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ANNALS

OF

THE TOWN OF PEOVIDENCE.

FROM ITS

FIRST SETTLEMENT,

TO THE

ORGANIZATION OF THE CITY GOVERNMENT,

IN JUNE, 1832.

BY WILLIAM R. STAPLES.

PROVIDENCE:
PRINTED BY KNOWLES AND VOSE.
1843.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1843, by
William R. Staples,
In the Clerk's OiBce of the District Court of Rhode-Island.

PREFACE.
The only historical publications relating to Rhode-Island,
which have emanated from Rhode-Island men, are. Simplicity's
Defence against Seven-Headed Policy, Callender's Century Ser
mon, Hopkins' History of Providence, Potter's Early History of
Narragansett, Pitman's Centennial Discourse, and Bull's Sketches
of the History of the State.
The first of these, is the production of Samuel Gorton, one of
the first settlers of Warwick. It was originally published by
him in London, in 1646. It has since been re-published, as the
second volume of the Collections of the Rhode-Island Historical
Society. It contains a narration of some events which trans
pired in Warwick, during a few of the first years after its set
tlement. Callender's Sermon, is a historical discourse which was de
livered by John Callender, pastor of the -first Baptist church in
Newport, in 1738, at the close of the first century of the exist
ence of the English settlements on the island of Rhode-Island.
It embraces a brief history of those settlements, together with
the events of general interest which had occurred in other parts
of the colony. No publication of the kind deserves higher
praise for impartiality, candor, and research. An edition of this
work was published in 1838, with extensive notes by Professor
Elton. Valuable as the original work is, the notes of Mr. Elton
have added much of value and interest to it ; but the historical
events are not brought down, beyond the time of its delivery.
Hopkins' History of Providence first appeared in the Provi
dence Gazette, in 1762. It has since been re-published in the
Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. The au
thor was Stephen Hopkins, who for several years, sustained the
office of Governor of the Colony of Rhode-Island. It contains.
the history of the Town of Providence, from its settlement down
to 1645. It is entitled to confidence, for its general correctness.

IV PREFACE.
Potter's Early History of Narragansett, makes the third vol
ume of the Collections of the Rhode-Island Historical Society.
This is a very valuable work, compiled with great care, from
authentic sources. It relates, almost exclusively, to that part
of the State known as the Narragansett country.
In 1636, Judge Pitman delivered an address to the citizens
of Providence, on the completion of the second century since
the settlement of the Town. This was immediately printed. It
is a fine historical discourse, but it does not pretend to be a His
tory. Bull's Sketches of the History of the State, were published in
the Rhode-Island Republican, at Newport. The author was
Henry Bull, now deceased, well known throughout the State at
least, as a gentleman of great industry and historical research. —
These sketches contain the greater part of the public documents
which relate to the State in the infancy of the various settlements
within it. The inferences and remarks of Mr. Bull, and his
views in relation to his subject, are well worthy of attention.
Historical discourses have more recently, been delivered before
several religious societies in the state. These generally relate to
the societies before which they were delivered, and are very valua
ble as containing minute details in their histories. Among
the most interesting of these, may be named, Ross' Discourse be
fore the first Baptist church in Newport; Hall's, before the first
Congregational Society, and Hague's before the first Baptist
Society, in Providence.
Most of the States in the Union, and most of the large cities and
towns, have produced their local historians. With the excep
tions before mentioned, neither the State of Rhode-Island nor
any of the municipal corporations within it, have, as yet, any
printed account of their rise and progress, unless the incidental
notices which they have received from the historians of other
states, may be considered as such. These notices are short and
unsatisfactory. The town, state, or nation that borrows a his
torian from its neighbors, must expect to have its virtues forgot
ten and its vices magnified.
The ensuing work does not assume to be a History of Provi
dence. The object of the author has been to collect facts for
the future historian, and to classify and arrange them, chrono-

PREFACE. V
logically, with only so many of his own remarks, as were
necessary to connect them together and make them understood.
In his attempt, he is aware that he has sometimes embodied
facts and documents, intimately connected with, and forming a
part of, the history of the State. Without doing this, he deem
ed it impossible, in some instances, to give a fair view of the
acts of the Town ; while, in others, the proceedings of the State
appeared to be founded upon and to have been the natural ef
fects of, the doings of the Town. Besides this, in early times,
the dividing line between the state, or rather the colony, and the
town history was, by no means, so distinctly defined as now.
For these reasons, he hopes his readers will pardon him, if he
has trespassed upon the future historian of the State. Others
may suppose that some of the facts collected are quite too mi
nute and trifling. The object of the author being as before
expressed, he believed himself less liable to censure for matters
inserted, than for matters omitted. His aim throughout, has
been, to omit no circumstance which might serve to illustrate
the growth of the Town, or the changes which have taken place
in the habits, the business, and the pursuits of the inhabitants.
Many of the materials for this work were obtained from the
office of the Secretary of State, and from the City Clerk's office.
The General Assembly of the State and the City Council,
upon the author's application, gave him leave to take their early
records and files from the offices where by law they are depos
ited, and to make extracts and copies from them, at pleasure.
The like permission was given him by the Historical Society of
the State. He availed himself of this privilege, and the records
and files of both State and City have been sedulously examined.
The permission given him by the Society, opened to him their
historical treasures, included in which, are the results of the
antiquarian life of the late Theodore Foster, and many of the
collections of the late venerable Moses Brown. While he thus
acknowledges his obligations to the State, to the City, and to the
Historical Society, he is not unmindful of the kindness of the
keepers of those offices, nor of the numerous individuals who
have likewise aided him in his labors. The early historians of
Plymouth, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New-England, as
well as the works relating to Rhode-Island first alluded to, have
1

VI PREFACE.
also been examined. The author, at first, resolved to append
notes of reference to the authorities upon which he has relied,
and to the places in which the originals of the published docu
ments may be found. This course, on second thought, he
abandoned, because it seemed calculated to prove the extent of
his researches, rather than to aid the reader ; and besides, the
nature of the documents copied, will, in most instances, deter
mine the place where the originals are deposited.
ISTo alterations have been made in the documents published,
excepting only in their orthography, which has been changed to
that in general use at the present time. If such change deprives
them of one innate mark of authenticity, it also renders
them more easily read and understood. The orthography of
Indian names of persons and places has been strictly preserved
in the documents published. In the text, the author has used,
what he believed to be, the common orthography of such names.
It is by no means pleasing to see the same name, in the course
of two or three pages, spelt in as many diflerent ways ; yet, as
such diversity prevailed with our ancestors, who learned the lan
guage only by the ear, it has been preserved, with the wish that
it may aid the curious philologist in his researches.
Where any fact is referred to, the date of it is given in new
style, so far as relates to the year and the month. Bearing in
mind, that, according to old style, March was the first month of
the year, many supposed errors in the following work will dis
appear. If absolute exactness is desirable, in the date of any
event occurring in or previous to 1752, the reader will add
eleven days to the date given.
The author avows a decided preference for facts over words
and for things over names. His labors have been amonw the
first, and his researches have been after them. The materials here
published were principally found where a like disreo-ard for
terms and language prevails. These circumstances may have
induced in him an unwarranted carelessness in style and expres
sion. If, however, he shall succeed in exciting a taste for thino-s
of old time, and in arousing attention to the facts which make
up the history of Providence, his object will be accomplished.

CONTENTS.
Chapter I. — General History, from the first settlement in 1636, to
the reception of the first Charter to the Colony, in 1644.
Chapter II. — General History, from the arrival of the Colony
Charter, in 1644, to the adoption of the second Colony
Charter, in 1663.
Chapter III. — General History, from the adoption of the Colony
Charter of 1666, until 1763.
Chapter IV. — General History, from the Peace of 1763, to the
Peace of 1783.
Chapter V. — General History, from the Peace of 1783, to adoption
of the Constitution of the United States, by the State
of Rhode-Island, in 1790.
Chapter VI. — General History, from 1790, to the City Charter.
Chapter VII. — Ecclesiastical History.
Chapter VIII. — Education.
Chapter IX. — Newspapers and Periodical Publications.
Chapter X. — Purchases oi the Natives and Divisions of the Town.
Chapter XI. — Miscellaneous.
Appendix. — Ecclesiastical History, from 1832 to 1842.
Newspapers and Periodical PubUcations commenced
since 1832.
List of persons who have been Representatives to the
General Assembly, Town Clerks, Town Treasurers,
Members of the Town Council, Collectors of the
Port, and Fourth of July Orators, in Providence.

AMALS OF PEOVIDENCE.

CHAPTER FIRST.
GENERAL HISTORY.
.PROM THE FIRST SETTLEMENT, IN 1636, TO THE RECEPTION OP TH^
FIRST CHARTER TO THE COLONY, IN 1644.
The first permanent European settlement within
the present Hmits of New-England, was made at
Plymouth, in the year 1^20. The colonists were
EngUshmen by birth, and of that denomination of
Christians since called Doctrinal Puritans. Theif
former pastor, the Rev. John Robinson, is styled by
Neale, "the father of the Independents." He and his
congregation had'been compelled, some years before,
to remove to HoUand, on account of their noncon
formity to the rites and ceremonies of the English
established church. There, they enjoyed their pe
culiar religious opinions in peace ; but the language
and customs of the country continually reminded
them, that they were in a land of strangers. This,
connected with the reflection, that their descendants
would be ahens and, perhaps, enemies to the land of
their birth, induced them to seek a permanent refuge
from English persecution in some remote part of the
English possessions in America. Next to the desiref
of worshipping God according to the dictates of
2

10 GENERAL HISTORY.
their own consciences, was the wish to transmit to
their descendants the privileges of English subjects.
The spirit of colonization pervaded, at that time, a
large proportion of their fellow subjects, and render
ed it easy for them to make arrangements with one
of the large companies established by king James for
the settlement of America, for pennission to settle
within the limits assigned them. Such an arrange
ment they did conclude with the Virginia Company.
They also obtained from king James an intimation,
that there they should not be molested for their non
conformity. Allured by the hope of enjoying their
religious opinions, under the sanction and protection
of their natural prince, they undertook a second pil
grimage, and embarked for the wilderness of Amer
ica. As it happened, however, their arrangement
with the Virginia Company, and their assurance from
king James, availed them nothing. They landed
far to the Northward of the limits of the Virginia
Company, and within the bounds of the Grand Plym
outh patent, on the inhospitable shores of Cape
Cod, and in the midst of an inclement winter.
The second permanent settlement was made on the
borders of Massachusetts Bay. These colonists also
were EngUsh Puritans. Before they embarked from
England, they obtained a patent for their lands from
the proprietors of the Grand Plymouth patent, and a
charter of incorporation from the king.
Neither of these polonies deemed it important to
obtain from the Indians a title to the soil, before
they commenced their plantations. They rehed in
the first instance, either upon their own actual pos-

GENERAL HISTORY. 11
session, or on a grant from the king, as sufficient to
confer a title to the soil they occupied. They, with
all christian governments of their day, assumed the
right to determine the religious behef of the individu
als who composed the colony, or who should afterward
join them. Without stopping to reflect, how they,
individually, had suffered in their native country
from the exercise of this same power, and how inef
ficient all attempts to regulate rehgious faith by legal
enactments had always proved Upon conscientious
men, they followed on, in the beaten track. The
rehgious standards adopted by these colonies essen-^
tially differed from each other. That of Plymouth
approximated nearest to the Brownists. They dis-^
claimed communion with the church of England,
as wfell as with the church of Rome. The first set
tlers of Massachusetts were more liberal in their
views. They professed not to separate from the
church of England, but only from the errors of that
church. At their departure from England, they
sought the prayers of" mother church."
Both colonies soon had occasion to use the stand
ards they had estabhshed. In each, there were some
individuals whose creeds exceeded or fell short of le
gal measure. Toward these the same power was
exerted, though in a less rigorous manner, which
had driven the colonists across the Atlantic. The
assumption of such a power by any government, will
soon find, if in fact it does not create, opportunities
for its exercise.
On the fifth day of February, 1631, Roger Wil
liams arrived in Boston. He had. taken orders in the

12 GENERAL HISTORY.
established church in England, but had subsequently
becoijie a nonconformist and a rigid separatist, from
that church. This change in his rehgious opinions,
induced his removal to this country. The Governor
and Assistants of the colony on Massachusetts Bay,
soon ascertained that his opinions did not conform to
their estabhshed standard. The church at Salem iur
vited him to become their Teacher, in the place of Mr.
Higginson, then lately deceased; Mr. Skelton being
their Pastor. In April, the Court of Assistants wrote
to Mr. Endicott, one of the leading men of the Sa
lem Church, that " they marvelled that they would
choose" Mr. Williams, "without advising with the
Council ; and withal desiring them= that they would
forbear to proceed, till they had conferred about it."
They stated as a reason for this interference with the
acknowledged rights of the Salem churchy as an in
dependent church, that " Mr. Williams had refused
to join with the congregation at Boston, because
they would not make a public declaration of their
repentance for having communion with the churches
of England while they tarried there ; and besides had
declared his opinion, that the magistrate might not
punish a breach of the Sabbath, nor any other of
fence that was a breach of the first table." Whether
the first allegation was true, or whether accompanied
with any explanation or exceptions, or whether it
was an inference of the court from other declarations
and opinions of Mr. Wilhams, cannot be ascertained
from any of his writings. The court undoubtedly
believed the statement to be correct. The second
allegation — 'by which it was intended, that the civil

GBNEftAL HISTORY. 13
magistrate, as such, had no right to punish for any vi
olation of duties toward God — was true, m its utmost
extent. Mr. Williams has the honor of being the
first, in modern times, to protest against the interfer
ence of the civil power with the rights of conscience.
While he claimed the privilege of forming his own
opinions on religious subjects, he claimed also the
same right for all others, however they might differ
from him. Notwithstanding this difficulty, Mr. Wil
liams was admitted a freeman in May following.
He remained in Salem until into summer, when he
removed to Pljonouth, where he was received as the
assistant of Mr. Ralph Smith, the Pastor of the Plym
outh church. His connexion with that church con
tinued about two yeaj-s, when it was dissolved at his
own instance. He then returned to Salem. About
the time of his return, the ministers of Massachusetts
established regular meetings, once a fortnight, at
each others houses, for mutual aid and advice. Mr.
Skelton and Mr. Wilhams opposed these meetings,
as tending to endanger the independence of church
es, and to introduce into them the Presbyterian form
of government. This opposition gave offence to
the ministers. In December of the same year,
(1633) the Governor and Assistants had under con
sideration, a treatise that. Mr. Wilhams had sent to
them, the design of which was to show that no char
ter or patent from the king of England, could con
fer on the colonists, any right to the lands they oc
cupied, as against the Indians. It was not written
for publication, but only for the: satisfaction of the
Governor of Plymouthj andiwith the design, probably,

14 GENERAL HISTORY.
of inducing the colonists to purchase a title from the;
Indians. This treatise gave offence to the magis
trates of Massachusetts. At the next court, howev
er, Mr. WiUiams " gave satisfaction of his intention
and loyalty," "so it was left and nothing done in it."
That he never abandoned these opinions, but always
acted consistently with them, after transactions will
fully prove. ^ '<
Mr. Skelton died in August, 1634, and Mr. Wil
liams soon after became pastor of the Salem church.
The Governor and Assistants of Massachusetts,
at a meeting on the 27th day of November, 1634,
directed a summons to be sent to Mr. WiUiams to
appear at the next court " for teaching pubhcly
against the King's patent, &nd our great sin in
claiming right thereby, to this country, &c., and for
usual terming the churches of England, anti-christ-
ian." In April following he was again sent for by
the court, for teaching "pubhcly that a magistrate
ought not to tender an oath to an unregenerate
man." In July Mr. WiUiams appeared before the
General Court. He was there charged, in addition
to what has been already stated, with holding that " a
man ought not to pray with unregenerate persons"
or " give thanks after the sacrament or after meat."
These opinions of Mr. WiUiams being adjudged by
the Court to be " erroneous and very dangerous,"
both he and the church which had called him to of
fice, were notified " to make satisfaction before the
next General Court, or to expect sentence." The
inhabitants of Salem preferred a petition to this
court " for some land in Marblehead neck which

GENERAL HISTORY. 15
they did challege as belonging to their town." The
court refused to grant this petition, " because they
had chosen Mr. WiUiams their teacher, while he stood
under question of authority." This refusal pro
duced a great excitement in Salem, and the church
there, following the example of the other churches in
Mr. WiUiams' case, wrote " to the other churches to
admonish the magistrates of this, as a heinous sin,
and likewise the deputies." It should be borne in
mind that none but members of churches could be
magistrates, or even freemen, at this time. It is
probable that the other churches, not feeUng so deep
ly as did the Salem church the effect of this refusal,
neglected to comply with this request; for on the
16th day of August, Mr. Williams being confined by
sickness, wrote to his church, that he would not
communicate with the other churches, nor with his
own, unless they united with him in refusing com
munion with the rest. In the foUowing October Mr.
WiUiams was convented before the General Court,
and charged with the two letters, the one from his
church to the other churches, and the other from
him to his own church. He justified both of them,
and after an ineflFectual attempt to convince him of
his errors, on the third day of November, the follow
ing sentence was passed against him.
" Whereas Mr. Roger WiUiams, one of the elders
of the church of Salem, hath broached and divulged
divers new and dangerous opinions, against the au
thority of the magistrates, as also written letters of
defamation, both of the magistrates and churches
there, and that before any conviction, and yet main-

16 GENERAL HISTORY.
taineth the same without retraction ; it is, therefore,
ordered, that the said Mr. WiUiams shaU depart out
of this jurisdiction within six weeks now next ensu
ing, which if he neglect to perform, it shaU be lawful
for the Governor and two of the magistrates to send
him to some place out of this jurisdiction, not to re
turn any more without hcense from 'the court."
Subsequently he obtained permission to remain in
Salem until Spring, on condition that he would not
attempt to draw others to his opinions. On the 1 1th
of January, 1636, the Governor and Assistants sent
for him "to come presently to Boston to be shipped,
&c." they having determined that he had disregarded
their injunction "not to go about to draw others to
his opinions," and " did use to entertain company in
his house, and to preach to them even of such points
as he had been censured for ;" and it was agreed to
send him into England by a ship then ready to de
part. The reason was, because "he had drawn
above twenty persons to his opinions, and they were
intending to erect a plantation about the Narragan
sett Bay, from whence the infection would easily
spread into these churches." He returned an an
swer to this summons that " he could not come witii-
out hazard to his hfe, &c." Upon this a pinnace was
sent to apprehend him and put him on board a ship,
then lying at Nantasket, bound for England. When
the messengers arrived at Salem, Mr. WUhams had
been gone three days. It is highly probable he was
informed by some friend of the intention of the Gov
ernor and Assistants to send for him.
The preceding facts and dates are derived princi-
paUy from Gov. Winthrop's Journal.

GENERAL HISTORY. 17
From Salem he went to Seekonk, and procuring
a grant of land from Massasoit, at Manton's neck on
the Seekonk river, "began to build and plant there."
Here he received a letter from Governor Winslow,
of Plymouth, stating, that he was within the bounds
of the Plymouth patent, that they, of Plymouth, "were
loath to displease the Bay," and advising him to cross
that river, where he would be beyond any English
claim. This advice was soon followed, and in the
latter part of the Spring, or in the beginning of the
Summer of 1636, he landed, for the first time, with
intent to commence a settlement, within the hmits
of Providence. It is impossible to fix the exact date
of this event. That it was after planting time, may
be inferred from a remark in a letter of his, in which
he says his removal occasioned him " the loss of a
harvest that year." That it was before the 26th day
of July is certain from the fact, that the Governor of
Massachusetts, on that day, received a letter from
Mr. WiUiams at Providence, informing him of the
murder of one of their inhabitants, (Mr. Oldham,)
by the Pequods.
At the first settlement of Plymouth, the Narragan
setts were, undoubtedly, the most numerous and
powerful of any of the tribes in New England. The
pestilence which, a few years before, had alngiost
depopulated some parts of the country, had not af
fected them. Their principal town was in the south
western part of the State of Rhode-Island. AU the
tribes on the western side of Narragansett Bay were
their tributaries. Ousamequin or Massasoiet, Sa
chem of the Wampanoags, on the eastern side of the
3

18

GENERAL HISTORY.

Bay, acknowledged to Mr, WiUiams, "that he and
his tribe had submitted themselves to the Narragan
setts." " The Sachems of Shawmut and Neponsit,"
says Morton's Memorial, " acknowledged a degree
of subjection to Massasoiet." At the landing of the
Pilgrims at Plymouth, Conanicus and Miantonomi,
uncle and nephew, were chief Sachems of the Nar
ragansetts. The Pequods on the west and the Wampanoags
on the east, were the hereditary enemies of the
Narragansetts. During the prevalence of the pes
tilence before alluded to, the Narragansetts secured
an ascendency over the latter. The Wampanoags
lost their independence and became the unwiUing
tributaries of the Narragansetts. Massasoiet anxiously
sought an opportunity to free himself and tribe from
this yoke. These passages in Indian history in a
a great measure account for the readiness with which
he and his tributaries around Massachusetts Bay sub
mitted themselves to the handful of enfeebled whites
settled at Plymouth.
The Pequods were a far more warlike nation than
the Naragansetts under Conanicus and Miantonomi.
They nearly or quite equalled the Narragansetts in
numbers. Their sachem, Sassacus, was a areat
warrior, and he had infused his own warhke spirit
into his subjects. They had extended their con
quests every way, and it was with difficulty that the
Narragansetts withstood them. Sassacus saw with
pleasure the power of the Narragansetts weakened
by the defection of the Wampanoags. But, as a
wise and politic prince, he saw in that defection his

GENERAL HISTORY. 19
own ruin, and that of aU of the tribes around him.
He proposed, therefore, to the Narragansetts, to
bury the hatchet of their private difficulties, and to
unite, and drive the white man into the ocean. The
Narragansetts had become averse to war. They
had engaged in agriculture to a considerable extent.
They made a great part of the peag which circula
ted as money among the tribes, and they exceUed their
neighbors in the manufacture of pottery. Under
Tashtassuck, the ancestor of Conanicus and Mian
tonomi, they had attained their power and extended
their conquests, whUe under the latter sachems, they
were making rapid progress in the arts of peace, and
approximating a state of semi-civilization. They
must have lost their warlike enterprise. Unless it
had been so, they would never have so tamely borne
the defection of Massasoiet. The handful of ar
rows tied with the snake skin, the declaration of
war, which they sent on that occasion, to the Enghsh
at Plymouth, would have been followed with a war
of extermination against the whites. The difference
in numbers would have ensured them the victory.
Instead, however, of following up this declaration of
war with actual hostilities, they seem to have con
tented themselves with refusing aU intercourse with
the strangers. Mr. WiUiams describes them as be
ing exceedingly shy of the whites, and refusing to
sell them land. It was in vain that Sassacus pointed
to the settiements of the whites which were spring
ing up, as if by magic, around them. In vain he
told them, that the stranger had hghted his fires
along the whole coast, and upon the bank of every

20 GENERAL HISTORY.
navigable stream — in vain he pointed to the smoke
of the white man's cabin, as it rose in every direc
tion around them. He attempted, in vain, to rouse
anew the warlike spirit of the Narragansetts, and to
induce them to make common cause with him
against the intruder.
While negotiations of this character were passing
between the Narragansett and Pequod sachems,
Mr. WiUiams approached the wigwams of the Nar
ragansetts. During his residence at Plymouth and
Salem, he had become acquainted with their sa
chems. The character of rehgious teacher, which
he bore, ensured him from the savages some tokens
of respect. And it may well be beheved, that even
before this period, he had devoted some portion of his
time to their service. He had gained their confi
dence to such a degree, that when he sought from
them a refuge and a shelter, it was not only readily
granted, but he was able to frustrate the designs of
the Pequods.
Whether Mr. Wilhams was accompanied by any
persons in his flight from Salem is unknown. Mr.
Cotton, in his " Reply to Mr. WUhams his Exam-
mation, &c." page 8, says that some of Mr. Wil
liams' friends "went to the place appointed by
himself, beforehand, to make provision of housing
and other necessaries for him against his coming."
This may be so, but it seems hardly possible that it
should be, as he could not have anticipated the sum
mons from the Governor and Assistants, which caused
his flight. Among those who joined him while at
Seekonk, were, WiUiam Harris, John Smith, (miller,)

GENERAL HISTORY. 21
Joshua Verin, Thomas AngeU, and Francis Wickes.
These, with Mr. Wifliams, composed the first settlers
of Providence. The number is ascertained from a
letter from Joshua Verin to the town, which wiU be
given hereafter, and the names are gathered from
the same source, and from a plea made by Mr. Wil
hams before certain commissioners of the King, in
1677. Tradition says that they first landed on " the
Slate rock," on the bank of the Seekonk river, near
the residence of his Excellency Governor Fenner,
and that, as they approached the shore, they were
saluted with "What cheer, netop," by an Indian from
the hiU. That there is some foundation for the tra
dition appears from the fact, that a tract of land
adjoining this rock, has ever since borne the name
of " What cheer." Under this name, it was assigned
to Mr. Williams in the first division of lands among
the settlers. It has also been handed down by tra
dition, that Mr. WiUiams and his companions, after
exchanging salutations with the Indian, pursued their
voyage, around Fox Point and up Providence river,
to a point a httle south of St. John's Church. A fine
spring of water there, which has ever since borne
the name of Wilhams' Spring, is supposed to indi
cate the place of their first settlement.
This smaU company was soon increased by new
emigrations, both from Plymouth and Massachusetts.
It is impossible to ascertain the precise date of the
arrival of any of them. The records, as may be sup
posed, were very scanty at first, and these have be
come mutilated and illegible in many places. The
date of the first entry is " 16th day 4 month" (June.)

22 GENERAL HISTORY.
The year, if ever inserted, is now ilegibler There
are two entries under this date, one imposing a fine
for not attending at the hour appointed for town-
meetings, the other providing for the monthly
choice of a town treasurer. From the latter it would
seem, that they held meetings, monthly. The next
record is under date of 13tli of 6 mo. (August.) It
contains an order, altering a previous law, not re
corded, (which required every person to be pro-
po'unded one month before he could be received into
the town,) so that upon urgent necessity, a special
meeting could be caUed, and a person received after
standing propounded for three or four days. The
next proceedings recorded are .under date of 3d of
10 mo. (December.) A fine was imposed at this
meeting on every person absent from any town-
meeting, and it made it the duty of him "who keeps
the books in that month, to observe and take notice
who is wanting, and present his name to the town."
From this it would seem that a clerk was chosen at
every meeting. The only oflftcer whose election is
recorded is Thomas Olney, town treasurer. This
was under date of August 13. These comprise aU
the entries made on the first page of the town re
cords. The next page begins with "Orders and
agreements, the 2d year of the Plantation," without
any date of day, month or year. In the entry under
this date, it appears that WiUiam Carpenter, Bene
dict Arnold, WiUiam Reynolds, Thomas AngeU, Mrs.
Alice Daniels, (afterwards the wife of John Greene
Senior,) Mary Sweet, and Edward Cope, had each
received a grant of land. from the Town, about that

GENERAL HISTORY. 23
time, as they were required to pay a certain sum, not
legible in the records, "in consideration of ground
at present granted unto them." SimUar grants had,
before this, been made to Robert Cole, Francis Wes
ton, and Richard Waterman. This appears from
the second order, under the same date, imposing a
penalty on each of them "for damage in case they
do not improve their grounds." AU future comers,
by the third order, were required to pay a certain
sum, not legible, "upon the grant of a hke portion
of ground." Every person was prohibited from seU-
ing "his field or his lot granted in our liberties to
any person but to an inhabitant, without consent of
the town." From an entry under date of 28th of
12 mo. (February,) it appears that WiUiam Field
was then at Providence. Under date of the 10th
of 4 month, (June,) is an order confirming certain
grants of land to John Greene, Thomas James, Eze-
kiel Holyman, John Throckmorton, WiUiam Arnold,
and Stukely Westcott. On the 21st of the preceding
month, the foUowing vote was passed : " Joshua Ver
in, for breach of covenant in restraining hberty of
conscience, shall be withheld the liberty of voting,
tiU he declare the contrary." We are indebted to
Governor Winthrop for an account of the manner in
which Verin " restrained the liberty of conscience,"
and for the circumstances attending his trial and dis
franchisement. After recounting the trouble that a
Mrs. Ohver had given the ministers and magistrates
of Massachusetts, by her contumacious heresy, he
adds: "At Providence, also, the devil was not idle.
For whereas at their first coming thither, Mr. Wil-

24 GENERAL HISTORY.
Hams and the rest did make an order, that no man
should be molested for his conscience, now men's
wives, and children, and servants, claimed Hberty
to go to aU rehgious meetings, though never so
often, or though private, upon the week days ; and
because one Verin refused to let his wife go to Mr.
Williams' so oft as she was called for, they required
to have him censured. But there stood up one Ar
nold, a witty man, of their company, and withstood
it, teUing them that when he consented to that order,
he never intended it should extend to the breach of
any ordinance of God, such as the subjection of
wives to their husbands, &c., and gave divers soHd
reasons against it. Then one Greene, he repHed,
that, if they should restrain their wives, &c., aU the
women in the country would cry out of them, &c.
Arnold answered him thus: Did you pretend to
leave the Massachusetts, because you would not of
fend God to please men, and would you now break
an ordinance and commandment of God to please
women ? Some were of opinion that if Verin would
not suffer his wife to have her liberty, the church
should dispose of her to some other man, who would
use her better. Arnold told them, that it was not
the woman's desire to go so oft from home, but only
Mr. WiUiams' and others. In conclusion, when tiiey
would have censured Verin, Arnold told them that it
was against^their own order, for Verin did tiiat he
did, out of conscience, and tlieir order >vas that no
man should be censured for his conscience." Prob
ably Gov. Winthrop learned the story from Verin

GENERAL HiStORY. 25
hiitiself, for he left Providence soon after this occur
rence and removed to Salem.
Little further can be coUected about Verin. The
foUowing letter from him to the town is inserted as
containing more information relative to the early
proceedings of the settlers, than in relation to him
self. " Gentlemen, and countrymen of the Town of Providencei
This is to certify you, that I look upon my purchase of the town
of Providence to be my lawful right. In my travel, I have en
quired and do find it is recoverable according to law, for my
coming away could not disinherit me. Some of you cannot but
recollect, that we six which came first should hav6 the first con
venience, as it was put in practice, first; by our house lots, and
second, by the meadows on Wonasquatucket rivfer ; and then,
those that were admitted by us into the purchase to have the
next which were about, but it is contrary to law, reason, and
equity, for to dispose of my part, without my consent. There
fore, deal not worse with me than we dealt with the Indians, for
we made conscience of purchasing of it of them, and hazarded
our lives. Therefore we need not, nor any one of us ought, to
be denied of our purchase. So, hoping you will take it into
your serious consideration, and to give me reasonable satisiaction,
I rest Yours in the way of right and equity,-
JOSHUA VERIN.
From Salem, the 21st Nov. 1650.
This to he delivered to the deputies of the town of Providence,
to be presented to the whole town."
This letter vvas laid before the town at their quar
ter-meeting, April 27, 1651, and the clerk was di
rected to answer it, which he did as follows :
Sir — The Town of Providence having received, read, and
eonsidered yours dated the 31sl Noveiraber, 16.50, have ordered
4

26 GENERAL HISTO|lY.
me to signify unto you, that if you shall come unto court, and
prove your right, they will do you justice. Per me.
GRE, DEXTER, Town Clerk.
It has been before observed, that Mr. WiUiams
both at Pylmouth and Salem, contended that the In
dians were the sole ovvners of the soil they occupied,
and that a patent or grant from the king of En
gland could convey no title in them to any one. The
promulgation of these sentiments formed one of the
principal charges against him, and contributed not a
little, to his final banishment from Massachusetts.
That they were the honest convictions of his own
mind is evinced by the fact that he reduced them to
practice. When he " began to build and plant" at
Seekonk, he obtained a grant of land from Massa
soit. That a similar grant of Providence was ob
tained at or before the settlement there, appears from
the foUowing deed.
" At Nanhiggansick the 24th of the first month commonly
called March, in the second year of our plantation or plantimr
at Mooshausick or Providence. Memorandum, that we Cau-
naunicus and Meauntunomi, the two chief sachems of Nanhig
gansick, having two years since sold unto Roger Williams, the
lands and meadows upon the two fresh rivefs, called Mooshau^
sick and Wanasquatucket do now by these presents, establish
and confirm the bounds of those lands, from the river and fields
at Pawtucket, the great hill of Neotaconkonitt oft the north
west, and the town of Mashapauge on the west. As also in
consideration of the many kindnesses and services he hath con
tinually done for us, both with our friends of Massachusetts as
also at Q,uinickicutt and Apaura or Plymouth, we do freely o-ive
unto him all that land from those rivers, reaching to Pawtuxet

GENERAL HISTORY. 27
river, as also the grass and meadows upon the said Pawtuxet
river. In witness whereof we havq hereunto set our hands.

The mark of I  Caunaunicus.
The mark of Meauntunomi.

