between Pico and Mofras. This vol. , p. 252. Ordered to be restored to the padrea in 1843. Id., 369. May 26, 1843. P. Gutierrez certifies that to-day in the mission church allegiance waa sworn to Nra Sra del Refugio as patroness of the bishopric, with great festivities. Arch. Obis pado, MS., 64. This is the only event of the period. Biahop'a visit in 1844. This vol.. p. 427. Mariano Soberanea encargado June 19, 1845. Dept Eec, MS., xiv. 41. Aug. 2d. Inventory by Soberanea, Pioo, and Manso. Main building, $4,125; nearly finished saw-mill running by water, $300; rancheria, or Ind. dwellings, two thirds of them without roofs, $.300; majordomo's house, $350; live-stock, 2 yoke of oxen, 3 wild mares, and a stallion ! vineyard of 4,000 vines and 20 fruit-treea, $1,700: huerta with 175 vinea and 45 treea, $500; water works, $100, total $8,269, besides church property, including a library of about 200 vol., 5 bells, etc., no value given. Pico, Pap. Mis., MS., 29-42. SOLEDAD AND SAN JUAN. 601,, charge as majordomo and juez auxiliar, his jurisdic tion extending to San Antonio, the minister of which establishment had nominally the care of Soledad ex- neophytes. In 1845 an inventory gave to the build ings, furniture, garden with 21 fruit-trees, and one league of land a value of $2,494; and I suppose there may have been 20 Indians living inthe vicinity.^ Padre Jose Antonio Anzar as parish priest con tinued, except in the last months of 1845, in charge of San Juan de Castro, where the Indian community, had ceased to exist in the last decade, and where during this period the pueblo was managed by a sue-, cession of jueces de paz, though it does not appear that there was any formal pueblo organization. With out any definite orders to that effect, the cabecera of the district seems to have been practically transferred to Monterey, when Estrada became prefect in 1841., In 1845 San Juan may have had a population of 150 about equally divided between gente de razon and Indians. The ex-mission property, ordered to be sold in that year, was valued in the inventory at about $8,000.^ °No date, probably 1841. Gov. to Soberanes, ordering him to take charge, to give the Iiid. entire Uberty, to distribute the property, to give to the Ind. the use of the shops, etc., and to appoint a native alcalde. Dept. St Pap., MS., V. 30-7. According to Mofras, Mxplor., i. 370, 390, who puta the pop. at 30, iu May 1841, Gov. Alvarado, after seizing the few cattle left by previous despoilers, took all the irou and even tiles frora the buildings for hia owu house; and gave the remaining buildings and land to his friend Soberanea in exchange for a ranoho nearer Monterey. 1843. Feliciano So beranea appointed juez de paz. Mont., Arch., MS., xi. 3. Aug. 2, 1845, in ventory. No value ia given to the church and ita fumiture. Pico, Pap. Mis. , MS., 119, 121. The Ind. had beeu ordered to reoccupy the miasion, and the sale of the eatabliahment waa ordered by Pico iu Oct. This vol., p. 549, 552. '1841. JuauMiguel Anzar and Francisco Ariaa jueces depaz. 184-2. Juan Josd Higuera juez de paz. 1843. Balbino Roraero and Fraucisco Arias jueces de paz. But Josd (or Francisco) Diaz is said to have beeu appointed as su plente. Dept St. Pap., Ben., P. & J., MS., iv. 32. This raay be an error, or Ariaa may have been appointed after Peb. to replace Diaz. P. Anzar was made preaident of the Zacatecan friara this year, 8. Joai, Patentes, MS., 231. According to the governor's decree of Nov. , 2 alcaldes were to be chosen. Thia vol., p. 359. 1844. Josd Antonio Rodriguez aud Prancisco Diaz al caldea or juecea de.paz. Rodriguez' narae does not appear after March; Angel Castro is uaraed as juez in June. Vallejo, Doe, iViS., xxxiv. 32; and Canuto Boronda in July aud Deo. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 77; Mont, Arch., MS., xvi. 42. Visit of Dr Wood and description of S. Juan, its padre, anda dance. Wood's Wand. Sk., 260 et seq. S. Juau to be Micheltorena'a head-^ 662 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE NORTH. At Santa Cruz Padre Antonio del Real was parish priest until 1844 at least, and Padre Anzar of San Juan seems also to have officiated here in 1844-5. Something is recorded of Padre Real's irregular con duct, but otherwise the ex-mission has no annals, the community beiug entirely broken up in 1841-2, when Jose Bolcof had charge as juez de paz and acting ad ministrator. Thereafter the establishment was part of Branciforte, the whole being more often called Santa Cruz, and the name Pueblo de Figueroa being no longer in use. Lands, buildings, and fruit-trees of the ex-mission were valued at less than $1,000 in 1845; and perhaps 40 ofthe Indians who belonged to the ex-neophyte community in 1840, were still included among the population of the villa's jurisdiction.* The population of Branciforte and its jurisdiction quarters in resisting U. S. invasion; a railitary company orgauized under Capt. Francisco Pacheco; transfer of cannon and war stores. This vol., p. 403-9. Outbreak of the revolution againat the gov., arms seized by rebels. Id., 458-63. Murder of Josd Norberto Garcia by Josd Zurita. Dept. St Pap., Ang., MS., yiii. 4. 1845. Francisco Diaz and Satumino Carreaga jueces de paz. Sale of ex-mission property ordered. This vol. , p. 549-52. Inventory of Sept. 4th, buUdings with 16 rooras, tile roofs, $4,785; garden and fruit-trees, witli fence, etc, iu good order, $875; vineyard with 5,200 vines iu bad condition, $1,000; lands about 1^ leagues suitable for tillage $1,200; total $7,8G0. Signed by P. Anzar, Andrds Pico, and Juan Manso. Pico, Pap. Alia., MS., 147. Mofras' estiraate of pop. iu 1841-2 is 100 gente do razon erad 80 Ind. Explor., i. 318-20. ^1841. Undated proviaional regulations perhapa of an earlier year for the raanagement of the ex-raiasion by Bolcof, juez de paz. It is implied that there is a little live-stock left. St Pap., Miss. & Col, MS., ii. 409- 10. Persons hiring Ind. paid $2 for each Ind. to the juzgado for the privUege. 8. Josi, Arch., MS., ii. 46. Mofras, i. 320, 410, found 50 or 60 Ind. , and no property, all having beeu distributed ' among the friends of the gov.' 1842. Josd Bolcof named as administrator. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 85. Sirapson, Narr., i. 365, tells of the padre, his bottle, and his 'se raglio of native beauties.' May 29th. Josiah Belden to Larkin, has found sufficient proof that it was the padre who broke into his store, stealing brandy, handkerchiefs, and other articles. Lark'in's Don. , MS. , i. 279. Thia affair is also mentioned in Belden's Hist Statement, MS, , 33-4. 1844. Feb. 2d. Gov. directs the alcalde to treat the Ind., who for sorae time have been their own masters, just like other citizens, except that he is to give notice to the padre in case of such offences as pertain to his care. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 87-8. June 16th. The bishop decreed that the chief altar should be priri- leged in that any priest celebrating mass thereat may free from the pains of purgatory the soul of the person for whose benefit tho raass is said- but only for 100 yeara, that is till 1944. Sept. 2, 1845. Inventory signed by P. Anzar, Andrda Pico, and Juan Manao. Building with 12 rooms, the rest having been sold when Alvarado waa gov., $300; garden and 40 fruit-treea. §75; 1-2 league of bad land, $100; total, $975. Pico, Pap., Mis., MS., 152. Sta Crnz is uot named tu Pico'a decree of sale in Oct. Thia vol., p. 552. SANTA CRUZ AND BRANCIFORTE. 6GS in 1845, according to an original padi'on giving names, was 470 souls, or 120 Indians including I suppose the 40 of Sta Cruz, and 350 gente de razon of whom foreigners with their famiUes numbered 80." The villa and the ex-mission across the river were now one town called by both names but oftenest Santa Cruz ; and the municipal affairs were managed by a succes sion of jueces de paz in 1841-3 and alcaldes iii 1844- 5, subordinate in some respects to the town authori ties of Monterey and in others to the prefect. The successive local chiefs were Josd Bolcof, Juan Gon zalez, Rafael Castro, Manuel Rodriguez, Ramon Buelna, and Bolcof again; besides the official list and minor items connected with their acts as given in a note,^° there is nothing requiring special notice. For- ' Branciforte, Padron de Nov. 1845, MS. '"Branciforte items. 1841. Joad Bolcof juez de paz, Aguatin Ddvila secretary. Muuicipal receipts and expend, of the year $44. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 7; 8. Josi Arch., MS.; Loose Pap., 44. Sept. 22d, Diego Guillermo Wikia (Jas AV. Weeks) complains to juez of treatraent suffered by foreigners aud especially by hiraaalf, who vvaa stabbed in hand and face, beaidea being insulted and threatened aa an 'hijo de tal, 'by Fulgencio Robles, merely because he objected to R. entering a house on horseback against the wishes of ita ownera. VaUejo, Doc, MS., xxxiii. 232. 1842. Juan Gonzalez juez, Rafael Castro either juez 21 or appointed to aucceed Gonzalez after Feb., Davila aee, Cornelio Perez juez de campo. Feb., gov. in reply to prefect'j inquiry statea that Branciforte haa a, juzgado pr'ivalivo depaz subject to that ot Mont., but iu other respects is subject to the prefecture. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. P. & J, MS., iv. 21. Peb. 11th, Fulgencio Roblea, the terror of all the region, was killed by Gil Sanchez while disturbing a party of garablera at Carraichael's house. Sanchez acted at the request of Gonzalez the alcalde and oue of the players. S. was set free, but Gonzales was condemned to lose his office and to live a year at Monterey. Mont. Arch., MS., iii. 19-20; x. 24. Feb. 14th, prefect in a private letter urges Gonzalez to bcliave better and let the people live in peace. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 72. March 2d, prefect saya Branciforte does not belong to the sub-prefecture of S. Josfi. S. Josi Arch., MS., ii. 25. May, sad case of u, Branciforte maiden who being very tired went outside to sleep, and on awaking found that a young man, withont her knowledge, had treated her very improperly. Mont. Arch., MS., iii. 11. Dec, au auxiliary military company ordered under Angel Castro. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 5. Sirapaon, Narr.,i. 364, fella us of Branciforte that 'aa being the least populous it is alao of course the least profiigate of the three pueblos. ' U. S. flag raiaed L>y Belden at the tirae of Jones' occupation of Mout. This vol., p. 312. Lumber trade mentioned by Belden. Hist St., MS., 31, 35. 1843. Guadalupe Caatro and Juan Joad Fdlix, jueces, appointed in Dec 1842 for 1843. But Raf.ael Caatro is often naraed aa the juez after March. Joseph Majors and Francisco Soria juecea de campo. March, prefect calls on juez for 5 competent young meu with uo definite occupation for the Mont, presi dial comp. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 88; also calls for the return of 4 deserters. Id. May 5th, the citizeus .petition for the removal of Juez Rafael Castro for maleadmiuistration of juatice. Larkin'a Doc, MS., ii. 14. Oct., a whaUng 664 LOCAL ANNALS OP THE NORTH. eigners were relatively more numerous here than iu any other districts, and were largely engaged in lum bering, Larkin having an establishment here in charge of Josiah Belden. The Brancifortenos strove to maintain their reputation for disorderly conduct with marked success. I estimate the total population of San Francisco pueblo, or peninsula, in 1845, about equally divided between Yerba Buena and Mission Dolores, at 300 souls; of which number 150 were gente de razon of Spanish blood, 50 foreigners, and 100 Indians and kanakas, iucluding the ex-neophytes." Adding 200 for the contra costa, 900 for San Josd, and 300 for Sonoma and the northern frontier, we have for the population of the district 1,600 gente de razon, includ- boat seized with 6 or 7 sailors, aoon releaaed. Dept. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 74; thia vol. , p. 376. Graham'a offer to aupport Micheltorena with a force of foreignera, repudiated by several of the latter. Id., 356. Order to elect 2 alcaldes for the next year. Id., 359. 1844. Manuel Rodriguez and Pran cisco Alviso alcaldes. April, order for collection of 5 per cent from the lum bermen for school, etc. Dept. Rec, MS., xiii. 77. Aug., gov. orders the alcalde to stop the saw-mills unless the tax ia paid; but auggeats that there may be aoraething irregular about the fixed tax of $15 per month. Doc. Hist Cal, MS., i. 475. Belden, Hid. St, MS., 34, relatea that buainess being dull the sawyers iu B. 'a absence sought to create a deraand by burning np what lumber had accumulated! whereupon Larkin was disgusted and the business was closed up, perhaps later. Visited by Manuel Castro iu quest of rebel volunteers. This vol., p. 462. 1845. Raraon Buelna, and Francisco Soria alcaldes; but B. was suapended in Sept., and in Oct. Josd Bolcof waa appointed 1st alcalde iu his place; and in Dec Macedonio Loren zana was appointed 2d alcalde. May, citizens petition for the removal of both alcaldes for drinking, disorder, disobedience, and carelesaneas. Dept. St. Pap. , MS. , vi. S3. Aug. , Rafael Castro choaen oomproraiaario for elec tion of the 18th. Doc Hid. Cal, MS., u. 88. Aug. 12th, Alcalde Soria writea that the firat alcalde is accused of crime and cannot be recognized until he vindicates himself. Id. , 89. Aug. 24th, juez informs prefect that the sawyers refuse to pay the tax on lumber. Id. , 104. Sept. 2d, Buelna suspended under a criminal accusation by Joad Perez. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 5. Oct. 14th, Alcalde Bolcof wanta instructions on taxes on foreign liquors. Doc Hist. Cal, ii. 190. Doc. 16th, alcalde wishes to send an exped. of 25 raen every two weeks agaiust the Ind. Id., 252. Sorae of the citizens join Sutter's army in aid of the gov. This vol., p. 486. "The estimate of Mofras (100 gente de razon) and others that I have seen amount to nothing. The only data are as follows: A padron of 1842 showa 127 of Span, blood, 23 foreignera, and 46 lud. aud kanakaa (not including ex-neophytes at the mission). Of these, by count, there were fit for military duty 31 Mex. aud 18 foreigners. In 1844 we have a list of the men liable to military duty, 39 Mex. and 36 foreigners. Supposing the ratio of military raen to pop. in both classes to be aa before, we have approximately the reaulta aa in my text. SAN FRANCISCO EVENTS. 665 ing perhaps 100 foreigners, but excluding more than twice as many, and 850 Indians living at or near the old mission establishments. Of events at San Francisco, the establishment of the Hudson's Bay Company's store in 1841, and the suicide of its manager in 1845, with perhaps the as sault on Libbey and Spear, if we judge by the extent of archive correspondence, are the only ones that can be magnified into importance.^^ William A. Leides dorff was made U. S. vice-consul in 1844. Municipal '''S. Franciaco eventa. 1841. Viaits of Wilkes, Mofras, Sirapaon, Doug las, Peirce, and Phelps, whose descriptions and adventures are given in this vol., p. 212, 218, 243-5, 250, etc., and also iu another paragraph of this note. Fouucling of the Hudson's Bay Co's eatablishment. Id., 215-17. 1842. Visits of Com. Jones, Dr Sandela, and John Bidwell. Id., 314, 346. Bishop desires to build a seminary on the island of Los Angeles, id., 334. 1843. Heavy rain in Aug., according to Davia, Glimpses, MS., 218. 1844. Pas toral visit of the bishop. Id., 427. Eff'orts to rouse S. F. against Gov. Micheltorena. Id., 462-3. 1845. Wm. A. Leidesdorff appointed U. S. vice- consul. Id., 589. Suicide of Wm. G. Rae of the H. B. Co. Id., 593. Assault ou Libbey aud Spear. Id. , 569. Muuicipal affairs. 1841. Francisco Guerrero juez de paz, Vicente Mira montes suplente, Wm A. Richardson capt of the port, Prado Mesa acting in Oct., Johu Fuller sindico. No town lots granted this year. March 22d, the juez desired the prefect to send a copy of the order for granting lots at the mission, which request was referred to the gov. April 6th, and the order was furnished by Prefect Tiburcio Castro on the 23d. Dept. St Pap. Ben. P. td J., iv. 19; Dwindle, add., 74; Jonea' Report, no. 32. May 2d, alcalde, through prefect, asks gov. to order the majordomo of the mission to fumish either a room or Ind. to build one for the juzgado aud archives. The prefect sent a favorable reply, but in Sept. the governor's order had not come. Dept. 81. Pap. Mont, MS., iv. 114, 117. Aug. 19th, the 2d juez, or suplente, asks to be relieved of his office because of his 2 years' service aud his lack of ability to act in Guerrero's absence, Dwinelle, add., 74. Oct., case of a womau who avoided au outrage by promising to yield on the next occasion, aud theu accused the assailant to the first raen she saw. Dept St. Pap., S. J., vi. 18. In Id., 16-45, there are records of routine correspondence with raany petty cases of debt, etc., before the S. F. justice iu 1841 et seq., which are not noticed in this note. Sindico's report of receipts $379, expend. $349 for the year, besides $55 still due the treasury. Dwinelle, add., 75-8. 1842. Frau cisco Sancho juez, Jesus Nod suplente, Gregorio Escalante sindico, Fran, de Haro secretary, Richardson capt of the port, Candelario. Valencia juez de campo. Two lots at Yerba Buena and two at Dolores granted this year. Sanchez takes possession of the office by inventory Jan. 12th. Dept. St. Pap., 8. J, MS., 20. April, the room at the mission still needed; it is one that has been used for some public 'manifestations.' Id, 22. June, the alcalde has takeu steps to avoid the impertinences of Sra Brionea' husband. Id., 23. Aug., robbery of the sindico. Id, 24. Dec, sends a padron of S. F. pop., 196 as noted elsewhere. Id., 25. Au order of Nov. 14th requires the election of two alcaldes. This vol., p. 359; but the name juez de paz continues to be used. 1843. Jesus Nod juez, Josd dela Cruz Sanchez suplente. These were 666 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE NORTH. affairs of the pueblo Avent on in much the same way as before, and are recorded Avith tolerable complete ness. The successive justices of the peace, or alcaldes eutly juez 2°. Id., 8. J., vi. 27. Peter Sherreback sindico, Richardson capt of port. 14 lots at Yerba Buena and 2 at Dolores were granted this year. Feb., juez is trying to secure the house of Bemal for his juzgado. Id., 26. June, Apolinario Miranda sent to the sub-prefect for not living harraoniously -n'ith his wife. Id., 29. 1844. Wra Hinckley alcalde, also called juez de p.iz, Francisco de Haro either suplente or secretary, Peter Scherreback and IJcnito Diaz agentes de policia. Hinckley was elected Jan. 9th. Jan. 20th, gov. to alcalde, has received inventory of effects in his office. Dunnelle, add. , 85. March 11th, gov. to Alf. Mesa, order to march with 12 or 15 men toaid the alcalde in repressing disturbances. Id., 86. April Sth, petition of 15 res idents at the mission to the gov. for the extinction of the title of ex-mission and offico of majordomo and the formal recognition of the place as a pueblo, as ifc had been so recognized indirectly in various official documents. A decision was reserved until the gov. ahould bave raade a proposed insita and the condition of the ex-mission as to debts, ete., should be known. Id., 102-3. AVlir-t the petitioners desired waa the complete extinction of the old miaaion organization, which still prevented the private ownership of certain property, and the complete recognition of the settleraent as part of the pueblo of S. F. They had no idea of establishing a new pueblo. The laud lawyers were dis posed to regard this petition as proving on the one side that there was no pueblo, since the organization of one was desired, aud ou the other that Dolorea waa always distinct frora the pueblo of S. P., both of which views I deera erroneous. 15 lots were granted thia year at Yerba Buena, and one at the miasion. Dec 22d, election of alcalde for the next year. 1845. Juan N. Padilla 1st alcalde, Joad de la Cruz Sanchez 2d alcalde, Richardson, Fran. Sanchez, aud Hinckley successively captains of the port. 12 lots granted at Yerba Buena, none at Dolores. March 15th, Padilla offers his resignation, because he is only 24 years old, has resided only 8 mouths at S, P. , has no rooms for office .and prison, aud his business calls him back to Sonoma. Dept St. Pap., Ben., P. & J., MS., ii. .33. M.iy 11th, 22 persons, mostly foreign ers, petition the gov. to let Padilla remain in offico; for they will not submit to Sanchez who, with his brother the com. rail., has assaulted PadiUa aud in duced citizens to ignore him, claiming that Gen. Castro will support them. Dept. St. Pap. MS., vi. 151-2. May 12th, Sanchez to gov., asks to be con firmed as Isfc alcalde, since the people have raot and compelled Padilla to give up the baton because of non-residence and arbitrary acts. Id., 152. May 12tli, Padilla to gov., makes known mutiny againat him and varioua insults arising from the enmity of a certaiu family, notwithstanding his re quest to the people to await the decision of the govt on his resignation. Id., 1 7>2-i. It seema that Padilla had been arrested by Sanchez before he offered hia resignation. The niatter came up in the junta at Los Angeles May 23d, and it was decided to continue P. in office, but to order a legal investigation. Leg. Hee, MS., iv. 53-9. May 24fch, corresponding orders hythe gov., the juoz of S. Josd being ordered to make the investigation. Dept Rec, MS., xiv. 30. June 27th, PadiUa to gov., reports that Sanchez ou formal citation had at last given up the office, after making threats, declaring that he had .SO nion to support him, etc. Residents of Y. B. are insulted and their houses stoned by those of Dolores. Dept. St. Pap. There is no more about this quarrel; yet grants of lots from Aug. seem to have been made by Sanchez, indicating that tho investigation resulted iu establishmg the illegality of Padilla's election and in his withdrawal. A patrol of citizens was appointed to keep order. Castro, Bel, MS., 153; but their only achievement recorded was the assault on Libbey and Spear as elsowliere noted. In Aug.-Sept. there was also trouble about the priraary and secondary elections, the elect- MUNICIPAL AND MILITARY. 667 from 1841, were FranciscO Guerrero, Francisco San chez, Jesus Noe, William S. Hinckley, and Juan N. Padilla. These municipal chiefs granted building ors from Sonoma and Contra Costa not making their appearance, and those from S. Josd going home to be sent back by the prefect's order. Finally, on Sept. 17th, only 4 compromisarios were present, 3 from S. Josd and 1 of S. F. There was a general objection to meeting at Yerba Buena, and to the pre dominant influeuce of foreigners there, and there were alao disagreements between Sonoma and S. Rafael. The sub-prefect waa much troubled, and he alao coraplained of the lack of office and priaon, desiring permission to obtain building material from the presidio or mission ruins. Original corresp. in Doe Hid. Cal., MS., U. 108, 127, 140, 156, 158, 180. Sub-prefecture. Yerba Buena made cabecera of the 2d partido of the 2d or Monterey district, by decree of July 4th-5th, 1845. This vol., p. 533. Fran cisco Guerrero was appointed sub-prefect on Aug. Sth, by the prefect, and was swom iu on the 15th. His salary was $500. His jurisdiction included S. Josd and aU north of that town. Doc. Hiat Cal, MS., ii. 81, 91-2, 122, 151; and many other records. No secretary was appointed in 1845. Rather strangely I find an original doo. iu which Guerrero is addressed by Leides dorff the vice-consul as sub-prefect in Jan. , and another iu which G. writes aa aub-prefect in Jan. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 130; Lar'.-iii's Doe, MS., iii. 1. In both caaea there is probably a slip of the pen, 1845 for 1846. There is nothing in this officer's recorded acts that requires further notice. Military affairs, 1841-3. Names of the men coraposing the garrison of the preaidio: Alf. Juan Prado Mesa, Sergt Nazario Galindo, soldiers Josd GaUndo, Antonio Bernal, Raraon Aguila, Francisco Cibrian, Bias Narvaez, Santiago Hernandez, Doraingo Altamirano, Mariano Miranda, Santoa Miranda, Josd Salazar, Gerdnimo Mesa, and Bernardino Garcia. Company roaters in Vallejo, Doc, Ms., xxvii. passim. Report of armament iu 1841, and Vallejo's efforts to have the fort rebuUt. This vol. p. 198, 205. Mofras, Explor., i. 325, 427- 9, describes the presidio as in an advanced state of ruin, garrisoned by an al fdrez and 10 (or 5) soldier-rancheros with their families. Wilkes in 1841 saya there waa but one sold, under an officer who waa abaent and whoae name seemed to be unknown to the people! U. 8. Explor. Ex., v. 103. Sergt Sant. Hemandez is once mentioned as'comandante in 1842. Pinto, Doc, MS., i. 380-1. Mesa ia atill named aa comandante in 1844-5, but I have no origi nal roaters of the co. after Aug. 1843. Feb. 1844. Presidio buildings in ruins and much of the material being stolen. Pinto, Doe, MS., i. 273-4. Aug. 20, 1844. Roster of the S. F. company of defensores de la patria. Capt. Frau cisco Sanchez, Lieut Juan N. Padilla, alfdreoes Vicente Miramontes and Jesus Nod, sergeants Cruz Sanchez, Candelario Valencia, and S others, 8 corporals, 5 of whom were foreigners, and 33 soldiers, 8 of them foreigners. Soberanea, Doe, MS., 308. Sanchez is several times alluded to aa mil. cora. of S. P. iu 1845. Growth of Yerba Buena, descriptions, etc Simpson iu 1841 writes of 'observing on the southern side of the raouth a fort well situated for com manding the passage, but itself coraraanded by a hill behind. This fort ia now diamantled and dilapidated; nor are its remains likely to last long, for the soft rook, ou the very verge -of which they haug, is fast crumbling into the undermining tide beneath. A short distance beyond the fort is sicuated a square of huts, distinguished by the lofty title of the presidio of S. F., and tenanted' by Capt. Prado aud a corporal's guard. . . ' The pretty little bay of Yerba Buena, whose shores are doubtless destined under better auspices to be the site of a flourishing town, though at present they contaiu only 8 or 9 houses in addition to the H. B. Co.'s eatablishment.' Simpson's Narr., i. 277-8, 283-4. Henry A. Peirce, iu his Journal, MS., 81, for Nov. SOth, writes: 'Mr Rae, ageut of the H. B. Co., haa lately purchased a house. At 668 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE NORTH. lots and indulged in mild controvei-sies here as else where; and there is nothing in the records of the period to suggest the doubts current in later times. Y. B. there are not more than half a dozen houses, of which Mr Rae's is the best. It is built of wood, shingled, etc, and of the old-fashioned Dutch form. Mr Spear has lately erected a gristmill, and attached thereto a ma chine for making shingles and a turning-lathe. ' Capt. ¦ AA'ilkes on his late visit promised to get for Spear the appointment of U. S. consul. Mrs. Rae, Harvey's Life of McLoughlin, MS., 23-8, who lived iu the house mentioned above throughout this period, says: 'I found everything nice at S. F. in the winter, the hills covered with flowers. We saw few people, Capt. Hinckley, Mr Spear, Mr Vioget, who used to keep a billiard-room. I -went to the house the corapany had bought, about half of it a store and the other half a dwell ing. It was a long building, and in the middle was a big hall with the house on one side and store on the other. That was Mr Leese's house, about 30x80 feet, with the hall iu the middle opening on the side and very wide. In the back part were 4 bedrooms, and the front was a dining-room and sitting- room. The kitchen was back of all. We had a kanaka cook and steward and 2 kanaka boatraen. Mr Ridell (Ridley) was our clerk.' 'The place was very small; they called it Yerba Buena in those days. When I got there (1841) there waa only one houae, Spear'a, aud then the store, that'is two; and Barkis' (?) house, a little mill where they made ahinglea, and then David Carpenter'a (Davis thc carpenter ?) house on the next block. Aud then, on our side of the street waa our house, aud acrosa the street was Mr Fuller's house. That waa all the front. And then back waa Capt. Fitch'a (Richard son's ?) little adobe house aud 3 or 4 little buildinga. That waa all we had there when I waa there. I have never been there aince. ' (This waa written in 1878; the lady died in 1884.) ' There used to be a little hill going down about 6 feet from the front. Wheu the tide came up, it came to the little hill. I have been several tiraes to the raission; the road was very bad, all sand. I never saw a wagon go ont there. It was just trails. The second time we went it was to christen my little girl, and Mrs Hinckley was god mother. Capt. Phelps, Fore and Aft, 252-4, tells us that in 1841 there were but 4 permanent residents ( !), aud notes that a panther carried off au Ind. boy from Leese's yard, aud woodcutters at Rineon Point had their dinner stolen by a grizzly bear. Wilkes, Nam., v. 162, writes that in 1841, 'the to-wn is not calculated to produce a favorable impression on a stranger. Its buildinga consist of a large frame building occupied by the ageut of the H. B. Co., a store kept by Mr Spear, au Araerican, a bilUard-room and bar, a poop-cabin of a ship (Kent Hall), occupied as a dweUing by Capt. Hinckley, a blacksmith shop, and outbuildings. These, though few in number, are also far between. With these I must not forget to enumerate an old, dilap idated adobe building, which has a conspicuous position on the top of the hill overlooking the anchorage.' Mofraa, iu 1841-2, Explor., i. 425-7; found at most 20 houses at Yerba Buena, all belonging to foreignera. He notea the H. B. Co. building, and Spear and Hinckley's store as the c.hief structures; also an ingenious arrangement by whioh 4 mules worked simultaneously a flour-mill, bolting apparatus, aud a saw-miU. The Swiss capt. Vioget had a good house and shop, and Prudon owned a house occupied by Mathurin. Arnaz, Recuerdos, MS., 47-8, notes the difficulties of loading and unloading cargoes on the mud flats. Bidwell, whose visit was iu Jan. 1842. notes the principal buUdings as above, and says there were about half a dozen small frame houses and one or two adobes. Cal, I84I-S, MS., 100. Davis, GUmpses, MS., 216-17, speaks of goat-raising on Y. B. Isl. from 1842, and ou other pages gives raany items about the place in these years. Padron of 1842, showing a pop. of 196, including 23 foreigners besides 7 kanakaa and 39 Ind. servanta. Thia includes all ou the, peninsula except the soldiers at the pre- GROWTH OF YERBA BUENA. 609 as to the existence of a pueblo. San Francisco was not able to enjoy its glories as cabecera of the partido before the prefecture was abolished; but when the sidio aud the ex-ueophyte community at the mission. Dwindle, add. 78-82; Dept. St. Pap., 8. J., MS., vi. 25. Dr Sandels, King's Orphan, 8-9, visited Yerba Buena in 1843, describing it as 'a sinall and growing town ou the s.w. side of S. P. bay and near the town of that narae,' and giving a sketch which shows 20 or 21 structures. According to the Annals of 8. F., 173, Y. B. in 1844 had about a dozen houses and about 50 inhabitants. Davis, Glimpses, 142-S, notes the building of a bridge in 1844, by Alcalde Hinckley's efforts, across the raouth of the lagoon separating the main town frora what was later Clark's point, a public iraprovetneut that attracted crowds of admiring visitors. He also speaks of a survey of the town during Hinckley's term, which is doubtful. July 21, 1844, list of men liable to military duty — that is, from 16 to 60 years of age. The whole no. is 75, of v/hom 36 are foreigners, 14 of them naturalized. Vallejo, Doc. , MS. , xxxiv. 42. Swasey, Cal , MS. , 4, thinks the pop. of Y. B. in 1845 was about 240, much too large an estimate. Granteea of lota at Y. B. in 1841-5, according to Wheeler's Land Titlea; Dwinelle, etc, , were aa followa; Geo. AUen, P. Sherreback, Franciaco de Haro, V. Miramontes, Jeaua Nod, Domingo Fdlix, J. B., Wm A. Leidesdorff, Bruno Valencia, Fran. Guerrero, Trinidad Moya (2), Henry Bee, Juan Castaneda, Gregorio Escalante, Johu Martin, Juana Brionea, C. W. Flugge, Jaa R. Berry, Robert Ridley, Benito Diaz and J. P. Mesa, CArlos Glein, Ed. T. Bale, Eug. Montenegro, John Rose, A. A. Andrews, Wm Reynolds, Dona E. S. Bernal, J. P. Dedmond, Wra Richardsou, Wm Johnson, Rosalia Haro, Thos Smith, Joaquin Pifia, Eusebio Soto, Ldzaro Piiia, Wra Fisher, Frau. Sanchez, P. Le page, Pedro Estrada, Mig. Pedrorena, Gregorio Briones, and Stephen Smith. The new custom-house: Davis, Olimpaea, MS., 157-8, says that Receptor Diaz in 18-44 occupied three rooms in the adobe building, west side Dupont, between Clay and Washington st., the rest of whioli in 18-43-5 was occupied by D. as agent for Paty and McKinley. Feb. 22, J844. Gov. asks for three bricklayers from Sta Clara and a carpenter frora S. Josd to work ou a new custora-house for the newly established receptoria. Dept. Ree, MS., xiii. 04-5. Feb. 23d. Adrain. at Mont, directs receptor at S. P. to begin work at onoe, building uot to cost over $800. Pinto, Doc, MS., ii. 49-50. Feb. 26th. Diaz has rec'd the order; no material can be had from the raission; wants authority to take tiles aiid luraber frora the ruined buildinga at the presidio. Id., i. 273-4. Feb. 29th. More on the same subjects. The material of un occupied buildings at the mission has beeu carried off aa that at the presidio will be soon if nothing is done. Dept. St. Pap.. Ben., C. II., MS., viii. 148. May 20fch. Gov. authorizes payment of expenaes for the cuatora-house. , Dept. Ree, MS., xiii. 82. July SOth. Diaz reports that most of hia Ind. workmsu ran away; desirea that some be provided from Sonoraa. Dept St. Pap., Ben. C. IL, MS., viii. 184. Oct. 2d. The receptor's suggestion of digging a well -will soon be acted on. Pinto, Doe, MS., U. 92. Nov. 1st. Diaz urgea that for the credit of the govt the receipta from veaaela should be promptly ap pUed to pay workmen on the new building, those who have lent money for the enterprise, and the boatraen. Otherwise the work will have to stop and the building will go to ruin. This waa in consequence of an order to aend funds to Monterey. Id., i. 288. Feb. 10, 1845. Account rendered by receptor; amount received, $2,320; expended ou the building, $2,361. In Sept. the building had beeu completed and $358 more spent on it. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., C. IL, 235-6. Feb. 21st. Receptor is told by admin, at Mont, to let the building reraain as it is (unfinished and debts unpaid?). Pinto, Doe, MS., ii. 121. A flag bought of Leidesdorff for $50. (This flag was in later years presented by Pinto through P. A. Roach to the Soo. of Pioneers.) Id., ii. 209. Description of the new building in an inventory of Oct. ' Una casa de 20J 670 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE NORTH. system Avas restored in 1845 better fortune attended the bay town, and Francisco Guerrero became sub- prefect with a jurisdiction including San Jose and all varas de largo y 8 de ancho con corredor al frente y los costados de 2^ varas de ancho con su balustrade y escalera. La casa contiene 4 piezas, 5 ventanas, con sus vidrieras, 7 puertas con sus chapas y Haves, una escalera de madera forrada con un cuarto pequeno; todas las puertas y ventanas con sus vistas forradaa de madera y laa 4 piezaa con aus fajaa arriba y abajo blanqueadaa por dentro e f uera, pintada de plomo en el interior y por f uera verde. ' Id. , ii. 197. Deo. 20th. Geu. Caatro orders com. of S. P. to let the receptor have all the tiles he may need for the now buUding (?). Id, 216. Other cuatom-houae affaira. 1841. Francisco Guerrero in charge. Dept St. Pap., MS., v. 56. Vallejo's efforts to transfer the custora-house to S. F. Thia vol., p. 208. 1842. Guerrero atill in charge. Hia complaint in Sept. that Richardaon continues to permit vessels to anchor at Sauzalito. Pinto, Doe, MS., i. 254. 1843, Guerrero receptor. The gov. approvea tranafer of custora-house frora Mont. (?) This vol., p. 375-6. More complaints against Richardson, and an order from the gov. not to permit vessela to anchor at Sauzalito unleaa firat despatched from Mont. Dept St. Pap., Ben., MS., iii. 40; Vallejo, Doc, MS., -ai. 3i5. 1844. Guerrero ia aucceeded by Benito Diaz aa receptor iu Feb., continued troubles with Richardson about the Sauzalito anchorage, other revenue officers, their gambUng propenaitiea, light-: ers on the bay, new building begun, site selected for a well, etc This vol., p. 429-31. March 7th. Regulations for tbe receptor's guidance. Pinto, Doc, MS., ii. 58-9. May 18th. Col. Vallejo calls the governor'a attention to the importance of the port, ita defence, and of eatabliahing the custom-house there. Vallejo, Doc, MS., id.37Q. Sept.-Oot. Diaz reports rauch smuggling by whalers, he haa to uae threata to bring thera to Yerba Buena, has beeu offered bribea by thera, and gets Uttle support from Capt. Richardson. Pinto, Doh., MS., i. 276-83. Capt. Hinckley was accused also of intermed dling. Oct. 26tli. Only one of the 4 celadores had reported for duty. Id., 282. Oct. 27th. Richardson clairas that he and uot the receptor has the right to collect auchorage duea. Id., ii. 101. Oot. 29th. Diaz to R. gives up all responsibility for the Sauzalito veaaela, aa he cannot have R.'a co-op eration. Id., i. 280-1. But R. refuses alao to take the reapouaibility. Id., ii. 105. Nov. lat. Five raouths' wages due the boatraen. Id., i. 288. Deo. 29th. D. has appointed a coxswain at $10, to avoid risking his life and that of othera iu heavy winds. Id., 289. 1845. Rafael Pinto appointed to suc ceed Diaz in Aug. , vessels permitted to go to Sauzalito, minor offici&,ls, statia tica, etc. Thia vol., p. 555^02. Ranchoa of northern Cal., granted in 1841-5. Thoae marked with a -" not finally confirmed. Aguas Frias (Butte Co.), 0 I., "granted in 1844 to Salvador Osio; RandaU and Todd claimants before land commission. Aguas Nievea (Butte Co.), 6 1., 1844, Sam. J. Heusley, who was cl. Alaraeda, Arroyo de ia (Alam. Co.), 4 1., 1842, Jesus Vallejo, who was cl. Alam. Co. ranchos, see Potrero, S. Leandro, S. Lorenzo, and Sobrante. Alcatraz, see Farallones, etc. Alisal, see Rineon. Americanos, see Rio. Aniraas, see Posolorai. Arroyo Chico (Butte Cc ), 1844, Wm Dickey; John BidweU cl. Arroyo Chico (Butte Co.), 5 1, 1844, Ed. A. FarweU; James Williaras et al. cl. Arroyo, see Ala raeda, Calzoucillos, Pilarcitoa, Rinconada, aud S. Antonio. Barranca Colo rado (Tehama), 4 I., 1844, Joaiah Belden; Wm B. Ide cl. Berrendoa, aee Primer Canon. Blucher (Sonoraa), 61., 1844, Jean Vioget; Stephen Smith ol. Boca, see Pinole. Bodega (Sonoma), 8 I., 1844, Stephen Smith, who was cl. -*Bodega, 1841, Victor Prudon, who waa cl. Boga (Butte) or Flugge rancho, 5 1., 1844, Chaa. W. Flugge; T. 0. Larkin cl. Bolaa, see Tomales. Bolsas, see Harabre. Borregas, see Pastoria. Bosquejo (Tehama), 5 I., 1844, Peter Lassen, who was cl. *Briesgau (Shasta), 5 1., 1844, Wm Benitz, who wascl. PRIVATE RANCHOS. 671 the settlements north of that town. At the presidio Alferez Prado Mesa with Sergeant GaUndo and nine or ten soldiers, a detachment of the Sonoma company, Butte county ranchos, see Aguas Frias, Aguas Nieves, Arroyo Chico, Boga, Esquon, Honcut, Llano Seco, and Willy. Also not named *C. W. Fliigge, 51., 1844; L. Hoover cl. Cabeza, see Sta Rosa. Callayomi (Souoma), 3 I., 1845, Robert Ridley; Ritchie and Forbes ol. *CalzonciUos (Sta Clara), 111., 1843, Josd M. Castanares, who was cl. Carapo de los Franceses (S. Joaquin), 111., 1844, Wra Gulnac; C. M. Weber cl. ; claim of Justo Larios rejected. Cafiada de Guadalupe, Visitacion, y Rodeo Viejo (S. P.), 2 1., 1841, J. P. Leese; R. S. Eaton, H. R. Payson cl. ; Ridley's cl rejected. Caiiada de los Vaqueros (Contra Costa), 1844, Fran. Alviso et al. ; Robt. Livermore ol. Ca fiada, see also Capitauoillos, Hambre, Jonive, Pinole, and Pogolorai. Capay (Colusa), 10 1., 1844, Josefa Soto, who was cl. Capitauoillos, Cauada, 1842, Justo Larios; Guadalupe Min. Co. cl.; Fossat's cl. rejected. Carne Huraaua (Napa), 4 1., 1841, Ed. T. Bale, whose widow was cl. Caslaraayome, see La guna. Cataoula (Napa) 2 I., 1844, J. B. ChUes, who was cl. *Cazadore3 (Sac), 4 1., 1844, Ernest Rufus; Jaines Murphy cl. Cerritos, see Potrero. Chico, see Arroyo Chico. Coches (Sta Clara), 4 h, 1844, Roberto; Antonio Sunol et al., ol. Coins (Colusa), 2 1., 1845, John Bidwell; C. D. Scrapie cl. *Coluses, 4 1., 1844, John Daubenbiss; N. Bassett cl. Colusa Co. ranchos, ses also Capay, Jacinto, Jimeno, and Larkin. Contra Costa ranchos, see Cauada de Vaqueroa, Hambre, Juutaa, Laguna, Monte del Diablo, Pinole, Sobrante, and Ulpinos; also not named, grants to *Inocencio Romero et al. (Sobrante?) 1844 and *Jaau Josd Castro et ah 1841, 1844; E. R. Carpentier cl. Corte de Madera (Sta Clara), 2 I., 1844, MAxirao Martinez, who was cl. *Cosumne3 (Sacramento), 1 1., 1844, Heleno; Hioks and Martin cl. Cotate (Sonoma), 4 I., 1844, Juan Castafieda; T. S. Page cl. Diablo, see Monte. Dolores, see S. F. Embarcadero, see Sta Clara. Estanislao, see rancheria. *Esqunon (Butte), 5 1., 1844, Sam. Neal, who was cl. *Farallones, Alcatraz, Yerba Buena, and Pt Tiburon (S. P. & Marin), 1843, J. Y. Liraantour, who waa cl. Fdlix rancho (S. Mateo), 1 1., 1844, Doraingo Fdlix, who was ol. Flores (Tehama), 3 L, 1844, Wm Chard, who was cl. Fliigge, see Boga. Franceses, see Campo. GaUinas, see S. Pedro. Gentiles, see Laguna. Guada lupe, see Cauada. Guenoc (Sonoma or Lake), 6 I., 1845, Geo. Rock; Arch. Ritchie cl. Guesesosi, see Quesesosi. Hambre, Canada, aud las Bolsas del — (Contra Costa), 2 1., 1842. Teodora Soto, who was cl. Honcut (Yuba), 7 1., 1844, Theodore Cordua; Estate of J. Thorapson ol. *Honout (Butte), 8 1., 1845, Henry Huber, who was cl. Huichicha (Sonoraa), 2 1., 1841, J. P. Leese, who was cl. Jacinto (Colusa), 8 1., 1844, Jacinto Rodriguez; Wm H. McKee cl. Jimeno (Colusa), 11 1., 1844, Manuel Jimeno Casarin; T. 0. Larkin et al. cl. Johnson's (Yuba), 51., 1844, Pablo Gutierrez; AA'm Johnson cl. Jo nive (Sonoma), 2 1., 1845, Jaraes Black; Jasper O'Farrell cl. Jota (Napa), 1 1., 1843, Geo. Yount, who was cl. Juntas (Contra Costa), 3 1., 1844, AVra Welsh, whose estate was cl. Lac (Sonoraa), 1,000 v., 1844, Ddmaso Rodriguez; J. P. Leese cl. -*Laguna de los Gentiles, or Caslaraayome (Sonoma), 8 I. , 1844, Eug. Montenegro; AVm Forbes cl. Laguna de los Palos Colorados (Contra Cos ta), 31., 1841, J. Moraga and J. Bernal; Moraga cl. *Laguna delos Santos Calle (Yolo), 11 1., 1845, Victor Prudou andM. Vaca; E. L. Brown cl. Laguna, see Tache. Larkin's (Colusa), 101., 1844, P. Larkin etal. who were cl. *Lassen'3 (Tehama), 1844, Peter Lassen; BCarriet Besse cl. Llajomi (Napa), IJ I., 1841, Tomaso A. Rodriguez; Salv. Vallejo cl. Llano Seco (Butte), 41. , 1844-5, Sebas tian Keyser; C.J. Brentram etal. cl. Llano, see Sta Rosa. Locoalloiue (Napa), 2 I., 1841, Julian Pope; Joseph Pope et al cl.; Rainsford's claim under grant of 1845 rejected. *Lupyomi (Napa), 14 I., 1844, Salv. Vallejo; H. T. Tesch- macherol.; 11 1., 1844, Liraantour who was cl.; 2 1., 1844, S. and J. A. Va Uejo; S. Vallejo cl. Malaoomes, or Moristal (Sonoma), 2 I., 1843, Josd delos 672 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE NORTH. served as garrison, though visitors' reports rarely agreed with the rosters as to the presence of more than two or three at any one time. Most of the Santos Berreyesa; Rockwell & Knight cl.; alao 2 1., M. E. Cook et al. cl. See alao Seno. Mare lalaud (Solano), 1840-1, Victor Castro; Bissell & Aspin wall cl. Mariu Co. ranchos, see Farallones, Nicasio, Olompali, Pogolorai, Pt Reyes, S. Antonio, S. Gerdnimo, S. Pedro, Soulajule, Tamalpais, Tinicasia, and Tamales; also grant uot uamed to *Tim Murphy 100 v., 1844. Mariposa Co., see S. Luis Gonzaga. -"Mariposas (S. Joaq.), 11 1., 1843, Manuel Cas taiiares; E. Voss cl. Mariposas, 10 I., 1844, J. B. Alvarado; J. C. Frdmont cl. Mendocino Co., see Muuiz, Sanel, aud Yokaya; also unnamed grants to Josd Ant. Galmdo 1844, 10-12 1. ; Wm A. Richardson cl. *Rafael Garcia, 9 1. 1844. -*Limantour 80 1., 1844. Merced Co., see Sanjon. Miseria, see Ro blar. Molinos, see Rio. Monte del Diablo (Contra Costa), 1844, Salvio Pa checo, who was cl. Moquelumnes, see Sanjon. Moristal, see Malaoomes. Muniz (Mendocino), 4 I., 1845. Manuel Torrea, who was cl. Napa Co. ranches, see Carne Huraaua, Cataoula, Jota, Llajorai, Yocoallomi, Lupyomi, and Tuluoay. -*Nerashas (Sac Val.), 4 1., 1844, Theodore Sicard; Claude Ghana cl. New Helvetia (Sac. and Yuba), 11 I., 1841, J. A. Sutter, Sutter et al cl.; sorae of the claims rejected. *New Helvetia, 221., 1845, J. A. Sut ter, who was cl. (Sutter general title). Nicasio (Marin), 2J I., 1844, Pablo de la Guerra and J. Cooper; Wm Reynolds and D. Frink cl.; 10 1., Halleck & Black ol. *Nueva Flandria (Sac), 31., 1844-5, Sutterand Schwatz; Sch. and W. AV. Wamer cl. OlompaU (Marin), 2 1., 1843, C. Initia (?), who waa cl. Omoohumne (Sac), 5., 1844, Joaquin Sheldon, whose heirs were cl. Orea- timba (Tuolurane), 6 1.; 1844, Sebaatian Munoz, who waa cl. Palos Colora dos, see Laguna. Panocha (S. Joaq.) , 5 I., 1844, Julian Ursila, who was cl. -* Panocha Grande (S. Joaq.), 4 1., 1844, Vicente P. Gomez, who wascl. (The faraous MoGarraghan claira.) Paso, rancho del (Sac), 10 1., 1844, EUab Griraes; Sam. Norria cl. Paatoria de laa Borregas (Sta Clara), 3,207 acrea, 1842, Francisco Estrada; M. Murphy cl.; alao 2 1. called also Refugio, cl. Mariano Castro. Pescadero (S. Joaq. ), 8 1. , 1843, V. Higuera and R. FdUx; H. Grimes et al. cl. Pescadero (S. Joaquin), 8 I., 1843, Antonio M. Pico, who aud H. M. Naglee were cl. Petaluraa (Souoma), 15 1., 184S-4, M. G. Vallejo, who was cl.; AVatmough's claim rejected. Pilarcitos, arroyo (Sta Clara), 1 1. , 1841, Candelario Miramontes, who was cl. Pinole (Contra Coata), 4 1., i842, Ignacio Martinez; M. A. Martinez de Richardsou cl. Pinole, Boca de la Canada del, 1842, Manuel Valencia, who was ol. Placer Co., see S. Juan. Pogolorai, canada de _(Marin), 2 1., 1844, Antonio Cdceres, who was cl. Posolorai and Pozito de las Aniraas (Sta Clara), 3,042 aores, 1844, Lope Ini go; R. Walkinshaw cl. *Potrero (SantaClara), 11 1., 1843, JosdM. Fuentes, who was cl. Potrero de los Cerritos (Alameda) 3 1., 1844, Tomiis Pacheco and A. Alviso, who were cl. Potrero, aee also S. P. aud S ta Clara. Pozito, see Po solorai. Primer Cafion, or Rio de los BeiTendos (Tehama), 6 1. , 1844, Job F. Dye, who waa cl. Puerto (Stanislaus), 3 1., 1844, Mariano Hernandez etah; S. G. Reed et al. cl. *Punta de Lobos (S. P.), 1845, Joaquiu Pina; not pre sented to L. C. ; also application by Benito Diaz, granted later. Punta de loa Reyes (Mariu), 11 I., 1843, A. M. Osio; A. RandaU cl. Putaa (Solano), 8 1., 1S43, Josd de Jesus and Sixto Berreyesa; M. Anastaaio Higuera de B. cl. Putas (Solano), 10 1., 1843, J. M. Vaca and J. F. Pena, who were cl. See also Rio de loa P. Quesesosi (Yolo), 2 1., 1843, Wm Gordon, who waa cl. Quito (StaClara), Sl. , 1841, Joad Z. Fernandez and J. Noriega; M. Alviso cl. Rancheria del Rio Estanislao (S. Joaq.), 111., 1843, Francisco Rico and Josd Ant. Castro, who were cl. Refugio, see Pastoria. Reyea, see Punta de R. *Rineoii del Alisal (Sta Clara) 600 v., 1844, Santos & Sons, who were cl. Rineon de San Francisquito (Sta Clara), 1841, Josd Pena; T. and S. Robles cl. Rineon, see also S. F. R,inconada del Arroyo de S. Francisquito (Sta PRIVATE RANCHOS. 673 buUdings were at any rate unoccupied aud rapidly going to ruin. A company of defensores de la patria, 46 rank and file, under Captain Francisco Sanchez Clara) J 1., 1841, M. A. Meaa, who waa cl. Rio de loa Americanoa (Sac), 8 I., 1844, AVm A. Leideadorff; Folaom & Sparks cl. Rio de Berreudos, see Primer Caflon. Rio Estanislao, see Rancheria. Rio de loa Molinos (Tehama) 5L, 1844, A. G. Toomea, who waa cl. Rio de los Putos (Yolo) 4 1., 1842, Franciaco Guerrero; Wm Wolfakill cl. Roblar de la Miaeria (Sonoma) 4 I., 1845, Juan N. Padilla; David AVright cl. Rodeo Viejo, see Cafiada de Gua dalupe. *Sacramento, city landa, 1841, J. A. Sutter; city and Burnett cl. *Sacramento, ialand of, 1844, V. Prudon, who was cl.; 1845, Robt Elwell, Jeaus Nod cl.; not named, *Sutter 300 acres, 1841, F. J. White cl.; Moquel umne Ind. 4 1., 1844, Sutter cl. for Ind. Sacramento Co. ranches, see also Cazadores, Cosumnes, N. Helvetia, N. Flandria, Oraochuraues, Paso, Rio Americanos, S. Buenaventura, Nerashas, Sanjon, and Sucayac. *Sau An tonio, arroyo (Marin), 3 1., 1844, Juan Miranda; T. B. Valentine, J. A. Short et al. cl. San Antonio, laguna (Marin), 6 1., 1845, B. Bojorques, who was cl. San Buenaventura (Sac ), 6 1., 1844, P. B. Reading, who was cl. -*San Cayetano, garden (Sta Clara) 1,000 v. 1845, J. B. Alvarado; C. Panaud et al. cl. *Sau Francisco, city landa, 1843, Limantour, who waa cl. ; Mission lots: *Doraingo FdUx 400 v. ; *E. and J. R. Valencia 200 v. ; Cdrloa Mo reno (Chaa Brown); Fran, de Haro, 150 v. -* Sau Franciaco, potrero, J I., 1844, R. & P. de Haro, whose heirs were cl., also Wm. C. Jones. -* San Prancisco, rineon, 800 v., 1845, P. Sherreback, who waa cl. Id., not naraed, Robert ElweU, 400 v., 1842; Fernando Marchena, 1 I., 1844; neither of them pre sented to L. C; * Stephen Smith, two 50 v. lots, 1845; see also Caiiada de Guadalupe, Pt Lobos, and S. Miguel. S. Francisquito, see Rineon and Rin conada. San Gdronimo (Marin), 2 1. 1844, Rafael Cacho; J. M. Revere, el. Sau Joaquin Co. ranches, see Carapo, Mariposas, Panocha, Pescadero, and Rancheria. San Juan (Placer), 4J L, 1844, Joel P. Dedmond; Hirara Griraes cl. San Leandro (Alaraeda), 1 1., 1842, Joaquiu Estudillo, who was ol. Sau Lorenzo (Alameda), 600 v. aud 1 1., 1841-3, Guillermo Castro, who was cl. Sau Lorenzo (Alameda), IJ 1., 1842-4, Francisco Soto, whose heirs were cl. San Luis Gonzaga (Mariposa), 48,821 acres, 1843, Fraucisco Rivera; J. P. Pacheco cl. San Mateo Co., see Felix. San Miguel (S. P.), 1 1., 1845, Jesus Nod, who was ol. San Pedro, Sta Margarita, and Las GalUnas (Marin), 5 1., 1844, Tim. Murphy, who was cl. San Vicente (Sta Clara), 1 1., 1842, Josd R. Berreyesa, whose heirs were cl. Santa Clara, Potrero, 1 1., 1844, J. A. Forbes; R. F. Stockton, cl. Sta Clara, Embarcadero, 1,000 varas, 1845, Ba silio Bernal, who was cl. Sta Clara Co. ranchos, see CalzoncUlos, Capitan- ciUoa, Coches, Corte de Madera, Pastoria, Pilarcitos, Posolomi, Quito, Rin eon, Rinconada, S. Josd Mision, S. Cayetano, S. Vicente, UUstac, and Uvas; also not uamed, grants to Francisco Garcia, 2,000 v., 1845, J. Enright cl; *Joad Noriega, 4 lota, 1845, N. cl.; *Buenaventura et al., | 1., 1844, H. C. Smith cl.; *Naroi30 Bennett, who was cl., 140 v. 1 solar, 1845; Narciso Bennett, 140 v. and 2,000-1,000 v., 1845; Mary S. Bennett cl.; Barcelia Bernal et al. , 1 1. , 1845-6. Sta Margarita, see S. Pedro. Sta Rita, see Sanjon. Sta Rosa, cabeza (Sonoma), 1841, Maria Ignacia Lopez, confirmed iu 6 divi sions to Julio CarrUlo, J. R. Mayer et al., J. Eldridge, F. CarrUlo, Juana de J. Mallagh, and J. Hendley; cl. of 0. Boulio rejected. Sta Rosa, llano, 3 1., 1844, Mark West; Joaq. Carrillo cl.; rejected 2 claims ou grant to Joaq. Carrillo, 1844. Sancos (Tehama), 5 I., 1844, R. H. Thomes, who was cl. Sanel (Mendocino), 4 1., 1844, F. Fdlix, who was cl., Sanjon de los Moque lumnes (Sac), 8 1., 1844, Anastasio Chabolla; Angel and M. ChaboUa cl. Sanjon de Sta Rita (Merced), 11 I., 1841, Franciaco Soberanea, who was cl. Santoa Calle, see Laguna. Seno de Malaoomes (Sonoraa), 4 1., 1843, Josd de loa Santos Berreyesa, who was cl. Shasta Co., see Briesgau. Sobrante (Ala- HisT. Cai,., Vol. IV. 43 674 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE NORTH. held themselves ready for' action in 1844^5. The growth of Yerba Buena, in the light of later devel opments, has a peculiar interest, and I have quoted in the appended note some descriptive matter by visitors, one of whom has left a pencil sketch, and. by residents, notable among whom is Mrs Rae. The town contained in 1845 about 20 structures. large. and small, but with one exception there is no definite: in formation about any of those built in this period* I suppose that of all classes there were not less than 125 inhabitants, among whom the foreigners consti tuted a .predominant element. Indeed the foreign influence caused a certain prejudice against Yerba Buena, notably among Mexican residents at the mis sion, showing itself most clearly iu a' controversy be tween the rival alcaldes Padilla and Sanchez in 1845. In 1844, in connection with a reorganization of the meda)j 11 1,, 1841, J. J. Castro, who was cl. Sobrante (Contra Costa?) occu pied by Romero brothers in 1844. * Socayac (Sac.?), 3 1., 1844, John Cham berlain; E. Pratt cl. Solano Co., see Mare Isl., Putas, Putoa, Suisun', Soscol, ,Tolena3, aud UlpinOs; * Sonoma, 400 v. near ex-mission; 1844; J.'Y. Liraantour, who was cl. .. Sonoraa Co., see Blucher, Bodega, OaUayomii Cotate, Guenoc, Huichicha, Jonive, Lac, Laguna, Malaoomes, Pfetaluma, Roblar, Sta Rosa, Seno, Sotoyomi, Tzabado, and Yulupa. SotoyiJmi (Sonoma); 8 1., 1841, Henry D. Fitch, whose widow was cl.; Cyrus Alexander's cl. to 2 1. rejected. Soulajule (Marin), 20 L, 1S44, Ramon Mesa; cohfirmed in 5 diviaions to J. S. Brackett, G. N. CornweU, P. J. Vasquez, Luis D. 'Watkins, and M. F. Gorraley; cl. of Wm. M. Fuller rejected. Stanislaus ' Co. , aee Puerto. Suiaun : (Solano), 4 1., 1842, Francisco Solano;' Arch. Ritchie ol.; also J. H. Fine. -* Soscol (Solano), 1843, M.G. Vallejo, -who wascl: *Tache, laguna (Tulare), 11 1., 1843, Limanto.ur, who, was ol.' * Tamalpais (Marin), 2 1., 1845, Hilario Sanchez, who was cl. Tehama Co. , see BarrancaiBosqtfejoj Florps, Lassens, Primer Canon, Rio, and Sancos. . 'Tiburon, see Parallonesi etc *Tinicasio (Marin),' 1 L, '1841, Indians of S. Rafael; Murphy cl. iot Ind. Tolenas (Solano), 3 1., 1840, J. P. Arraijo, whose, heirs Were cl; Ta males (Marin), 51., 1845, JuauN; Padilla; James D. Galbraith ,'cl.; Tuluoay (Napa), 2 1., 1841, Cayetano Juarez, who was cl. Tuolutone Co.; see Ores- timba; alao unnaraed grant to * Solomon Pioo, J. L. Ord cl. Tzabaco (So noraa), 4 1., 1843, J. G. Pena, J. J. Peua et al. cl. Uliatao (Sta Clara), J 1., 1845, Marcelo Pico and Cristobal; J. D. Hopped. Ulpinos (Solano), 4 1., 1844, John Bidwell. who was cl. -* Ulpinos (Contra Coata), 1845, Joad de la Roaa; Juan M. Luco cl. Uvas (Sta Clara), 3 1., 1842, Lorenzo Pineda; Bem. Murphy cl. Vaqueros, see Canada. Visitacion, see Cafiada. * WiUy (Butte ?) 4 1., 1844, M. C. Nye, w'ho was cl. Yerba Bufcna Isl., see Farallones. * Yokaya (Mendocino), 8 1., 1845, Cayetano Juarez, who was cl. Yolo Co.; aee Laguna, Quesesosi, and Rio; also gi'aiit not n^iMed of 5 1.; to ThOmaS Shadden, 1844, claim discontinued hy id. Yuba Co., see HoncUt, Johnson's, and N. Helvetia; also uniiamed grant of 6 1. to -* Jolih Smith; John' Rose et al. cl. * Yulupa (Sonoma), 3 1., 1844, Miguel Alvarado; M. G.TaUejO cl. MISSION DOLORES. 675 receptoria, or revenue department, the building of a custom-house was ordered, to cost ndt over $800; and it was completed in September Of the next year mainly by the labor of Indians from abroad, with materials obtained in part from the presidio and mis sion ruins, and by the aid of loans from enterprising citizens, at a cost exceeding the original estimate by only $2,000. This structure stood facing the plaza from the west, on Avhat was later Washington Street. A long controversy between the revenue officers, Benito Diaz succeeded by Rafael Pinto, and the masters of whalers and other craft, who,' with the support of Richardson, captain of the port, insisted on anchoring at Sauzalito ostensibly on account of its superior advantages for obtaining Avood and water, but in , triith largely for the facilities it offered fOr contraband trade, was the Only other noteworthy item of current anhails. I ha-ve appended a list, alpha betical yet with sub-lists fbr tho different sections, of all the private ranches in Northern California granted during the half decade: They were about 160 in number, and it will be rioted that' half of them Avere granted iu 1 844, and that nearly one third \A^ere finally not confirmed by the courts of the United States. A few items have been given incidentally respect ing Dolores as part of the pueblo of San Francisco; as an ex-mission it calls for but slight mention. I find no trace of any resident minister, though the padres Real occasionally OflSciated and Padre Muro seems to have spent "several months her& in 1'8'45. No later administrator than Tiburcio Tasquez in 1841 is named, but he probably acted in that capacity for several years longer. There were then in the community 78 Indians, about 50 of ' whom T suppose were still living on the peninsula in 1845; but 'there- was probably no remnant of property besides build ings, though there was a debt which prevented the governor in 1844 from accedihg to the petition of 676 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE NORTH. citizens that an end be made of the ex-mission. In 1845, however, after warning to the scattered ex- neophytes to reoccupy the property that was theoret ically theirs, an order for its sale Avas issued, as at other establishments.-'* Padre Lorenzo Quijas attended to the * spiritual ' interests of San Rafael and of all the northern fron tier until 1843, after which there was no resident curate north of the bay. Simpson and Peirce and oflficers of the U. S. exploring expedition visited the establishment in 1841-2, the latter with a view of purchasing the Novato rancho offered for $1,500, and the former on his way to Sonoma; but these visitors have more to say of Quijas' drunken pranks thau of anything else, merely noting that the mission was in ruins, and that Timothy Murphy was administrator; indeed, there was nothing more to be noted. Mofras reports a population of 20 Indians; but the commu nity was entirely broken up before 1845, though I suppose there must have been about 200 ex-neophytes still living in the region and nominally christians. After the formality of warning the Indians to re occupy the mission, its sale at auction was ordered in October; and the valuation of the estate, accord ing to the original inventory in my possession, was $17,000 iu buildings, lands, and live-stock.^* Mean- « "Inventory and census of Feb. 1841; 216 cattle, 698 horses, 600 sheep. St. Pap. Miaa., MS., x. 16-17. Simpson's viait and deacription iu 1,842; only the church in tolerable preaervation. Simpson's Narr. , i. 330-6. The names of 15 reaidenta were signed to a petition iu 1844 as mentioned in note 12. The lots granted iu 1842-4, were to Wm Hinckley, Charles Brown, Franciaco de Haro, Domingo FdUx, and Frauoisco Guerrero. Order of sale 1845. This vol., p. 549-52. ^* Peirce's Jour., MS., 81 et seq.; Simpson's Narr., i. ,305; Wilkes' Narr. U. 8. Exp. Exp., y. 212; Mofras, Explor., i. 320. Aug. 24, 1844, AVm A. Richardson asks the asserably for a juez at S. Rafael. Leg. Rec. . MS. , iv. 19. Nov. Sth, gov. announces the separation from Sonoma, and the creation of the S. Raf. jurisdiction extending to the Petaluraa Creek aud Russiau River, or S. Ignacio. Murphy appointed on the Sth, and, on hia declining, Oaio on the 11th. Dept See, MS., xiu. 98-9; Dept St Pap., Ben., P. oo. Hist Cal, MS., ii. 196., Dec 4th, an Ind. who was freed m 1839, but lost ,his, papers and was forced to return to miaaion aervice, aaks for freedora and that of his 2 nephews; granted. Id., 227. Sta Clara recom mended for capital,. This vol., p. 519. Order for rentmg. Id, 549-52. ''^Pueblo, of San Josd. Population in Aug, 1841. 8: Joai, Padron de.lS41, 684 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE NORTH. more than the briefest mention; except that San Josd Avas the headquarters of the revolutionists in the fa mous campaign of Santa Teresa, and that the Indian MS., 936, or 214 men (including 13 foreigners), 248 women, and 473 chUdren. This seems to include no Ind., but does include the residents of contra coata. Sirapaon aays there were 700 inhabitants iu the town. Narr. , i. 293. Belden, Hist St, MS., 16, says 300 to 400 people. Mofras puts the pop. at 500 whites and a few hundred Ind. Explor., i. 414. Hall, Hid. 8. Josi, 135-40, names about 50 foreigners who came to the valley before 1845. There are no original statistics in 1842-5. Summary and index of events. 1841. Expeditions against Ind. horae- thievea. Thia vol., p. 197. Antonio Sunol loaned $157 for one of thera and had some difficulty in recovering the money. 8. Joai Arch., MS., iu. 45. The Sta Clara Echo in 1878 had an item copied in several other papers about the 1st frame building in town, or perhaps in Cal., built by Thomaa Boone (Bowen) and Pedro Femandez for Manuel Frank in 1841, stiU standing on Alviso St in 1878. Forbes agent of H. B. Co. This vol., p. 217. Arrival aud arrest of the Bartleson immigrant party. Id., 274. Murder of Anthony Campbell. Id., 280. 1842. Indian troubles. Id., 338. The warning came from contra costa; the objects of the plot were Jeaus VaUejo, J. A. Estrada, aud Joaquiu Castro; there was e-vidently much buncombe in the testimony; and there was also a conflict between miUtary and civil authority in the trials. Viait of Dr Sandela meutioned. Id., 346. 1843. Seizure of docu menta supposed to reveal a poUtioal plot. Id., 356. 1844. Viait of the bishop. Id., 427. Efforts in behalf of the revolt against Micheltorena; aud campaign of Sta Teresa. Id. , 462, 466-70. Castro and his array waiting here. Id., 471, 481. 1845. Additional preparations at S. J. as headquartera against the gov., the army starts for the south. Id., 485-9. CaU for a meet ing of foreigners. Id. , 598-9. Sub-prefecture. Autonio Sufiol appointed sub-prefect July 31, 1841. Dept St Pap. Mont, MS., iv. 47; Id., Ben., P. S J., iv. 24. Aug. 7th, ap pointment confirmed by gov. Dept. Eec, MS., xii. 16. Aug. 9th, prefect transcribes gov.'s order to take charge. S. Josi Areh., MS., U. 21. Aug. 20th, Suilol's resignation uot accepted, and he is aUowed a secretary at $1 a day. Id., 39. Sept. 5th, sworn in and announcea the fact to local juecea. Id., V. 36; Mont Arch., MS., x. 12. Dept St Pap., Ben. G. .,y'Ti.i:. 1843. Jueces de paz Salvio Pacheco and Antonio M. Pioo, appointed by prefect iu Dec. 1842, and in office apparently Jan. 2d. 8. Josi, Arch., MS., ii. 31; Dept. St. Pap., Ben., P. & J., MS., iv. 32; Id., 8. Josi, vu. 7-8. But on March 17th Pacheco is ordered by the sub-prefect to continue as juez on account of the death of the one elected the last year, S. J. Arch., MS., ii. 7; and March SOtli-lat, he ia appointed and confirmed as juez proprietario, Dept St. Pap., Mont, MS., vi. 51; Dept. See, MS., xiU." 47, but on Aug. 29th he is ordered to take charge, as there is no juez proprietario. S. J. Arch., MS., ii. 9. Pico apparently did not act as juez suplente, and frora June laidoro Guillen ap peara aa holding the place, and sometimes acting as 1st juez, sindico Luis Chabolla; sec. Gaxiola, and after Jian. Tomda Pacheco; depositario Dolores Pacheco; juecea de barrio or de policia, Lorenzo Pacheco, Antonio Chabolla, Josd M. Flores; jueces de carapo Joad Ant. Alviao (or Supiilveda), Leandro Flores; juez from S. Francisquito to Sierra Morena Narciso Ant. Pena; juez de contra coata, at S. Leandro, Joaquiu Estudillo; aud jueces de carapo ap pointed by hira — Francisco Moraga, Victor Castro, Miguel Mesa, Bruno Va lencia, Desiderio Briones, Gabriel Castro, Valentin Amador; si'ndico Vicente Martinez. Jan. Sth, the juez explains the duties ot the various subordinate officials. 8. Josi, Arch., MS., vi. 1. April 18th, juez to gov. explains the difficulties in his way and defects of the aystem and its application. He cora plaina that citizena of contra costa have to briug their claima, complaints, and prisoners to S. Josd; that the scattering of population in the ranchos, some without property interests, others with land or water illegally obtained, exposed to Ind. etc. prevents all progreaa; that the foreign traders and hunt- era do not comply with the lawa; that the freed lud. should be compelled to aettle somewhere and quit their roving thieving life; that legal proceedings between citizens of different jurisdictions are complicated and oppressive; that there ia much conflict about the civil and military authority, eapecially in deal ing with Ind. ; that the boundaries of S. Josd diatrict are not properly fixed; that the mail service is badly arranged, etc. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., P. & J., MS., ii. 8-11. May 3d, Juez Pacheco ordered to Monterey on account of some malefeasance. S.J. Arch.,MS.,'a..7. Receipts for 1st quarter $85. Id., loose pap. 47. Order for election of 2 alcaldes. This vol., p. S59. J. P. Bu elna elector. Id., 361. 1844. Alcaldes Antonio Maria Pico and Fdlix Buel na; aindico Josd Femandez; jueces de policia. Mariano Castro and Francisco Perez; juecea de campo Pedro Chabolla, Juau Bemal, Vicente Suarez; guarda Julio Valencia; GuiUermo Castro juez auxiliar of Contra Costa de la Union. In April A. M. Pico asks to be relieved, as he has served for 3 years (?). Dept. St. Pap., MS., vi. 158. Oot 16th, gov. grants to Pierre Sainsevain a site and privilege for a flour raill; title inalienable, aud forfeited if the mill does not work well; water raust be furnished for irrigation. Doc Hist. Ccd., MS., i. 499. 1845. Jueces de paz A. M. Pico and FeUx Buelna. There seeras to have beeu au eleetion of alcaldes — Dolores Pacheco and Domingo Alviso— iu Dec 1844, but they did not serve, the prefecture being restored. Dept. St Pap., MS., xvii. 54. In May 1845 there was an order for au elec tion of juecea. Dept. Bcc, MS., xiv. 35; juez do contra coata Guillermo Caatro. Auguat, trouble about the election for the partido. The electora ob- 686 LOCAL ANNALS OF THE NORTH. 1841, served in that capacity uhtU the prefecture was suppressed at the begihuing of 1844. ¦ On its restora tion the next year, San Franeisco becarne cabecera, much to the disgust of the politicians of San Jose. Justices of the peace were at the head of municipal affairs except in 1844, when, there being ho sub-pre fect, alcaldes ruled. The succession of local chiefs was as follows: Dolores Pacheco in 1841, Antonio Buelna and Isidoro GuiUen in 1841-2, Salvio Pacheco in 1843, and Antonio Maria Pico in 1844-5. The jected to meetmg at Yerba Buena, 'a place inhabited by Yankees.' They went there once, some of theUi at least, but the northern frontier electora failed to appear, and they came back and excused theraselves from repeating the trip. Doc Hiat Caf., MS., ii. 70, 77,132, 134-6; .9. Joai, ^re/».,MS., iii. 6. Nov. 2d, certificate that Gervasio Soto has paid his fine of 1,000 ft of boards for the juzgado. Z)oc. i?is<. Oa?., MS., ii. 208. Adrainistraion of juatice and criminal recprd. 1841. Ih April Anthouy Campbell was killed by Ind. at Thos Bowen's place. C. and John Burton were aroused in the night by the barking of dogs, and C. goiiig out to quiet them was pierced by an arrow and fell dead. It was beUeved to be tlie work' of Ind. horse-thieves, the only evidence before tte jiiez being the statementa of Burton aud of Giilnao as surgeon. But Ainbrose Tomlinson, assettmg that the murderers were Sta Clara Ind. and that the authorities neglected their duties, wrote to the com. of the St. Louia, who referred the matter to the govt. After investigation the prefect- decided that T.'s charges were un founded, and made in bad faith. Dept. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 41; Id., Ben. P. y J., iv. 27-8; Id., Mont, iv. 5.3-5; S. J. Arch., MS., ii. 21, 23, 27. In July 1842 Manuel Gonzalez was executed at Monterey for the murder of an Eng lishman caUed Guillermo CamUo (Wm Campbell?). Mont. Arch., MS., iu. 10. Mofras, Explor'., i. 324, mentions the two murders without names, and says a young Mexican was imprisoned at Mont, to satisfy the fpijeigners, but was soon released. Nov. 14, 1841, alcalde's instructions to jueces de campo. Es tudillo, Doe, MS., ii. 26. 1842. June, slight conflict between mU. authority as represented by Com. Jesua AZallejband Gen. VaUejo, and the civil in the persons of prefect and aub-prefect, about the trial of Ind. prisoners. 8. Josi Arch., MS., ii. 25; Vallejo, Doc, MS., xi. 229-30. Aug. , sub-prefect's orders against gambUng. S. J. Arch., 'MS., ii. 44. 1843. April, Joaquin Oastro claims the military fuero in a suit brought before the juez. Id., 8. June 4th, Eolice regulations issued by the juez, /3., vi. 8. 1845. May, trial of Mariano luarte, ex -alcalde and now teaolleri for debauchery of aehool-girla. No re sults given. J/oni. .i4rc/j., MS., V. 20-3. Military items.' Capt. Jesus VaUejo -military comlnandant in 1841-2. Sept. 1841, juez de paz speaks of 10 'vecinos auxiliares' to whom payment is due. Money had, beeu advanced by himself and by the sub-prefect for an Ind. expedition. S. J. Arch., MS., iii. 42-4. Dec 23, 1842, prefect says the gov. has ordered the organization of an auxiliary bomp.. Angel Castro being appointed com. of the jilaza for recruiting purposes. /(i.,u. 22. -March 18, 1843, sub-prefect to juez, 20 young meri calldd for; he is to send a list of thosa^ whose immorality and other quaUties fit them to be soldiers -without preju-' dice to their famiUes. Id., vi. 36. June, petition of citizensfor a permanent force. This vol., p. 362. ,1844. Company of defensorea ordered to be organ- ized under Capt. A. M. Pico. Id., 407. I have found no Ust either of those liable for mihtary duty or of members of the company. CRIMINAL AND MILITARY. 687 juez auxiliar of the contra costa AAras in a sense sub ordinate to the municipal chief of the pueblo. The criminal record includes the murder of a foreigner, and a feeble attempt to utilize the occurrence in stir ring up an international dispute. Military annals are restricted to the frequent complaints of inadequate protection against roving horse-thieves, the services of San Jose patriots, native and foreign, against Mi cheltorena, and the final organization of a company of defensores de la patria. Private ranchos have been named elsewhere in this chapter. PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. 1542-1848. CONHNUED ALPHABETICALLY KEOltf 'VOLUME -III. Ibanez (Florencio), 1801, Span, friar who served at S. Antonio and Sole dad, dying in '18. Biog. ii. 385-6; ment. 152, 159, 205, 230, .394, 427. I. (Dona Maria), mentioned at S. Diego '21 and '46. ii. 546; v. 329. L (Se bastian), Mex. at Mont. '48. Ibarra (Agustin), at Los Ang. '46. I. (Andrda), at Loa Ang. '19. ii. 357; took part in revol. of '31. iii. 201; juez de campo at S. Diego '36. iii. 615-16; kept a dram-shop '41. iv. 619; grantee of Encinitos '42. iv. 620. I. (An tonio), at Los Ang. '19, taking part in revol. of '31. ii. 357; iii. 201; at Sta Gertrudis rancho '39, age 37. I. (Calixto), at Los Ang. '46. I. (Desi derio), settler at Los. Ang. '14, and regidor in '26-8. ii. 349, 560; still there in '48. I. (Francisco), sirviente at Sta Clara 1776. i. 306. I. (Francisco Gonzalez de), 1820, Span, friar who served at S. Femando and S. Luis Rey, dying in '42. Biog. iv. 622-S; ment. U. 357, 394, 436, 569-70, 580; ui. 20-1, 96, 205, 353, 622-4, 641, 646-7. I. (Gabriel), at Los Coyotes rancho, Loa Ang. '39, age 35. I. (Gerdnimo), at Loa Ang. '46, wounded at the Chino flght. V. 314. Ibarra (Gil), sindico of Los Ang. '31. iii. 634. He was bom at S. Diego in 1784. In '36-7 he was alcalde of Loa Aug., aud waa prominent as a partisan of the south against Alvarado's govt in '37-8, being more thau onoe arreated by the norteSoa. iu, 485, 509, 518, 548, 555, 558, 565-6, 636; granteeof Rineon de la Brea in '41. iv. 635; and still at Loa Ang. '48. I. (Isidro), said to have been the man who killed Avila in the battle of '31. iii. 208; at S. Luis Ob. from '33. iu. 682. I. (Josd M.), at Los Ang. '46. Ibarra (Juan Marfa), 1819, Mex. lieut of the escuadron de Mazatlan. ii. 254; stationed at S. Diego '21-30, taking part iu Ind. exped. and other affairs. U. 534-6, 543, 549, 675; ui. 88, 109; iu '30-1 memb. of the junta to try P. Mar tinez, fiscal iu the trial of Atanasio, aud defender of Alcalde Duarte. iu. 99, 190, 195. In '32 he was a prominent supporter of Zaraorano, being sent south in comraand of the northern forces, iii. 222-7; and iu '33-6 was comandante at Sta B. iii. 650-1 ; but was unwilling to submit to the new govt, and left Cal. in '36. He is described as a rough, coarse man of very dark complexion, but energetic and brave. He had a wife iu Sinaloa. I. (Leonardo, Luis, and Pedro), at Los Ang. '46. I. (Rafael), at S. Juan Cap. '46, age 48. L (Ra mon L. ), juez de campo at Los Ang. '40, '42-4. iii. 637; iv. 632-3; stiU at Loa Aug.- '46-8. I. (Severiano), at Los Ang. '39-48. Ibera (Nicolds), 1779, chaplain of the Santiago, i. 328. Idahl (Christopher), 1847, Co. F, 3d U. S. artiU. (v. 518). Ide (Wra Brown), 1845, nat. of Mass. of pilgrira ancestry, b. in 1786, who worked aa a carpenter in Vt aud N. H. to '33, and in '31 41 aa carpenter, farmer, aud soraetiraes teacher, in Ohio and 111. In '45 he carae overland in the Grigsby-Ide party with his wife (Susan G. Haskell, married in '20), 4 sona, and a daughter, iv. 578-81, 587. He encamped for the winter ou Thomes' rancho, and in the spring of '46 moved into a cabin on Belden's rancho, Te haraa Co., owned by Ide later. In June '46 he joined the Bear party, being apparently one of the few settlers who acted in good faith and was induced to believe the false reports that the Americans were in danger. After the oc cupation of Sonora and the departure of Capt. Grigsby, Ide was chosen com mandant of the Bears, and held that position until the reorganization of the ( 688 ) IDE— INGERSOLL. 689 forces under Frdmont in July, just before the cause was raerged in that of the U. S. For his acts iu this capacity, including much that throws light on the peculiar character of the man, see v. 78-100, 104, 110, 115-19, 145-69, 175, 179-84, 231; or, better still, all the chapters relating to the Bear movement. Ide aoou came to regard himself as leader in a grand revolutionary movement, as the conqueror of Cal. ; his men regarded him simply as temporary com mandant at Sonora, chosen to that positiou for his zeal iu the cause and some educational advantages, and they were willing to indulge hira in harmless eccentricities, paying but slight attention to his grandiloquent proclamations, or to his peculiar views of himself and the republic he thought he had founded. The assumption of the comraand by Prdmont was regarded by Ide aa a grievous wrong to hiraaelf; but his views and -writings on this subject — re specting which his idiosyncrasy came very uear to insanity — are fully presented elsewhere. After the change he served as a private in the Cal. Bat. during the first expedition to the south, but returned to Sonoma in Sept. v. 298; and to the Sac. Valley in Nov. In April '47 he was at Sonoraa, taking part in a public raeeting in behalf of Alcalde Nash. v. 609; ou June 7tli he was ap pointed by Gov. Mason surveyor for the northern department; on the 17th he married a couple at Cache Cr. ; in July was referee in a slander case at So noma; and in '48 was at Mont. In '48-9 he had some experience iu the mines, but the horae of his family in these and later years was on the raucho Bar ranca Colorada, bought of Belden, near Red Bluff, claimed by him in '52. iv. 670; and confirmed to his heirs in '55. In '51-2 he seems to have held pretty nearly all the oounty offices iu Colusa at the same tirae, the highest being that of oounty judge, and the seat of his govt being at Monroe's rancho, where he died in Dec '52. He retained to the end his fondness for long re ports and for political theorizing, but with all his eccentricity he was always a most worthy and honest man, aud had somewhat remarkable tact and exec utive ability in several directions. The Biographic Sketch published in '80 by his brother is noticed in v. 188-9. It is stated by several writers, including - Belden and Baldridge, that Ide was a Morraon, but I have found no positive evidence on the subject. Mrs I. died a few years before her husband. Infor mation about the children is meagre. The oldest son, James M. , lived long in Colusa and Tehama counties, then weut to Utah, where he died in '78. AVm H. worked for Smtter a while in '45, then went south to the Sta Cruz region, and is said to have been held a prisoner by Castro for a while in '46. Daniel and Lemuel, small children in '45, lived with the faraily in Teharaa, and 1 think one of them still survived in '85. The daughter, Sarah E., be came Mrs Healy, and lived at Sta Cniz in '80, when she contributed her recollections of the overland trip, with other material, for the Biog. Sketch. There were 4 other children, but of the 9 ouly 2 survived iu '80. Idirbe (Basilio), 1834, mr of the Ump. iii. 384. Igadera (Josd), 1798, convict settler, i. 606. Iglesias (Josd M.), 1825, Span, from the Aqu-iles; named in list sent to Mex. '28, and passport ordered in '30. iii. 51-2; in '32 joined the comp. extranjera at Mont. iii. 221. Ihre (Geo.), 1847, Co. B, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Hiasovich (Livovioh), 1831-3, mr of the Baikal, doubtful name. ui. 381. Illyn, 1806, pUot with Rezdnof from Sitka. U. 70. lUig, see 'EUick.' Iraman, 1848, at N.Helv. Iraparan (Josd), 1779, cora. of the 1st galleon that touched at Mont. i. 330. Imus (Chas), 1846, nat. of N.Y. who came overland from III., being capt. of a party, and accompanied by his nephew, Chas A. Imua. v. 529. Both are said to have served in the Cal. Bat. (v. 358); and later were stock-raisers on the S. Joaquin. Their parents came to Cal. in '50. The capt. died at Sta Cruz in '56, and the nephew was perhaps still living in '77. Inciarte (Juan), 1791, piloto in Malaspina's exped. i. 490. Indart, 1845, mr of a vessel. In- eati-umo, 1826; mr of the Argosy. iU. 146. Ingals (Dav.), 1845, doubtful name of an overl. imraig. iv. 578. Ingalls (Rufus), 1848, nat. of Me, Ueut 1st U.S. dragoons, came on the Huntress to act as asst Q.M.; in N.Y. 81 at a pioneer reunion. IngeraoU (Cheater), 1847, overl. immig. from IU., who bought land at Napa in Dec. In '48 he is aaid to have sent instractions east Hist. Oai... Vol. IV. U 690 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. to sell his property, purchase 500 bbls of dried apples, and distribute the bal ance among relatives, as he had made a fortune in Cal. He died in S.F. '49, leaving a family. Initia (C), doubtful name of grantee of Olompali '43. iv. 672. Inwood (Geo. ), 1846, Co. B, Cal. Bat. (v. 358). Iiiigo (Lope), grantee of Posolomi and Pozito, Sta Clara, '44. iv. 672. Iniguea (Juan), 1796, aergt Catalan volunteers, i. 540. Iquina, 1793, Nootka Ind. baptized at Mont. i. 498. Ira, orlrea (Cyrus), 1846, one of the Mormon colony, v. 546; lef t the church, and was living in the eastern states '84. Irante (Antonio), at Loa Ang. '46. Irish, 1846, said to have been in the Pt Reyes region. Irvin (John), 1840, one of the exiles to S. Bias. iv. 18. Irwin (Edward), 1847, sergt Co. A, N. Y.A'ol. V. 503; in the mines '48-50; then — after a year or two in Nicaragua — a resident of Sierra Co., where he was sheriff '55-9; lived 3 yeara in Napa and -went to Nev. in '63, serving as sheriff and U.S. raarshal in Nye and AVhite Pine counties. In '70 he returned to Cal. and settled in Lake Co., where he still lived at Middleton in '83. I. (Wra), 1847, doubtful raerab. of N.Y. Voh (v. 499); at S.P. '74. Irwood (Henry), 1848, at Beuicia. Tuba Co. Hid. label (Jaraes C), 1846, physician from Ohio, overl. immig. accomp. by his wife. V. 529; settled in S. Joaquiu '47, where he is mentioned in connection with various mining operations in '48. His wife, Olive M., taught the 1st English school in Sta Clara — possibly in Cal. — in the spring of '47, while the immig. families were gathered there awaiting the close of the war. Both the doctor and his wife were living in \''entura Co. as late as '79, the former dis abled and the latter still a teacher. The name is also written Isljell and Isabell. Isidoro, Ind. said to have beeu killed at Olompali '46. v. 160. Isi dro, Ind. mentioned at Soledad '26. ii. 623. Islas (Santiago), Mex. alfdrez commanding guard at the Colorado pueblos 1780-1; killed by Ind. i. 359-63. Iturrate (Domingo Santiago), ISOO, Span, friar, who served at S. Juan B. until his departure from Cal. iu 1809. Biog. ii. 154; ment. i. 577; ii. 100, 159-60. Iven (Alfred), 1847. Co. D, N.Y. Voh (v. 499); died at Acapulco '49. Ives, 1845, at N. Helv. with family; prob. error for 'Ide.' Ivie (Thomas C), 1847, Co. C, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); farmer at Scipo, Utah, '82. Ivy (Richard A.), 1847, Co. A, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); farmer m Utah '81. Jackson, 1845, at N.Helv., prob. an overl. immig. iv. 578, 587; said to have come to Napa with N. Coombs in '45, and to be living at Oakland '78. J. (Mrs), 1840, Morraon woman on the Brooklyn (v. 544), wife of Col J. Tullidge J. (A.), 1848, steward on the Elizabeth; later iu the City Hotel at Mont. J. (B), 1848, from Hon. on the Sagadahoc J. (Dav. E.), 1831, of tho Rocky Mt, Fur Co., formerly partner of Jed. Smith and Sublette; came frora N. Mex. in com. of a trading party, iii. 387, 613; iv. 264. J. (Geo.), 1847, sergt Co. G, N.Y.A^ol. v. 504. J. (Henry AA'.), 1847, rauaician Cc D, Morra. Bat. (v. 409); reenl. .1. (James), 1845, paaaportfrom Loa Ang. to SOnora. J. (James M. ), 1840, coxswain of Dale's launch, disch. at S.F. '49; later mr of a vessel, and in the war of '61-5 ensign on the Comanche; at S.F. '84. Lancey. J. (Joseph), 1827, Irish shoeraaker in Mont. dist. '29, age 27. iii. 176. J. (Joseph), 1848, passp. from Hon. J. (Sam.), 1847, asst surg. ou the U.S. Independence. J. (AVra), 1848, in S.P. list of letters. Jacob (Richard Taylor), 1846, Kentuckian -nlio accorap. Bryant ou the overland trip, and was capt. of Co. II, Cal. Bat. in the campaign of '46-7, returning east probably by way of Panamd with Lieut Eraory, and being in Wash, at the time of Fremont's court-martial, v. 359, 301, 4.54, 528. He later married a daughter of Thos H. Benton; was col of the 9th Ky cavalry in the war of '61-5; and became lieut-gov. of Ky. Jacobs (Sanford), 1847, Co. D, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); employed by Brannan as mail-carrier in '48. Jacobson (Andrds), 1848, at S.F. from A'^alparaiso. James, 1846, boy ou the Savannah, said to be at Oakland in '76. Alta, Jaime (Antonio), 1795, Span, friar who served chiefly at Soledad, and died at Sta B. in '29. Biog. u. 576-8; ment. i. 500, 576, 686; u. 152, 159, 385, 394, JAIME— JENNISON. 691 491, 530, 022, 655; iU. 96-7. Jalapa (Fran.), aoldier of S.F. comp. '39-42; at Sonoraa '44, age 25. J., 1848, one of the Weber's prospectors, for whom Jamestown was named. J. (Antoiiio), 1847, lumberman in S.F. disi. J. (Noah), 1846, memb. of the Donner party from IU. , believed to be still living in '80. V. 530,534. J. (Zaoariaa), 1832, debtor of Purisima mission. Jameson (F. A.), 1848, passp. frora Hon. Jaraieson (Geo. Wra), 1847, Co. E, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499). Jan (Barnaby), 1798, Boston sailor at S. Diego, i. 545, 654. Janes (Alden AV.), 1847, Co. D, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); at Kenton, Ohio, '83; present at a review of survivors iu N.Y. '84. Janion (R. C), 1847, Engl, trader who oame from Hon. on the Laura Ann; meinber of the S.F. firm of Starkey, .J., & Co. in '47-9, making several trips to the islands; died in England some years later. Jansen (Cornelio), aee ' Johnson. ' Janssens (Victor Eugene Auguste), 1834, Belgian who came frora Mex. in the H. & P. colony at the age of 17. iii. 263, 412. After the colony was broken up he worked at the Corralitos raucho with the Coronel family in '35-6. Later, in '36, he kept a shop at Mont, with Ayala, but on the dov,'u- fall of Gov. Gutierrez he wished to return to Mex., where his mother still lived, and failing in this lie went south, and in '37-8 took part in many of the Aba jenos' operations agaiust Alvarado, besides serving against the Ind. on the S. Diego frontier, iii. 504, 516-20, 558. Later he had an orchard and worked as a distiller at Los Ang. ; and iu '40-2 he lived at S. Juan Cap., acting as ma jordomo and juez. iii. 627-8; iv. 024-7; naturaUzed in '41, and in '42 marriod Maria Antonia, daughter of Vicente Pico. Subsequently he -H'as agent for .Aguirre and partner of LataiUade at Sta B., obtaining tho rancho of Lomaa de la Purficacion in '44. iv. 042; and perhaps elected alcalde for '45, but not aerving. iv. 491, 072. In '46 he was justice of the peace at Sta Inds, kikI under the Flores govt was mil. oom. of that region, v. 320, 035. He was agaia juez in '48-9, and lived on his rancho, confirmed to him by the courts, tiil .about '50, going to the mines in '48 for a time, but later residing at Sta 13., where at various times in '61-8 he served as county assessor, postmaster, trustee, and deputy collector and sheriff. In '78, residing at Sta B,, ho dic tated to me his V'lda y Adventuras, an excellent narrative of colony affaiiM and of later Cal. events; and also permitted me to copy his ool. of Doc. Uis!. Cal., containing several important records. He was an intelligent man cf good repute, a widower with two sons aud a daughter. I think he is sti.l living in '85. Janston, 1846, raid. U. S. N. at Mont, with Baldwin i;i com. of guard. Lancey. Jantzen (Fred.), 1847, Co. G, N. Y. Vol. (v. 499); liv at S. P. '74-83. Jaramillo (Juan Josd), at.S. Bern. '46, age 30. jar\is (James J.), 1847, at S. Diego and Mout. '47-8, representing Everett of Hon. Jatinil, lud. chief on tho S. Diego frontier, a faithful ally of the whites. Jauffrey (Agustiu), maj. at S. Juau Cap. '41. Jaume (Luis), 1771, Span. friar, -who served as missionary at S. Diego uutil killed by the Ind. on Nov. 5, 1775. i. 173, 176, 195, 229, 250-2, 255, 455, 654, 657; ii. 100-7. Javier (Fran.), Ind. chief on the Colorado 1781. i. 361. Jaw, or Jay, at N. Holv. '47-8; doubtful narae of a N. Y. vol. Jaynith (Ed.), 1847, doubtful name of a Benicia settler. Jefferson (Geo.), 1843-4, at S. F. in trouble about debts, etc.; prob. a sailor. Jeffray (Wra), 1848, raerab. of Soc. Oal. Pioneers; in S. F. '81-3. Jegge (Jacob), 1846, Co. C, 1st U. S. dragoons (v. 336). Jelvero (Fran.), 1825, Span, who carae on the Aquiles; at Sta B. '36, age 36,^ with wife and 5 children. Jena(N.), 1840, rar of the Angelina, iv. 101. Jenkins, n^med by the Los Ang. vigilantes in '36 as having been killed, perhaps sonio years earlier, iii. 419. J., 1848, of J. & Hardy, at Mont. (?) J. (A. aud II.), 1843, passp. from Hon. J. (Jackson W.), 1846, overl. imraig. appcircntiy with Aram. J. (John W^) 1846, Co. F, Cal. Bat. (v. 358); perhaps aame aa preceding. J. (Wm K.), 1847, Co. D, N. Y. Vol. (v. 499). Jenks (Glias N.), 1845, Araer., at Mont. Jennings, 1848, in the mines, from Or., la:cr asst Q. M. Geu.; in real estate business at Sac, but retturned to Or. J. (John), 1815, rar of the Columbia, u. 273-4. Jennison (Dan.), 1823, at Sta B. u. 495. 