In the presence of
The mark of [>< Seatash.
The mark of * Assotemewit.
1639 Memorandum 3. mo. 9th day. This was all again con
firmed by Miantonomi, he acknowledged this his act and hand,
up the streams of Pawtucket and Pawtuxet without limits, we
might have for our use of cattle. Witness hereof
ROGER WILLIAMS.
BENEDICT ARNOLD.
This is the earhest conveyance, in the records of
Providence. The body of the deed is in the hand
writing of Mr. Wilhams, the clause signed by him is
in the hand writing of Thomas James. It is proba
ble that the prior conveyance referred to in this deed,
was a verbal one. This is a confirmation of tlie
precedent grant, or rather a declaration of the bounds
of the lands conveyed by it. It contains no words
of transfer or sale of the " lands and meadows upon
the two fresh rivers Mooshausick and Wanasqua
tucket." It would seem also that it was the inten
tion of the sachems to enlarge the bounds of their
previous grant, for the deed, in technical language
conveys " aU the lands from those rivers, reaching to
Pawtuxet river." But upon the whole, the instru
ment is so inartificiaUy drawn, purporting to transfer
only a life estate by its terms, when undoubtedly the

28 GENERAL HISTORY.
fee was intended to be conveyed, as to render it
very doubtful whether, Mr. WUUams ever pursued
the study of the law, as his biographer asserts, under
the strictly technical Sir Edward Coke. By this
deed, and the previous conveyance, be it what it
may, the title to the land, vested in Mr. WiUiams
alone. The consideration, such as it was, passed
from him alone. In a letter from him to the town
a long time afterward, speaking of Providence and
Pawtuxet he says, " they were mine own as truly as
any man's coat upon his back." This was after
wards denied by some of the proprietors as wUl sub
sequently appear. It was not however Mr. Wilhams'
object to retain the whole purchase to himself, or to
make his companions in exUe in any way dependant
on him. His son Daniel, in a letter to the town da
ted August 24, 1710, says, "if a covetous man had
that opportunity as he had, most of this town would
have been his tenants." It was contended after
wards by some of the inhabitants tiiat the original
purchase was made by Mr. WiUiams as the agent of
the whole company, and that they refunded to him
their proportion of the original cost. This he de
nied in the strongest terms. Soon after the pur
chase he executed the foUowing deed to his compan
ions. He subsequently executed two otiier deeds,
which wiU be given hereafter. Why this is called
his «' Initial deed," will be very apparent on its pe
rusal, " Memorandum, That I, R. W. having formerly purchased
of Canonicus and Miantonomi, this our situation or plantation
pf New Providence, viz. the two fresh rivers Wonas. and Moosh

GENERAL HISTORY. 29
apd the grounds and meadows thereupon, in consideration of
^30 received from the inhabitants of said place, do fi:eely and
fully, pass, grant and make over equal right and power of enjoy
ing and disposing the same grounds and lands unto my loving
friends and neighbors S W. W A. T J. R C. J G. J T. W H.
W C. T O. F W. R W. and E. H. and such others as the
major part of us shall admit into the same fellowship of vote with
us. As also, I do freely, make and pass over equal right and
power of enjoying alid disposing the said land and ground reach'
ing from the aforesaid rivers unto the great river Pawtuxet, with
the grass and meadow thereupon, which was so lately given and
granted by the two aforesaid sachems to me. Witness my hand.
R. W.
There is no date to the Only copy of this deed
now in existence. Informal as it appears, it was the
only evidence the town had, that Mr. WiUiams had
parted with any portion of the lands conveyed to him
by the Sachems. That they scarcely deemed a con
veyance necessary is evinced by the carelessness
with which this was kept. The probabihty is, that
the original deed from the Sachems was deposit
ed with and kept by the clerk of the Town, and
the possession of that was esteemed equivalent to a
conveyance, or if it were not, impHcit confidence
was reposed in Mr. WiUiams that he would execute
the requisite deeds on request.
On the sixth day of December, 1661, a commit
tee appointed at a previous meeting to wait on Mr.
Wilhams and procure from him a deed of the first
purchase, made a report, and on the thirteenth of the
same month, another committee was appointed to
procure the signature of Mrs. WiUiams to the deed.
It is presumed that the following deed was execu
ted in pursuance of these requests,

30 GENERAL HISTORY.
" Be it known unto all men by these presents, that I Roger
Williams, of the Town of Providence, in the Narraganset Bay,
in New-England, having in the year 1634 and in the year 1635
had several treaties with Conanicusse and Miantonome, the chief
Sachems of the Narragansetts, and in the end purchased of
them the lands and meadows upon the two fresh rivers called
Mooshassick and Wanasquatucket, the two Sachems having by
a deed under their hands two years after the sale thereof estab
lished and confirmed the bounds of these lands from the river
and fields ofPawtuckqut and the great hill of Neotaconconitt on
the north-west, and the town of Mashapauge on the west, not
withstanding I had the frequent promise of Miantenomi my kind
friend, that it should not be land that I should want about these
bounds mentioned, provided that I satisfied the Indians there in
habiting, I having made covenant of peaceable neighborhood
with all the Sachems and natives round about us ; and having in
a sense of God's merciful providence unto me in my distress,
called the place, Providence. I designed it might be for a shel
ter for persons distressed for conscience, I then considering the
condition of divers of my distressed countrymen, I communica
ted my said purchase to my loving friends John Throckmorton,
William Arnold, William Harris, Stukely Westcott, John
Greene, sen., Thomas Olney, sen., Richard Waterman and others
who then desired to take shelter here with me, and in succession
unto so many others as we should receive into the fellowship
and society of enjoying and disposing of the said purchase ; and
besides the first that were admitted, our town records declare
that afterwards we received Chad Brown, William Field, Thom
as Harris, sen., William Wickenden, Robert Williams, Gregory
Dexter and others, as our town book declares ; and whereas, by
God's merciful assistance, I was the procurer of the purchase
not by monies nor payment, the natives being so shy and jealous,
that monies could not do it, but by that language, acquaintance,
and favor with the natives and other advantages which it pleased
God to give me, and also bore the charges and venture of all the
gratuities which I gave to the great Sachems, and other Sa
chems and natives round about us, and lay engaged for a loving
and peaceable neighborhood with them to my great charge and

GENERAL HISTORY. 31
travel, it was, therefore, thought by some loving friends, that I
should receive some loving consideration and gratuity, and it
was agreed between us, that every person that should be admit
ted into the fellowship of enjoying lands and disposing of the
purchase, should pay thirty shillings into the public stock, and
first about £Z0 should be paid unto myself by thirty shillings a
person, as they were admitted ; this sum I received in love to
my friends, and with respect to a town and place of succor for
the distressed as aforesaid. I do acknowledge the said sum and
payment as full satisfaction. And whereas in the year 1637, so
called, I delivered the deed subscribed by the two aforesaid
chief Sachems, so much thereof as concerneth the aforemention
ed lands from myself and my heirs unto the whole number of
purchasers, with all and every power, right and title therein, re
serving only unto myself one single share equal unto any of the
rest of that number, I now again in a more, formal way, under
my hand and seal, confirm my former resignation of that deed of
the lands aforesaid and bind myself, my heirs, my executors, my
administrators and assigns never to molest any of the said persons
already received or hereafter to be received into the society of
purchasers as aforesaid, but they, their heirs, executors, admin
istrators and assigns, shall at all times quietly and peaceably
enjoy the premises and every part thereof; and I do further, by
these presents, bind myself, my heirs, my executors, my admin
istrators and assigns, never to lay claim nor cause any claim to
be laid, to any of the lands aforementioned, or unto any part or
parcel thereof, more than unto mine own single share, by virtue
or pretence of any former bargain, sale or mortgage whatsoever
or jointures, thirds or entails made by me the said Roger Wil
liams or of any other person either, for, by, through or under me.
In witness thereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this 20th
day of December in the present year 1661.
ROGER WILLIAMS. [LS.]
Signed, sealed and delivered, in presence of us.
Thomas Smith,
Joseph Carpenter.
I Mary Williams wife unto Roger Williams do assent unto

32 GENERAL HISTORY.
the premises. Witness my hand this 20th day of December, iri
the present year 1661. The mark of M W MARY WILLIAMS.
Acknowledged and subscribed before me.
WILLIAM FIELD, Assistant."
The treaties in 1634 and 1635 referred to in this
deed, probably gave rise to the suggestion made by
Governor Winthrop before quoted, of the intention
of Mr. WUhams and his adherents to make a settle
ment on Narragansett Bay. It was in conferences
held with the Narragansetts whUe he resided at Plym
outh and Salem that he acquired that knowledge of
their language and that influence in their councils,
which enabled him to overcome their shyness and
jealousy of the whites. It appears from this deed
that the grantees in it never paid any part of the
£30 which he received, nor does it contain any ex
pression which would suggest the idea that he acted
in the purchase as their agent. The acceptance of
this deed and the enrollment of it by the town in
their records, is in some degree an acknowledgement
of the truth of the recitals contained in it, and the
part which he subsequently acted by appointment of
the town in procuring other deeds of cession and
confirmation from the natives, prove that the town
reposed fuU confidence in his integrity and upright
ness. With respect to the dates referred to in this
deed, they are probably incorrect. His deed from
the Sachems, bears date the 24th of the first month
in the second year of the plantation, corresponding
with the 24th day of March, or last day of the year
1637. There is no date to his " initial" deed, but it

GENERAL HISTORY. 33
was executed the 8th day of October, 1638. This
deed was lost long before 1661, and the date 1637
might be intended to refer to the date of the Sachems'
deed. Some of the grantees in the " Initial" deed
did not leave Massachusetts tUl 1638.
The town accepted the deed of 1661, and had it
entered on their records. This, with the evidence
then in existence of the contents of the initial deed,
constituted the whole title of the town tiU 1666. In
that year, for some reason not apparent, Mr. WiUiams
executed the foUowing instrument, which is also re
corded. " Providence 8 of 8th month, 1 638, so called.
Memorandum, that I Roger Williams having formerly pur
chased of Conanicus and Miantonomi, this our situation or plan
tation of New Providence, viz : the two fresh rivers Wonasqua
tucket and Moosehasick and the grounds and meadows thereupon,
in consideration of thirty pounds, received from the inhabitants
of the said place, do freely and fully pass grant and make over
equal right and power of enjoying and disposing the same ground
and lands unto my loving friends and neighbors, Stukely West
cott, William Arnold, Thomas James, Robert Cole, John
Greene, John Throckmorton, William Harris, William Carpen
ter, Thomas Olney, Francis Weston, Richard Waterman, Ezekiel
Holyman and such others as the major part of us shall admit
unto the same fellowship of vote with us. As also I do freely
make and pass over equal right and power of enjoying and dis
posing the lands and grounds reaching from the aforesaid rivers
unto the great river Pawtuxet and the grass and meadows there
upon, which was so lately granted by the aforesaid Sachems to
me. Witness my hand. Providence 22, 10 mo. 1666, so called.
ROGER WILLIAMS.
This paper and writing given by me about twenty-eight years
since, and differs not a tittle, only so is dated as near as we could
5

34 GENERAL HISTORY.
guess about the time, and the names of the men written in the
straight of time and haste are here explained by me.
ROGER WILLIAMS.
In presence of us,
John Browne^
John Sayles,
Thomas Harris, Assistant."
After accepting the initial deed, on the 7th of Oc
tober 1638, the then thirteen proprietors deemed it
expedient to make a division in their purchase, and
subject the different parts to different rules of subse
quent subdivision. The two parts are known in the
records as the " grand purchase of Providence," and
" the Pawtuxet purchase." Great dissentions and
difficulties grew out of this division.
With respect to the first divisions of land in "the
grand purchase of Providence," httle can be gathered
from the records. Frequent reference is there made to
the " home lots" and the " six acre" lots of the pur
chasers. It has sometimes been supposed that these
terms referred to the same lots. There is in the
files of the city clerk's office, a smaU paper book
which completely refutes this idea. The titie of the
book is "A revised Hst (saving corrections with ad
dition) of lands and meadows as they were originally
lotted from the beginning of the plantation of Provi
dence in the Narragansett Bay in New-England,
unto the (then) inhabitants of tiie said plantation un-
tU anno 16—." First in order are the "home lots,"
" beginning at the Mile-end cove."
This cove disappeared many years since. It was
at the south end of the town between Fox Point and

GENERAL HISTORY.

35

Wickenden street. "The home lots" aU bounded
on " the Town Street" on the west, and what is now
Hope-street on the east. The Town Street in mod
ern times has become South and North Main-streets.
The book afore referred to gives the location of fif
ty-four of these home lots, as foUows :

Robert Williams,
Christopher Unthank,
William Hawkins,
Robert West,
Hugh Bewit,
John Lippit,
Matthew Weston,
Edward Hart,
Thomas Hopkins,
Widow Sayer,
Widow Tiler,
Nicholas Power,
A highway,
William Wickenden,
William Man,
William Burrows,
Adam Goodwin,
Thomas Harris,
Joshua Winsor,
John Field,
William Field,
Richard Scott,
George Rickard,
John Warner,
Chad Brown,
Daniel Abbott,
William Reynolds,

Stukely Westcott,
Ezekiel Holyman,
Richard Waterman,
Francis Weston,
Thomas Angell,
Thomas Olney,
Robert Cole,
A highway,
William Carpenter,
John Sweet,
Alice Daniels,
William Harris,
John Throckmorton,
Roger Williams,
Joshua Verin,
Widow Reeve,
John Smith,
John Greene, Sen.
Thomas James,
William Arnold,
Francis Wickes,
Benedict Arnold,
John Greene, Jun.
Edward Manton,
Thomas Painter,
Mathew Waller,
Gregory Dexter.

The highway between the lots of Nicholas Power
and WiUiam Wickenden, is now known as Power-

36 ¦ GENERAL HISTORY.
Street, and that between Robert Cole's and WiUiam
Carpenter's lots, is now caUed Meeting-street. The
dividing Hues between aU these lots, run east and
west, and many of them may be traced by the walls
and fences now standing. Several of these lots have
never been transferred by deed.
The northwesterly corner of the Roger Wilhams
lot, is now occupied by the stone house at the cor
ner of North Main-street and Howland's Alley. The
spring was on the opposite side of the street. A
pump is now set in it. The tide then flowed al
most up to the spring, and the street passed along on
the shore. By referring to the foregoing hst of
home lots, a tolerably correct conclusion can be
formed as to the order in which the first inhabitants
grrived here. The first twelve are found on either
hand of their leader. Within their extremes are lots
which were set oflFto the persons under age and the
lone women who accompanied them. Those who
succeeded them and were admitted inhabitants had
their lots set oflT to them upon the one or the other
extreme, thus extending the hne as their strength in
creased. In addition to the home lots each individual had a
" six acre lot" assigned him.
Seven of these lots are located between MUe-end
cove and the one set off" to Mr. Wilhams. His lot
adjoined " What cheer," and is the last to the north
on Seekonk river. Other "six acre lots" were
located in other parts of the purchase, as " on the
North side of the Wanasquatucket," and " by the
west river." There can be no mistake as to the

GENERAL HISTORY. 37
location of Mr. WiUiams' six acre lot. The entry in
this list is " six acres of Roger WiUiams with What
cheer ;" and in a deed that he made of What cheer
and his six acre lot to James Ellis, Jan. 29, 1667,
he recites that in disposing of his purchase unto
the " Township or commonality," he reserved to
himself " the two Indian fields, called ' What cheer
and Saxefrax HiU,' " and that the town afterwards
"laid out unto me the aforesaid field, called What
cheer, and adjoined my six acre lot unto it." In
1718 the proprietors of the purchase made another
division of home or house lots. They divided the
lands on the southerly and easterly side of Weybos-
set-street, on the west side of North Main-street north
Canal market, and on the south side of Olney-street,
into one hundred and one house lots, being one for
each proprietor, which were drawn for by the propri
etors or their assigns. The land on the west side of
Main-street north of Mile-end cove, was subsequent
ly platted and divided into warehouse lots, and in
most cases sold by the proprietors to the owners
of the house lots opposite them. With respect to
the other lands in the propriety, it was generally
disposed of by vote to particular persons, or a divis
ion of a certain number of acres made to each pur
chase right, the location of which was left to the in
dividuals interested, to be surveyed by the proprie
tors' surveyor, aUowed by the proprietors or their
committee and recorded by the clerk. The returns,
as they are caUed, of the surveyors, constitute the
first link in the chain of the title of almost every
estate in the county of Providence. The record of

38 GENERAL HISTORY.
these returns and of subsequent conveyances were
made by the clerk chosen by the town, untU 1718,
after which the proprietors met by themselves and
chose their own officers.
During the first years of the colony, it is not pro
bable, that any of the powers of the community were
exercised by or delegated to, any portion of its mem
bers. The original purchasers, with " such as they
received into the same fellowship of vote " with them,
met in town meeting, monthly, and there transacted
aU the business pertaining to their httle common
wealth. It is matter of regret that their records from
month to month have not been preserved. It would
be interesting to peruse the proceedings of a colony
of civilized men, commencing a poHtical existence
with the principles of perfect equahty, and to mark
the growth and increase of difficulties which gradu
ally and necessarUy led them to the abandonment of
their pure democracy, to the delegation of part of
their powers, and to the institution of a representa
tive government. They must have adopted some
general rules for their government at a very early
period. This is fairly to be inferred from the fol
lowing agreement entered into by " the second com
ers." It is copied from the first book of the records
of the town. It is there without date. When the
early records of the town were copied, the transcri
ber added to his copy the date of August 20, 1637,
from the inside of the cover of the same book.
This date evidently refers to another matter which
follows it, and is in a diflferent hand writing from
the agreement itself The precise time when any

GENERAL HISTORY. 39
of these signers removed to Providence cannot be
ascertained. Richard Scott, who is the first, left
Massachusetts before March 1638. Two of the
others, Thomas AngeU and Francis Wickes, came
with Mr. WiUiams. The tradition is, that they were
then minors, and that that was the reason they were
not named in Mr. WiUiams' deed. They probably
signed this agreement as soon as they became of
age. " We whose names are hereunder, desirous to inhabit in the
town of Providence, do promise to subject ourselves in active or
passive obedience, to all such orders or agreements as shall be
made for public good of the body, in an orderly way, by the
majof assent of the present inhabitants, masters of families, in
corporated together into a town-fellowship, and such others
whom they shall admit unto them, only in civil things.
Richard Scott, Thomas -{- Angell,
William *-|- Reynolds, Thomas -|- Harris,
John -\- Field, Francis -|- Wickes,
Chad Brown, Benedict Arnold,
John Warner, Joshua Winsor,
George Rickard, William Wickenden."
Edward Cope,
It is worthy of remark, that the signers of this in
strument, submit " only in civil things." That there
existed some kind of an agreement between the first
settlers " masters of famihes" is apparent from the
terms of these articles. They are referred to as a
town, as " incorporated together into a town fellow
ship." And, it is equally certain that the first agree
ment, whether in writing or not, provided for obe
dience " in civil things only," otherwise this would
not have been so guarded. The testimony of Gov-

40 GENERAL HISTORY.
ernor Winthrop is in point here, as before quoted in
relation to Verin's case. He says, " at their first
coming thither, Mr. WiUiams and the rest did make
an order that no man should be molested for his
conscience." Here then was established a christian
community based upon the great principles of per
fect rehgious liberty, as contended for by Mr. WU
hams both at Salem and at Plymouth.
The first delegation of power, the first remove
they made from pure democracy, was in 1640. The
colonists had undoubtedly experienced the difficul
ties attendant on this form of civU government.
They found it not only onerous to individuals, but
wanting in that energy necessary to preserve the
peace and ensure the prosperity of a growing com
munity. The change adopted is found embodied in
the foUowing report.
Providence the 27th day of the 5th mo. in the year, so called,
1640. We Robert Cole, Chad Brown, William Harris and
John Warner, being freely chosen by the consent of our loving
friends and neighbors, the inhabitants of this town of Providence,
having many differences amongst us, they being freely willing
and also bound themselves to stand to our arbitration in all dif
ferences amongst us, to rest contented in our determination,
being so betrusted, we have seriously and cai-efully endeavored
to weigh and consider all these difierences, being desirous to
bring them to unity and peace, although our abUities are far
short in the due examination of such weighty matters, yet so far
as we can conceive in laying all things together, we have gone
the fairest and equallest way to produce our peace.
1. Agreed. We have with one consent agreed, that in the
parting those particular proprieties which some of our friends
and neighbors have in Pawtuxet, from the general common of our
town of Providence, to run upon a straight line from a fresh
spring, being in the gully at the head of the cove running by

GENERAL HISTORY. 41
that point of land called Saxefi-ax, into the town of Mashipaug,
to an oak tree standing near unto the cornfield, being at this
time the nearest cornfield unto Pawtuxet, the oak tree having four
marks with an axe, till some other land-mark be set for a certain
bound. Also, we agree, that if any meadow ground lying and
joining to that meadow that borders upon the river of Pawtuxet,
come within the aforesaid line, which will not come within a
straight line from long cove to the marked tree, then, for that
meadow to belong to Pawtuxet, and so beyond the town of Mash-
apaug from the oak tree between the two fresh rivers Pawtuxet
and Wanasquatucket, of an even distance.
2. Agreed. We have with one consent agreed, that for the
disposing those lands that shall be disposed, belonging to this
town of Providence, to be in the whole inhabitants by the choice
of five men for general disposal, to be betrusted with disposal of
lands and also of the town's stock and all general things, and not
to receive in any in six days, as townsmen, but first to give the
inhabitants notice, to consider if any have just cause to show
against the receiving of him, as you can apprehend, and to re
ceive none but such as subscribe to this our determination. Al
so we agree, that if any of our neighbors do apprehend himself
wronged by these or any of these five disposers, that at the gen
eral town meeting he may have a trial.
Also, we agree for the town to choose beside the other five
men, one to keep record of all things belonging to the town and
lying in common.
We garee, as formerly hath been the liberties of the town, so
still to hold forth, liberty of conscience.
3. Agreed, that after many considerations and consultations
of our own state and also of states abroad in way of government,
we apprehend no way so suitable to our condition, as govern
ment by way of arbitration. But if men agree themselves by
arbitration, no state, we know of, disallows of that, neither do
we. But if men refuse that which is but common humanity be
tween man and man, then to compel such unreasonable,persons
to a reasonable way, we agree, that, the five disposers shall have
power to compel him either to choose two men himself, or if he
6

42 GENERAL HISTORY.
refuse for them to choose two men, to arbitrate his cause, and if
these four men chosen by each party, do end the cause, then to
see their determination performed and the faultive to pay the
arbitrators for their time spent in it. But if these four men
do not end it, then for the five disposers to choose three men
to put an end to it. And for the certainty hereof, we agree
the major part of the five disposers to choose the three men, and
the major part of the three men to end the cause, having power
from the five disposers, by a note under their hand to perform it,
and the faultive not agreeing in the first, to pay the charge of
the last and for the arbitrators to follow no employment until the
cause be ended, without consent of the whole that have to do
with the cause. Instance. In the first arbitration, the offender
may offer reasonable terms of peace, and the offended may exact
upon him, and refuse and trouble men beyond reasonable satis
faction, so for the last arbitrators to judge where the fault was,
in not agreeing in the first, to pay the charge in the last.
4. Agreed, that if any person damnify any man either in goods
or good name, and the person offended follow not the cause upon
the offender, that if any person give notice to the five disposers,
they shall call the party delinquent to answer by arbitration.
Instance. Thus, if any person abuse another in person or
goods, may be for peace's sake, a man will, for the present, put it
up, and it may so be, resolve to revenge ; therefore, for the peace
of the state, the disposers are to look to it in the first place.
5. Agreed for all the whole inhabitants to combine ourselves
to assist any man in the pursuit of any party delinquent, with all
our best endeavors to attach him ; but if any man raise a hub
bub, and there be no just cause, then for the party that raised
the hubbub to satisfy men for their time lost in it.
6. Agreed, that if any man have a difference with any of the
five disposers, which cannot be deferred till general meetino- of
the town, he may have the clerk call the town together, at his
occasioned time, for a trial.
Instance, it may be a man may be to depart the land, or to a
far part of the land, or his estate may lie upon a speedy trial or
the like case may fall out.
7. Agreed, that the town by five men shall give every man a

GENERAL HISTORY. 43
deed of all his lands lying within the bounds of the plantation to
hold it by for after ages.
8. Agreed, that the five disposers shall, from the date hereof^
meet every month day upon general things and at the quarter
day to yield to a new choice and give up their old accounts.
9. Agreed, that the clerk shall call the five disposers together
at the month day and the general town together every quarter,
to meet upon general occasions, from the date hereof.
10. Agreed, that the clerk is to receive for every cause that
comes to the town for a trial 4d, for making each deed 12d, and
to give up the book to the town at the year's end and yield to a
new choice.
11. Agreed, that all acts of disposal on both sides to stand,
since the difference.
12. Agreed, that every man who hath not paid in his purchase
money for his plantation shall make up his 10s. to be 30s. equal
with the first purchasers, and for all that are received as towns
men hereafter to pay the like sum of money to the town stock.
These being those things we have generally concluded on for
our peace, we desiring our loving friends to receive as our ab
solute determination, laying ourselves down as subject to iti
Witness our hands. Chad Brown, John Warner,
Robert Cole, John Field,
William Harris, William Arnold,
John Throckmorton, William Field,
Stukely Westcott, Edward Cope,
Benedict Arnold, Edward -f- Manton,
William Carpenter, William Man,
Richard Scott, Nicholas Power,
Thomas Harris, William -j- Reynolds,
Francis -|- Wickes, Thomas Olney,
Thomas 4- Angell, Richard Waterman,
Adam -f- Goodwin, William Wickenden,
William -f- Burrows, Edward Hart,
Roger Williams, Hugh Bewit,
Robert West, Thomas ^ Hopkins,
Joshua Winsor, Joan Tiler,
Robert Williams, Jane -f- Sears,
Matthew Waller, Christopher Unthank,
Gregory Dexter, William -)- Hawkins.
John -f- Lippitt,

44 GENERAL HISTORY.
The foregoing is copied from a copy in the files
of the city clerk's office, dated March 28, 1662. It
is certified by Thomas Olney, town clerk, to be a
true copy " as it standeth upon record in our town
book." The records in their present mutilated state,
do not contain this document or any reference to the
appointment or report of the committee by whom it
was drawn up. A copy of it may be found in Haz
ard's Historical CoUections, there said to be taken
from the Suffolk records. The signers' names are
there omitted. Nor are the names of aU the first set
tlers and received purchasers, appended to Olney's
copy, and whether they were or were not to the orig
inal, cannot be ascertained, as that original is not in
existence. So far as can be traced from the records,
it went into immediate operation, and constituted the
Town Government for several years. From a pe
rusal of this document, it is quite evident, that there
existed in this little community, a great distrust and
jealousy of delegated power. Experience had forced
them to have recourse to it, and they endeavored to
provide against its abuse, by the frequency both of
the general meetings of tiie whole body, and of the
elections of their officers. Though but a smaU re
move from the perfect democracy of tiieir first or
ganized government, stiU it forms an epoch in the
history of the Town. It marlis the growth of the
colony, and an increase of population tiiat required
a more energetic and less onerous form of govern
ment than was sufficient for an infant colony, whUe
the change shows the same love of equality and lib-

GENERAL HISTORY. 4^
e.rty, and the same regard to the rights of individuals
as was -manifested in the former,
Thq new system, by its weakness and lack of ener
gy, gave rise to difficulties, which, to some of the in
habitants seemed inherent and insurmountable. The
great Hberty which aU enjoyed was abused by some
to Hcentiousness. From the denial of the right of
government to interfere in matters of conscience,
some claimed the right to do with impunity whatso
ever, they said, conscience dictated- Others were
at the time accused of denying aU power, in magis
trates. Persons in the neighboring colonies who
had adopted such opinions as these, could iU brook
the restraints there imposed on them by laws. They
would seek and did seek a refuge in Providence, and
here they found, that although there was no law-re
ligion, there was still law, though weak and ineffi
cient. Any attempt to enforce it was attended with
danger even to the existence of the plantation itself
Inffuenced by fear, of utter destruction to the settle
ment, on the 17th November 1641 thirteen of the
colonists wrote a letter to the Government of Mas
sachusetts, praying them " of gentle courtesy and for
the preservation of humanity and mankind" to con
sider their condition and to lend them " a neighbor
like helping hand," to enforce the execution of an
award made by "eight men, orderly chosen," against
one of the inhabitants, in a civU matter. The wri
ters were informed by the Government of Massachu
setts that "except they did submit themselves to
some jurisdiction, either Plymouth or ours, we had no
calling or warrant to interpose in their contentions."

46 GENERAL HISfORY.
The letter and the reply to it may be found in the
Second Volume of the coUections of the Rhode-Isl
and Historical Society. How such a subjection
could have extended the jurisdiction of that corpora
tion beyond the bounds set in their charter, it is dif
ficult to conceive, and it is not easy to imagine how
any of the inhabitants of Providence, could accede
to the terms proposed. Yet within a year, WiUiam
Arnold, WiUiam Carpenter, Robert Cole, and Bene
dict Arnold, subjected themselves and lands to the
jurisdiction of Massachusetts. The three' filrst named,
were among the original purchasers of Providence.
The fourth, Benedict Arnold, was son of WUham
Arnold. They aU at this time resided at Pawtuxet.
WiUiam Arnold was appointed " to keep the peace."
The reasons assigned by Governor Winthrop for as
suming jurisdiction over these persons and lands, so
far beyond their charter Hmits, were "partiy to res
cue these men from violence, and partly to draw in
the rest in those parts, either under ourselves or Ply
mouth." Whatever were the motives of these persons in
preferring tiieir petition to Massachusetts, or of
Massachusetts in granting it and assuming jurisdic
tion over them, tiie effects were highly injurious to
Providence. The new subjects of Massachusetts
being bound to obey tiie laws of tiiat colony, held
themselves discharged, of course, from every obhga-
tion of obedience to the laws of the community in
which they dwelt. The pecuHar circumstances in
which they had placed tiiemselves, would produce
difficulties and dissentions between tiiem and tiieir

-GENERAL HISTORY, 47
neighbors; and these, again, would be aggravated
by the confficting jurisdiction of the colonies. If
the new subjects of Massachusetts were bound to
obey the laws of that colony, they were entitled to
protection from that colony. This could be affords
•ed only in the courts and according to the laws of
that colony. The consequence would be, that some
of the colonists at Providence might be compeUed to
.appear in those courts, although banished from their
jurisdiction. That such was the case appears from
the following letter.
" Massachusetts, to our neighbors of Providence.
Whereas William Arnold of Pawtuxet, and Robert Cole and
others, have lately put themselves and their families, lands and
estates, under Ihe protection and government of this jurisdiction,
and have since con^plained to us that you have since (upon pre
tence of a late purchase from the Indians) gone about to deprive
them of their lawful interest confirmed by four years' possession,
and otherwise to molest them ; we thought good, therefore, to
write to you on their behalf to give you notice, that they and
their lands, &c. being under our jurisdiction, we are to main
tain them in their lawful rights. If, therefore, you have any
just title to any thing you possess, you may proceed against
¦them in our court, where you shall have equal justice ; but if
you shall proceed to any violence, you must not blame us, if we
¦shall take a like course to right them.
JOHN WIN THROP Governor.
THOMAS DUDLEY,
RI. BELLINGHAM,
INCR. NEWELL.
The 28 of the 8 mo. 1642. "
That the writers of this letter, were not sincere in
supposing that their neighbors of Providence would
have equal justice in their courts, is not to be pre-

48 GENERAL HISTORY.
sumed. The settlers at Providence ought to be ex
cused, if they preferred their own course of arbitra
tion, to the courts that had before, sentenced them
to severe punishments for errors in judgment and
heretical opinions. Samuel Gorton supposed that
this letter referred to himself and those who had
adopted his rehgious opinions. To avoid the con
sequences of it, and at the same time to free the in
habitants of Providence from further vexation on
their account, they in January, 1643, purchased a
tract of land of the Indians, lying to the south of
Pawtuxet, where they commenced the settlement of
Shawomet, in the town of Warwick. Their troubles
>did not end with their removal. They were driven
from their new homes and compeUed to appear in
the courts of Massachusetts, and there answer to
new allegations. Mr. Gorton has told his own story
in a narrative pubHshed by him in 1645, and since
repubhshed by the Rhode-Island Historical Society.
Those who subjected themselves to Massachusetts
remained under that government till 1658, (except
Benedict Arnold, who removed to Newport,) when,
on theh own petition, they were dismissed and re
united to Providence. Such a state of things was
highly inauspicious to the welfare of any community,
and much more so, to one just starting into exist
ence. The wonder is, tiiat tiie settiement had not
been entirely broken up, or tiiat tiie majority had
not taken refuge under tiie protecting hand of Mas
sachusetts, and united tiie colony with tiiat govern
ment. Soon after tiie banishment of Mr. WiUiams from

GENERAL HISTORY. 49
Massachusetts, other sectaries arose to disturb the
peace of the churches. The synod which convened
in August 1637, found eighty-two erroneous opin
ions held in that colony. They banished the Rev.
John Wheelwright, and Mrs. Ann Hutchinson, the
principal leaders of the schismatics, and subsequent
ly disarmed a large number of persons holding
heterodox opinions. A part of these, with the aid
and assistance of Mr. WiUiams, purchased the Island
of Rhode-Island of the Narragansetts, and com
menced a settlement there in March 1638. The
deed bears date the same day with the deed of Prov
idence. They entered into articles of association,
which were signed at Providence on the 7th day of
March 1638. Their first settlement was near the
north end of the island, within the present town of
Portsmouth: In May 1643, the colonies of Plymouth, Massa
chusetts, Hartford and New-Haven, formed a con
federacy for mutual protection and support. Two
commissioners were annually appointed by each
colony to meet and deliberate upon all matters of
common interest. The immediate cause of the
confederacy was the prospect, in 1642, of a general
war with the Indian tribes. Neither of the colonies
within the State of Rhode-Island, was invited to
join this confederacy at its formation, and all subse
quent applications for admission into it were uniform
ly refused, except upon the condition that they would
subject themselves either to Plymouth or Massachu
setts. This condition was, of course, rejected. The
leading men in each of the colonies of Providence,
7

50 GENERAL HISTORY.
Rhode-Island and Shawomet, vt^ere obnoxious to the
laws of Plymouth and Massachusetts, on account of
their rehgious creeds. Had such a subjection been
acceded to, the great object of these settlements
must have been abandoned. The rehgious standard
of orthodoxy, must have been re-established over
them, and the rights of conscience, surrendered.
Neither of these colonies was wiUing to secure im
munity from present danger by such a saciifice.
Their situation was consequently very precarious.
In case of a war with the Indians, they had no
means of obtaining necessary munitions except from
the other colonies, or from the Dutch at New -York,
none of which might be willing to supply them.
Besides this, each of these colonies was stiU in its
infancy, and the population smaU. They vtexe en
tirely independent of each other. They had nothing
to unite them, but the sense of common danger and
the recollection of common suflferings, in the same
cause ; and above all, neither of them had any au
thority from the mother country to justify their pro
ceedings as a corporation. The whole force of their
several governments rested in the consent of the
individuals who composed each colony. Urged by
these as weU as other reasons, the colony at Rhode-
Island, in September 1642, resolved to send an agent
to England to procure a charter of incorporation.
That the colony at Providence came to the same
resolution seems proved by the fact, that Mr. Wil
liams was selected for the agent, and tiiat tiie chai*-
ter, when obtained, embraced as weU Providence as
the towns on the island, under the name of " The

GENERAL HISTORY. 51
incorporation of Providence Plantations, in the Nar
ragansett Bay, in New-England." There is nothing
in the records of Providence relative to this appoint
ment, but it must be recoUected, that the records
were much mutUated and defaced at the time the
town was burnt by the Indians, in 1676. Owing to
this circumstance, there are no records of the pro
ceedings of Providence, until 1650, except such as
are hereinbefore copied or referred to. Mr. Wil
liams embarked from New-York for England in
June or July 1643, in pursuance of this appointment.
The year 1643, is mairked with one of the most
atrocious of aU the cruel and unjustifiable deeds which
constitute Indian history. Miantonomi, one of the
chief sachems of the Narragansetts, was taken pris
oner by Uncas, sachem of the Mohegans, in a bat
tle between the two tribes. Uncas doubted whether
he should take his Hfe, and finaUy dehvered the Ulus-
trious captive into the hands of the Enghsh at Hart
ford. The matter was laid before the commission
ers of the United Colonies at Boston. After due
consideration, they resolved, unanimously, that " it
would not be safe to set him at Hberty, neither had
we sufficient ground for us to put him to death." In
this dilemma they consulted "five of the most judic
ious elders" who gave it as their opinion, that he de
served to die. This resolved all the doubts of the
commissioners and they then agreed that the com
missioners from Hartford, on their return, should in
form Uncas of their determination, "that Miantono
mi should be defivered to him again, and he should
put him to death, so soon as he came within his own

52 GENERAL HISTORY.
jurisdiction, and that two Enghsh should go along
with him to see the execution, and, if any Indians
should invade him for it we would send men to de
fend him ; if Uncas should refuse to do it, then Mi
antonomi should be sent in a pinnace to Boston, there
to be kept until further consideration." What a
comment on the proceedings of the commissioners
is the last clause of the above extract, implying as it
does, a doubt whether Uncas, an uncultivated savage,
protected by aU the power of the united colonies,
would execute the sentence pronounced by his
Christian alHes. Uncas was a fit instrument for such
a purpose. He resumed the custody of Miantono
mi, carried him to Sachem plain, and there in cold
blood murdered him, in the presence of the English
deputed by the commissioners to be witnesses of the
execution. In justification of this deed, several rea
sons are given by Governor Winthrop. The first
was that " there was a general conspiracy among
the Indians to cut off" all the Enghsh, and that Mian
tonomi was the head and contriver of it." If duly
convicted of this, the Enghsh should have punished
him, as the crime was against them and them alone.
The advice of the elders would not have been neces
sary to convince them of their right and duty to do
so. If the whole evidence against him rested in tiie
bare suspicion of tiie English tiiat he meditated such
a conspiracy, the commissioners judged right that " it
would not be safe to set him at Hberty" nor should
the advice of aU the elders in New-England have
convinced them, that they had sufficient ground to
put him to death. Again, it was urged, that he kill-

GENERAL HISTORY. 53
ed the Pequod who shot at Uncas, instead of sending
him to Uncas as he promised, and that he beat an
Indian belonging to Pomham who had subjected
himself to Massachusetts, and then bade him com
plain to Massachusetts. The first of these reasons
concerned Uncas, and not the English, and aU of
them taken together are quite insufficient to justify
the proceedings of the commissioners. The remain
ing reason given by Governor Winthrop was, that
Miantonomi " was of a proud and turbulent spirit
and would never be at rest." He was a sovereign
prince over a powerful nation. His government
extended over a wide extent of territory. When the
Enghsh received the Wampanoags under their pro
tection, and broke the feudal ties that bound the sa
chems of Pawtuxet to him as their liege lord, Mian
tonomi bore the insult and the injury in silence.,
The blood of an Englishman had never stained the
weapons of the Narragansetts. Their covenants of
peace and amity Avere fulfiUed to the letter. They
joined the Enghsh in their war with the Pequods, and
aided in the extermination of that race. They could
calmly recount the instances in which the English
had faUed to perform their engagements with them.
Herein there was not either pride or turbulence,
injurious to the whites. Within the limits of his own
. kingdom, Miantonomi neither sought for nor follow
ed the advice or dictation of the magistrates or min
isters of any Enghsh colony. He dispensed his royal
bounty with a munificent hand, to those who sought
shelter and protection from him. He received with
in his dominions those that were banished from the

54 GENERAL HISTORY.
Enghsh colonies, without stopping to inquire into
their rehgious creeds. The wanderer and the out
cast, though a christian, was comforted and cherished
and reheved by this pagan savage. His open arms
offered a shelter to Mr. Williams and the first settlers
of Providence, when their brethren closed their hearts
against them. To the first settlers of Rhode-Island,
he sold the Eden of America, for their resting place
from the storms of rehgious persecution. And last
of aU, when the arch heretic Samuel Gorton had no
place left him where he could enjoy the mysticisms
in which he veiled his rehgious behef, this kind
hearted Sachem, gave to him and his companions,
Shawomet, for a home. Here is the evidence of
his pride and turbulence, and " he would never be
at rest " in performing such acts of kindness and be
nevolence. The armor that Gorton gave him, which
he wore in his disastrous conflict with Uncas, might
have saved his Hfe from the weapons of his cruel
foe. Might it not, also, have influenced the com
missioners and elders against him ? The descend
ants of the first settlers of Providence, Rhode-Island,
and Warwick, should ever remember the obhgations
that their ancestors were under to Miantonomi.
They should cherish his memory in their grateful
recollections. When there was no eye to pity, and
no power to save in the civilized world, Miantonomi
was their friend, their protector, their generous ben
efactor. And he who reads tiie lame apologies that
his contemporaries off"ered, and the lamer excuses
which later historians have conjured up, for requiring
his life, the life of an aUy, a prince bound to the En*^

tJENEilAL HISTORY. 55
glish in a treaty offensive and defensive, wiU be led
to bbheve, that it was this friendship, this protection,
this beneficence, that cost him his life.
Before Mr. Wilhams arrived in England, a civU
war Was shaking the government of that kingdom to
its centre. Each party had levied troops in the name
of the King, for the support of the constitution. The
king had been driven from London, and the Parha-
ment reigned lord of the ascendant there, though
the final issue of this conflict was as yet doubtful. In
November 1643, the parliament committed the care
and government of the Colonies to certain members
of their own body. The Earl of Warwick was ap
pointed Governor in chief and Lord High Admiral of
the Colonies, and chairman of this committee. From
this committee Mr. WiUiams obtained a charter of civil
incorporation, bearing date the 17th day of March
1644. The towns of Providence, Portsmouth, and
Newport, were united in this charter in a body cor
porate under the name of "The Incorporation of Pro
vidence Plantations in the Narragansett Bay in New-
England." FuU power was conferred on them " to
rule themselves and such others as shaU hereafter in
habit within any part of the said tract of land, by such
a form of civil government, as by voluntary consent of
all or the greatest part of them shaU be found most ser-
vicable in their estates and condition ; and, to that end,
to make and ordain such civil laws and constitutions,
and to inflict such punishments upon transgressors,
and for execution thereof so to place and displace
officers of justice as they or the greatest part of them
shall by free consent agi-ee unto. Provided, neverthe-

56 GENERAL HISTORY.
less, that the said laws, constitutions and punishments
for the civU government of the said plantations, be
conformable to the laws of England, so far as the
nature and constitution of that place wUl admit."
The powers conferred by this charter, are exceed
ingly ample. No form of government is prescribed,
and the choice of every officer is left to the inhabi
tants. In strict conformity too with the leading prin
ciple of the settlements, it refers only to civil gov
ernment. The inhabitants are empowered to make
" civil laws" for their " civil government." The
colonists had always contended that their right to
perfect rehgious liberty did not result from human
laws. They could not, therefore have accepted a
grant of this from any human power, as that would
be acknowledging a right to withold the grant and
to control the exercise of rehgious freedom.
Mr. Wilhams was bearer of this charter to Amer
ica. He arrived with it in Boston, September 17th,
1644. A letter which he brought from some of the
leading members of Parhament, to the Governor of
Massachusetts enabled hun to land there unmolest
ed, notwithstanding the previous proceedings there
against him. On his arrival on the banks of the
Seekonk, he was met by the inhabitants of Provi
dence in fourteen canoes. It must be left to imagi
nation to portiay tiie feelings elicited on that au
spicious occasion. Undoubtedly tiie mind of Mr.
Wilhams reverted to the time when he first crossed
the same river— with only five associates— in a sin
gle canoe— when every stroke of tiie paddle re
moved them further and furtiier from every vestige

GENERAL HISTORY. 57
of civilization. Before him, on that occasion, w^ a
wide wilderness fiUed with savages, behind him his
friends and countrymen, from whose fiery rehgious
zeal he had been obhged to flee, with nothing to so
lace him but a quiet conscience, and a firm rehance
on his God. As he recalled the succeeding events
and met his friends assembled to haU his return, their
eyes ghstening with tears of joy, how his heart must
have sweUed with gratitude to that God who had
thus rewarded his pious confidence. There were
around him now his old, tried friends. Together they
had buffeted misfortune, and borne the taunts of the
neighboring colonies. By the charter which he now
brought, they had become the equals of those colo
nies in rights and powers, though not in numbers or
wealth. This was to them the assurance of a legal
existence, dependent alone, on the mother country.
It was also a guaranty for the protection of that
mother country. No wonder then that their hearts
beat high with joy and hope, and that the woods re
sounded with their loud acclamations. He who
could remain unmoved under such circumstances
must be far above or far below a man.