692 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. Jesse (Archer C, or Archibald G), 1846, overl. immig. who settled iu Napa A^al. , served as lieut of Co. E, Cal. Bat. v. 361, 529; and had a Cal. claim of |il3.53 (v. 402). I have uo later informatiou about him. Jesus (Felipe de), at Soledad '26. ii. 023. J. (Jose), Ind. chief of S. Joaq., aiding the whites '40-8. v. 300, 662. J. (Josd Ant.), Mex. convict, set free iu '33. J. (Soiafin), grantee of lot at S. Gabriel '43. iv. 637. Jeupas, 1847, mr of the KeoneAna. v. 579. Jewell (Ben.), 1848, in Son. Co.; prob. 'DeweU,' q. v. Jewett (Enoch P.), 1847, from Hon. ou the Eveline; ownerof S. F. lat. V. 685. J. (Geo.), 18.36, Amer. who landed from a whaler at Sta B., age 21. J. (Thomas), 1836, Amer. cooper, age 28, who came with Geo., and v/as perhaps his brother, iv. 118; iu Larkin's employ at Mont. '40. Jim ('Kanaka,' or ' Yankee '), in charge of Hock for Sutter '46. Jimenez, 1791-1800, chaplain on one of the S. Bias transports. J. (An tonio M. ), Mox. priest at S. Gabriel aud curate of Los Ang. from '44. iv. 422, C34, 637. He died at S. Gabriel in '53. Jiraeno (Antonio), 1827, Mex. friar of -the S. Fernando college, who served as missionary or curate at Sta Cruz i;i '27-S, at S. Buen. '40-3, aud at Sta B. '29-40 and '44-56, being chosen su plente president iu '30. ii. 576, 625, 655; iii. 87, 433-4, 656, 658; iv. 45, 421-2, 420, 043-5. Padre Antonio is reraembered as stout and dark in person, ami- a'uie in disposition, kind to hia neophytea, but atrict iu all religioua raattera. Ho left Cal. in '50 or a little later, and in '71 waa still Uving in the city of Mex., blind and indigent, probably the last survivor of the Fernandinos. J. (Josd Joaquin), 1827, or perhapa '28, Mex. friar of S. Fernando coUege, brother of Antonio, whose missionary service was at S. Luis Rey in '27-30, Sta Cruz '30-3, Sta Inds '33-50, S. Gabriel '50-3, and StaB. '54-6. From '38 he was president of the Fernandinos, being vicar in '38-9, and prefect after Duran's death in '46. In '44 ho was the founder of the Sta Inds seminary, of which he was the rector to '50. In '54 he founded the missionary college of Do lores at Sta B. , of which he was president to his death in '56, at the age of 52. ii. 553, 618-19, 625, 655; iii. 309, 319, 433-4, 661, 693-4; iv. 6.3-4, 372, 421, 425-6, 549, 645; v. 620, 635. A good account of his life is given by P. Gonzalez in his burial record. Savage, Doe, ii. 1447-6. Padre Joaquiu re sembled Antonio in most respects, being somewhat shorter in stature and lesa affable or more reserved in manner, being a very zealous missionary, though sometimes in trouble with his ecclesiastical superiors. Jimeno Casarin (Manuel), 1628, nat. of Mex., and brother of the friars Jimeno, sub. comisario and contador in the Mont, custom-house in '28-30. ii. 607; iii. 46, 65, 69, 86, 136. In '32 he was sindico of the Mont, ayunt.; in '34 alcalde, and grantee of Salsipuedes; in '35 meraber of the diputacion and coraisionado for the secularization of S. Luis Ob. iii. 291, 354, 673, 678, 682. In '37 he was again vocal, and in '39-42 was Alvarado's sec. of state, besides being 1st vocal and often acting gov. during Alvarado's illness, and grautee of Sta Rosa, Sta B. Co. iu '39. ui. 506, 585, 590, 593-9, 604; iv. 133, 137, 193, 282, 294-5. Under Micheltorena he continued to serve as sec iu '43-5, being the grantee of Sta Paula iu '43, and the Jimeno rancho, Colusa Co., in '44. iv. 357, 360, 403, 409, 643, 671. In the troubles of '45-7 Don Manuel seems to have takeu no active part, but iu these and later years gave his whole attention to private business, being also in bad health. He does not appear as clairaant for any of the ranchos granted to hira. He went to Mex. early in '53, and died there iu Dec. of that year. Jimeno waa a man of good character aud abilities; a faithful official, well fitted for his position aa govt secretary; devoted to Mexico, but not bitter in his prejudices against for eigners; small and lean in physique; vivacious and witty iu converaation. Hia wife, married about ',32, was Dona Angustias de la Guerra, who later raarried Dr Ord, and is still living in '85. Tliere were 11 children, only 2 or 3 of whom survive. Two of the sons — Antonio and Porflrio — were sent east with Lieut Sherman in '50 to be educated, and PorErio was a capt. of CaL volunteers in the war of '61-5. Jimkins (Henry), 1848, luraberman and fanner at Sta Cruz to '6l, later a soldier and minor iu Nev. Jimmerson (Chas), 1847, Co. E, Morm. Bat. (v. 469). Joaquin (EmUio), Ind. grantee of S. Gabriel land '43. iv. 037. JOHN— JOHNSON. 693 John, 1836, oook from Coromandel, age 40, at Mont. John, 1836, Amer. at Salinas, age 18. John (James), 1841, overl. immig. of the Bar-Dlesuu party; went soon to Or. iv. '234, 270, 272, 275. Johns (Juan C. ), 1833, at Sonoma. Johnson, 1834, doubtful name of an Engl, sailor at Gomez' rancho. J., 1840, blacksmith arrested at Los Aug., but escaped. J., 1843, doubtful mention as an overl. imraig. ; perhaps of Chiles-Walker party, iv. 392. J., 1846, midshipman arrested by Capt. Montgomery. J., 1847, carpenter at Mont. J., 1847, fined at S. Diego for stabbing, v. 618. J., 1848, overl. immig. with Lawton. Johnson (Archibald), 1832, testified iu '68 that he had lived in Cal. since '32. iii. 408. J. (A. B.), 1837. trader on the coast; also called Benjamin. J. (A. M.), 1846, mid. ou the U.S. Warren. J. (Chas), 1840, doubtful men tion. J. (Chiis P.), 1847, Co. K, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499); owner of S.F. lot. J. (Chas B.), 1848, merab. of Pion. Soc, at Los Ang. '54. Anntds. J. (Chas H.), 1848, nat. of Md; S.F. trader in '48-9, of firm Findley, J., & Co.; in '61 represented S. Luis Ob. in the legislature. J. (Chas R. ), 1846, auo- tioueer in S.F. '48, who at Los Ang. '76 testified that he was in Cal. '46. There is prob. some confusion between this man and the 2 preceding. J. (Corne lius Adrd), 1826, German soldier frora Mex. iii. 176; at work ou HartneU's rancho '36, age 60; in '40 worked for Leeae at S.F. Hia narae was perhaps Jansen. Johnson (David W.), 1846, farrier Co. K, C, 1st U.S. dragoons; killed at S. Pascual. v. 346. J. (Ed.), 1845, nat. of Md, sailor on tfie U.S. Erie '45-8. iv. 587; carae back to Cal. '49-50, and again in '54; lived at S. Josd '58-81 and later. 8. J. Pion. J. (Francis), 1840, sup. of the D. Quixote and Maryland '40-1. iv. 103, 120, 567. He was a. Mass. man who had beeu clerk for Peirce & Brewer at Hon., and later iu business for himself. He died in Mass. abt '48. J. (Francis), 1845, at Los Aug., pleading exemption from niih service; went to Hon. on the Portsmouth; perhaps the son of Don Santi- agc J. (Fred.), 1847, Co. G, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499). J. (Geo. A.), 1848, nat. of N.Y., who in the legislature of '63 represented S. Diego Co., age 37. J. (Henry), 1847, Co. A, Morm. Bat. (v. 460). J. (Ira), 1847, Co. I, N.Y. Vol. (v. 469); smuggler at S. Diego aud builder at Mont. '48. J. (IsaaoC), 1847, Co. E, N.Y. Vol. (v. 469); at Astoria, Or., '82. Johnson (James), 1833, Engl. tr.T,der, 8 years at Guaymas, engaged also ill pearl-fishing, who came to Cal. both by land and on the Facio, raaking sev eral trips to Sonora aud back in '33-4. iii. 382, 409. He represented some kind of a Sonora corapany and bought the right of Manuel Gutierrez in the S. Pedro rancho, with large quantities of live-stock; but presently became finan cially embarrassed. He was accused of complicity in the ApaUtegui revolt of '35, and is mentioned occasionally in Los Ang. annals of '36-40. iii. 285, 519; iv. 14, 117. Grantee of S. Jacinto and S. Gregorio, S. Diego Co., iu '43. iv. 021, 563. Dou Santiago waa a large atout man of variable temperament. He died in '47. Hia widow, Carmen Guirado, sister of Rafael G. and Mrs Manuel Requena, still survived in '78, aa doea a sou Francis in '85, he being mentioned at HartneU's school in '36, and as the owner of Los Ang. land.s in '48, There was another son naraed Santiago. The 3 daughters, Anita, Ade laide, and Margarita, married respectively Henry and Francis Melius and Jaines H. Lander. J. (Jaines), 1836, Amer., age 32, who worked for Spear atMont. J. (John), 1845, at Mont. J. (John Michael), 1821, Scotchman baptized at S. Buen. ii. 444. J. (JohnAV.), 1846, Fauntleroy's dragoons (v. 232. 247). J. (Joseph), 1845, deserter fromthe Hopewell at S. Diego; in '47 sentenced to 2 montha of public worka and |50 fine for stabbing Garcia at Sta laabel. Johnson (Robert E.), 1841, in U.S. ex. ex. iv. 241. J. (Sampaon AV.), 1846, Airginian and overl. immig., perhaps via Or., who aerved in Co. E, Cal. Bat. (v. 358); in the mines '48-9; at S. Josd '50-4, serving as constable; farmer in S. Joaq. '5-1-9; keeper of a stable at Pacheco and Martinez '60-80. He manled Annie McClellan in '50. J. (Sam.), of Morm. col., see ' Ladd.' J. (Win), 1832, memb. of the oomp. extranjera at Mont. iii. 221. 694 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. Johnson (Wm), 1840, nat. of Boston and raate of the Alciope, engaged in trade at S.F. and getting a pass, in June '41; also grantee of town lot in '44, iv. 069; V. 679. From '42 he owned a lighter in company with Leese; asking in '44 for a Ucense for his boat, he called hiraself an Irishman and naturalized Mex. (There are indications that in '40-1 there were 2 of the name at S.F., one of whom came as pilot on the Trinidad.) In '45 he bought the Gutierrez ran cho on Bear River, where he lived frora that tirae, being often named in the N.Helv. .Diary as making trips up and down the river. His ranch was on the immig. route and is mentioned by all parties from '45. v. 23, 452, 484. In June '47 he married Mary Murphy, who in Nov. was advertised as having left him and later became Mrs Covillaud. In '52 he was the claimant for his ran cho. iv. 671; and a little later (or earlier, aa would appear but for the land claim) he either died or went to the Sandwich lalanda. J. (Wm), 1842, surg. U.S.N, at Mont. Maxwell J. (Wm), 1847, sergt Co. C, N.Y.VoL v. 504; owner of S.F. lot. J. (Wm S.), 1847, Co. D, N.Y.VoL (v. 499); later a prominent citizen of Monterey Co., holding several county offices; claunant for El Pleito. iv. 655; cashier of the Salinas City bank '82. He ia also said to have lived in '48-9 and '75 at Stockton. Johnston (Abraham R.), 1846, capt Co. C, 1st U.S. dragoons, who came with Kearny from N. Mex., and was killed at S. Pascual. v. 336, 343-4; author of a pubUshed Journal of the march. J. (Wm J.), 1847, Co. C, Morm. Bat. (v. 460); in Sutter's employ in '47-8, and at the Coloma mill v/hen gold was discovered. Johnstone (A.), 1847, at S.F. from Hon. on the Currency Lass; went back on the Columbia. J. (Charles), 1834, Dane in .the Mont, dist '34-7. iii. 412. Larkin's Accts. Jonas, 1840, doubtful name in Farnham's list of arrested foreigners. Jones, 1841, com. of H. B. M. S. Curagoa. iv. 38, 564. J., 1841, mrof the Llama, iv. 567. J., 1846, orderly sergt Cal. Bat. Lancey. J., 1846, sailor of the Savannah; in the raines '48. J., 1847, mr of the Confedera cion. V. 577. Jones (A. P.), 1846, came to S. Josd with wife and 3 children. Hall; per haps the J. ment. in the mines from S. Josd '48. J. (Albert G.), 1844, Amer. who got naturaUzation papers, iv. 453. J. (C), 1848, passp. from Hon. J. (Carlos), 1847, Cc F, 3d U.S. artiU. (v. 518). J. (Chas E.), 1847, in S.F. list of letters. J. (David H.), 1847, Co. B, Morm. Bat. (v. 469). J. (E.), 1846, purser's clerk on the Warre7i; at Mont. '48. Jones (Elbert P.), 1846, Kentuckian lawyer and overl. immig. who prac tised law in S.F., waa the 1st editor of the Star in '47, kept the Portsmouth House, waa member and sec. of the town council, took au active part in poUt ical wrangles, became the owner of many city lots, and I think gave his ii.arae to Jones St. v. 645, 648-53, 657-8, 676, 678, 680, 685. He married Sarah Kittleman of the Mormon colony in '47, and lived in S.F. till after '50, dying at Charleston S.C. in '52. Jones was a man of much talent and versa tility, not in all respects of raodel character. J. (Eli), 1847, at Hon. from S.F. on the Currency Lass. J. (H. L.), 1847, blacksmith in Sutter's employ '47-8; had a faraUy. J. (Harold), 1846, sailor on the U.S. Dale Jones (Mrs Isabella), 1846, one of the Morraon col. v. 546; owner of a S.F. lot '47; never went to Utah. J. (Jaraes H.), 1842, Araer. farmer naturalized in '44 claiming 2 years' residence, being then a resident of N.Helv., where he StiU Uved apparently in '45-7. iv. 341. J. (Johu), 1837, trader at S.P. J. (John), 1846, at S. Josd. Hall , J. (John), 1847, Co. G, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); d. before '53, when his widow, Sarah — who came with him in '47 — married D, McC. Murray. She lived at Healdsburg, where she died in '79. Jones (John Coffin, Jr), 1830, Boston raan and long a merchant at Honolulu, where he was also U.S. consul. He had large transactions with Cal. which he visited nearly every year in 'SO-fi, as mr or sup. of hia own veaaela, the Vol unteer, Louisa, Harriet Blanchard, Avon, Bolivar, Griffon, and Easselas, finally marrying Ma,nuela, daughter of Carloa CarriUo. iii. 85, 145, 180, 381, 383-4, 461; iv. 101, 104-5, 117, 141. After settUng his affairs at the lalanda and making a viait east, he came back ou the Julia Ann from Panamd in '41 and JONES— JOYNES. 695 settled at Sta B., though still inaking viaita to Hon. I have many of hia original business, letters,, and others on current events iu the south wliich have much historical value, iv. 291, 333, 523, 563, 566, 640. Early in '46 he sailed with his faraily on the Admittance for Boston, where he died a few years later. His widow was clairaant for Sta Rosa Isl. iv. 643; whioh Joues with A. B. Thompson had stocked with cattle aud sheep; also for La Calera. She is still living in '85, having married, I think, a mau named Kittle. J. (John M.), 1846, nat. of Ky and prob. overl. immig.; at S.F. and S. Josd '48-50; memb. of constit. convention '49. Jones (Nathaniel), 1846, nat. of Tenn.; overl. imraig. -with wife and son from Mo. Leaving his family at Chiles' rancho in Napa A'-aL, he served in the Sanchez, or Sta Clara, campaign, and then settled in Contra Costa, where he still lived in '82 with wife and 5 children. Portrait in Contra 0. Co. Hist, 264. He served as sheriff, public administrator, and county supervisor. His daughter, Martha A., born in '47, married John Slitz. The son who came with him, at the a;,'e of 2 years, was Robinson M., a newspaper man, farmer, teacher, county surveyor, and warehouseman, living at Martinez in '82 with wife, Nettie Renwick, and 3 children. J. (Nathaniel V.), 1847, sergt Co. D, Morm. Bat.; in Kearny's return eacort. v. 453, 477, 492. J. (Owen), 1S41, at S.F. J. (Peter), 1834-5, Frenchman at Mont. J. (Robert), 1836, named in Mont, accounts. J. (Sam. E.), 1846, son of Zaoariaa; resident of Mont. Co. '59-70. J. (T.), 1848, passp. frora Hon. J. (Thoraas), 1840, one of the S. Bias exiles, arrested at Los Ang. iv. 14, 18. J. (Thomas), 1841, Amer. immig. of Bartleson party, iv. 270, 272, 275, 279; in '45 signed the S. Josd call to foreigners, iv. 599; in '46 applied for land at S. Josd. J. (T. H. or M.), 1848, at N. Helv. May. Jones (Thos Ap Catesby), 1842, coraraodore U.S.N., in cora. of the Pac. ¦ squadron, taking possession of Mont. See iv. 39, 298-329, 569, 631, 636, 640, 052, 665; v. 579. He was again in com. of the squadron in '48-9. J. (Thomas Jeremiah), 1821, Engl, sawyer, baptized at S. Juan B. in '23, and naturalized in '41, at which time he had a native wife. Jeremiah J. , often ment. in records of '39-40, and perhaps one of the arrested foreigners, may have been the same man. ii. 444, 496; iv. 17. Jones (Walter), 1846, at S. Josd. Hall J. (Wm), 1838, doubtful name of an Amer. captured by Mex. pirates and foroed to work as a slave in the mines; at Mont, with wife and 2 children in '44, aco. to Geo. Reed, in S.F. Calif, May 22, '47. iv. 119. J. (Wm), 1843, imraig. frora Or. in the Has tings party, iv. 390; nothing more known of him unless he is the J. who left N. Holv. for Or. in '46. v. 526. J. (Wm). 1847, Ca C, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); at Sonoma '71-4. J. (W.D.), 1847, in U.S.N. '47-54, spending the rest of his life at Vallejo, where he died in '76. J. (AVm Owen), 1816, pilot of the Lydia. ii. 275. J. (Zaohariah), 1846, overl. iramig. who settled at S. Josd with wife and 5 children, Margaret, Reuben, Sam. E., and Clark. He kept a hotel in '47, built a saw-mill at Los Gates '48, and was still living in '60. One of his daughters raarried Josiah Belden in '49. Jongh (Wm P.D.), 1846, in com. of a gun in Marston's Sta Clara campaign. Jonvera (Louis), 1829, Frenchman, age 28, at S. Josd April. Jordan (J.), 1841, carpenter on the U.S. St Louis. 3. (Jackson), 1848, owner of S.F. lot; perhaps the same. J. (Louis), 1842, trader at Los Ang. '42-6, being regidor in '45-6. iv. 341, 633-4; v. 625. J. (Mariano), 1846, at Los Ang. J. (Philip), 1847, Co. F, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Jourdain (Etienne), 1847, at Los Aug.; Fr. consular agent at S.F. '48. v. 614^15. Joy (Man uel), 1846, Co. F, Cal. Bat. (v. 358); Cal. claira of |20 (v. 462). J. (Wm), 1848, clerk for C. L. Ross at S.F.; still in S.F. '54. Joyce (John), 1846, one of the Mormon col., with wife, CaroUne, and 2 daughters, Auguata and Helen F. V. .546. He waa a carpenter who got a town lot in '47. v. 686; went to the mines in '48; was stiU at S.F. in '50; and in '64 Uved at Centreville, Alameda Co., age 42. Possibly thero waa another Mra J. and fam., who went to Utah and died before '84. J. (Thoa), 1848, paasp. from Hon. Joynes (J.), 1845, saUmaker on the U.S. Warren. 696 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. Juan (Luis), 1840, reward offered for the discov. of his murderers at S. Diego. Juan (Ricardo), 1845, Frenchman at Branciforte, age 28, wife Maria Cota, chUd Jesua. Juan Bautiata, 1836, Greek fisherman at Mont. Juan de Dios, executed at Mont. '45. Juan Evan.gelista, neophyte taken to Mex. by P. Serra. i. 321. Juarez (Andrds), soldier of Mont. comp. '36, age 19; juez of valley ranchos '46. v. 637. Juarez (Cayetano), nat. of Cal.; soldier of S. P. comp. '28-31, corp. '32- 6; " ' built an adobe house and spent the rest of his life, being alcalde at Sonoma iu '45, and grantee of Yukaya (Ukiah) in the same year. iv. 674, 678. In '4G he aomewhat distinguished himself by his plans to rescue the Bear priaonera. V. 120; and by a famous swim of aome 9 miles to escape capture. In '75 he gave me some rambling Notas. He died at Napa in 'S3, at tho age of about 75. Portrait iu Napa Co. Hist J. (Francisco), at Branciforte '28-30. u. 627; sindico '36. ui. 697; his wife waa Dolores Cota; chUdren in '28, Mateo and Antonio. J. (Francisco), at S. Josd '41, age 35, v/ife Andrea Pinto, child. Narciso b. '29, Juau '31, Maria '32, Jesus '34, Paula '36, Juan de Dios '38, Natividad '40. J. (Joaquin), at Brancif. '30-45, age 00 in '45, wife Pascuala Lorenzana, child. Luis b. '17, Solano '33. U. 627. J. (Josd), soldier of S.F. comp. '37-9.' J. (Josd C), at Brancif. '45, age 26, wife Fernanda Figueroa, child Josd. J. (Josd Manuel), at Brancif. '28; at S. Isidro '36; at S. Josd '41, age 39, wife Pascuala Figueroa, children Benjamin b. '29, Gertrudis '30, Andrea, '35, Josd M., Jr, '36. J. (Josd Maria), at Brancif. '30. U. 627. J. (Marcos), soldier at Mont. '34. iU. 673; at Sonoma '44, age 45. J. (Mateo), at La Brea, Mont., '36, age 23, wife Toraasa Galindo, chUd Trinidad. J. (ATicente), at S. Josd '33-41, age 23 in '41; also a soldier in S.F. corap. '37. Judd (Hiram), 1847, Co. E, Morm. Bat. (v. 469). Judd (Zadock K.), 1847, ditto; in Utah '82. Judson (Henry), 1847, Co. D, N.Y. Vol. (v. 400); died Mokelumne HiU '49. Julian, 1845, at N. Helv. iv. 578, 587. He was a French Canadian who settied on a rancho in the upper Sac. VaL, and is said by Bidwell to have joined GUlespie and Frdmont, and to have been killed by the Ind. in May '46. JuUo, neophyte alcalde killed ia '13 near Mission S. Josd. ii. 324-5. JuUo Cdsar, ex -neophyte of S. Luis Rey, living in /8 with a son and 3 grandchidren at Tres Pmos, S. Benito Co., where he gave me an interesting narrative of old-time Cosas de Indios. Juncosa (Domingo), 1771, Span, friar, nat. of Catalnfla, who came ou the 8. Antonio. He wasoue of the first missionaries oi- S. Luis Ob., though not present al the foundmg, and he served there until 1774, when he retired to his college. J^^'y '3*^'®^P' pears in the records about this padre; mention in 1. 173, 176, 178, 188-9, Ub. Kaan, 1848, at N. Helv. Kal (C), 1846, doubtful name at Los Aug. Kalohe, 1848, passp. from Hon., with wife. Kamp (Harold), 1847, Co. 0, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499); at Sonoma '71-82. Kampt, 1846, blacksmith at N. Helv., had a fight with Daylor. Kane (Elias K.), 1848, lieut of dragoona in Graham'a battalion from Mex. v. 522; capt. aud aast Q. M. at Mont. oO. K. (Peter), 1847, Co. I, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499); died before '82. K. (Wm S.), 1847, at S. Pedro. Kapawa, 1848, passp. from Hon. Kappis (Gea), 1847, Ca C, N.Y. A^'ol. (v. 499). Karr (Wm), 1847, Co. F, 3d U.S. artiU. (v. 518). Katt (Wm), 1798, Boston saUorat S. Diego, i. 545, 654. Kaufman (Juhus), 1837, Ca G, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Kay (James), 1838, at Mont. Kays (.John C), 1846, at Los Aug.; at Sta B. from '48 to '85; his wife was Josefa Burke. Keapneli (Fred.), 1847, Co, D, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499). Kearney, 1843, com. of the U.S. Constellation, iv. 564. K. (James), 1847, Co. P, 3d U.S. artiU. (v. 51S). K. (John), 1846, Co. F, CaL Bat., enlisting at S. Juan Oct. (v. " 358). Kearny (Stephen W'.), 1846, nat. of N.J.; lieut of 13th U.S. in fantry from 1812; col 1st dragoons '36-46, stationed much-of the timo at Ft Leavenworth. In '46, being put in com. of the exped. to N. Mex., he KEARNY— KELSEY. 607 was made brigadier-gen. and sent across the continent to occupy Cal. His niarch to CaL, defeat at S. Pascual, and final mil. operations of '47 with Stockton are recorded in v. 197, 328, 334^.56, 38.5-99, 473, 483. For his con troversies with Stockton and Frdmont, his rule as mil. gov. frora March 1 to May 31, '47, his return east overland, and his prosecution of Frdmont, see V. 411-62, 489-90, 543, 564, 645, 460-2. The affair at S. Pascual must be regarded as an inexcusable blunder on Keamy's part, but otherwise his course in Cah was consistent and dignified iu the raidst of difficult circumstances, and his military record throughout his whole career was au honorable one, the violent tirades of Benton and other partisans of Stockton and Frdmont being for the raost part -without foundation iu justice. He died in '48. His name is borne by one of Sau Francisco's principal streets. His wife was a step-daughter of Clarke, of Lewis and Clarke exploring fame. Keeney (Jonathan), 1848, miner from Or., where he atill lived in '82. Keeny, 1845, of Grigsby-Ide party, iv. 579; prob. 'Kinney,' q. v. Keffer (J. L.), 1847, coramander's clerk on the U^S. Columbus. Kehoe (Joseph H.), 1847, Co. D, N.Y. VoL (v. 499); d. at, Mont. '48. Keith (Wm), 1833, Amer. physician who had Uved some yeara in Sonora. He came to Cal. prob. -with Santiago Johnson and John Forster. iu. 409; aud lived at Loa Ang. for 3 yeara as surgeon and trader, going back to Hermosillo in '36. He returned to Cal. in '48, went to the mines, and died at or uear Stockton soon after '49. The Sonorense of Oct. 6, '48, containa a very flattering notice of hia services in Sonora. Kekuacaca, 1848, passp. frora Hon. Keil (John M.), 1843, raid. U.S.N., who took part in Marston's Sta Clara carapaign of '46-7. ^'. 380. K. (Thomas), 1846, nat. of EngL and overL immig. from Mo. In the mines '48-9, and later a resident of S. Josd or vicin ity, till his death in '78 at the age of 84. He left 4 or raore sons aud 2 daugh ters, the latter being thp wives of C. Colombet and T. Carrol. Kellett, 1837, Ueut iu cora. of H. B. M. S. Starling of Beloher'a exped. '37, '39. iv. 106, 142-6; oapt. of the Herald in '46. v. 578. Kelley, 1846, at N. Helv. K. (Geo.), 1847, Co. E, Morm. Bat. (v. 469). K. (Hall J.), 1834, Amer. enthusiast ou the subject of Pacific coast coloniza tion, who visited Cal. en route to Or. ; writer of books, pamphlets, and letters on his favorite subject. See iii. 409-11; iv. 129, 147; also llist. Or. K. (Henry), 1831, Amer. sailor on the Leonor. iii. 405; at Sta B. '36, age 46 and single. K. (James), 1840, in Farnham's list of arrested foreigners, iv. 17. K. (John H.), 1842, sailor in Sutter's eraploy at Ross; at S. Josd '44; at N. Helv. '45. iv. 578, 587; prob. one of the Bears in '46. v. 110; in Co. E, Cal. Bat. (v. 358); iu the mines '48-50; last seeu by BidweU '51. K. (Nicholas), 1847, Co. A, Morra. Bat. (v. 469). K. (Wm), 1847, Co. A, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); in Sutter's einplby '47-S as boat-builder and lumberman. K. (Wm), 1826, mrof the Washington. iU. 149. Seealso 'KeUv.' KelUher (Jeremiah), 1846, Co. C, 1st U.S. dragoons (v. 336). Kellogg (Benjamin P.), 1846, Co. E, Cal. Bat. (v. 358). The K. faraUy seem to have been overl. iraraig. of this year, but I am unable to distinguish between the members. K. (Frank), 1846, resid. of Napa Co. to '68 and later. K. (F. E.), 1846, overl. immig. from IU. with a family; Napa Co. official '50, '56; perhapa same aa Frank. K. (Fred.), 1845, mid. on U.S. Warren. K. (H.), 1848, named in Mont, accounts. K. (Irwin), 1846, near St Helena '69; father-in-law of Wm Nash. Kelly, 1816, mr of the Atala. n. 282. K., 1824, mr of the Hawaii ii. 519. K. (Jamea), 1847, musician Co. I, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). K. (John), 1847, Co. K, ditto; at N. Helv.; owner of S.F. lot. K. (Philip), 1847, Co. I, ditto; died in Calaveras '60. K. (Thoraas). 1839, pilot of a Peruv. brig at S.F. K. (Wm H.), 1847, mr of the American whaler Georgian; died '72. . „_„ „„. Kelsey (Andrew), 1841, overl. immig. of the Bartleson party, iv. 2/0, 2/o, 279; went to Or. in '43 with his brothers, but returned in '44 with the party bearing his name. iv. 390, 444-5. He prob. served under Capt. Gantt in the Micheltorena campaign of '44^5. iv. 480; and took part in the Bear revolt. 698 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. V. 110; perhaps joining the Cal. Bat., though I find no definite record of his name. In '47 he and his brother with others bought li\e-stook of Salvador Vallejo and obtained the privilege of grazing their cattle near Clear Lake. Andrew aud a raan named Stone went to live at the place where Kelseyville — so named for him — now stands, thus becoming the 1st settlers of Lake Oo. The natives were numerous, aud under oppression became hostile; K. and S. were men who scorned to use conciliatory raethods with ' Injuns and such varraint;' and they were both killed, aa they well deserved to be, in '49; but soon a force was sent to butcherhundreds of the Ind. in vengeance. Kelsey (Benj.), 1841, brother of Andrew, and one of the Bartleson party, accorap. by his wife, Nancy A., the 1st woman who oame to Cal. by the direct overland route, iv. 270, 272, 275, 279. AVhat has been said of Andrew above may be apjilied to Benj., except what relates to the former's death, iv. 390, 444-5; V. 110, 148. The brothers called Napa Val. their home from '45, and though they worked sometimes at N.Helv. they preferred the adventurous life of hunters. They were rough men, often iu trouble with the authorities. Though one of the owners, Benj. did not live at the Clear Lake establishment, but his treatraent of Ind. carried practically as slaves to the raines did much to provoke the killing of his brother. The faraily lived in Or. again '51-5, later in Texas, and at various points of southern Cal. in '60-78 or later. There were 2 children in '45, and the scalping of a daughter on the way to Texas ia mentioned. Ellen K., aaid to have been born at N.Helv. Aug. 2, '45, may have been hia daughter. Kelsey (David), 1844, brother (or possibly father) of Andrew and Benj. ; came to Or. in '43, and to Cal. in the Kelsey party of '44 with his wife, 3 daughters, and perhaps a son. iv. 444-5. He settled at French Camp, but died at Stockton in '45 of smaU-pox, from the effects of which disease Mrs K. be came blind. V. 674. Of the son nothing appears. A married daughter, Mrs Rebecca Powler, left her husband and was married by Sutter, in Dec '45, to Grove Cook. Josephine inarried Dr C. Grattan, and died at Stockton in '71. America married Geo F. Wyman in '46; and a 4th daughter became the wife of Willard Buzzell. K. (Samuel), 1844, brother of Andrew and Benj., and member of the Kelsey party from Or. , having started with Hastings tn '43, but turned back ou meeting his brothers, iv. 269, 444-5, 453. I have his autog. letter of Sept. 7, '44, at Sonoraa, on troubles in which the brothers were in volved in connection with the Bale affair. He was prominent in the Bear revolt and a signer of the original proclamation of June 14th, in my possession. V. 95, 104, 110, 153; also one of the Cal. claimants (v. 462). Nothing appears about his family or what became of him. K. (Wm) 1847, boat-builder at N.Helv. Kemble (Edward C), 1846, printer who came with the Mormon colony, though possibly not a member of the church, v. 546. He served in Co. G, Cal. Bat. (v. 358); and from April '47 was editor of the 8. F. Star, succeeding Jones. V. 657-9. His connection with the Star and its successors, the Star and Californian and Alta California, ,as editor or proprietor continued to '55, though he was also the founder of the Sac. Plccer Times and ita editor in April-June '49. He waa aee. of the S.P. council in '48, and somewhat promi nent in local matters, vi. 649, 656; beiug regarded aa a young raan of good abilitiea and character. After '55 he went eaat, and in the war of '61-5 waa connected with the array as paymaster, subsequently spending some years from '67 on the Pacific coast as inspector of Ind. affairs; and being later con nected with the Associated/ Press iu N.Y., where he still lives iu '85, a card from him on 'Early journalism in S.F. ' appearing in the Bulletin of Feb. Kempsey (Bartholomcv, ), 1848, died in '61. Herald. Kempst (Geo. AV.), 1847, Co. I, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Kerasey (Thomas), 1846, Co. P, Cal. Bat. (v. 358). Ken (John M.), 1845, mid. on the U.S. Savann&h. Kendall (Alva), 1847, Co. K, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Kendrick (Johu), 1789,.nir of the Colum bia, the 1st Amer. vessel to visit the N.W. coast, sighting the Cal.- coast on the way north. He visited Mont, in com. of the Aranzazu in 1794, and iii JCENDRICK— KEYSER. 699 '99 was perhaps sup. of the Eliza, i. 445, 523-4, 545. Kennedy (Andy), 1848, said to have come to Cal. with Col Davis. K. (Edm. P.), 1836, com. of the U.S. Peacock, iv. 104-5, 140-1. K. (Edw. P.), 1847, Ca D, N.Y.VoL (v. 499). K. (Jamea), 1831, Irishman who in '35 got a lot at Mont., and in '36 waa a clerk for Wataon, age 46, and single, ui. 405. Naturalized in '41, when he lived at S. Josd, and claimed 10 years of residence in Cal. ; at Sta Cruz, '42-3. K. (Joseph), 1846, Co. C, 1st U.S. dragoons; fatally wounded at S. Pascual. v. 346, ,345. K. (Wra A.), 1847, Ca G, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Kennersly (A. J.), 1847, Co. E, ditto. Kenney (Chas), 1847, watchman at Mont. '47-8. K. (Wm S.), 1847, inspector of hidea at S. Pedro; called Guillermo S. Kene. Keno (T.), 1840, one of the Donner relief party (?); had a claira on the Cosumnes; at Stockton in '80. Sac Co. Hist Kentz- burg (Adolphus), 1847, Co. C, N.Y.VoL (v. 499). Kenway (Geo. S.), 1847, from Hon. on the Gen. Kearny, and went back on the Toulon. Kerby (John), 1844, sailor on the schr California. Kern (Edward M.), 1845, artist of Frdmont's exped., and author of a publiahed Journal From the outbreak of the Bear Revolt he commanded the garrison at N. Helvetia, ranking as lieut in the Cal. Bat. He started east with Stockton in '47, but was left behind ill, and sailed from S. P. in Oct. on the Com. Shubrick; owner of a S. P. lot; Kern river and county are named for him. iv. 583, 585; v. 3, 6, 123, 244, 298-9, 359-60, 450, 453-4, 538, 675. Kerphy, 1847, mr of the Maria Helena. Kerr (Thomas), 1847, owner of S. P. lot. Keseberg (Louis), 1846, Prussian, meraber of the Donner party, with wife Philipine, and children Louis and Ada. Both the children perished, the parents surviving, v. 531, 534, 541, 544. K. was the last of the party to be rescued; was foroed to subsist on human flesh longer than his companions, among whom he had been unpopular from the first, and by some of whom — but chiefiy by Capt. Fallon and his disappointed treasure-seekers of the last relief party — he was charged with robbery and murder. On this man have been concentrated in the public mind all the horror and loathing arising from the events of that terrible winter; he has beeu pictured as a fiend exulting in his cannibalism. It is fair to state that the charges rest on no tangible evidence, and that K. ia entitled to be regarded as an unfortunate victim. His narrative as given by McGlashan bears every mark of truth, while the statements of his accusers are clearly tainted with exaggeration and false hood. A portrait is giveu by McG. , p. 220. Keseberg worked for Sutter as supercargo of his launch in '47, and later for Vallejo at Sonoraa; went to the rainea in 48-9; kept a boarding-house and hotel at Sac; and was later a brewer at Calistoga and Sao. He made and lost several fortunes, being the victira of successive reverses by fire and flood.. His wife died in '77; and iu '80 he was living at Brighton, at the age of 66, in extrerae poverty, with two grown-up daughters, both idiots. Two other married daughters survived, and 7 of his children had died. He was a man of iutelligeuoe, good educa tion, and much business ability; and his record in Cal., except as affected by suspicions growing out of the affair of '46, was a good one. In '85 1 have not heard of his death. Ketchum (Thoraas E.), 1847, lieut Ca B, N.Y.VoL, leaving N.Y. with recruits after the departure of the regiraent. v. 503-4, 511; capt. of Cal. vol unteers in the war of '61-5; and later brigadier-gen. of militia. A resident of Stockton, '71-82. Kettle, 1848, at S. P. frora Tahiti. Kettleraan, see Kittleraan. Keyes (John), 1843, Irish steward on the Soledad, -u-bo had a barber-shop at Mont., but went soou to Los Ang. and Sta B., where he mar ried a Miss Burke, and still lived in '70; claimant for Canada de Salsipuedes. iv. 400, 642. Apparently identical with Johu C. 'Kays,' q. v. K. (Robert G), 1845, overl. immig. of the Grigsby-Ide party, who went to Or. early iu '46, but carae back iu '47; at Mont. '48; sheriff at S. Josd '49. v. 526, 576, 579, 587. K. (Mrs), 1846, of the Donner party, but died before reaching the Sierra. She had a sou in Or.,' whom sho expected to meet at Ft Hall, and who was possibly Robt C. Keyser (Guy M.), 1847, Co. B, Morra. Bat. (v. 469); m Utah '81. 700 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. Keyser (Sebastian), 1840, nat. of the Austrian Tyrol, a trapper who oame overland to Or. with Sutter in '38, and again joined him at N. Helv., possibly uot till '41. The first definite record is a letter of introd. from Sutter to Suiiol in Aug. '41. iv. 117, 120, 139. He accompanied Dr Sandels in his val ley travels of '43, having then selected a rancho adjoining Dickey's; was nat- uralizad in '44, getting a grant of the Llano Seco rancho in Butte co. iv. 071; in '45 settled on Bear River as half ownerof Johnson's rancho, serving also in Capt. Gantt's company, iv. 486. In '46 he waa probably a Bear Flag raan; may have served iu tbe Cal. Bat. (v. 358); had part of his left hand blown oft'; and raarried Elizabeth Rhoada, who left him soon, but returned to raake bim happy in '47. He waa one of the 4th Donner relief party, v. 541; aold his interest in the raucho in '49; and subsequently Uved on Daylor's place, running a ferry on the Cosumnes for Daylor and Grimshaw, by the sinking of v/hich craft he waa drowned in '50. He left one child and $15,000 in gold- dust. His widow became Mrs Pierce, and was living in Fresno Co. '72. I have a letter of that year, in which she gives information about Keyser. Khldbnikof (Cyril), 1820, agent of the Russ. Araer. Fur Co. at Sitka, who visited Cal. iu '20, '25-6, aud '.30-1. u. 263, 317-19, 383, 644, 648; ui. 146, 213; iv. 160. Khorstof (Nicholas), 1806, mr of the Juno. ii. 70. Kilbey (James), 1847, Oo. A, Morm. Bat. (v. 409), reeul. Kiddey (AVm), 1848 (?), Engl, liquor dealer at Sta Clara '76. Kiernan (John B.), 1847, Co. B, N.Y.A'ol. (v. 499); d. Stockton after '60. Kiesler (Lafayette), 1847, Co. C, N.Y.VoL (V. 499); at Souoma '48. Kilborn (Wm K.), 1847, mr and owner of the Henni '47-8. v. 578; of the S.F. firra K., Lawton, & Co. '48-9. KUburn (Benj.), 1846, Cal. Bat. Co. B, artUL, enlisting at S. Josd (v. 358); owner of a S.F. lot '47. v. 676. K. (Ralph L.), 1842 (?), a settier of Napa Val. frora '44, but generaUy accredited to '42. iv. 341. In later years he stated that he built a mill on Dr Bale's rancho in 43. I find nothing about the raanner of his coming. Naturalized '45, and subaequently married by Sut ter; in '47-8 had au intereat at Benicia, where he built houses for Larkin. v. 673. Alcalde at Napa '49; couuty treasurer '50; cl. for lands in '52. Hu died at Rutherford in '79, age 70. His daughter raarried a raan uamed Lockwood. Kild (Adam H.), 1835, named aa one of the ownera of Palo Colorado rancho, Mont. Kilevca (Tom), 1800, mate of the Peacock, iu priaon at S. Juan Cap. ii. SS; perhaps the following. Kimball, 1806, mrof the Peacock. U. 37-8, 109. K. (Hazen), 1848, over land Moruion imraig. raet by Bigler at the Huraboldt sink in Aug. ; raemb. of Soc Cal. Pion., and a reaident of S.P. '83. Kimsey (Alvis and Thoa L. ), 1847, ownera of S.F. lota. Kinch, 1847, m-c oi the Oom. Stockton, v. 577. King (Ed A.), 1847, rar of the EUzabeth aud purchaaer of the Primavera; rar of the Hope in '48. v. 577, 580; lumber dealer and underwritera' agent at Mont. '48; harbormaster '49 at S.F., where he atill lived in '54. K. (Henry), 1839, clerk iu Sutter's employ. King (Henry), 1845, one of Frdraont's party, who served as capt. and commissary of the Cal. Bat., and went eaat on the Com. Shubrick iu Oct. '47. V. 94, 360, 450, 453-4, 583. Joining Frdraont's 4th exped. in '48, he waa frozen to death before reaching Sta Fd, and probably eaten by hia corapanion. He seema to have been a brother of James King of Williara. K. (John H.), 1840, overland iramig. who played poker iu Eureka down to a late date aoc. to the papera. K. (John M.), 1847, Ca B, Morm. Bat. (v. 409). K. (Man uel), 1835, Portuguese ou Larkin'a booka '35-8. iii. 413. K. (Robert), 1834, EngL lumberraan, who was one of Grahara's raen in '36-8, aud waa arrested iu '40, but left at Sta B. sick. iii. 412; iv. 17. Naturalized in '41 and arrested for stealii'g lumber at Sta Cruz iu '42, but escaped frora jail; perhapa the raau na;ned in Larkin's Accta '45. K. (Thoraas), 1848, passp. from Hon. K. (Wra), 1846, came to S. .Toad. HaU. K. (Wm), 1847, Ca F, N.Y.VoL (v. 49c;). King of William (James), 1848, nat. of Georgetown, D. C , assuming the affix 'of AViUiam' at the age of 10, from his father's given name, to distinguish hii'..aelf from others named James Kiug. He came to Cal. by way of Panamd KING— KITTLEMAN. 701 and Valparafao in Nov. '48, made sorae money in the mines, worked aa clerk for Reading & Co. at Sac, and iu '49 opened a bank at S.P., his family frora the east joining him in '51. In '54-5 he was obliged to close liis busiueas, and waa eraployed by Adaraa & Co. until the failure of that firm. In Oct. '55 he started the S.F. Evening Bulletin, and began a violent, fearleaa, and deaperate cruaade against prevalent corruption in the city. Though harsh and often in judicious in his methods, bitter in hia prejudicea, and generally disposed to abuse all who did not agree with his ideas of reform, he was honeat in atating facta and aimed to be juat in his attacks; and he was indirectly the instru ment of great good to the community. He waa ahot in May '56 by James P. Casey, a politician aud newspaper man whose unsavory record he had ex posed, and his murder led to the organization of the famous Vigilance Committee. Iii my Popular Tribunals, vol. ii. , the reader will find much in formation about King; and there is a sketch of his life and a portrait in the Contemp. Biography. He left a widow and 6 children, sorae of whom still live in S.F. in '85. Kingery (Sam.), 1848, nat. of Ohio; resid. of S. Luis Ob. Co. '68-83. Kingsbury, 1846, doubtful mention of a major at Sutter- ville. 8utterCo.nist,18. K. (EUsha), 1848, ouroU of Soc. CaL Pion. Kings- ley (Francis), 1846, Fauntleroy's dragoons (v. 232, 247). Kink (Robert), 1843, doubtful name of au Englishman at Branciforte in '45, age 36, wife Estefana Juarez, child Robert, v. 43. Kinley, 1846, doubtful mention at Hook Farm. Kinlock (Geo.), 18,30, Scotch carpenter and trader at Mont, with his wife, Mary Anderson, also Scotch, and the 1st foreign woraan who lived in Cal. As their sou Geo. David — the 1st child of foreign parents bom in Cal. — was born in 'SO, they may have arrived a year or two earlier. Frora '30 K. 's name ap pears constantly in all kinds of Monterey records. In '36 his age was 39. He died about '58. His sou Geo. D. iu '48-9 was with Rose & Reynolds at Rose Bar. There was a daughter Catalina, bom in '33. iii. 179-80, 221, 609; iv. 17. Kmnane (Patrick), 1847, Co. P. Sd U.S. artiU. (v. 518). Kinney (A. and S. ), 1845, overl. imraig., perhaps of the Grigsby-Ide party. A. had a faraUy and perhaps went to Or. iu '46; S. was a 'hard case,' eraployed by Sutter during the winter, and went back east in the spring, v. 526, 579. K. (Jaraes), 1847, tearaster in Co. F, Sd U.S. artiU. (v. 518). Kinns (Alex.), 1847, Co. C, N.Y.VoL (v. 499); d. at Sonoma Dec. '47. Kinsey, 1845, at N. Helv.: and a Dan. D. Kinsey is named in one list aa one of the Stevena party of '44. Kintring (Chaa M.), 1847, Ca E, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Kirby (Henry), 1839, Engl, steward of the Corsair, who kept a restau rant at S. P. in '40; a witneaa againat Capt. Hinckley iu '40-1. iv. 119. K. (Jamea), 1844, attendant of a aick sailor at Mont.; perhaps same as John K., a sailor. K. (Richard G), 1846, Engl, tanner, who left a whaler on the Or. coast in '45, and came by land to Cal. with a party the next year. v. 526. He worked at hia trade for Sutter during Bear Flag timea, aud later had a sinall tannery in the North Beach region at S. F. In '47-8 he worked at Sta Cruz; aa miner and trader in the minea '48-9 he made a sinall fortune, which he soon loat in a city speculation; and frora '50 he was engaged in the manu facture of leather at Sta Cruz, where he still lived in '79, and I think iu '85. Portrait iu Sta Cruz Co. Hist, 16. Kirchner (Henry), 1848, partner of Weber at Stockton. Tinkham. Kirk (Thomaa), 1847, Co. B, Morm. Bat. (v. 469). Kirkwood (Jamea aud John), 1846, Co. B, Cal. Bat. (v. 358); there waa alao a Jamea, Jr, at Mont, in '47. The K.'s were overl. imraig. raentioped by Bryant. Kialing (John W.), 1846, Daniah sailor at S. P., who got a lot in '47, went to the mines in '48, and retuming lived in town to '59, later at S. Mateo, and died in "61, leaving a widow and 2 children. Kittleman (John), 1846, one of the Morraon colony with a family; owner ot S.P'. lot '47; died at Sta Cmz '52. His childreu, each of them obtaining a S.F. lot, were George; Thomas, who raarried Angeline Lovett at S.F. in '47, 702 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. 685. Kleinbroth (John), 1847, musician N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); owner of S.F. lot. V. 678. Kleinachrooth (John), 1847, Co. G, ditto; ownerof S.F. lot; in S F. '52; in Germany '82. Klengel (Francis), 1847, Co. C, ditto. Klier (Wm), 1847, Co. F, 3d U.S. artill. (v. 518). Klopper (Michael), 1847, Co. K, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Knapp (Albert), 1847, Co. E, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); at Mont. '48. K. (Joel B.), 1848, carae from Hon. and went to the rainea. K. (M.), 1848, from Hon. on the Julian. Knight, 1846, said by Lancey to have come with Kearny; a newspaper writer in S.F. '84. Knight (Henry), 1840, one of the S. Bias exUes. iv. 18. K. (Henry), 1,844, Swiss, at S. P.; age 40; perhapa same as preceding. K. (Johu), 1847, Co. K, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); at Ukiah '71-82. K. (Thomas). 1841, German sailor and sawyer, who left the Alert and got a passport. K. (Thomas), 1845, native of Me; trader in La, Ark., and Mo.; overl. immig. of the Grigsby-Ide party, or of the Swasey-Todd branch of that party, iv. 576, 679, 587. AU hia property, including a stock of goods for sale, was destroyed by the explosion of a keg of powder under his wagon iu the Sierra. He settled iu Napa Val. , took part in the Bear re volt, v. 110; and had some experience in the mines. In '51-70 he was a farraer in Napa and Sonoma counties, being owner of the Moristal or Berrey esa rancho. v. 671-2; and later a dealer iu real estate at S.P'. In '72 he wrote for me his Eecolledions, containing much informatiou about early times and men; and in '79 he dictated another and briefer statement of Early Eventsin Cal. His wife was Serena Haines, married in '54; and in '72 they had two children, Chas P. S. aud Thos G. He still resides in S.F. '85, at the age of 05. Knight (Wm), 1841, nat. of Ind., naturalized and married to a native in N. Mex. , who came with the Workman-Rowland party, returning in '42 to bring hia family, v. 278-9. He settled in '43 on the Sacramento, at the place named for him. Knight's Landing — obtaining in '44 a renewal of his natu ralization papers that had been loat. He aerved Micheltorena in Gantt's comp.; was a signer of the S. Josd call to foreigners; got a land-grant in '46; and took an active part in the Bear revolt, perhaps serving iu the Cal. Bat. iv. 486, 501, 573, 599: v. 106, 110, 114-19, 637. After the discovery of gold he established Knight's Ferry ou the Stanislaus, where he died in '49. He was a, great hunter, and though said to have been educated as a physi cian, was a raan of very rough ways, violent in temper, always ready to take offence, and to settle all differences by force. His title to lands, resting on Sutter's general title and a fraudulent grant from Pico, was not confirmed; and though reputed to be rich, his heirs are said to have received very little. Three of his daughters, still living in '85, I think, married respectively Chas F. Reed, J. N. Snowball, and Nathaniel Jacobs. A good sketch of Knight ia given in Yolo Co. Hist, 31. Knoss (M.), 1846, Co. B, artill. Cal. Bat., enUstmg at Sac. iu Oct. (v. 358). Knott, 1847, mr of the Sweden, bringing recruits for the N.Y.Vol. v. 511. Knowles (Richard), 1846, one of the Mormon colony, with hia wife; owner of S.F. lot '47. v. 546, 678. He died in the faith, and hia widow waa Uving in Utah '84. Knox (Sam. P.), 1841, com. of the Flying Fiah, of U.S. ex. ex. iv. 241, 565. Kob (Geo.), 1847, Co. K, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Koeger (Henry E.), 1846, at S. Joad. Hall Kohler (Deoden), 1847, owner of S.F. lot. K. (Theo dore G. ), 1845, said to have arrived thia year. iv. 587; in '49 a clerk for WeUa & Co., S.F. ; later connected with the Cal. preas; died at S.F. '75. Kolan, 1846, doubtful name in a Loa Ang. list. Kolmer (Michael), 1846, accomp. by wife and 3 childien; settled near Bodega, one daughter marrying Wm Howard and another Wm Benitz. SonomaCo. Hist, 201. ' Koenig (Wm), 1847, Co. C, N.Y.Vol. (y. 499); drowned iu Sac Riv. '47. Kontz (JohuG.), 1847, Co. F, ditta Kook (Chas), 1847, Co. F, Sd U.S. artiU. (v. 518). K. (Theodore), 18.39, at S. Diego. Kooser (Benj. Park), 1847, Co. F, 3d U.S. artiU.; nat. of Pa. He was a printer and connected with the press, even before his discharge, working as presaman on the Californian in '47, and writing lettera for the eastern KOOSER— LAFRENZ. 703 papers. To one of hia letters on the gold discov. in the N.Y. Herald ia at tributed much influence in directing the 1st streara of gold-seekers to Cal. After quitting the rail, service he was connected chiefiy with S. Joaquin Co. papers till '65, having married Belle AVard of S. Josd in '02. Then he became editor and publisher of the Sta Cruz Sentinel for 1 1 years, hia valedictory ad- dreaa appearing May 27, '76. He took a, deep intereat in pioneer rerainia- cencea, and wrote many articles on the subject, hia Pioneer Soldiers of Gal, an account of the artill. company, being published in the Alta of '64. v. 520. In '76 he went eaat aa centennial coraraissioner for CaL; and died at Sta Cruz in '78, at the age of 56. Kom (Julius), 1847; perhapa of N.Y.Vol. under another name. Korniah, 1847, ditto. Kosier, 1848, mr of a launch at N. Helv. Kostromitinof (Peter), 1829, Russ. manager of Ross. '29-36; andin '40-1 agent for the sale of Ross and settling up all Russian business in Cal. ; also visiting the country several times in later years on the same mission, ii. 651; in. 426; iv. 161-4, 174-5, 178-80. Kotzebue (Otto von), 1816, com. of the Russ. exploring ship Eurik, and author of a Voyage of Diacovery; and again com. of the Predpriate in '24, and author of a Nev> Voyage. For notice of his visit and writings, containing much uaeful information about CaL, see U. 212-13, 278-80, 299, 309-10, 373, 517, 519, 522-5, 587, 590, 592, 597, 602- 3, 645-6. Kountze (Wra), 1847-8, Mormon, at Sutter's raiU. Bigler. Kraft (Chas), 1847, Co. F, 3d U. S. artilL (v. 518). Krauss (Chaa), 1847, musician, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Kreutzer (John), 1847, Co. F, 3d artiU. (v. 518). Krewzburg, 1847, named at N. Helv. as one of the N.Y.Vol. Krie- nan, 1847, named in '48 aa a deserter from the N.Y.Vol. Krohn (John M.), 1847, Ca C, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Kruaof (Stephen), 1822, mr of the Apollo. ii. 643. Kunhardt, 1848, from Hon. on the Sagudahoc Kuntze (John C), 1847, at N. Helv. and S.P., where he owned a lot. Kuppertz (Gerard), 1836, rar of the Peor es Nada. iv. 105; iu '37 (or '34) he announces that he haa suc ceeded Sill & Co. as a baker at Sta B. Kuprianof (Ivan), 1840, ex-gov. of the Rusa. estab. in Alaska; visited Cal. on the Nikolai, iv. 105, 167, 174^0. Kurtz (Lewis), 1847, Ca G, N.Y.VoL (v. 499). Kuskof (Ivan A.), 1808,- Russ, explorer of the coast in 1808-11; founder of Ross in '12, and manager of that establishment until succeeded by Schmidt in '21, having visited S.F. in '16. U. 80-2, 88, 198, 203-4, 210, 212-13, 267, 280, 294-318, 373, 630, 672-3. Kutchbaok (Chas), 1847, Co. D, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Kyburz (Daniel), 1847, owner of S.F. lot. K. (Sam. E.), 1846, overi. immig. from Wisconain with his wife and her brothers. Entered Sutter's em ploy as a kind of superintendent, and is often mentioned iu the N. Helv. Diary '47-8, also owning a S.F. lot iu '47. He took an active part in events connected with the gold discovery; and in '48-9 kept a hotel at Sac In '50-4 he aeema to have beeu a trader at S. P. Mrs K. had two children born at Sutter'a Fort, one of them, a son, in E'eb. '48; and ahe was living at Clarks ville, El Dorado Co., in '80. Labastida, aoldier- teacher at S. Josd '22. U. 603. Labra (Juau Ant. ); soldier, sentenced to death at Mout. for robbery 1 781. Lacouaae, 1848, Cana dian at Bear River and Mormon Diggings. Brooks. 'Lacy (Sara.), 1839, mr of a Peruv. brig at S.F. Ladd (Milton), 1845, one of the men lost on the Warren's launch '46. iv. 384, 587. L. (Sam.), 1846, one of the Morraon col ony, who went by the name of Johnson; forraerly a soldier, being a teacher of tactics on the Brooklyn; went to Utah, where he still lived in '84. v. 546, 550. L. (S. G.), 1847, at Benicia. Laez (Mazario), claimed to have been grantee of land iu Sta Clara Co. 1785. Lafleur (Louis), 1846, Canadian in Co. G, Cal. Bat., enUsting at S. Josd Nov.; went east with Cora. Stockton '47. v. 454; but retumed, and iu Dec. '48 waa drowned in the Yuba. Lafraraboise (Michel), 1832 (?), chief of the H. B. Co. hunters in CaL, raaking half a dozen or raore viaits in '32-46, espe ciaUy in '.35-42. The date of the lat viait ia uncertain. UL 392-3, 408; iv. 1,35, 213, 220. Lafrenz (C. P.), 1847, from Hon. on the Xylon. L. (J. H.), 704 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. 1848, passp. from Hon. Lagoa (J. B.), 1848, ditto. Lagrace (Fran.), 1840, perhapa one of the arrested foreigners, iv. 17. Laidlaw (Geo.), 1847, Co. B, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Laighton (John B.), 1835, lieut in Mex. navy stationed at Mont.; went to S. Bias to join hia corpa iu '36. He waa an American. Laine (Thos H.), 1847, nat. of Mo., whocame to Cal. at the age of 15, and became a prominent lawyer of Sta Clara; memb. of the state aenate '74-7, and of the constit. convention of '78. Laird (John AV.), 1847, nat. of Pa and overl. iramig. with his family. In Feb. '48 he kept a ferry on the Sac. Riv. at Montezuraa. v. 674; aco. to the newspapers Mra L. had a sou born on the Araer. Riv. in May, '47, but it was prob. in '48. Laird kept a store at Angels, living also at Stockton and other places; but in '50 settled in Stanislaus Co. , where he died in '78, leaving a widow — a sister of Thos Pyle — and 3 children. Lajeunesse (Basil), 1845, Canadian trapper and meraber of Frdmont's ex ploring party, who was killed by Ind. on the Or. frontier in the night attack on Fremont's camp, AprU '46. iv. 583, 587; v. 24. L. (FranQois), 1833 (?), probably brother of Basil, said to have visited Cal. either in the Walker party or in one of the H. B. Co. parties. He was one of Frdraont's raen in '44, but did uot reach Cal. iii. 391. Lake (John), 1846, Fauntleroy's dra goons (v. 232, 247). Laraauon, 1786, with La Pdrouse. i. 435. Lambaren (Juan), 1842, adj. of the batallon fijo, who died '44. iv. 289. Lambdon, 1847, at N. Helv. Lambert (Johu A.), 1847, Ca E, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Lamoine, 1847, mr of the Frangois. Laraoreux (Louis), 1840, Canadian carpenter, age 37, at Los Ang. with a N. Mex. passport; perhaps his name was Lamoreau, still at Los Ang. '48. Laraotte (Franijois), 1845, negro deserter frora the Hiroine at Mont. Lamplieie (Wm), 1824, mate of the Eover. Lampman (WmL.), 1847, Co. A, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); in Mexico '82. Lance (Wm), 1847, Co. E, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); reenl. Lancey (Thoraas Crosby), 1846, nat. of Me., born in '24, and a sailor from '42; a coxswain ou the U.S. Dale in '46-9. After his discharge from the navy in '49 he took charge of a store at Mormon Isl. , aud later was drayman, tearaster, and stage-driver in the Sac. region till '51, when he came to S. F.,^ and has since resided here as mining agent and painter. For 4 or 5 years, iu '85, he haa been confined to his room, and much of the time to hia bed. He kept a journal during hia service in the navy, supplemented with many items obtained from later obaervationa, reading, and association with pioneers, with a view to publication in book forra aa raaterial for hiatory. Being prevented by failing health frora carrying out hia purpose, he furnished a part of his bistorical gleanings to the S. J. Pioneer for publication in '79-81. The result, Lancey's Cruise ofthe Dale, preserved in my Library in scrap-book form, v. 190, is iu many respects the most complete collection extant of data ou the conquest of Cal. The author has shown not ouly indefatigable zea-L but marked ability in his researches. The niatter is not always systematically ar ranged; the effect is marred by typolgraphic errors, resulting chiefly from the newspaper medium of publication; the author is often in error respecting matters resting on Spanish documentary evidence; and he is, in my opinion, excessively American iu his views; but with all its faults, the work merits praise, and justifies rae in placing the author high in the list of those who have done faithful work on Cal. history. Lancey also wrote a sketch of the N.Y. Volunteers, published in Clnrk'a First Eegiment. (Died in '85.) Landaeta (Martin), 1791, Span, friar, who served chiefiy atS.F.,and died atS. Fern, iu 1810. Biog. U. 115-16; mention i. 510, 514, 576-7, 706, 712, 721; ii. 130-1, 159-60. Landers (Ebenezer), 1847, Ca C, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); at Salem, Utah, '82. L. (Wm), 1847, Co. H, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); sher iff in '48; died at S. P. '50. Lane, 1848, sutler in Grahara's battaUon (v. 522). L. (Emmeline A.), 1846, one of the Mormon colony, v. 546. L. (Joseph), 1848, passed through Cal. on his way from Sta Fd to Or.; a promi nent man in the north. See Hist Or. L. (Lewis), 1847, sergt Co. D, Morm. Bat. (v. 409). L. (Samuel), 1846, one of the men loston the lfa;TeH'3 launch. v. 384. Land, 1842, doubtful name of a ranch owner near S. Luis Ob. LANG— LARIOS. 705 Lang (Charles), 1828, Amer. smuggler at S. Diego '28-9; ii. 551; ui. 139, 168. L. (Chas), 1848, from Boston on the Sabi7ic L. (John P. and WU lis), 1848, brothers frora Ma, at Sutter's Fort and in the mines. Langdon (Maurice), 1846, came with Kearny. Lancey. Laugenberger (A.), 1848, Ger man rainer on the Yuba and Stanislaus '48-9; later a trader at S. Gabriel aud Anaheim, where he lived in '80 with 7 children by his 1st wife, a daughter of Juan P. Ontiveros, married in '50. Langle, 1786, with La Pdrouse. i. 428, 431-3. Langlois (A.), 1848, passp. frora Hon. Langlois (WiUiam), 1840, Canadian, exiled with the Graham party, who returned in '41; perhaps the Laingles uamed at Sonoma in '50. iv. 18, S3, 37, 120. Langsdorff (G. H. von), 1806, German naturalist with Rezdnof at S.F., and author of a book of Voyages and Travels, containing a narrative of the author's visit and obser vations in Cal. u. 46-7, 65-76, 115, 128, 130, 138^0, 164, 176. Lanman (Joseph), 1847, Ueut U. S. N., com. of the Warren '47-8. v. 581. L. (Stephen), 1846, sailmaker on the U.S. Dale. Lansing, 1847, mrof the Citi zen, y. 577. Lanson (J.), 1847, blacksmith at S. Diego. La Pdrouse (Jean P. G.), 1786, French navigator, the first foreign voyager to touch the coast of CaL after Span.' occupation; and author of a Voyage which containa much valuable inforraation about Cal. See account of liia visit and book iu i. 428-40; also ment. i. 282, 475, 509, 512, 519, 527, 019; ii. 23, 131, 616. Lapierre (Louis), 1845, Canadian boat-maker of Frdmont's party, iv. 583. He is said to have built a schooner for Sainsevain at Sta Cruz in later years. Laplace (Cyrille P. T.), 1839, com. of the French man-of- war Artemise, and author of a Campagne de Ciriumnavigation. iv. 152-5; ment. iu. 695, 700; iv. 93, 101, 165. Lappeus (James H.), 1847, Co. H, N.Y.VoL (v. 499); owner of S.F. lot; trader at Sac '48; married iu '49 to Ann Hitchcock. He went later to N.Y. and Idaho, and in '82 lived at Port land, Or., where he had been city marshal, and for 12 years chief of police. Lara, sentinel at Los Ang. '37. iii. 519. L. (Antonio), alguacil at Mont. '36. Ui. 675. L. (Casirairo), invAlido of StaB. comp. '32. L. (Fran.), sol dier of S. F. comp. '39-42. L. (Fran.), killed at S. Pascual. v. 347. L. (Josd), one of the 1st settlers at Los Aug. 1781; Span., with an lud. wife. L. (Juau), soldier and corp. S.F. comp. '37-42. L. (Julian), soldier at Sta B. before '37. L. (Roraualdo), 1837, Mex. of the H. & P. colony, impU cated in the troubles of '35, and sent to Mex. under arrest, iii. 281, 286, 288. Lard (Fielding), 1846, overl. imraig. with his faraily. The marriage of his daughter (Mary to R. S. Moultrie) ou the trip is mentioned by Bryant; at Sutter's Fort in '47, and owner of a S.F. lot, but settled in Sta Clara VaL, where he still lived iu '60; often called Wra. L. (Joseph A. ), 1846, came to Sta Clara; prob. sou of Fielding. Lardner, 1842, Ueut U.S.N., with Jones at Mont. iv. 308. La Reintrie (Henry), 1842, comraander's sec. ou the York- town. Larios (Gracia), sent to Mex. as a prisoner 'SO. iii. 85. L. (Josd Maria), Mex. sold, who came between 1780 and '90; frora '91 a settler at S. Josd, and later at Las Aroraas, near S. Juan B. He was a blacksraith and builder of mills, but was chiefly noted as a bear-hunter, being killed by a grizzly in 1818. i. 642, 716, 718; ii. 135, 170, 387. His first wife was Juliana Linares, and the 2d Eusebia Alvarez; his childreu were Antonio, ManueL Josd Do lores, Justo, Maria del Pilar, Antonia, aud Antonina. L. (Justo), son of Josd M., b. at S. Joad 1808; aoap-maker aud ranchero who served aa miltia artil leryman in the war against Micheltorena '44-5, and for a short time under Caatro in '46; grautee of Cafiada de loa Capitancillos in '42. iv. 671; all his horses were taken by Frdmont. He made two successful visits to the mines; in '49-50, but in later years lost all bis land and other property, through na fault of his own, as he believes. In '78, living at Gilroy, he gave me an in teresting narrative called Convulsiones en California. His wife was Cecilia,, daughter of Joaquin Castro, married iu '33; childreu '41, Adelino b. '34, Juan- '36, OUvero '39, Soledad '38. L. (Manuel), son of Josd M., b. at S. Josd, 1798. He seems to have served as a soldier in '15-29, and was later an alfdrez, of mUitia, serving in Gov. Alvarado's time. In '39 he was grantee of Stat Hist. Oal., Vol. IV. 45 706 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. Ana rancho near S. Juan B., which was finally confirraed to him. iu. 679, 713. In '40 he was juez at S. Juan, and took part in the arrest of the for eigners. Ui, 693; iv. 20. He waa, like his father, a faraoua bear-hunter, took part iu varioua exped., and hia rancho suffered rauch frora Ind. depredations. iv. 362; v. 662. He diedin '65. His wives were succeaaively Maria A. Pacheco, Guadalupe Caatro, and Rosario Armas, by whom he ia aaid to have had 22 children. In '78 his son (or grandson), Estolano Larios, gave me aome informa tion on the Vida y Adve-ntures of Don ManueL Larkin (Thomaa Oliver), 1832, nat. of Maaa., b. at Charleatown in 1802, m business at Wilmington, N.C, frora '21 to '.30, and in '31 accepting an invita tion from Capt. Cooper, hia half-brother, to join him at Monterey. Hia mother was then married to a Sd husband, Mr Childs. L.'s paaaport from the gov. of Masa. ia dated Sept. 2, 'Sl, and he carae on the Newcastle via Honolulu, ar riving in AprU '32. in. 364, 408. In '32 he was employed by Cooper aa clerk, or accountant; in Feb.-Sept. '33 he did a araall commiasion busineaa, and then vvith a capital of |500 he opened a little store at Mont, for the aale of grooeriea, grog, produce, and dry goods, atarting a flour-mill the next year, and dealing to a conaiderable extent indumber. In '33 he was alao raarried on board the Volunteer at Sta B., by Consul Jones of Honolulu, to Mra Rachel Holraes, nde Hobson, his fellow-passenger on the Newcastle, who had come to join her husband, Capt. John C. Holmes, but on arrival bad found herself a widow, iii. 365, 408, 652. She waa the 1st Amer. woman to live in CaL, and her son Thomas 0., bom in April '34, waa the lat child bom of Araer. parents in Cal. Having the proverbial Yankee shrewdness in trade, with no incon venient veneration for the revenue laws, Larkin prospered from the first. In his ledgers he has left careful meraorauda of his wealth on Jan. 1st of each year aa followa: '35, |2,650; '36, $4,708; '37, |5,626 (chiefly in house and miU, for he had spent all his raoney on the house and had no goods); '38, $11,013; '.39, 113,788; '40, $15,895; '41, $21,493; '42, $37,958; '43, $49,147; '44, $46,- 505; '45, $60,175; '46, $66,644. He did not seek to become a Mex. citizen, but in '36 obtained a carta, which waa renewed from year to year. He took no part openly in politica, but quietly supported Alvarado'a moveraent in '36. iii 461; iv. 141. I have rauch of his busineaa corresp. frora the first. In '39 he made a special effort to induce whalera to touch at Mont. iv. 92. In '40 he did all that he could for the comfort of the arreated foreigners, but because he did not join in the loud protesta and abaurd threats of Graham and his gang he was the subject of some unfavorable criticism at the tirae and later, iv. 8, 9, 24, 32-3. He visited Mex. iu '40-1 ou business, iv. 102, 207; on hia return took a contract to build the Mont, cuatora-houae; and in '42 did good service in maintaining friendly relations between Com. Jones and the Californians. iv. 307, 310, 329. The same year he established a branch atore at StaCruz in charge of Josiah Belden; but an incendiary fire destroying $6,000 worth of lumber iu '43 made this part of his business unprofitable. In '43-4 he had somewhat inti mate business relationa with Gov. Micheltorena, making loans to the govt, and doubtless was induced by personal interests to look with too much favor on the cholo cause, making also another visit to Mex. on govt business, and bringing back the smaU-pox, among other results, iv. 364, 366, 401-3, 405, 473, 478-9, 558-9, 563, 651. On his retum he assumed the position of U.S. consul at Mont., his appointment having beeu made at Wash, in '43 and re newed in '44, and frora the first was active in sending accurate information to his govt reapecting Cal. affairs, as well as in the routine duties of his office. iv. ,385, 408, 428, 430, 450, 454, 561, 589-98. Larkin'a closeness in money matters, in contrast with the reckleaa prodigality affected by raany, prevented hia ever reaching in a certaiu sense the highest popularity, but he waa always respected by the better classes of natives and foreigners as a raan of honora ble conduct, of sound judgment, aud of conservative though not aelfish views on general topics. He was a man of slight education, but of rauch tact and practical good sense. Duly devoted to the interests of liis govt and of the Araer. immigranta, he had no sympathy with filibusterism, and did not ignore the rights and prejudices of the CaUfomians. He fuUy beUeved that, either in LARKIN— LA ROCQUE. 707 the event of war with Mex. or by purchase, the people and local rulers might be induced voluntarily to tranafer their allegiance to the U.S. At the end of '45 he waa formally appointed a aecret and confidential agent of the adminia tration at Waah. to bring about thia reault; and frora the beginning of '46, turning over hia private buaineas to Talbot H. Green, he worked earnestly, and aa he believed with good prospects of success, to raake friends for the U. S. and to counteract the effects of the few who favored an English protectorate. V. 4^28, 54^76, 109, 142, 219-20. Frdmont's foolish bravado at GavUan, and the still more foolish and criminal Bear revolt, were wellnigh fatal blows to his plans; but still he did not despair, and having used his influence with Cora. Sloat successfully in favor of a conservative policy, v. 224-54, he went south with Stockton, hoping with the aid of his associate, Abel Stearns, to induce Castro and Pico, with the people of the south, to subrait without re sistance, artfully presenting to them the danger that ihe U. S. forces, in case the report of war should prove unfounded as in '42, would retire aud leave Cal. at the mercy of the Bears. That Stockton took effective aud dishonorable steps to prevent the success of these plans, fearing that the submission of the gov. and general would interfere with the immediate prospects of himself and his associate filibusters, is no discredit to Larkiri, whose course through out is worthy of all praiae, his statesmanship being incomparably superior to that of the opera-bouffe 'conquerors' of Cal. v. 271-2, 281. Returning to Mont., L. waa appointed acting U.S. naval agent, interesting hiraself alao in the release of the Bears' captives at N. Helvetia, v. 281, 298-9, 304. In '45-6 he was a correspondent of the N.Y. Herald aud Sun. In Nov., while on his way to visit a sick daughter at S.P\, L. was captured by the Califor nians under Manuel Castro, becarae a witness of the fight at Natividad, and was carried south to be retained as a captive till the end of the war. He was kindly treated, there being no ill-will toward hira, aud the intention being to utilize the possession of so prominent a mau either in exchange or iu making favorable terms of capitulation, v. 358, 364-5, 367-70, 402. Returning north in '47, he served as naval store-keeper, and hia appointment aa naval agent waa confirmed in Wash. v. 614. He was also a member of the legislative council which -never met. v. 433. He took, however, but slight part in publio affairs, v. 443, 448, 455, 571; beiug notified in June '48 that his functions aa counsel and confidential agent terminated iu May with the treaty of peace. Ho had become the owner of various S.F. lots, and in partnerahip with Sem ple, the founder of Benicia in '47. v. 653, 660, 671-4. In '49 he was a member of the conatit. convention, and hia naval agency waa discontinued by orders from AVash. In '50-3 he resided with his family in N. Y., but returned to S.F. and gave his attention to the care of his property. Though unable to sustain hia title to a S.F. grant and the Sta Clara orchard, he was the successful claimant for the Fliigge aud Jimeno ranchos in the Sac. Val. v. 665-6, 670-1 ; and these, with his possessious in S.F., Mont., and, Benicia, raade hira a very rich man. His sons had also beeu the grantees iu '44 of a rancho in Colusa. iv. 671. Larkin died at S.P. in '58. He was a man to whom nothing like just credit has hitherto beeu given for his public services in '45-6. Portraits are given in Colton's Three Years in Cal. , Annals of S.F. , and there are photographs in the library of the Soc. Cal. Pion. A street iu S.P. bears his narae. Mrs L. died in '73, at the age of 66. The children were Thos 0. b. iu '34; an infant son who died in '36; Fred. H. b. in '37, d. '69; Adelaide who died at S.F. in '46; Francis R. b. '40, d. '74; Alfred O. boru in '48; aud a daughter who married Sampson Tams. Thomas, Alfred, and Mrs Tams are still living, I think, in '85. The Larkin manuscripts furnished for my uae aa material for history by representatives of the family have been named in my list of au thorities, with aome commenta, in i. 49-50. They constitute a raost magnifi cent and unequalled contribution to the history in which the father of the donors took ao prorainent aud honorable a part. L. (Wm M.), 1843, on the roU of the Soc. Cal. Pion. iv. 400. Larragoyli (Rafael), 1822, rar of theS.F. de Paula, ii. 474. La Roche (Eugene), 1846, witnesa in the Santillan case '65, age S3.' La Rocque (Geo.), 1848, Canadian rainer from Or. on the 70S PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX, * Henry; went back in '49 to Dr., where he died in '77, leaving a widow and 4 children. Laskey (Alex. B.), 1847, Ca D, N.Y.Vol. (v. ^99); kUled by Ind. '48. Lassen (Peter), 1840, Danish blacksmith who came to Araer. in '19, to Or. overland in '39, aud to Ca;l. by the Lausanne, landing at Bodega, and thence proceeding to Sutter's Fort, S.F., and S. Josd, where he worked at his trade though the winter of '40-1. iv. 117, 120-1, 136. In the spring of '41 he buUt a saw-mill near Sta Cruz, which he sold to Grahara early in '43. Dr Sandela describes hira thia year aa a travelling blacksmith and hunter between S.J osd and Sac. ; he had a hut on the Cosumnes in Nov. ; applied for naturaliza tion, and selected a ranoho. In '44 he got his papers and his land-grant of Boaquejo on Deer Cr., Teharaa Co. iv. 670-1. His place is often' mentioned in '45-6. iv. 229, 580; v. 22, 24-5, 102; he waa with Gillespie and' Frdmont and probably one of the Beara in '46; but ia said to have gone eaat iu the Stockton party of '47, retuming, prob. -with Chilea, in '48; but I think there may be an error in thia, aud that L. went no farther east than Fort Hall, hia miaaion being to divert immigration into the Laaaen route to the upper Sac. Val. He waa owner of a S.F. lot in '47. In '50 he sold half of his ranoho and stock, engaging in unfortunate steamboat speculation at Sao. which aoon ruined him financially. Iu '51 he settled in Indian VaL, Plumaa Co.; and in '55, as miner aud farmer in Honey Lake Val. , Laaaen Co. In '59, while on a proapecting tour in the region north of Pyramid Lake, he was killed by Ind., or possibly white man disguiaed aa Ind. , being then 59 yeara old. Portrait iu Plumas, Lassen, and Sierra Co. Hiat, 56. Hia meraory is preaerved in the name of Lassen peak and couuty. Lasso de la Vega (Ramon), 1781, Mex. alfdrez of the S.P. comp., and sometiraes habilitado; retired on half pay in '94; later a teacher at S. Joad; died in 1821, at the age of 64. Biog. i. 470-1; ment. 340, 342-3, 385, 584, 642, 693, 716. Laauen (Ferrain Francisco), 1773, Span, friar who served as missionary, chiefly at S. Diego till 1785, when he was chosen president of the missions, a position held until his death at S. Cirlos in 1803. In all the annals of the Fernandinos there is presented uo more admirable character than that of Padre Fermm. Biog. ii. 8-10; raent. i.l22, 194^6, 248-9, 266-7, 300, 302-4, 316, 328, 388, 398-406, 417, 422-5, 432, 439, 441, 454-9, 469, 471, 474i 476, 489, 491-3, 498-9, 512-13, 522, 531, 537, 542, 544, 553-5, 557, 559-64, 568, 573-4, 576, 578-99, 600-23, 626, 655, 686, 689, 709-11, 727-8; U. 3, 146, 159, 165, 378, 623. LataiUade (CesAreo), 1842, Span, of French descent, and meraber of a Mex. trading firm, who came as sup. of the Trinidad, iv. 341, 569. He became well known as a mau of business, making Sta B. his home. Frora '46 he was vice- consul of Spain at Mont., being allowed to reside at Sta B. frora '47, and be ing the grantee of Cuyamas rancho in '46. iv. 590; v. 218, 615, 632. His name often appears in official commun. during the miL rdgime of '47-8; he was men tioned iu connection with idle rumors of revolts, v. 586; and took a promi nent part in arresting the murderers of the Reed family, v. 640. He acci dentally shot and killed himself at Sta B. in '49. His wife was Maria Antonia de la Guerra, who was claimant for several ranchos, iii. 655; iv. 642, became the wife of Caspar de Orena, and is still living iu '85. Latham, 1846, Cal. Bat. (v. 358). Lathrop (Gea W.), 1847, Co. H, N.Y.A''ol. (v. 499). Lauber (Matthew), 1846, Co. C, 1st U.S. dragoons (v. 336). Lauff (Chas August), 1844, German sailor on the Whaler Warren, transferred to the Tasso, and making a trip to Callao with Capt. Cooper, iv. 453. In '4§-6, he worked aa a lumberman in Marin; in '46-7 aerved iu the CaL Bat., Co. B, artill. (v. 358); went to the minea in '48-9; and in '49 was pilot on the bay and S. Joaquin. From '50 he lived at different plaoes iu Mariu Co., being in '80 on a rancho near Bolinas, with wife — Maria J. Cibrian, daughter of Gre gorio Brionea, married in '62— and 9 children. Portrait in Marin Co. Hist, 64. Laughlin, 1827, see iu. 160. L. (Jamea), 1848, nat. of S.C, who came frora Or. to the mines; died in Stanislaus Co. '78. L. (Richard), 1828, Amer. trapper who came from N. Mex. with Pattie's party, with a passport dated LAUGHLIN— LEAVENWORTH. 709 Paso del Norte, Apr. 18, '27. iii. 163, 178. He settled at Los Ang. as a carpen ter, ii. 558; got a carta iu '31; and later owned a vineyard, perhaps raarrying a native. He is named in various records of '34-43, took part in the Michel torena campaign of '45. iv. 495; and is said to havo had a garden near S. Buen. iu '46. He died at the end of that year, at the age of 44. Laure, 1830, drowned at S. Luis Ob. in attempting to land from a ship. iii. 180. Laurend (M.), 1848, passp. from Hon. Laurencel (Henry), 1848, roll of Soc Cal. Pion. Lavallette (Eric A. P.), 1847, bom. of the U.S. Independence. Lavin (Thos), 1844, Engl, who received a pass. Lawlor (John), 1827-8, mr of the Karimoko, in trouble in the south by reason of his smuggling operations, ii. 551, 564; iii. 94^5, 134-5, 147. He was lost on a voy. from Hon. to Australia in '34, as mr of the Alpha. Lawrence, 1848, saUor on the Isaac Walton. L. (Henry), 1847, Co. G, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). L. (J. C), 1848, died m Utah before '77. L. (John), 1846, Faun tleroy's dragoons (v. 232, 247). L. (Joseph Vicente), 1821, nat. of N.Y. who landed from the Blackwood at Bodega aud came to S.F. in a boat. ii. 478. In '23 he went to Los Ang. , where he was baptized in '24, married Maria Arriola, and in '29 was still there -with wife and son, age 32. ii. 496, 526, 558; iii. 179. ¦ Lawrey (Amos G. ), 1846, Amer. mason and perhaps overl. iramig., who in '47 worked on the 1st brick house built at Mont, for G. D. Dickenson, whose daughter Margaret he married a little later. In the Salinas Index, Oct. 20, '76, 'Jack the Pioneer' (Swan) tella how the youngman went to Hon. for a v/edding outfit, and attempting to amuggle the gooda aahore, had to pur chase them anew at a round price; and indeed hia arrival at Hon. ou the Charles in Feb. '48 ia recorded. L. died at S. Josd in '81, having been blind for many years. He left a widow and 3 grown children, one of them Mrs HoUenbach. Lawson (Henry), 1847, Co. H, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). L. (John), 1847, Co. B, ditto; died at Mont. '49. L. (John), 1847, Co. B, Morm. Bat. (v. 469). Lawton, 1848, overl. iraraig. with Johnaon. L., 1848, of Kilborn, L.,- & Co., S.F. L. (Benj. H. ), 18,34, mr of the 8. Feighton. Ui. 384. Layden (Wra), 1847, Co. C, N. Y. Vol. (v. 499); died at Honolulu '54. Layton (Chas), 1847, ordnance aergt Co. P, 3d U.S. artill. v. 519. A nat. of EngL who had aerved in the British array; iu the mines '49-52; later light house keeper at Pt Pinos; died ' at Mont. '55, being fatally wounded while attempting to capture the outlaw Garcia. His widow — nde Charlotte Wade, and mar. in '43 — was in '78 the wife of Geo. C Harria at S.F., where a daughter, Mra Amoa Burr, alao lived. One son was a sailor and another lived in N. South Wales. Swan. L. (Chriatopher), 1847, Co. C, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); in '82 at Kayaville, Utah. Lazaref (Andrew), 1815, mr of the Suvdrof, and of the Ladoga in '23. iii. 307, 492. L. (Michael), 1823, mr of the Crei ser. ii 492, 519. Ldzaro (NicolAs), 1805, Span, friar who served for a brief terra at S. Fem. and S. Diego, where he diedin 1807. ii. 115; iii. 159-60. Leach (Kendrick N.), 1847, Co. K, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); in '83 at Fountain Green, IU. Leahy (Dan. ), 1845, Iriah cooper at Sutter's Fort '45-6, and prob. an overl. iramig. iv. 578, 587. In '47 owner of a lot at S.F. , where he still lived Ul '48-54. He died iu Nevada '75, leaving a famUy iu Or. Leandry (Juan B.), 1827, ItaL who came by sea at the age of '23. iu. 176. In '32 he joined the comp. extranjera at Mont. iv. 221; in '36 kept a store at Los Aug.; was naturalized in '39. Juez de paz '40-1, holding other local offices; owner of part of S. Pedro, and grantee of Los Coyotes, wbere he died in '43. iU. 614, 6.^3, 637; iv. 629, 633. Leary (Wm), 1844, deserter from the Wamen near Mont.; perhaps at Sonoma '48. Leavens (Wra), 1846, one of the men captured with Alcalde Bartlett by Sanchez at S.F. (v. 377). Leavenworth (Thaddeus M.), 1847, nat. of Conn., physician and episcopal clergyman, who came as chaplain of the N.Y.Vol. v. 504, 511. He took some part in matters pertainmg to church and schools, and was alcalde of S.F. in '47-9. v. 648-52, 657. He was also owner of town lots, and a street in the city beara hia narae. Hia official acts have beeu se-verely criticised, but I find no data for a just estiraate of his character. In 50 he went to Sonoma Co., where he waa claimant for a part of Agua Caliente ran- 710 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. cho, iii. 711, and where he atill lived in '82. Leavy (Owen), 1847, corp. Co. F, 3d U.S. artill. The name was perhaps Leary. v. 529. Lebeau (Joseph), 1846, Cal. Bat. (v. 358). Lecky (Wra C), 1846, Co. C, lat U.S. dragoons, killed at S. Pascual. v. 346. Lecointe, 1845, cora. of the Hiroine. iv. 566. Lecoq (Martin), 1834, Frenchman in a Mont. liat. Leddy (Michael), 1847, Co. H, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); died in Mendocino Co. bef. '83. Ledeama (Josd), grantee of land at S. Gabriel, v. 628. Lee, 1847, a sou said to have been born to Mrs Lee in Jan., at N. Helv. L., 1847, of L. & Reily, bakers, Mont. L., 1848, flogged and imprisoned for attempt at murder near S. Josd. L. (Barton), 1848, nat. of N. Y., who came from Or. to the mines; member and successor of the Sac. firm of Prieat, L. , & Co. ; prominent also in local politics. He failed for a large amount in '50, and went to live in the Sandwich Isl. , but returned to Cal. , and died at Sac. in '56. L. (Cornelius R.V.), 1847, Ca P, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); presid. of the regulators at S.F. '49; died at Sta B. m '63. L. (Elisha), 1847, owner of S.F. lot. L. (Jaraes R.), 1847, Co. H, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); at VaUejo in '82. L. (John C), 1847, Co. F, ditto. L. (Lawton), 1845, one of the men loston the Warren'a launch in '46. iv. 587; v. 384. L. (Milton), 1847, trader at Mout. L. (Sara.), 1846, raate of the Euphemia '46-8. L. (Theodore), 1846, mid. on the Congress; act. lieut Co. A, Stockton's naval bat., '46-7. v. 386. Levy (Wm), 1848, miner on the Yuba. Leese (Jacob Primer), 1833, native of Ohio, b. iu 1809, and engaged inthe Sta Fd trade from 'SO, who seems to have come from N. Mex. late in '33, but perhaps went back and came again in July '34, engaging in trade at Los Ang. iii. 388, 409. In '36 he came to Mont, with Gov. Chico, whose good-will he succeeded in gaining, formed a partnership with Nathan Spear and Wm S. Hinckley, obtained a lot at S.F., and on it built the 1st solid structure in town before July 4th, being naturalized in Sept. iu. 421, 431, 705, 709; iv. 86, 116; V. 680. The next year he erected a larger store on the beach, and married Rosalia, sister of Gen. Vallejo, much against the general's wishes. He had a lighter, the Isabella, running ou the bay and rivers, and the busi ness of the firra, in exchanging goods for rancho products, was profitable; but he quarrelled with Spear and Hinckley about the division of the $13,000 profita, and the partnerahip was dissolved in '38, though L. continued the business for several yeara, failing to get the appointment of receptor in '39, and getting another town lot in '40. iu. 700, 705-6, 709-10; iv. 98; v. 679. In '41 he was grantee of the Canada de Guadalupe, Viaitaoion, y Rodeo Viejo rancho at S.F., and of Huichica at Sonoma; aud thia year he aold out hia store to the H. B. Co. iv. 37, 179, 217, 671. He also transf erred his reaidence and place of business to Sonoma, owning one lighter in comp. with Wm John son, and another, the Roaalia, with Salv. Vallejo. In '43 he went to Or. with a drove of cattle, iv. 377, 390; and in '44-5 he waa alcalde at Sonoma, hav ing aerioua quarrela with Victor Prudon. iv. 445, 448, 678-9. In '46 he waa to a certain extent a sub-agent for the carrying-out of Larkui'a plans, v. 63; and for thia reaaon, perhapa, ha-ving accompanied- the Bears to Sac. as inter preter, waa thrown into priaon by PYdmont with the Vallej oa aud Prudon. v. 112, 119-21, 298-9. Hia Bear Flag Eevolt, an original MS. in ray col., is one of the beat narrativea extant on the aubject. v. 187. He had a ' Cal. claim ' of $6,189, besides a claim for the construction of a wharf at Mont. v. 467; i. Ust auth. In '47 he is uamed as a member of the Sonoma councU. v. 668; and is said to have made considerable money in the mines '48-9. He made a voy age to China in '49 on the Eveline, uuder au arrangement with Larkm; and subsequently resided at Mont. , holding some local offices; being the claimant for several ranchos. iii. 678-9; iv. 671; and iu '55 vice-president of the Soc. Cal. Pion. He waa an uneducated and not very intelligent man, active and enterpriaing iri buainess, whose many speculations were marked by boldness rather than ability; and his large property, with that of his wife, all disap peared. In '63 he obtained, in company with others, a concession of lands for colonization in L. CaL , but the scheme was a failure; and about '65 he left Cal. for the east. I have no definite record of his subsequent career, but in LEESE— LEIVA. 