8

CHAPTER SECOND.
GENERAL HISTORY.
FROM THE ARRIVAL OF THE COLONY CHARTER, IN 1644, TO THE
ADOPTION OF THE SECOND COLONY CHARTER, IN 1663.
Although the colony charter of 1644 arrived in
this country in the autumn of the same year, the gov
ernment was not organized under it tiU May 1647.
We are left to conjecture as to the causes of this de
lay. It embraced, it wiU be recollected, tiie towns
of Providence, Portsmouth, and Newport, by name.
The previous entire independency of these towns
may have presented some obstacles, and these may
have been increased by local and personal jealousies.
The charter prescribed no form of government ; nei
ther did it point out any way by which the inhabi
tants of the several towns should be called upon to
meet and consider what form should be adopted.
These might have produced some delay at first. Af
terward, in 1646, the General court of Massachusetts
sent a letter to Mr. Wilhams informing him that they
" had received lately out of England, a charter from
the high court of Parhament, bearing date, 10 Dec.
1643, whereby the Narragansett Bay and a certain
tract of land, wherein Providence and the Island of
Aquidney are included, which we thought fit to give
you and our countrymen, in those parts, notice of,

GENERAL HISTORY. 59
that you may forbear to exercise any jurisdiction
therein, otherwise to appear at our next General
Court" " to show by what right you claim any such
jurisdiction." It is remarkable that the historians of
Massachusetts are sUent respecting this charter.
The only known evidence of its existence, is the re
cords of that state. From a copy made from them,
the foregoing extracts were made. Although Mas
sachusetts never exercised any jurisdiction under it,
yet the assertion of a right to do so, would, in itself,
be no small obstacle to the estabhshment of a settied
government under the other charter. The colonists
might also have hesitated to exercise any authority
under a charter emanating from the Parhament.
There is indubitable evidence that they were divided
into parties, hke the mother country, some taking part
with the king, whUe others were in favor of the Parha
ment. So long as it remained uncertain which par
ty would succeed in this contest, it would not be
strange, that the inhabitants should not agree to act
under the authority of those who in one event might
be adjudged traitors. These may be some of the rea
sons why a charter government was not sooner or
ganized in the colony.
This unsettled state of public affairs, though it
may have retarded, did not entirely stop, the growth
of Providence. The utmost freedom in religious
matters which existed here, must have attracted from
the other colonies, those who were there in danger
of civU penalties, for the heterodoxy of their opinions.
This alone would have increased their numbers, con
siderably. Dr. Holmes, in his " American Annals,"

60 GENERAL HIsVoRT.
States, that in 1645, there were in Providence one
hundred and one men capable of bearing arms. It
is probable that the colony at Shawomet or Warwick
was included. If Providence contained one half of
that number, it was a very great increase, consider
ing its situation and the circumstances under which
it originated, and throngh which it had had to pass.
Besides those who, in the words of the original
deed, were admitted to " equal fellowship of vote"
with the first purchasers, other individuals were re
ceived as townsmen, having no interest in the lands,
and some too, as twenty-five acre or quarter-right
purchasers. The latter class in every division of
land, received one quarter part as much as a full
purchaser. The whole number of purchasers of
both kinds never exceeded one hundred and one
persons. They were admitted such, at various
times and on various terms, but it cannot be ascer
tained when the last of that number was admitted.
Some individuals were received as inhabitants on
the conditions contained in the following agreement.
" The 19th of 11 mo. 1645. (January 19, 1646.)
We whose names are hereafter subscribed, having obtained
a free grant of Twenty-five acres of land, apiece, with the right
of commoning according to the said proportion of lands, from
the free inhabitants of this town of Providence, do thankfully ac
cept of the same, and do hereby promise to yield
^*Engl!ndV^ ^"^"^ "'^ P^^''^^ obedience to the authority of
[King and Parliament*] established in this colo
ny, according to our charter, and to all such wholesome laws
and orders, that are or shall be made by the major consent of the
Town of Providence, as also, not to claim any right to the pur
chase of the said plantations, nor any privilege oi" vote in town

GENERAL HISTORY. 61
affairs, until we shall be received as freemen of the said town of
Providence. John Brown, John -f Clawson,
Pardon Tillinghast, Thomas -f- Sucklin,
John -f- Jones, Benjamin -f- Herendeen,
Thomas -f- Clemence, Edward Inman,
William Fenner, Henry Reddock,
George Sheppard, Samuel Bennett,
Robert -f- Potter, Edward Smith,
Robert Pyke, John Fenner,
Mathurin Bellou, John Sayles,
Thomas -f- Walwin, Stephen Northup,
Lawrence -|- Wilkinson, Daniel Brown,
Daniel -f- Comstock, Epenetus Olney,
Benjamin -j- Smith, John Steers,
John Smith, George Way. "
The appearance of the signatures to the original
document indicates that they were not made at the
same time. The alteration in the agreement itself, as
noted in the margin of it, was undoubtedly made after
the estabhshment of the Commonwealth of England.
In May 1647, the obstructions to the organization
of the Government of the colony of Providence Plan
tations, under the charter, were so far removed that
a meeting of a committee from each of the towns of
Providence, Portsmouth, Newport and Warwick,
was agreed upon, to be holden at Portsmouth on
the 18th of the month* A town meeting for the
choice of the committee of Providence, took place
on the 16th. The following instructions were given
to their committee, by the town.
" To our loving and well betrusted friends and neighbors, Gre
gory Dexter, William Wickenden, Thomas Olney, Robert Wil
liams, Richard Waterman, Roger Williams, William Field, John
Green, John Smith, John Lippitt.

62 GENERAL HISTORY.
We, the greater part of the inhabitants of this plantation of
Providence, having orderly chosen you, at our Town Meeting
this 1 6th of the 3d mo. 1647, to appear for us, at the General
Court of this colony, to be held at Portsmouth on Rhode-Island,^
upon the 18th of this instant month, desiring the Lord's Provi
dence for your safe arrival there ; we all voluntarily assenting, do
hereby give you full power and authority as followeth :
First, to act and vote for us respectively or otherwise, as if we
ourselves were in person, for the settling of this General court
for the present, and for the composing of it, into any figure for
the future, as cause shall require.
Secondly, to act and vote for us, as aforesaid, in the choice of
all general officers, as need shall require.
Thirdly, if the General Court shall consist of but ten men
for each town, then you are to act accordingly for this town;
and if the General Court shall be reduced into a fewer number,
which, for divers considerations, may be for the best, then, we
give you full power to choose from among yourselves, such a
number of our loving neighbors as shall answer the same figure,
unto whom, being orderly chosen by you, we do give you power
to transfer this our commission, giving of them full power to act
and vote for us the inhabitants of this plantation, in all general
affairs, and for the settling of the island in peace and union, and
for all matters that shall concern this particular town, desirino- a
careful respect unto these ensuing instructions. But if the
Court shall consist of ten of each town, then our desires are that
this our commission, with the ensuing instructions, may remain
entire in your hands.
First. That we may have a true copy of our charter assigned
unto us by the General Court for the use of our plantation.
Secondly. We do voluntarily, and are freely willing, to re
ceive and be governed by the laws of England, together with the
way of administration of them, so far as the nature and constitu
tion of this place will admit, desiring, so far as may be, to hold
a correspondency with the whole colony in that model that hath
been lately shown unto us by our worthy friends of the Island,
if the General Court shall complete and confirm the same, or any

• GENERAL HISTORY. 63
other model as the General Court shall agree upon according
to our charter.
Thirdly. We desire to have full power and authority, to
transact all our home affairs, to try all manner of causes or ca
ses, and to execute all manner of executions, entirely within our
selves, excepting such cases and executions as the colony shall
be pleased to reserve to general trials and executions.
Fourthly. We desire to have full power and authority to
choose, ordain, authorise, and confirm, all our particular town
officers, and also, that the said officers, shall be responsible un
to our particular town, and that there may be no intermixture
of general and particular officers, but that all may know their
bounds and limits.
Fifthly. We desire to have an exact and orderly wa/open
for appeals unto General Courts, that so, if any shall be justly
grieved, at any sentence passed, or otherwise, he or they may
make their lawful charge for relief there.
Lastly. Whereas, it was hinted in that which our worthy
friends [sent] unto us, that each town should have a charter of
civil incorporation, apart, for the transaction of particular affairs,
if the Court shall proceed so far as to agitate and order the same,
then, we give you full power, on our behalf, to move and procure
any thing beside these instructions, that in your wisdom you
may conceive atiay tend unto the general peace or union of the
colony and our own particular liberties and privileges, provided
you do all, or the most of you unanimously agree therein, and
always, reserving our equal votes, and equal privileges in the
general. Thus betrusting you with the premises, we commit you unto
the protection and direction of the Almighty, wishing you a com
fortable voyage, a happy success, and a safe return unto us again.
Your thankful friends and neighbors.
ROGER WILLIAMS, Moderator.
The allusions to the difficulties and dangers of a
" voyage" to Portsmouth, ahnost provoke a smile.
Accustomed to the modern facUities of travel, it is
not easy to conceive that they have not always ex-

64 GENERAL HISTORY.
isted, or that such a journey ever involved either dif
ficulty or danger of sufficient magnitude to be named
in town meeting. Probably this voyage was made
in canoes, and the committee worked their passage
at the paddles. Nearly twenty years after this, Mr.
WUlams went in his canoe to Newport, and by "row
ing aU day," arrived at his journey's end towards
midnight. Notwithstanding the appointment of this commit
tee, it is probable that the greater part of the inhab
itants of Providence, Portsmouth, Newport and War
wick attended this meeting. It was in truth a Gen
eral Assembly of the people. Mr. John Coggeshall
of Newport was chosen moderator. After resolving
that a major part of the colony was present, and that
they therefore had power to act under the charter,
they agreed to adopts the charter by subscribing an
" engagement" to it. A grant of £100 was made
to Mr. WiUiams for his services and expenses in pro
curing it, to be paid, £20 by Providence, £30 ,by
Portsmouth, and £50 by Newport. They ap^
pointed a General Assembly of the whole colony to
he holden annually, " if wind and weather hinder not,"
on the Tuesday after the 15th of May, at which the
General Officers of the colony were to be chosen.
There were, a President, one Assistant for each town,
a General Recorder, a Pubhc Treasurer, and a Gene
ral Sergeant ; afterwards a General Attorney and a
General SoHcitor, were added. Such of the colony
as could not attend the General Assembly, had the
right to send tiieir votes for tiiese officers, by some
other persons ; hence the origin of tiie terms prox.

GENERAL HISTORY. 65
and proxy votes, as apphed to the present mode of
voting for state officers in Rhode-Island. Each
town had the nomination of one person for each of
the offices of President, Recorder, Treasurer and
Sergeant, and of two persons for each Assistant, from
which the election was to be made.
The President and Assistants, composed the Gen
eral Court of trials. They had jurisdiction over aU
aggravated offences, and in such matters as should
be, by the town courts, referred to them as too weighty
for themselves to determine, and also, of all disputes
between diflferent towns, or between citizens of differ
ent towns and strangers. They had two sessions in
each year. AU questions of fact, were determined
by a jury .of twelve men. The town courts had ex
clusive original jurisdiction over aU causes between
their own citizens. The President was Conservator
of the Peace throughout the colony, and the Assist
ants, in their respective towns. AU legislative pow
er was ultimately in the people, in General Assem
bly. Questions of general interest, and laws affect
ing the whole colony, were to be debated and deci
ded upon by the town where they originated and
then sent to the other towns. The votes in relation
to them were coUected in each town and sent to the
General Court, which was composed of six Commis
sioners from each town. If upon examining the votes
returned, a majority of them were in favor of the law,
the General Court were to declare it, and it stood
for a law, tUl the next General Assembly. Such
laws might also originate in the General Court. In
this case, they were subsequently to be sent to e&ch
9

66 GENERAL HISTORY.
town, there to be debated in town meeting, after
which, the votes were to be taken and returned to
the General Recorder, to be counted in presence of
the President. If a major part of the colony were
in their favor, they stood for laws, tiU the next Gen
eral Assembly. Each town was directed to choose
surveyors of highways, " to provide carefully for the
relief of the poor, to maintain the impotent and to
employ the able," to appoint an overseer, mihtary
officers, and a town councU to consist of six persons.
Each town had the power of licensing taverns, and
alehouses, and the head officer, that is, the Assist
ant, took the recognizance of each Hcensed person
with two sureties to maintain good order.
Before the meeting of this General Assembly, a
body or code of laws had been drawn up and sent
to the several towns, for examination. This was
adopted, and it is presumed, was referred to in the
instructions given to the committee of Providence,
as "the model that hath been lately shown unto us
by our worthy friends of tiie Island." It contains a
general description of various crimes and offences,
provides for the general administi-ation of justice,
for tiie coUection of debts, publication and celebra
tion of marriages, support of tiie poor by the several
towns, and for tiie probate of wills and tiie settiement
of tiie estates of deceased persons. It is prefaced witii
an engagement to the charter to be signed by tiie
inhabitants, after which it is declared "tiiat tiie form
of Government established in Providence Planta
tions is Democratical, tiiat is to say, a government
held by tiie free and voluntaiy consent of all or tiie

GENERAL History. 67
greater part of the free inhabitants." The foUowing
are extracts from the biU of rights. " That no per
son in this colony shall be taken or imprisoned or
deprived of his lands or liberties or be exiled or in
any otherwise molested or destroyed but by the law
ful judgment of his peers or by some known law
and according to the letter of it, ratified and con
firmed by the major part of the General Assembly,
lawfully met and orderly managed."
" No person shaU, but at his great peril, presume
to bear or execute any office, that is not lawfully
caUed to it and confirmed in it ; nor, though he be
lawfuUy caUed and confirmed, presume to do more
or less than those that had power to caU him, did
authorize him to do."
The code contains nothing touching religion, or
matters of conscience, thus pursuing the same sUent,
yet most expressive legislation on the subject, which
was commenced in the charter itself. That part of
the code relating to offences, ends with the follow
ing significant expressions. " These are the laws
that concern all men, and these are the penalties for
the transgression thereof, which, by common consent
are ratified and established throughout the whole
colony, and otherwise than thus what is herein for
bidden, all men may walk as their consciences per
suade them, every one in the fear of his GOD.
And let the Saints of the Most High, walk in this
colony, without molestation, in the name of Jehovah,
their GOD, forever and ever."
Such is the general outiine of the government
estabhshed under the charter. That the framers of

68 GENERAL HISTORY.
that government felt the necessity of carefully guard
ing aU delegated power, appears from aU their pro
ceedings. It is also apparent, that the towns, as
such, parted with no more power than they deemed
the exigency of the case required. They can
scarcely be said, to have consented to any thing
more than a confederation of independent gov
ernments. If they intended a complete consolida
tion of powers, their acts fall far short of it. He
who carefully peruses the whole proceedings of the
first General Assembly of the towns in this infant
Colony of Providence Plantations, as he wiU find
them recorded, wiU be struck with the resemblance
there is, between those towns, after that assembly
had closed its labors, and the several states now com
posing the United States of America, under the con
stitution. The organization of the colony government, did
not put an end to the feuds and divisions that had
previously disturbed the tianquiUity and hindered the
growth of Providence. Many were the expedients
resorted to, to restore peace and union. The fol-
Ipwing document is selected, as one of these expe
dients. " Considering that great mercy afforded unto us in this liber
ty to meet together, being denied to many of our countrymen
in most parts, especially in our poor native country, deploring
their distressed condition, in most sad and bloody calamities ;
that ingratitude and disacknowledgment of favors received, are
just causes for the deprivation of them; together with our home
divisions and home conspiracies, the ruination of families, town
and country ; moreover the many plots and present endeavors
at home and abroad, not only to disturb our peace and liberties.

OENERAL HISTORY. 69
but utterly to foot up both root and branch of this our being ;
that government holds forth through love, union and order, al
though by few in number and mean in condition, yet by expe
rience hath withstood and overcome mighty opposers, and above
all', the several and unexpected deliverances of this poor planta
tion, by that mighty Providence, who is able to deliver us, through
love, union and order :
Therefore, being sensible of these great and weighty premises,
and now met together to consult about our peace and liberties,
whereby our families and posterities may still enjoy these favors,
and, that we may publicly -declare unto all, the free discharge of
our consciences and duties, whereby it may appear upon record,
that we are not wilfully opposite nor careless and senseless, and
thereby the means of our own and others ruin and destruction ;
and, especially, in testimony of our fidelity and cordial affection
unto one another here present, that so there may be a current,
peaceable and comfortable proceeding : We do faithfully and
unanimously, by this our subscription, promise unto each othei;,
to keep unto these ensuing particulars.
First. That the foundation in love, may appear among us,
what causes of difference have heretofore been given, either by
words or misbehavior, in public or private, concerning particu
lar or general affairs, by any of us here present, not to mention
or repeat them in this assembly, but that love shall cover the
multitude of them in the grave of oblivion.
Secondly. That union may proceed from love, we promise
to keep constant unto those several engagements made by us
both unto our town and colony, and, that, to the uttermost ot
our powers and abilities, to maintain our lawful rights and privi
leges, and to uphold the government of this plantation ; also,
that love may appear in union, we desire to abandon all cause
less fears and jealousies of one another, self-seekings and striv
ings one against another, only aiming at the general and particu
lar peace and union of this town and colony.
Lastly. For our more orderly proceeding in this Assembly,
whereby peace and union may appear in order, if in our con
sultations, differences of judgments shall arise, then moderately
in order through argumentation to agitate the same, consid-

70 GENERAL HISTORY.
ering the cause, how far it may be hurtful or conducing unto
our union, peace and liberties, and accordingly act, not after the
will or person of any, but unto the justice or righteousness of the
cause. Again, if in case such causes shall be presented, where
in such difficulties shall appear, that evident arguments cannot
be given for present satisfaction, but that either town or colony
or both shall suffer, then to take into our consideration, a speech
of a beloved friend, Better to suffer an inconvenience than a mis
chief, better to suspend with a loss which may be inconvenient,
than to be totally disunited and bereaved of all rights and liber
ties, which will be a mischief indeed. Moreover, that offences
and disturbances may be prevented, that so the current of busi
ness may peaceably proceed in this Assembly, we do faithfully
promise to carry ourselves in words and behavior, so moderately
and orderly as the cause shall permit, and if in case any of us
shall fly out in provoking scurrilous or exorbitant speeches or
unsuitable behavfior, that he or they, so doing, shall be publicly
declared, branded, and noted upon record, to be a common
violator and disturber of the union, peace and liberties of this
plantation. Dated December, 1647. We do here subscribe,
without partiality. Robert Williams, William Wickenden,
Roger Williams, John Field,
John Smith, Thomas -f- Hopkins,
Hugh Bewett, William -j- Hawkins."
No great good could, in general, result from such
agreements. The signers did not need them, as a re
straint upon themselves, and those who were inclin
ed to disturb the public tranquiUity could scarcely be
expected to give the pledge contained in them. But
more than all, every individual was left, as before,
not only to decide on his own, but on every other
person's acts, whether the same were according to
the letter or spirit of them. They might tiierefore
afford new causes of disputes and difficulties and en
danger the peace and union they were intended to
preserve.

GENERAL HISTORY. 71
1648. — The General Assembly for Election, met
this year in Providence.
William Coddington, was elected President.
Roger Williams, Assistant for Providence.
William Baulstone, do. for Portsmouth.
Jeremy Clark, do. for Newport.
John Smith, do. for Warwick.
Philip Sherman, General Recorder.
Alexander Partridge, General Sergeant.
Further provision was made relative to the Gene
ral Court of Commissioners. The Assembly requir
ed each town to choose " six men in whom the Gen
eral Court shaU continue," and if any towns neglect
ed to choose, the General Court supphed the defi
ciency by electing commissioners. The first com
missioners were chosen by the inhabitants of each
town then present in the General Assembly. Those
from Providence were
Thomas Olney, Hugh Bewett,
Thomas Harris, Robert Wilhams,
WiUiam Wickenden, Gregory Dexter.
The Assembly required each town to elect their
town officers within ten days, and appointed a person
in each town, except Providence, to caU the town
together, for that purpose. It is to be inferred that
Providence had made their election, according to an
order of the General Assembly passed the preceding
year. The president elect was UQt present at this
Assembly. Divers complaints had been made against
him, the nature of which does not appear. The As
sistant from Newport was authorized to execute the
duties of President, in case Mr. Coddington refused

72 general HISTORY.
to accept the office or these charges were establish
ed. Mr. Coddington did not act as President, but
from which of these causes, cannot be ascertained.
In September following, Mr. Coddington and Mr.
Partridge applied to the commissioners of the United
Colonies for the admission of the Island of Rhode-
Island into that confederacy. Their petition was
refused, except upon the condition that they would
subject themselves to Plymouth. Mr. Coddington
inclined to accede to these terms, as did also the
town of Portsmouth. The opposition of the other
towns in the colony frustrated the design. Whether
these proceedings on the part of Mr. Coddington
produced the complaints made against him, or wheth
er a suspicion of such an intention on his part was
the foundation of the complaints, is left to conjecture.
1649. — A special General Assembly was holden
at Warwick, in March ; there is no record however
of their proceedings. In a letter from Mr. WiUiams
to Mr. John Winthrop, he refers to the proceedings
of this court. It seems that he was not present, and
that the colony elected hun Deputy President, Mr.
Coddington having sailed for England witii his
daughter, in January. The colony was thrown into
great excitement, by tiie report of a discovery of a
gold mine on tiie island. Mr. WiUiams sent some
bags of the ore to Mr. Winthrop, and writes " it is
certainly affirmed to be botii gold and silver ore, up
on trial." The Assembly passed an act, taking pos-
sission of the mine in the name of tiie State of Eng
land, and issued a proclamation forbidding aU persons
to intermeddle with any of the ore. This was pub-

general history. 73
lished by WiUiam Dyre, appointed for that purpose,
for want of a Herald at arms, and the arms of Eng
land, and of the Lord High Admiral, were set up at
the mine. Fortunately, a more accurate exami
nation dissipated the golden dreams of the colonists
by proving the report unfounded. At the same ses
sion the following charter was granted to the town of
Providence.
" Whereas, by virtue of a free and absolute charter of civil
incorporation, granted to the free inhabitants of this colony of
Providence, by the Right Honorable Robert, Earl of Warwick,
Governor in chief with the rest of the Honorable Commoners,
bearing date the 7th day of March Anno 1643, giving and grant
ing full power and' authority unto the said inhabitants to govern
themselves and such others as shall come among them, as also to
make, constitute and ordain such laws, orders and coastitutions,
and to inflict such punishments and penalties as is conformable
to the laws of England, so near as the nature and constitution of
the place will admit, and which may best suit the estate and con
dition thereof, and whereas the said towns of Providence, Ports
mouth, Newport and Warwick are far remote each from other,
whereby so often and free intercourse of help, in deciding of
differences and trying of causes and the like, cannot easily and
at all times be had and procured of that kind is requisite ; there
fore, upon the petition and humble request of the freemen of the
Town of Providence, exhibited unto this present session of the
General Assembly, wherein they desire freedom and liberty to
incorporate themselves into a body politic, and we, the said As
sembly, having duly weighed and seriously considered the prem
ises, and being willing and ready to provide for the ease and lib
erty of the people, have thought fit, and by the authority afore
said, and by these presents, do give, grant and confirm unto the
free inhabitants of the town of Providence, a free and absolute
charter of civil incorporation and government to be known by
the Incorporation of Providence Plantation in the Narragansett
Bay, in New-England, together with full power and authority to
10

74 general history.
govern and rule themselves, and such others as shall hereafiter
inhabit within any part of the said Plantation, by such a form of
civil government, as by voluntary consent of all, or the greater
part of them, shall be found most suitable unto their estate and
condition ; and, to that end,to make and ordain such civil orders
and constitutions, to inflict such punishments upon transgressors,
and for execution thereof, and of the common statute laws of
-the colony agreed unto, and the penalties and so many of them
as are not annexed already unto the colony court of trials, so to
place and displace officers of justice, as they or the greater pari
of them shall, by one consent, agree unto. Provided, neverthe
less, that the said laws, constitutions and punishments, for the
civil government of the said plantation, be conformable to the
laws of England, so far as the nature and constitution of the place
will admit, yet, always reserving to the aforesaid General As
sembly power and authority so to dispose the general government
of that plantation as it stands in reference to the rest of the plan
tations, as they shall conceive, from time to time, most condu
cing to the general good of the said plantations. And we the
said Assembly, do further authorise the aforesaid inhabitants to
elect and engage such aforesaid officers upon the first second
day of June annually. And, moreover, we authorize the said
inhabitants, for the better transacting of their public affairs, to
make and use a public seal as the known seal of Providence
Plantation, in the Narragansett Bay, in New-England.
In testimony whereof, w€ the said General Assembly, have
hereunto set our hands and seals the 14th of March, anno' 1648.
JOHN WARNER, Clerk of the Assembly.
This charter was intended to strengthen tiie mu
nicipal government of Providence. To have been
more useful, it should have prescribed a form of gov
ernment to be adopted. There is no reference to
tins charter in the records of tiie town, neither a peti
tion for It, nor acceptance of it. There is a copy of it
in the city clerk's office, engrossed on parchment,
which IS now ahnost iUegible. A similar charter

general history. 75
bearing date the same day, was granted to War
wick.; and, it is presumed, Portsmouth and New
port had Hke charters.
The General Assembly for Election was holden
at Warwick.
John Smith, of Warwick, was elected President.
Thomas Olney, Assistant for Providence.
John Sandford, do. for Portsmouth.
John Clark, do. for Newport.
Samuel Gorton, do. for Warwick.
PhiHp Sherman, General Recorder.
John Clark, General Treasurer.
• The names of the Commissioners cannot be as
certained, as they are not entered in the record of
their proceedings. Each town was required to
buUd a prison within nine months. The town mag
istrates of the town in which the General Court of
trials sat, were declared members of that court.
The submission of the inhabitants of Pawtuxet to
the Government of Massachusetts, having been
brought before this Assembly, a letter was sent them
in relation to it. The sale of wines and spirituous
liquors to the natives was prohibited, under severe
penalties. 1650. — The General Assembly for Election was
holden this year at Newport. Some difficulty ex
isted in relation to the election, as among the first
acts passed, is one declaring that the election shaU
" stand notwithstanding obstructions." In addition
to the officers heretofore chosen, they, at this time,
elected an Attorney General and a Solicitor General.
The officers chosen were,

76 general history.
Nicholas Easton, President.
William Field, Assistant for Providence-
John Porter, do. for Portsmouth.
John Clark, do. for Newport.
John Wickes, do. for Warwick.
Philip Sherman, General Recorder-
Richard Knight, General Sergeant.
John Clark, General Treasurer.
WiUiam Dyre, General Attorney.
Hugh Bewett, General SoHcitor.
The commissioners appointed for Providence,
were Richard Waterman, Arthur Fenner,
Thomas Hopkins, Thomas Harris,
Hugh Bewett, Gregory Dexter.
The names are not entered in the record of their
proceedings. In many instances after this time,
where the names are entered in the record, they
are not the same with the persons elected by the
to^^n. This is accounted for by an act passed this
session, " that in case the committee shaU fall short
of six from each town, that then, they that appear
from each town shall have liberty to choose and
make up the number." And the whole body also
declared, " that if upon complaint and due trial of
any member of the General Assembly, he is not
found a fit member, that the Assembly have power
to suspend him and to choose another in his room."
In this last act, the Court of Commissioners assume
the title of General Assembly, which before had been
applied only to a General Assembly of aU tiie free
inhabitants of the colony. Each town was required

general HISTORY- 77
to have their guns prepared, and to keep a magazine.
of arms and ammunition. Providence was required
to have in its magazine, one barrel of powder, five
hundred pounds of lead, six pikes and six muskets
fit for use — Portsmouth, double the quantity of pow
der, lead and pikes, and eighteen muskets — Newport
three barrels of powder, one thousand pounds of
lead, twelve pikes and twenty-four muskets, and
Warwick the same as Providence. The regulation
of the militia was left to each town. It seems that
the towns had not complied with the order made by
the General Assembly in May 1647, for the payment
of Mr. WiUiams, as a new one was made at this time,
requiring the towns to make up and pay their seve
ral proportions within twenty days.
In May the Town passed an ordinance requiring
births to be recorded. This was no better observed
in early times, than the State law on the same sub
ject, is at present. Mr. Backus states, that a citation
was sent from Massachusetts, to some of the inhabi
tants of Providence, to appear and answer in their
courts to some new complaints of WUHam Arnold
and WiUiam Carpenter. The citation bore date
June 20. This explains an entry in the town rec
ords, of the appointment of Thomas Olney, Robert
Wilhams and WiUiam Wickenden, "to be joined in
commission with three chosen out of each town, viz :
Portsmouth, Newport and Warwick, to give answer
to the State of Massachusetts, about these summons
that are sent into the. colony, and also order aU oth
er necessary occasions depending on that business."
This committee was summoned by the President of

78 GENERAL HISTORY.
the colony to meet at Portsmouth on the 20th of Ju
ly. One would suppose, that this would have been
sufficient cause for calling a special court of com
missioners. What was done by this committee, no
where appears.
The oldest rate-biU extant, bears date the first of
September of this year. The gross amount assessed
was £56,5. The largest sum assessed on any indi
vidual was £5, on Benedict Arnold. The sum of
£3,6,8, Wias assessed on WiUiam Field, Richard Scott,
WUliam Harris, WiUiam Arnold and WUHam Car
penter. Roger Wilhams was assessed £1,13,4. —
Among these, it wiU be seen, were some who had
subjected themselves and lands to Massachusetts.
Perhaps the town took their subjection into the ac
count to increase their taxes.
A General court of commissioners was holden on '
the 26th day of October. The commissioners of
Providence were
Thomas AngeU, Thomas Roberts,
James Ashton, WiUiam Field,
Nicholas Power, Hugh Bewett.
There appears in their proceedings no special ob
ject for the meeting. By this court it was " ordered
that the Representatives court, shall always consist
of six discreet, able men, chosen out of each town, for
the transacting of the affairs of the commonwealth."
They were empowered to pass laws, which were to
be sent to each town within six days, there to be
considered and canvassed within three days. Those
persons who disapproved of tiie proposed laws were
to send their votes to the General Recorder witliin

GENERAL HISTORY. 79
ten days, and unless it appeared that a majority of the
freemen of the colony disapproved them, they re
mained in force as enacted by the Representatives.
This was a great improvement on the laws of 1647.
At a town meeting on the 9th of November, it was
ordered that for the future aU persons received shall
pay for their home share one shiUing per acre, and
sixpence per acre for the rest, not exceeding twenty-
five acres.
1651. — In February 1651, Mr. Williams, wrote to
the town of Providence requesting "payment of the
money due unto me, about the charter." It appears
from this letter, that neither of the towns had paid
the sums assessed for that purpose. In the same
letter he also refers to a proposition that had been
made to him, to be engaged in the erection of Iron
Works, in the town, toward which he wrote that he
had promised his help " when the matter was ripe."
At a town meeting in May following an order was
passed for paying " the £5 due to Roger WiUiams,
out of the first money coming into the town stock."
There is no record of the election of any Commis
sioners for the General Assembly, in the town records.
Nor is there any record of any General Assembly,
for election. It would seem that no election of col
ony officers took place. This was probably owing
to the distracted state of the colony, and perhaps the
object of Mr. Coddington's visit to England had trans
pired. This year is the first record of any choice of town
officers. The date of the election is lost, but from
its place in the record, it was probably on the day

80 GENERAL HISTORY.
prescribed in the Town charter. The officers were
Gregory Dexter, Town Clerk.
Robert WiUiams, > rj.^^^ Deputies.
Thomas Olney, 3
Thomas Harris, WiUiam Wickenden, and Richard
Waterman, to be added to the Assistant and two
Deputies, to make up the Town CouncU ; Hugh
Bewett, Town Sergeant ; Thomas Harris, Treasurer.
It was also voted that Thomas Harris, WiUiam Wick
enden and Richard Waterman " shall join in course
with the three chief officers, in cases difficult dur
ing the year ensuing." " The three chief offi
cers," were probably, the Assistant and the two town
deputies. The respective duties of these officers,
where not imphed in their tities, can be gathered
only from other parts of the records. The " Town
Deputies" it is supposed, composed the Town Court.
They also had the power of laying out land to indi
vidual proprietors or purchasers. The Assistant, it
v^iU be recollected, was a colony officer, one of the
judges of the General Court of trials. There being^
no choice of colony officers this year, was probably
the reason why Thomas Harris, WiUiam Wickenden
and Richard Waterman were appointed to join with
the three chief officers in the execution of certain
duties within the town, which duties, by the colony
law, devolved on the General Court of trials.
Mr. Coddington returned to this country, some
time in the summer of this year, bringing with him
a commission, signed by John Bradshaw, constitut
ing him Governor of the Islands of Rhode-Island and
Conanicutt during his life. This event completed

GENERAL HISTORY. 81
the destruction of the colony government under the
charter, and one would suppose that this would have
entirely broken up the towns of Providence and War
wick, or driven them for protection under the Gov
ernment of Plymouth or Massachusetts. But the
leading men in these towns were not dismayed or
disheartened. These settlements having been com
menced under most discouraging circumstances,
and having been obliged to sustain themselves against
the traitorous designs of some of their own citizens
and the open hostUity of the neighboring colonies,
were not now to be relinquished, though other diffi
culties, apparently insurmountable, were thrown in
their way. A General Assembly of the two towns
was caUed in October, at which
Samuel Gorton was chosen President.
WUham Field, Assistant for Providence.
A court of commissioners was appointed to be hol
den in November, " to consult and determine on
what may make for the public good of the colony."
The commissioners from Providence were
Robert Williams, WiUiam Wickenden,
Thomas Harris, Thomas Olney,
Hugh Bewett, Gregory Dexter.
They passed the following resolution :
" Whereas, it is evident and apparent, that Mr. Nicholas Eas
ton being formerly chosen President of the province of Providence
Plantations, hath of late deserted his office, and he, together with
the two towns upon Rhode-Island, viz. Portsmouth and Newport,
have declined and fallen off from that established order of civil
government and incorporation amongst us, by means of a com*
mission presented upon the said island hy Mr. William Codding-
11

82 GENERAL HISTORY.
ton, WCj the rest of the towns of the said jurisdiction, are there
upon constrained to declare ourselves, that we do profess our
selves unanimously to stand embodied and incorporated as be
fore, by virtue of our charter granted unto us by that Honorable
State of Old England, and, thereby do, according to our legal
and settled order, choose and appoint our officers, institute laws,
according to the constitution of the place and capacity of our
present condition, prosecuting, acting and executing all matters
and causes for the doing of justice, preservation of our peace,
and maintaining of all civil rights between man and man, accord
ing to the honorable authority and true intent of our aforesaid
charter granted unto us.
The towns of Providence and Warwick appointed
Mr. Williams their agent to go to England and so-
Hcit a confirmation of their charter privUeges. In
the mean time, Plymouth and Massachusetts renew
ed their dispute before the commissioners of the Uni
ted Colonies about Warwick, In September, Plym
outh was advised to take possession of that plantation
by force, unless the inhabitants would wiHingly submit
themselves to their jurisdiction. This undoubtedly
hastened the appointment of an agent to England.
The proceedings of Mr. Coddington were not ap
proved by aU the inhabitants of the islands over
which he was appointed Governor. Forty-one of
the inhabitants of Portsmouth, and sixty-five of the
inhabitants of Newport, joined in requesting Dr. John
Clark, of Newport, to proceed to England as their
agent, and soHcit a repeal of his commission. Mr.
Wilhams and Mr. Clark sailed together from Boston,
in November. The objects of their respective mis
sions were different. Mr. Cl&rk was the sole agent
of the island towns, to procure a repeal of Mr. Cod
dington's commission. Mr. WiUiams was the sole

GENERAL HISTORY. 83
agent of Providence and Warwick, to procure a
new charter for these two towns. It seems to have
been admitted that the commission of Mr. Codding
ton had, in effect, vacated the previous charter.
The foUowing extract of a letter from WiUiam Ar
nold, to the governor of Massachusetts, wiU show the
distracted state of things at that time in the towns on
the main. From Pawtuxet, this 1st day of the 7th month, 1651.
Much Honored. — I thought it my duty to give intelligence
unto the much honored court, of that which I now understand is
now working here in these parts ; so that if it be the will of God,
an evil may be prevented, before it come to too great a head, viz,
Whereas Mr. Coddington has gotten a charter of Rhode-Island
and Conanicut Island to himself, he has thereby broken the force
of their charter that vrent under the name of Providence, be
cause, he has gotten away the greater part of the colony. —
Now this company of the Gortonists, that lived at Shawomet,
and that company of Providence, are gathering of i£200 to send
Mr. Roger Williams unto the Parliament, to get them a charter
of these parts; they of Shawomet have given iflOO already, and
there be some men of Providence that have given ,£10 and £20
a man to help it forward with speed."
1652. — On the arrival of these agents in England,
they presented a joint petition to the Council of
State, on the 8th of AprU, by whom it was referred
to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. On the 8th
of September, Mr. WUhams wrote to Mr. Gregory
Dexter, at Providence, of his partial success in the
objects of his mission. " It is God's mercy, his very
great mercy, that we have obtained this interim en
couragement from the CouncU of State, that you
may cheerfully go on in the name of a Colony untU

84 GENERAL HISTORY.
the controversy is determined. The determination
of it. Sir, I fear, wiU be a work of time, for our ad
versaries threaten to make a last appeal to Parlia
ment, in case we get the day before the CouncU."
Subsequently the Council issued an order, vacating
the commission of Mr. Coddington and directing the
towns to unite again under the charter. This was
brought to Rhode-Island by Mr. WUHam Dyre. The
controversy alluded to by Mr. WiUiams undoubtedly
related to the conflicting claims then set up to some
parts of the Plantations incorporated under the char
ter. This was of much longer continuance than
even Mr. WUhams supposed it would be. ,
The General Assembly of the two main land towns
was holden at Warwick. "
John Smith, was chosen President,
Thomas Olney, Assistant for Providence,
Samuel Gorton, " for Warwick,
John Greene, Junior, General Recorder,
RandaU Holden, Treasurer.
The commissioners from Providence were
Robert WiUiams, WUHam Wickenden,
Gregory Dexter, Thomas Harris,
Richard Waterman, Hugh Bewett.
At a town meeting holden in July, a letter was
sent to Warwick, proposing a meeting of Commis
sioners to prepare " letters of encouragement" in an
swer to the "divers loving letters from our agent,
Mr. Roger Wilhams, wherein his careful proceeding^
axe manifest." The answer from Warwick is cop
ied at length.