7U Feb. '85 an apparently reliable newspaper report represents hira as living at S. Antonio, Texas, in good health, but extrerae poverty, au appeal being made to pioneers in his behalf. Portrait in Annals of 8. F. and Hesperian. Mrs Leese lives at Mont, in '85, aud has 7 grown children. She furnished for my use a Hiatory ofthe Osos, of uo special value. A daughter, Rosalia, born at S.F. in '38, and the 1st child born at Yerba Buena, iii. 710, died, and her narae was given to a younger daughter. The oldest son, Jacob, was born in '39, aud resides iu '85 at Salinas, where he has been oounty clerk and deputy sheriff, his wife being an Estrada, a niece of Gov. Alvarado. One of Leese's daughters married a son of Josd Xbrego. (L. returaed to CaL in '85.) - Lefdvre (Minard J.), 1846, Co. C, 1st U.S. dragoons (v. 336). Lefort (Geo.), 1847, Co. F, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Le Fourri (Fraufois), 1831, fran N. Mex. with WolfskiU or Jackson. Legar (Miguel), 1602, sergt in Vizcai no's exped. i. 98. Legarda (Josd), 1841, rar of the Jdven Carolina, iv. 506. Legare (Bumett), 1847, Co. E, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); died at sea '66. L. (AVm H.), 1847, ditto; died at Los Ang. '47. v. 625. Legendre (Louis), 1847, Fr. settler in Russ. Riv. township, where he was raurdered after '52. Son. Co. Hiat, 358-60. Legge, 1844, officer in the Modeste. Leggett (Wra), 1847, Co. H, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Lehigh, 1847, son said to have been born to Mrs L.; perhaps 'Leahy,' q. v. Leicer, 1844, Walla Walla chief, iv. 545; see 'Elijah.' Leick (Chaa), 1847, Ca D, N.Y.VoL (v. 499). Leidesdorff (Wm Alex.), 1841, nat. of the Danish West Indies, son of a Dane by a mulattress, who came to the U.S. as a boy, and became a master of vessels sailing from N.Y. and N. Orleans. He came to Cal. as mr of the Julia Ann, on which he made later trips to the Islands down to '45. iv. 279, 566. Engaging iu trade at S.F., he got a lot in '43 at the cor. of Clay and Keamy streets, and in '44 or '45 built a warehouse ou the beach at Cal. and Leidesdorff streets, iv. 669, 678; iu '46 building the City Hotel on his 1st lot, and in '47 buying from Ridley the cottage at the oor. of Montgomery and CaL streets, where he passed the rest of his life. iv. 678, 680. In '44 he obtained naturaUzation papers and a grant of the Rio de los Americanos rancho. iv. 673; and from Oot. '45 served as U.S. vice-consul by Larkiu's appointment. iv. 188, 5.57, 589-90, 665. His corresp. of these years, especially with Larkin, is a most valuable source of historical information. In '46 he had controversies with Forbes, Ridley, and Hinckley, who were not intensely American enough to suit thia Danish citizen of Mex.; viaiting N. Helv. and Monterey; and in thia and the following yeara becoming owner of many city lota. v. 3-4, 28, 136, 178, 239, 295, 648-9, 678, 680. In '47, having a Cal. claira of $8,740 (v. 462), and launching the 1st stearaer that ever sailed ou S.F. bay, v. 577-8, 646, he was not ouly oue of the town's moat prorainent buainess men, but a member of the council, treasurer, and member of the achool coramittee, tak ing an active part iu local politica. v. 455, 648-52, 656. He died in May '48, at the age of 38. He was an intelligent raan of fair education, speaking sev eral languages; active, enterprising, and public-spirited; honorable for the most part iu his transactions; but jealous, quick-tempered, often quarrel some, and disagreeable. His eatate, burdened by heavy debta at the time of his death, after the gold excitement became of iraraense value. It was ad rainistered by W. D. M. Howard, with the assistance of C. V. Gillespie, and was for yeara the aubject of compUcated litigation; but the title of Capt. Folaom, who had found the raother and other heirs of Leidesdorff at St Croix IsL, and had bought their interests, was finally adjudged to be valid. Leigh (Isaac), 1846, one of the Morraon Col. with his wife. v. 546; never went to Utah. Leighton (Jaraes C), 1848, at S.F. from Tahiti; lieut of S. F. guarda; of firm L., Swaaey, & Ca v. 681. L. (Nathaniel S.), 1840, Amer. carpenter who got a carta at S.F. iu Oct.; at Mont, in '42. iv. 120. L. (Peter), 1838, named in Larkin'a accta. Leinhard (J. H.), 1847, in Sut ter's employ '47-8. Leister (Thomaa), 1846, Co. C, lat U.S. dragoona (v. 336). Leiva, maj. of Jamul near S. Diego, killed by Ind. '37. UL 614; iv. 68. L. (Antonio), at S. Juan Cap. '46, age 23. L. (Franciaco), soldier at Sta B. '32; wife Maria C Valencia; at Sta B. '50. L. (Josd), soldier of S.F. 712 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. corap. '39-42; at Los Ang. '46. L. (Juan), corporal at Sta B. before '37; at Los Ang, '46. L. (Miguel), soldier at Sta B. '33. L. (Ramon), ditto. L. (Rufino), Corp. of Sta B. comp., in com. of escolta at S. Buen., where he waa killed by Ind. in '19. ii. 333. L. (Santiago and Teodoro), at Los Ang. '46. Leiland (John M.), 1847, owner of S.F. lot; perhapa McLeUand. Lelong (Martin), 1847, Co. G, N.Y.VoL (v. 499). Lem (Wra), 1828, Engl, sailor who deaerted from a Fr., whaler at Todoa Santos and came to S. Diego; or perhaps left drunk at S. D. by the Oeneral Sucre. Leraan (John), 1846, Co. B, Cal. Bat. (v. 358),. enlisting at S. Josd Nov. Leraoine (G. D.), 1846-7, mr of the Francisca and pass, on the Eliza beth; owner of S.F. lot. v. 578, 679. Lemon (Geo. P.), 1847, lieut Co. A, N.Y.Vol. V. 503; S.F. asseaaor '51; lieut-col N.Y.Vol. iu the war of the re belUon; killed in battle '62. L. (James AV.), 1847, Ca A, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); reenl.; at Weaton, Utah, '81. Le Netrel (Ed.), Fr. lieut on the Hiros. iu. 129. Lenoir, 1845, Fr. hat ter from Or. in the MoM.-Clyman party; prob. retumed to Or. '46. iv. 572, 626. Lenox (E. H.), 1848, Kentuckian m Sta Clara '68-76. L. (Johu A.), 1846, overl. iraraig. with hia parenta at the age of 2 yeara. The faraily aettled at Sonoma, where John died in '74. Sac. Union. L. (J. W.),. 1848, nat. of Ind.; in Sonoraa Ca '48-77. Son. Co. Hist- L. (T.), 1847, in Sutter's em ploy '47-8; had a faraily; prob. carae in '46. All the preceding are prob. vague ref. to the aame faraily. Leon (Andrds), in the Mont, revolt of '29; sent as prisoner to Mex. '30. iii. 69, 71, 85. Leon y Luna, 1793, rar of the Activo. i. 544. Leonard (Geo. W. M.), 1847, Co. E, N.Y.VoL (v. 499); a colonel under Walker in Nicaragua; in N.Y. city '82. L. (Louis), 1846, overl. immig. with Hoppe and Harlan; went back east and died. Balhaus. Leon ardo (Pedro B.), sirviente at Soledad 1791-1800. i. 499. Lepage (Francois), 1842, Frenchraan who got a carta at S.F. ; ownerof alot in '45, which he sold to James Lick in '48. iv. 341, 669. L. (Nicholas), 1842, brother of Francois, who also got a carta. Lequez (J. V.), 1831, doubtful uarae of a Scotchraan perraitted to marry. Lerma, soldier killed by Ind. in '21. ii. 550. Leroux, 1847, guide to Morm. Bat. v. 483. Leroy (Joseph), 1836, Frenchman, aged 29, at the Verjeles rancho near Mont. ; perhaps the same man was an otter-hunter with Nidever in '39-40. iv. 119. L. (R.), 1839,Fr. surgeon at Sta B. and Mont. Lester (Thomas), 1817, Engl. saUor baptized as Josd TomAs Ignacio, and living at S. Josd '29-.3S. u. 284, 286, 393, 602; perhaps the same who went to Hon. on the Mary Ann in '47. Letterman (Henry), 1846, Co. F, Cal. Bat. (v. 358). Levelain (Cihas), 1843-4, Fr. boy .who left the Ferdinand (?), and lived with Capt. Richardsou at Sauzalito. iv. 400; at S.P. from '49; married adaughter of Eusebio Soto in '50; at Butte City '60; at S.P. '64-7. Levitt, 1848, mr oithe Eagle, v. 577. Levick (Isaac), 1845, at S.F. ; also in '54. L. (John), 1837, deserter frora au Engl, schr with a man naraed Morgan. They built a cabin at what became the cor of Dupont and Broadway, S.F. (?), and acquired a large fortune. He left Cal. in '57, and was lost ou the Central America. Herald, Oct. 31, '57. iv. 118. Levin (Louis), 1835, at Los Ang. Levy (Thos), 1848, overl. iramig. to Or. in '46, and carae from Or. to the mines; found dead at Mosquito '74, age 49. Sac Union. Lewis, 1847, of firm of L. & Lynch, Mont. '47-8. L. 1846, deserterfrom an Engl, raan-of-war, who ou pretence of having great wealth married au orphan who left him when she learned the truth; so wrote Leidesdorff. Per haps Win Lewis of '40. L., 1846, overl. iramig. with Stephen Cooper. L., 1848, from Honolulu. L. (Abraham), 1848, nat. of N.Y.; in Sta Clara Co. '76. L. (Allen), 1830, Amer. blacksmith, age 25, who came on the Planet. UL 180; atStaB, '36. L. (F. W.) 1847, mate of the Elizabeth; perhapsatSta B. '50. L. (Geo W.), 1846, nat. of Mo., said to have come with his father's faraily and to have settled at Sonoma, where his raother Uved in '80, and he was candidate for county asaeasor. L. (Henry), 1847, Co. G, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). L. (H. E.), 1847, Co. B, ditto; at S. Josd '71-4; not in Clark's latest Uat. L. (Henry H.), 1847, lieut on the U.S. Independence. L. (J.), 1848, LEWIS— LILLIE. 713 paaap. from Hon. L. (Jamea), 1845, doubtful naraeof the McM. -Clyman party, iv. 573. L. (Jamea D.), 1843, aaUoron the Admittance, disch. in '45. Peteraon'a Diary. L. (John B. ), 1845, overl. immig. of the Swasey-Todd party. iv. 576, 587; one of the coraraittee representing new-comera in the treaty with Castro in Nov. iv. 606; at Sonoma aind Napa '46-8, and meraber of the Sonoraa councU '47. v. 668; at S. Josd '50. L. (John), 1847, Co. F, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499); d. Sta B. '48. L. (John), 1834, at Los Aug.; doubtful name. L. (Joseph), 1847, commander's clerk on the Columbus. L. (Joseph B.) 1847, Co. A, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); d. m Texas '82. L. (Louis), 1835, nat. of Pa, trader at Los Ang., age 25; accused of complicity iu the ApaUtegui re volt (Ui. 282). L. (Sam.), 1847, Ca C, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); at Panguich, Utah, '82. L. (Thomas), 1833, Amer. from S. Bias, accused of illegal otter- hunting in Sept. In '36 he was at Los Aug., a single carpenter, aged 25. In '40 one of the Graham exiles, who returned in '41 and worked at Sta Cruz as a lumberman in '42-3. He may have been the Tora Lewis who accompanied John Brown on hia famoua ride of '46. iU. 393, 409; iv. 18, S3; v. 304. L. (Thomaa), 1844, EngL, age 30, at S.F. L. (Wra), 1840, naturalized thia year and named on Larkin'a books, iv. 120. At S.F. aud S. Josd in '41; in '45 at N. Helv., where he was married in Dec His wife may be the Mrs L. who married Perry McCoon in Feb '46, and died in June. Libbey (Elliott), 1845, mr of the Tasso '45-8; also of the Oom. Shubrick in '47. iv. 569; v. 577, 580. For assault on him and Spear at S.F., seeiv. 589, 665-6. According to Thomes there was a ' woman in the case. ' Capt. L. waa the owner of a town lot in '46 (v. 685), and in 54 lived at S. Rafael. It is pos sible that he visited Ca^. on some vessel frora Hon. earlier than '45. Lichten stein, see 'Lightstone.' Lick (Jaraes), 1848, nat. of Pa, a piano-maker by trade, who had lived for over 20 years in Buenos Aires, Chile, and Peru, and who came to S.P. frora Callao on the Lady Adams, arriving Jan. 7, '48. He had already a sraall fortune, which' he invested in S.P. lands (v. 678), aud patiently waited for the increase in the value of his real estate to make him immensely wealthy. Araong hia enterpriaea of later yeara were a grand flouring mill at S. Josd, finished with mahogany iu the interior, and the Lick House, in whioh sorae of the fine decorations in wood are the work of his own hands. He was an honest, industrious man, of much coramon sense, though noted for hia many eccentricities and whims, and in hrs later years of irritable and thor oughly disagreeable temperament. He had no family, except an illegitimate son, who was recognized by him and spent some years with him in CaL He took a deep interest frora the first in the Society of Cal. Pioneers, to which he made liberal gifta. Hia great and well-merited farae rests on the final dis position of his millions, whioh, after pro-vision for his relatives, were devoted to various scientific, charitable, and educational enterprises, forthe benefit of the donor's adopted state. He died in '76, at the age of '80; and after the usual delays caused by financial and legal complications, the results of Lick's bequeata are beginning, in '85, to aaaume practical shape. Light (Allen B.), 1835, negro, who deserted frora the Pilgrim, or sorae other vesael, and became an otter-hunter, iii. 413. He waa knowu aa Black Steward, hia encounter with a grizzly bear in the Sta B. region being men tioned by Alfred Robinaon, and other adventurea by Nidever. He was one of Graham'a meu in '36-8; and in '39, being a naturalized reaident of Sta B., waa appointed by the govt ageut to prevent illegal otter-hunting, iv. 91; at Loa Aug. iu '41, aud iu '46-8 at S. Diego, atill a hunter. L. (James), 1846, nat. of Me, and one of the Morraon CoL, with -wife aud child, though aome tiraea accredited to the N.Y.Vol. v. 546. He Uved in S. Joaq., and later at Sauzalito; but from '50 waa a resident of Humboldt Co., where he died at Areata in '81. His wife, Mary J., died in '75. Lightstone (Frank), 1845, German soap-maker and chandler; original name Franz Lichtenstein, who carae from Or. in the McMahon-Clyman party, and settled at S. Josd '46. iv. 572, 487; still living iu Sta Clara Co., I think, in '85. Lillie (Leonard G.), 1846, nat. of N.Y., prob. overl. immig. from III., and settler in Napa Val. He died at Calistoga m '72, age 48, leaving a widow and 714 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. 6 children. Limantour (Joseph Yves), 1841, Fr. trader iu Mex., who oame to Cal. as sup. of the Ayacucho. iv. 279, 563. The schr waa wrecked near Pt Reyes, and L. opened a store at S.F. to dispose of the cargo '41-2. He came back in '43-4, '47, and '52-3. v. 449, 576. During the visit of '43-4 he furnished aid to Gov. Micheltorena, and received iu return, as there seems to bo no reason to doubt, aeveral grants of land. In '52-S he presented his claims before the land commission, iv. 352, 386,402,511,559,634,655,671-4. Hischief claim, to about half the site of San Francisco, was kt first confirmed by the commission; but iu '58 was rejected by the district court, the grant being pronounced a forgery supported by false testimony. This famous case is more fully noticed elsewhere (see vol. vi. ). The truth would seem to be that L. had really obtained grants of land at S.F. and elsewhere; but that in later years, by forged papers aud with the aid of Ex-gov. Micheltorena, he over reached himself by attempting to improve the location and extent of his grants. He is still, in '85, a wealthy resident of the City of Mexico. Lim- cante (Bias), 1806, sailor on the Peacock, arrested at S. Juan Cap. ii. 38. Limon (Cayetano), 1781-2, Mex. alfdrez, who carae to Cal. in com. of escort to Rivera's colony, i. 3-12-4, 361, 364-5. Limon (Fran.), criminal at S. Fern. '39. iii. 638. L. (Fran.), apparently a lieut. ; at Mont. '46; went to Mex. with Flores '48. v. 41, 407-8. L. (Josd M.), 1842; sub-lieut of the bataUon fijo; suspended in '43. iv. 289, 354, 364. Linares (Fran.), at Los Ang. '46. L. (Ignacio), settler at S. Josd 1786. i. 477. Ill 1793 invalido, wife Gertrudis Rivas, chUd. Salvador, Marcela, Francisco, Mariano, Nicolasa, Santoa, Antonia, and Roaa. L. (Josd), lla vero, at Sta Inds '39. iii. 664. L. (Josd de la Crnz), grantee of Nogales '40. iii. 633; at S. Gabriel '46. L. (Juau Josd), soldier of the guard at S. Josd misaion 1797-1800. i. 556. L. (Margarito), Mex. aoldier at Mout. '36. L. (Maria Aut.), grantee of Loa Carneroa '42. iv. 655. L. (Miguel), at Loa Ang. '46. L. (Ramon), aoldier at Sta Cruz and S. Joad 1795-1800. i. 490, 556; invAlido of the S.P. comp. 1819-21. L. (Rafael), at the Natividad iight (v. 363). L. (Roaa), had a aon iu the Mont, achool '46. L. (Santiago), shot for murder at Loa Ang. '41. iv. 630. L. (Vicente), grantee of rancho at S. Luis Ob. '42. iv. 656. L. (Victor), soldier at S. Diego '26. u. 549; in '37 grantee of Tinaquaic. iii. 656, 557; in 39-40 maj. at S. Luis Ob., and militia alfdrez. iii. 683; iv. IS; in '42 grantee of Canada de los Osos. iv. 655; in '46 juez at S. Luia, v. 638, where he still lived iu '51. Linch, see 'Lynch.' Lincoln (John), 1822, mr of the John Begg. ii. 474. L. (Jonaa), 1847, son of Seth, who carae at the age of 10, bom in Engl. He was later a member of the Pac. Stock Exchange, S.F., aud died, as did his wife, in '76, leaving 7 children. L. (J. S.), 1847, candidate for the S.F. council, v. 650; prob. sarae aa the following. L. (Seth S.), 1847, frora Hon. with wife and 2 chil dren ou the Francesca. He waa the owner of several town lots in '47-8, and by sorae is said to have been a Morraon preacher, v. 547. All the family ex cept Jonas left S. F. for Australia and were lost at sea. Linder (Francis), 1847, Co. G, N.Y.VoL (v. 499). Lindsay, 1848, mr of the Taaao. L. (J. H.), 1845, at S.P. June '46. Tem. Pion., Id An. L. (Thomas), 1841, immig. from N. Mex. in the Workman - Rowland party, called a 'mineralogiat' in the Rowland list. iv. 278-9. In '44 he settled at what waa later Stockton, building a tule hut. He went south — as the entire pop. of Stockton — with Sutter iu the Micheltorena campaign, iv. 486; and soon after hia return, in the apring of '45, waa killed by Indians, hia body be ing burned with the hut. iv. 516, 543, 674. Lineda (Arcadio), 1789, lieut iu Malaapina's exped. i. 490. Linel (.Joaeph), 1847, owner of a S.F. lot. Link, 1848, frora S. Josd to the minea. Linn (Jaraea S.), 1847, owner of S. P. lot; alao at N. Helv., Sta Clara, and iu the minea '47-8; had a family. Lino, neoph. at Sta Cruz 1817. ii. 388. L., sacristain at Sta B. '38. ui. 656. Linson (Fran.), a litigant in Los Ang. district '39. Linton (James), 1847, Co. E, N.Y.VoL (v. 499). Linty (J.), 1846, Cal. Bat., Co. B, artiU. v. 358. Lipp (Cari), 1847, Co. D, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); at Vallejo '71-82. Lipper (Augustus), 1847, Co. G, ditto. . Lippincott (Benj. S.), 1846, nat. of N.Y. LIPPINCOTT- LIVERMORE. 715 who carae overland with Bryant, being wounded on the way by lud. v. 528. He waa active in raiaing reoruita for the war, and served as lieut of Co H Cal. Bat., acting also as asst Q. M. v. 359, 361. In this connection he is often caUed Geo. M. Lippincott, but 1 find no evidenoe that there were two of the name. In '47-8 he lived at S.F. , bemg a gambler by profession, owner of town lota, V. 678, and a candidate for the counoil. v. 650. He waa a member of the constit. convention of '49, representing S. Joaq. Co. in the 1st legislature, and Calaveras in those of '55 and '61. He waa a popular man aa trader, politi cian, and ' one of the boya.' He died in N. J. '70, at the age of 55. Lipnett (Francia J.), 1847, nat. of R. I., capt. Ca F, N.Y.VoL, and in com of the garrison at Sta B. v. 504, 514, 584, 631; owner of a town lot, v. 685, and from 48 a lawyer at S.F. to '52 or later, v. 686; member of the conatit con vention of '49; col of 1st Cal. infantry in w.ar of '61-5; at Providence R I 71; Boston, '74, and Washington, D.C, '82. Lisa (Dan.), 1816, nat. of Mass' who came on the Lydia, and was baptized at Sta B. in '18 as Daniel Martir Josd de Sta Rosa. The narae was prob. Daniel Eleazer, the surname beinj; unknown. L. (Josd Manuel), 1816, brother of Dan., bapt. at StaB. '16 ii 277. Lisdrraga (JosdM.), 1842. iv. 642. LitUe, 1837, mr of the Griffon, iv. 104; perhaps Wra C. iv. 141. L (August), 1847, owner of S.P. lot. L. (John), 1848(?), trader and postraaster' ^i n°^°^f-., ^- (Mil*o"). 1843, nat. of N. Y. and overi. immig. of the Walker-Chiles party, being wounded by lud. on the trip. iv. 392, 394, 400 He settled at Mont, as a trader in '44, and frora that tirae his name constantly appears in various records. He got a carta in '44, was a partner of Belden m 45, was 2d alcalde in '46, serving on the 1st jury, aud having a Cal. claim. -V 289, 637 (462). In '48 he married Mary Eagar, also viaiting the gold minea. After 49 he continued to trade at Mont., holding several county offices, be ing claimant for landa, iv. 656, and dying in '79 at the age of '67. He left a widow and several children. Littlefield (Geo.), 1845, rar of the HopeiceU. IV. 566. Littlejohn (David), 1824, Scotch farraer and carpenter from CaUaoon one of HartneU's vessels, ii. 526; baptized in '25 at S. CMos aa Francisco Javier David; joined the oomp. extranjera in '32. ui. 221; naturalized in '33, being then 40 years old, married to a native, and owner of aome cattle. In '34 he was grautee of Carneroa rancho, Mont. Co., later confirraed to his heirs. iU. 677; named often in Larkin's accounts and other recorda '34-46. Being par tially insane (?), he objected to the plundering of hia ranoho by Frdmout'a meu and narrowly escaped with hia life. He died a little later, and hia widow married Josd M. Castro before '50. Littieton (John), 1826, Engl, sailor who' landed sick at Mont, from the Rover, iii. 176; U. 609. In '29, being 22 years old, he worked at the inn when able; Uved with Larkin in '36: and is last mentioned in '37. Livermore (Robert), 1822, nat. of London, b. 1799, apprenticed to a mason, from whora he ran away m '16 and went to sea. After serving in the U.S. navy he left that service on the S. Amer. coast, and joined the allied fleet under Lord Cochrane, taking part ou the Eameralda in the naval operations at Callao (which were in '20-1), and perhaps joining an exped. to the north (though he oould not apparently have been in the Gulf of Cal. in '22. See Hist N. Mex. St, ii.). Leaving the naval service, he shipped on the Colonel Young, a trading craft, frora which he deserted in CaL, probably in '22, the date of her arrival, U. 478, but possibly later on another trip of '25. iii. 29. There is a strange confusion in records of hia coming, the date being giveu by different writera all the way from '16 to '29. He is understood to have lived sorae years on the Laguna, or Alvires, rancho, spending some time in the south at S. Gabriel, and working in the Sta Clara redwoods; but this was prob. later, as Geo. Frazer, of '33, is naraed as hia comrade. The earliest original record is in '29, when, being maj. on the rancho of Torre and Mulligan, he claimed to be 23 years old, and to have come in '19, intending to remaiu and marry, St. Pap. Sac, xiii. 3, both of which stateraents must be erroneous. In another record of '29, being a resident of S. Josd, ' Roberto ' said he had de- 716 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. serted from the ConoUango about '21, was 22 years old, and had been bap tized at Sta Clara (as Juan Bautista Roberto). Dept. St. Pap., xix. 3. I have a receipt of money from L., dated Los Pozitos, iu '25. Alviao, Doc, 6; but this may be a slip of the pen for '35. He ia mentioned at S. Josd in '30 aud '31, but as intending to quit the place. Vallejo, Doc. , xxx. 61, SIS. In '42 he writes of a cattle-brand thathe had used for 15 years (since '27). Estudillo, Doc, ii. 54. Soon after 'SO he went to the Tularcitos rancho, where he married Josefa Higuera, widow of Fuentes Molina, as early as '34, if we follow the padron of '41, which makes his daughter Casimira 6 yeara old, though the date is gen erally given as later; and before '37 — wheu Edwards visited hira — he had es tablished hiraself on the Pozitos rancho, in what was later called Livermore Valley, aud wher? he spent the rest of his life. iv. 86, 117. In '39 he was ap parently granted the rancho on Apr. 8th. Leg. Rec, iii. 61; but 2 days later it was granted to Salvio Pacheco, prob. as a formality, L. not being a citizen. He at once bought the property in partnership with Josd Noriega, whose in terest he purchased later. In a list of foreigners of '40 — when L. was per haps arrested, iv. 17 — as per extract fumished by J. A. Forbes for my use, L. ia said to be 36 years old, and to have come with Manciaidor on the Coro nd Yon 20 years ago. In '40-1 he had some deaUngs with Sutter, iv. 134, 233, being called 39 yeara old in a padron; and in all these years he had much trouble with the Ind., being wouuded in one of hia exped. In '44 he was naturalized, being a resid. for ' over 20 years, ' and having a large famUy. In '46 he rendered some service in carrying despatches, v. 246-7; about this tirae purchased the Caflada de los Vaqueros of the Alvisos; and his place was a well-known atation on the route from Mont, aud S. Josd to Sac. The two ranchos were later confirmed to him. iii. 712; iv. 671; and the forraer sailor becarae a rich raan. Hia reputation ia that of a hoapitable and honest raan, a good representative of his class. In '51, through the raediura of a neighbor naraed Strickland, who had a sister living in England, L. resumed coraraun. -with his relatives after 35 years of silence. The original corresp., Livermore Papers, MS., chiefly of his brother, Wm C, in London, has been furnished to me by Valentin Alviso, his son-in-law. The corresp. extended from '51 to '57, showing L. 's father to have died iu '26 and his mother in '48, but several brothers, sisters, aud other relatives still survived; aud the EngUsh builder's views and advice respecting Cal. ranchero life rauat have been raore arauaing than inatructive to Don Roberto. Oue suggestion waa to aurround his rancho with a ditch, aud another to brand his cattle. Livermore diedin '58. Portrait in HaUey's Centen. Year-Book, 563. He left a widow and 8 children. Hia son Robert, b. in '40, atill resides, '85, in Liverraore Valley with wife, Teresa Ber nal, and 6 children. Portrait iu Alam. Co. Hist, 16. One of the daughters, Josefa, is the wife of Valentin Alviso. Livingstone (John W.), 1846, lieut U.S.N. , cora. of the Congress '46-8. v. 253, 577; rear-admiral livuig in N.Y. '77. L. (Peter P.), 1847, Co. K, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499); I have his letter of Apr. '48, at S.F., in which he expresaea hia deaire to buy a tract of land near the presidio as soon as discharged; alcalde at S. Josd '49. He died at Sonora '73. Lizalde (Ignacio), at Sta B. '37, wife Maria Ign. Arellanes, 3 chUdren. L. (Juan), soldier of S.F. comp. '39-42. L. (Pedro), corporal of S. Diego comp. 1797. i. 562; settler at Los Ang. 1808. ii. 349. Llanos ( Wm), 1846, doubtful name iu a Los Ang. list. Llepe (Jerorae), 1834, doubtful narae of an Engl, hatter at Mont., age 27. Lloyd (Horace), 1847, Co. F, 3d U.S. artUl. (v. 518); perhaps the L. in Alaraeda Co. '55-78. Lobar (Juan), 1831, frora N. Mex. in the Wolfakill party, iii. 387. Lobato (Miguel Garcia), Mex. lieut. of engineers', who perhaps came with Eeheandfa in '25. He is mentioned in connection with the trial of P. Martinez in '29-30. iii. 84, 99; and waa sent to Mex. in 'SO as a comisionado by the junta de guerra. L. (Diego), at S. Gabriel '46. Lobo (Juau), resid. of Los Ang. '46; prominent at the fight of S. Pascual. v. 352. L. (Juan Josd), set tler at Los Ang. 1790. i. 461. L. (Juan Josd aud Santiago), at Los Ang. '46. L. (Marcial), at S. Diego '26. L. (Pedro), sergt at S. Diego '25-8. u. 543. Locke, 1795, rar of the Resolution, i. 538, 625. L. (James 0.), 1829, rar LOCKE— LOPEZ. 717 of the Brookline '29-30. iii. 146. In '40, at Boston, he jumped from a Sd-story window and fractured hia akuU. Lockwood (laaac), 1847, Co. D, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); at S. Joad '50. L. (AVm A.), 1842, prof, of matheraatioa on Cora. Jonea' fleet, iv. 308. Lodge (Michael), 1822, Irish carpenter, who, iu '29, was living at Mont., age 30, married to Martina Castro, ii. 479. I have hia autograph letter of May '28. Hia narae appeara on Larkin'a booka in '33-47, his business being that of lumberraan, and from about '37 owner of a rancho near Sta Cruz. In '40 he was arrested but not exiled (iv. 17), though iu '41 fined $20 for applying an opprobrious epithet to the Mex. govt. In '45 he is named iu the Branciforte padron as 50 years old, wife 39, children Refugio, b. '32, Maria Ant. 35, Mi guel '39, Joaquin '41, and Maria '42. In Nov. '47 he was still a lumberman at Soquel, but I have uo later record of him, or of his family, except that one of his daughters married Thos Fallon. Loesa, chaplain of the S. Bias trans ports, 1791-1800. i. 655. • Loeser (Lucien), 1847, lieut Co. F, 3d U.S. artiU. V. 518; sent east with despatches '48. Logan (Joseph B.), 1847, sergt Co. I, N. Y. Vol. v. 504; died at Spring field, Tuoh Co., '57. L. (L. L.), 1846, frora Mich.; a soldier in N. Mex. '61-4, when he was fatally wounded by the Ind. WatsonviUe Pdjaro Timea. L. (Wm), 1824, owner of a vineyard at Los Ang. '31. ii. 526; prob. same as Wm Lobe, named in '40 aa an Amer. carpenter frora N. Mex., who had been 14 yeara iu CaL, married, and 38 yeara old. iii. 176. Loker (Wm N.), 1845, Amer. trader from Mo., and overl. imraig. of the Haatinga party, iv. 586-7; clerk in Sutter'a employ from Jan. '46; in charge of the Bear priaonera. v. 125, 80; Ueut Co. A, Cal. Bat., and later adjutant; had a Cal. claim (v. 462); went east with Frdraont, and teatified at the court-martiaL v. 453-456. In '76 he is naraed as a broker at St Louis. Lomer, 1848, Mont, firm of Cop- man & L. '48-9. Londerman, 1848, at N. Helv. Long (Dr), 1847, at N. Helv.; mining at Parks Bar '48, with his brothers. L. (A. K.), 1841, cora. of the Edief, U.S. ex. iv. 271. L. (A. R.), 1848, capt U.S. N., onthe Warren; cora. of raarine gnard at S.F. L. (David), 1847, came on the Fama, perhaps earlier, and worked at S.F., '47-8, for Ward & Smith, and for Leidesdorff; at N. Helv., on Leidesdorff's launch, '48. L. (John), 1847, Co. F, 3d U.S. artilL (v. 518). L. (John P.), 1846, Co. B, Cal. Bat. (v. 358), enlisting at Mont. Oct.; had a Cal. claim for quartera .and clothing (v. 462); in the minea at Park and Long bara '48. L. (Wm or WiUia), 1846, Co. B, Cal. Bat. (v. 358); Uving in Vaca VaUey '74. Longdeau (Maurice), 1846, with Kearny frora N. Mex. v. 337. Longley (Wra Rufua), 1846, carae from Hon. on the Euphemia, aa clerk for Davia, '46-7; clerk at Mont, for naval store-keeper, and ageut for McClurg & Co.; 2d alcalde at Mont. '48; also trading in the mines, v. 637. Look, 1843, doubtful name of a saloon-keeper at Mont. aco. to newspapers. Loper (Andrew J.), 1846, Co. E, Cal. Bat., enliating at Sonoma Oct. (v. 358). Lopez, aailor sirviente at StaCruz. i. 496. L. (Alejandro), at Los Ang. '46. L. (Antonio), settler at Los Ang. '13. iL 359; in'32invdL of the StaB. comp., wife Gertrudis Fdlix, child. Josefa, Piloraena, Juau Josd, Bemardino, and Josd Maria. L. (Baldomero), 1791, Span, friar; founder of Sta Cruz, where he served till his retirement in '96; guardian of S. Fernando CoUege '18-25. Biog. L 497-9; ment. i. 494, 576; ii. S97-8, 402, 431-2; iii. 21. L. (Bernar dino), son of Antonio; regidor at Los Ang. '37-8. iii. 509, 636; encargado of S. Gabriel '47. v. 628; had a Cal. claim (v. 462); stiU at Los Aug. '48. L. (Bonifacio), juez del carapo at S. Diego '35. iii. 615; in charge of the mission '48. V. 620. L. (Capistrano), at S. Juau B. '44; mentioned in connection with the Frdmont-Gavilau affair of '46. v. 18; iu later yeara a noted desper ado finally hanged at Sta Cruz. L. (Cayetano), artiaan-uistructor 1792-5; L 615, 725. L. (Claudio), settler at Loa Ang. '11; maj. at S. Gabriel '21-30; alcalde at Los Ang. '26. u. 349, 560, 568. L. (Comelio), resid. of Los Ang. '30-48. L. (Estdvan), 1602, corp. in Vizcaino's exped. i. 98. L. (Estd van), at Los Ang. '28-39. L. (Francisco), at S. Fern. '39; sec. in the juz gado at Los Ang. '41. iv. 641; named as discov. of the southem gold mines 718 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. in '42. iv. 630-1; grantee of Los Alamos '46. v. 627; clerk in govemor's office '45; juez de campo '48. v. 626. L. (Prancisco), corp. of Sta B. comp. '32; wife Maria Ant. Fdlix; grantee of Teraescal '43. iv. 643; living on his rancho '45. L. (Gerdnimo), at Los Ang. '46. L. (Gregorio), at Sta B. before '37; wife Antonia Maria Ortega, aud oue child; in '46 maj. of S. Julian rancho. v. 282. L. (Ignacio), soldier of S. Diego comp. ; partido elector of S. Diego '22, and elected to legislature, ii. 454, 462, 543; took part in revolution of '31. iii. 201; juez de campo ',36. iii. 616. L. (Jacinto), 1799, Span, friar who aerved for brief terma at S. Autonio and S. Juau B., retiring in 1801. i. 558, 577; ii. 153, 159. L. (Joaquin), soldier killed on the Colorado 1781. i. 363. L. (.Josd), brother of Ignacio, at S. Diego, engaged in the revolution of '31. iii. 201; owner of land at S. Juan Cap. '41-3. iv. 371, 624, 626; kUled by Ind. at Puma '46. v. 617; but another of the sarae name was regidor at S. Diego '49. L. (Josd Aut. ), Mex. convict '29-34. L. (Josd de Jesus), soldier of the S.F. comp. '39-42. L. (Josd M.), at Sta Cmz 179?l. i. 496. L. (Josd M.), soldier of Sta B. corap. before '37; at Los Ang. '39-48, being zanjero in '44. iv. 633. L. (Juan), settler at Los 'Ang. 1798-9; i. 606; U. 349. L. (Juau), at S. Diego, engaged in revolt of '31. iii. 200-1; grantee of Canada de S. Vicente '46. v. 619; iU. 612. L. (Juan Josd), 1842, Mex. cornet in batallon fijo '42-5. iv. 289. L. (Juan B.), kiUed at Mont. '25. iU. 26. L. (J. B.), otter-hunter 'SO. iii. 145. L. (Leandro), at Los Ang. '46. L. (Manuel), ex-Uavero S. Autonio '40. iu. 687. L. (M. J.), owner of Je sus rancho, S. Diego, '36. iii. 611-12. L. (Maria Ign.), wife of Joaq. Carrillo; grantee of Sta Rosa '41. iv. 67.3. She was a half -aiater of Pio Pico's mother, Ignacio and Joad being her brothera. Her sistera were Joaefa, wife of Vdjar, Juana, wife of Juan Osuna, and Maria Ant., wife of Josd M. Aguilar. L. (Nicolds); owner of a house at Sta B. '48. v. 632. L. (Pedro), sirviente at S.F. 1777. i. 297. L. (Pedro), at S. Fem. '39, age 28; grantee of Tujunga '40. iii. 634; stUl at S. Fern. '56. L. (Rafael), sol dier at Sta B. '32, wife Maria Ortega. L. (Ramon), Dorainican friar from L. CaL, at S. Diego occasionally 1791-1800. i. 655. L. (Tiburcio), soldier of Sta B. comp. before '37; at Los Ang. '46. L. (Theodore), 1847, Co. P, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); iu Tuol. Co. 77. Lord (Joseph M.), 1847, owner of boats ou bay and river '48-9; in S.F. after '70. Lorenzana (Apolinaria), 1800, one of the foundUngs sent from Mex. to CaL, who lived at Sta B. aud S. Diego, never married, and became known aa La Beata, devoting her life to charity and teaching, a favorite godmother at baptisms, i. 606; ii. 169. She was at S. Luis Rey '21-30. ii. 553; and was grantee of Jamacho and Canada de los Coches in '40, '43, iii. 611, 621, the former being confirraed to her by the laud commission, but taken from her by some legal hocus poous that the old woman never understood. In '78 she was living at Sta B. , entirely blind and supported by friends and the county. Her Memorias de La Beata, dictated for my use, contains raany interesting items on early times. Her narae of Lorenzana is that of the archbishop of Mex. given to all foundlings frora that aaylura. L. (Felipe), at Sta B. before '37, wife Natividad Ruiz, 4 children; ranchero in '45. L. (Inocente), juez de policia at Sta B. before '48. v. 631. L. (Jacinto), at Sta B. '37, wife Carmen Rodriguez, 3 children; sindico in '40. iii. 655. L. (Josd), at Branciforte '45, age 29, wife Manuela Salazar, child. Josefa b. '36, Prudencio '37, Benita '38, Juan Josd '40, Rosario '42; a man of sarae name at Sta B. '50-5. L. (Ma cedonio), soldier of S.F. corap. '19-22; at Brancif. '28, wife Roraualda Vas quez, child. Josd, Apolinario b. '19, Bemarda, Juana, Arcadio '24, aud Pedro. n. 627; m'S5, '39, sindico. iu. 696-7; '38 regidor. iU. 697; '45-6 2d alcalde. iv. 641, 664; in '45, age 53, additional childreu, Juan b. '25, Matias '26, Fer nando '30, Jeaus '35, Faustino '36, Josd '37, Ricardo '40, Trmidad '44. L. (Manuel), alguacU at Sta B. '39. iii. 654. L. (Timoteo), kiUed in '31. ui. 673. L. (Tomds), soldier at Sta B. before '37. L. (Vicente), at Los Ang. '12-48, a carpenter, age 50 in '39. u. 350. Loring (Sara.), 1836, Araer. cooper, age 26, in a Sta B. list. iv. 118; died at Los Ang. '43. L. ('Major'], 1846, doubtful name in a Loa Ang. liat. LORING-LUGO. 719 Lomes (John), 1846, Co. F, Cal. Bat. (v. 358). Losaya (Joad M.), killed a man at Sta B. '40. iU. 655. Loughray (Andrew), 1847, Co. K, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Louis, 1847, mr of the Providence. L. (Henry), 1846, Fauntleroy's dragoona (v. 232, 247).' L. (J. Groa and P. Gros), 1846, Cal. Bat., Co. B, artUL (v. 358). Lount (Seth H.), 1847, Co. I, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); kUled by Rogue Riv. Ind. '55. Louzade (Jamea), 1840, one of the exilea to S. Bias. iv. 18. Love (Harry), 1843 (?), arrived in Oct. ace to records of the Soc. Cal. Pion. iv. 400. His wUe waa Mary Bennett, widow of Vardamon B. of '43. She was living in Sta Clara Co. '55. L. (John), 1846, lieut Co. C, 1st U.S. dragoona, aa per rauater-roU; prob. did not corae to Cal. Loveall (Stephen), 1847, Ca P, Sd U.S. artUl. (v. 518). Lovejoy (A. L.), 1848, Or. lawyer in the raines. Burnett Lovelain (L. P.), 1846, Cal. Bat. (v. 358). Loveland (Cyras C), 1847, Co. K, N.Y.VoL (v. 499); iu Sta Co. '83. L. (J. B.), 1848, at Monterey. Lovett, 1848, mr of the Eagle L. (Angeline M. ), 1846, a woman of the Mormon colony, v. 546; married to Thos Kittleman in Dec. '47 at S.F. Low (Jaraea C), 1847,, Q. M. aergt N.Y.Vol. v. 503; acting order, sergt; disch. for physical disability Sept.; owner of S.F. lota; in S.P'. '54; d. at S. Rafael before '82. L. (Thomaa), 1831, perhapa one of Young'a trappera. iii. 388; at S.F. in '40. Lowe, 1847, mr of the Sta Cruz schr '46-8. v. 580. Lowe (Mra W. H.), 1846, at S. Josd '81. Lowery (Anthony W.), 1847, Co. E, N.Y.VoL (v. 499); at S.F. '74-8. Loy (Horace), 1848, tearaster iu Sut ter's eraploy. Loze (M. M.), 1846, Cal. Bat. (v. 358). Lucaa (Johu), 1838, Engl, lumberman in the Sta Cruz region named in Larkin's accounts, iv. 119; one of the exiles of '40, who returned in '41. iv. 18, 33. Luce, 1848, mrof the Tepic v. 580. L. (S. B.), 1847, raid, on the U.S. Columbua. Lncio (Juan Saenz de), 1806, Span, friar who served at S.F., retiring in '16. ii 374-5, 131, 159-60, 386, 394. Luco (Juan M.), 1847, Chilian and mr of the Natalia '47-8- v. 579; claimant for the Ulpinos rancho. iv. 674; somewhat prominent in land matters, aud still iu S.F. '85. Ludloff (Charies), 1847, Co. B, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Lugo (Antonio Maria), s'ou of Francisco, nat. of CaL, b. at S. Autonio 1775, and a soldier till 1809, when he settled near Loa Angelea. ii. 350, 353. In 1810 he waa grantee of S. Antonio rancho, confirmed to hira in later yeara. ii. 112, 352, 565-6, 633, 664. In '16 and '18 he waa alcalde at Loa Ang. U. 350; juez del carapo '33-4. iu. 635, 257-8; in '37-8 raemb. of the ayunt., taking sorae part aa comraiasioner in the troublea between north and aouth. in. 509, 519, 556, 636; grantee of Chino in '41. iv. 634; ment. occiaionally in connection with Ind. affaira and other public mattera, having a claim of $5,000 agamat the govt '42-6. iv. 338, 497, 626, 6'29, 634. He was a wealthy and widely known ranchero, uneducated but of good character. He died in '60. Hia wife waa Man'a Dolorea Ruiz; aud his daughter Merced married Stephen C. Foater. Josd del Cdrraen and FeUpe were his sons. L. (Ber nardino), at Sta B. before '37, wife Isabel Leiva. L. (Felipe), son, I think, of Ant. M., bora about 1808; regidor at Los Ang. '32-3, '36-7, '44-5. iii. 635-6; iv. 633; iu '39 a lieut. iii. 683; and partido elector, iii. 590; and juez in '40. iii. 637. After the Araer. occupation he was justice of the peace and supervisor, residing at La Mesa; stUl living iu '78. Lugo (Francisoo), Mex. soldier who carae frora Sinaloa with his family soon after 1769, living at Los Ang. and Sta B. i. 461; iL 100. He died at Sta B. in 1805, and may be regarded as the founder of the Lugo family iu Cal. Hia wife waa Juana Vianazul (one record seems to say Juana M. Rita Martinez), and he brought four childreu from Sin. , Salvador killed when a boy by beiug thrown from a liorse, Josd Antonio a soldier at Sta B. who left a family, Tomasa who married Capt. Raimundo Carrillo, ii. 100, and Roaa who married Alfdrez Cota and was the mother of Joaq. de la Torre'a wife, dying in 1790. i. 665. Five children were bom in CaL, Joad Ignacio, Au tonio Maria, and Juan, all aoldiers; Maria Antonia who married Ignacio Val lejo, and Maria Ignacia who married Josd Ruiz. L. (Franciaco), at Pilar- 720 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. citos rancho '25-6, being juez de campo '35, in. 674, age 37, wife Juana Brio.ues, child. Cayetano b. '31 (at Sta B. '51), Juan de Mata '34, Francisco '36; in '39 grantee of Paraje de Sanchez, iU. 677, for which his widow was clairaant in '52; juez auxiliar '44. iv. 653. Lugo (Josd), sergt of the Sta B. comp., and alfdrez '39-46, involved in sev eral revolts and iu the affair of the canon perdido of '48. iii. 651; iv. 476, 539, 541, 651; V. 35, 586, 588. Knowu as El Chato. L. (Josd del Cdrmen), son of Antonio Maria, b. at Los Ang. 