GENERAL HISTORY. 85
"Neighbors and friends of the town of Providence. Our
town having received a letter from your town, dated the 27th of
this instant, and having taken into serious consideration the mo
tions therein contained, have thereupon accordingly ordered,
that four commissioners, being now chosen by them, shall meet
your commissioners at the place and time where Warwick As
sistant, supplying the place of President, shall appoint : Further
more, our town have ordered, that, in case you do the like, that
their commissioners with yours, may have liberty, as they shall
see cause, to treat, either by word or writing, with the Island,
namely Portsmouth and Newport, to see, if there may be an
unanimous agreement for the four towns to send over together
as desiring the former charter to be renewed, which unanimous
agreement may be a means to remove some obstacles ; for, first,
it may take off a tie upon Mr. Williams, our agent's mind, who,
at present, cannot so freely sue for the whole : secondly, it
may be the means to take off some potent men in the Parliament
that may obstruct ; as also, thirdly, we may the better bring in
the Narragansett Bay, which Coweset men so strive for, which,
if granted them, will be very prejudicial to us, being we can
neither have free egress nor regress by sea. Thus in haste, de
siring your welfare, we cease further to trouble you.
By the Town, JOHN GREENE, Jun., Scribe.
Dated at Warwick, the 29th of July, '52.
Agreeably to the proposals in these letters, a
meeting was called by the Deputy President on the
2d of August, but there is no record of its proceed
ings. A court of Commissioners met at Providence on
the 28th of October. The Commissioners from
Providence were
Robert WiUiams, Thomas Hopkins,
Richard Waterman, James Ashton,
Gregory Dexter, Thomas Harris.
A letter of thanks was sent to Mr. Wilhams, for

86 GENERAL HISTORY.
his care and dihgence in their aflfairs, and intimating
that if the charter should be renewed by his means,
"that it might tend much to the weighing of men's
minds and subjecting of persons who have been re
fractory, to yield themselves over as unto a settled
government, if it might be the pleasure of that hon
orable state, to invest, appoint and empower your
self to come over as Governor of this colony, for the
space of one year, and so the government to be
honorably put upon this place, which might seem to
add weight forever hereafter in the constant and
successive derivation of the same." The intimation
is a high compliment to Mr. WUhams. We cannot
but rejoice, however, that for any cause, the pro
position was not acceded to, as it might have been
drawn in precedent, and taken from the colony the
choice of its chief officer.
A special court of Commissioners convened on
the 20th of December. The Commissioners from
Providence were
Thomas Angell, Gregory Dexter,
Henry Brown, Hugh Bewett,
WUHam Wickenden, James Ashton.
The object of this session was the trial of Hugh
Bewett, who was accused by tiie President and As
sistant of Warwick, of " Treason, against the pow
er and authority of the State of England." The
trial occupied four days and resulted in the acquittal
of the prisoner. The General court of ti-ials had
found him guilty and this reversal of tiieir judgment
by the Court of Commissioners gave rise to further
divisions in this distracted colony.

GENERAL HISTORY. 87
At the election of Town officers in June
Gregory Dexter was chosen Town clerk.
Robert WiUiams, ) rr r.
Thomas Harris, \ ^°^" Deputies.
Thomas Harris, Treasurer.
Richard Waterman, Arthur Fenner, and John
Field to make up a Town council. By an account
on file in the city clerk's office, it appears that Hugh
Bewett had been town Treasurer from 1649 to 1652.
Among his disbursements on account of the Town,
are the foUowing.
Paid to Owcapocamine, the Sachem of Coweset for
his and aU Indians' rights of land at Neotocon-
conett, £1 5
Paid to Mr. Roger WiUiams, 18
Paid more to his wife since he went to En
gland, 5
Paid mending the bridge, highways beyond
the bridge, mUe-end cove, fence at Dickens
and the pound these several years, 3
The whole amount of the disbursements was
£74 1. What bridge was so early erected, must be
matter of conjecture. Probably it was a bridge over
West river, so called, which is within the present
limits of the town of North-Providence. In Janua
ry of this year, in other proceedings of the town,
reference is had to the new bridge on West river.
When the bridge at Weybosset was first erected is
very doubtful, probably not tiU some years after this.
In early times there was a fording place across the
main river at low water, near Steeple-street.
1653.^The letters of the Council of State recall
ing Mr. Coddington's commission eirrived in this

88 GENERAL HISTORY.
country early in this year. On the 18th February,
Mr. Dyre, the bearer of them, addressed a letter to
the free inhabitants of the town of Providence, in
forming them that " upon Tuesday come sevennight,
at Portsmouth, on Rhode-Island, at Mr. Baulstone's
house, I shaU be there ready to attend the communi
cation of the trust committed to my care, unto all
such free inhabitants as shaU there make their per
sonal appearance." A letter of simUar import was
sent to Warwick, of an earlier date, for at a town
Meeting in Providence on the 20th of February ref
erence is had to a letter from Warwick, dated the
15th containing a communication made to them by
Mr. Dyre. In answer to the letter from Warwick
the town of Providence appointed commissioners to
meet commissioners from that town. They met on
the 25th. The commissioners from Providence were
Thomas AngeU, Gregory Dexter,
Henry Brown, Hugh Bewett,
WUliam Wickenden, Thomas Harris.
A reply was drawn up to a letter received from
some individuals of the island, evidently relating to
a reunion of the colony, and two commissioners from
each town were deputed to consuH with the au-
tiiors of it generally as to the welfare of the colony,
and to caU a special meeting of all the commission
ers to receive the report of their proceedings. They
did not succeed in tiie objects of thefr mission.
The foUowing extracts from a letter sent by tiie
town of Providence to Mr. WUhams, elucidate some
of the transactions of these tunes.

GENERAL HISTORY. 89
" Mr. Dyre's presence and behavior here, hath occasioned
much disturbance amongst us,for Mr. Dyre, coming first to Rhode-
Island and showing the superscription of the state's letter, to
Baulstone, Sandford, Porter and Jeffries, they wrote to us to ap
point time and place to meet them of the Island, to receive and
order about the state's letter ; but we apprehending that ourselves
properly, who have sent you our agent, then did bear the name
of Providence Plantations, we had much dispute with Mr.
Dyre, who was then present in our meeting, about the matter :
for Mr. Coddington, having a charter for Rhode-Island, we,
upon the main only, remained the colony of Providence Planta
tions, and so, by order of a court of commissioners, sent your
self as our particular agent for the renewing of the grand Char
ter unto us, without any desire to evade or oppose Mr. Codding
ton's commission for governing Rhode-Island ; but wherein Mr.
Clark went to England from the Island, was and is to us un
known, we having, as we ever had, only respect to yourself as
our agent, although Dyre was pleased peremptorily to affirm,
that you had joined with Mr. Clark, on whose shoulders and
credit, together with himself, namely Dyre, the weight of our
affairs was chiefly supported, and, therefore, the state's letters
and orders, were by him left at Rhode-Island, for, it appeared to
him the island was the major part of the colony, and, in that re
spect, more eminently interested in those letters and orders,
where they are detained, even until this day, we having with no
small difficulty and industry, obtained as yet, only copies of
them under the town clerk's hand, of Newport. Indeed in our
meeting, our agitations were many and somewhat fiery, for that,
Dyre, together with Mr. Smith of Warwick, who was then pres
ent and president, William -Field and Mr. Robert Williams, strove
to persuade us upon the main, so to account ourselves as being
in disorder, a confused rout, or as he acknowledged the Island
was, and that all officers, places, orders of courts, law, and cases
depending were all to be accounted null, and that we must all
come to a popular meeting, as scattered stones, to lay a new
foundation of government for the colony of Providence Planta
tions. " But we being still in the same order you left us, as also ob-
12

90 GENERAL HISTORY.
serving two great evils, such a course would bring upon us, first
the hazard of involving all in the disorder and bloodshed which
had been committed on Rhode-Island, since their separation from
us ; secondly, the evading and frustating of justice in divers
weighty causes, then orderly depending in our court."
" But Dyre perceiving that we were not willing so to be per
suaded, but finding ourselves in order and according to the di
rections in your letter, resolved to act as a colony in order, and
so addressed ourselves by commissioners to meet with the Island
about reuniting them unto us, whereupon this Dyre took upon
himself the power of the whole colony, and sent forth manda
muses, commanding all the free inhabitants to meet him at Mr.
Baulstone's house," &c. &c.
On the first of March, probably the day named in
Mr. Dyre's letter to Providence^ there was an assembly
of the colony, so caUed, holden at Portsmouth. Here
the orders and letters from England were read and
a vote passed, that the officers, who were in place
when Mr. Coddington's charter obstructed, should
act in their several offices untU the next election,
which was directed to be on the day formerly ap
pointed. This assembly sent a letter to Providence
containing distinct propositions for a reunion, and
for the government of the colony tUl tiie next elec
tion. An answer was returned by Providence and
Warwick, that they were willing to meet by Com
missioners to advise and order- about general affairs.
They did not assent to the propositions from the is
land, nor was any meeting of Commissioners holden
as they proposed; and tiie two towns on tiie main,
and the two island towns, held separate Assemblies
for General Election on tiie 17tiiday of May foUow
ing. The Assembly of the main land towns, met at
Providence.

GENERAL HISTORY. 91
Gregory Dexter was elected President,
John Sayles, Assistant for Providence,
Stukely Westcott, " for Warwick,
John Greene, jun. Recorder, Hugh Bewett, Gen
eral Sergeant and John Sayles, Treasurer.
The same persons attended as Commissioners
from Providence, as met in February preceding. A
letter was sent to Portsmouth and Newport advising
them of their proceedings, and alledging as a reason
for the course they had taken, that they had received
no answer to their previous letter. In accordance
with the orders of the Council of State, to arm and
defend themselves against the Dutch or enemies of
the Commonwealth of England, and to act offensively
against them so far as they could consistently with
their own safety, they resolve, that no provisions shall
be transported from the colony for the supply of the
Dutch. Each Plantation was authorized to take
such course as they should deem necessary for their
own security, but no person was permitted to act of
fensively against the Dutch without the order and
direction from a General Court of Commissioners.
The Assembly of the island towns was holden at
Newport. John Sanford was elected President,
Nicholas Easton, Assistant for Newport,
Richard Burden, " " Portsmouth,
WiUiam L3rtherland, General Recorder, Richard
Knight, General Sergeant, John Coggeshall, Treas
urer, and John Easton, General Attorney. This As
sembly continued in session two days. On the rec-
ordof the second day'smeeting is the following entry.

92 GENERAL HISTORY.
" Providence and Warwick men come in." After
this, Thomas Olney was elected General Assistant
for Providence, and Randall Holden, for Warwick.
In regard to warlike proceedings against the Dutch,
this Assembly acted with much more decision and
energy than the one at Providence. They agreed
to assist the English on Long-Island, to lend them
arms and to allow them to enlist twenty volunteers.
They erected an Admiralty Court for the trial of
prize causes and granted commissions to three per
sons to cruise against the Dutch or any enemies of
the commonwealth of England.
Although it appears by the record that " Provi
dence and Warwick men came in," and probably
joined in the election of general officers for these
towns, only a part, and that a minority of each of
those towns, was present. The difficulties stiU ex
isted. The two towns adhered to the general offi
cers that they had chosen. The steps taken by the
Assembly of the island in regard to the Dutch, fur
nished fresh matter for disputes, or rather served as
a pretence for the continuance of those previously
commenced. It is a singular circumstance that the
island towns, considering their more exposed situa
tion, should have beeri so much more ready to in
volve themselves in a war with the Dutch, than were
the main land towns. Neitiier the one nor the other
could have long supported themselves against a for
eign enemy, and they could hope for no assistance
from the neighboring English colonies. In fact the
united colonies did no more than they were obhged
to do, to keep up appearances with the government

GENERAL HISTORY. 93
at home. They evidently preferred a prosperous
neutrality, to the dangers and uncertainties of war.
The main land towns held a general court of com
missioners at Providence, on the third day of June.
The commissioners of Providence were,
Gregory Dexter, WUHam Wickenden,
John Sayles, Thomas AngeU,
Arthur Fenner, James Ashton.
They ordered that such of the inhabitants of the
colony as owned the commissions which had been
granted by the General Assembly of the island towns
against the Dutch, should be disfranchised, and not
allowed to act in the government tiU they gave sat
isfaction to the towns there represented. They is
sued a remonstrance against the proceedings of that
Assembly, which as it contains their account of these
proceedings is here inserted.
" A brief remonstrance of the two towns of Providence Plan
tations, at present the colony of Providence Plantations.
Whereas it pleased the honored council of State, to grant unto
Mr. William Coddington, a commission to be Governor of Rhode-
Island, whereby the towns of Portsmouth and Newport were dis
jointed from the colony of Providence Plantations, whereupon,
we, the two towns of Providence and Warwick, having informa
tion thereof, assembled together and declared ourselves unani
mously to stand embodied and incorporated as before by virtue
of our charter, and immediately prepared to send our agent un
to England for confirmation of our charter unto us, as more at
large appeareth in the order made at Providence ; and whereas
about the 16th of the 12th month '52, William Dyre brought un
to us, the two towns of Providence and Warwick, a letter sub
scribed by John Sanford, William Baulstone, John Porter and
William Jeffries, of Rhode-Island, intimating that the said Wil
liam Dyre had brought letters and orders for our directions, sent
from the much honored, the council of state, and that they would

94 GENERAL HISTORY.
give us a meeting to hear the said letters at the time of our ap
pointment, whereupon we the said two towns respectively
chose six commissioners and gave them full power and au
thority to give answer to the said letters and also to act for us, as
if we were present, according unto the directions of the said
council, whether it were for re-uniting of the said two towns of
Portsmouth and Newport unto us, or otherwise do in all general
affairs, except election, according to their wisdoms, as in our
several town orders, more at large appeareth, therefore our said
commissioners being orderly chosen and assembled at Pawtuxet,
the 25th of February, '52, prepared an answer to the said letter,
and sent it by the hand of four messengers, two chosen out of
each town, that so, if possible, they might fully effect an orderly
meeting, and therefore declared their resolutions in their said
letters, to meet with the two towns of Portsmouth and Newport
by commissioners, six chosen out of each town, at the time and
place of their appointment, and reunite with the island, if the
mind of the council of state's warrant was such, as more at large
appeareth in their abovesaid letter ; but no reply could our said
commissioners procure by their said messengers, nor hitherto
have received any ; and at the return of the said four messengers,
our said commissioners assembled at Pawtuxet aforesaid, the 9th
of March '52, where the said messengers made their report, and
declared that they could not procure the letters and orders, for
our direction, sent from the honored council of state aforesaid,
nor a copy thereof, although they were read before many people ;
thereupon, our said commissioners sent to Mr. Easton, in whose
hands the said orders were, for them or a copy thereof, and ano
ther letter to both towns of Portsmouth and Newport, on purpose
by the hand of two messengers, intimating unto the said two
towns that Providence and Warwick had empowered them as
aforesaid, to transact for the said two towns in all general affairs,
as if all the inhabitants of the said two towns were present, and
therefore proposed to both the towns on the island, that if they
were willing to reunite with us, then to choose six commission
ers out of each town, and appoint time and place where we should
meet them to order according to the council of state's direction,
as more at large appeareth in their said letter ; but they could

GENERAL HISTORY. 95
not procure any answer from neither of the said two towns ; and
whereas, after a long space of time, the town of Newport sent
unto us certain propositions by the hand of Benedict Arnold, in
timating their desires that we should meet them at Newport in
May next, and choose six commissioners to prepare and so forth,
which propositions were referred to our said commissioners to
answer, and our said commissioners thus answered, that they
were willing there to meet by commissioners, six chosen out of
each town, and to reunite and order for the peace of the whole
colony, et cetera, in all general affairs, except election, provided
the said town of Newport would give ten days notice before hand,
that so they would meet by commissioners as more at large ap
peareth ill our said commissioners' answer ; but, forasmuch as
neither our said commissioners, nor we the said two towns have
received any answer from the said island by way of reply, we,
therefore, the said two towns of Providence and Warwick, were
necessitated to keep in the posture we were in, and proceeded to
election of general officers according to law extant amongst us,
the 17th of May, yet, notwithstanding all our aforesaid endeavors
to reunite the said two towns of Portsmouth and Newport unto
us, which is not yet eflieGted, the inhabitants of the said two
towns have, as we are informed, in the name or by the authority
of the the colony of Providence Plantations, granted and given
unto John Underbill, Edward Hull and William Dyre, a commis
sion or commissions tending to war, which is like, for aught we
see to set all New-England on fire, for the event of war is various
and uncertain, and although the honored council of state's direc
tion to us is, videlicit, to offend the Dutch as we shall think
necessary, yet we know not for what reason or for what cause the
said inhabitants of the island have given forth the said commis
sion : Therefore, we are enforced thus to declare, that if the
said island shall attempt to engage us with them in the said com
mission, or in any otherlike proceedings, and shall use any force
or violence upon us upon that account, that we will then address
ourselves immediately to England, to petition for their honors'
further direction unto us, which they have pleased to intimate
in their late honors' pleasure sent by the hand of William Dyre ;

96 GENERAL HISTORY.
for we are resolved, to use our utmost endeavors to free ourselves
from all illegal and unjust proceedings.
By the Commissioners of the Colony,
JOHN GREENE, Jr. General Recorder. "
The letter from Newport referred to in this re
monstrance is here given, to show in part their views
on the subject.
Beloved friends and neighbors :
Afler our respects these are to inform you, of our desires to
further the orders of our honored and well wishers, the honored
council of State, and of your, together with our own safety, and
peaceable well-being and that each may enjoy his own right in
equity and that the face of authority may be established amongst
us, the endeavoring whereof hath moved us to write unto you our
propositions here underwritten, as also to send unto you a copy
of the orders of the honored council of State, all which we have
betrusted in the hands of our beloved messenger, Mr. Benedict
Arnold, with the orders for the safe disposal of the forenamed
copy and the delivery of these our motions.
That the next General Assembly for election, vifhich will be
the first Tuesday after the 15th of May, be held at Newport.
That the officers be chosen according to the accustomed rule
in the laws established by authority of the charter confirmed by
the honored council's order.
That all orders made by the towns of this colony, either joint
ly or apart, by authority of the charter, be authorized to be in
force, until by a General Assembly repealed.
That all suits depending, that are by the law referred to the
General Court of trials, may be issued at the next General Court,
by such oflacers as shall be deputed at the time appointed by the
former laws.
That a committee of six men in each town, be chosen to con
sider and ripen all matters that respect the colony, which the
major votes of the towns assenting to, shall be established and
stand in force.
That the General officers, that were deputed and engaged,

GENERAL HISTORY. 97
when Mr. Coddington's commission obstructed, be authorized and
invested with power to act in their several commissions, until
new be chosen for the general, but if any town see cause, they
may be authorized to appoint what general oflicer they judge
meet in that town, who may by the town clerk be engaged, if not
before engaged, and be authorized to act by the rule prescribed.
That all the inhabitants that allow the propositions sent to each
town, set to or subscribe their names for confirmation thereof;
whose names being delivered to the several town clerks, shall be
sealed up and sent to the President, Mr. Nicholas Easton, who
with the council of that town shall open and shall signify the re
sult to the several towns, and this to be performed by the 10th
April next.
Further we thought good to insert what present course our town
hath taken for our present security till a general order, namely :
That whereas by the honored council's order, we are to de
pute one or more to see that forts be made and arms provided
and other things done as ordered, and whereas by a law made
amongst us, each town hath the power of the militia, that seven
men in our town are appointed to see that order performed, four
of them concurring it stands in force, until the colony otherwise
order. The men appointed are William Dyre, &,c.
Newport, the 18th of March, 1652. Per me,
WILLIAM LYTHERLAND, Town Clerk,
In the behalf and by the order of the town of Nevi^ort."
Another court of commissioners was holden on
the 13th of August. The Commissioners of Provi
dence were the same as in June preceding.
The record of the election of town officers this
year is lost. That a town meeting was holden for
the purpose of election appears, and that is aU. The
next record preserved is under date of September
10th, 1654.
1654. — At the General Assembly holden in May
the foUowing named persons were elected officers
of the colony. 13

98 GENERAL HISTORY.
Nicholas Easton, President.
Thomas Olney, Assistant for Providence.
Richard Burden, " for Portsmouth.
Edward Smith, " for Newport.
Randall Holden, " for Warwick.
Joseph Torrey, General Recorder, John Cogges-
haU, Treasurer, Richard Knight, General Sergeant.
Though assistants were chosen, for Providence
and Warwick, the reunion of the colony was not per
fected. Those towns held no General Assembly
for election as in the preceding year, from which it
may be inferred, that a majority of the inhabitants in
each had assented to the re-establishment of the co
lonial government in the manner proposed by the
island towns. But that there was stiU a minority,
who adhered to an opposite opinion, may with cer
tainty be inferred from the proceedings of this As
sembly. A committee of two from each town was
appointed " for the preparing a way or some course
concerning our dissenting friends." It does not ap
pear what course was proposed, but it may be rea
sonably supposed that their efforts to restore union
and peace to the colony, were greatiy forwarded by
Mr. WUhams and by the letters he brought witii him
from England. He aiTived eai-ly in tiie summer,
and brought with him tiie following letter from Sir
Henry Vane.
" Loving and Christian Friends— I cannot refuse the bearer,
Mr. Roger Williams, my kind friend and ancient acquaintancei
to be accompanied with these few lines from myself to you
upon his return to Providence colony, though perhaps my private
and retired condition, which the Lord, in mercy, hath brought

GENERAL HISTORY. 99
me into, might have argued strongly enough for my silence. But
indeed, something I hold myself bound to say to you, out of the
christian love I bear you, and for His sake, whose name is called
upon by you and engaged on your behalf. How is it, that there
are such divisions amongst you, such headiness, disorders, tu
mults, injustice, the noise whereof echoes unto the ears of all, as
well friends as enemies, by every return of ships from those parts ?
Is not the fear and awe of God amongst you to restrain 1 Is not
the love of Christ in you, to fill you with yearning bowels, one
toward another, and constrain you to live not unto yourselves, but
unto him that died for you, yea, and is risen again ? Are there no
wise men amongst you 1 No public self-denying spirits, that, at
least upon the grounds of common safety,equity and prudence, can
find out some way or means of union and reconcilement for you
amongst yourselves, before you become a prey to common ene
mies, especially, since this state, by the last letter from the coun
cil of state, gave you your freedom, as supposing that a better use
would have been made of it, than there hath been. Surely,
when kindly and proper remedies are applied and are ineffectual,
it speaks loudly and broadly the high and dangerous distemper
of such a body, as if the wounds were incurable. But I hope
better things from you, though I thus speak, and should be apt
to think, that by commissioners agreed on and appointed on all
parts, and on behalf of all interests, in a general meeting such a
union and common satisfaction might ensue, as, through God's
blessing, might put a stop to your growing breaches and dis
tractions, silence your enemies, encourage your friends, honor
the name of God, which of late hath been much blasphemed, by
reason of you, and in particular refresh and revive the sad heart
of him who mourns over your present evils, as being your very
affectionate friend, to serve you in the Lord. H. VANE.
Belleau, the 8th of February, 1563—4.
This letter was foUowed by one from Mr. WiUams
himself, addressed to Gregory Dexter, who, it ap
pears from the handwriting of the records, was then
Town Clerk of Providence. After referring to the
sacrifices he had made, and the labors he had per-

100 GENERAL HISTORY.
formed to establish the town and colony and the
grand cause of truth and freedom of conscience,
and painting in the glowing colors of truth the dan
gers that necessarily attend contention, and the cer
tain ruin that would follow an appeal by either party
to the government of England, he urged them with
great earnestness to remove the obstruction to union
and peace which they themselves had created, and
if they were unable by free debate and conference
with their opponents to remove aU causes of disun
ion and distrust, then to leave such matters to the
determination of arbitrators, to be mutually chosen
from among the inhabitants of the colony. He be
sought them to send these propositions to their op
ponents in writing, and concluded his letter with a
form of a letter for that purpose. It would seem
from this letter of Mr. WUhams, that one great cause
of their disunion was the vote passed by the Assem
bly of the main land towns disfranchising such per
sons as acknowledged the validity of the commis
sions against the Dutch, granted by the Assembly of
the island towns in May. The reunion was perfec
ted by a Court of Commissioners in August. The
following were the terms then agreed upon.
Articles of agreement of the Commissioners of the four towns,
upon the reuniting of the colony of Providence Plantations, as
followeth, viz :
Whereas there have been differences and obstructions amongst
the four towns of this colony of Providence Plantations in New-
England, namely, Providence, Portsmouth, Newport and War
wick, arising by Mr. Coddington's commission,, we, the com
missioners of all the four towns do agree :
First. That all transactions done by the authority of the in-

GENERAL HISTORY. 101
habitants of the two towns of Rhode-Island, from the time of
Mr. Coddington's commission's taking place there, until Mr.
Dyre brought over further orders from the Honorable Council of
state, in the year 1652, shall remain on the account of the two
towns of the above said island; and all the transactions of Prov
idence and Warwick in that space, to remain on their own ac
count. And further, that all the transactions of the aforesaid
two towns on Rhode-Island, viz : Portsmouth and Newport, and
a part of Warwick and Providence with them since Mr. Dyre's
bringing the foresaid orders to this very time, shall remain on
their own account ; and whatsoever transactions have been in
the said time by the rest of the inhabitants of Warwick and
Providence, professing themselves two towns, shall remain on
their the said inhabitants' own account professing themselves two
towns. Secondly. We the commissioners of the four towns abovesaid,
do agree and are willing to order this colony by the authority of
the charter granted to us by the honored Parliament of the Com
monwealth of England, bearing date the 14th day of March,
1643. Thirdly. We agree that the General Court of this colony, or
General Assembly to transact all affairs, except election, as ma
king of laws, trial of general officers, &c. shall be held by six
commissioners chosen by each town of the colony.
In confirmation hereof the commissioners above premised,
have set our hand^, namely :
i Thomas Harris, William Wickenden,
Providence. < Gregory Dexter, John Brown,
I John Sayles, Henry Brown.
r William Baulstone, Thomas Cornell,
Portsmouth. { Richard Burden, John Briggs,
I John Roome, William Hulh

Benedict Arnold, John Easton,
Richard Tew, William Lyth
John Coggeshall, Thomas Gould.

Newport. | Richard Tew, ' William Lyt'herland,

r John Green, Sen. John Green, Jun.
Warwick. { Randall Holden, John Townsend,
( Ezekiel Holyman, Henry Townsend.

102

GENERAL HISTORY.

Thus was ended this most inauspicious state of
affairs. With the light that the scanty records of
those times aflford, it may be unjust to attribute to
Mr. Coddington the whole blame of the first divis
ion of the colony. He has left no known memo
rial either of his acts or motives. The estimate
of them must be formed, from the reports and pub
lic acts of his opponents. He who has scanned and
duly weighed evidence derived from such sources,
and compared it with the statements of the opposite
party, may be prepared to make a proper allowance
for party prejudice and the excitement of private
interest. But the shghtest reflection wiU convince
any one, that impHcit confidence is not to be placed
in it. As the case now stands, from those reports
and pubhc acts, Mr. Coddington appears, upon some
disaffection, the nature or extent of which is not dis
closed, to have saUed for England, without intimating
to any one his ultimate intentions in relation to the
colony. WhUe there, he obtained from Pai-liament,
a commission conferring extraordinary powers on
himself He was constituted Governor of tiie islands
of Rhode-Island and Conanicutt for life. With him
rested the nomination of his councU. It was not
strange that the people of tiiese islands should revolt
against his authority. By the charter, tiiey had
the power of electing their own officers and making
their own laws. And tiiough by their free votes tiiey
had conferred on Mr. Coddington the highest offices
in the colony, it was natural tiiat tiiey should wish
that he should hold such offices only by tiieir elec
tion. As free born Englishmen, tiiey could not con-

GENERAL HISTORY. 103
sent to be ruled by a Governor selected for them by
any power on earth. The main land towns of the
colony must have received information of the so
liciting and granting of this commission with min
gled emotions of surprise and indignation. They
of Providence had been pioneers in the great cause
of religious freedom. Through their sufferings,
privations and labors it had been planted, fostered
and estabhshed. A charter from the Parhament of
England had conferred on them, with the other towns,
a political existence with unequalled civU privUeges,
One of those who had twice felt the scourge of re
hgious persecution had raised his suicidal hand to
destroy the glorious fabric which he had assisted to
erect. He had periUed the cause for which he had
suffered, and in the attempt had apparently reduced
his companions to the very verge of ruin ; for it di
vided the colony, which, united, was scarcly able to
preserve its existence against those who coveted the
little spot of earth on which it was established, and
who rehgiously hated the colonists for the principles
which they advocated.
The course taken by these towns was the only
one they could have pursued. Mr. Coddington's
commission did not in its terms aflfect their rights
under the charter. It subjected the island towns to
his government and there it stopped. They did weU
then, in chnging to the charter, and in seeking a
confirmation of it from the English government.
After the arrival of the orders of the councU of state
by Mr. Dyre, their course cannot be so easily de
fended. They richly deserved the rebukes which

104 GENERAL HISTORY.
they received from Sir Henry Vane. Their own
statement furnishes no satisfactory excuse for their
conduct. The neglect and refusal of Mr. Dyre to
dehver the papers to them, and his persisting in de
livering them to the old officers in the colonial gov
ernment, might have been a wrong, but not such a
wrong as would justify them in their wUful inatten
tion to the best interests of the colony. Probacy the
old officers, those that were in place at the arrival of
Mr. Coddington's commission, claimed the right to
them. In such an event, the course that he pro
posed, was the only one at which neither of the
claimants could justiy complain. And the refusal of
the main land towns to attend the General Assembly
of aU the freemen of the colony, before whom the
letters and orders were to be read, cannot be fuUy
justified. There must have been some other cause
not entered in their records, which influenced them.
The granting of commissions, or letters of marque
and reprisal, against the Dutch by the General As
sembly, one would suppose a measure of doubtful
expediency. It might have endangered the exist
ence of the colony. But neither Providence or
Warwick would have been the first or the most to be
endangered or injured by it. They were agricultu
ral townships. Their attention was principaUy di
rected to the cultivation of, the land. They were
both situated at some distance from the sea. If the
Dutch had attempted to retaliate, both tiie towns of
Newport and Portsmouth lay in their way. A very
smaU naval force could have levied contributions up
on them. It is probable that at tiiat time tiiey had

GENERAL HISTORY. 105
commented improving the natural advantages of
their situation, for trade and navigation. But aside
from this, this act was passed by a General Assem
bly of the whole colony. AU the towns had notice of
it and could have attended. Some did attend from aU
the towns. If the majority of those present were in
favor of the measure, it did not become the voluntary
absentees to call them traitors and put them out of the
protection of the law, or deprive them of their legal
privUeges. The dissentions in the mother country
entered into and embittered the disputes which pre
vailed here. Among the colonists were some of all
the parties that divided the English commonwealth.
Their sufferings under the estabhshed religion of
England, undoubtedly inchned the most of them in the
outset against the King and the Hierarchy. There
were some, and probably a majority at first, who de
sired rather to ameliorate than to overthrow the gov
ernment. These, however, Hke many of the inhab
itants of England, were led on, step by step, until
nothing would content them but the entire demoli
tion of monarchy. The foUowing certificate from
the records of the colony, proves that the change in
opinion was graduat. Unless the signers had held
or expressed different opinions, there was no seem
ing necessity for their subscribing such a declaration.
" Providence, the 7th of the 1st mo. '52.
I do declare and promise that I will be true and faithful to the
Commonwealth of England, as it is now established, without a king
or house of lords. Thomas Harris, Arthur Fenner,
William Wickenden, James Ashton,
John Brown, Thomas -f- Angell,
Samuel Bennett, Gregory Dexter,
Henry Brown, Hugh Bewett,
Thomas" -|- Hopkins, Edward Inman. "
14

106 GENERAL HISTORY.
These signers were aU Providence men. In the
records of Warwick there was a more formal sub
mission signed by the freemen. Subsequently they
attempted to destroy it; but the evidence of its exis
tence was perpetuated by the very means they used to
destroy it. The following entry now stands in their
records. " This leaf was torn out by order of the town, this
29th of June 1667, it being the submission to the
State of England without the King's majesty, it be
ing the 13th page."
It required but a smaU circumstance, as the fol
lowing paper shows, to arouse the feelings of some
of the partizans of those days.
" Presented unto the town of Providence by Robert Williams,
the loyal subject of the Commonwealth of England, that, accord
ing unto his engagement, endeavors to vindicate the just rights
of honorable authority in these parts.
I do hereby signify unto this town, whom I honor as a town, in
subjection unto said right honorable Commonwealth, that the sub-
cdiiimittee at Warwick, have declared disloyalty unto the Com
monwealth of England, for the said committee declare, then dated
the 24th of December, 1652, against the letter of credence order
ed and sent unto our agent, Mr. Roger Williams, supplicating
their honors' favor and pleasure in these parts.
ROBERT WILLIAMS,
Deputy of the town of Providence.
A few days before the reunion of the colony was
perfected, the foUowing answer was prepared and
sent to Sir Henry Vane. Providence, 27. 6. 54.
Sir — Although we are grieved at your late retirement from
the helm of public affairs, yet we rejoice to reap the sweet fruits
of your rest in your pious and loving lines, most seasonably sent
unto us. Thus the sun, when he retires his brishtness from the

GENERAL HISTORY. 107
world, yet, from under the very clouds, we perceive his presence
and enjoy some light and heat and sweet refreshing. Sir, your
letters were directed to all and every particular town of this
Providence colony. Surely, sir, among the many providences
of the Most High towards this town of Providence, and this Provi
dence colony, we cannot but see apparently his gracious hand,
providing your honorable self, for so noble and true a friend to
an outcast and despised people. From the first beginning of
this Providence colony, occasioned by the banishment of some
from the Massachusetts, we say ever since, to this day, we have
reaped the fruits of your constant loving kindness and favor
towards us. Oh, sir, whence then is it, that you have bent your
bow, and shot your sharp and bitter arrows against us ? whence
is it, that you charge us with divisions, disorders, &c. 1 Sir, we
humbly pray, your gentle acceptance of our two-fold answer.
First, we have been greatly disturbed and distracted by the
ambition and covetousness of some amongst us. Sir, we were
in complete order, until Mr. Coddington, wanting that public
self-denying spirit which you commend to us in your letter, pro
cured, by most untrue information, a monopoly of part of the
colony, viz. Rhode-Island, to himself, and so occasioned our gen
eral disturbance and distractions.
Secondly, Mr. Dyre, with no less want of public spirit, being
ruined by party contentions with Mr. Coddington, and being be
trusted to bring from England, the letters of the council of
state for our reuniting, he hopes for a recruit to himself by other
men's goods ; and, contrary to the state's intentions and expres
sions, plungeth himself and some others in most unnecessary and
unrighteous plundering both of Dutch, French and English also,
to our great grief, who protested against such abuse of our pow
er, from England ; and the end of it is to the shame and reproach
of himself and the very English name, as all these parts do wit
ness. Sir, our second answer is, (that we may not lay all the load
upon other men's backs) that possibly a sweet cup hath rendered
many of us wanton and too active, for we have long drank of the
cup of as great liberties as any people that we can hear of under
the whole heaven. We have not only been long free (together

108 GENERAL HISTORY.
with all New-England) from the iron yoke of wolfish bishops and
their popish ceremonies, (against whose cruel oppressions, God
raised up your noble spirit in Parliament) but we have sitten
quiet and dry from the streams of blood spilt by that war in our
native country. We have not felt the new chains of the Pres
byterian tyrants,' nor, in this colony, have we been consum
ed with the over zealous fire of the (so called) godly christian
magistrates. Sir, we have not known what an excise means ;
we have almost forgotten what tythes are, yea, or taxes either, to
church or commonwealth. We could name other special privi
leges, ingredients of our sweet cup, which your great wisdom
knows to be very powerful (except more than ordinary watchful
ness) to render the best men wanton and forgetful. But, blessed
be your love and your loving heart and hand, awakening any of
our sleepy spirits by your sweet alarm, and blessed be your noble
family, root and branch, and all your pious and prudent engage
ments and retirements. We hope you shall no more complain of
the saddening of your loving heart, hy the men of Providence
town or of Providence colony, but that when we ai'e gone and
rotten, our posterity and children after us, shall read in our town
records your pious and favorable letters and loving kindness to
us, and this our answer and real endeavor after peace and right-
ousness ; and to be found, sir, your most obliged and most hum
ble servants. The Town of Providence,
in Providence Colony in New-England,
GREGORY DEXTER, Town Clerk.
After signing the articles of reunion, the commis
sioners continued in session and made several orders
and laws. AU laws in force before the division of
the colony, were declared to be in force untU re
pealed, all trade with the Dutch was prohibited, tiie
law against seUing liquor to the Indians was re-enac
ted, and a General Election ordered to take place on
the 12th of September at Warwick.
A court of commissioners met at Warwick on the
day appointed for election. The commissioners from

GENERAL HISTORV. 109
Providence were the same as those at the August
session, except Henry Reddock, in the place of John
Sayles. They direct that the General election in
future shaU be holden on the Tuesday after the 15th
of May. Towns were directed to choose Commis
sioners on the first Tuesday of the same month. Let
ters of " Humble Thanksgiving" were sent to His
Highness the Lord Protector, to Sir Henry Vane,
and to Mr. John Clark. All legal process was or
dered to be issued in the name of " His Highness
the Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of Eng
land, Scotiand and Ireland, and the Dominions
thereto belonging." The main land and island towns
were authorized, together or apart, to establish
courts. At this General Assembly the foUowing
persons were elected colony officers tiU the next
May. Roger WiUiams, President,
Thomas Harris, Assistant for Providence,
John Roome, " for Portsmouth,
Benedict Arnold, " for Newport,
RandaU Holden, " for Warwick,
WiUiam Lytherland, General Recorder, Richard
Knight, General Sergeant, Richard Burden, Treas
urer, and John Cranston, General Attorney.
In this year is the first record of the election of
military officers in Providence. The election was
made on the 6tii of November.
Thomas Harris, was chosen Lieutenant.
John Smith (the mUler) " Ensign.
Bemjamin Smith " Sergeant.
At the same meeting it was resolved, that one

110 GENERAL HISTORY.
man on every farm one mile from the town, might
be left at home on training days.
1655. — The foUowing persons were elected Gen
eral officers of the colony at the General Assembly
holden at Providence.
Roger Wilhams, President,
Thomas Olney, Assistant for Providence,
John Roome, " for Portsmouth,
Benedict Arnold " for Newport,
RandaU Holden, " for Warwick.
WUHam Lytherland, General Recorder, George
Parker, General Sergeant, John Sandford, General
Treasurer, John Cranston, General Attorney, and
John Greene, General Solicitor.
At the Court of Commissioners, the foUowing
were from Providence.
Roger WUlams, Arthur Fenner,
WiUiam Wickenden, Richard Waterman,
Thomas Harris, John Sayles.
AU the inhabitants of the colony were required by
this court, to sign a submission to his Highness the
Protector and the Parhament ; if any refused, they
were declared to be entitied, to " no benefit or priv
ilege in any law of the colony." The General
Court of trials Were to set once a year in each town.
It seems from the record that Thomas Olney was
then in arms against authority, but it could not have
been a very, serious rebeUion, as he took his engage
ment as Assistant. Before this time tiiere had been
several laws passed to prevent tiie sale of sti-ong
Hquors to the Indians, but as they had proved ineffic-

GENERAL HISTORY. 1 1 1
ient whoUy to prevent that evU, the court of Com
missioners act again on this fruitful topic of legis
lation. They appointed two " Ordinary Keepers "
in each town. These were the only persons author
ized to seU any sort of "strong drink" "either to
English or Indian in a less quantity than a gallon."
They were prohibited from seUing " above a quarter
of a pint of Hquor or wine a day" to any Indian.
In case an Indian was found drunk, he was to be
fined, and " whipt or laid neck and heels" and " the
ordinary keeper by whose means he is made drunk
shall pay twenty shiUings for each person's trans
gression." The price of hquor at retail was fixed
at not over four shilHngs a quart. AU hquor that
was brought into the colony was directed to be re
corded, and an excise of five shilHngs paid for every
anker of liquor and quarter cask of wine, for the
use of the town where entered. These measures
were undoubtedljy dictated by a desire of self preser
vation, but while they effected the safety of the col
onists against the Indians, they must have greatiy
tended to the advantage of the Indians 'themselves.
The ordinary keepers appointed for Providence,
were Roger Mowry and Richard Perry. Notwith
standing such appointments, the towns had a right
to appoint others and remove those appointed by
the Commissioners. Providence and Warwick were
required to unite in the erection of a Prison at War
wick at the cost of £4<1, of which Providence was
required to pay £6, and another prispn at Provi
dence and a pair of stocks at the cost of £14.
A special court of commissioners was holden at

112 GENERAL HISTORY.
Portsmouth on the 28th of June. The commission
ers of Providence were
Roger WiUiams, WiUiam Dyre,
Thomas Olney, James Barker,
WUliam Field, Matthew West.
The meeting was caUed in consequence of a let
ter received from His Highness. The foUowing
order made at this court, while it implies that the
greatest decorum was not always preserved in that
body, also proves that the majority of the commis
sioners were fully sensible of the importance of it.
"It is ordered, that in case any man shall strike
another person in the court, he shall either be fined
£10, or be whipped, according as the court shaU see
meet." At the commencement of the records of the
colony for this year is the roU of the freemen of the
Colony. The number in Providence, was forty-
two, in Portsmouth, fifty-two, in Newport, eighty-
three, and in Warwick, thirty-eight.
At a town meeting in June, the foUowing officers
were elected. Rhichard Waterman and Thomas
Harris, Town Magistrates, John Sayles, Town Clerk.
Roger WUliams, Robert WUhams and WUHam
Field, were appointed to make up the Town Coun
cU, and Samuel Bennett, Town Sergeant. The first
entry in the record of the proceedings of tiie town
on Election day probably aUudes to the same facts,
which constituted the charge made against Thomas
Olney in the Court of Commissioners. It is as fol
lows. " Whereas there has been a great debate this day, about
Thomas Olney, Robert Williams, John Field, William' Harris

GENERAL HISTORY. Il3
and others, concerning the matter of a tumult and disturbance
in the winter, under pretence of a voluntary training, it was at
last concluded by vote, that for the Colony's sake, who have
since chosen Thomas Olney an Assistant, and for the public
union and peace's sake, it should be passed by, and no more
mentioned." Happy, would it have been for town and colony, if
many of their previous complaints had been so dis
posed of. The extent of the previous difficulties
and disunion in the town may weU be inferred from
the following circumstance. Henry Fowler was
complained of to the town for being married without
due publication. The law of the town required that
such pubHcations should be by a magistrate's notifi
cation set on some tree in the town street tor a
fortnight. He pleaded, that "the divisions of the
town were the cause of his so doing," and his fine
was remitted. The town directed that there should
be four mUitary trainings each year. The follow
ing was the law regulating proceedings before the
town courts, which was this year recorded in pursu
ance of the foUowing order.
" Ordered that the program of laws in use, that formerly were
in a loose paper, be written in the Book, which are as followeth.
THE PROGRESS IN LAW.
First. All actions and cases shall be tried by six townsmen
in the nature of a jury, yet, with the liberty of not being put on
swearing ; and these six men to be pricked down by the town,
quarterly, and warned three days before the court, by the Ser
geant, to be ready at the day and hour appointed, under penal
ty of three shillings for their neglect.
Second. All actions shall be tried by the town, let the sum
be what it will be, which are between party and party." [Against
this item there is the following entry in the margin.] "' This or-
15

114 GENERAL HISTORY.
der was and is much controverted, as interfering with the Gen
eral and the town council."
Third. All writs shall go from the clerk, which shall be
warrant sufficient ; and he to have for his writing, six pence ;
but if the action be above £5, then, he shall have for his writ,
one shilling. If the two parties do agree, then shall he have for
withdrawing the action, four pence if £5 ; if above, then six
pence ; but if the parties do agree and the plaintiff withdraw after
the action be entered, then the suit shall go forward, until it
come to an issue, and the plaintiff pay charge, both of jury warned
and all others.
Fourth. The sergeant shall serve the writ, which if it be
against a housekeeper, a warning to appear at the day and place
of trial, shall be sufficient ; but if it be not against a townsman,
the sergeant shall keep him in safe custody, until bail or agree
ment ; and the bail shall be an housekeeper of our town or one
known to be sufficient to discharge the debt or damage that may
ensue ; and the sergeant shall have for his pains in serving the
writ, if the debt be £5, one shilling, if above £5, eighteen
pence, and after the rate of two shillings per day for waiting.
If not bailed within two hours after the arrest, the sergeant shall
give notice of the arrest to the clerk.
Fifth. The plaintiff shall declare his case in writing within
three days after the writ be served, and shall pay for filing his
declaration, four pence ; which if the defendant will see, the
clerk shall copy it out, and shall have for his pains, sixpence. If
it exceed ten handsome lines, then he shall have one shilling,
but if it be half a sheet of paper, then he shall have two shillings.
Sixth. It shall be in the defendant's liberty, whether he will
answer in writing or no. If he do, he shall put in his answer
within three days after he hath received the declaration ; pro
vided, that he take a copy of the declaration within two 'days
after that it be put in, that the trial be not hindered, and the de
fendant to pay to the clerk for filing his answer four pence.
Seventh. The clerk, against the day of trial, shall draw up
the declaration and answer, if there be any; if none, then the
declaration, and shall Vead them twice, and the plaintiff", if he
will, may open his case more fully, either by himself or his

GENERAL HISTORY. 1 15
attorney, and so, likewise, the defendant shall answer either by
himself or his attorney, when they shall have time sufficient to
debate the cause between them, until the bench shall say it is
enough, who shall be judges of the court and no other ; which
judges shall engage the witnesses, or cause the clerk to read it
to them, as also examine the witnesses, engage the six men, and
if they see it good, counsel the six men, who are to go upon the
case, to deal truly in it, knowing their engagements.
Eighth. After the six men have heard the case pleaded, they
shall go aside to consult about it, the sergeant attending, that
none come to speak with them without the license of the court.
After they are returned the clerk shall call them man by man,
to see if they be all there, which, if they be, he shall ask them
if they be agreed on their verdict. If answer be made by them
yea, the clerk shall ask, who they find for, and according as they
find, shall write it down. If they find for the plaintiff, he shall
know of them what damages and costs, and, if the judge please,
they may have twelve pence for each man of them before they
speak, which the plaintiflF shall pay them, and also twelve pence
to the sergeant for attending the jury or triers.
Ninth. If the case go against the defendant, he shall have
ten days liberty before the execution be served, to remove his
<jase, if he judge himself wronged, which, with a writ from any
of the general assistants or president, he may. Provided that he
pay the present charge of court, and put in sufficient bail to an
swer it in the colony court.
Tenth. The execution shall go from the deputies, under their
hands, and the sergeant shall have for serving it, two shillings
and sixpence ; and what goods or chattels or whatever is taken,
shall be prized by two townsmen named by the sergeant, and if
none will buy them, then shall be, so much as the debt and dam-
atre cometh to, delivered to the plaintiff". If there be overplus
delivered to him, he shall return it to the owners in any mer
chantable pay the plaintiff hath. In case he have not goods suf
ficient, the person must satisfy according to the general order.
The sergeant shall have two shillings and sixpence the day paid
him by the plaintiff for waiting on the execution, and the plain
tiff to reckon it to the whole sum."

116 GENERAL HISTORY.
1656. — At a court of Commissioners holden at
Warwick, on the 11th day of March, the Commis
sioners from Providence were
Roger Wilhams, Richard Waterman,
Thomas Olney, Thomas Harris,
WiUiam Field, Thomas Roberts.
WUHam Coddington was one of the Commission
ers from Newport. His election gave dissatisfaction
to the court and was the subject of a special investi
gation. He professed in the court, that he freely
submitted "to the authority of His Highness in this
colony as it is now united and that, with aU his heart."
This removed all dissatisfaction. His election to
that office clearly evinces that nothing in his con
duct had shaken the confidence of his feUow colo
nists in his integrity. The court adjourned to the
17th, when the same Commissioners were present
from Providence, except Benedict Arnold instead of
Thomas Roberts. A law was passed, requiring pub
lication of marriage to be made either in a town
meeting, or " on a training day at the head of the
company" or by a writing under a magistrate's hand
set in some public place.
The General Assembly for Election was holden
at Portsmouth.
Roger WUliams was elected President.
Thomas Olney, Assistant for Providence,
WiUiam Baulstone, " for Portsmoutii,
John CoggeshaU, " for Newport,
Randall Holden, " for Warwick
John Sanford, General Recorder, George Parker,
General Sergeant, John Easton, General Attorney^

GENERAL HISTORY. 117
John Sanford, Treasurer, and Richard Bulgar, Gen
eral SoHcitor.
The Commissioners from Providence were
Roger WUliams, Thomas Harris,
Thomas Olney, Richard Waterman,
WiUiam Field, Thomas Roberts.
At another court of Commissioners holden at Ports
mouth on the 10th of October, the Commissioners
from Providence were
Roger Wilhams, Thomas Harris,
Thomas Olney, Hugh Bewett,
Richard Waterman, John Tripp.
At a town meeting in January, permission was
given to such as pleased to erect a fort on " Stamp
ers' hUl." It has been handed down by traditon, that
soon after the settiement of Providence, a body of
Indians approached the town in a hostile manner.
Some of the townsmen by running and stamping
on this hiU, induced them to beheve that there was
a large number of men stationed there to oppose
them, upon which they relinquished their design and
retired. From this circumstance the hUl was always
caUed Stampers' hiU, or more generaUy, the Stamp
ers. Stampers street passes along the brow of this
HiU. At the same meeting another court was erect-
ted having jurisdiction over all disputes not exceed
ing forty shiUings in amount. The persons chosen
for the judges of this court, were, Roger Williams,
Thomas Olney, and Thomas Harris. At the town
meeting in June,
John Sayles was elected Town Clerk.
Arthur Fenner and WiUiam Field, Town Deputies.

1 1 8 GENERAL HISTORY.
Richard Waterman, Thomas Harris, with the Pres
ident, Assistant and Town Deputies, Town-CouncU,
Thomas Harris, Town Treasurer, and Samuel Ben
nett, Town Sergeant.
A town law passed at this meeting, declared aU
the inhabitants, though not admitted freemen, Hable
to be elected to office, and fineable for not serving,
if elected. There would be but little use for such a
law in modern times.
1657. — The General Court of Election was hold
en this year at Newport.
Benedict Arnold, was chosen President.
Arthur Fenner, Assistant for Providence.
WiUiam Baulstone, " for Portsmouth.
Richard Tew, " for Newport.
RandaU Holden, " for Warwick.
John Sanford, General Recorder, Richard Knight,
General Sergeant, John Greene, Jr. General Attor
ney, John Sanford, General Treasurer, James Rog
ers, General Solcitor.
The Comissioners from Providence were
Thomas Harris, Thomas WaUing,
John Sayles, Samuel Bennett,
Henry BuU, Hugh Bewett.
Mr. Wilhams entered a complaint at this court
against WUHam Harris, for high treason. AU pro
ceedings on the complaints were postponed on ac
count of Mr. WUHam's absence. The resuH of tiie
investigation at a subsequent court, was tiie follow
ing vote.
" Concerning William Harris his book and speeches upon it
was found therein delivered, as for doctrine, having much bowed

GENERAL HISTORY. 119
the scriptures to maintain it, that he that can say it is his con
science, ought not to yield subjection to any human order
amongst men. Whereas the said Harris has been charged for
the said book and words with high treason, and inasmuch as
we being so remote from England cannot be so well acquainted
in the laws thereof in that behalf provided, as the state now
stands, though we cannot but conclude his behavior therein to be
both contentious and seditious, we thought best therefore, to send
over his writing, with the charge and his reply to Mr. John Clark,
desiring him to commend the matter, in our and the Common
wealth's behalf, for further judgment as he shall see the cause re
quire, and in the meantime to bind the said Harris in good bonds
to the good behavior until their sentence be known."
The bond required was for_£500.
At the June Town meeting, John Sayles was cho
sen Town Clerk, Arthur Fenner and Henry Brown,
Town Deputies, John Jones, Town Sergeant, and
John Sayles, Town Treasurer. In August, Roger
WiUiams, Thomas Olney, WUHam Field, Arthur
Fenner, Hemy Brown and Thomas Harris were
chosen Town CouncU. The number of freemen to
make a Town meeting was reduced in October from
ten to seven.
1658. — A Court of Commissioners met at Ports
mouth on the 10th day of March. The Commis
sioners from Providence were
John Smith, WiUiam Carpenter,
Thomas Olney, James Sweet,
William Field, Edward Inman. <
In 1656, the Government ,of Masachusetts was
again called upon to exert itself to protect the church
es against heresy and schism. Some of the people
called Quakers arrived in Boston that year. Fail
ing to learn from experience the inefficincy of cor-

120 GENERAL HISTORY.
poral punishment to correct erroneous opmions, or
produce unity in churches, the authorities of Massa
chusetts again inflicted it with the greatest severity.
Fine, imprisonment, banishment, whipping and death
were in this case successively resorted, to. But all
in vain, so long as these new sectaries found shelter
in the colony of Providence Plantations. Aware of
this, the Commissioners of the United Colonies, in
September 1657, addressed a letter to the President
of this city of refuge. They urged hun to send
away such Quakers as were then in the colony
and prohibit others from entering it. He laid this
letter before the court of Commissioners. In their
answer they state their intention to enforce aU the
laws of the colony, and to obhge all of that class of
people that had come or should come into the colo
ny to perform all duties required of other citizens.
In case of refusal, they add they shaU apply to the
Government at home for further orders in respect to
them, " so that where-withal there may be no dam
age or infringement of that chief principle in our
charter, concerning freedom of conscience." They
state further, that " freedom of different consciences
to be protected from enforcement was the principal
ground of our charter, both with respect to our
humble suit for it, as also, to the true intent of the
honorable and renowned Parhament of England in
the granting of the same unto us, which freedom we
StiU prize as the greatest happiness men can possess
in this world." They did not violate it toward tiie
Quakers. The colony always remained a refiige
for them and aU others who were oppressed or per-

GENERAL HISTORY. 121
secuted for conscience's sake. From the foregoing
extracts, it is evident that the omission of every pro
vision in relation to rehgion in the charter was not
matter of accident. The powers granted were in
conformity with the petition of the inhabitants, lim
ited to civU things. The omission and limitation
were intended by Parliament and were supposed by
the colony, to confer the utmost liberty in rehgious
concerns. At the General Election in May,
Benedict Arnold was chosen President,
WiUiam Field, Assistant for Providence,
WUHam Baulstone, " for Portsmouth,
Joseph Clarke, " for Newport,
RandaU Holden, " for Warwick.
John Sanford, General Recorder, Richard Knight,
General Sergeant, John Sanford, Treasurer, John
Greene, General Attorney, James Rogers, General
Solicitor. The names of the Commissioners who attended
the Court at this time are not entered in the record.
Those chosen by Providence were
Arthur Fenner, Daniel Field,
Richard Waterman, Zachariah Rhodes,
Henry Brown, Valentine Whitman.
It seems that the orders formerly passed for the
erection of prisons in the different towns had not
been compHed with. They were at this court re
pealed, and the prison then being erected at New
port was adopted as a prison for the whole colony.
Providence was required to pay to Newport £30
toward the erection of it.
16

122 GENERAL HISTORY.
The court met again November 2d, when the com
missioners from Providence were
Roger WiUiams, Richard Waterman,
WUHam Field, Roger Mowry,
Thomas Olney, . James Ashton.
Further letters having passed between this colo
ny and the Commissioners of the United Colonies,
in relation to the Quakers, this court addressed a
letter to the Agent of the Colony in England on the
subject from which the foUowing extracts are made.
" We have now a new occasion given us by an old spirit with
respect to the colonies round about us, who seem to be off"ended
with us, because a sort of people, called by the name of Quakers,
who are come amongst us, who have raised up divers, who at
present seem to be of their spirit, whereat the colonies about us
seem to be offended with us, being the said people have their
liberty with us, are entertained in our houses or any of our as
semblies : and for the present, we have found no just cause to
charge them with the breach of the civil peace.'' After stating
that ''the offence our neighbors take against us is because we
take uot some course against the said people, either to expel
them from amongst us, or take such courses against them as
themselves do, who are in fear lest their religion should be cor
rupted by them," they added, " we fly as a refuge in all civil re
spects to his Highness and honorable council, as not beincr sub
ject to any other in matters of our civil state, so may it please
you, to have an eye and ear open, in case our adversaries should
speak to undermine us in our privileges granted unto us, and
plead our cause in such sort as that we may not be compelled to
exercise any civil power over men's consciences, so long as hu
man orders in point of civility are not corrupted and violated-"
The court resolved that thereafter there should be
but one Court of Commissioners in a year, and that
to be holden at the time of the Election in May.
The right of the freemen assembled in their town

GENERAL HISTORY. 123
meetings to annul the laws made by their commis
sioners, was stUl reserved. Within ten days after
the rising of the court a copy of every law passed
was to be sent each town and within ten days after
that, the freemen of each town were to debate it,
and in case of disapproval, send their votes against
it to the Recorder. If he found, on counting the
votes so returned to him, that a majority of the free
men in each town disapproved the law, it was thence
forth annuUed. The colony records show a meet
ing of a "General CouncU of the Colony" in
October of this year. It was composed of the
President, Assistants and deputies or Magistrates of
the several towns. There is no law estabhshing
such a councU, nor are their powers or duties to be
ascertained, except from their acts. It does not ap
pear that it ever was in session but three times.
At the first meeting no act is recorded as having
been done, from which any inference can be drawn.
The reason of caUing the second meeting is
stated by the President to be, that Pomham an In
dian Sachem near Pawtuxet " had* made an insur
rection in the colony" about which he wished the
advice of the council. The last time this council
was in session was on the 11th day of March 1659.
They then direct the proclamation concerning His
Highness Richard, Lord Protector, to be pubHshed
in the several towns on the Tuesday foUowing, at
the head of each trainband and in presence of "aU
weU-affected people."
At a town meeting on the 27th day of January,
1658, the town councU made a report relating to

124 GENERAL HISTORY.
the estate of Nicholas Power, who had died intestate.
They had endeavored, it would seem, to settie his
estate, according to the provisions of the general
law of the colony, but the widow would not consent
to such settiement and the councU had no power to
compel her. The matter was referred by the town
to the next court of commissioners, who do not ap
pear to have acted on the subject. About ten years
after this, the estate being stUl unsettied, the councU
- made a wiU for the said Nicholas, under their hands
and seals. Where they obtained such power does
not appear, but it was exercised repeatedly not only
in Providence but in Warwick. WUls so made were
not simply divisions and distribution of the intestates'
estate among heirs, but in some instances specific
bequests and devises were made, and estates for Hfe,
in tail and in fee created, as the councU supposed
the interests of aU concerned required. In the pro
ceedings of the town in May, is the first resolution
as to what qualified or constituted a freeman of the
town. It was then resolved, that aU those who en
joyed lands within the jurisdiction of the town, should
be freemen of the town. There is no record of the
election of the town officers this year. The latest
records of the year, are in the hand writing of John
Sayles. 1669. — At the general election which was holden
at Pfovidenee, Benedict Arnold, was elected President,
WUHam Field, Assistant for Providence,
WiUiam Baulstone, " for Portsmoutii,
Joseph Clark, " for Newport,
RandaU Holden, " for Wai-wick.

GENERAL HISTORV. 125
John Sanford, General Recorder, James Rogers,
General Sergeant, John Sanford, General Treasurer,
John Greene, General Attorney, and James Rogers,
General Solicitor.
At the Court of Commissioners, the Commission
ers from Providence were,
WiUiam Field, Arthur Fenner,
Thomas Olney, Thomas Hopkins,
John Sayles, James Ashton.
At this court a letter was drawn up to be sent to
^' The most Serene and Illustrious, His Highness, the
most renowned Richard, Lord Protector of the Com
monwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland, and
the dominions thereto belonging," on his accession
to that dignity. A rate of £50 was ordered for Mr.
Clark ; of this Providence and Warwick were each
required to pay £9, Portsmouth £14, and Newport
£18. Another meeting was called on the 23d day
of August, at which
William Field, Zachary Rhodes,
Roger WUhams, John Smith,
WUham Carpenter, John Sayles,
acted as commissioners from Providence. It is prob
able that this court was caUed in consequence of
letters from Mr. Clark. A further rate of £50 was
ordered for his use, of which Providence was requir
ed to pay £11, Portsmouth £10, Newport £20, and
Warwick £9. All legal process was required to be
issued in the name of the supreme authority of the
Commonwealth of England.
At the June town meeting lor election of town offi
cers.

126 GENERAL HISTORY.
Thomas Olney, Jun., was elected Town Clerk.
WiUiam Carpenter and Thomas Olney, Sen., Town
Deputies. John Sayles, Town Treasurer, John Fenner, Town
Sergeant. Roger Wilhams, Arthur Fenner and John Sayles,
to make up the Town CouncU.
No mention is made of any further proceedings
against WiUiam Harris, on the charge of High Trea
son. The agent of the colony probably referred to
it in his communications to the colony, and it was
no further prosecuted at his suggestion. The charge
however, laid the foundation of a long and violent
feud between him and Mr. Wilhams. It divided the
inhabitants into parties, which lasted many years.
The biographer of Mr. WUhams says that " Mr. W.
so disliked Mr. Harris, that he would not write his
name at length, but abbreviated it thus, W. Har."
Though this was his usual way of writing Mr. Har
ris' name, it was not invariably so. In a letter of
his to John Whipple, now in the Cabinet of the
Rhode-Island Historical Society dated August 24,
1669, he writes " W. Harris." This letter was not
written after the frosts of age had quenched the an
gry feud between them. There are many passages
in it, which show all the vigor of youthful passion.
1660. — The General Election was holden at
Portsmouth. WUHam Brenton, was elected President,
WiUiam Field, Assistant for Providence,
WUHam Baulstone, " for Portsmoutii,
Benedict Arnold, " for Newport,
John Greene, " for Warwick.

GENERAL HISTORY. 127
John Sanford, General Recorder and Treasurer,
James Rogers, General Sergeant, John Easton, Gen
eral Attorney.
The commissioners from Providence were
WiUiam Brenton, Arthur Fenner.
WUHam Field, WUHam Carpenter,
Benedict Arnold, Thomas Hoplcins.
The la;sv of November, 1658, with respect to an
nulling laws by the freemen, in their town meet
ings, was amended so as to permit the votes against
the laws to be returned at any time within three
months after the town meetings, and so that a major
ity of the freemen of the colony could annul any law.
By the act of 1658, it required a majority of the free
men of each town. Here was a great step toward the
consoHdation of the towns and one that must have ad
ded much strength to the colony Government. A
committee was appointed at this court, to consider
of a way for making a bridge over the Pawtuxet river.
Very soon after the death of CromweU, the peo
ple of England perceived that his son and successor,
Richard, was not capable of holding the reins of
government. After a short and inglorious attempt
to do so, he retired from pubhc Hfe, and Charles the
Second ascended the throne of his ancestors, with
the almost unanimous, good wi^es of his subjects.
He landed in England on the 24th day of May and
entered London on the 8th day of June. Soon af
ter the news of these events arrived in this country,
a Court of Commissioners met at Warwick. This
was on the 18th day of October. The Commiss
ioners from Providence were

128 GENERAL HISTORY.
WiUiam Field, John Fenner,
WUHam Harris, Joseph Torrey,
Arthur Fenner, Thomas Hopkins.
A letter from Mr. Clark was read, and also King
Charles' letters to the Parhament and House of Com
mons, and also his declaration and proclamation.
They passed an act acknowledging him as their liege
King and the foUowing vote prescribing the time and
form for " solemnizing his proclamation."
" It is ordered, that on the next Wednesday, which will be the
24th of this instant month, each town in this colony shall, then,
at the head of the company of each train band, solemnize the
proclamation of the Royal Majesty, and that the captain of each
town is hereby required and authorised to call the train band
together to solemnize the said proclamation on the foresaid day,
if the weather do permit, if not, then it is to be done on the next
fair day ; and that all children and servants shall have their lib
erty on that day."
A commission was ordered to be sent to Mr. Clark
to procure a renewal of the charter from the King.
At a town meeting holden on the 27th day of Jan
uary, the town voted that every person who should
kiU a wolf in Providence, might demand, of every
owner of cattie, a half-penny for every head of cattie
he owned.
The town preferred a petition to the court of com
missioners to be released from tiie payment of £30
toward the erection of a prison at Newport. They
state that the prison would be completely useless to
them, living so far distant, and that they had been
obhged to make large disbursements amounting to
£160 in the erection of a bridge. This was proba
bly at Weybosset. At tiie town meeting in June,

GENERAL HISTORY. 129
Thomas Olney, Jr. was chosen Town Clerk. Tho
mas Olney, sen. and William Carpenter, Town Dep
uties, Stephen Northup, Town Sergeant, Edward In
man, Thomas Hopkins and Thomas Walling, to make
up the Town Council, John Sayles, Town Treasurer.
1661. — WiUiam Brenton was elected President,
this year.
WiUiam Field, Assistant for Providence,
WiUiam Baulstone, " for Portsmouth,
Benedict Arnold, " for Newport,
John Greene, " for Warwick.
Joseph Torrey, General Recorder, James Rogers,
General Sergeant, Caleb Carr, General Treasurer,
John Easton, General Attorney, and Peter Tallman,
General SoHcitor.
The Commissioners from Providence were
WiUiam Field, Thomas Roberts,
WilHam Arnold, Zachary Rhodes,
Thomas Harris, James Barker.
It was proposed at the court of commissioners, to
raise £200 in the several towns, to defray the expense
of sending two agents to England. They appointed
a committee to soHcit subscriptions, and to select
and instruct the agents. After some part of the sub
scription had been obtained, the project was aban
doned, probably on account of letters received from
Mr. Clark.
At a court of commissioners holden on the 27th
day of August, the commissioners from Providence
were Roger WUHams, Joseph Torrey,
WilHam Field, PhUip Tabor,
Thomas Olney, John Anthony.
17

130 GENERAL HISTORY.
Upon consideration of Mr. Clark's letters, they re
solved to send him a letter of tiianks for his care and
dihgence, and also his commission, as agent, which
had been ordered the year before. It was also
agreed to raise £200 by a tax for him, of which
Providence was to pay £40, Portsmouth £40, New
port £86, and Warwick £35.
At the town meeting in June, Thomas Olney was
chosen Town Clerk, Thomas Harris, and Arthur
Fenner, Town Deputies, John Sayles, Town Treas
urer. Thomas Olney, sen., Roger WUliams, and WU
liam Carpenter, to make up the Town CouncU.
1662. — At the General Election which was holden
this year in Warwick,
Benedict Arnold, was chosen President,
WiUiam Field, Assistant for Providence,
WiUiam Baulstone, " for Portsmouth,
Richard Tew, " for Newport,
John Greene, " for Warwick.
Joseph Torrey, General Recorder, James Rogers,
General Sergeant, John Easton, General Attorney,
John Sanford, General Treasurer, and Richard Bul
gar, General Solicitor.
The commissioners from Providence were
WUham Field, Thomas Harris, sen.
Thomas Olney, WUHam Harris,
Arthur Fenner, WUHam Carpenter.
From an act passed at this court, it is apparent,
that the law made in 1648 requiring conveyances of
land to be in writing and to be recorded, had not
been observed, and that in many instances, attempts
had been ^^^ to transfer lands by parol. Justiy

GENERAL HISTORY. 131
fearful that these would produce great confusion in
tities and might lead to Htigation, this court enacted,
that any person in posession of land, claiming the fee,
might record his claim, which should stand for a title
against even the real owner, unless a suit was brought
for it within a short and limited time.
Another court was holden on the 28th day of Oc
tober, the same commissioners attended from Prov
idence, except Zathary Rhodes, in place of Thom
as Olney.
At the annual town meeting in June,
Thomas Olney, jr. was chosen town Clerk.
Thomas Olney, sen. and WiUiam Carpenter, Town
Deputies, John Sayles, Town Treasurer.
Roger WUHams, Thomas Harris, jr. and John
Brown, to make up the Town CouncU. At this
meeting a bridge was ordered to be built over Mo-
shassuck river, near Thomas Olney, jr's. dwelling-
house. A committee was appointed to procure ma
terials and finish the work, before haying time. It
is beheved that Thomas Olney, jr. at that time
hved in his house under the Startipers. He disposed
of a house at that place by his wiU, in which it is
called his mansion house.
Near the commencement of this year the purchasers
began to hold meetings distinct from town meetings,
for the transaction of business relating to the propri
ety, but they had the same clerk, and used the same
record book tiU 1718. The purchasers in April made
a grant of a fuU purchase ri^ht in their lands, to Mr.
Clark, the agent of the cdlony.

132 GENERAL HISTORY.
1663. — The General Election this year was hol
den at Providence.
Benedict Arnold was elected President,
WUHam Field, Assistant for Providence,
WUHam Baulstone, " for Portsmouth,
Richard Tew, " for Newport,
John Greene, " for Warwick.
Joseph Torrey, General Recorder, James Rogers,
General Sergeant, John Sanford, General Treasur
er, John Easton, General Attorney, Richard Bulgar,
General Solicitor.
The Commissioners from Providence were,
WUHam Field, Thomas Harris,
Thomas Olney, Arthur Fenner,
WUHam Carpenter, James Ashton.
No business of a pubhc nature was transacted at
this court. Another court was holden at Ports
mouth October 14.
The following were Commissioners from Provi
dence :
WiUiam Field, WiUiam Harris,
WiUiam Carpenter, Edward Thurston,
Zachary Rhodes, Joseph Torrey.
Letters were received from Mr. Clarke, and
measures taken at this court for a further supply of
money to him.
In AprU, George Sheppard, one of the received
inhabitants of Providence, gave the town all his
lands on the West of the seven-mUe hne, to be ap
propriated to the support of Weybosset Bridge.
This was indeed a generous donation. But Httie
is known of tiie donor— which may be accounted
for, by perusing the following letter.