'IS; regidor at Los Ang. '38-9. iii. 636; grautee of S. Bemardino '42. iv. 635; juez de campo '44. iv. 633; promi nent in the chino fight and in several Ind. exped. of '46-7. v. 312-14, 408, 666, 617, 625; alcalde of Los Ang. '49. About '51 he sold his rancho to the Mormons, and frora that tirae has lived at Los Aug., in good circum stances till about '63, when he lost his property. In '78 he dictated hia Vida de un Eanchero for ray uae. He had a wife and 4 daughtera. L. (Josd Ignacio), son of Francisco, soldier at Sau Juau B. before 1800, aud later settler at Los Ang. i. 558; ii. 350; maj. at S. Fern. '17; in '32 inval. of Sta B. corap.; wife Rafaela Romero, child. Magdalena and Luia; at Loa Ang. '46. L. (Joad Maria), juez del campo at Los Ang. '36, '38. iii. 630; one of the grantees of S. Bernardino '42; a sou of Ant. Maria; atill Uving sit S. Bern. '50. L. (Juan), corp. at Sta B. before '37; at Loa Ang. |48. L. (Luia), at Sta B. 1790, when hia wife died in giving birth to twins. L. (Maria Guadalupe), wife of Sergt Verdugo, d. 1780. i. 663. L. (Miguel), at Sta B. '37, wife Isabel Fernandez, 2 children. L. (Nicanor), had a CaL claim for horses $1,970 (v. 462). L. (Rafael), soldier at Sta B. before '37. L. (Santiago), appraiser at Purisiraa '35. ni. 665; regidor at Sta B. '37. iu. 654; juez de paz '41. iv. 641. L. (Seferino), soldier in 1777; one of the earliest settlers at S. Joad. i. 312, 477-8; wife Gertradis Pacheco. L. (Trini dad), soldier at Sta B. '32, wife Rosario Dominguez, 6 children. L. (Vi cente), one of the grantees of S. Bern. '42, son of Antonio M.; justice at S. Gabriel '50; supervisor Loa Ang. Co. '62-3. Luis, 1836, Ital. fisherraan at Mont., age 26. Lnis, Ind. in Sutter's em ploy; one of the 1st Donner relief; refused to eat huraan flesh, and was him self killed and eaten, v. 531-2, 534, 537. Lujan (Josd), 1797, Span, alfdrez of S. Diego comp. to 1806, wheu he left the country, i. 544, 647; ii. 101. L. (Josd Maria), at Los Ang. '46. Luker (Wm), 1847, Co. I, N.Y.Vol. (v, 499); at Sonora, CaL, '83. Lumsden (Wm), 1834, Engl, pilot on the Mar garita, age 31, registered at S. Bias. iii. 412; in '36-7 at S. Diego, iu. 618f in '40 arrested at StaB., but released at S. Diego, iv. 14, 17; in '44 at S.P, and iu '48 at Mont. Luna, Dominican friar from L. CaL, at S. Gabriel '29. ui. 96. Lunia (Joseph), 1834, Frenchman in a Mont. list. Lunt (Dan.), 1848, mate of the Euphemia. Lupton (Durab), 1848, at S. Josd '76. Luque (Gabriel), soldier killed by Ind. on the Colorado 1782. i. 359, 362. Luaiano Basilio), zanjero at Los Ang. '47. v. 626. Luakey (Joaeph), 1847, Co. A, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499); died before '80. Luther, 1848, at Sutter'a Fort with family. Lutz (AVm D.), 1846, sailor ou the Cyane; at PhU '77. Lyman (Chester S.), 1847, clergyman who came from Hon. on the Eu phemia, with letters to Colton and Larkin. In Sept. he was appointed sur veyor for the middle departraent, and in '48 made surveys at S. Josd aud N. Almaden. v. 665. He remained in CaL till '50, retuming in '54 from New Haven to teatify iu the N. Almaden case. L. (J. H.), 1841, physician from Mass. who came from N. Mex. with the Workman-Rowland party, iv. 278. He returned East in '43, perhaps via Oregon aa he had intended. Wilson says he carae back with his family and waa in S.F. '77; but Given thinks he never returned but is still in Mass., though G. could not tind him iu '83. Lynch, 1838, at Mout. '38-9. L., 1847, of the firm L. & Lewia Mont. '47-8. L. (Ferdinand), 1847, Co. C, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499). L. (Jamea), 1847, Co. F, ditto; nat. of Pa, of Irish parentage; ou a rancho at Pleito, S. Luis Ob., '71-4; at Jolon, Mont. Co., '82. Quigley tells some very absurd storiea about hira. L. (John), 1842, Engl, aailor on the Jdven Guipuzcoana, arrested at S.F. for mutiny; atill in S.F. '44, age 30. L. (Joaeph Peter), 1847, corp. Co. LYNCH— McCLURE, 721 G, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499); oue of the raurderers of the Reed family at S. Miguel, executed at Sta B. '48. v. 632, 640. L. (Patrick), 1847, Co. B, N.Y. Vol. (v. 199); at S.F. '71-82. Lyon (Albert G.), 1846, nat. of Va and overl. immig. from Mo.; in Sonoma from '48; died '79, leaving a widow and 9 children. Lyons (Aaron), 1847, sergt Ca D, N.Y. VoL v. 504; sheriff of Mont. Ca; died '65. L. (Geo.), 1848, at S. Diego; poasicly in '42. L. (Peter), 1840, at Mont. '40-1; said to have aided in the arrest of the foreigners, iv. 22, 120; later in Sutter's em ploy, which he left in '46. L. (R. M.), 1846, Co. F, Cal. Bat. (v. 358); at Sonoma '47. Lytle (Andrew), 1847, lieut Co. E, Morm. Bat.; capt. of 100 on the return, v. 477, 493. M. (J. F. B.), 1840, from Hon. ou the Dem Quixote, author of Leavea from my Joumal. iv. 157. McAllister (Michael Jaraes), 1822, Irish blacksmith, known at Mont. '29 as ' el herrero loco,' age 38. Still worked at his trade and drank hia aguardiente in '31-40, as shown by varioua records, also selling grog at his shop, withont much profit perhapa, aa he is said to have taken uo pay from sailors. He had been an AustraUan convict for 7 years before com ing to CaL; alao called Patrick; died at Mont. '54. McA. (Robert), 1840, one of the Grahara exiles, iv. 18, SS; perhapa retumed, as there was a lura berraan of his narae in S.F. district '42, age 29. McArran (Robert M.), 1846, mid. on the U. S. Independence. McArthur (Henry), 1847, Co. D, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); at Scipio, Utah, '82. MoA. (Win P.), 1848, meiit. inAlta'51. McAuUey (Alex. ), 1847, Co. B, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499). McBride (Haslam), 1847, Co. E, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); reenl. McCaffery (Hugh), 1846, Co. C, lat U. S. dragoons (v. 336). MoCaUum (James), 1828, Scotch carpenter at Mout. '28-9, age 22. McCann (Dan.), 1847, Co. F, 3d U.S. artiU. (v. 518). McCarran (Joseph), 1847, Co. D, N. Y. VoL (v. 499). McCartney (Bartholomew), 1847, Co. H, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499); owner of S.P. lot. McCarty (Dav. C), 1847, Co. C, ditto; later a real estate agent and inapector of customs at S.F., where he died in '62 at the age of 41; an Irishman. McC. (Edward), 1847, Ca C, ditto; d. StaB. '52. McC. (James), 1825, signs a receipt of payment from Robt Livermore; perhaps an error in date. McC. (Nelaon), 1847, Co. B, Morm. Bat. (v. 469). McC. fWm), 1832, one of the comp. extranjera at Mout. iii. 221; named on Larkin's hooka '33-4. McCarver (M. M.), 1848, Kentuckian from Or.; memb. of the constit. convention '49; weut to Idaho later. McCaulley (James), 1846, Fauntleroy's dragoons (v. 232, 247); also raent. in Pt Reyea region. MoChriatian (Patrick), 1845, overl. immig. of the Grigsby-ldc party, iv. 579, 587; one of the Bears in '46, having given Robt A. "Thompson a narra tive of that affair, of which I have a copy. v. 110; in the mines '48-9; and .".f ter a short residence at Sta Cruz, a farmer at Sonoma, where he prob. still lives in '85. MoClaiu (John L.), 1847, owner of a S.F. lot. McClarcklin 1845, at S. Josd (McLaughlin ?). McClary (Jaraes), 1846, overl. immig. in Bryant's party, v. 528; aerved in Co. F, Cal. Bat. (v. 358); in liats of S.F. lot-owners and Cal. claimanta. v. 685 (462); intereated at Benicia '47; per- h.ap3 in some caaea confounded with McClurg. McClaskey (Wra I. ), 1847, Co. D, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499); d. S.P. '66. McCleUan, 1842, went to Or. with Joel Walker in '43. McC, 1847, at Sutter's Fort June-July. McC. (Dav. Frank), 1843, nat. of Tenu. and overl. immig. of the Walker-Chilea party (iv. 392). He went eaat in '46 with his uncle, Joa. Walker, but came back in '48, being a trader and butcher in the miuea, with several viaits to the eaat, until '53, wheu he aettled on a Contra Costa farm, where he stiU lived in '80. McC. (.Tohn), 1848, nat. of Pa, who died at S.P. '63, age 73. McC. (Michael T.), 1848, brother of Dav. P., and overl. immig. of the Chiles party with family: in Sonoraa Co. '80. He had 15 children; one of his daughters was the wife of John A. Paxton, a well-knowu tanker of MarysvUle and Austin, Nev. McCloud (AVra), 1847, from Hon. on the Xylon. . . , „„ r,, , McClure (.James), 1847, ownerof S.F. lot; at Benicia; perhaps 'McClary, Hist. Cal., Vol. IV. 48 722 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. q.v. MoC (John), 1841, from N. Mex. iu the AA'orkraan-Rowland party. iv. 278; in '43 he went with J.,eese to Or. iv. 390; and waa atill there as late as '00. McC. (Wra), 1845, doubtful name of an overl. imraig.; prob. went to Or. and not Cal. iv. 678. McClurg (.James B.), 1847, trader from Hon. on the Xylon, also sup. of the Francesca; member of the firm McC. & Co. (Abell and Chever) at Los Ang. to P''eb. '48; owner of S.P. lota '47. v. 678; at Mont. '48; at S.F. from '48; alao interested at Benicia. He died at S.F. 'o7, age 42. McClusky (Philip), 1847, Ca D, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). McComb (Benj.), 1848, overl. iraraig. from Mo.; perhaps his family were cl. for parts of the Entre Napa rancho. McCoon (Perry), 1844, Engl, sailor who may have come in '43. iv. 453. In Deo. '44 he was sent by Sutter to S. Rafael to obtain recruits for the Micheltorena campaign, iv. 486-501. Re turning he -B-orked a while at the fort,- but iu Dec. '45 moved to a farra of hia own near by. In Feb. '46 he married Mrs Lewis, who died in June; and in '47 he married Elitha C Donner, having a launch on the bay and river. Men tioned as a miner at AVeber Cr. and Hangtown '48-9. He became locally some what famous for his skill as a vaquero; but in '51 was thrown from his horse aud dragged to death by the riata at his home on the Cosumnes. His widow married Benj. Wilder and was still living in '80 at Elk Grove. McC. (Rob ert), 1848, owner of S.F. lot. McCord (Alex.), 1847, sergt Co. A, Morm. Bat. V. 477. McCormick (James), 1847, left an Engl, vessel at Mont. ; owner of a S.F. lot; iu the raines '48; later a resid. of S. Josd. McCoy (Redding), 1845, nat. of N. J. and mate on the Dromo; disch. at Mont. iv. 587. Ship ping on the Fama he -was wrecked at Sta. B. iu '46; became an otter-hunter, having also several startling adventures with bears; got a S.F. lot in '47; ai Bodega '48, and wont to the mines McCracken (John C), 1846, at Ny Helv., prob. an overl. imraig.; nat. of N. C ; died at Sonoma '70, age 55. McC. (Wm R.), 1847, Cc F, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). McCrady, 1845, one of Frdmont's party, iv. 583. McCue (Patrick), 1846, one of the Mormon col. with wife and 4 children. V. 546; owner of S.P. lot; worked as a blacksraith at Bodega and other places; going east in '52. McCulloch (Hugh), 1822, merchant of Lima and member of the Cal. branch of McC. , Hartnell, & Co., who visited Cal. on the John Begg. ii. 474-7, 479, 492-3, 519, 613-14; iu. 24, 71. He died iu Liverpool in '42. McC. (Jamea), 1831, brother of Hugh, at Mont. '31-2; not behaving in a man ner aatiafactory to his relativea. McC. (Levi H.), 1847, Co. C, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); at FiUmore, Utah, '82. McCusker (Mrs T. C), 1843, nat. of Ga, from Or., maiden name not given; raarried in '45, at Sta Cruz to '59, in Mont. Co. to '81. MeCutohen (Johu), 1846, overl. immig.; perhapa went to Or. V. 529. McC. (Wm), 1846, uat. of Tenn. and ono of the Donner party with wife and daughter. He left tho party before reaching the Sierra and from Cal. went back with the 2d relief party. The daughter Harriet died, but the father and mother, Amanda M., survived, settling 1st at Sonoma, and in '48 at S. Josd, where McC. still Uved in '80. v. 531-2, 534. Portrait in McGlashan, 244. ilcDermott (Chas), 1848 (?), pres. of a Benicia lumber corap. in '48-9. MoDj (David), 1847, mid. on the U. S. Columbus. McD. (D. A.), 1846, at S.P. '54. McD. (H.), 1848, from Hon. on the Euphemia; new passp. frora Hon. Aug. McDonald, 1845, in Sutter'a employ '45-6. iv. 578, 587; went to Or. Apr. '46. v. 526; but was perhaps back again iu '48. McD. (Alex.), 1845, one of the mei\ lost ou the Warren'a launch '46. v. 384, 587. McD. (Alex. C), 1847, sergt-raajor N.Y. Vol. v. 503; at Sonoma to '59, and later ou a rancho known as McD.'s station, between Cloverdale and Ukiah, where he died in '80 at the age of 65, leaving a widow, of the pioneer Smith family. McD. (Benj.), 1847, settier at Benicia. v. 672; married a daughter of Lundy Alford. McD. (Chas), 1847, perhaps of N. Y. Vol. under another name. McD. (D.), 1847, from Or. on the Henry. McD. (Wra.), 1847, Co. G, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499). McD. (AVm), 1847, auctioneer at S.F. '47-8, of firm McD. & Buchanan, v. 680, 682; owner of town lota; died '48 at the age of 35. McD. (AVm), 1847, EngL at Benicia '47-8. Tustin; perhaps sarae as Benj. McD. (Wm), 1846, testified at Napa '68 that he lived in Napa Val. '46-50; prob. McDonald— McGLONE. 723 same aa followiug. McDonnell (AVm), 1846, nat. of Mo. and overl. imraig.; Co. E, Cal. Bat. (v. 358); diach. in Nov. at S. Diego; lived in Napa Co. to '50, marrying Eleanor Graves of the Donner party iu '49. Later in Souoma Co. , acting as guide to the Geysers for many years; in '80 at Knight's Val. with family of 9 chUdren. McDonough (Josejph), 1847, Co. A, N.Y.Vol. (v. 409); capt. in Meagher's brigade war of '61-5; at S.F. '82. MoD. (Nicholas). 1847, Co. A, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); in L. Cal. '71-4; kiUed at LaTaz. McDormaut, 1847, at Sutter's Fort. McDougal, 1816, sup. of the Colonel u. 278. MoD. (Geo. ), 1845, uat. of Ohio, and overl. immig. frora Ind. in the Swasey-Todd party, v. 575-6, .'^37. He lived at StaCruz aud Gilroy; served as a kind of unattached volunteer iu the CaL Bat. '46-7; was a 'broker' — that is, a garabier — at S.F. '47-8, becom ing the owner of raany town lots in partnership with Lippincott. v. 676, 679, 680; nnd a trader at Sac. in '48-9. His movements in later years were too numer ous and compUcated to be recorded here. He made several trips to the East, where he had a family, and about '53 began a roviug life, rarely making his whereabouts known, and spending much of his time ainong the Ind. in Arizona and Mexico. In '67 he was found by a naval comraander in Patagonia, but returned to Ind., aud in '69 went to Washington, D. C , when he died in '72. Ho waa an eccentric but brave and popular man. McD. (John), 1848, brother of Geo., and overl. immig. from lud.; a meraber of the conatit. convention '49, and elected Ueut-gov., becoming gov. on the resignation of Burnett. He died at S.P. in '66 at the age of 49. McDowell (Dugald), 1837, named in Larkin's books. McD. (Jamea), 1845, overland imraig., with his wife, Margaret Pyles, and daughter, Magyie A., age 3 years, iv. 578, 587. He came in a party which I am unable to iden tify, and most of tbe members of which went to Or. frora Ft Hall. He was employed as a gunsmith by Sutter in '45-7, and possibly served in the Cal. Bat., having a CaL, claim for work (v. 462). In Aug. '47 he moved with his family across the Sac. Riv., where he bought a rancho and built a house. Ho was murdered iu May '49. In '50 the widow had the town site of Washington laid out on her land; raarried Dr E. C Taylor in '51; and died at Washing ton in '83. The daughter Maggie beoame Mrs M. A. Ilunt, and in '84, living at Washington, furnished me information about her family. Another daugh ter, Harriet, in '81 Mrs Cooke, was born — prob. at the fort, though Mrs Hunt is sure it waa at Washington — Peb. 21, '47; and a son Wm according to tho newspapers in '48. McD. (John), 1841, overl. immig. of the Bartle son party, who went back to Mo. in '42. iv. 270, 275, 342. McDuff (J.I, 1848, passp. frora Hon. McDuffee (And. J.), 1847, connected in some way with the N.Y. Vol. (v. 499), but not on the roll; clerk in the naval store of fice at Mont. '47-8, and named in many records; trading at the dry diggings '48; at S. Josd '50. Clark calls him McDuff. McElroy (Alex.), 1848 (?), long a reaid . of Mariposa Co. ; d. at Merced'82, leav ing a widow and a married daughter; perhapa of Graham's dragoona (v. 522). McElroy (Hugh), 1846. Co. C, lat U.S. dragoona (v. 336). McElvain (J.), 1846, lieut of Co. C, 1st U. S. dragoona (v. 336); not in Cal. McFerion (Jamea), 1824, Scotch tailor frora Lima. u. 526; at S. Diego '28. v. 545; at Loa Ang. '36, age 50 and single. McGee (MUton), 1843, overl. immig. of the Chiles- Wiilker party, iv. S92, 394. MoGeehan (Patrick), 1847, Co. F, 3d U. S. artiU. (v. 518). McGhee (John), 1847, Co. B, N. Y. Vol. (v. 499); d. at S.F. '61. McGiU (James), 1847, Ca E, ditto. McG. (Pat.), 1847, Co. A, ditto. McGilvery, 1841, on the Cowlitz, from Columbia Riv. Mc Gloene (Jaines), 1847, perhaps of N.Y. Vol. uuder another name. McGlone (Wm), 1837, Irish sailor on the wrecked whaler Com. Sogers, iv. 118; eni- .ployed in Graham's distillery and known as 'BUly the Brewer.' He was exiled m '40 but returned, iv. 18, 33; and I have his letter of '44 in which he complains that he has been 7 days in jail without food! AA^orked in Lar kin's soap factory '45; perhaps joined Fauntleroy's dragoons '40 (v. 232, 247); and later Co. B, Cal. Bat., being wounded at Natividad. v. 371. He was at N. Helv. '47, in the mines '48; at Mont. '57, and a few years later was drowned 724 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. at Sta B. McGranaghan (Wra G.), 1847, Co. E, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499). Mc- Guier (A.), 1848, passp. from Hon. McGuire (John), 1847, Co. B, N.Y. Vol. (v. 490). McIIollingworth (J.), 1846 (?), iu S. Joaq. Co. '49. Tinkham. Mcintosh (Chas), 1843, Cherokee or Delaware half-breed, in the Walker- Chilea jiarty. iv. 392, 400; at Mout. and N. Helv. '45, serving in the Michel torena campaign, iv. 486, 501; served in Cal. Bat. '46-7, taking partin the Natividad fight. McI. (Edward), 1823 (?), Scotch sailor who landed at Mont. irom a trader, ii. 475, 495. In a record of '29 he clairaed to have corae in '23; in another of Dec. 'S3, to have been 12 yeara in CaL, or aince '22; while in some accounts he is said to have visited Cal. in '13 and returned in '23. I think it likely he came on the Eover with Capt. Cooper. In '28 he was bap tized at S. Cdrlos aa Edward Manuel. I have hia letter of May '28. In '29 he appeara in a Mout. list as a single carpenter, age .34. In '30 he bought Geo. Allen's interest in a Mont, inn for $90, becoming a partner of Wra Gralbatch. ii. 609; was naturalized in '33; got au otter-hunting license in '.34, raaking a trip with Dye. iii. 395; still at Mont. '35. In '38, or perhaps a year or iwo earlier, he settled with Jamea Davj^aon ou the Estero Araericano ranoho near Bodega, iv. 117, being recorded in that year as agent for Vallejo and for the H. B. Co. In '39 he obtained a grant of the rancho, aud is said to have left his partner's narae out of the title, for which he was flogged by the irate Daw- som, who proceeded to saw their house in two and move his half to another rancho. iii. 712; iv. 129. In '40 he guided Spalding of the Lausanne to S.P. iv. 172; and was in trouble ou account of a Frenchman found murdered on his place. He was at N. Helv. in '44-5, taking part in the Micheltorena cam paign, iv. 483; but does uot figure in the war records of '46-7. Owner of a S.F. lot '46. V. 085; alcalde .at Sonoraa '46. v. 297, 663; alcalde of S. Rafael '47. V. 668; when he leased his rancho to O'Farrell and went to live with his old comrade James Black, both of them dying in '70, McI. at the age of 75. McL (Jas W.), 1837, pass, on the Europa to 'H.on. iv. 103. Mclntyre, 1845, making shingles at Larkin's soap factory. McI. (H.), 1848, passp. from Hon. with family. McI. (John), 1843, overl. iraraig. of the Chiles-Walker party, iv. 392-3; nothing more known of him. McI. (Terance), 1847, Co. D, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). McI. (Wm L.), 1847, asst surg. Morm. Bat. v. 477, 480. McKaffray (Hugh), 1846, perhaps kiUed at S. Pascual. v. .346. McKay, 1846, mid. U. S. N., bearer of despatches from Wash.; perhaps 'Mackae.' McK. (Jean B. D.), 1825, hunter of the H. B. Co., who visited Cal. in '41 and prob. several times before, iii. 151; iv. 212, 214. McK. (Johu H.), 1847, Co. K, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499); iu '80 claimed to have aided at Benicia in '48 in making the 1st casting in Cal. — a faucet for a still, made of oopper balls. McKay (Thos), 1848, guide to Bumett's party from Or. McKean, 1847, mid. ou the U. S. Independence. McK. (Wm W. ), 1846, cora. of the U. S. Dale, '46-7; v. 577; d. '65. McKec (James), 1848, at S.P. from Hon. Jnne. McK. (Jaraes), 1847, raurdered by B. K. Thorapson at Stockton Jan. '48. McK. (James M.), 1847, Co. D, N.Y.VoL (v. 499); d. Mont. Dec. McK. (Jaraes R.), 1846, bugler Co. C, 1st U. S. dragoons, v. 336. MoK. (Wm H. ), 1846, Scotch physician at Mont. , who possibly came a year or two earlier; often named iu records of '46-8 at Mont. , S. Josd, and Sac. , where in '48 he seems to have beeu engaged in trade. In '52 he was claimant for the Jacinto rancho, Colusa, iv. 671. He raarried, I, think, adaughter of Estdvan Munrds; and his sou Eobert, who in '76 gave me a valuable vol. of old raission records, still lives in '85 at Mont, or S.P. McKeever (Jaraes), 1844, hunter and ad venturer of the plains known as Capt. Jack, killed in Idaho '77; claimed to have landed at S.F. in 44, to have aided in the revolt and war of '46-7, and to have a family at Sta Rosa. S. F. Chronicle; iv. 453. McKenzie, 1845, at N. Helv. '45, '47; with Arce in '46. iv. 578, 587; v. 109; perhaps.same as tho followiug. McK. (Bemard), 1846, carpenter and masou at Mont. '46-8; in the raines '48, discovering the dry diggings at Placerville. Caraon and Swan. A ' Capt.' McK. died at S. F. in '54. McK. (D'I), 1843, trader at S. Diega McKern (Ed.), 1847, owner ot S. P. lot; prob. 'Kern,' q. v. McKINLEY— McLOUGHLPN. 725 McKinley (¦James),_ 1824, Scotch aailor boy left at S. P. or Sta B. by a whaler, ii. 526. Thia is the atateraent usually raade iu accounts of hia liie, and it is also said that he was but 11 years old, all of whioh may be errone ous. He is constantly named in commercial recorda from '30, when he was agent for Capt. Cooper at Mont., travelling much of the time, but raaking Mont, his horae, and joining the coinp. extranjera iu '32. iii. 221. Iu '35 he went to Los Aug. aa ageut for Larkin ; in '36 is named in a padron aa a trader, aged 33; and from this year to '40 and later was owner of the Ayacucho schr, making tripa up and down the coaat. iv. 101, 117. Perhapa arreated aa a mat ter of form in' 40. iv. 17. Prora '42 in partnership with Fitch and Paty, but it ia hard to say what place he regarded as home; I have many letters writ ten by him at different pointa. p'rom '43 the firm had a store at S.F. v. 082; in '44-5 McK. took a leading part at Los Ang. in the movement of southern foreigners against Micheltorena. iv. 496, 605-8; also in '44^5 waa one of the purcliasers of the miaaion eatates of S. Juan Cap. and S. Luis Ob. iv. 553, 627, 655, 659; v. 558. In '46 he aeems to have transferred his residence from Los Ang. to Mont., where in Jan. '47 he was placed under arrest by Lieut Maddox with a view of extorting information about Calif, operations in the aouth. Al viao Doc, 209-10. He raarried Cdrmen, daughter of Josd Araesti, in '48; waa claimant in '52 for ranchoa iu Mont, and S. Luia Ob. countiea. iv. 655; and died at 'Mont, in '75, leaving several children. Don Santiago was a mau of good repute throughout hia long career iii Cal. I have a letter frora his mother in '43. McK. (J.), 1841, boatswain on the U. S. St Louis. McKinney (Wm S.), 1847, mr of the Primavera. v. 580. McKinstry (Geo., Jr), 1846, overl. iramig., who became the 1st sheriff of the northern district at Sutter'a Fort '46-7. v. 675; acti\'e in relief raeaaures for the Donner party, v. 538, on which subject his letters were published in the S.F. Star; passenger on the 1st steamer to Sac. '47. v. 579; also owner of a S.P\ lot. v. 678. He was some what prominent in public aftairs at Sao. in early mining times; and had a trading post on the Cosumnes '49-50. I find no record of him from that tirae till '71-4, when he was a physician at Old S. Diego, and gave me the valuable original McKinstry Papers, including some of his summons to jurors, etc. , as sheriff'; aud also some important records on the Donner party. He was an eccentric character while at S. Diego, spending rauch ot his time in loug tours araong the Ind. Beyond a vague rumor of his death before '80, 1 have no trace of him after '74. McLanahan (T.), 1847, mid. on the U.S. Columbus; doubtfuL McLane, 1846, mr of the Paladin, v. 579. McL. (Geo.), 1839, at Mont. '39-40; named in Larkin's books. McL. (Louis), 1846, nat. of Del., b. '19, entered the navy '35, and came to CaL as passed mid. ou the Savannah. He served » with Fauntleroy's dragoons, v. 232, 289; and took a prominent part in recruit ing and organizing the Cal. Bat., becoming capt. of the artill. comp., and later in the campaign ranking as major, vi. 359, 361. He was oue of Frdmont's commissioners who signed the treaty of Cahuenga,. closing the war. v. 404-5, 434. In '50 he resigned his position iu the navy and returned to Cal. to en gage in a series of important industrial and financial enterprises, being man ager of Wells, Fargo & Co.'s express frora '.55 to '68, and of the Nevada Bank frora '75 to '82. He left Cal. a little later, but is still living in '85. His wife was Sophie Hoffraan of Baltimore, and there were 8 children. Portrait in Contemp. Biog. McLannan, 1846, from Hon. on the Euphem.ici. McLarey, 1846, sergt Co. B. artiU. Cal. Bat. v. 358. McLean (Geo.), 1817, mr of the Currency Lass. '47-8; perhaps 'McLane' of '39. McLean, 1848, kept a furniture shop at S.F., of firm McL. & Osburn. v. 678. McL. (James D.), 1846, CaL Bat. (v. 358). McL. (AVm S.), 1846, ditta McL., 1848, at S.F. from Tahiti. McLeod (Alex. R.), 1828, iu com. of H. B. Co. hunters from the N. ui. )-'^l; iv. 203. McL. (Francis J.), 1847, Ca F, N. Y. VoL (v. 499). McL. (.j'ohn C), 18,34, Scotch sailor on the jSojjonza (?), in '34-6, iii. 412; returned to Cal. '50; and lived at ViiUejo '60-79. Solano Co. Hist MoL. (John M.), 1833, on the Cadboro, agent of H.B.Co. McLiiie (Joseph), 1848, owner of a S. P. lot. McLoughlin (Johu), 1841, chief factor of the H. 726 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. B. Co., who visited Cal. ou the Cowlitz, iv. 216-18, 250, 564; see also Hiat B. Col. aud Hist Or. MoLowii (Wm), 1839, sailor uuder arrest at S. P. McMahon (Green), 1841, uat. of Mo., and overl. immig. of the Bartleson party, iv. 270, 275, 279. He went to Or., but returned in '45 with a party to which I have given his name. iv. 672-4. Possibly there was a James Mc- M. in the same party, v. 573. He settled ou Putah Creek, Solano Co., and died at Dixon in '84 at the age of 65. By the death notice it appears that hia namo waa Samuel G. MoM. (Jeremiah), 1848, Irishman at Mont. '47-8; ccema to have died about '56. McM. (Nelson), 1841, brother of Green, and one of the Bartleson party, iv. 270, 275. He went East or to Or., and I t'iiiuk did not return to Cal. , though he is mentioned also aa one of the Clyman party of '45. iv. 573. McM. (Patrick), 1847, Co. F, Sd U. S. artill. {v, 518). McManus (Jaraes), 1847, Co. E, N. Y. Vol. (v. 499); d. S. P. '52. McMichael (Grove C), 1848, nat. of Ma; a garabier of good repute, killed ill S. F. '54. McM. (Wm), 1831 (?), a sailor said to have visited Cal. about this time. iii. 405; settled at S. F. '51; a wharf superintendent '53-4; d. at sea '59, at the age of 55. McMillan, 1846, in charge of Sutter's launch; also called McMullen. McM. (Clias), 1847, Co. E, N. Y. Vol. (v. 499); d. S. P. after '00. McMonigle (Simpson), 1846, overl. immig. with Young, v. 529; served in Co. E, Cal. Bat. (v. 358); at Loa Ang. '48. McNamara (Eugene), 1846, Irish priest who had a grand scheme for col onizing Cal. with Irishmen to the glory of God and the discomfiture of the Yankees . Hia project has been generally given more importance in connec tion with Engliah plans than it deserved. MoM. came to Cal. on thc Juno. iv. 692; V. 37, 215-23, 577, 636. McNeilly (John), 1846, Ca C, 1st U. S. dragoons (v. 336). McPhail, 1848, from Or. with Brooks. McPherson (Chas J.), 1847, musician Co. B, N. Y. Vol. (v. 499); living in N. Y. '84. McP. (Geo.), 1847, rausician, ditto; d. Morrisania, N. Y.,'69. McP. (James), 1826, on the Eover; ou Larkin'a books at Moni. '38; I have his autograph of '43. McPherson (John C), 1848; Scotchman of good education and considera ble ability aa a writer; but eccentric to the verge of insanity, and almost constantly under the infiuence of liquor in his later years. It is not quite clear how he came, but apparently overl. frorn Mo., where he had been a teacher; though it is also said that ho went to Texas and served in tho Mex. war. He appeared in the mines in '48, and is raentioned by Burnett and others as the author of a popular song, ' Yuba, dear Yuba,' and other poet ical effusions. He spent his later years in wandering about the country and yit'iting ]-)ioneer sketches for the newspapers, under the signature of Juanita. Many of his sketches were of real value, though generally overburdened with /eulogy; and the author was always an inoffensive, kind-hearted man. In '80 / ho fell through the trestle-work of a railroad bridge over the Tuolnmne Riv. and waa kiUed. McQuade (Peter), 1836, at Mont. McQuieu (D.), 1848, pasap. frora Hon. McRae (Arch.), 1846, mid. U. S. N., bearer of despatches from Waah. V. 287. MoRioe, 1848,murderedbyScott at Sonoraa. McSpadden (Jaines), 1847, Co. F, N. Y. Vol. (v. 499). McRoberta (J.), 1845; mid. on the U. S. Warren. McTaviah (Donald), 1826, sup. of the Colonel ii. 278. McT. (Dugald), 1846, agent of the H. B. Co., viaiting CaL to, sell the property of tho oomp. iv. .'594. McVicker (Henry), 1837, Amer. named in Larkin's book '37-41 as being in the Mont, district; perhaps arrested ia '40. iv. 118, 17. In '42 he was iu com. of Sutter's trappers, but quarreUed with S.; in '44 at S. P., age 24; took part iu the Micheltorena campaign, capturing Mannei Castro, iv. 486-7; in '45 naraed at Mont, and at N. Helv., where he had a fight with Geo. Davis. The latest record that I have fouud is that he left the fort Jan. '46 for Sonoma. Mace (P.), 1845, doubtful narae of a raau at Cahuenga. iv. 595. Ma chado, raent. iu '19, '23. ii. 354, 650. M., 1875, mr of the Eepublicano. iv. 508. M. (Agustin), at Los Ang. from '24. ii. 526: juez de campo '38, and grantee of Ballona '39. iii. 633, 6il0; age 42 in "39; juez de campo '48. v. \i MACHADO— MAINSFORD. 727 626; justice of peace in '56. M. (Andrds), at Los Ang. '46. M. (Antonio Iguacio), regidor at Los Ang. '33, '38-9 acting sindico and alcalde, iii. 635-6; died in '78 at tho age of '81. M. (Bdrbara), at Loa Ang. '48. M. (Benito), 1834, mr of tho Jd'.;en Dorotea. in. 382. M. (Eugenio), celador at Mont. '44. iv. 431. M. (Dolores aud Frauoisco), at Los Ang. '46. M. (Hilario), at Los Ang. '19-27. M. (Ignacio), at Los Ang. '38-48; grautee of Aguaje dol Cen tinela '44; age 33 in 'SO. iii. 565; iv. 034. M. (Jesus), at S. Bern. '46; cl. for Buenavista '52. iv. 620. M. (Josd), at S. Bem. '40, age 27. M. (Jose Aut.), at Los Ang. '40. M. (Josd Maria), soldier of S.F. comp. '39; at Loa Ang. '46. M. (Juan), at S. Diego '40. iu. 610; at Los Ang. '46. M. (Jua na), daughter of Josd Manuel, a corp. of thc S. Diego oomp., and widow of Thoa Ridington, who at S. Diego in '78, at the age of 64 — though apparently about 40 — gave ine an interesting narrative of Tiempos Pasados de Cal. She has a son and 4 inarried daughters. M. (Manuel), regidor at S. Diego and iu charge of Rosario rancho in '36. iii. 612, 615. M. (Maria Ant.), claim ant for Las Virgenes rancho. iii. 634. Machuca (Josd S. ), aettler at Branci forte 1707. i. 509. Maciel (Luis G.), 1842, Mex. lieut of the batallon fijo, auspended frora hia rank '43. iv. 289, 354, 364; but signed the treaty of Sta Teresa in '44. iv. 470. Mack (Johu W.), 1847, carpenter at Mont. '47-8; at Angel's Camp '49. M. (Wm), 1846, one of the Mormon col., who prob. did not come to Cal. v. 547. Macomb (Wm H. ), 1847, lieut U. S. N. , and acting mr of the Lexington. Macondray (Fred. AV.), 1822, nat. of Mass. aud sailor on the Panther, which touched at Mont, from Chile, ii. 478. Subaequently he was nir of trading craft and reraained some years iu China. In '49 ho camo back to Cal. with hia family and eatabliahed the iirm of M. & Co., being a prominent citi zen of S. F. to the date of hia death in '62. M. (John Oliver E.), 1832, brother of Fred. W., who came from Boston on the Newcastle with Larkin, having a oonsignraent of gooda. iii. 208. Hia name appeara on Larkin's books '33-7; in '30 he was a clerk for Wataon, being then 29 yeara old; taking some part with other foreignera in the revolutionary events of '36, and especially aiding in retaking Mont, from thtf Mex. who had revolted against Alva rado. Por this service he thought he had a claim on the U.S. (!) for 3 leagues of land ill CaL, writing frora Dorchester in Oot. '46 to Larkin ou the subject, and enclosing a letter from his brother. He was about to sail for China, pro posing to come to Cal. later. Maey (Alex.), 1826, inr of the Peruvian. Madariaga (Bonifacio), Mex. clerk at Mont, from about 'SO; comis. de policia and regidor in '36-7. iii. 675. In '36 ago 27, wife Josefa Vallejo de Estrada (mother of Gov. Alvarado), children Dolores b. '32, Francisco '33. He went to Mex. iu '42. Maddox (Wra A. T.), 1846, lieut of marines U.S.N, on the Cyane aud Congress. After the oocupaiion of Los Ang. he came to Mont, by land, capturing some Cal. officera on the way, and was raade com. of the garrison and of the central diatrict, ranking as capt. in the Cal. JBat. He made an exped. to S. Juan B., and inarched to Sta Clara with his comp. to take part in the final Sanchez campaign, v. 282, 289-90, 294, 358, .300, 383, 519, 639. I have no record of him after '47. Madison (Gea), 1839, sailor sent away on the Calijomia for robbing Spear's store; perhaps also Joseph M. Madox (Jaraes), 1841, doubtful name at Mont. Madrazo (Josd M. ), Mox. sergt of artill. who signed the Zaraorano pronunoiamento of '.32. iii. 223. Magee (Henry), 1847, lieut Co. I, N.Y.Vol. v. 504; at S. Diego '71-9. Mager (Adara), 1847, Co. D, ditto. Maggard (Benj.), 1847, Co. C, Morm. Bat. (v. 469). Maguent (OUivier), 1844, Canadian immig. of the Stevens party, iv. 445, 453. He built a flour-mill at S. Josd, which he advertises for sale iu the S. F. Californian of Apr. '48. Called also Magnet, Magnand, r.nd Marquet. Ace to the Fresno Co. Hiat there were two, Oliver and Francia, but the ref. is prob. to Deland. Mahon, aee 'McMahon.' Mahony (John), 1848, in S.F. liat of lettera. ^ ^ , ^^ Main (James), 1844, at Mont. '44-5. M. (RusseU M.), 1847, Co. F, 3d U. S. artiU. (v. 510). Mauisford (John), 183G, Irisli sawyer at MouL, age 30; 728 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. perhapa 'Rainaford,' q. v. Maiaon (Joseph), 1846, Co. C, 1st U. S. dragoons (v. 336). .Maitorena (Josd Joaquin), 1801, camo to CaL as cadet of tUe Sta B. comp.; alfdrez from 1800; lieut frora '27; elected to congress iu '28; d.cd in Mox. '30. He was a drunken, good-natured fellow, with como skiil as an accountant when sober. Biog. iii. 45-6; raent. ii. 47, lOO, 109, 117, 238, 301, 364, 424, 630-1, 636-7, 571-2, 676, 676; iii. 61, 64, 88. Majors (Ale;:.), 1C45 (?); later of the pony-expreaa fiini of Ruaaell, M., & WaddeU; doubtfnl date of arrival, iv. 587. At S.F. '70. Majora (Joseph L.), 1834, nat. of Tenn. — sorae accounta say of Ky, V;i, or Ohio — who carae from N. Mex., perhaps with Graham, iii. 388, 412. At Jjoa Ang. in Nov. '34 he signed, with other foreigners, a protest against being obliged to .t Mooar 1845, mr of a vessel at Mont. '4,5-6. Moody (AVashington), 1847, at Sta Clara '47-8. Moon (Wm C), 1841, nat. of Tenn. and overl. immig. of the Workman party, iv. 278-9. Naraed at Los Ang. '42 and Mont. '44. In 744 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. '45 he ' mined ' for grindstones in the Sac. VaL, and in '48-9 for gold, having settled on a rancho in Tehama Co., where he died iu '78. He was a famous hunter, and a partner of Ezekiel Merritt. Mooney (James), 1847, owner of a S. F. lot. Moore, 1830, mr of the Globe, iii. 147. M., 1837, of the Or. cattie exped. iv. 85. M., 1795, rar of the Phomix. i. 537, 625, 669. M., 1848, employed as a shepherd at Sutter's Fort. M. (Alex.), 1847, sou of Eli, overl. iraraig. with wife, who settled in '53 at Pescadero, where he still lived in '78. M. (Andrew), 1847, Co. D, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); iu Sta Clara Ca frora '67; at GU roy '82. M. (Andrew J.), 1847, Co. B, ditto; in PhU. '82. M. (Benj. D.), 1846, capt. Co. C, 1st U.S. dragoons, killed at the fight of S. Pascual. v. 336, 343-7. M. (Benj. P.), 1848, uat. of Florida, on the S. Joaquin '48; member of the constit. convention '49; ono of the earliest settlers at Sonora. M. (Cal vin W.), 1847, Co. C, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); at Spring City, Utah, '82. M. (Eli), 1847, overl. iingiig. with family, who settled at Sta Cruz, buying of Bolcof what is known as Moore's rancho. He died before '78. One of his daughters was Mrs Sam. Besse of VA'atsonville. M. (John H. ), 1847, Co. E, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); perhaps at S.P. and S. Josd '50. M. (John W.), 1847, Co. D, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); in the raines '48-51; killed by Ind. uear Mariposa in '51. M. (Otis L.), 1846, sergt Co. C, 1st U.S. dragoons, transf. frora Co. K; killed at S. Pascual. v. 346. M. (Patrick), 1847, Co. F, 3d U.S. artiU. (v. 518). M. (Risdon, A.), 1845, one of Frdraont's men. iv. 583; v. 453; a blacksmith aud nephew of Cyrus Alexander. He served iu the Cal. Bat. (v. 358); had a Cal. claira of $524 (v. 462); was at Wash., D. C, Jau. '48; prob. carae back with Frdmont in his 4th exped. ; and iu later years lived at BeUe viUe, IIL M. (Robert), 1846, Co. C, 1st U.S. dragoons (v. 336). M. (Thos W.), 1847, sou of EU, aud nat. ot Tenn.; at Pescadero '53-78. M. (Wm H.), 1846, Kentuckian immig., who lived in Sonoma Co. to '56, and later in Lake Co. till his death in '67. M. (Wm), 1816, carpenter on the Lydia. ii. 275. Mora (Regina de la), mentioned in '35. iii. 285. Morace (Erastus), 1847, Co. I, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Moraga (Domingo), son of Gabriel, sold, distinguido of S.F. comp. from '18. ii. 571; in the Sia B. comp. as corp. before '37. M. (Fran.), 1st Ind. convert at S.F., named M. for his godfather, the coraandante. i. 296. M. (Fran.), soldier of S. P'. comp. 'S7-9; in '41 at S. Josd, age 27, wife Josefa Duarte, child. Maria b. '38, Teodora, '40; in '43 juez de campo. iv. 685; Cal. claim of $3,320 '40-7 (v. 462). M. (Gabriel), 1776, sou of Josd Joaq. who came as a boy with his pareuia, enliating in l784, and serving as soldier, cor poral, sergt, alfdrez, and lieut of the S.P., Mont., and Sta B. companies till his death in 1823. Biog. ii. 571; ment. i. 470, 549, 559, 569-72, 587, 716-17, 7)0, 723; ii. 47, 60-7, 91-2, 126, 132, 140, 150, 199, 202, 204, '254, 288, 300-4, 319, 322-30, 334, 330-7, 341, 354, 361, 370, 385, 442, 559, 585, 631. His wife waa Ana Man'a Bernal; and later Maria Joaquina Alvarado at Sta B. in '60; among his children were Domingo, Josd Guadalupe, and Vicente. M. (Igna cio Maria), niece of Josd Joaq. and wife of Josd Argiiello. i. 470; iii. 11. M. (Joaquin), prob. a son of Gabriel, soldier of S.F. corap. '19; at S. Mateo '35; grantee of Laguua de Paloa Colorados, Contra Costa, '35-41. iii. 712; iv. 671; in '41 a widower, age 48, with the following children: Josd b. '16, Luisa '18, Maria '26, Maria Aut. '29. A part of the Moraga Valley is still owned by D. Joaquin's sons and grandsons, but there haa been much trouble about boun daries with squatters. M. (Josd), sindico at Sta B. '41. iv. 641; juez at S. Buen. '46. v. 634; jnstice at Sta B. '52. M. (Josd Joaqum), 1776, Mex. alfdrez who carae with Anza, and being made lieut waa the lat comandante of S.P''. He was tho founder ot the presidio, mission, Sta Clara, and the pueblo of S. Josd. He died in 1785, and his widow, Maria del Pilar de Leon, in 1808. Gabriel was tho only son of whom anything is known. Biog. i. 470; ment. i. 258, 262-4, 206-8, 271, 280-92, 295-7, 305-6, 312, 349-50, 385, 463, 474, 479; ii. 44,47; iii. ll. M. (Josd Guadalupe), sou of Gabriel, soldado distinguido at S.F., and cadet at S. Diego '17-20. ii. 341, 571. M. (Vicente), son of Gabriel; teacher at S. Aut. and Los Ang. '33-5. ii. 571; iii. 630; sec. and MORAGA— MOREY. 745 sindico at Los Ang. '33-4. iii. 635, 564-5; admin, at S. Antonio '40. iii. 688; iv. 61; grantee of Pauba '44. iv. 621; at Los Ang. '46; constable at S. Buen. '62. His wife was Maria Ant. Dominguez. Morah (M.), 1846, Co. F, Cal. Bat. (v. 358). Morales (Bernardo), soldier on the Colorado, killed by Ind. 1781. i. 359, 362. M. (Francisco), Mex. teacher at Loa Ang. '18-20; 2d sindico ot the ayunt. '23, '26-7, '29; ii. 559-61. M. (Leandro), ment. as having kiUed Avila in '31. iii. 208. M. (Pablo), at S. Bem. '46, age 50. Moran, 1847, mrof the Com. Shubrick and Julian '47- 8. M. (John H.), 1847, Ca D, N.Y. VoL (v. 499); d. S. F. '71; a printer ¦w-ho worked on the Californian and was sergt-at-arma of the legislature. More, 1845, doubtful name at Sta Clara. M. (Andrew B.), 1848, nat. of Pa who came to Cal. frora Mex.; one of the More Bros of Sta B., in '80 a miner iu Idaho, with reaid. at Monterey, Cal. M. (Johu H.), 1847, owner of a S.F. lot. Morehead (Joseph C), 1847, lieut Co. D, N.Y. Vol. v. .504; nat. ot Ky; repres. of S. Joaq. in 1st Cal. legislature '49-50; d. before '82. Morelos (Juau de Dios), surgeon of the Cal. troops at Mont. 1800-3. ii. 140, 147, 150, 153. Moreno (Antonio), at S. Josd '41, nat. of L. CaL, age 46, wife Juliana Tapia, ohUd. Rita b. '18, Cdrmen '20, Antonia '26, Magdalena '28, Lucia '30, Manuel '33, Pedro '35, Josd '37, Pedro 2d '38, '39. M. (Cdrlos), at S. Josd '41 age 29, wife Francisca Garcia; a nat. of U.S.; prob. Chas 'Brown,' q.v.; grantee of land at S.F. '42. M. (Guadalupe), deacribed in the papera as 115 yeara old, at Los Ang. '58. M. (Jesus), sindico at S. Diego '30. iii. 615; juez de paz '41. iv. 619; owner of land at S. Juan Cap. '41. iv. 626; d. at S. Luia Rey '71. M. (Joae), raulatto aettler of Loa Ang. 1781-6. i. 345. M. (Joad Matias), Franciscan of Sta Cruz college, Querdtaro, killed by Ind. at the Colorado Riv. pueblos 1781. i. 359, 362. M. (Joae Matias), 1844, nat. of L. Cal. and son of an Engl, whaler, his real narae being Brown. He received some education frora the frontier padres, and lived in Upper Cal. '44-6, being arrested at Los Aug. '45. iv. 522-S, 631. In '46, rankingas capt. of defensores, he served as clerk and acting sec. to Gov. Pico for a abort tirae, and escaped with the gov. to Mex., carrying,aai3 thought, many doc. of the archives, v. 279. He returned later to S. Diego, married Prudenciana Lopez, and settled on the frontier rancho of Guadalupe. In '61-2 he waa for a time aub-prefect of the L. CaL frontier district; and died at hia rancho in '69 at the age of 52, leaving a widow and 5 children. A search of Moreno's papers, kindly per mitted by tho widow in '78, resulted in a volume of copies cited as Moreno, Doe. Hist. Cal M. (Juan), 1836, Swiss who oaraowith Gov. Chico. iv. 118; at S.F. '40-2. M. (Juan), grautee ot Sta Rosa, S. Diego, '46. v. 019; owner of Loa Ang. land '48. M. (Juan), ment. iu 'SO aa living near Los Ang. and at leaat 110 years old, having been 12 yeara old when his father (Jose ?) set tled in 1781 at Los Aug.; doubtful. M. (Juan), 1827, Span, friar who served for short terras at 5 misaions, and died at Sta Inds in '46. Biog. iv. 645-6; ment. u. 576, 623, 625, 655, 659, 664, 683, 685, 691; iv. 46, 421, 426, 553, 647-8. M. (Juau Bautista), 1844, Souorau soldier who deserted and came to CaL, paying his way by garabling and raaking saddles. In the carapaigns of '46-7 he served as capt. of volunteers, and was wounded at the S. Gabriel fight. He went to Sonora with Flores, but came back, and in '78 at Sta B. dictated for me bis recollections of a l^da Militar. v. 308, 352, 394, 396, 449. M. (Rafael de Jesus), 1833, Mex. friar of the Zacatecanos, who served at Sta Clara, and also in '34-8 aa preaident and vice-prefect of the northern raissions. He died at miasion S. Josd in '39. Biog. iU. 726-7; ment. iii. 318-19, 338, 432; iv. 44, 63-4. M. (Santiago), 1824, uat. of Ecuadorand a saUor; went to China ou the Eover iu '25-6; was collector and sindico of the Mont, ayunt. '27-9. ii 612- ment in connection with the Solis revolt '30. iii. 82; regidor '32-3. iii. 073; maj. and admin, of S. Luis Ob. '35-9. iii. 354, 587, 682-3; at Mont. '51. M. CTeodoro), 1829, Mex. who was raaj. at Laguna Seca rancho '36, age 50. -w'ife Maria Ant. Cantua, child. Torads b. '31, Juan '33, Francisco '35. Morey (Barton, Origin, and Rinaldo), see ' Mowry.' M. (Harley) 1847, 746 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. Co. C, Morm. Bat. (v. 469). M. (Joseph M. W.), 1840, Engl, who got a passport. M. (Michael), 1847, owner of S.P. lot. v. 686; perhaps ' Murrey.' Morgan, 1837 (?), left an Engl. schratS. P., and with Jolm Levick built a cabin in which they lived aud made a large fortune, till '57, when L. was lost on the Central America, and M. drank himself to death in a month or two. Her ald: iv. 118. M.