GENERAL HISTORY. 133
Td the Town of Providence :
Loving friends and neighbors — I make bold to declare myself
in way of satisfaction to those offended for my not acting in your
town-meetings. I. I desire you to understand, that it is not in opposition unto
civil government, for I own it, in a way of order, as an ordinance
of GOD, unto which I am bound to submit, but, in regard of
my unfitness of acting, considering the infirmities of my body,
as also of capacity to undertake such weighty affairs ; therefore,
shall rather submit unto your wholesome orders than be an unfit
actor therein.
2. By your order, I understand, you have disvoted me, and
shall submit unto your pleasure therein, not any way opposing,
conceiving your wisdom to order for the best, in such public affairs.
3. For what land you were pleased to bestow upon me, I am
bound to thank you for your free love therein, but be pleased to
know, that it was not for land that I came hither, but the enjoy
ing of my conscience ; therefore, if any be offended at the quanti
ty of that gift and also of my acceptation, being advised thereto
by friends, I do most willingly surrender it unto you again, de
siring that you would be pleased, if it might be inoffensive, to
bestow upon me a smaller quantity, according to your custom,
for the which I shall acknowledge myself much engaged unto
you; otherwise you will expose me to think upon a removal where
I may enjoy my freedom ; but I hope you will take my condition
into your serious consideration, that I may partake of that liber
ty, which, out of your tender care to consciences, you do hold
forth, provided, as I desire not to be in any thing a disturber of
your civil peace or order but a well wisher and submitter there
to. GEORGE SHEPPARD.
There is no date to this letter, nor any further
trace of the writer. But such sentiments, so un
usual in any age or place, should be preserved.
At the annual election in June, Thomas Olney,
jr. was chosen Town Clerk, Thomas Harris, sen.
and John Browij, Town Deputies, Thomas Olney,
sen. Treasurer. Roger WiUiams, Thomas Olney,

134 GENERAL HIS-TORY.
sen. and Arthur Fenner, to make up the Town
CouncU. in October, a rate of £36 was ordered to be as
sessed for Mr. Clark, which could be paid in wheat
at four shUlings and sixpence, in peas at three shU-
Hngs and sixpence, per bushel, or in butter at six
pence per pound.
Among the papers on file in the city clerk's office,
is an original warrant from the General Sergeant,
addressed to the warden or deputy warden of Provi
dence, dated the fourteenth day of November, re
quiring him to call a town meeting, to elect commis
sioners, or send those already elected, to meet at
Newport on the 24th of that month, " partly and
chieffy to receive the charter which is certainly re
ported to be arrived."
It seems that the chief officer in the several towns
had different titles. In this warrant he is styled,
warden ; sometimes he is called the head officer.
The general assistant was the officer intended. He
issued the warrants for convening town meetings.
The warrant from the general sergeant was foUowed
by the foUowing one from the president of the colony.
" To the Captain, or other commission officers of the Town
of Providence. You are, in his Majesty's name, required to
warn and require all the freemen of your town to accompany
your town commissioners, in their arms, on the 24th day of No
vember instant, being Tuesday, or as many as can come, to New
port, there to solemnize the receipt of the charter, according to
advice of the colony's agent to the council.
Hereof fail not. Given November 16th, 1663.
By BEN. AR]>4pLD, President.
For the Town of Providence."

GENERAL HISTORY. 135
A town meeting was holden on the 16th day of
November, and the following named persons were
chosen commissioners on this occasion :
WUHam Field, • Zachary Rhodes,
Roger WiUiams, WUHam Harris,
WiUiam Carpenter, Stephen Arnold.
It appears that neither Mr. WUhams nor Mr. Ar
nold attended this court, and as in other lUie cgises,
the commissioners filled the vacancies by electing
other freemen of the colony. In this case, Richard
Tew, and Joseph Torrey, were elected. The town
declined pending any soldiers on this occasion. The
commissioners met on the day appointed. The box
containing the charter was produced by Captain
Baxter, the bearer of it, in what is called in the rec
ord, " a very great assembly of the people." " It
was then resolved," so says the record, " that the
box in which the king's gracious letters were en
closed, be opened, and the letters with the broad seal
thereto affixed, be taken forth and read by Captain
George Baxter, in the audience and view of all the
people ; which was accordingly done, and the said
letters, with his majesty's royal stamp and the broad
seal, with much beseeming gravity, held up on high
and presented to the perfect view of the, people, and
so returned into the box, and locked up by the Gov
ernor in order to the safe keeping." The most
humble thanks of the colony were directed to be re
turned to his majesty " for the high and inestimable,
yea incomparable grace and favor" — " to the Hon
orable Earl of Clarendon, Lord High Chancellor of
England, for his exceeding great care and love unto

136 GENERAL HISTORY.
the colony"— to Mr. Clark, with a gratuity of one
hundred pounds — and also a gratuity to Captain
Baxter, of twenty-five pounds. The court of com
missioners assembled again the next day, and after
passing such resolutions and orders as were neces
sary to prevent the faUure of justice, "dissolve and
resign up the present government."
The Governor and Assistants named in the char
ter assembled on the same day. They directea a
General Assembly to be holden on the first Tues
day in March, and required that untU then, aU the
officers in the colony, both civU and mihtary, should
proceed and execute their respective duties.
Thus closed the government of the colony under
the charter of 1644. When that charter was re
ceived, it was hailed with the most enthusiastic ex
pressions of joy, for it conferred on the inhabitants
a political existence, and was a sure pledge of the
protection of the mother country. It conferred un-
^equaUed privileges and powers on the colonists, the
very extent of which, rendered the government to
be estabhshed under it, wanting in energy. In ef
fect, the four towns remained almost independent of
each other, and the colonial government acted not
so much upon the individuals who composed the
colony, as upon the corporate towns of the confede
racy. We have traced the difficulties and dissen
tions that sprang up under this charter in all parts
of the colony, and the legitimate conclusion seems
to be, that nothing but the pressure of external dan
gers, could have held tiie colony together, so long,
under it. Upon the restoration of tiie monarchy and

GENERAL HISTORY. 137
tiie accession of Charles to the throne of his ances
tors, this colony had much to fear. The very accept
ance of their former charter, must have subjected
them to great suspicions of disloyalty. The active
part taken by their agent Mr. Wilhams, while in
England in 1643, and 1648, his known and acknowl
edged intimacy with CromweU and Sir Henry Vane,
must have increased these suspicions. While, on
the other hand, the high ground that the colony had
ever taken and sustained in the cause not of rehgious
toleration, but of perfect religious liberty, must have
rendered it, in no smaU degree obnoxious to the cler
gy of the church of England, who, from being the
persecuted, had now acquired the power of becom
ing the persecuting, party. They must have looked
upon the inhabitants, of this colony as schismatics of
no ordinary character, the very dregs of the Inde
pendent and Presbyterian faction, whose hand they
had felt to be the "heavy, wrathful hand of an un-
brotherly and unchristian persecutor."
But the colony had long ere this adopted the an
chor for its seal, and " Hope" for its motto. It was
not appaUed by the number or malignancy of its op
ponents, and by the indefatigable exertions of its
agent, Mr. Clark, surmounted all these obstacles,
and received from the king the charter which was
continued as the basis of the state government, until
the adoption of the State Constitution in 1843. The
provisions of this charter are beheved to be so weU
known as to make it unnecessary here to recite
them. In relation, however, to the great leading
principle of the colony, religious liberty, it must be
18

138 GENERAL HISTORY.
observed, that this charter does not entrench upon
it in the least. The laws of England at that time,
required uniformity in rehgious behef. They recog
nized a church estabhshment as a part of the govern
ment of the kingdom. This charter recites, that the
address of the colony by then- agent had declared
the wish of the colonists to prove by their acts, " that
a ffourishing civU state may stand and best be main
tained, with fuU liberty in rehgious concernments."
The grant, in the charter, is in effect, that no per
son shaU be " called in question for any diflferences
in opinion in matters of religion," any law of the
realm to the contrary notwithstanding ; thus repeal
ing the general law of the kingdom, so far as the king
had the power to do it, in respect to these petition
ers, or rather excepting them from the operation of
these laws. This course left the colonists exactly
where their original compact and the charter of 1644
left them, with no human laws regulating their reli
gious faith or practice, or conferring on them the
right to think and act for themselves in religious con
cernments. In reviewing the history of Providence up to this
period, the most casual observer must be struck with
two remarkable circumstances that "distinguish it
from the neighboring colonies. They were aU origi
nated by one common cause, rehgious intolerance ;
they were aU established for one common end, rehg
ious freedom. WhUe Providence ever disclaimed aU
power, except in civU things, the otiier colonies as
serted and sometimes exercised an ecclesiastical juris
diction not warranted by reason or rehgion. Again,

GENERAL HISTORY, 139
the first settlers of Providence recognised the Abo
riginal as the paramount titie to the land on which
they planted, and purchased it before they made any
settiement. On the other hand, the other colonies
claimed possession of their plantations, in the first in
stance, by virtue of patents or grants from the King
of England, and fortified the right so acquired by sub
sequent purchases of the natives.

CHAPTER THIRD.
GENERAL HISTORY.
FROM THE ADOPTION OF THE COLONY CHARTER, OF 1663, UNTIL 3763.
The adoption, by the colony, of the new charter,
seems to have been considered not only as a total
abrogation of the one that preceded it, but as inval
idating, in some degree, the charters granted under
it to the several towns. It may weU be doubted,
whether the colonial government possessed the pow
er of granting such charters. If they had tiiat pow
er, the repeal of the colony charter could not affect
them. Doubts however must have existed on this
point, for the town of Providence at their town meet
ing in June 1664, ordered, that "the first Monday
in June be the day of electing our town officers, and
for that day to continue, yearly." Now this was the
day appointed in the town's charter for the election
of town officers. The General Assembly, at a ses
sion in March, passed an act prescribing what officers
should be elected by each town. This power, by the
town charters^ was vested in the towns alone. The
officers directed to be chosen, were, a town councU,
clerk, constable and sergeant. The councU of each
town was to consist of six persons of whom the assist
ants residing in each town, were ex-officio, mem
bers. It it difficult to conceive what advantage, ei
ther colony or town could derive from tiiis arrange-

GENERAL HISTORY. 141
ment. Of the Governor, deputy Governor and ten
Assistants, five were to be chosen from Newport,
three from Providence, two from Portsmouth and
two from Warwick. The town of Providence had,
therefore, the choice of only three of their town coun
cU, the other three being chosen by the freemen of
the state. At the October session of the General
Assembly a tax of £600 was ordered; of this Provi
dence was to pay £100, Newport £285, Portsmouth
£80, Warwick £80, Pettiquamscutt £20, Block-Is
land £15. Colony taxes wiU be occasionaUy noti
ced hereafter, as affording some evidence of the
comparative wealth of the different towns, at different
times. In December a town tax of £130 was or
dered to be assessed to pay the town's proportion of
this colony tax. This was made payable " in wheat
at four shUlings and six-pence per bushel, peas at
three shillings and six-pence, pork at £3,10 per bar
rel, or horses or cattle equivalent." It seems that the
bridge at Weybossett needed repairs in the begin
ning of 1665. A committee was appointed in Jan
uary to soHcit subscriptions for repairing it.
In July 1665, aU New-England was filled with
fears and dismay by the arrival of the King's com
missioners. Col. Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr,
Knight, George Cartwright, Esq. and Samuel Mav
erick, Esq. They were empowered to hear and de
termine all complaints and appeals, in aU causes, as
weU mUitary, as civU and criminal, and to provide
for and settie the peace and security of the country.
Their commission was very ample and their powers
extraordinary. They were not however called upon

142 GENERAL HISTORY.
to exercise them, in any way aflfecting the town of
Providence. It appears by the records that two meetings were
holden on the first Monday in June, 1667, for the
election of town officers, and two sets of officers
chosen. The causes of this proceeding are not
known. Probably it arose out of the disputes about
the extent of the town bounds, the effect of deeds
procured from the Natives in 1659 and 1662, and
the dividing line between Providence and Pawtuxet
proprieties, which at that time and for years before
and after afforded copious matter for dissention. —
These points, and also the disputes between Provi
dence, Warwick and Westquanoid wiU be particu
larly noticed in a subsequent chapter. It was the
duty of one of the assistants to call town meetings,
but of which one, does not appear. The assistants
residing in Providence this year, were WUliam Car
penter, WilHam Harris and Arthur Fenner. One
of these town meetings was called by Arthur Fenner,
the other, probably, by WUHam Harris. After the
two elections were completed, a complaint was made
to the Governor against Mr. Fenner, which resulted
in a special session of the General Assembly in July.
At tills session two sets of deputies were returned,
chosen at two distinct town meetings. The depu
ties chosen at the town meeting called by Arthur
Fenner, were admitted to then: seats. At this ses
sion Mr. Harris preferred an indictinent against Ar
thur Fenner and the deputies elected at his town
meeting, for a rout. They were acquitted after a
trial and the General Assembly proceeded and im-

GENERAL HISTORY. 143
posed a fine of £50 on Mr. Harris, for procuring
the assembly to be caUed without sufficient cause.
He was deposed from his office of Assistant and
another elected in his stead. The General Assem
bly afterwards, in bctober 1668, remitted the fine.
At the annual town meeting, the town appointed a
committee consisting of Arthur Fenner, John
Throckmorton, Thomas Hopkins and Shadrach
Manton to draw up a statement to be sent to the
other towns. There is no copy of this statement
on record, the foUowing extracts are made from the
copy sent to Warwick. It is entitied " The Fire
brand discovered, in a brief narrative or remon
strance to the three towns in this colony of Rhode-
Island and Providence Plantations, viz : Newport,
Portsmouth and Warwick, declaring both his name,
nature, qualities and conditions, as appeareth by
some of his former and later actions in this town and
colony." Afl;er detaihng at some length and with no
measured terms of dispraise, his conduct on certain
occasions, they proceed to the following narrative
of events that transpired on election day.
" His actions amongst us the 3d of this instant June, being
the day of this town's electing of town officers, maketh this Fire
brand further appear, who with his partner, William Carpenter,
deprived a great number of freemen of liberty to vote for officers.
Some of them had been townsmen twenty-six years, all above
eighteen years of age, and landed men, and had given their en
gagement of fidelity to his majesty, according as is provided in
the colony. The objection why they fhould not vote was, they
had not given their engagements before the town ; then one steps
forth and desireth to give his engagement, then, that, also they
refused. Another objection, their names were not returned to
the clerk, then the assistant tendered a list of those names to be

144 GENERAL HISTORY.
recorded, that had given their engagements ; that was also refus
ed, so, that this man, with his partner, would neither accept them
that were engaged, nor let him engage that offered himself, be
fore them ; what they would have, we now begin to see. The
people beholding their liberties and privileges, by these men, en
deavored to be violated and destroyed, being about two parts out
of three resolved not to endure it; but moved Mr. Fenner, As
sistant, to stand with them to help maintain their privilege, and
to work they went, to the business of the day, to choose their
moderator in the same room, the town clerk and constable ; and
when they were engaged, demanded the town books to be deliv
ered to the town clerk, chosen by the major part of the freemen
of the town. This man with his associates, having got the table,
denied the books. The said Arthur Fenner, moderator, in the
name of the town demanded them, three distinct times, and one
of them dared the company to touch the books. But we dared
to do it, only we did know, it would but add fuel to the firebrand,
which would do no good, neither to colony nor town ; remem
bering that our [illegible] is watched for roundabout us, and chose
at present, another way, procured paper, recorded our act and
officers, completing the business of the day (as in respect to the
election) and chose four men to draw this remonstrance to the
three towns, that, if be possible this firebrand may be quenched.
Moreover, this man, whilst we were peaceably acting, his asso
ciates having left the room, came again and commanded the said
moderator of the town, about ten times, in his majesty's name,
to depart that house from the rout ; so that with us the caselieth
thus, that when we meet together in peace to agree about our
occasions, not warned by this man or his partner, we are called
by him a rout, and when warned by them and do not, as this
man would have us, we are then also termed a rout. What
other fiery work this man will make, we watch to see, that we
may quench it if it be possible. But by this time, we 'suppose,
you will be ready to qu^tion as Ahasuerus did to the Queen
Esther, who is he that durst presume in his heai-t to do so; we
answer, with Esther, the Adversary, the Enemy, the Firebrand
is this wicked Harris, commonly called William Harris, this is
his name."

GENERAL HISTORY. l^S
There was a degree of propriety in thus address
ing the other towns in the colony, if the facts stated
were true, because Mr. Harris held his office of as
sistant by the votes of the freemen of aU the towns,
and in virtue of his office as assistant, he was em
powered to perform certain acts and duties in the
town in which he resided. Although the instrument
from which the foregoing extract is made, emanated
under the authority of the town, and was, by their
direction, disseminated through the colony, it ought
to be classed among the effusions of party. The
language throughout, and even its very title, shows
that it was written under such an excitement of feel
ings, as is always unfavorable even to a perception
of exact truth
Weybosset Bridge even in the infancy of its erec
tion, seems to have been the source of much trouble
and the cause of great expenditure. Being out of
repair, the town not succeeding in their attempts
to collect sufficient money for its support by volun
tary contributions, the foUowing proposition was
made by Roger Wilhams in relation to it*
Providence, 10th Feb. 1667-8.
Loving friends and neighbors. — Unto this day it pleased the
town to adjourn for the answering of the bill for the bridge and
others. I have conferred with Shadrach Manton and Nathaniel
Waterman about their proposal and their result is, that they can
not obtain such a number as will join with them to, undertake
the bridge upon the hope of meadow. I am, therefore, bold, af
ter so many anchors come home, and so much trouble and long
debate and deliberations, to oflfer, that, if you please, I will, with
GOD'S help, take this bridge unto my care and by that mode
rate toll of strangers of all sorts which hath been mentioned, will
19

146 GENERAL HISTORY.
maintain it so long as it pleaseth GOD that I live in this
town. 2. The town shall be free from all toll, only, I desire one day's
work of one man in a year from every family, but from those that
have teams and have much use of the bridge, one day's work of
a man and team, and of those that have less use, half a day.
3. I shall join with any of the town, more or few, who will
venture their labor with me for the gaining of meadow.
4. I promise, that if it please GOD that I gain meadow in
equal value to the town's yearly help, I shall then release that.
5. I desire, if it please GOD to be with me to go through such
charge and trouble as will be, to bring this to a settled way
and then suddenly to take me from hence, I desire, that before
another, my wife and children, if they desire it, may engage in
my stead to these conditions.
6. If the town please to consent, I desire that one of your
selves be nominated, to join with the clerk to draw up the writ
ing. R. W.
Upon receipt of this proposal the town voted, that
Mr. WUHams " may receive toU of aU strangers who
pass over Wapwaysett Bridge and of townsmen what
they are free to give, toward the support of said
bridge." This does not appear like disinterested
legislation on the subject. It remained a toU bridge
tiU 1672, when tiie grant to Mr. WUHams was re
pealed. The General Assembly, afterwards in vari
ous years, made large grants toward the reparation
of this bridge.
Notwithstanding the remonsti-ance which tiie
town circulated in the summer of 1667, tiie same
assistants for Providence were re-elected in May fol
lowing. This circumstance in connection with con
tinuing difficulties gave rise to tiie foUowing remon
strance in August 1668.

GENERAL HISTORY. 147
" To the honored Governor and council at Newport on Rhode
Island. The humble remonstrance and petition of the town of Provi
dence, orderly assembled together. Humbly sheweth.
That having been informed that William Harris, notwithstand
ing William Carpenter's offer, is resolved to pursue his charge of
a riot against so many of our honest and innocent neighbors, we
have thought it our duty, being orderly met according to law,
for the honor of truth and the honor of his Majesty's loyal and
peaceable subjects, now most unjustly and miserably oppressed, to
present these few lines to your prudent consideration. First, as
to the accusers, Second, as to the accusation and the accused.
First as to the accusers. First. All of them jointly, William
Carpenter, William and Thomas Harris, they pretend his Maj
esty's name and service, but it is but a mantle or cloak to private
ends. For there are many evidences, some while since given
in to our honored Assistant of this colony, of their treacherous
profession, and we justly suspect, practices, of their treacherous
minds, against his Majesty's gracious charter and authority in
this colony and the government and liberties of it, all of which
evidences, you may please to command the sight of.
Secondly. As to one of them and the incendiary of this and
many other troubles in town and colony, William Harris, he now
forceth us to remember, that it is about twenty four years since
he was disfranchised and cast out of the assembly of his neigh
bors in town meeting for assaulting a neighbor and blood shed
ding in the King's highway,in the street and for the furious main
taining of such a practice. 'Tis true he hath thrust himself oft in
to our meetings, though some have protested against it, and so he
did in our last year's trouble ; but, the truth is, he intruded and
usurped, for he was never orderly received in again, since his
disfranchisement upon record. Since that time he hath lived in
the woods until the year 1656 or thereabout, and as some of his
friends have often said, like another Nebuchadnezzar, not fit for
the society of men ; where, while others spent themselves to up
hold town and colony, by means of a mare got for a meadow the
town gave him, he got some horses, and he lay barking at and
biting, as he could, both town and colony. But in that year
aforesaid, he brake forth with an open flag of defiance under his

148 GENERAL HISTORY.
hand, writing to the four towns of the colony, against all civil
government, professing that it would shortly be, that people
should cry out, " No Lords, No Masters," saying, " That the
house of Saul, grew weaker and weaker," which he all along in
his books, interprets to be civil governors and governments,
" and the house of David" that is William Harris and his saints
" stronger and stronger." His book is yet extant and traitor
ously vomits out his filth against all governments and governors,
of what rank soever, all lords and masters, against all laws and
law-making assemblies, against all courts, all punishments, pris
ons, rules, all records, as thieves, robbers, hypocrites, satyrs,
owls, courts of owls, dragons and devils and soldiers, legion's of
devils. What were the proceedings of this colony against all
these his horrid practices, our records declare, he openly pro
testing before the country here at Newport, that he had nothing
to lose, but an old coat for the hangman, and he would maintain
his writings with his blood ; and for ought we have heard, the
colony never discharged him from the charge exhibited against
him. Since that time, upon hope of great lordship of land, he
hath tacked about, licked up his vomit, adored like Saul, as
some have told him, the witch at Endor, the laws and courts
and charter which before, he damned and turned his former trai
torous practices into ten years vexatious plaguing and torment
ing both town and colony and the whole country, with law, law
suits and restless fires and flames of law contentions. We add
to this, as some of our neighbors did in their character of him
the last year, his tongue is as foul as his pen, with constant and.
loathsome revilings of all that cross him, fool, knave, rascal, jack
anapes, scoundrel, &c. None escape his dirt of reproach and
threatening, nor some his challenges to fight, yea, with pistol
and rapier, yea, even then, when he protested against all courts
and weapons. It is not forgotten, that the General Assembly of
this colony, this last year, sensible of his practices, passed a sharp
sentence upon him, notwithstanding though it be impendent on
him, as if he would dare the execution he proceeds in his furious
tormenting of his poor neighbors with most unjust and causeless
vexations; wherein as to the accusation.
1. The matter is about a spot of land, yeilding about three
or four loads of hay, as the year is.

GENERAL HISTORY. 149
2. The claim of this spot, was got for his son Andrew in a de
ceitful way, against the protests of Mr. Field, Mr. Olney, Mr.
Carpenter, himself and the rest of the purchasers, he forcing in a
company upon them to whom he would give land. His carriage
then, was such, that Mr. Field was forced to charge the consta
ble to keep the peace. This spot was since laid out by the ma
jor consent of the purchasers to Resolved Waterman, who offer
ing in a legal way to try the title and peaceably cutting it off, he
and his neighbors are now thus oppressed, as rebels against his
Majesty. 3. Andrew Harris confessed to Mr. Greene, Assistant, that
Resolved Waterman used no force, only he had cut his meadow,
which amounts to no more in law, than common actional cases,
and the warrant of William Harris, given to his extraordinary
constable Thomas Harris, to apprehend Resolved Waterman for
a Riot, we judge void in law, also he standing a delinquent many
ways upon record, and therefore was most justly refused by our
governor to be by him engaged or sworn to be a magistrate, to
which it is true he had an inconsiderate vote from his unadvised
party on the island, to the great grievance of the towns on the
main, on whom the island party would force him
4. We herewith present you with a copy of the town's mind
and request, prepa'i'ed and ordered a month since, to be present
ed to the General Assembly, being a petition for redress against
these oppressions, where, ordinary actional and petty matters,
are by subtle quirks from old statutes, without reference to our
laws and indulgence by his majesty's gracious charter to us,
wound and screwed up to an high crime against his majesty,
whose name is most abdminably abused for private ends.
5. Mr. Greene, Assistant, solemnly sent for by themselves,
after long debate declared, that he found no riot, nor any force
in the whole carriage, nor no uncivil or unbecoming carriage in
Providence men now thus unjustly charged.
In consideration of the premises, we humbly pray,
First. That you will please to stop such shameful abuse of his
majesty's name and authority, and such shameful oppression of
his majesty's loyal and peaceable subjects.
Secondly. That your honored selves will please to assist our
humble petition to the next General Assembly, that Mr. Carpen-

160 GENERAL HISTORY.
ter, William and Thomas Harris, who have thus shamefully
abused his majesty's nattie and oppressed his subjects, be ren
dered incapable to be chosen to any further public employment,
until they have given public satisfaction and be orderly released
from such a sentence.
Thirdly. That the sentence of the General Assembly against
William Harris, be no longer protracted, for all men see, that
indulgence and lenity is but as oil poured upon his fiery, conten
tious spirit, which makes him flame the higher.
Fourthly. We pray your countenance and assistance to the
General Solicitor to proceed legally with William Carpenter,
William and Thomas Harris for their treacherous speeches, and,
we suspect, actions, against his majesty's gracious charter, and
the liberties and government and privileges which it hath pleas
ed our God and the king, to the envy and astonishment of all our
neighborhood, so wonderfully to bestow upon us.
Your most humble servants and petitioners,
SHADRACH MANTON, Town Clerk,
in the name and at the appointment of the town of Providence.
Providence, 31st of August, 1668.
For some years after the granting of the charter
of 1663, there existed a warm dispute between this
colony and the colony of Connecticut in relation to
the dividing Hne between them. In some stage of
this dispute, which was finally settled by the king in
councU, WiUiam Harris acted as the agent or attor
ney of Connecticut. There is in the possession of
the Rhode-Island Historical Society, the heads of an
argument on tiiis subject drawn up by Mr. Harris,
and indorsed by him " This is the copy of tiiat for
which I was imprisoned and tried for my Hfe."
It was probably the part he took in this conti-oversy
that provoked the remarks in tiie first part of tiiis re-
monstiance. The circumstances that occasioned his
disfranchisement in 1644, cannot be ascertained.

GENERAL HISTORY. 151
The only evidence of the fact, exists in this remon
strance, and in the one sent the year before to the
other towns in the colony. The records of the town
at the period alluded to are lost. It is not known
that he ever denied the fact, or that he left any expla
nation of the circumstance. The promulgation of
certain opinions of his in 1656, subjected him to an
indictment for high treason against the government
of England. This it seems was not prosecuted.
That Mr. Harris was elected an Assistant by the
colony in 1668, after he had, the year before, been
deposed from that office and fined for misconduct,
aflfords reason to believe that aU the blame was not on
his side, and his subsequent re-election to the same
office in 1669, proves thatamajority of the freemen
of the colony still adhered to him. Party spirit, aU
history shows, wiU cover up a multitude of sins, but
it is difficult to believe that it would have been suffic
ient to sustain Mr. Harris, if aU the charges against
him were true to their utmost extent. It is matter
of deep regret that he left no statement in relation
to these circumstances.
In June 1667, the town treasurer reported, that
he had neither received nor paid any thing for the
town, the year preceding. The fact is noticed, sim
ply for its singularity. The like probably never oc
curred before, and if it has since, it certainly has not
recently. Though the record shows no such pro
ceeding, it is presumed that the town in 1668 and
1669 elected two sets o ftown officers, as in 1667.
At the October session of the General Assembly,
1669, two certificates from two town clerks were

152 GENERAL HISTORY.
presented in relation to the election of deputies.
One certified that there had been no election and
the other contained the names of four persons who
had been chosen to that office. This circumstance
induced the Assembly to pass an act of which the
following is the preamble.
" The General Assembly, sadly resenting the grievous symp
toms that appear of the dangerous contests, distractions and divis
ions amongst our ancient, loving and honored neighbors, the
freemen, inhabitants of the town of Providence, whereby the
said town is rendered in an incapacity of transacting their own
affairs in any measure of satisfactory order with peace and qui
etness, and, consequently, unable to help in the managing and
ordering of public aflfairs by deputies that ought to be by them
sent to the General Assembly, and jurymen'to the courts of trials,
whereby there is, or seems to be, a breach in the whole ; upon
consideration whereof, and upon finding that the cause of the
foresaid inconveniences, ariseth from disagreement and dissatis
faction about divisions and dispositions of lands, wherein, it is
impossible either party can be clear from giving and taking oc
casion of offence, and that it is altogether unlikely they will
compose the difference without some judicious men and uncon
cerned in the premised contest be helpful by their counsel and
advice to that end,"
Therefore they appointed Messrs. John Easton,
Joshua Coggeshall, John Coggeshall, WUHam
Vaughan and John Sanford, to proceed to Provi
dence, and meet the inhabitants in general meeting,
" and endeavor to persuade them to a loving com
posure of their differences ;" also to caU a meeting
of freemen for the election of town officers and dep
uties. The assembly adjourned to the third Tues
day in February to ascertain the result of tiiis inter
ference, and in the mean time stayed aU proceed-

GENERAL HISTORY. 153
ings in all indictments and actions that had grown
out of those diflferences. This committee were un
successful in their attempts to restore peace and una
nimity. On the twenty-second day of March follow
ing the General Assembly were again caUed on to in
terfere in the premises, and they then passed the fol
lowing act :
" It being so, that there have been great distractions amongst
the inhabitants of the town of Providence, there being two par
ties accusing each other, that they have obstructed legal proceed
ings and that they have acted illegally, so that the General As
sembly of this colony has not been assisted by them with depu
ties, neither is this General Assembly, although there have been
long endeavors by General Assemblies, that the inhabitants of
Providence themselves might have issued their differences that
have caused such obstructions, but it ilot taking place.
Be it enacted by this General Assembly, that two men be
chosen, and authorized and required, to take what intelligence
they can, how many and who they are of the town of Providence
that are free inhabitants of this colony, and have and do take
the engagement to be true subjects to the king, and that all
those which either party will not own to be freemen of the colo
ny and to have engaged allegiance to the king, except the two
men above get intelligence any are free, although they be not so
owned by the other party, they shall, at their peril to be taken as
rioters, forbear to vote in the election of any to any office in civil
government in this colony ; and the two men chose shall require
whom they see cause to warn all of Providence that are such
freemen of this colony as aforesaid to appear at time and place
as the two men chosen shall appoint for those that so appear, by
the major vote, to choose their moderator and town officers for
the time being and until the day for their yearly choice accord
ing to their law, and that they also in the same meeting, choose
their deputies for the next General Assembly, that is to set in
May next, 1670.
Mr. John Easton and Mr. Joshua Coggeshall are nominated
and appointed to be the two men to put the aforesaid order in
20

154

GENERAL HISTORY.

execution, ajid Ensign Lot Strange and Joseph Torrey are ad
ded unto them for counsel and advice in the matter, and are all
to repair to the town of Providence, with all convenient speed,
after the court is dissolved."
A town meeting was caUed by this committee on
the second day of April, at which an election was made.
The officers appear to have been selected from both
parties. This year, Mr. Harris was not elected an
assistant. The assistants for Providence were Wil
liam Carpenter, Roger WiUiams and Thomas Olney.
Of a colony tax of £300, £57 was assessed on Prov
idence. In ordering this tax, the distinction is made
between New-England currency and sterHng. —
Forty shiUings New-England are declared equal to
thirty shiUings sterHng. In assessing this tax on in
dividuals the proportion of WiUiam Harris was three
pounds ten shillings, of WilHam Carpenter, two
pounds ten shUlings, of Roger WiUiams, ten shUHngs.
In August 1672, Mr. WUHams had his famous pub
hc dispute with three Friends, John Stubbs, John
Burnyeat and WilHam Edmonson. It continued
through three days at Newport, and was then ad
journed to Providence, where it occupied another
day. As on such occasions generaUy, neither party
was convinced, botii claimed the victory and botii
were more firmly fixed in their former opinions.
The challenge went from Mr. Wilhams and was in
tended particulariy for George Fox, but he had left
Rhode-Island before Mr. WiUiams' letter reached
there. Before he left, he sent a curious communi
cation to Thomas Olney, jr. and John Whipple, jr. at
Providence, in relation to the rights and liberties of

GENERAL HISTORY. 155
the town and people. This was answered at great
length by Mr. Olney, and with a degree of acrimony
which the communication from George Fox does
not seem to require. It appears from the answer of
Mr. Olney, that the government of the colony was
then in the hands of Friends.
Deputies were not required, untU October 1672, to
lake any oath, affirmation, or engagement, on en
tering on their duties. It was required at this ses
sion, to the great dissatisfaction of the good people
of Providence, who protested against it. They said
" it is contrary to the liberties granted to us in our
charter, our charter not binding us to any such
thing, and many persons scrupling such imposi
tions to be imposed on them" and they, therefore,
declare against it for the " reasons showed and many
more that may be." Perhaps it would have been
weU for the remonstrants to have set down some
of the other "reasons" that they could have given
against such a law. These might have rendered
their remonstrance more conclusive than the reasons
given. The law of 1 647, vesting the probate of wiUs
and the setthng of the estates of deceased persons
in the head officer of each town, was repealed at
this session and the same power conferred on the
town councils. They have continued from that
time to the present to exercise that jurisdiction. —
The disadvantages and evUs resulting from diflTerent
modes of proceeding in diflTerent towns and from a
real or seeming contrariety in the decisions of diflfer
ent tribunals are more than counterbalanced by the
facility with which the business is accomplished.

156 GENERAL HISTORY.
We are now approaching a period in the history
of New-England, which was fraught with danger
and suffering. We aUude to the war with the Na
tives, commonly called Philip's War. It wiU be ne
cessary in order to understand the causes of this war,
to recur to some earher portions of history. Soon
after the settlement of Plymouth, Massasoiet, sachem
of the Wampanoags, submitted himself and lands to
the English, and concluded with them a treaty, of
fensive and defensive. It has before been suggested,
that one of his objects might have been, to free him
self and tribe from the ascendancy which the Nar
ragansetts, in the time of the great sickness, acquir
ed over them. Before the sickness, the Wampano
ags were a very powerful nation. They were the
constant rivals, and considered themselves the nat
ural enemies, of the Narragansetts. The treaty thus
concluded, assured them the protection of the Eng
lish against the Narragansetts. For this reason it
was inviolably observed by Massasoiet during his
life. After his death, Alexander, the eldest of his
sons, succeeded him. He with his brother PhUip
renewed the treaty with Plymouth, but it was soon
suspected that he designed to shake off" his subjec
tion to the English. Under the fostering wing of
Plymouth, the Wampanoags had in part recovered
their former strength, for during the Hfe of Massa
soiet they were engaged in no war with any of tiie
tribes around them. Alexander increased his power
by an intermarriage with Weetanio, squaw sachem
of the Pocassets, who is described as being "as
potent a prince as any round about her." Dr. I.

GENERAL HISTORY. 157
Mather says that " Alexander w^s not so faithful a
friend to the English as his father had been." He
had not the same inducement to be so. His tribe,
with the confederate Pocassets, believed they were
able to protect themselves against the Narragansetts,
without foreign assistance, and probably they began
to be jealous of the growing power and numbers of
the English. Some of Boston informed Gov. Prence
of Pl5Tnouth that "he was contriving mischief
against the Enghsh and had soHcited the Narragan
setts to engage with him in his designed rebeUion."
He denied the charge and promised to attend the
next court at Plymouth for their satisfaction and
his own vindication. The court passed and he did
not appear, but went, as it would seem, to the Nar
ragansetts, of whom he had before spoken, as his
enemies. He excused his neglect to appear at the
court, by saying that he was waiting for the return
of Captain WiUet, who was then absent, in order
to speak with him first. The excuse was not sat
isfactory, and an armed force was sent after him.
He was taken prisoner and carried before some of
the magistrates of Plymouth. Either while there or
within a few days after he was permitted to return
home, he was taken sick with a fever and died short
ly after. This is the statement of the English. PhU
ip and Weetamo always said that Alexander was poi
soned by the English. I have not been able to as
certain the time of his capture or death. It was not
however long after the date of his deed to Providence,
which wiU be given in a subsequent chapter. Nor
are the writers of those days very explicit as to any

158 GENERAL HISTORY.
overt acts done by Alexander against his alHes and
fellow subjects. Were it not for the fatal catastrophe'
which followed and the foul imputation cast upon
his captors by the Natives, it might be suspected
that the execution of this very deed, was " the head
and front of his oflending." That deed might be
construed as injuriously aflfecting the claims that
" some of Boston" were then setting up to a part
of the Narragansett country, which appears to have
been claimed as belonging to the Wampanoags.
The death of Alexander delayed the war, if any
was intended. The circumstances under which his
death took place according to the accounts of the
English, would naturaUy tend to create distrust in
his subjects. They looked on him as a sovereign
prince. They construed his submission to the king
of England, in the same Hght in which he probably
viewed it, as a treaty merely, an agreement to main
tain peace and amity with the subjects of the king
of England inhabiting his dominions with his consent.
To see such a personage seized by an armed force,
within his own territories and among his own sub
jects, and compeUed to answer to vague suspicions,
derogatory to him as a chieftain, before a court of a
private corporation, might well awalfen in then-
breasts the most violent emotions. If however they
believed the story which they circulated, that their
prince had faUen a victim to poison administered by
his aUies and pretended friends, nothing could have
restrained them from at once commencing a war of
exterminationbut the hope of glutting their vengeance
in a more signal manner on some future occasion.

GENERAL HISTORY. 159
Their hope of revenge was smothered and conceal
ed for a season., Philip, who succeeded Alexander
in the sachemdom, was as politic and sagacious as
he was bold and intrepid. He had seen the Pequods
exterminated, when they warred singly with the En
ghsh, and he undoubtedly supposed, such would be the
fate of his own tribe, if they engaged singly in the
unequal struggle. He sought therefore by gifts, mes
sengers and personal conference, to induce aU the
tribes near the English to join them, and by a gene
ral and simultaneous attack, to destroy aU the plan
tations, at a single blow. He even went so far as to
present the calumet to the Narragansetts, the ancient
and natural enemies of his tribe, and to propose an
union with them, the object of which should be to
avenge the murder of Miantonomi and Alexander.
He sedulously concealed his designs and movements
from the English, and as often as requested renewed
his treaties of peace and amity with them. He had
so nearly completed his arrangements, as to fix the
time when the mask of friendship should be laid
aside, and the war whoop should resound in every
plantation of the English. The time fixed, was the
spring of 1676, but circumstances compeUed him in
June 1675, to throw off" the disguise. At first the
Wampanoags appeared to be alone, and, by them,
town after town in Plymouth colony was destroyed.
PhiHp seemed every where, leading his men to daring
and successful enterprizes. The Wampanoags at the
commencement of hostilities sent their wives andchil-
dxen to the Narragansetts ; Canonchet, the chief sa-

160 GENERAL HISTORY.
chem of the Narragansetts, was required to deliver
them up to the English. "Not a Wampanoag, nor
the paring of a Wampanoag's naU, shaU be dehvered
up," was his reply. The tributary tribes of the Wam
panoags and Narragansetts were aroused,' but the En
glish suffered much less than they would have done,
had not Philip's original design of a simultaneous at
tack been frustrated. The final result of such a contest
could not be doubted. The savage, however brave,
can never successfuUy contend with the civUized.
At the first, it was thought that Plymouth alone could
cope with the Indians. But when the Narragansetts
and other nations joined Philip in open war, the
whole power of the united colonies was caUed into
action. This colony, which had been denied the
advantages of that confederation in time of peace,
was not bound to take an active part in any war
with the natives which they might provoke. Their
local situation was such as to render an Indian war
any thing but desirable, for they were surrounded by
the most powerful tribes in New-England. At first
therefore they only took measures for defence, and
their settiements were left undisturbed.
The war raged with varied success through the
summer and autumn of 1675. Many of the Enghsh
settiements were entirely destroyed, and many In
dian warriors feU before the weapons of their ene
mies. Philip took up his winter quarters with the
Narragansetts. They had constiucted a fort in
South-Kingstown, which they deemed impregnable.
Thither they conveyed tiieir winter's stock of pro vis-

GENERAL HISTORY. 161
ion, their wives and their children. There the whole
tribe was assembled. Preparations were made by
the united colonies for a winter campaign against
this fort. It was attacked on the 19th of December,
and taken after a bloody fight in which a large pro
portion of its defenders were kiUed. Their winter
provision was destroyed and the survivors left to find
a scanty subsistence in the swamps, where they con
cealed themselves from the English. Instead of indul
ging in useless regrets or giving themselves up to des
pair, they planned new projects of revenge ; the recol
lection of their defeat and their present suflferings ad
ding tenfold vigor to their previous thirst for it.
The troops of the united colonies rested after the
battle at the trading and garrison house of Richard
Smith, near Wickford, and their wounded men were
transported to the island of Rhode-Island. On their
march into the Narragansett country they passed
through Providence, where probably some volun
teers were added to their numbers.
Until a few days before the fight, the Indians had
committed no acts of violence within the colony of
Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations. They
then burnt Bull's garrison house, which was situated
in South-Kingstown. On the other hand it does not
appear that the English inhabitants of this colony,
had taken an active part in offensive measures against
the Indians, or even in defensive ones for their
own protection. The result of that campaign ren
dered the situation of the main land towns preca
rious and alarming, in a high degree. Providence
applied to the governor of the colony for assistance.
21

162 GENERAL HISTORY-
That they were urgent, to say the least of it, appears
from the foUowing letter from Governor Clark. It
contains the only evidence that any appHcation was
made. Newport, this 2Sth day 12 mo. 1675—6. (Jan. 28, 1676.)
Captain Fenner with the rest concerned, Friends,
I thought to present you with ray information of your evil sug
gestions concerning us in authority, especially myself, as if not
worthy to live, and since opportunity suits, am willing to expos
tulate a little with you, being a man that desires the weal of this
colony and of every individual person, as my own, and knows
not that just occasion has been given on our parts, though dis
content in your spirits has risen, because your desires were not
answered, as to supply of men ; which were our desires you
should have had, and sufficient order was given to effect the
premises, but by reason of the weather, and what happened, was
obstructed or neglected, but not by us as will appear. But I
am satisfied you have not been thereby damnified, by reason the
harge of soldiers for wages, ammunition and diet would have
eaten you and us quite up, and no advantage by it. We judg
ing yourselves in a capacity to secure your persons, and, for your
out-houses, we never had hopes to secure. Besides, you have
been exempted from rates and impositions which the island ex
pended, eight hundred pounds, partly for the end you might have
relief, and, to deal plainly with you, we are not of ability to keep
soldiers under pay, having not provision, as bread, neither
are you. Therefore, what you can secure by your own people
IS best, and what you cannot secure is best to be transported
hither for security, for we have no hopes, but sorrows will in
crease and time will wear you out, and if men lie upon you, their
charge will be more than your profit, twice told. And further,
my advice is unto you, seek not help from other colonies, lest it
be your utter ruin by being made prey of, and what you have,
eaten and made a prey of, and your concerns never the better,
as witness their whole proceedings ; and not only so, but you
hazard yourselves and estates, if any, to them that shall have
power to question you, for it evidently appears, the confederate

GENERAL HISTORY. 163
colonies cannot support themselves and friends. I can better
bear what I hear, remembering the old proverb, that the losers
should have leave to speak, but ought to be within the bounds of
reason. I know your losses have been great and your exercises
many, which do and may exasperate to passionate words, yet
men should keep within the bounds of reason, lest what they
threaten others with, fall upon themselves; and if reports are
true, we have not deserved such reproach, and, I can truly say,
I have done to the uttermost of my ability for your good, and do
and shall do, yet we know the Lord's hand is against New-Eng
land, and no weapon formed will or shall prosper till the work
be finished, by which the wheat is pulled up with the tares and
the innocent suffer with the guilty. I should be heartily glad
that any way for your good and safety did present or that you
would propound some way effectual for your good.
Farewell, WALTER CLARK.
The matter was agitated before the General As
sembly in March and the following act passed.
" Voted to the free inhabitants of Providence and Warwick
there remaining greeting.
Whereas, the present troubles with the Natives, are and have
been great, very hazardous and prejudicial to the Inhabitants of
this colony, the sense of which, upon the hearts of the Governor
and Council, hath occasioned the calling of this present Assem
bly, who have a true commiseration of your calamities, and re
ally sympathize your exercises and own ourselves so nearly re
lated to you and in duty bound for the good of his Majesty's in
terest, and it is our study how to do or act for your safety in all
respects. We received a paper from you of Warwick, as we
suppose, but no hand subscribed, the contents of which we take
to be the substance of your minds, and favorably construe the
omission, by reason of your hurries and exercises as aforesaid.
And since this meeting, convened the 13th inst. was and is on
purpose to advise for the good and weal of this colony, as is
above said, after our serious debate and well weighing your
hazardous and present condition ; We declare, that we find this
colony not of ability to maintain sufiicient garrisons for the se-

164

GENERAL HISTORY.

curity of our out plantations, therefore, think and judge it most
safe for the inhabitants to repair to this island, which is most
secure. Newport and Portsmouth inhabitants have taken such
care, that those of the colony that come and cannot procure
land to plant for themselves and families' relief, may be supplied
with land by the towns, and each family so wanting ability, shall
have a cow kept upon the commons. But, if any of you think
yourselves of ability to keep your interests of houses and cattle
and will adventure your lives, we shall not positively oppose you
therein ; but this the Assembly declare, as their sense and real be
lief concerning the premises, that those that do so make them
selves a prey, and what they have, as goods, provisions, ammuni
tion, cattle &c. will be a relief to the enemy, except more than
ordinary Providence prevent, therefore, cannot but judge them
the wisest, that take the safest course to secure themselves and
take occasion from the enemy."
Neither Providence nor Warwick could have felt
flattered by the care bestowed upon them by the
General Assembly. They were, as parts of the col
ony, entitied to protection so far as the general
means would aflford it. The resolution that the col
ony was not of sufficient ability to protect "out plan
tations" would hardly reach the case. It was rather
ungenerous thus to style the oldest town in the colony,
even if a younger sister had outstripped her in pop
ulation and wealth. That however was more than
atoned for by the kind offer made to the inhabitants
of Providence and Warwick by the towns of New
port and Portsmouth. A large proportion of tiie
inhabitants of Providence avaUed themselves of this
oflfer and removed with their famihes and efl'ects to
to the island of Rhode-Island. A list of tiiose " that
stayed and went not away" is preserved in the rec
ord of a subsequent town meeting. They were,
Roger Wilhams, Nathaniel Waterman, Thoma^

GENERAL HISTORY. 165
Fenner, Henry Ashton, John Morey, Daniel Abbott,
James Olney, Valentine Whitman, John Whipple,
sen., John AngeU, James AngeU, Thomas Arnold,
Richard Pray, John Pray, Ephraim Pray, Abraham
Man, Joseph Woodward, Thomas Field, Zachari
ah Field, Edward Bennett, Thomas Clemence, Wil
Ham Lancaster, WiUiam Hopkins, WiUiam Hawkins,
John Rhodes, Samuel Windsor, Thomas WaUer. It
is presumed that the name of Arthur Fenner should
have been in the above list. If this reaUy includes
all those who did not go to Rhode-Island for safety,
the town was in fact nearly forsaken. It is not
probable that the families of many of these remain
ed with them. The language of the record is given
above. There is nothing from which any tolerably
correct estimate can be made of the number of in
habitants in Providence at the commencement of
this war. If the number of poUs between sixteen
and sixty in 1686, only ten years after, amounted to
nearly two hundred, it might be reasonable to sup
pose that Providence contained about the same
number at this time, for it is well known that many
who removed to the island never afterward return
ed to the main. The insular situation of Ports
mouth and Newport rendered them quite secure, and
free from danger. In addition to this, the colony
employed four row-boats to be constantly employed
on the look out around the Island to prevent any
sudden invasion from the main. This navy, though
small, rendered essential service to the colony.
- The removal of so many of the inhabitants made
Providence an easier prey to the Natives, while it in-

166 GENERAL HISTORY.
vited tiiem to attack it, and on the 30th of March
1676, they burned thirty houses. It has always
been supposed, that these were generaUy situated
near the North part of the Town. The location of
only one of them is known, and that was the house
of John Smith the miUer, which was on the west
side of Moshassuck river, near to where the first
stone lock of the' Blackstone Canal is now located.
Mr. Smith was, at that time, town clerk, and the rec
ords of the town were then in his possession. They
were thrown from his burning house into the miU
pond to preserve them from the flames, and to the
present day they bear plenary evidence of the two
fold dangers they escaped, and the two-fold injury
they suflfered. After they were rescued from the
miU pond they were carried to Newport, and were
not returned again to Providence untU after the war
was at an end. In 1677, a committee consisting of
four persons who had held the office of town clerk,
were appointed to examine them and ascertain what
was lost. They reported that sixty-five leaves of the
first book and twenty of the second, besides otiier pa
pers, were missing. At present many other parts of
the books are illegible. The Town in 1796 ap
pointed a committee consisting of Jabez Bowen,
Moses Brown, Zephaniah Andrews, Benjamin Rey
nolds and the town clerk, George TUlinghast, to
procure a copy of them to be made. It was done,
after some delay, by Amos Hopkins. It would have
been more valuable, had the committee who super
intended the work, and the clerk who performed it.

GENERAL HISTORY. 167
been a littie more careful and a little less anxious to
compress it in one volume.
Soon after the town was burned, another appHca
tion was made to the Governor for assistance. Safe
ty from the Indians might be enjoyed on the island,
but probably the inhabitants of Providence, as the
season of planting was approaching, were anxious to
improve their lands. Their application is not pre
served, but the following answer shows that it was
an urgent one.
Newport, this 12 of the 2 mo. 1676. (April 12, 1676.)
Friends, — Your petition with your hands subscribed was re
ceived, and the court had knowledge thereof, but having multi
plicity of urgent occasions, and considering the general election
drew so near, that we now concerned could not so safely deter
mine for the future, as those who may be the next helmsmen,
only this for your present encouragement : we well approve
your advice and willingness to maintain a garrison, and have
agreed to bear the charge of ten men upon the colony's account,
till the succeeding authority take further order, and that you
may take four of our men to strengthen you, or if it be wholly
by yourselves, we, as abovesaid, will bear the charge of ten of
them, and after the election, if those concerned see cause, and
the colony of ability to dp it, I shall not obstruct, if it be contin
ued all the year. Be pleased to despatch our ketch. I have no
more to you but my kind love and desire of your peace and safety
as my own. WALTER CLARK.
At the following May session, a committee was
appointed to visit Providence with full power to act
in this matter. The result was the establishment of
a garrison consisting of a captain and seven men,
which was called the King's garrison. Arthur Fen
ner was the captain. From the following paper
from the files of the town, it seems probable that a

168 GENERAL HISTORY.
garrison was established some time before the king's
garrison. There is no date to the paper.
" 1 pray the town in the scenes of the late bloody practices of
the natives to give leave to so many as can agree with William
Field, to bestow some charge upon fortifying his house for a se
curity to women and children. Also to give me leave and so
many that shall agree, to put some defence on the hill between
the mill and the highway for the like safety of the women and
children in that part of the town. R. W."
The author was Roger WiUiams, and the note is
in his hand writing. He was at one time captain of
the train band in Providence. The hiU referred to is
that over which Stampers-street now passes. WU
liam Field's house^was situated near where the Provi
dence Bank now is. The remains of the garrison
house were stUl standing within the recoUection of
some persons Hving in 1836.
Canonchet, sachem of the Narragansetts, was ta
ken prisoner by the English on the 4th of AprU 1676.
His demeanor after his capture, was such as to extort
admiration, even from his enemies. His hfe was of
fered him on condition that he would procure or ad
vise the submission of his tribe. He repulsed the
ofler with disdain. When told that the Enghsh
would put him to death, he rephed, " that would not
end the war." And when at last he was informed
that he had been sentenced to be shot, " I Hke it
weU," said he, " I shall die before my heart is soft,
and before I say any thing unworthy of myself."
Had such sentiments been uttered by a civihzed man,
his name would be embalmed in song and his mem
ory perpetuated in history. Shall tiie savage Ca
nonchet be forgotten ?

GENERAL HISTORY. 169
The capture of Canonchet was a serious blow to
PhiHp, for he had, in his short career, been almost as
much feared by the English, as PhiHp himself. But
the race of Philip was almost run. After the swamp
fight, he was actively engaged in endeavoring to in
cite other tribes to join him in the war and in urging
his confederates to greater activity. In the summer
following he returned to his own tribe, and a body
of English and Indians under Captain Church, went
immediately in pursuit of him. He was kUled in a
battle, on the 12th of August 1676, by a renegado
Indian of his own tribe, in a swamp near the foot of
Mount Hope. The death of these two sachems,
followed as they were by successive defeats of the
Indians, before the end of the year restored peace
to this section of New-England.
In the years 1675 and 6, as weU as in several
years both before and after, the government of the
colony was in the hands of Friends. This may ac
count for the proceedings of the colony during the
war, and the wonder should not be that they had
not done more, but that they did so much.
The annual town meeting in June, was holden
" before Thomas Field's house, under a tree, by the
water side." The tree referred to, was probably the
old sycamore which formerly stood on the east side
of South Main-street, nearly opposite Crawford-
street. It was cut down by the side-walk commis
sioners about 1822. Thomas Field's house stood
next to the WiUiam Field garrison house. Another
town meeting was holden at the same place on the
14th of August. A committee was then appointed to

170 GENERAL HISTORY.
determine in what manner certain Indian captives
then in the town should be disposed of. They re
ported as foUows :
" We whose names are underwritten, being chosen by the
town to set the disposal of the Indians now in town, we agree,
that Roger Williams, Nathaniel Waterman, Thomas Fenner,
Henry Ashton, John Morey, Daniel Abbott, James Olney, Val
entine Whitman, John Whipple, sen. Ephraim Pray, John Pray,
John Angell, James Angell, Thomas Arnold, Abraham Man,
Thomas Field, Edward Bennett, Thomas Clemence, William
Lancaster, William Hopkins, William Hawkins, William Har
ris, Zachariah Field, Samuel Winsor, and Captain Fenner, shall
have each a whole share in the product. Joseph Woodward and
Richard Pray, each three fourths of a share, John Smith, miller,
and Edward Smith, Samuel Whipple, Nelle Whipple, and Tho
mas Walling, each, half a share.
Inhabitants wanting, to have Indians, at the price they sell at
Rhode-Island or elsewhere. All under five years to serve till
thirty, above five and under ten, till twenty-eight, above ten to
fifteen, till twenty-seven, above fifteen to twenty, till twenty-sLx,
from twenty to thirty shall serve eight years, all above thirty,
seven years. Roger Williams, Thomas Field,
Thomas Harris, sen. John Whipple, jr.
Thomas 4- Angell.
August 14, 1676.
In most instances, Indians who were taken pris
oners by the English, were sent out of the coun
try and sold for slaves for Hfe. This was tiie course
adopted, generaUy, in the other colonies. In tiie
case of Phihp's son, it was seriously agitated, whetii-
er he ought not to be put to deatii. The civU au
thority doubted, and consulted four of the most
eminent ministers, tiiree of whom decided tiiat,
tiiat punishment ought to be inflicted. He was not
however so punished but was only sent to Ber-

GENERAL HISTORY. 171
muda and there sold for a slave. The short
times for which these captives of Providence men
were disposed of, considering the general practice
of New-England, are honorable to the men who
proposed them. To gratify curiosity as to the price
of Indians on those terms, the following extracts
are made from an account 6f sales about this time.
" To Anthony Low, five Indians, great and small, ^8.
To James Rogers, two, for twenty two bushels of Indian corn.
To Philip Smith, two, in silver, rf4,10.
To Daniel AUin, one, in silver, ,£2,.10.
To Caleb Carr, one, twelve bushels of Indian corn.
To Elisha Smith, one, in wool, 100 lbs.
To Elisha Smith, one, for three fat sheep."
The account embraces the sale of thirty-six, of
which the above appear to be about an average lot.
The colony passed a law in March 1676, " that
no Indian in this colony be a slave but only to pay
their debts or for their bringing up, or custody they
have received, or to perform covenant as if they
had been countrymen and not taken in war." This
was enlightened legislation for those times.
The following circumstance is recorded under
date of August 25. " One Chuff", an Indian, so
called in time of peace, because of his surliness
against the Enghsh, he could scarce come in, being
wounded some days before by Providence men.
His wounds were corrupted and stank ; and be
cause he had been a ring-leader, all the war, to
most of the mischief to our houses and cattle, and
what English he could, the inhabitants of the town,
cried out for justice against him, threatening them
selves to kiU him, if the authority did not. For

172 GENERAL HISTORY.
which reason. Captain Roger WUHams caused the
drum to be beat, and the town councU and councU
of war caUed. AU caUed for justice and execution.
The council of war gave sentence and he was shot
to death, to the great satisfaction of the town." —
The councU of war consisted of the magistrates,
commissioned military officers and town council.
The Indian prisoners were all sent away on the 29th
of August in a sloop belonging to Providence WU
liams, son of Roger, who on the same day had
brought up his mother from Newport.
" The town books and records, saved by God's
merciful providence from fire and water," were
brought up from Newport in April 1677. The
minutes of the town meeting proceedings just quo
ted were kept on a loose sheet of paper, in the hand
writing of Mr. WUHams.
In October 16^8, a colony tax of £300 was im
posed on the diflferent towns and settlements, in
the following proportions ; Providence £10, New
port £136, Portsmouth £68, Warwick £8, Westerly
£2, New shoreham £29, Kingston £16, East Green
wich £2, Jamestown £29. This apportionment
shows how severely the main land towns had suflfer
ed by the Indians. In assessing a town tax in 1679,
meadow land was valued at £4, and planting at £3,
per acre. Oxen £4, cows £3, horses, four year old,
£3, and sheep, four shUhngs, each. This year men
tion is made, for the first time, of any public passage
way over Seekonk river, below Pawtucket. Four
acres of land were granted to Andrew Edmunds, at
the narrow passage, he intending to keep a ferry

GENERAL HISTORY. 173
there. This is where " Central Bridge" now stands.
A proposition was also made for the erection of a
town house. "' To the Town met this 22d of December 1679.
These are to pray the town now without much further delay
before the boards and timber be most all sent out of the town
ship  done to the particular propriety and advantage of
only some few particular persons of the town, that they agree
lovingly together, for the building them a town house, to keep
their meetings at, and not yet to continue further troubles and bur
dens on some particular persons, without tendering any satisfac
tion for the privilege thereof, as hath appeared near this two
years' space of time, unto your neighbor and friend,
DANIEL ABBOTT.
And that also thfy take some course to pay their other debts,
to remove undeserved jealousy."
Mr. Abbott was town clerk and probably spoke
feehngly of the "burdens imposed on some particu
lar persons." It does not appear that the town took
any notice of the petition.
At the annual town meeting in June 1680, it was
proposed to add two to the town council, so as to
make that body as numerous as the councils of other
towns. The proposition was agreed to, but it does not
appear that any additional members were elected.
At the next annual election (1681) the town again
resolve that the town council shaU consist, of the as
sistants for the town, three in number, and five other
individuals, and an election was made accordingly.
This election, however, seems not to have given sat
isfaction, for at a town meeting in October, it was
resolved that one of the assistants should caU a fu
ture meeting, at which a town councU should be
chosen, to consist of the assistants and six others, to

174 GENERAL HISTORY.
hold their offices tUl June 1682, and that after that,
the councU should consist of the same number of
persons. Such a meeting was holden on the 14th
December and six persons elected, five of whom were
the same persons chosen the June preceding.
In May 1680, a colony tax of £100 was ordered,
of which the sum of £7 was to be paid by Provi
dence. In the rate biU of 1679, Joseph Jenckes
was rated for a saw-miU. This was probably in
Pawtucket. In 1680, WUHam Carpenter and his
two sons were also rated for one, this probably was at
Pawtuxet, also Richard Arnold for one, which is af
terward referred to as at Woonsocket. There was
yet another saw-miU described as " the saw-miU of
our town," the location of which cannot be ascer
tained. Iron works of some kind were estabhshed
by Joseph Jenckes, before 1684. He was then re
building them, and petitioned the town for leave to
take bog ore from the commons.
At the May Session of the General Assembly
1680, a committee reported the number of deaths
that had occurred in the colony for the preceding
seven years to be four hundred fifty-five. The ob
ject of this inquiry does not appeal-.
In May 1681, riding on a gallop in Providence
street between the houses of John Whipple and Par
don TilHnghast was prohibited. The house of the
former was a little nortii of Stai* sti-eet, and tiie
house of the latter not far from Transit street.
Very soon after the accession of James to the
throne of England, the English colonies in America,
began to experience that Monarch's love of arbitrary

GENERAL HISTORV. 176
power. Process was issued against such of them as
refused to comply with his requsitions, to surrender
their charters. This colony did not wait for judgment
on the writ quo warranto against them, but bending
before the storm, surrendered their charter, and cast
themselves on the mercy of his Majesty. They be
lieved the better part of valor to be discretion, and
subsequent events proved, how little regard was paid
by that monarch and by the subservient courts that
he established, to the rights of the subject. Sir Ed
mund Andross arrived in New -England in 1686, with
a commission as General Governor of aU the colo
nies. He was a suitable representative of his mas
ter. His commission empowered him to rule by
and with the consent and advice of a council of his
own selection. The colonists derived little advan
tage from a council holding their offices by such a
tenure, nor was the Governor at aU checked in his
arbitrary design^ by these minions of his power; Few
of the records of the proceedings of this council are
known to be in existence. Enough however re
mains, coupled with the statements of cotemporary
writers, to prove, that the main design of his gov
ernment was to vesj in himself, aU the rights of the
people. He was carrying into practice in New-
England, what his master was doing at home.
This was the most gloomy period in the history
of New-England. In their wars with the Indians,
though encompassed with enemies on every hand,
and at aU times exposed to their attacks, they could
with confidence rely on the mother country for aid
and assistance, whenever they were insufficient to

176 GENERAL HISTORY.
protect themselves. In their attempts to secure the
rights of conscience against the Enghsh hierarchy,
they had in the bosom of England itself, a large and
respectable part of the community, who were aiding
them with acts of kindness and fervent prayers. But
at this period they were alone. From their feUow
subjects in England they could look only for sympa
thy as from persons suffering equaUy and from the
same cause, with themselves.
There was a point beyond which even the Eng
lish subjects of James could not be oppressed with
impunity. He doubted its existence, or miscalcu
lated its position, and passed it unawares ; and he
who supposed he had attained despotic power over
a nation, became in a day an outcast from that na
tion and a lone wanderer on the earth. The shout
that welcomed the arrival of the Prince of Orange
to the shores of England reached the colonies, and
the General Governor of New-England became a
prisoner to the populace of Boston. This was on
tiie lOtii day of AprU 1689. On the 21st, the fol
lowing communication was received at Providence
from Newport.
" Whereas we have seen a printed paper dated from Boston
the 18th of April last, which signifieth that Sir Edmund An
dross, our late governor, with several others, are "seized and con
fined, so that many of the free people of this place are bent to
lay hold of their former privileges :
Neighbors and Friends, we therefore, cannot omit to recom
mend unto you, our present grievance, to wit, that we are suf
ficiently informed, that our late government under which we
were subservient, is now silenced and eclipsed, we, under a sense
of our deplorable and unsettled condition, do offer to you, wheth-

GENERAL HISTORY. 177
«r it may not be expedient for the several towns of this late col
ony, the several principal persons therein, to make their person
al appearance at Newport, before the day of usual election by
charter, which will be the first day of May next, there to consult
and agree of some suitable way in this present juncture, and
whether our ancient privileges and former methods may not be
best to insist upon, which we leave to your judicious considera
tion, and that you may not say, you were ignorant, but had the
most timeliest notice could be given at so little warning, is all at
present from your real friends and neighbors. W. C.
Newport, this 23d April, 1689. ' J. C.
The paper from which the foregoing copy is made,
appears to be the original, and is in the hand writing
of Walter Clark The letter itself is very cautiously
drawn, and there is no notice of its reception upon
tiie town records.
During the existence of Gov. Andross' adminstra-
tion, little transpired in the concerns of Providence,
that can now be gathered from the records. There
appear to have been elections of some town officers
in 1687 and 8, but none in 1689. In January 1687,
a tax of a penny in a pound was assessed, another
in July and another in September, and one for
£12,3,3 in October. According to the warrant is
sued by John Usher, Treasurer, July 20th, there was
a poU tax of one shiUing and eight-pence on each
male over sixteen years of age. This tax in Janua
ry, was assessed on one hundred twenty-seven polls,
in July, on one hundred eighty-one, in September,
on the same number. The October tax was paya
ble in corn at two shilHngs and rye at two shilHngs
and eight-pence, per bushel, beef at one penny
halfpenny, pork at two-pence, and butter at six
pence, per pound.
23

178 GENERAL HISTORY.
It appears from the warrants issued for the assess
ment and coUection of these taxes, that six men
were appointed for assessing them caUed Selectmen,
Townsmen and Overseers. Three of their number
were to be changed each year ; what other duties
these officers had to perform, does not appear.
The warrants were directed to an officer, styled
Commissioner. He was probably selected by the
Governor and CouncU.
The 29th day of AprU, 1688, was appomted by
Sir Edmund, as a day of public thanksgiving and
solemn praise, because of his Majesty's " apparent
hopes and good assurance of having issue by his
royal consort the' Queen." There was a diversity
of opinion then, whether there was any cause for
thanksgiving. In 1693, a circumstance of unforeseen and extra
ordinary nature interrupted the peaceful progress of
this town. At the June town meeting, a town ser
geant and constable were elected, as usual. The
persons elected refused to serve. Another town
meeting was subsequently holden, the record of
which ends with this desponding language, that
" the town having met now three days and endeav
oring to effect and accomplish the settiing of the
said officers, but those who are chosen, stUl refusing
to serve, the town are constrained to cease further
choice and leave the matter to issue as it may."
The Hke has never occurred since. Probably they
had heard of the decision of Knickerbocker's Dutch
governor, requiring tiie constable to pay the costs in
a suit where he served the process. That might

GENERAL HISTORY. 179
satisfactorily account for the occurrence, but in civ
ihzed society, there is generally httle want of candi
dates for office, at least, it is so in modern times.
In 1695, the General Assembly ordered a prison
to be built in Providence. At a town meeting in
February, the town agreed to erect it " near the
water's side, next Gideon Crawford's warehouse."
The prison was to be ten feet by twelve. Judging
from the contentious spirit manifested in their town
meetings, one cannot imagine that a prison of these
dimensions, afforded very ample and roomy accom
modations for such a community. At the AprU
town meeting, the town voted to change the loca
tion, but says the record, " whUst the matter was in
propagating by the town, obstruction was made by
Samuel Windsor, against the same, thereby raising
such a tumult amongst the people, that the modera
tor was put upon to dissolve the meeting." No fur
ther proceedings appear in the matter till 1698. In
that year a tax of £30 was ordered for the building
of a prison. The buUding was finished as appears
by a report of the building committee, before Janua
ry 1700, at the cost of £21.17, exclusive of the locks.
This prison was destroyed by fire before February
1705. For some reasons not given in the record, the
General Assembly of the colony, required Joseph
Latham and John Scott to buUd a jaU as good as the
one which was burnt, or pay £33. At the February
session 1705, they, having neglected to erect the
building, were ordered to pay the £33, thirty of which
were appropriated to the erection of a new one. The

180 GENERAL HISTORY.
first jaU, it wiU be recoUected, was buih at the ex
pense of the town. I have not been able to ascer
tain the precise location of either of tiiese buildings;
probably they both occupied the same lot of land.
Upon a plat of part of tiie town made in 1718,
^'the prison lot" is marked out. This I suppose was the
location of the prisons erected in 1698 and in 1705,
and is the lot nearly opposite the First District School
House, on the west side of Benefit-street. It is be
heved that a part of the last prison is stiU standing on
that lot, making part of the dweUing house there.
This lot was abandoned by the state in 1733, and
sold in 1738. The third prison was erected about
1733, on a lot purchased of WiUiam Page, on the
north side of the road leading to the ferry at nar
row passage. This gave to that road, tiie name
of " JaU Lane," which it now sometimes bears,
though it has been changed " by authority" to Meet
ing-street. It was not far from where Benefit-street
now crosses Meeting-street. The fourth prison
in Providence, was erected in 1753, on a lot of land
granted to the state by the proprietors of Providence,
adjoining the cove, and west of the lot on which the
court house now stands. It was erected on the west
part of this lot, standing partly over the water. Tliis
building ceased to be used as a prison in the sum
mer of 1799. In June 1794, the General Assembly
appointed a committee to build a jail, to be three
stories high, fifty-three by forty-two feet, on the
ground, at an expense of £2000. The committee
was afterwards in January foUowing instructed to
build such a jail as the representatives of the county

GENERAL HISTORY. 181
of Providence should recommend, at an expense,
not exceeding £2000. The labors of this committee
were interrupted by a vote of the Assembly abolishing
all capital and corporeal punishments, and substituting
therefor, imprisonment at hard labor, and they were
instructed to report a plan for a jaU, which should
combine with it a state penitentiary. The plan was
so far matured in June 1797, that the Assembly or
dered the committee to fill up the lot and lay a foun
dation for a county jail and state prison, according
to the plan presented to them. They proceeded in
their labors, but were again interrupted in January
1798, by a repeal of the vote for building a state
prison, and they were directed to erect a county jail
on the foundeiion, laid for the state prison. It was
then completed, by contract for ^8500, and contin
ued to be used as a jaU untU the erection of the state
penitentiary in 1838. It will long be remembered,
in its latter days, as a disgrace to the state and a nui
sance to the town. It occupied the lot granted to
the state by the proprietors of Providence.
A number of freemen of the state, in January
1835, presented a petition to the General Assembly
praying them to abohsh corporeal punishments and
adopt confinement at labor in a state prison in lieu
of them. The matter being of grave moment, the
Assembly referred it to the freemen at their meeting
in April following to decide, whether a state prison
should be built and the expense thereof defrayed
by a tax on rateable property. At the May session
it appeared that 4,433 freemen had voted in the af
firmative and 502 in the negative. Measures were

182 GENERAL HISTORY.
immediately taken to carry the wiU of the people
into effect. At subsequent sessions, the Assembly
adopted the Pennsylvania system of dicipline, sepg,-
rate confinement at labor with instruction, and deci
ded that the necessary buildings should be erected
in Providence, on a lot of land owned by the city,
at Great Point, so called, on the cove. The work
was soon commenced and was prosecuted with rea
sonable despatch. Sometime after its commence
ment, the Assembly resolved to erect a new coun
ty jaU near to and adjoining the state prison, in
order to avail themselves of the conveniences of
the former, and of the services of the warden, with
out additional expense to the state. The original
plan of the state prison embraced, a keeper's house
two stories high, forty-eight feet square fronting the
cove ; adjoining this on the north, as mall connect
ing building, uniting it with the state prison, and
the prison, forty-eight feet by ninety-three feet, two
stories high. A corridor, ten and a half feet wide
passes through the centre of the prison, on each side
of which are ceUs for prisoners. These are forty in
number, twenty in each story. Those on the lower
floor are eight feet by fifteen, and nine feet high ;
those on the second floor are eight feet by twelve,
and nine feet high at the lowest part, extending to
the roof. AU the walls of the prison are of granite
blocks, laid in courses, and secured by iron cramps.
The keeper's house is of common stone, rough cast.
A stone waU fifteen feet high, encloses on the west,
north and east sides, a yard one hundred and
twenty-two feet by two hundred and forty-one.