-(Geo. E.), 1846, mid. U.S.N.; acting lieut Ca B, Stock ton's battalion '46-7. v. 386. M. (Van Renssalaer), 1846, mr on the U.S. Congress. MoriUo (Brigido), at S. Juan Cap, '46, age 46; child. Maria b. '26, Raraona '28, JMigucl '30, Paula '32, Josd Manuel '36. M. (Hilario), aux. alcalde in Los Aug. dist. '48. v. 626. M. (Jorge), at Los Aug. '46; cl. for Potrero de Lugo '52. iv. 635. M. (Josd Ant.), at Los Ang. '46. M. (Josd Justo), at Las Bolsas, Los Ang. dist., '39-,52. iii. 633. M. (JuUan, Miguel, and Tomds), at Los Aug. '46. Morin (A.), 1845, one of Frdraont's party, iv. 463, 583; served in CaL Bat., Co. B, artiU. (v. 358); died in the mts in the exped. of '48. M. (John L.), 1847, Co. D, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499). Moriueau (M. P.), 1833, visitor to Cal. about this year, aud author of a Notice, iii. 408-9. Morjaiio, 1833, visiting priest at S.P., prob. chaplain of a Span, veasel. Moro (Faustino), 1842, Mex. director of hospitals, or ' oficial de salud mili tar,' with the batallon fijo; perhaps did not come till '44. iv. 289, 563. Morphew (J.), 1825-6, mrof the Eliza, iii. 146; perhaps 'Murphy.' Mor- rell(Benj.), 1825, mr of the Tartar, and author of a Narrative, ii. 548, 551, .588-90, 592, 610, 614, 616; iu. 25, 28, 149. M. (Jesse), 182.3, nat. of N. H., said to Lave visited the coast on a trader; later U.S. consul in Australia and a druggist at Sac, where he died in '70, leaving a family. Morris, 1847, naraed at S.F. Morris (Albert P.), 1834, British subject and descendant of a surveyor- gen, of Nova Scotia, for 9 years a sailor. At Los Ang. '36, a bachelor aged 27; one of Graham's riflemen '36-8. In '40 he was exiled with the rest, but came back with a claim for damagea. iv. 8-9, 18-22, 24, 27-8, 31, 33, 37, 116. In '42 he went up the Sac. with Capt. Phelpa; ia raentioned by Mofras; was at Sta Cruz in '43. iv. 356; and in '44 was perhaps grantee of the Araatradero rancho. iv. 6.56. I find no definite record of his later life, though a newspaper atates that he spent the last part of his life with Harvey S. Beal, and died at Ten Mile River (Mendocino Co. ?) before '72, leaving to B, his claira of |30,- 000! It was about thia time that hia Autobiography of a Crazy Man fell into my hands. It ia a raost interesting narrative, and one of the best original authorities on the Grahara affair, though marred by bitter prejudice and even falsehood, like all testimony about that matter. The author was in moat re spects very far frora beiug a 'crazy raau,' a terra that had been given hira by certain enemies, on whom he exhausts his vocabulary of irony and wrath. M. (Johu S.), 1847, named by Brackett as a lieut. in N.Y. Vol.; not on the roll. M. (Thos), 1847, Co. B, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); hospital steward at S. Diego; iu '82 a gardener near Salt Lake City. Morrison, 1847, named aa a aergt visiting Sutter's Fort. M. (Bradbury), 1823, sailor on the Eover. M. (Ludlam), 1847, Co. E, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499). M. (Perry), 1848, nat. of Ind., who came from Or. to the mines; iu Alameda Co. '49-82; wife Martha Hastings; children Sam. and Geo. P. M. (Roderick M.), 1847, lieut Co. K, N.Y. Vol. v. 504; killed near Stockton '49. M. (W.), 1846, Co. F, CaL Bat. (v. 358), later transferred to Co. B, artiU. Wm M. is also said to have settled in Alaraeda Co. '47. Morrow (W. J.), 1848, settler iu Sonoma Co. Morse (Henry), 1847, Co. A, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499); d. S. Joaq. '49. M. (Thompson H.), 1847, owner of S.F. lot. Morsine (Juan J.), 1848, of N. Mex. caravan, v. 625. Morton (Freeman), 1847, Co. A, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499); d. at Stockton about '50. M. (Henry S.), 1847, sergt Co. E, N.Y. Vol. v. 504; d. at Stockton '55. Mosely (Sam.), 1846, surgeon on the U. S. Congresa; witness at the Frdmont court-m.artial. v. 420. Moses (Arabrose T.), 1846, one of the Morraon colony with wife Clarissa and 4 children, v. 546 . He left the church or was excom municated on the voyage. He lived 6 or 6 years at the mission, and then went MOSES -MULLIGAN. 747 to Sta Cruz, where he died, perhaps after '70. His wife died in the faith at S.P. a little earUer. A son, Norman, atUl lives, perhaps at Sta Cruz. One daughter married Eustaquio Valencia and died at S.F.; another became Mrs Maaon, and after her husband's death weut to Utah, where she still lived in '84. Moss (David), 1847, Co. A, Morra. Bat. (v. 469). Moaaia (Antonio), 1857, rauaician N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Mota (Autonio Ruiz de la), 1825 (?), Mex. lieut-col in the war of indepen dence, and later a robber chief aent io Cal. as a convict. On the coming of Gov. Figueroa, an old friend, he was released and became maj. of Jimeno Casarin's estate. He married and had two sona, Antonio and Maxiraiano, acquiring aorae property as a ranchero and in settling Jiraeno's affairs. His conduct in Cal. was good, and he took but slight part in publio affairs, though mentioned in '46. v. 363. About '53 he went to Mex. , where he lost all his property, and iu '56 was brought back to Cal. by Mrs Jimeno. He rented some land near Sta Cruz, waa abandoned by his sons, and died in great pov erty. M. (Manuel), 1836, Portuguese laborer on Hartnell's raucho, where he died '38. M. (Rafael), Mex. at rancho S. Felipe, Mont., '36, age 40. iii. 678; StiU at Mont. '51. Moti, a Sotoyorae chief '37. iv. 72. Mott, 1846, mr of the Vancouver. Monet (John), 1847, at Sutter's Fort and the mines '47-8. Moulton (B. P.), 1848, Soc. CaL Pion. rolls. M. (Elijah T.), 1846, Ca A, Cal. Bat. (v. 358); said to be living at Los Ang. in late yeara. M. (Joseph), 1846, French Creole of Frdmout'a garriaon left at Sta B. under Talbot, v. 316. Moultry (Riley Septiraua), 1846, overl. iramig. with wite, Ma.ry '^jrci. married on the joumey, and one of the lat Donner relief, v. 538. He aettled at Sta Clara; I have uo record of what becarae of hira; waa possibly still living in Sta Clara Co. '80-4, as was Mrs M. at Saratoga. A son, Wra Elliott M., born at Sta Clara Oct. '47, lived at Sta Cruz '84. Mounich (Wm), 1847, Co. B, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Mount (Hirara B.), 1847, Co. B, Morra. Bat. (v. 469); reenl. M. (Joseph), 1848, said to have corae this year; cl. for part of Entre Napa rancho '52. Mouser (John), 1847, Co. D, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499); drowned iu S. Joaq. Riv. '47. Mover (M), 1846, doubtful narae in a Los Aug. list. Mowatt (Andrew), 1848, paasp. frora Hon. Mowry (Barton), 1846, one of the Mormon colony with -wife and two sous. v. 546. He, like each ot his sons, was owner of a S.F. lot frora '47, and a meraber of the town counoil in '48. V. 649, 679, 686. He left the church and became a apiritualiat, dying, I think, at S.F. many years later. His wife, or widow, with one of the sons, Rinaldo, went to Utah, where they lived in 84. The other son. Origin, nat. of R.L and a mason by trade, waa a miner and trader in '48-9, aud later a rich farraer in Alaraeda Co., where he lived in '86, age 60, with 4 children. Portrait in Alam. Co. Hiat, 616. M. (Jamea), 1847, perhaps of Morra. Bat.; reenl. M. (Johu T.), 1847, Co. C, Morra. Bat. (v. 469); at Paris, Id., '82. M. (Ignacio, Joaquin, Josd, and Juan), at Los Ang. '46. Moya (Raraon), 1808, com. of ihe 8. Cdrlos. ii. 87. M. (Trinindad), convict tanner in '34; in '41 at S. Joad, age 37; in '43 owner of S.P. lot. iv. 669; v. 680. Moz (Fran9ois), 1833, Canadian who came perhaps with Walker, iU. 391, or from N. Mex.; natural ized in '40, being than a tanner at Zayante. Mugartegui (Pablo), 1774, Span, friar who served chiefly at S. Juan Cap. and retired in '89; at one tirae vice-president. Biog. i. 459; raent. i. 218, 224, 227, 299, 304, 351, 388, 417, 498-9, 581, 597; ii. 123. Muir (Wm S.), 1847, sergt Co. A, Morm. Bat. v. 477; a farmer in Utah^'81. MulhoUand, 1847, Co. D, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499). Mulkey (Wesley), 1848, nat. of N.C, who came overland to Or. iu '44, and to the Cal. raines iu '48-9; iu '62 went to Idaho, where he stiU Uved, at Lewiston, in '85; married '38 to Mary Black; no children. MuUigan (Johu), 1814-15, Irish sailor who landed, perhaps from the Isaac Todd certainly from sorae vesael before '19, wheu he waa perraitted to settle and marry. U. 272, 277, 292. 393. At Mont. '23-6. u. 496, 612; taught the art of weaving to Ind. at different missions; and later had an intereat in Cooper's rancho on the SaUnas, where a sand hill waa loug knowu as MuUi- 748 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. gan Head. He waa a hard drinker, loat his property, and died iu '34. Hia name was properly Milligan, and I have several letters from hia father in Ireland. M. (Simpson), 1846, Co. E, Cal. Bat. (v. 358). Mullington (Chas), 1847, owner of S. F. lot. Mulvey (James), 1847, sergt Co. P, N.Y. Vol. V. 604; d. S.F. in '65. Mumra (Christian), 1846, at Loa Ang. ; Cal. claim $23 (v. 462); at Napa and N. Helv. '47. Mufioz (Juan Ant.), 1832, Mex. capt. of artilL '32-36, being exiled with Gutierrez in '36, being then 36 yeara old, wife Manuela Cruz, child. Joaquin b. '27, Jesus '32, Ramona '29. Biog. iii. 467; ment. iii. 239, 445, 455-6, 460, 4C3-6, 071, 674, 677. M. (Luciano), 18,30, capt. appt. to CaL; prob. did not come. iii. 54. M. (Manuel), ribbon-maker and inatructor 1792-6. i. 613. M. (Maria de la Luz), 1st peraon buried at S, P. '76; wife of J. M. Valencia. i. 297. M. (Pedro), 1804, Span, friar who served chiefly at S. Fernando, retiring on account of illnesa in '17. Biog. ii. 357; ment. ii. 52-5, 85-6, 115-16, 149, 159-60, 246, 328, 394, 449. M. (Sebastian), grantee of Oreatimba rancho '44. iv. 672. Munraa (Eatdvau), 1820, Span, trader at Mont., described in '28 aa 8 years a resident; elector de partido and memb. of the dip. in '27; not obliged to quit Cal. on account of hia race. ii. 613; iii. S3, 36, 51-2; joined the corap. extranjera in '32, having been prominent in aiding foreignera. iii. 82, 221. In '36 age 46, wife Catalina Manzaneli of Tepic, child. Concepcion b. '23, Antonia '26, Engracia 'SS, Anastasia '28, Josd Narciso '35; his position in the Alvarado revolution, iii. 454-6, 469, 524; alcalde in '37 and jueziu '40. in. 675-6; vocal of the junta '43-5. iv. 361, 411,621, 540, 654. He was the gran tee of 3 ranchoa, Laguna Seea, S. P'ranoisquito, and S. Vicente, the firat two being in hia wife's name. iii. 677-8. In '45 Larkin described M. aa a man of property and character, diagusted with Mex. poUtica, aud ready for a change of govt. He died about '53. One of his daughters inarried Dr McKee. M. (Manuel), juez de paz at Mont. '39. iii. 675. M. (Salvador), brother of Estevan who came after '36; sindico at Mont. '44. iv. 653; treasurer in '46. V. 289, 637. Larkin describes him in '45 aa an old reaident, a raan of faraily and property, diaguated with politics. On the Mont, assessment rolls '50-1; said to have gone to Spain iu '58. Munroe (James), 1847, settler at Benicia. M. (John), 1847, Co. D, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Munson (Leonard), 1847, Co. A, ditto; at Two Rocks, Sonoma Co., '82. Murch (Wm B.), 1847, Co. I, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); d. Mont. '47. Mur- cilla (Andrds), 1839, rar of the Dan. O'ConneU. iv. 103. Murdock (John R.), 1847, Co. B, Morm. Bat. (v. 469). M. (Price), 1847, ditto. Murel (Jean B.), Pr. servant of Estrada at Mont, iu 36, age 24. Murey (H.), 1848, frora Hon. on the Juliana. Murga (Manuel), 1801, com. ot the Adivo. ii. 5. Murguia (Josd Ant. de Jesus), 1773, Span, friar, who served chiefly at Sta Clara, where he died in '84. Biog. i. 476; ment. i .123-4, 194, 196, 297, 299, 304, 306, 351, .'85, 388, 410, 631. Murielle (Pierre), Fr. aervant of Herrera at Mont. '38, age 19. Murillo (Brigido), maj. at S. Luia Rey '28- 30. u. 563. M. (Eugenio), baniahed to Texas '35. iii. 674. Muro (Miguel), 1842, Mex. friar of the Zacatecanos, who served at S. Josd misaion, and re tired in '45. Biog. iv. 680; raent. iv. 371, 423, 563, 675. Murphy, 1836, a prieat apparently connecterl with Hartnell'a achool; raent. by PP. Short and Bachelor at Hon. '39. M. (Beruard), 1844, son of Mar tin and meraber of the Stevens overl. iramig. party, iv. 445, 453. He settled in Sta Clara Co.; was owner of a S.F. lot '47; was clairaant for several ranchoa. iii. 712; iv. 674; and was killed in '53 by the exploaion of the Jenny Lind in S. P. Bay. M. (Bernard D.), 1844, sou of Martin, Jr, who carae iu the Stevens party at the age of three, being a nat. of Canada, iv. 445, 453. He was educated at Sta Clara, becoming a lawyer and banker; raemb. of the assembly '68, and of the senate '77; raayor of S. Josd '73. He married Annie Mo- Geoghegan in '69, and still lives at San Josd '85 with 5 children, Mary, Eve line, Martin, Elizabeth, and Gertrude. M. (Daniel), 1844, son of Martin, and nat. of Canada, iv. 445, 4fiS. He served in Co. G, Cal. Bat. (v. 368) ; had a Cal. claim of $15 for a horse (v. 462); owned a S.P. lot '47; and settled MURPHY— MURPHY. 749 with his father aud brothers iu Sta Clara Co. He waa claimant for Las Llagaa ranoho, and became the owner of imraense tracts of land in CaL, Nev., Ariz., and Mex., being one of the largest stock-raisers in the world. He died in Nev. '82, leaving a widow and two children, Daniel, Jr, age 22, and Diana; another daughter, Mrs Chapman, having died before. M. (J.), 1825, mr of the Eliza, ui. 146. M. (Jacobo), 1792, alfdrez iu Malaspina's exped. i. 490. M. (James), 1825, owner of live-stock near S. Josd; prob. an error in the date. M. (James), 1837, pass, ou the Europa. iv. 103. Murphy (James), 1844, son of Martin, b. in Ireland, accomp. on the over land trip by wife and child, iv. 445, 453. He worked as a lumberman at S. Rafael, and is often uamed in the N. Helv. Diary '45-7; owner of S.F. lots '46-7. He settled iu Sta Clara Co. '48; was claimant for Cazadorea rancho, Sao. VaL, iv. 671, and alao with his brothera for Las Llagas. Still living iu Sta Clara Co. '85. His wife was Ann Martin, daughter of Patrick M. of the Stevens party, and his children were Mary P., b. '42, Martin B. '45, Wra B. '50, Lizzie A. '53, Julia A. '57, Daniel J. '61. M. (James), 1844, son of Martin, Jr, who crossed the plains as a boy. iv. 445, 453; ment. at Sutter's Fort '45; perhapa cashier of his brother's bank at S. Josd '78. M. (James), 1846, Co. C, 1st U.S. dragoona (v. 336). M. (John), 1847, Co. B, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499); d. Stockton about '50; alao aaid to be living at S. in '76. In dep. M. (John Landrum), 1846, son of Mra Lavinia M. of the Donner party; died in the mta. v. 531, 534, Murphy (John M.), 1844, son of Martin, and merab. of the Stevens party. iv. 445, 453. He waa active in raising volunteera in '46 at Sta Clara, and in the Sanchez carapaign served as lieut. v. 298, 380; at N. Helv. '47; owner of S.F. lota; and member of the S. Josd council, v. 664. In '48 aasociated with Weber in trade at Stockton; alao engaged in mining with great success — ex cept in keeping his gold. Murphy's camp took its narae from him. In '58 he testified that he had held the offices of treasurer, recorder, and sheriff of Sta Clara Co., and mayor of S. Josd. Still Uving at S. Josd as a trader in '80, and prob. iu '85. His wife was Virginia Reed of the Donner party, and they had 6 children. M. (Lavinia), 1846, widow from Tenn., in the Donner party, with 4 sona and 3 daughters, v. 531, 534-7. She and 2 aona, Lemuel B. and John L., died in the Sierra; 2 aons, Wm G. and Simon P., aurviving, as did the daughtera Mra Pike, Mra Foster, and Mary. The latter raarried Wm Johnson iu '47, and in '48 Chas Covillaud. The city of Marysville was uaraed for her, aud she died before '80, leaving 5 children. M. (Lemuel), 1846, son of Lavinia, who died as above. Murphy (Martin), 1844, nat. of Ireland who emigrated to Canada in '20, and to Mo. '40. Here he became dissatisfied on account of malaria which killed his wite, and the lack of religious influence for his children, and at the age of 60 reaolved to cross the plains to Cal. as a catholic country of fertile soil and salubrious climate. He came in the Stevena party with hia children and grandchildren as named in this register, and settled in Sta ClaraCo., where the family became prominent and wealthy. He was the owner of a S.P. lot in '47, and in '52 waa claimant for a rancho. iv. 672, 684. Several of the aons served under Sutter in the campaign of '45. iv. 486. The old patri arch died in '65 at the age of 80. Hia daughter Mary waa Mrs James Miller; Ellen was Mrs Townsend in '44, and later Mrs C M. Weber; Johanna was later Mrs Fitzpatrick of Gilroy; and Margaret became Mrs Keil of S. Josd. M. (Martin, Jr), 1844, sou of Martin, accomp. by wife and 4 sons, a daughter being born in camp at Donner Lake. iv. 445, 453. He settled on the Cosumnes, aud his visits to New Helv. are often noted in the diary. His rancho is often mentioned by travellers between the bay and Sac. and there it was that Arce's horsea were taken and the Bear revolt begun, v. 108. In '50 the faraily set tled in Sta Clara Co., where in '81 the golden wedding was celebrated, and where Martin died in '84 at the age of 78, leaving au iramense estate. Hia sons Bernard D., Patrick W., Jaines, and Martin, are named in this regis ter. His daughters surviving hira were Mrs R. T. CarroU and Mrs Joaquin Arques- another, Mrs Wra P. Taafe, having died. Portrait of M. in -Ste Clara 750 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. Co. Hist M. (Martin J.), 1844, son of Martin, Jr, a small boy at arrival; seeins to have died before '84. M. (Patrick AV.), 1844, son of Martin, Jr, a boy at arrival, who beoame a rich farmer in S. Luis Ob., representing that region in the state senate '65-8, '78. Portrait in 8. Luis Ob. Co. Hiat. , 32-3. M. (Siraon P.), 1846, son of Lavinia and survivor of the Donner party, v. 531, 535, who returned to Tenn., served in the war of '61-5, and died in '73, leaving a widow aud 5 childreu. M. (Thoraas), 1847, Co. E, N. Y. Vol. (v. 499). Murphy (Timothy), 1828, Irishraan from Lima, who worked for a year or two as clerk for HartneU & Co. at Mont., subsequently entering the service of Capt. Cooper, iii. 178; ii. 609. From '29 his narae appears in various records; joined the corap. extranjera in '32. iii. 221; on Larkin's booka '3.3-5; often engaged in otter-hunting. About '36 he settled north of the bay, and in '37-42 he was admin, of S. Rafael, iii. 718; iv. 117, 676. I have many of his original letters of these years. Don Timoteo was a good penman, but his Spanish was peculiar, and his letters too often contained vulgar expressions aud inaulta to all with whora he did not agree; yet he waa on the whole a good-natured and popular man. In '39 he waa naturalized; iu '40 once put iu the calabozo by Vallejo. iv. 171; in '41 ment. by Sir Geo. Sirapaon, who aaya he had been a candidate for marriage with oue of Vallejo's sisters, iv. 218. As corapared with other adrainistrators, M. -was a faithful guardian of the neophytea' intereat; favored thoae of VaUejo aa he was employed to do; and by no means neglected his owu. In '44 he was grantee of the S. Pedro, etc., ranoho, later confirmed to him. iv. 676; and he also represented the Ind. in their unsucceaaful claim for Tinicaaia. Juez de paz in '45. v. 676-7. In the troublea of '46-7 he took no part; owned S. P. lota in '47; took sorae part in local politics, v. 452, 455, 610; was alcalde, Ind. agent, and land corarais sioner '47-8. v. 670; and is mentioned by Sherman, Revere, and Mason. He was a liberal giver to aeveral catholic institutions, and died in '53, leaving his property to nephews. M. (Wm G.), 1846, son of Lavinia and survivor of the Donner party, v. 531, 534. He remained in the Sac. Val. till '49, when he went East to be educated and raarried, returning in '58. He was a lawyer at Virginia City, Nev., to '66, aud since that tirae at Marysville, CaL, being city attorney, and having a family of 7 children in '80. ¦: Murray, 1848, shoemaker at S. F. Feb. with wife; arriv. at S. P. from Tahiti, March; at the mines trora Mont.; had a store at Sutter's Fort, of firm M. & Lappeus — prob. several individuals. M. (Chas), 1847, purser on the U. S. Erie M. (Edward), 1847, Co. A, N. Y. Vol. (v. 499); d. Calaveras '55. M. (Ed.), 1847, Co. K, ditto; ownerof S. P. lots. He was perhaps the M. who was iu trade in Sao. '48, and later lived in the North Beach region of S. P., with a reputation not of the best; still living in '55. M. (Francis), 1847, Co. H, ditto; owner of a S. P. lot; corp. in S. P. Guards '48; d. before '82. M. (Mary), 1846, one of the Mormon colony, v. 546; left the church ; said to live at S. Josd '84. M. (Michael), 1846, settler at S. Joad; in the mines '48; in Sta Clara Co. '60. Hall; Breen; Caraon; HitteU. M. (Owen), 1848, Soc. Cal. Pion. rolls; d. Oakland after '81. M. (Robert), 1847, assist surg. U. S. A., serving with N. Y.Vol. and Ca F, 3d artill. v. 503, 511; at S. P. '71-4; in '82 assist surg.-geu. in N. Y. M. (R. A.), 1846, Co. B, CaL Bat. (v. 358). M. (Walter), 1847, Co. A, N. Y. Vol. v. 504-6; serving at Sta B. and in L. Cal. He was a nat. of England, and by trade a printer. Went to the mines '48; established the Sonora Herald '52; and in '53 settled at S. Luis Ob., where he practised law and established the Tribune, serving also in the legis lature. In '73 he was appointed judge of the 1st district, and held that posi tion at the time of his death in '75. His Narrative of a Cal. Volunteer is a copy ot his original diary, and ia one ot the best authorities on the history of the regiment. Muse (Wra), 1847, raid, ou the U. S. Lexington. Musgrave (Alfred), 1846, uat. of Tenu. and overl. immig., who served iu Co. E, Cal. Bat. v. 358; lived in Napa tiU '67, when he left Cal. M. (Charlea), 1846, brother of Alfred, who also served in the CaL Bat. and lived in Napa; in '69 in S. Luia MUSGRAVE -NARVAEZ. 751 Ob. Co.; also called Calvin. Muaty (John), 1846, Co. C, lat U. S. dragoona (v. 336). Mutrel (Jean Baptiste), 1827, French pilot on the Nereid, wrecked on the L. Cal. coast in a achooner eraployed by the Nereid for aeal-huuting. V. 478. He came to Cal. in '27 to drive cattle across the frontier, iii. 176; and in '28-9 became a resident at S. Diego, ii. 546; in '36 at Buenavista rancho, near Mont., age 27; went to Mont, in '40; in '46 at Los Aug. ¦ Myers, 1845, at Sutter's Port; perhaps 'Meyers.' M., 1845, apothecary at N. Helv. Nov. from below. M., 1848, of firra Adler & M., Sonoraa. M. (A. S.), 1847, captain's clerk on the U.S. Lexington. M. (Courten), 1847, doubtful narae at N. Helv. ; called a volunteer; on his way to Salt Lake with a band of horses. M. (Geo. A.), 1846, Co. 0, 1st U.S. dragoons (v. 368). M. (Jack), 1847, at Sutter's Fort; perhaps John. M. (Johu), 1847, Co. G, N.Y. Vol. (v: 499). M. (John J.), 1845, one of Frdmont's men, iv. 583, who served as sergt-maj. of the Cal. Bat., v. 360, aud was later lieut; CaL claim of $130 (v. 462). M. (RusseU), 1847, Co. A, N.Y. Vol. (v. 499); later trader and deputy sheriff at Sonora; major ot vol. in war of '61-5; in N.Y. city '84. M. (Sam.), 1847, Co. B, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); sergt of reenl. comp. v. 495; trial in '48. V. 610-11; in '81 a carpenter in 'Utah. M. (Wm), 1848, associate of Lassen in Teharaa Co., -who prob. carae earlier; alcalde in '49. M. CWm H.), 1846, gunner on the U.S. Dale. Myler (James), 1847, Co. C, Morm. Bat. (v. 469). Myrick, 1844, mr of the Sarah '44-5. Nachborn (Benj.), 1847, married at S. Joad to a Sra Mojica. Nactrd (Eugenio), ueoph. elector of S. Antonia '26-7. ii. 622; iu. 33. Nadal, 1845, from Hon. on the Fama. N. (Josd), 1826, Spanl who came on the Aquilea, apparently sent away in 'SO. iii. 51-2. Nagle (Pterdinand), 1847, Co. C, N. Y.Vol. (v. 499). N. (Patrick), 1847, Co. F, 3d U.S. artiU. (v. 518). Na glee (Henry Morris), 1847, capt. Co. D, N.Y. Voll v. 604, 564, 666, 672. A nat. of Pa, graduate ot West Point, and Ueut 6th U.S. infantry. After being mustered out he becarae a banker at S.F.; in the war of '61-5 he served aa lieut-ool of the regular array, and brig. -gen. of volunteera; but returned to Cal. and settled at S. Joad, where he ia well known dowu io '85 as a man of wealth and raanufacturer of brandy. His wife was a daughter of Maj. Ring gold, U.S.A. / Naile (Conrad), 1847, Co. A, Morm. Bat. (A/. 469); reenl. N. (Henry), 1836, Araer. trapper frora N. Mex., naraed in a Los Ang. list of the year. iv. 117-18; bilt soon coraing north to jom/Graham at his distillery. From '38 hia name appeara iu Larkin'a aocgnuia and other Mont, records; in '39 with Graham he h'ad.a.plantorgisetrparty and cross the rata eastward, which unfortunately failed; and in '401ie was seriously wounded iu resisting arrest, and for this reason was not one of the exiles, iv. 14, 17, 18-22. From that time he lived in the Sta Cruz region as a lumberman, being intereated with Graham in a aaw-mill; in '42 aigned an appeal to the U. S. for indemnity; was naturalized in '44; at Brancif orte '45, age 36 and single; and in April '46 was killed by Jaraes AVilliaras, who had rented his mill, in a quarrel about the contract, v. 641-2. Naile, 1841, purser ou the U.S. Yorktown. Nanhozen (Jerorae), 1S36, naraed in Larkin's booka. Narciao, Ind. chief in Sac Val. '40. iv. 137. Narriraore (Mrs Mercy), 1846, of the Mormon colony with her aou Edwin. She went back to Hon. on the D. Quixote, but returned, and waa owner of a S.F. lot in '47. v. 546, 549. Narvaez, 1791, com. of the Horcasitas. i. 49.3. N. (Aguatin), alcalde at S. Josd '21, and regidor '27. ii. 604-5; in '41 age 63, wife Joaefa Higuera, child. Antonio b. '31, Lugarda '26, Maria Guad. '28, Teresa '30, Maria D. '33. N. (Bias), soldier of the S.F. comp. '39^3; at S. Mateo '35. iv. 667. N. (Joa quin), at S. Joad '41, age 36, wife Maria Ant. Sepiilveda, chUd. Salvador b. '28, Guadalupe '30, Pilar '31, Maria de loa Ang. 'S3, Joad de la Luz '34, Franciaco '35, Lugardo '37. N. (Josd Agustin), settler at Branciforte 1797-8. i. 569, 571; grantee of S. Juan B., Mont., '44. iv. 655; perhaps same as Agustin above N (Josd Maria), 1808, com. of the Princesa. ii. 87; in '27 com. of the 8. Gorlos. ii, 456, 458, 470, 474. N. (Miguel), 1822, alfdrez ou the 8. 752 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. Cc'trlos. ii. 458. N. (Miguel), in S. Joad diat., age 30, wife Raimunda Buelna, child Aguatin; at the S. Juan B. rancho '55. N. (Pedro), Mex. naval lieut unattached; capt. of the port Mont. '39-44. iii. 672, 676; iv. 97, 307, 339, 357, 408, 431, 653; in '44 grantee cf Paao de Robles. iv. 655; in '45 mil. com. at Mont. iv. 652; in '46 served under Castro and waa a merab. of the lat jury. v. 12, 34, 41, 232, 289. I have uo later rec'ord of him. Nash, 1846, mr of the America, v. 576. N. (Mra), 1846, efforta to organ ize a school for her at N. Helv. in Jan. N. (John H.), 1845, Araer. lawyer and overl. iraraig. in the Haatinga party, iv. 686-7. Nothing ia definitely recorded of him from the time he left N. Helv. for S.P\ in Jan. '46 to Oct., when he went to Souoma with Bryant, but he perhapa took sorae part in the revolt. In Dec. he was made alcalde at Sonoma, being an iUiterate, well- meaning old raan, who called himself ' chief justice,' and attached great im portance to his office. In June '47 he refused to give up the office to Boggs, who was appointed to succeed him, whereupon Lieut Sherman was sent to arrest the recalcitrant alcalde and carry him a prisoner to Mont., where he soon became penitent, v. 608-10, 667-9. With Grigsby and Ide, Nash signed, in May '47, a Hist, of the Bear Flag Eevolt, having been in Sept. '46 sec. of a raeeting of ex-Bears, v. 189, 298. In April '48 he visited the mines as a committee of investigation to report for the benefit of Sonoraa residents; and later in the year he returned to Morraon IsL, where he died the same winter. N. (Wm H.), 1846, overl. immig. who settled with his family in Napa VaL; in '49 is said to have built the 1st school-house there; and still lived at Ht Helena in '69. Navarrete (Bernardo), 1833, Mex. lieut, attached to Mont, comp.; weut to Mex. on the downfaU of Gutierrez in '36. iu. 467, 240, 442, 463-6, 671. N. (Josd Antonio), 1819, Mex. capt. of the S. Bias infantry comp. in Cal. '19 -22, and in '20 com. of the post at Mont. ii. 607-8, 252, 254-5, 265, 379, 422, 451, 461, 463, 609, 675. N. (Raraon), soldier of the S.F. comp. '21-3; at Mout. '26. ii. 612. Navarro (Josd Ant.), mestizo aettler of Los Aug. 1786- 1800. i. 345, 348-9, 484, 640. N. (GuUlermo), alfdrez in '39. in. 583; at Sta B. earlier, wife Dionisia Doniinguez, 4 child. ; at Loa Ang. '46. N. (Teodoro), soldier of the S.F. comp. '28-34; at Loa Ang. '46. Nay (Joad), 1832, got a passp. at Los Ang. Nazario, Ind. cook at S. Diego, ii. 345. Neail(Jolin), 1847, ownerof lot at S.F. Neal, 1848, miner at Adams' Bar. N. (John), 1845, at Sutter's Fort often in '45-7, several times arriving from the bay and Sonoma with reports of impending hostiUties by the Californians. iv. 578, 587; v. 128, 170. As he came from Sonoma June 20th, he may have been one of the original Bears. He was an Irish sailor, a rough character, who lived in Colusa Co. till about '66, when — or earlier, aa Bidwell thinks— he killed a man in some dispute about a dog or a mining claim, and eacaped from thc country. N. (John C), 1841, otter-hunter at Sta B. not locally famous for paying his debta. N; (Joahua A.), 1847, nat. of N. H. who came as a sailor; was a clerk at S.P. '48; wenttothe minea '49. A reaid. of Alameda Co. '50-78, marrying a Bernal and living at Pleasanton. Neal (Samuel), 1844, n.at. of Pa — or of Holstein in one original record — and one of Frdmont's raen; discharged at his own request early in '44. iv. 437, 439, 453, 229. He was employed by Sutter as a blacksmith; was natural ized in Nov. ; and in Dec, in return for services in the Micheltorena campaign, got a land grant on Butte Creek, Butte, iv. 671. Inhis application he claimed to have beeu a resid. since '42; and indeed Yatea claima to have seen him in '42-3. He still worked much of the tirae at hia trade, aiding Frdmont ill the autumn of '45. Iu '40 he guided Gillespie up the Sac. Val. to overtake P'rdmont, and took part in the following troubles, though there is some con fusion between him and John N. in the records, v. 24, 101, 104, 107. After tho war he engaged in stock-raising, acquiring some local fame for his fine animala. He never married, and died at hisButteCreek home in '59, leaving his property to brothera whom he had not seen for 20 yeara. N. (AVm W.), 1847, on the roll of the Soc. Cal. Pion. aa having come in Jan. '49; but he states that he was at S.F. on awhaler in '47; in later yeara a well-known pilot NEAL— NIDEVER. 753 of S.F., atUl living in '85 with a faraily. Neale (D.), 1848, paasp. frora Hon. Nease (Peter), 1847, with Capt. Hunt of the Morm. Bat. (v. 469), accomp. by his wife N. (Sam.), 1847. Co. F, 3d U.S. artilL (v. 518). Ned, 1830, doubtful name, at S. Josd and Mont. '30-4. Neddies (John), 1831, steward on the Catalina. Nee (Luia), 1789, apothecary in Malas pina's exped. i. 490. Neob (John), 1847, Co. K, N. Y. Vol. (v. 499); d. Sonoraa '74. Needles (Wm H. ), 1847, purser's clerk on the Columbus. Negrete, see 'CastUlo Negrete.' Neiderer, 1847, Co. K, N.Y.VoL (v. 499); doubtful narae, not in Clark's last list; at S.F. '71-4. Neif (Joseph Ant.), 1839, German sailor, age 26, captured (?) by Cooper, released by A'-allejo, and employed by Leese at S. P. '40; known as Hen. Richer. NeiU (Wm M.) 1834, mr of the Llama, iu. 383; perhaps 'O'Neill.' NeUson (Thos), IS'ZQ, asst aurgeon with Beechey. iii. 121. Neiman (Hendrick), 1847, Co. D, N. Y.A'oL (v. 499). Neligh (Robert B.), 1847, meraberof the S. Josd counciL v. 664; agent for Com. Stockton in the mines '48; claimant in '62 for rancho in Mont. dist. v. 637. Nelson (Chas), 1847, at Hon. from S. P\ on the Fran cisca. Neraesio (Santiago), grantee of Capay '46. v. 675; perhaps an Ind. named Nemesis. Neri (Gregorio), soldier in the Hidalgo comp. at Mont. '36, age 27. Nero (Joseph), 1847, at Sutter's Port; prob. 'Verrot,' q.v. Ness (Elijah), 1837, Fr. lumberman iu the Sta Cruz region '37-43; said to have aided in tho arrest of foreigners '40. iv. 118, 22. Neve (Felipe de), 1777, Span, raajor ot cavalry who waa gov. of the Cali- forniaa, reaiding at Loreto from March 4, '75, and — having been promoted to colonel — at Mont, from Peb. 3, '77, to Sept. 10, '82. He became later briga dier, inspector-general, and comandante-geueral of Provinciaa Internaa, dying in '84. He waa one of California's ablest rulers. Biog. i. 237-8, 363, 446-8, 487; his rule in CaL, including his reglamento, or system of govt, his founding of the pueblos, and hia controversies with the missionaries, i. 306-83 passim; ment. i. 296, 389, 393, 405, 608. Gov. Neve had no faraily. NeviU (Joseph M.), 1848, owner of S.F. lots. Newell, 1836, named in Larkin's accounts. N., 1848, mr of the Hono lulu and Humboldt. N., 1848, of firra N., Brady, & Gilbert, luraberman at Mont. N. (Chester), 1847, chaplain of the U. S. Independence, v. 657. Newitt (Sara.), 1847, Ca D, N.Y.VoL (v. 499). Newraan (James), 1847, ditto. N. (John), 1847, Oo. H, ditto. N. (AA''ra), 1834, Engl, aervant of Woltera at Mont. Newmayer (Godfrey), 1846, Co. C, 1st U. S. dragoons. V. 336. Newson (J. M.), 1848, overl. imraig.; raemb. of the legislature from Stanislaus '68. Newton, 1846, overl. immig. of Bryant's party with wife; killed by Ind. on the way. N. (J. W.), chaplain on the U.S. Colum.bus. N. (Thomas), 1848, Swiss sailor on the Isaac Walton; real name Sjoberg. Nicholas, 1842, com. of the U.S. Yorktcrum. iv. 313, 570. Nicholaus (A.), 1848, passp. from Hon. Nichols, 1841, of the AValker party with Emraons of U.S. cx. ex. from Or. iv. 270. N. (Joseph), 1846, of the Mormon colony, with wife Jerusha and child, one child having died at aea. v. 546. He left the church, and in later years lived in- Alameda Co. to '82. Mra N. died in the faith. N. (J. M.), 1845, came on a whaler, iv. 587; saloon-keeper at Napa '52-71. Napa Eegister. N. (P.), 1848, passp. frora Hon. Nicholaon (J. AV.), 1847, raid, on the U.S. Lexington. Nichton (Patrick), 1847, Co. F, 3d U.S. artilL (v. 518). Nickerson (Thomaa), 1847, Co. I, N.Y.A''ol. (v. 499). Nidever (Goo.), 1833, nat. of Tenn., frora '20 a hunter in the west, making tripa to the Rocky Mta and N. Mex. tiU '33, when he came over the Sierra with Walker'a party and remained in Cal. iii. 391, 394, 459. Here he con tinued hia hunter's life, taking otter in all parts of the coast under Capt. Dana's license to '37, and later with one of his own. Occasionally named m the recorda from '36, hia horae being at Sta B. ; niaking frequent raida on the grizzly beara and killinff at leaat 200; naturalized in '37, and also servmg for a time with Graham'a riflemen. iU. 493; haviug aome conflicta with Ind. iv. 90; and escaping arrest in '40. iv. 24. In '41 he married Sinforoaa Sanchez, having bouhur, who became a lumberraan at S. Antonio; at Bodega '41. P. (Lewis), 1847, Co. E, N. Y.Vol. (v. 499); d. before '82. P. (Robert), 1834, at Mont. Parker (Robert A.), 1847, nat. of Boston, and sup. of the Mt Vernon, introd. by Melius to Larkin as a 'tough customer'; owner of a S.F. lot and member of the council, v. 648. In '48 he had au adobe store on Dupont St., and from July was keeper of the City Hotel, v. 680-1; being in '49-51 keeper of the famous Parker House. In '54 he lived at Crescent City, but later went to L. CaL, dying at S. Quintin in '65 at the age of 45. His widow died in S.F. '83, age 61, leaving 5 children. P. (Wm C), 1847, asst surg. of N.Y.Vol. V. 503, 511, 513; owner of S.F. lots. v. 664; surgeon of the S.F. guards '49; also engaged in trade, and named by Colton as owner of New York of the Pacifio '49. He lived in S.F. to '76, and in Oakland tiU '82 or later. Parks (David), 1848, overl. iramig. bound for Or., but turned from his way by reports of gold iu Cal. ; mined on the Yuba, gave his name to Parks Bar, and went to N. Orleans in '49 with $80,000 in gold-dust. His son David reraained in Cal. and became a citizen of Marysville, aa did John, who built the lat hotel at M. P. (Wm), 1846, deaerter from U. S. service, for whom Capt. Morriaon offered $50 reward. P. (Wra A.), 1848, iu S.P. liat of let ters. Parmo (Luigi), 1834, Ital. sailor at Mout., age 29. Parodi (Nicolda), 1841, Ital. aailor from Salvador ou the Jdven Carolina as part owner of the cargo. Parr (Charles), 1846, Engl, overl. immig. with his parents, who settled at Sta Clara in '47, and in '81 still lived as a stock farmer in Almaden township, with wife T. Garcia, aud 10 children. P. (Chas H.), 1846, brother of Chas, nat. of Iowa, overl. immig., who died in Sta Clara Co. '77, leaving a widow, Mary A. Kenny, and 2 children. P. (Jonathan), 1846, father of the preced ing, who settled in Sta Clara Co. , where he died iu '67 at Los Gates, leaving 6 children. P. CWm J.), 1846, son of Jonathan; nat. of Ohio; farraer near S. Josd '4'7-76. Pdrraga (Prancisco), 1803, com. of the Concepcion. ii. 19. Parrena (Santiago), 1810, agent for Bonaparte for N. Mex. and CaL; prob. uot in Cal. ii. 88. Parrilla (Leon), 1793, lieut of the Monterey comp. '93-5, retired for incom petency. Biog. i. 634, 678. Parrish (Joseph), 1846, mid. on the U.S. Ports mouth, acting Ueut in Co. P, Stockton's battaUon, '46-7. v. 385. Parron (Fernando), 1769, Span, friar, third of the miaaionaries to reach CaL, and founder of S. Diego mission, where he aerved till his retirement in '71 ou account of Ulness. i. 120, 128, 136-8, 164, 167, 176, 178. Parrott (Enoch G.), 1846, lieut ou the U.S. Congress '46-8, who served in the war of '61-5 as com mander; as commodore was iu com. at Mare Isl. '71; rear-admiral '73; and died '79 in N.Y. A nat. of N. H., b. '15. P. (John), 1845, nat. of Va, for 768 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. many years eng;aged in trade on the Mex. coast, and U.S. consul at Mazatlan in '45-6, rendering valuable aid to the naval officers iu matters relating to the occupation of Cal. iv. 302; v. 13. His first visit to Cal. waa in connection with hia grand amuggling acheme which ended aoraewhat diaaatrously with the y, reck of the Star of the West. iv. 560, 568, 587. I have raany letters written by, to, and about him at that time. After the gold discovery he came with his family to S.P., where he was a shipping merchant to '69, and later a banker and capitalist down to his death in '84 at the age of 73. He was famous for his uniformly successful investments and for never taking any risks, his caution and conservatisra being in marked contrast with the prevalent spirit of the times. He left a widow and several children and grandchildren. Parsons (Alonzo P.), 1847, Ca B, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). P. (J. H.), 1847, per ha.ps ditto; not on roll. Parvin (John B.), 1847, Co. A, ditto; in Nev. '74; at MonticeUo, Minn., '82; m N.Y. '84. Pascal (Johu H.), 1848, mate of the Ehone; went to the raines, and later settled on a farra near lone City, where he died in '72. Pascual (Juan), 1602, piloto in Vizcaino's exped. i. 98. P. (Mateo Josd), 1818, negro of Bouchard's exped.; reraained iu Cal. ii. 237, 241, 393. Pask (Francis G.), 1847, artificer in Co. F, 3d U. S. artill.' (v. 618). Pasos (Manuel de Dios), 1822-4, Portu guese nat. of Brazil, who in '29 lived in the Mont, dist, age 23, single, and a resid. since '24; in '36 at Sta B., a catholic hunter of 'raediura' character; in '45 at Los Aug., naturalized, and 23 years a resident, ii. 478. Pastor (Ignacio), grantee of Milpitas '38. iii. 677. Paterna (Antonio), 1771, Span, friar who served at S.Gabriel, S.Luis Ob., and Sta B., where he died iu '93. Biog. L 672; raent. i. 173, 176, 178, 181, 189, 193-6, 223, 299, 388, 411, 423, 469, 576. Patricio, a leader of the neophyte revolt '24. ii. 527. Patron (Felipe), soldier of S. P. comp. '39-42. Patry (Peter), 1846, at S. Josd according to testiraony in later litigation. Patterson, 1846, of P. & Foster who had a Cal. claira of $50 (v. 462); also a P. raent. at Mont. '48; and one in lone Valley. P. (Mrs Christina), 1846, overl. iraraig. whose husband died on the joumey; at N. Helv. and in S. Joaq. Val. '47; married El. Robinson, and was still living in '78. P. (P. E.), 1846, at S.Diega P. (G.), 1848, passp. froraHon. P. (Gea), 1840, Irish sailor who left the Columbia at S.F., worked in the redwoods, 'and in '44 entered Sutter's employ, iv. 120; apparently the man naraed in Yuba Co. Hist, as having occupied a rancho on the Yuba iu '45-8; raining in '48-9; later a resid. of S.F., where in '72 he related for rae his Adventures. P. (Mrs Isabella), 1844, overL iramig. of the Stevens party with several chil dren, being the daughter of Hitchcock of the same party, iv. 445. In '45 she is naraed in the Branciforte padron as a widow, age 35; child. Isaac b. '31, Tedra (?) '32, Margaret ',33, and Helen '38. A daughter, Mary, was married ill Aug. '45 by Larkin to Jaraes Williams, iv. 587. P. (Johu Alex.), 1847, Co. D, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); in the rainea '48, and later kept a aaloohat S.F. aoc to Swan; in '49 treaaurer of the Regulatora, elected to the conatit. con vention, aud to the legislature. Annals of 8.F.; in '50 at S. Josd. Swan aaya he died about thia tirae. P. (John W.), 1823, nat. of Mass.; reaid. of S.P. '07; died at S.F. '79 at the age of 73; arr. '23 ace. to Soc Cal. Pion. rolla and the^ttaof '67; perhapa a sailor who touched the coast at the date named and came back later. P. (Nath. G.), 1846, nat. of Tenn., and overl. imraig. ; served in Cal. Bat. '40-7 (v. 358); rainer in '48; in '60 kept a stable at Stock ton; finally settled at Liverraore, where he lived in '82 with wife Kate Simp son and 2 children Chas T. and Suaan (Mrs Davis). Alam. Co. Hist, 959. P. (Wm), 1846, saloon-keeper with Thos Smith at S.F. '46-8. v. 685. Pattie (Jaraes Ohio), 1828, a young Kentuckian trapper from N. Mex., who spent over a year in CaL, part of thc time in jail at S. Diego, and had his Personal Narrative of adventures published a few years later. See iii. 162-72; ii. 643, 548, 561, 556, 667, 611, 616, 651; iU. 74, 82-3, 134, 139, 171; iv. 263. I have an autog. letter written by P. in Mex. '30, on his way from Cal. ; and he is said to have rovisited S. Diego aftei: '50. P. (Sylvester), 1828, father of Janies 0., -who died in prison at S. Diego, iii. 162-5, 178. . Patti- PATTISON— PEACE. 769 son (T.), 1841, mid. on the U.S. St Louis. Patton (A. Gwinn), 1841, overi. immig. of the Bartleson party, who went back to Mo. in '42. iv. 270, 275, 342. P. (David), 1846, Fauntleroy's dragoona (v. 232, 247). Paty (Henry), 1837, nat. of Mass. and raerchant at Hon. from '33, of the firm Heury Paty & Co. I have his letters frora '34, and he visited Boston in '34-5. In '37 he carae to Cal. to sell the Clarion, which becarae the Califomia. iii. 531; iv. 101, 106, 117-18. In '38-40 he carae again on the Don Quixote, owned by hia firra, coraraanding alao the Morse and perhaps the Ninfa in '39-40. iv. 103, 105. In '41 on the way frora Valparaiao to Hon. he becanie deraented on account of the ravagea of small-pox on board, and cut hia own throat with a razor. The firm, after his death, conaiated of hia brothera John and AVm, and Eli Southworth. P. (Johu), 1837, brother of Henry, who came on the Haw. achr lolani. iv. 104, 117-18. In '38-48 he made dne or more tripa each year between Cal. aud Hon. aa master of the Don Quixote, and his name often appears in coramercial records, many of his original letters being in ray possession, in. 570; iv. 25, 103, 314, 375, 512, 559, 565; v. 268, 577, 579, 681, 683. Capt. P. owned land at S.F., and his firm of P. & Mc Kinley kept a atore there iu '43-5; he rendered ocoaaional aid to the govt, especially in carrying away Micheltorena and hia choloa; he was often en gaged in smuggling operations, but was knowu to everybody and liked by all. His wife Mary and daughter carae to Cal. occasionally frora '42. From '46 ho was senior captain, or a kind of commodore, in the Hawaiian navy. After '48 Capt. P. continued his voyages, celebrating in '65 or '66 the lOOtli trip between Cal. and the Islands; and he died at his Hawaiian home in '68 at the age of 61. His widow visited S. Diego about '80, one of her daughters being the wife of Lieut Benson, U.S.A., and another the wife of a lieut in the navy, living at Vallejo. Capt. Paty was faraous for his skill and good luck aa a navigator; and few in this list have left ao enviable a reputation for busineaa integrity and kindneaa of heart. Paul (Johu A.), 1848 (?), German broker who committed auicide at Oakland in '83. Paulding (Charles), 1833, at Sta B. P. (Joaeph), 1832, nat. of Md, trapper and cabinet-maker, who came frora N. Mex. in the winter of '32-3, iii. 388, 408, and diatingnished himself by making the 1st two billiard- tables in Cal. He waa still at Los Ang. in '35, complaining of unjust imprison ment by the alcalde. He went to N. Mex., but returned during the flush times of '48-52, and after a residence of some years in Sonora returned finally to Los Aug., where he died in '60 at the age of 50; perhaps hia name should be written 'Pawlding.' Paulet (Lord Geo.), 1843, com. of H. B. M. S. Garysfort. iv. 664. Paulina (H.), 1848, paaap. from Hon. Payeras (Mariano), 1796, Span, friar who served chiefly at Puriairaa, being also preaident or prefect of the raissionaries from 1815 to his d»ath in '22. One of the ablest and most prominent of the Femandinoa. Biog. ii. 489-90; raent. i. 500, .577, 686; U. 106-7, 12.3-4, 162, 159, 235-6, 255, 268, 265, 297, 316, 328, 330-2, 335, 338, 351, 366, 394, 397-412, 414, 416, 418, 431-8, 442, 451-2, 458-9, 461, 463-5, 479-80, 496, 562, 571, 580, 687, 591, 597, 631, 643, e-'iS, 657; iii. 11. Payraer (Phil.), 1845, at Sutter'a Fort. Payne (R. K.), 1845, immig. from Or. in the McMahon-Clyman party. In the same party waa a widow Payne — daughter of Owen Suraner, with 3 children — and the two were married at Sutter's Fort in P'eb. '46, prob. retuming to Or. or to the Eaat a Uttie later iu the year. iv. 572; v. 526. Payaon (Sam.), 1878, Co. B, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). Peace (Jaraea), 1838 (?), nat. of the Orkney lal. , of Scotch and Daniah parent- aon Pio, but not overburdened with principle. He was never raar ried. 1 have a valuable col. of origmal Papeles de Mision from his private achives. '^ Pico (Antonio Maria), son of Josd Dolores, b. at Mont, in 1808. In '33 maj. at S. Josd; alcalde iu '36. iii. 729-30; lieut. of militia '37-8, mvolved m a oonspiracj'. iii. 51,3-14, 573, 732; in '39 suplente of the junta aud grantee of VaUe de S. Josd raucho. Ui. 690, 713, 731; 2d juez, com. of au Ind. exped., and grantee of Pescadero iu '43. iv. 362, 673, 685; in '44-6 juez and alcalde, oapt. of defensores taking part in the revolt against Michel torena, and a suplente of the assembly, iv. 407, 469, 486, 540, 685-6 He was purchaser of the S. Rafael mission estate in '46. v. 561, 670; and was in some trouble through favoring the cause of the U.S.; 2d alcalde in '47, and prefect '49-50, having been a member of the constit. convention. In '61 he waa a repubUcan elector, and waa appointed by Pres. Lincolu register of the U. S. land-office at Los Aug., reaigning in '62. Hia death occurred in '69. He aeema to have been a man of Umited abilitiea and excellent character. His wife waa PUar Bernal, who survived him with 3 aona and 3 daughters, Petra Mra Gelesch, Marcelina Mrs Campbell, and Vicenta Mrs Caatro; or at leaat, theae were the aignera of the funeral iuvitationa in '69. Three volumes of Documentos para la Historia de Califomia from the private archives of Don Autonio Maria were added by his family to my collection. P. (Fernando), ranchero at Sta B. '45. P. (Francisco), concerned in the re volt of '45. iv. 487; grautee of Calaveras in '46. v. 665;'Cal. claim of $2,950 (v. 462). P. (Prancisco Javier), brother of Josd Maria; aoldier of Sta B. comp; 1786-1806, retiring aa invdlido; one of the granteea of Simi 1795- 1821. i. 663; ii. 506. P. (Joad), mestizo soldier at Sta B. 1785, age 21. P. (Josd Ant. Bernardino), sou of Josd Maria, b. at S. Diego 1794. About '15 he enlisted in the S. Diego comp.; is raent. aa clerk in '17. ii. 425. sergt of the comp. from '28. ii. 543; Ui. 165; charged with conapiracy '34. lii. 257-8; promoted to alfdrez '34, and comisionado to secularize S. Juan Cap. Ul '34-6. Ui. 608, 626-7. In '36-8 he was transferred to the Mont. comp. ; proraoted to lieut in '38; and in '39 transferred to the S. P\ comp. at Sonoraa. iii. 549, 584, 608, 671, 667-8. He left the mil. service in '43, being the grantee of Agua CaUente, S. Diego, in '40, of S. Luis Rey '46, and also one of the purchasers of S. Josd Mission, v. 561, 611, 620-1. Nothing is heard of him iu the troubles of '45-8, but he continued to live in the south, dying at S. Diego in '71. He is described as a lively old raan, full of jokes, nicknamed Picito ou account of his diminutive size; aud ridiculed to aome extent by WUkes in his narr. of '41. I know nothing of his faraily, except that he got perraission in '28 to raarry Soledad Ibarra. Pioo (Josd Dolorea), Mex. soldier wlio carae to Cal. about 1790, raarrying Gertrudis Aradzquita iu '91, and serving iu the Sta B. comp. to '95 or later. Before 1804 he was transferred to the Mont, comp., marrying Isabel Cota, and serving iu the Sta Cruz escolta. Prora '11 he was sergt of the corap., and is raent. in connection with several Ind. exped., being dangerously wounded iu '15, obtaining in '19 a-grant of the Bolsa de S. Cayetano rancho, and being in charge of the raucho nacional, Salinas, from '21. ii. 56, 33.5-6, 338-9, 379, 416, 609, 615-16; iii. 43. He died in '27, leaving a good record as a soldier and Indian-fighter, -who lacked the education or birth which might have given hira proraotion. He was the founder of the northern branch of the Pico fara- il.y, Autonio Maria and Joad de Jesus being the most prorainent of his sous. There were 13 childreu. A daughter, Maria Ant., was claimant for S. Caye tano. iv. 655. The widow died at Castroville iu '69 at the age of 86, leaving over a hundred deacendanta. P. (Josd de Jeaua), aon of Dolores, b. at Mont. in 1807. In '27-31 be served as a soldier of the Mont, corap., taking part in the Solis revolts of '28-29. iii. 66-7, 74; but subsequently getting a substitute and living on his father's rancho. In '36-8 he was soraewhat prominent in Alvarado's 778 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. revolution. Ui. 457, 461, 491, 501-2, 524, 667, 572, 638; iv. 96; adrain. of S. , Antonio '38-41 ; grantee of Piedra Blanca, S. Luis Ob. '40; admin, of S. Mi guel '41-3. iii. 678, 688; iv. 252, 660. He took part iu the movement of '44-6 against Micheltorena. iv. 468-9, 487, 658, 682. In '46, ranking as capt. of defensores, and being juez depaz at S. Luis Ob., he was paroled with other officera, but broke his parole aud supported Flores in the Natividad campaign. He was accordingly arrested by Frdmont in Dec and condemned to death, but pardoned at the intercession of his wife aud children. He became a raost devoted friend of Frdmont, aiding him in bringing about the treaty of Ca huenga, and accompanying him on his faraoua ride of '47. v. 282, 321, 362-3, 374-5, 403, 443, 638-9. Iu '48-9 Don Jesus raade some suooeasf ul tours in the mines, and later Uved on his S. Luis Ob. rancho with his family, being county assessor and asaerablyman in '52-3. In '78 he dictated hia recoUectiona for my use, cited as Aconteci-mie-ntoa, and containing raany iteras of valuable testiraony. ii. 230, 232, 339, 384, 417, 427, 446, 624. I have not heard of his death down to '85. Pico (Josd Maria), brother of Dolores, son of Santiago Pioo of Sinaloa, and founder. of the family in southern CaL; a soldier of the S. Diego comp. from 1782, Corp. of the guard at S. Luis Rey frora 1798, and sergt 1805-18, being retired — perhaps with brevet rank of alfdrez — in '18, and dying at S. Gabriel, where he had long been in cora. of the escolta in '19. His wife, inarried in 1789, was Maria Eustaquia Lopez, nat. of Sonora. His 3 aons, Andrda, Josd Ant., and Pio, are named in thia regiater; and there were 7 daughtera, of whom Concepcion married Domingo CarriUo, Estefana and Jacinta married Josd Aut. Carrillo, Isidora was the wite of John Forster, Toraasa of an Al varado, and a sixth was Feliciana. P. (Manuel), one of the granteea of Sirai '42, prob. sou of Javier, Miguel, or Patricio; encargado at Sta Isabel '43. iv. 620,640. , P. (Miguel), brother of Josd Maria, aoldier of the StaB. comp.; granteeof Sirai rancho 1795, 1821., i. 663; ii. 566; in '32 an invdlido, wife Casilda Sinoba, child. Maria Ignacia,^ Petra, Apolonia, Juan de Mata, and Mariano. The widow died in '60 at the age of 74, leaving 15 children, 116 grandchildren, and 97 great-grandchildren — 116 malea, 112 femalea. P. (Patricio); brother of Joad Maria, one of the granteea of Simi 1795, 1821, '42. i. 663; ii. 364, 6C3; iv. 643. Pico (Pio), aon of Joad Maria, b. at S. Gabriel 1801, moving to S.Diego after the death of hia father in '19, where he kept a sm.all shop. For mention of hia early life, aee ii. 168, 344, 425, 646, 559, 604. In the publio recorda he first appeara aa clerk at a trial in '26. ii. 549; was a vocal of the dip. from '28. iii. 41-2; beiug ment. also in connection with the Fitch eloperaerit in '29. iii. 141; aud getting the same year some kind of a title to the Jaraul rancho. Dept. Sec, vii. 61, 94; confirraed in '31. iii. 611. In '31 he was a leader of the southern opposition to Gov. Victoria, iii. 189, 197, 201, 203-4, 206; and in '32, according to the plan, should have been gov. ad int. as senior vboal and president of the dip., but was unable to secure the place, though he is often erroneously named as gov. in that year. iii. 216-20, 224, 226, 231, 245. He was again member of the dip. '34-5, being a candidate for alcalde and chosen elector '36. iii. 246, 249-50, 276, 300, 48.3-4, 616; iu '34-40 adrainistrator of S. Luis Rey, having also a profitable contract to slaughter cattle on ahares at S. GabrieL iiL 349,353,623-4,628; iv. 54, 61; and in''37-9 an active partisan ot the south against Alvarado's govt, beiug more than once a prisoner, though like most others never in a fight, and playing a not very creditable part in the sectional strife iii. 495,499-502, 60-4. 506,508-9,516, 51-8,520, 546,548-50, 555, 668, 564-6, 578, 580, 602, 614. He was again member of the junta in '39-41, protesting against Monterey's claims as capital; also one of the terna for gov., tithe collector at Los Ang., and provisionally grantee of Teradcula. iii. 584, 590, 604, 606, 612, 623, 637; iv. 193. In '41 lie was the grantee of Sta Margarita and Laa Florea. iv. 021, 628; in '42 aupposed to be plotting in" favor of England, iv. 282; in '44-5 again meinber of the junta, and capt. of defenaorea, appointed comandante de eaouadron. iv, 301, 403, 407, 410-11, 425, 475. On the downfaU of Micheltorena iu '45, having taken aonio pari PICO— PIERCE. 779 in the campaign, Don Pio, aa preaident of the junta, became temporary gov. from Feb. 22d. iv. 404, 492-3, 495-9, 603-7, 509, 621, 530. Hia office waa con- firmed in Mex., and Apr. 18, '46, he took the oath as constitutional gov. For his rule of '45-6, general acta and controversy with Gen. Castro, ace iv. 511-45; v; 30-63; on misaion affaira, iv. 546-62; v. 558-64; Frdmont affair and Bear revolt, V. 5, 138-44; on foreign intervention and McNamara project, v. 59-62, 69, 217-19; misoellaneoua mention, v. 567, 670, 590, 603, 624. On the ap proach of the U.S. forcea Pico left CaL for Mexico, v. 261-78; but in '48 re turned. V. 588-90; and haa since resided at Sta Margarita— sold to John Fos ter in '64-— and at Loa Angelea down to '85, having been claimant for other ranchoa, iii. 611, 633, and being atill a man of some wealth. He married Maria Ignacia Alvarado iu '34, but I find no record of children. Pio Pico is a man who haa been abused far beyond hia deaerta; a man ot ordinary intelU gence and limited education; of generoua, jovial diapositiou; reckleaa and in dolent; -with a weakness for cards and women; diaposed to be fair and honor able in hia transactions, but without sufficient strength of principle to keep always clear of doubtful complications or avoid being made the tool of knaves; patriotic without the ability to accomplish much for his country. In his con troversy of '45-6 with Castro his conduct was foolish in the extreme; iu other respects dowu to 1848 his record is better rather than worse than inight be expected of a coraraonplace raan in so prominent a position. Not much fault can be found with his mission policy; he did not, as has been charged, run away in '46 with large sums of money obtained by illegal sales of mission es tates; he had a perfect right to favor his friends by land grants in the last days of his power, and to prefer that Cal. should fall into English rather than American possesaion. That he aeems to have antedated aome laud granta after hia return iu '48 ia the moat discreditable feature of his record; yet my stndy of land litigation leads rae to hesitate in condemning or exonerating any official or citizeu, native or pioneer, on charges originating in that most uufathoraable pool of corruption. In '78 Don Pio dictated for me a Historia de California, which in intereat and accuracy compares favorably with other pioneer stateraents; aud at the same time gave rae two volumes of original Doc. Hiat. Cal, including several important papers. Pico (Rafael), at Sirai raucho '29-31. U. 566; iii. 635. P. (Ramon), son of Antonio Maria, b. in '27; in '63-6 capt. of Co. A, lat battalion of native Cal. cavalry, atationed for a tirae in Arizona. He added to my collection 3 vola of Doc. Hiat. Cal, containing many original papera belonging to his father, and others relating to the captain's owu military career. Major Josd Ramon ia still a resident of S. P. in '86. P. (Salomon), son of Joad Dolorea, of whora nothing appeara before '48 except that a rancho in Tudumne was later claimed on a grant of '44 to him. iv. 674. After '49 he beoame a noted highwayman and murderer in the region of S. Luis Ob. and Sta B. About '57 he went to L. Cal., where in '60 ho was put to death by order of the sub-gefe politico Esparza. P. (Santiago), a settler at Loa Ang. 1790. i. 401; at Simi rancho 1802. ii. 111. He seeras to have been a soldier of the S. P. and S. Diego comp. in '76-80. It is just possible that he was the father of Josd Maria and Dolores, though I find no definite record that that Santiago ever came to Cal. P. (Vicente), at Sta B. before '37, wife Estefana Garcia, 4 children. Pieras (Miguel). 1771, Span, friar, founder of S. Antonio, where he served tiU his departure from Cal. in 1794. Biog. i. 688-9; ment. i. 173, 176, 188-9, 196, 255, 279, 298, 388, 469, 576. Pierce (Charles), 1847, Co. B, N. Y. Vol. (v. 499); d. before '82. P., 1795, Engl. Nootka coramissioner at Mont. L 527. P. (Harrison M.), 1843 (?), settler in Napa, who landed in Or. from a whaler in '42 ace to Menefee and Lancey. Bidwell thinks he was in Cal. '41-2. In '68 he testified that he worked for Dr Bale in '45-8; the first defi nite record is his signature to the S. Josd call to foreignera in March '45. In '47 named aa an Amer. bachelor at N. Helv.; in '48 built the first structure in Napa City, used as a saloon, and still standing in '81. He died in '70. iv. 400 599' V. 128, 670. P. (Stephen H.), 1846, of the Mormon colony, who prob. did uot come to Cal. v. 547> P. (Wm), 1846, Co. C, 1st U. S. dra- 780 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. goona (v. 336). Piercy (Sam. G.), 1847, Irishman of Co. F, 3d U. S. artlU. (v. 618); one of the few who did not deaert for tho mines; name James G. on the roll. He worked as copying clerk duriug the coustitutional conventicm of '49; aud after his discharge in '51 went to N. Y., but returned aud lived frora '53 at Oakland, where he died in '77, leaving a widow and married daughter. Pierola (Amoldo) at Mont, in '25. ui. 26. Pierre (Jean), 1806, boatswain of the Peacock, ii. 38. Pike (Wm M.), 1846, of the Donner party from Tenn. He waa accidentally killed before reaching the mts, leaving a widow and 2 children. The widow, Harriet F. Murphy, survived, raarrying Michael Nye in '47 and dying in Or. '70. One of the daughters, Naomi L., alao a aurvivor at the age of 3, raarried I)r Mitchell of MarysviUe in '65, and in '80 waa Mrs Schenck at The Dallea, Or. The other daughter, Catherine, an infant, died atthe Sierra carap. v. 531, 633-4. Pilikin (John), 1844, diaabled Amer. sailor of the Monmouth, iu care of the consul at Mont. Pina (Bias), with Arce's party, 46. v. 106. P. (Joaquin), Mex. corporal of artill. at S.F. frora '29, when he wrote a Diario of an iraportant exped. against the Ind., the original of which is in my possession; in '44 acting oom. at S.F., also owner of town lands, iii. 75, 111, 113, 212, 702; iv. 463, 669, 672. P. (Ldzaro), Mex. artilL corporal at Mont. '29, at S. Rafael '32. iii. 76, 716; in '36 at Mout., age 39, wife Pldcida Villela, child. Josd de Jesus b. in Mont. '26, German '29, Ant, A. at S.F. '31, Feliciano at Mont. '32, Francisco '33, Luis G. '35. In '37 he was corporal iu the S.F. cav. corap., and frora '38 sergi and acting alfdrez, soraetimes in com. at Sonoma, and the grantee of Agua Caliente in '40, besides being owner of a S.F. lot in '45. iu. 193, 583, 702, 711, 722; iv. 12, 121, 172-4, 669, 684. He is named by Revere in '46. v. 297; but soon went io Mex., where he is said to have beeu killed at the battle of Cerro Gordo. P. (Mdximo), teacher at Los Ang. '17-18. U. 353. P. (Pedro), Mex. soldier in the Hidalgo piquete at Mont. '36, age 28. Pinard (J. B.), 1848, Canadian farmer at S. Josd '68-76. Pineda (Joaquin), Mex. soldier ai Mont., age 26. P. (Lorenzo), grantee of Los Uvas, Sta Clara, '42. v. 674. Pinkerton (Jaraes), 1846, Co. C, 1st U. S. dragoons (v. 336). Pinkney (Rob ert P.), 1846, lieut on the U. S. Savannah, in com. of S. Josd garrison during the Sanchez campaign of '46-7; also of the U. S. ex. ex. in '41, but not in Cal. iv. 241; v. 378, 061. Pino (Miguel), 1770, 2d off. on the Spanish trans ports '70-3. i. 168, 208. Pinto (Antonio), soldier of the S.F. comp. '19-22. P. (Francisco), son of Serafin, ai S. Josd '41, age 34, wife Prudenciana Servian (?), child Maria Ig nacia; in '46-7 kept under arrest at Mont, by Maddox for 6 mouths to pre vent his raising a force to join Plores in the south. P. (Joaquin), resident of Branciforte '30. ii. 627. P. (Juan Maria), soldier of the S. P. comp. 1797-1800. i. 499, 560; of the S.F. comp. '19-27; in '28 at Branciforte with his wife Apolonia Mesa and 4 child., Claudio, Clara, Cdrraen, and Rosario, also at B. '30-6, ii. 627; Ui. 697. P. (Juana P.). married to M. A. Cordew 1776, the firat marriage at S.F. i. 296. P. (Manuel), at S. Joad '41, age 66, wife Maria Amdzquita, child. Paulina b. '23, Maria de la Cruz '26, Eatdvau '28, Miguel '33, Felipe '36. P. (Pablo), corporal of the S.F. corap. L 297. P. (Rafael), aon of Serafin, b. at Branciforte '18, educated at Mont., aud in '36 joining Alvarado's revolt was made alfdrez and soon lieut of volunteers, in which capacity he served in the south '37-9, his regular appointment aa alfdrez of the Mont. comp. coming from Mex. iu '39. ii. 585; iii. 191, 491, 550, 555, 578, 687, 671; iv. 652. In '40 he waa one of the officera who went to Tepio with the foreign exiles, retnrning in '41. iv. 13, 23, 23, 28, 30. After serving as an aide to Micheltorena for a year or more he resigned; in '43-4 was a custora-house guard at Mont. ; and in '45-6 was receptor of cuatoms at S.F., refusing to join the moveraent agaiust Micheltorena, and going south with Castro after the occupation of S.F. by the U.S. iv. 292, 377, 431, 463, 667, 670; v. 68, 135, 239, 659. After the faU of Loa Ang. in Aug. Pinto re turned north, waa paroled, and took no farther part in the -war, becoming a ranchero in later yeara; had a ' Cal. claim ' of $2,464 (v. 462). Hia wife was PINTO— POLLORENA. 781 Maria, daughter of Juan Araeati, with whora and 4 children he lived in '78 on hia rancho near Corralitoa, Sta Cruz Co., a mau of good reputation. Hia Apuntaciones is a valuable MS. narrative dictated for my uae at that time; and he also gave me the original S. F. custora-houae records in his possession since '46, a most important col. of Doc. Hist. Oal P. (Serafin), resident of Bran ciforte '18, and earUer to '30 and later; alcalde iu '22, '27. ii. 627. His -wife was Ignacia, daughter of Pedro Araador, and his children Francisco, Rafael, Ascension, Antonia, Dolores, Maria, Ignacia, and Cdrraen the wife of J.B. Bonifacio. Pio, one of the grantees of UUstac, Sta Clara, '46. iv. 674. Pioche (F. L. A.), 1848, Frenchman who came to S.F. from Chile, engaging in trade and becoining a millionaire, prominently conneeted with many great enterprises of city, state, and coast. The town of Pioche, Nov., bears his name. Becoming involved in financial troubles, he finally committed suicide in '72. Pioneer (Jacob A.), 1847, Co. D, N. Y. Vol. (v. 499). Pioquinto (Josd Ant.), at Los Aug. '46. Piper (Asabel D.), 1847, came on the Loo Choo from N.Y., but not of N.Y.VoL; owner of S.F. lot; aided O'Farrel in his survey of the town. In '52 he furnished for the Alta his recoUectiona of the city iu '47; went in '71 to S. Amer., wbere he waa killed by Ind. in '73. Piatrowaki, see 'Petrowski.' Pitnak (Cdrlos), 1828, mr of the Oen. Sucre. iiL 147; doubtful name. Pitts (Henry P.), 1844 (?), said by Hall and others to have arrived at Sta Clara in '41. I have a letter purporting to be written by him in April '40, at a quicksilver mine in Cal., doubtleaa an error. Swan aaya that Wm P., pre- auraably the same, landed trom an Amer. whaler in '44, and from that date he appeara ou Larkin's booka. iv. 453. In '46 he waa employed to carry de apatchea from Mont, to S. Joad and S.F. v. 238, 245; hia receipt for $140 ou July 7th appearing in the Consulate Archives, ii. 16. In '47-8 he worked at the quiokailver rainea; alao in the gold-fields '48; in '74 atill prospecting for quicksilver in Mout. Co., and still living in '84. Pixton (Robert), 1847, Co. E, Morra. Lat. (v. 469); in Sutter's eraploy '47-8; returned to Utah. Place (Wm), 1833, Amer. sailor left sick at Sta B. by a whaler, iii. 409; still there in '36, age 34; and iu '45 permitted to marry a neophyte. Pla- cencia (Luis), com. de policia at Mont. iii. 675. Placiat (Antoine), 1827, mr of the ComMe. iii. 146. Plaza (Ignacio), 1842, Mex. lieut of the batallon fijo. iv. 289. Pieramonds (David and Johu), 1848, came with Col Davis. Sta Clara Co. Hist, 660. Pliego (.Josd), settier at S. Josd before 1800. i. 716. P. (Rodrigo), 182-5, Mex. alfdrez of the Mont., Sta B., and S. Diego corap. '25-31; a bad fellow who left Cal. in '32 with Gov. Victoria. Biog. UL 210-11; raent. ii. 672, 608; iii. 15, 50, 02, 78-9, 84, 186, 191-2, 195, 205, 608, 650, 671. Plino (Louis), 1836, French servant of Abrego at Mont., age 38. Pluhimer (Henry), 1835, Engl, cooper who landed from a whaler and becarae an otter- hunter in the Sta B. region. UL 413; named in a liat of '36 aa 38 yeara old and single; joined Nidever in raany hunting trips down to '70. P. (Wm), 1847, Co. E, N. Y.Vol. (v. 499). Plucois (Pedro), doubtful name in a Sta B. Ust of '41. Plunkett (James), 1847, Co. E, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). . Poalclcoiu (John), 1841, doubtful narae of a deserter from the Juan Joai, who worked as a carpenter for Stearns at Los Ang. Poenicar (Joad), 1806, doubtful name, mr of the Eeisos. U. 39. Poett (J. Henry), 1848, phyaician at S.F.; possibly earher. Poinsett, 1845, perhaps one of Frdmont's party. iv. 583. Polanco (Josd), grantee of Conejo, Sta B., soon after 1800; at Los Ane 1804 '19; a P. owned S. Josd de Buenos Aires '40; and an Inda (?) P. was sent a priaoner to Mex. iu '30. ii. 112, 172, 185, 349, 354, 566, 664; iii. 85, 634. PoUey (Jaraes H.), 1846, boatswain on the Dale '46-7; went East '48 on the Conqress; returned on the Vincennes, deserting for the mines '50; again in the navy '61-66, when he died. Lancey. Pollock (James), 1847, Co. F, 3d U S artill (v. 618); a Scotch weaver suppoaed by Kooser to have died be fore '64 P. (Jaraes), 1846, settier in '50 with hia family on the Coauranes, where he died '76 and wife in '80. Sac Co. Hist; poaaibly aame aa preoed- iuff P (Lewia), 1840, one of the Graham exilea not known to have retumed. iv 18 Pollorena, ment. at Los Ang. '47. v. 396. P. (Juan), at Los Ang. 782' PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. '19. ii. 355; alao in '46. P. (Maria Ant.), at Loa Ang. '48. ' P. (Pedro), corp. of the S. Diego corap. 1797, and in com. of S. Gabriel escolta. i. 658, 664; set tled at Los Ang. 1805. ii. 310. P. (Rosalia), at Los Ang. '48. Porabert (Louis), 1826, Canadian trapper of Jed. Smith's party, who left the party in '27, lived 18 months on Higuera's rancho, and iu Apr. '29 at S. Josd, age 28. iii. 159-60, 176, 180. In '32 he joined the comp. extranjera at Mont. iii. 221 ; in '34 had a wife — Piloraena, daughter ot Dolores Pico — and a son Juan, born in '30, a daughter Isabel being born in '35. He was a sergf in Graham's corap. supporting Alvarado '36. iii. 468, 675. His narae, written generaUy Porabare, appears in Larkin's books to '45 and in other records to '47.' Hia aona are said to have lived at Caatroville in '77. Pomeroy (S. D. ), 1848 (?), nat. of Ohio, in Sonoraa Co. '55-77. Poraponio, ex-neophyte and famous outlaw captured near S. Rafael and put to death in '24. ii. 537, 597, 014. Poncabard (Agustin), 1833, rar of the Mariquita '33, '35. iii. 383. Ponce de Leon (Manuel), Mex. clerk at Sta B. in '38-9 and earlier, iii. 656-7; wife Franciaca Sol6rzano, 3 children; in '40 sec. of sub-prefect, iii. 665. Ponton (Josd M.), Mex. lieut sentenced to 5 yeara in Cal. aa a convict in '30; no record of his coraing. Pool (Peter), 1846, of the Mormon colony, with hia mother Mary and sister Elizabeth, v. 546; living in Utah '84. Pooley, ment. at N. Helv. '47. Pope (Wm), 1828, Araer. trapper frora N. Mex. in Pattie's party, irapris oned for a tirae at S. Diego, iii. 163, 166-7, 178. He got a pass for Sonora from the gov. in Nov., and subsequently beoame a naturalized citizen, having a family at Taos. Before '40, perhaps in '36, he carae back to Los Ang. with, 8 members of his family and a company of 12 men. He waa kuown in Cal. aa Julian P., that being prob. the baptismal name received in N. Mex. In '41, he obtained a grant of the Tocoallomi raucho, named for him Pope Valley, Napa Co., and settled there in '42. I have the original passport of March 2, '42,' under which he came north, the expenses of the journey being paid by the govt. A little later, prob. in '43, he accidentally killed himself by sever ing an artery with hia axe. iv. 280. Hia widow married Eliaa Barnett; hia son Joseph was clairaant for the rancho. iv. 671; one daughter was Mrs Bur ton of Pope Valley; and there were 4 or five other children. Porter (H. P.), 1841, raid, on the U.S. St Louis. P. (Sanford), 1847, Co. E, Morm. B.at. (v. 469). Porterfield (Harvey), 1845, nat. of Tenn., and overL iinraig. of the Grigaby-Ide party, iv. 679, 587. He worked as a carpenter at Sonoma; prob. joined the Bears in '46. v. 110; went south in Co. B, Cal. Bat., taking part in the fight at S. Pascual, and in Stockton's final campaign; and after his discharge returned to Napa Valley. He went to ihe mines iu '48; was wrecked on Vancouver Isl. in an attempt to reach Trinity River in '49; in '50-1 a stock-raiser' in Yolo; iu '52 weut East by Panamd, returning '53 overland with a wife, Martha Alexander; and from '50 lived in Napa Co. to '81. His wife died in '66, leaving 3 children, aud his 2d wife was Mattie Gal braith. Portilla (Pablo), 1819, Mex. capt. of the Mazatlan cavalry comp. '19-38, being stationed for the most part at S. Diego, and taking part iu Ind. exped. and miUtary trials, ii. 253-4, 340-2, 422, 451, 480, 5.S4-6, 540, 543, 547, 649, 551, 675; iii. 62. In '31 he rendered aomewhat unwilUng and ineffective ser vice againat Gov. Victoria, aud from that year was nominally comandante of the post at S. Diego, iii. 201, 20,3-4, 206, 608. A a comiaionado he secularized San Luis Rey in '33-5. iU. 326, 331-2, 346, 353, 613, 623-4; and in '36-8, after rendering sorae slight aupport to Chico and Gutierrez, he joined in the south ern intrigues against Alvarado'a govt, and finally figured as cora. -geu. under Cdrlos Carrillo, leaving Cal. after the final defeat of the latter in '38. iii. 440, 446, 459, 463, 515, 520-2, 528, 532-3, 548-9, 565, 568-9, 614, 648; iv. 67-8. Capt. P. was a good-natured, easy-going officer ot little force or influence, but of good intentiona. He went to Sonora, where he waa capt. of the poat at Guayraas in '46. In '49 Dr Stillman-^Overl Monthly, xv. 247— met hira at S. Ignacio, L. CaL, in com, of a party of 30 Sonorans bound for the Cal. gold. mines, 76 years old, but ' hale and full of enterprise.' P. (Silvestre), brother'i PORTILLA— PREUSS. 78," of Pablo, ment. in '36 in connection with a proposed Ind. exped., and as grantee of S. Josd del Valle rancho. iii. 612; iv. 68. Portold (Caspar de), 1709, capt. of dragoons in the Span, army, and gov. of the CaUfornias 17GS- /O; com. -in-chief of the 1st exped. to Alta CaL, and 1st ruler of that prov ince to July 9, 1770, rather as military commandant than as gov. Hia Diario of the exped. to S.P'. and return to S. Diego in '69 is included in my list of antiiorities. Nfne years after he left Cal. he waa gov. of Puebla. i. 87, 89, 115- 25, 134-6, 140-64 et seq., 172, 225, 231, 376, 486. Posados (Pedro), prospector at S. Luia Rey '22. ii. 666. Poat (Fred. L.), 1847, Co. A, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); in '82 at S.F., a clerk in the P.O. for 20 yeara. P. (Gabriel B. ), 1847, at Hon. from Mont, on the Maria Helena; meinber of the S.F. firm S. H. WiUiams & Co. '48; later G. B. Post & Co.; in '49 merab. of the town counoil aud of the atate aenate. I think Poat atreet, S.F., raay have been named for him. Potinon, ment. at Loa Ang. '36. in. 419. Pott (Geo.), 1847, owner of S. P. lot. V. 685. Potter, 1845, doubtful meraber of the Grigaby-Ide party. iv. 579; perhapa John. P. (Andrew), 1848, passp. frora Hon. P. (John), 1844 (?), iramig. with a family accredited in newspaper sketchea to this year; perhaps of '45. iv. 453. He settled in the Chico region, ia noted at Sutter'a Fort from June '46; and in '48 gained a fortune in the raines by the aid ot Indians. Burnett's party frora Or. passed his place and deemed his head somewhat turned by his good fortune. He died there about '51, and is said to have left large suma buried ou his farm. Hia aona — one of thera Jaraes, said to have been born '46 in CaL— and daughters were living in Mendocino Co. '74. Potter (Stephen), 1832, mr of the Wm Thompson, iii. 384. Potts (Jamea M.), 1847, raid, on the U.S. Lexington. Poulaon (OUver P.), 1846, Co. B, artiU. Cal. Bat. (v. 368); prob. an overl. immig. Powell (David), 1847, owner of a S.P. lot. P. (Gilbertj, 1846, Co. C, 1st U.S. dragoona (v. 336). P. (John W.), 1846. Co. E, F, Cal. Bat. (v. 358); ment. in '48 at Sta Cruz. v. 642; at S. Josd '50. P. (Wm J.), 1846, surgeon on the U.S. Warren; owner of S.F. lots. v. 682. I think Powell St. , S.F.,w.aa named for him. Powells ( Wra E. ), 1847, Co. A, N.Y.VoL (v. 499); d. at Mont. '48. Power (Edward), 1847, Co. F, ditto; d. S.F. about '50. P. (Jamea), 1844, doubtful raember of the Frdraont party, iv. 437. P. (John A.), 1847, brother of Ed., sergt Co. F, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); after his discharge he became a gambler; and later a robber and murderer known as 'Jack Powers.' His associates were chiefly Mexicans, and their depredations- were for the raost part in S. Luis Ob. and Sta B. counties '51-6. When the vigUantes put an end to their career of crirae P. escaped to Sonora, where he -was killed in '60. Poy orena, see 'Pollorena.' Prado, raent. as a lieut '39. iii. 653; perhaps Prado Mesa. P. (Tomda), regidor at Branciforte 1802; killed at S.F. 1807. U. 156, 192. Prat (Pedro), 1769, surgeon of the 1st exped., who died in Cal. '72-3. i. 128, 130, 136, 140, 168, 210. - Pratt (Addison), 1848, clergyman who married a couple at S.P. P. (Jacob H.), 1847, Co. F, 3d U.S. artill. (v. 518). Prauie (Raphael), 1844, one of Frdraont's men 1st and 2d visits; served in Cal. Bat. '46-7. iv. 437, 453, 583; sometimes called ' Prone; ' died in the mta of N. Mex. on Frdraonta next exped. of '48. Prauae (Wra), 1826, mr of the Inca. iii. 147. Pray (John), 1846, interpreter in Maraton's force '46-7. v. 380. Prendergast (John), 1848, passp. from Hon. Prentice (Chaa), 1847, Co. C, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499). P. (Samuel), 1830, nat. of R.L who came ou the Danube from Lima. iii. 180. A raason by trade, but by preference a hunter; arrested for amug gling '33. iii. 393; oneof the vigilantes of Loa Ang. '36, being then 37 yeara old and aingle; atill named as a hunter in '41, and aaid by Warner to have died ou Sta Catalina lal. about '65. Moneneau (?) Prentis aigned a doc at Loa Ang. '46. Prentias, 1843, mate of the Admittance, diacharged by Capt. Peterson; a nat. of Maas. Prescott, 1846, mr of the Columbus. Presse (Alex.), 1847, aurg. of N. Y.Vol. (?); at N.Y. city '84. 8. F. Bulletin. Preata- mero (.Tuan), 1773, Span, friar who served aa supernuraerary at S. Luis Ob., and retired on account of iUness in '74. L 194, 196, 227. Preuss (Chaa), 1844,- 784 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. artist and draughtsman in Frdmont's 2d, 3d, and 4th exped. iv.,437, 583; v. 453. Price (,Tohn), 1833, nat. of Ky, who came with Walker's trappers from Salt Lake, remaining iu Cal. as a carpenter; named in Larkin's books '34-5; killed iu '37 by a fall frora his horse at San Joad miaaion. iii. 388, 391, 409. P. (Johu M.), 1836 (?), Engl, in Mont. dist. '36-S; iv. 118; exUed with Gra hara in '40, but returned in '41, and iu '48 was alcalde at S. Luis Ob. iy. 18, 33, 37; V. 639. Ace to hia own stateraent iu 8. Luis Ob. Co. Hid., 63-9, he deserted frora the Kent at Coliraa and came to Cal. in '30, going to S. Luis about '36, marrying Andrea Colona in '44, by whom ho had 13 children, and serving after '48 as county judge and supervisor. Living in '83 at Pismo rancho. P. (Rodman), 1846, nat. of N.Y. and purser on the U.S. Cyane. He took part in the ceremonies of raising the U.S. flag at Mont, in July, and for a brief period was a kind of 2d alcalde at that town. v. 231, 287-9, 637; and in Aug. waa sent south with despatches for Stockton, taking, however, no part in subsequent military operations. Prora Mazatlan he was sent with deapatchea by Mex. and Vera Cruz to Waahington. In '49 he oarae back to S.F. as navy agent; was a raember ot the town couucil and of the constit. convention, a candidate for congreas, and the owner of city property, includ ing lots obtained in '47, which made him rich. He went East in '50, waa elected to congresa frora N. J., and subsequently becarae gov. of that state, where he still lives in '85. Aa a raember of pioneer aaaociationa, he has takeu much intereat in annals of the conquest; but in his testimony, as reported in various publications, the governor shows that iu all the years that have pasaed hia imagination has at least kept pace with his meraory. Priest (Albert), 1848, German from Or., of the firra Priest, Lee. & Co. at Sac '49-50. After '61 he lived chiefly iu N.Y. He was an Or. iinraig. of '43, who shipped lum ber to S.F. in '46. Prieto, 1822, contador on the S. Cdrlos. ii. 458. P. (Antonio), at Los Ang. '46. Prince (Geo.), 1832, rar of the Tranquilina. iii. 384. P. (Geo.), 1847, Co. F, 3d U.S. artiU. (v. 518). Prinon (Sam.), 1828, Araer. bricklayer frora N. Mex., at Los Ang. '40, age 43; perhaps 'Prentice.' Prior, erroneous ment. '27. iii. 160. Prone, see 'Prauie.' Prouse (Wm), 1826, rar of the Inca. UL 147. P. (Wm), 1847, Ca B, Morm. Bat. (v. 469). Prudhomme (Leon I.), 1835 (?), Fr. cooper said to have come to Los Aug., v. 413, this year in a record of '46. He raarried a Tapia, and iu '52 was claimant for the Habra and Topanga ranchos. iii. 633-4. He died iu '71, leaving a family. Prudon (Victor), 1834, Frenchman who had lived 7 years in Mex. and carae to Cal. aa a teacher in the colony at the age of 25. iii. 263, 412. Reraaining at S. Gabriel and Loa Aug., in '36 he was president of the vigi lantes, iu. 418, 432; iv. 116; and in '37-8 was Gov. Alvarado'a see, being also capt. of miUtia. iii. 506, 523, 529. In '39-40 he lived at S.F., keeping some kind of a shop, or drinking and gambling place, v. 684; and in '41, be ing grantee of Bodega, he was raade seo. of Cora. Gen. Vallejo. iv. 204, 670. In this capacity he was sent, in '42, to Mex. in Vallejo'a behalf, returning -with the rank of oapt. and brevet lieut-col in the regular array, iv. 281-5, 319, 563. From '43 he lived at Sonoma, being in '44-5 the grantee of Sac. Isl. , and Laguna rancho, Yolo, being alao mentioned in connection with vari oua minor affaira. iv. 358, 396, 408, 445, 501, 671, 673, 678. With Vallejo, he favored the cause of the U.S. in '46, and with him waa made a prisoner by the Bears, v. 41, 45, 61, 112-21, 298-9, 667; having a 'Cal. claim' of $7,390 (v. 462). He kept a store atSonoma iu '47-8 in partnerahip with Haan; and in '48-9 raade aorae raoney in the rainea. I have no later record of him than '53, when he waa a witneaa in the Limantour case. Hia wife, who was sepa rated frora him about '48, waa Teodocia Bojorquea. Victor Prudon — Prud homme waa the original form — was a man of good education, a master of the Spanish and EngUsh languages, aud an adept in the use of the graceful, flowery language that delights all of Span, race, many of Alvarado's aud Vallejo's state papers beiug for the moat part the secretary's work. He was socially in agreeable corapanion, of attractive, peraonai appearance and fine raannera; PRUDON— QUIJAS. 785 impulsive and often imprudent, but never involved, so far as I know, in any thing very bad or good so far as character and conduct were concerned. Praeth (Chas R.), 1831, clerk or aup. on the Louisa. Pryor (Gabriel), 1840, one of the exiled foreigners, arrested in the south. iv. 14, 18. P. (Nathaniel Miguel), 1828, Kentuckian silversraith and clock- maker who had lived 4 years iu N. Mex. and came to Cal. in Pattie's party. iii. 163, 168, 178; ii. 564. After his release from prison he worked at S. Luis Rey, found favor in the eyes of P. Peyri, aud in '29 got a carta from Gov. Echeandia, being theu 24 yeara old. Frora '30 he lived in the vicinity of Los Aug., sometimes mending clocks, but oftener eugaged iu otter- hunting, not always with due respect to the revenue laws. iii. 393. In '36 he obtained from the ayunt. a certificate of long residence and good character, aud a few years later married a Sepiilveda who died in '40. He served against Michel torena in '45. iv. 495; commanded a comp. of citizen artill. in June '46. v. 60; was arrested for aid to Amer. during the Flores revolt, aud in '47 served as regidor. v. 626. He died in '50. A son Paul, born in '37-9, married a, daughter of Juau Avila, and died by accidental poisoning in '78. iv. 119. Puaani (Kale), 1847, Hawaiian owner of S. F. lot. v. 685. Puga (Joa quin), sirviente at Sta Clara 1776. i. 306. Puget, 1793, officer of Vancou ver's exped. ; in Cal. '93-4, exploring Bodega. Puget Sound in the north bears his name. i. 513, 518, 533. Puig, 1769, sergt of Cal. volunteers iu the 1st exped. i. 136, 160. Pujol (Francisco), 1795, Span, friar who served at S. Cdrlos and died at S. Ant. 1801, being poisoned by the Ind. i. 676, 686; ii. 146, 149-50, 159. Pulaski (Albert), 1846, at N. Helv. occasionally '46-8. Pulis (John C), 1847, sergt Co. F, N.Y.Vol. v. 504; owner of S.F. lots; d. at S.F. '50. Pulpule, Ind. at Sutter's '40. iv. 138. Pulsifer (David), 1847, Co. C, Morm. Bat. (v. 469); in '82 at Concho, Ariz. PurceU (Henry), 1846, Co. C, 1st U. S. dragoons (v. 336). P. (Matthias), 1847, Co. H, N.Y.VoL (v. 499); d. at S. F. '50. Purdy (Sam. L.), 1847, Ca D, N.Y.Vol. (v. 499); d. in L. Cal. '48. Puter (Jamea), 1828, Amer. trapper, age 20, of Pattie's party, ui. 163, 168; nothing known of him later. Putnara, 1847, mr ofthe Susan Drew. v. 511. Pyle (Edward), 1846, overl. immig. from Mo., who settled with hia famUy at S.'Josd, where he died in '75. His daughters married B. H. Gordon and J. 'W. Laird. His son, Edward, Jr, married Mary A. Graves of the Donner party in '47; is ment. in '48 aa at N. Helv. raising recraits for service at Maza tlan (?); also as a meraber of the Stockton Mining Co. The sarae year he was murdered near S. Joad by Valencia, who waa hanged for the crirae in '49. Hia widow married J. T. Clark in '61, and iu '80 was living at White River, Tulare Co. Another son, John P., was in S. Joaq. Co. '48; StaClara Co. '50-76; and in Kern Co. '79. StiU another, Thomas, served in Co. B, Cal. Bat. (v. 358); settled with wife and 2 chUdren iu Nov. '46 on the Moquelumne; iu '47 is ment. as viaiting Sutter'a Fort; and in '48 moved to Coyote Cr., Sta Clara Co., where he was murdered in '55. Qudron (Jenckey), 1846, doubtful name, Co. F, Cah Bat. (v. 358). Qneen (Henry W.), 1846, Ueut of marines on the U.S. Savannah; lieut Fauntleroy's dragoons (v. 232, 247); in com. at S. Juan B., Sept. Q. (James), 1847, sergt Co F N Y.Vol. V. 504; in charge of Brannan's store at Mormon Isl. 48; d. at Napa '79. Quepness (Odilon), at Soledad '26. U. 623. Quigley, 1847, a Mormon iu Kearny's return party, v. 463. Quigley (Robert), 1846, bugler Co. C, 1st U.S. dragoons (v. 336). Quijada (Felipe), soldier at Sta B. '32. Q (Francisco), grantee of Bolsa de ChemisaL S. Luis Ob., '37. iu. 677. Quijano (Manuel), 1807, surgeon of the troops at Mont. 1807-24. iL 88, 140, 379 571 607. Quijaa (Joad Lorenzo de la Concepcion), 1833, Mex. friar of the Zaca.te- canos -who served at the 4 northemmost missions, and retired in '44, being vice-prefect iu '43-4, perhaps iu '57 a pariah priest in the state of Guerrero, dving at Querdtaro a little later. Padre Q. was a black sheep in the Francis can flock, yet a good man when sober. Biog. iv. 680-1; ment. iU. 319, 354, Hist. Cal.. Vol. IV. 60 786 PIONEER REGISTER AND INDEX. 713, 716, 719; iv. 48, 86, 171, 195, 224, 371-3, 427, 676-7. Quilaguegui (Teo- dosio), Ind. grantee of Nicasio '35. iii. 712. Quimby, 1848, mr of the Wave. V. 581. Quimper (Man.), 1790, alfdrez of the Span, navy at Mont, from Nootka. i. 444, 506; see also Hist N. W. Coast Quin (Peter), 1848, Irish man shot at Sta B. in Dec. for the murder of the Reed faraily at S. Miguel. V. 632, 640. Quinn (Franklin), 1846, in the Los Ang. region; at Mout. '47-8; possibly ' Gwinn ' of '41. Quinones (Manuel), Mex. tanner at Branciforte '45, age 45, wife Josefa Condesa (?), child. Benito b. Sta Cruz '27, Juan Diego '29, Mariano '33, Capistrano '34. He had beeu a convict of '28-34. Quintana, com. of N. Mexicans in Castro's force '46. v. 363. Q. (Andrds), 1805, Span, friar who served at Sta Cruz until Oct. 1?, '12, when he was mur dered by his neophytes. Biog. ii. 387-9; raent. U. 165, 159-60, 199, 324, 339, 394. Q. (Antonio), at Los Ang. '46. Q. (Diego), ditto. Q. (Francisoo Estdvan), grantee of La Vena '42. iv. 656; still at S. Luis Ob. '60. Q. (Ger- 6nimo), grantee of S. Juau Cap. del Caraote, S. Luis Ob., '46. v. 637. Q. (Pedro), from N. Mex. '43, a settler of S. Luis Ob. down to '83. Quintero (Juan), arrested at S. Juan B. '37. iii. 513. Q. (Luis), negro aettler of Loa Ang. 1781, sent away in '82. i. 345-6. Q. (Tomds), at Sta. B. '37, wife Vi centa Valenzuela. Quintin, Ind. chief of a Mariu Co. tribe for whom Pt Quintin was named; raent. in '24. ii. 538, 598. Quirado (Basilio), Los Ang. land-owner '48. Quirda (Fernando), 1775, Span, lieut ou the S. Antomo and -S^. Carlos '75-6; made a survey of S.F. bay in boats '76; on the coast again in '79. i. 241, 287, 289-92, 329. Quivey (Peter), 1846, overl. immig. from Mo. ; sumraoned as a witness in N. Helv. Nov. '46; served in Co. B, CaL Bat. (v. 358); named at N. Helv. '47; wrote from Los Aug. in March '47 a letter publiahed in the Westem Expositor and Liverpool Millennial Star. Settled in Sta Clara Co. with faraily. To BE CONCIUDED AT THE END OF A^'OL. V.