GENERAL HISTORY. 183
The county jaU adjoins the keeper's house on the
east. It is twenty-seven feet by sixty-six, two sto
ries high. It is divided into eighteen ceUs, seven
feet by nine, and four rooms for the accommo
dation of two persons in each intended for the use
of persons committed for debt. Unhke the ceUs in
the state prison, the ceUs in the county jail are in the
centre of the building, the corridor being between
them and the waUs of the building. The conse
quence is, that they are not by any means so weU
ventilated as the ceUs of the prison. The cells in
each establishment are supplied with water from a
cistern standing in the upper story of the connecting
building, and are warmed by hot water pipes ex
tending through them.
Those who have been committed to the care of the
keeper in the state prison, have been unanimous in
declaring the establishment to be as near impregna
ble from within, as any similar establishment which
they have visited. It was first occupied on the 15th
day of November 1 838. Since then thirty-six prison
ers have been committed to it, of which twenty-four
are now its inmates, the rest having been discharged
at the expiration of their sentences, except two, who
were pardoned by the General Assembly.
The county jail has gained for itself any thing but
an enviable reputation. The policy of erecting it
so near the state prison, may now be doubted, while
the inexpediency of its mode of construction and its
materials is proved beyond doubt.
There does not appear to have been any order of
the town appointing the meetings of the town coun-

184 GENERAL HISTORY.
cU, tiU 1695. They were then requfred to be holden
monthly, on the Tuesday next before the fuU moon.
In 1696 the ferry at narrow passage was in the pos
session of Mary Edmonds, widow of Andrew Ed
monds. The " King's Post" was permitted to pass
free of ferriage. This is the earhest mention that is
made of a pubhc post, and this is aU that is said
upon the subject.
In June 1700, the lot lying " between Archibald
Walker's southward to the brook that cometh out of
Samuel Whipple's land, eastward with the highway,
and westward and northwestward with Moshassuck
river" was voted by the town to remain common,
" for a training field, burying ground and other public
uses." The burying place was to be run out by a
committee appointed for that purpose. These bounds
include not only what is now enclosed and known
as the north burial ground, but a large tract lying to
the southward and westward of that, which is now
improved by variouus individuals. Previous to this,
most of the old families had famUy burial grounds,
which were generally on some part of their home or
house lots. The estjibHshment of this common bu
rial ground did not, in many instances, unmediately
supersede the use of the famUy burial grounds be
fore estabhshed. Perhaps there is no cicumstance
that more strongly marks the rigid separation views
of the first settiers of Providence, than this. The
parish church-yard in England was generaUy adjoin
ing to or around the parish church. Though, after
the reformation, they ceased to consecrate such pla
ces with the imposing rites and ceremonies of the

GENERAL HISTORY. 185
Romish church, there was still a kind of sanctity at
tached to them in the popular mind. They retained
their locations near the church, thus by proximity of
position drawing from it a portion of the sacred
character it bore. The first settlers of New-Eng
land, influenced probably by theii: early associa
tions, selected similar locations for their burial
grounds. But in Providence, as if to show their
complete independency, and to testify even after
death, their rigid separation, such early associations
were disregarded, and every thing was made as un
hke the church of England, and the semi-separatist
churches of New-England, as possible. It is matter
of regret that they had not, at an earlier period, set
apart a common burial place for the town. An oc
casional walk tiirough such a " city of silence" might
have calmed the angry passions that so often dis
turbed the peace of their town, and would have ren
dered the task of some future Old Mortality who
shaU search for their resting places, far less difficult
and laborious. Most of these private famUy burial
grounds have long since been abandoned, and the
mouldering remains of the tenants removed to the
public burial ground, or to one of the places of sep
ulture more recently established by the different re
ligious societies.
Of a colony tax of £400, ordered in 1701, the
proportion of Providence was £65. From this it
would seem, that this town, in the opinion of the
General Assembly, had recovered the comparative
standing in point of wealth, which it enjoyed before
Philip's war. In 1703, the colony was first divided
24

186 GENERAL HISTORY.
into counties. There were two. Providence Plan
tations, and Rhode-Island. The first embraced aU
the towns on the main land, and the other, the isl
and towns. Inferior courts were estabhshed, at the
same time, to be holden in each county. That
within the county of Providence Plantations, was
holden twice in each year, and at Providence, War
wick, Kingstown and Westerly by turns. This was
indeed bringing justice to every man's door, al
though the terms of the court would not secure a
very speedy administration of it there. In 1729,
the county of Providence was divided into two
counties, and the town of Kingstown, which before
that had been divided into North-Ejugstown and
South-Kingstown, and the town of Westerly were set
off" and made King's county. Subsequently, in 1750,
the county of Providence was again divided and the
towns of Warwick, East-Greenwich, West-Green
wich and Coventry, set oflf and made a county, under
the name of Kent county.
In 1705, Weybosset Bridge required rebuilding,
and a committee appointed by the town were di
rected to caU on every individual to soHcit subscrip
tions for that purpose. The subscription paper is
in the files of the city clerk's office. It contains
only fourteen names. The highest sum subscrib
ed was £6, by Gideon Crawford, and tiie whole
amount £21,9. The probabihty is that tiie com
mittee did not call on the inhabitants generally, or
they would have obtained more signatures and col
lected a larger amount.
In 1711, the General Assembly granted £200 out

GENERAL HISTORY. 187
of the general treasury toward buUding bridges
at Pawtucket, Weybosset and Pawtuxet. Similar
appropriations of various amounts were subsequently
made, not only for the repairs of these bridges and
others which stood on the main road laid out by the
General Assembly through the colony from Pawtuck
et to Pawcatuck, over which was the principal part
of the travel from Massachusetts to New York, but
also of other bridges throughout the colony. For
instance, in 1736, £15 was granted toward erecting a
bridge over the Wanasquatucket river at five acre
wading place ; in 1739, £53 toward completing one
at Woonsocket ; in 1740, £25 for erecting one over
Muddy Bridge dock at Providence ; and in 1752, £50
more, for the same purpose. The last mentioned
bridge was located in Weybosset-street in Providence,
opposite the North end of Dorrance-street. It is
said that spring tides formerly flowed across from
Dorrance-street into the cove. When these appropri
ations for the support of bridges in the several towns
ceased the towns were declared by the General As
sembly liable to repair the same at their own ex
pense. A colony tax of £1000 was ordered in 1705, pay
able in wheat at three shillings eight-pence, rye at
two shillings six-pence, corn at two shiUings, barley at
one shilling eight-pence, oats at one shiUing per bush.
and wool at nine-pence per lb. In 1710, there were
seven licenses granted for houses of public entertain
ment and for retaihng liquors. The highest sum paid
for any one license was £2. The election of town coun
cU in 1713 was made with a view to this subject- At

188 GENERAL HISTORY.
the annual town meeting, six town council men were
chosen as usual, but the moderator refused to engage
them, because the majority of them were keepers of
pubhc houses or retaUers of strong hquor. The
freemen persisted in their choice, and the meeting
was adjourned to another day without bringing the
election to a close. At the adjourned meeting a
councU was elected. The councU first chosen, en
tered a protest against their election, but it seems
they held their seats. They diflfered in opinion not
upon the question whether any licenses should be
granted, but upon the amount that each licensed
person should be required to pay into the town treas
ury. There really existed a seeming impropriety
in having those first chosen, act on this question ;
but that was the business of the freemen who elect-
ted them. Now it would rightly be deemed a high
handed act, for a magistrate to refuse to administer
the oath of office to an individual, duly elected, be
cause he disliked his principles.
In 1710, the colony agreed to raise two hundred
men, to go in the expedition against Port Royal.
Each town was required to send a certain proportion
and the quota of Providence was forty, and eight In
dians. Of the one hundred and seventy-nine men
raised in 1711 for the Canada expedition. Providence
was required to raise thirty-five.
At the May session of the General Assembly 1710,
a law was passed authorizing the emission of paper
money. This was tiie first paper money issued in
this state. The measure had been resorted to in
Massachusetts some years previously, and it owes its

GENERAL HISTORY, 189
origin in all the colonies to the expenses incurred in
their several expeditions against the French posses
sions in America, in the wars between England and
France. During this and the succeeding year, this
colony issued between thirteen and fburteen thou
sand pounds in bills of pubhc credit. In 1712 no
furtiier emissions were made, but, it seems that it was
proposed to resort again to this measure in the fol
lowing year. The subject was agitated in a meet
ing of the freemen of Providence, and a protest
against it was drawn up, signed by the town clerk,
and sent to the General Assembly. There is no
copy of this paper in the files of the Secretary of
State, nor was it entered in the records of the
town; it is impossible, therefore, to ascertain upon
what grounds their opposition to further issues of biUs
of credit, was placed. The records of the State do
not show that the subject was brought before the
General Assembly that year. No more bUls were is
sued that year, nor tiU 1715. From that year till
1786, the colony continued the emission of paper
money, as the exigences of the times, and private in
terest under the cloak of the public weal, demanded.
The town was visited by the smaU pox in 1716,
but to what extent does not appear ; enough how
ever to obtain a place in the records. The atten
tion of the town was caUed, in 1717, to their debt
which had been accumulating for several years. —
The town tax had rarely exceeded sixty pounds a
year, but this year a tax of £150 was ordered. The
greater part of the debt accrued in the support of
the poor and in laying out highways. A tax of the

190 GENERAL HISTORY.
same amount was ordered in 1720. The necessity
of this, arose in part from the different bounties oflfer-
ed for the destruction of certain animals. In 1 7 1 6 the
bounty on wolves was twenty shiUings, and on grey
squirrels twopence. Some estimate of the numbers
of the latter may be formed from the fact that in 1720
the town owed sixteen pounds for bounties on grey
squirrels. The bounty was repealed in July 1723;
but renewed in October and increased to threepence.
In the following year rats were rated at the same
price. The bounty on wUdcats was five shiUings ;
in 1729, it was raised to ten.
There seems to have been a failure of the grain
crop in 1724. The General Assembly passed an act
preventing the exportation of corn tUl the common
price should be^five shiUings per bushel, and directed
the General Treasurer to purchase two thousand
bushels, to be disposed of to the inhabitants in smaU
quantities. At the general election in the spring of 1727, Jo
seph Jenckes, of Providence, was elected Governor
of the colony. AU his predecessors in that office
under the charter of 1663, belonged to Newport,
and the General Assembly deemed it expedient for
Governor Jenckes to reside there, with his famUy.
They made him a grant of one hundred pounds from
the General Treasury to defray the charges of re
moving his family. Samuel Cranston, his immediate
predecessor in the office of Governor, died in AprU.
He had been elected to the office twenty-nine years
in succession ; a longer term it is believed, than any

GENERAL HISTORV

191

other individual ever held a similar office in New-
England. At a session of the Assembly holden in August,
measures were adopted for proclaiming the acces
sion of George the second to the throne of Great
Britain. The proclamation at Newport, was on the
24th of August, and at Providence, on the 25th.
The General Assembly appropriated ten pounds to
be expended on the occasion^at Providence. Ac
cording to tradition, the proclamation in Providence
was first read from a balcony in the second story on
the west end of the Manufacturers' Hotel, in Market-
Square. George the third was proclaimed king
from the same balcony, and afterwards the Declara
tion of Independence, in 1776, the restoration of
peace, in 1783, and the adoption of the Constitution
of the United States by this State, in 1790, were
published from the same place. The balcony had
become ruinous and was taken down a few years
since. At the division of the county of Providence Plan
tations, in 1729, a county house was ordered to be
erected, at the expense of the colony, in each of
the three counties which then composed the colony.
At the October session of the General Assembly, a
committee reported in favor of a location on land of
WiUiam Page, the same lot now occupied by the city
school house on Meeting-street. The report was
adopted, but at the session in February foUowing,
the matter was reconsidered, and it was left to the
freemen of Providence in town meeting to determine
whether it should be erected on that lot or on land

192 GENERAL HISTORY.
of James Olney, on or near what is now Olney-
street. In March the freemen selected the Page
lot. In January preceding, the town voted to assist
in the erection of the house, if they could have the
use of it for their town meetings, and the direction
as to its site, prescribing also that the building should
be forty feet by thirty on the ground, and eighteen
feet posts, with a chimney from the chamber floor.
This accounts for the act of the Assembly passed in
January. The committee for building the house
were William Smith and James Brown, jr. Their
accounts were audited in October 1731 ; the amount
was six hundred and sixty-four pounds nine shillings.
It was probably finished that year, but not until after
AprU town meeting, as that appears by the record
to have been holden in the Friends' meeting-house.
This building was destroyed by fire on the eve
ning of the 24th of December 1758. Permission
had been given to an association of persons, after
wards incorporated as the Providence Library Com
pany, to use one of the chambers for a library. By
avaihng themselves of this grant, they lost their
whole collection of books.
In February foUowing a committee consisting of
Joseph BrowneU, Obadiah Brown, WiUiam Read,
Thomas Arnold, Joshua Babcock and Joseph RusseU,
was appointed to inquire in what part of Providence
it would be expedient to erect a new court-house, and
what kind of a building should be built. At the ensu
ing May session the General Assembly resolved to
erect tiie coi^rt house on the lot where the former
one stood or upon the lot next nortii of it, provided

GENERAL HISTORY. 193
that could be obtained without expense to the colo
ny. Allen Brown, WiUiam Smith and David Har
ris were appointed the building committee. At the
June session, a lottery was granted to raise ^2000,
one half for building the court house and the other
for replacing the Library. In February, another
lottery grant was given, to raise ^1200 for the Provi
dence Library Company, and one to raise ^1000
to purchase the court-house lot. In May, the General
Assembly had recourse to bills of credit towards
building the court-house, and £1000 lawful money
was issued for that purpose. A further issue of
£15,000 old tenor, for the same object, was made in
February, 1761. The cost of the building, so far as
completed in 1762, was reported by a committee, to
be £51,556,0,11 old tenor. The tradition is, that the
building committee decided upon the erection of a
much smaller edifice and that the architect, bet
ter understanding or appreciating the wants of the
colony, erected the present one, without consulting
them, and that the difference was not discovered
untU it had so far advanced, that it would cost less
to finish it than to pull down and begin anew. If
so, the conduct of the architect may rightiy be called
a pious fraud.
This may have occasioned the great delay in com
pleting it. It is a brick building, about forty feet by
seventy, two stories high, of fair proportions and
prepossessing appearance. At the time of its erec
tion, it might weU be esteemed large and commo
dious, for the purposes for which it was erected. The
le^slature and the courts of law stiU hold their ses-
25

194 GENERAL HISTORY.
sions in the upper story. Recently, that story has
been fitted up anew, and rendered more conven
ient and showy than originally. The lower, story
within a few years, has been occupied by the Secre
tary of State and the clerks of the courts.
A census of the inhabitants was taken in 1730,
in pursuance of an order from the King. The
population of the colony was then. Whites, 15,302 ;
Negroes, 1,648; Indians, 985; total, 16,935. Of
Providence, Whites, 3,707 ; Negroes, 128 ; Indians,
81 ; total 3,916. Of Newport, Whites, 3,843 ; Ne
groes, 649 ; Indians, 248 ; total, 4,640. The cen
sus was taken before any division had been made of
the town and probably included those who hved on
" the Gore," since called Cumberland, as that was
declared to be within Providence by the General
Assembly at their session in May. The militia of
the colony were then divided into five regiments.
There were five companies of mUitia in Providence.
It was contemplated in 1738, to estabhsh a county
work house, for the poor in the county of Provi
dence. The town appointed WiUiam Hopkins to
represent them in a meeting called to consider the
matter. It is not perhaps necessary to add, that the
design was not carried into execution.
The project was renewed by the towns of Provi
dence, Smitiifield, Scituate, Glocester and Cumber
land, before the General Assembly, at their February
session, 1753. Those towns were authorised to
erect such a house, and to appoint one individual
from each town, to have the oversight and man
agement of it. Any town in the counties of Bristol

GENERAL HISTORY. 195
and Kent, had a right to join in the undertaking.
The expense of the building was to be apportioned as
the colony tax, but each town was to pay for the sup
port of its own paupers, who should become inmates
of the institution. If this was ever estabhshed, it
continued as a joint concern but a very short time.
Out of it in all probability arose the " Old work
house," which formerly stood on the corner of Smith
and Charles streets. A long, low brick building that
was, which promised little to the poor unfortunate
beings who were compeUed to inhabit it. To those
who recollect it, it can be associated with no feelings
of pride, for the provision there made for the poor,
nor with any fear that it would increase the evils of
pauperism. Some of the paupers of Providence
continued to exist in it, until the erection of the Dex
ter Asylum in 1828. Long before that, it had be
come a place rather of punishment than rehef In
the rear of it, in 1796, the town erected their Bride-
weU- This was a small stone building, thirty-two
feet by fourteen, ten feet high, intended for the de
tention and punishment of the lowest order of petty
criminals. Neither of these establishments are re
ferred to out of choice. They have existed, and there
fore they are referred to. Whatever of good resulted
from them, if any did, must have been in their early
days, before they fell within the author's knowledge
In 1803, the attention of the town was again caU
ed to their expenditures for the support of the poor.
By a report, made by a committee appointed on the
subject, it appears that forty-one persons, of whom
twenty-six were chUdren, were then whoUy depen-

196 GENERAL HISTORY.
dent on the town. The most of these were boarded
out. The support of these persons, with the supphes
furnished to other persons, partiaUy dependent, cost
the town the year ending June, 1803, ^3660. The
committee recommended, that until an alms house for
the poor, and a house of labor for the idle, the in
temperate and the disorderly, should be erected,
the overseers should continue the ordinary course
of providing for the poor. They were directed to
purchase a lot for a workhouse. This was done, and
the " Sessions lot," so caUed, near the north end of
the town, was purchased for that purpose. No al
teration was made in the mode of supporting the
poor, until long after this. A few were consigned to
the old work house, the greater part were boarded
out. Up to 1739, the only public means of crossing the
Seekonk river where it bounded Providence, were the
bridge at Pawtucket, and the ferry, at narrow pas
sage. A private ferry had been kept for some time
near where Washington Bridge now stands. A pe
tition was preferred to the General Assembly, at May
session, by Josiah Fuller and Elisha TilHnghast, to
establish a pubhc ferry at this place. The project
was delayed by another petition subsequently pre
ferred by Daniel Abbott to have one established at
a diflerent place, probably further down the river.
The matter was referred to a committee and does not
again appear in the colony records. Subsequentiy,
a ferry was estabhshed at tiie place suggested in the
first petition. The ferriage was regulated by the
General Assembly in 1746.

GENERAL HISTORY. 197
The town had, almost from its first settlement, held,
quarter-yearly meetings on the 27th days of AprU,
July, October, and January. This year, the days of
meeting were changed to the second Mondays of the
same months. In 1744, the meetings in AprU and
October were appointed to be on the third Wednes
days in those months.
Among the papers in the cabinet of the Histori
cal Society is a printed broadside, entitled, " A jour
nal of a survey of Narragansett Bay made in May
and June 1741 by order of royal commissioners, by
one of the surveyors. W. C." Providence is thus
described in it.
" This pleasant town doth border on the flood.
Here's neighboring orchards, and more back the woods.
Here's full supply to cheer our hungry souls.
Sir Richard, strong, as well as wine, in bowls.
Here men may soon any religion find.
Which quickly brought brave Holland to my mind,
For here, like there, one, with the greatest ease.
May suit himself, or quit all if he please."
The commissioners here referred to, were those
who settled the eastern line of the colony. They
sat at Providence in June 1741. The province of
Massachusetts appealed from their decision, to the
King in council, where it was confirmed, after a
hearing, in 1746.
In 1744 commenced the lottery system in this
colony, out of which so much good and so much
evil have arisen. The first grant of a lottery, by the
General Assembly, was at the October session, to
build a bridge at Weybosset. The amount of the
scheme was £15,000, out of which £3,000 was to

198 GENERAL HISTORY.
go toward erecting the bridge. The managers of
the lottery were, WiUiarti Rice, of Warwick, Dan
iel Jenckes, George Brown, Stephen Hopkins, and
Daniel Smith, of Providence, and Job RandaU, of
Scituate. To encourage the lottery, or rather to
encourage the citizens to adventure in it, the town,
in July foUowing, purchased four hundred tickets.
They did not meet however with the rapid sale they
anticipated; or some misunderstanding arose between
the managers and building committee of the town,
for the latter, in October 1745, were directed not to
proceed to build tiU further orders. The General
Assembly in February foUowing, at the request of
the town, directed the £3,000 to be lodged in the
town treasury and to be laid out under the direction
of the town. The bridge to be built was eighteen
feet in width. The eastern abutment was carried
out thirty feet, and the western four, of the same
breadth. It rested on a stone pUlar in the middle.
WhUe the bridge was building, the General Assembly
appointed a ferry to be kept there. Amaziah Wa
terman was chosen ferryman on the east side, and
Job Sweeting on the west. The bridge had been
rebuih, about 1719. Before that, it was carried away
by a freshet. It is difficuH to imagine a time, when
a bridge, only eighteen feet wide, would be sufficient
to accommodate the public at that place.
The population of the colony in 1748 amounted to
4,128. Douglas says, the number of freemen who vo
ted in Providence, this year, was 96, the number of rep
resentatives, 4, of justices of tiie peace, 13, of compa
nies of militia, 4. Thewhole number of Whites, 3, 177,

I
GENERAL HISTORY. 199
Negroes, 225, Indians, 50. The records show no defic
iency of licensed tavern-keepers. In 1749, there were
31 ; in 1750, thirty. The highest sums paid were by
Joseph AngeU, WiUiam Pearce, and Jonathan Olney,
eight pounds each. Of a colony tax of £5,000, or
dered in 1748, Providence pa,id£550, and Newport
£825. The debit side of the town treasurer's ac
count, the same year, amounted to £1,165,5,5. A
town tax of £1,600 was ordered in 1749.
Up to the year 1754, there does not appear
to have been any measures taken, by the govern
ment of the colony, or town, to protect property
from the ravages of fire. This year, the inhabitants
of the compact part of Providence petitioned for
power to purchase a " large water engine." Oba
diah Brown and James Angell were appointed a
committee to " rate the housing and aU other things
in the compact part of the town of Providence which
are liable to be destroyed by fire," a sum sufficient
to purchase the engine petitioned for. A law was
also passed by the colony requiring each housekeep
er to be provided with two fire buckets. It is proba
ble they waited to have their attention called to this
matter, by some devastating fire, either here or in
some neighboring place. The destruction of the
courthouse by fire in 1758, seems to have caUed the
attention of the town again to the subject. In Feb
ruary foUowing an act of the Assembly was passed,
giving the town power to appoint presidents of fire-
wards and firewards. The rate for their engine,
though assessed, was not paid till April 1759. It
appears that the engine was purchased some time

200 GENERAL HISTORY.
before. In December 1760, the same persons v,^ere
authorized, at a meeting of the compact part of the
town, to purchase another engine, in Boston. En
gine men were first appointed by the town, in June
1763. This, it is apprehended, is the commencement of
the fire department, in Providence. From this smaU
beginning, it has graduaUy and steadily increased, in
proportion to the increase of the town. In 1842, it
consisted of three presidents of firewards, eighteen
firewards, and six hundred firemen, attached to three
hydraulions, nine suction engines, two hook and lad
der carriages, eight hose carriages, seventeen forcing
stationary engines, having eight thousand feet of
hose, and eighteen reservoirs. The department wiU
not suflfer, by comparison with that of any other city
in the Union.
Of a colony tax assessed in 1755, of £70,000, New
port was required to pay £14,000, South Kingstown,
£5200, Providence £4900. The town tax the next
year was £2600, and in 1757, £3000. The number
of tavern keepers' licenses vary in several years, but
are generaUy, from twenty to tiiirty. The highest
amount paid by any individual was £12. The town
council generally met at the house of some one of
these Hcensed tavern keepers, and dined there, at
the expense of the town. It does not appear tiiat
they received any compensation for their services.
In an account on file, in tiie city clerk's office, Luke
Thurston charges the councU with " dinners, &c." —
" dinners and liquor"—" dinners, punch and wine."
The constituted authorities then deemed it proper to

GENERAL HISTORY. 201
patronize the houses they hcensed, and there does
not appear any great disproportion, between the
amounts charged for dinners and for the Hquor that
followed them. For instance, AprU 3, 1757, six din
ners are charged at £5,8, punch £2, May 28, seven
dinners at £6,6, punch, £2.
In March and April, 1758, nearly two thousand of
the king's troops were quartered in Providence, for
a short time. They were destined against the
French possessions in America.
At a town meeting in AprU, David Bucklin present
ed a petition to the town for permission to erect a
market house, on the lot at the east end of Weybosset
Bridge, belonging to the town, for his sole benefit ;
which was granted. He did not carry his plan into
execution, probably owing to the dissatisfaction
that the grant created among the inhabitants. In
June following, Daniel Abbott, Ephraim Bowen
and Daniel Jenckes were appointed by the town
to build a pubhc market house at the same place,
provided it could be done without expense to the
town. The condition imposed frustrated the plan.
It does not appear to have been revived until
1769, when an anonymous writer in the Provi
dence Gazette, called the attention of the town to
the subject. Although he enforced the importance
of the matter, with many cogent reasons, no' steps
were taken to carry it into execution, until August,
1771, when the town resolved to erect a market
house near "the bridge." The location seems not
to have been generally approved, for at the same
26

202 GENERAL HISTORY.
meeting, some of the inhabitants on the west side of
the river, presented a petition for leave to buUd a
market house on Muddy Bridge dock, now known as
Dorrance-street, which was granted ; another por
tion presented a similar petition to build one on the
town's land east of MiU bridge, which was also grant
ed. The grant of a lottery was obtained from the
General Assembly, to build the town market house.
The directors were Stephen Hopkins and Joseph
Brown, to whom the town entrusted the erection of
the building. The work was commenced on the
24th day of May 1773. Nicholas Brown, laid tiie
first stone on the 11th day of June foUowing.
It was a brick structure, eighty feet by forty, and
two stories high. The lower story was used as a
market, and the second divided into offices, and oc
cupied partly by the officers of the town, and partiy
by tenants. In 1797, the town granted to St. John's
Lodge of free and accepted masons, the right to add
a third story to the market house, to be used by them
as a hall, untU the town should see proper to pur
chase it, they keeping the roof in repair. A base
ment story was subsequentiy formed by the town, and
also used for a market.
In April, 1819, the town directed a fish market to
be erected, near to the north east corner of Weybos
set bridge, and partiy over the river. A Hght, com
modious wooden building, twelve feet by sixty, was
accordingly erected there, the foUowing summer.
After the erection of the new bridge, just nortii of
Weybosset bridge, in 1828, tiie fish market was re
moved to the northward of that bridge. The town

GENERAL HISTORY. 203
never purchased more advantages, at the same cost,
than this market has afforded them. In 1755, the
commissioners of trade and plantations directed an
account to be taken of the number of inhabitants in
the colony, and the quantity of arms and ammunition
in the hands of private persons. A document pre
pared and sent by Gov. Hopkins, dated December
24th, 1755, shows the result. The wjiole population of
the colony is reported to be 35,939 Whites, and 4697
Blacks— 9177 men, 8944 women~87 83 boys— 9035
girls. The men able to bear arms, amounted to
2997 — the enhsted soldiers, to 5265. There were,
in the colony, 5032 smaU arms, 2418 swords, 624
pistols, 3286 lbs. of powder, 64,689 baUs. By the
same return. Providence is stated to contain 747
men, 741 women, 665 boys, 754 girls, and 262
Blacks — 275 men able to bear arms, 406 enlisted
soldiers — 349 small arms, 181 swords, 56 pistols, 762
lbs. of powder, 3871 balls. This statement shows a
very rapid increase of population in the colony.
The foUowing paper is inserted, as showing the
readiness with which some of the principal citizens of
Providence enhsted, to serve his majesty, against the
French in America. The original is among the pa
pers of -the late Moses Brown, a copy of which was
deposited by him in the cabinet of the Historical So
ciety. Whereas the British colonies in America are invaded by a
large army of French and Indian enemies, who have already
possessed themselves of Fort William Henry, and are now on
their march to penetrate further into the country, and from whom
we have nothing to expect, should they succeed in their enter-
prize, but death and devastation ; and as his majesty's principal

204 GENERAL HISTORY.
officers, in the part invaded, have, in the most pressing and mov
ing manner, called on all his majesty's faithful subjects for as
sistance, to defend the country, therefore, we, whose names are
underwritten, thinking it our duty to do every thing in our pow
er, for the defence of our liberties, families and properties, are
willing and have agreed, to enter voluntarily into the service of
our country, and go in a warlike manner against the common
enemy, and hereby call upon and invite all our neighbors who
have families and properties to defend, to join with us in this
undertaking, promising to march, as soon as we are two hun
dred and fifty in number, recommending ourselves and our cause
to the favorable protection of Almighty God.
Providence, August 15, 1757.
Stephen Hopkins, Nicholas Brown,
Obadiah Brown, Joseph Brown,
Nicholas Cooke, William Wheaton,
Barzillai Richmond, William Smith,
Joseph Bucklin, Jonathan Clark,
John Randall, Jonathan Ballou,
John Cole, James Thurber,
Gideon Manchester, Amos Kinnicut,
Ephraim Bowen, surgeon, Nathaniel Olney,
John Waterman, Joseph Lawrence,
Joseph Arnold, Theophilus Williams,
John ffass, chaplain, John Power,
John Thomas, jr. Benjamin Olney,
Allen Brown, George Hopkins,
Benoni Pearce, Edward Smith,
Barnard Eddy, Joseph Winsor,
Benjamin Doubleday, Joseph Cole.
The foregoing names, and many others, were prepared, in
tending to march the next day; the militia, under Col. John An-
drews,had marched ; but an express arriving with the intelligence,
that the French and Indian army had gone back, the volunteers
herein named did not march, but the militia had got to the widow
of Resolved Waterman's in Smithfield, where I was sent with
orders for their return, in consequence, of the return of the
French and Indian army ; which as a historical fact, I thought
well to preserve. MOSES BROWN.'"
In 1761 and 1762, and 1763, grants of lotteries
were very frequent. Several were made to tiie town

GENERAL HISTORY. 205
to raise £21,300, for paving streets, one was made to
the Church of England, to repair their church and
build a steeple, one to the Congregational Society,
to purchase parsonage, &c.
At the October session, 1761, of the General As
sembly, the deputies of Providence represented, that
on the 24th of October, 1761, there was " a hard
gale of wind which brought the highest tide into
the harbor of Providence that hath been known in
the memory of man, and carried away the Great
or Weybosset bridge." £1000, old tenor, was grant
ed from the general treasury, toward rebuilding it.
The whole cost, at this time of rebuilding it, was
d£4357, 10, 1 . A lottery was subsequently granted, to
build a draw in this bridge. From this circumstance,
it is probable that none of the preceding bridges had
draws in them. This would seem improbable, from
the fact, that much ship-building was carried on
above the bridge ; unless the planking of the bridge
could be removed, so as to enable vessels to pass.
After this, vessels from the West Indies, with full car
goes, went up as far as the foot of Bowen-street.
The tradition is, that the first square rigged vessel
that ever sailed from the port, sailed from a wharf as
high up as the canal market. That great and im
portant changes have taken place, not only in the
depth, but in the course of the channel of the river,
is frequentiy demonstrated, by excavations made at
a great distance from the present channel. He who
should examine a plat in the proprietors' office, made
in 1718, would hardly recognize the places there de
signated.

206 GENERAL HISTORY.
Of a colony tax of £16,000, ordered in 1761, £972
was assessed on Providence, and £3200 on Newport.
A new estimate of the taxable property of the colo
ny was ordered this year, and completed in the fol
lowing one, the effect of which was to increase the
taxes of Providence. In a colony tax of £8000,
ordered in September, 1762, £500 was assessed on
Providence, and £1560 on Newport. This estimate
caused much trouble, both to town and colony ; the
town refused to assess any tax, untU a new estimate
was ordered.
WilHam Goddard set up the first printing office
in Providence, in the year 1762. Among the earh
est inhabitants was a printer, Gregory Dexter, but
he never foUowed his trade, here. The articles first
printed in Providence, were a hand-bUl headed " Mo
re Castle taken by storm," and a play bUl. In a let
ter written afterwards by Mr. Goddard to Isaiah
Thomas, then at Worcester, he says he thinks this
was in June. He adds in the same letter, "much com
pany from Boston &c., attended the theatre and were
highly gratified. The theatrical campaign was short.
Party politics occasioned the suppression of plays."
Mr. Thomas states, in his second volume of the His
tory of Printing, that tiie " first play, pubhcly per
formed, in New-England, was by Douglas and his
company, at Providence, in 1762." David Douglas,
tiie manager, was a Scotchman ; he brought with
him the first company of players that ever perform
ed in North- America. This was about 1758. The
place of performance, in Providence, was on Meet
ing street, east of Benefit sti-eet. The suggestion

GENERAL HISTORY, 207
that party politics caused the suppression of plays, is
probably incorrect. The subject was debated by
the town in July, and the deputies of the town in
structed to procure the passage of an act prohibiting
them. Such an act was passed in August following.
Party politics may have inffuenced the General As
sembly, but it is quite improbable that the town were
moved, by the same cause. After the passage of the
act, the tradition is, that the sheriflf of the county,
Paul Tew, brought a copy of the act from New
port, and attended the theatre with it in his pocket.
The direction in the act was, that it should be pub
lished forthwith, and after the performance was fin
ished, he discharged this duty, by reading the act.
The law remained in force for some time. After its
repeal, theatrical exhibitions continued, at intervals,
in different parts of the town. Play were so much in
vogue, at one time, that they were exhibited in the
court house ; at another time, about 1794, in a build
ing long since removed, which stood in the rear of
the old coflfee house, so called, between North Main
street and the cove, near Weybosset bridge. Af
terwards, in 1795, the theatre, at the corner of West
minster andMathewsoii streets was erected by a com
pany of proprietors. It was opened, under the man
agement of Mr. Harper, in September, 1795; the
first evening's performance being "The ChUd of Na
ture," and " Rosina or the Reapers." The celebra
ted tragedian, George Frederick Cooke, finished his
professional career in this house. This continued
to be occupied, with varied success, until 1832, when
it was disposed of, and converted into an Episcopal

208 GENERAL HISTORY.
church. From the sale of this house, up to 1 839,
there existed no theatre in Providence. Some en
terprising individuals associated themselves together,
in the last named year, and erected the large and
commodious theatre on Dorrance street. This
building is of stone, 120 feet by 60, and cost about
^20,000. It has not, probably, yielded that pecuni
ary advantage to the proprietors, which they antici
pated. No notice has been taken of the progress of
the two wars which England waged with France
and Spain, between 1739 and 1763. The Enghsh
colonies engaged in them, with their whole soul ; but
neither the town of Providence, nor the colony of
Rhode-Island, was distinguished from the other col
onies, either by sufferings or exertions.

CHAPTER FOURTH.
GENERAL HISTORY.
PROM THE PEACE OP 1763, TO THE PEACE OF 1783.
The period embraced in this chapter, is one of
the most important and interesting in American his
tory. The war which ended in 1763, disclosed the
mihtary strength of the British colonies, and inured
them to the toils and privations of the camp. They
acquired mUitary skiU, and became accustomed to
mihtary disciphne, under the experienced command
ers which were sent here by 'the mother country.
Instead of being exhausted, they were enriched by
this war. Many valuable prizes, the product nei
ther of their industry nor care, were taken from the
enemy and brought into their ports. The mother
country paid them large sums for their personal ser
vices, and much of the money expended on her own
troops in the service, centred here. AU that Great
Britain gained, were splendid victories, a vast ac
cumulation to her national debt, and jurisdiction over
provinces, which all experience since, has shown to
be more costly than valuable to her.
These circumstances, with others, induced the
British government to attempt raising a revenue
from her colonies, by enforcing her navigation acts,
which had always been a dead letter, and by impos
ing stamp and other duties. The colonists had riot-
27

210 GENERAL HISTORY.
ed too long in the fuU enjoyment of Hberty, to sub
mit tamely to these burdens. They insisted that
they were entitled to aU the rights of native born
Englishmen ; among which, and, by no means the
least valuable, was the right of taxing themselves.
However the colonies differed in their origin, or in
their poHtical or rehgious constitutions, they aU
agreed in this, that the right of imposing taxes resi
ded in the colonial legislatures and not in the British
parliament. The stamp duty was felt by every indi
vidual, in the common and ordinary transactions of
Hfe, and thus it aroused the whole mass at once, to
resistance. Long before the stamped paper arrived
the people had determined that it should not be used.
Those appointed to distribute it, were generally
compelled to resign their offices. In some places,
they suflfered personal indignities, and in others, their
houses and property were destroyed, by the popu
lace. No open act of violence occurred in Provi
dence. A special town meeting convened on the
7tii day of August, 1765, to consider what steps were
necessary to be taken. They appointed Stephen
Hopkins, Nicholas Cooke, Samuel Nightingale, jr.
John Brown, Silas Downer and James AngeU, a
committee to draft instructions to their representa
tives in the General Assembly. At an adjourned
meeting on the 13tii of the same month, they report
ed the following instructions which were adopted
unanimously. "As a full and free enjoyment of British liberty and of our
particular rights, as colonists, long since precisely known and
ascertained by uninterrupted practice and usage from the first

GENERAL HISTORY. 211
settlement of this country down to this time, is of unspeakable
value, and strenuously to be contended for, by the dutiful sub
jects of the best frame of government in the world, any attempts
to deprive them thereof, must be very alarming and ought to be op
posed, although in a decent manner, yet with the utmost firmness.
We conceive that some late resolutions of the Parliament of
Great Britian, for taxing us without our consent, have a tenden
cy to divest us of our most valuable privileges as Englishmen ;
and that the measures adopted by the ministry and the Parlia
ment, in this behalf, if carried into execution, will be a manifest
infraction of our inherent rights as members of the British gov
ernment and unspeakably injurious in the present distressed and
involved state of the colony.
The ministry, in justification of this encroachment upon the
incontestible rights of his Majesty's liege subjects in these parts
of the world, have pretended that the colonies are represented in
Parliament by the British members ; the contrary is so evident,
that a bare denial is sufficient to refute it.
Therefusal of Parliament to hear the humble petitions of the
colonies against the Stamp-Act, the enlargement of the admiralty
jurisdiction and the burdening of trade, we look upon as a great
grievance, and directly against our rights, as subjects.
With the utmost concern and dread, we consider the exten
sion of the powers of the court of admiralty, and must freely de
clare to the whole world, that we look upon our natural rights
to be diminished in the same proportion, as the powers of that
court are extended ; and in this particular, we are unhappily
distinguished from our fellow subjects in Great Britian.
We think it needful in this critical conjuncture, to give unto
you who are our deputies, some instructions to be by you ob
served in your representation of us in the General Assembly.
In the first place, we recommend it to you, in the most ex
press manner, to use your utmost endeavors that commissioners
be appointed by the Assembly to meet with the commissioners
from the other colonies on the continent, at New- York on the
first day of October next, agreeably to the proposals and request
of the province of the Massachusetts Bay, signified to this col
ony, in order to unite in a petition to the King, for relief from
the Stamp-Act and other grievances.

212 GENERAL HISTORY,
In the choice of these commissioners, we are assured from
our knowledge of your virtue, that you will pay more attention
to merit, skill in public business and zeal for the welfare of
the colonies, than to any other consideration.
We likewise request you to do all in your power, consistent
with our relation to Great Britian, toward postponing the intro
duction of the Stamp-Act into this colony until the, colonies may
have opportunity to be heard in defence of such just rights as
they will be deprived of by an execution of it. And to this end
that you endeavor to procure our essential rights and privileges
to be asserted in General Assembly, by votes or resolves to the
following effect, to wit.
I. That the first adventurers, settlers of this his Majesty's col-
onyand dominion of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations,
brought with them and transmitted to their posterity, and all other
his Majesty's subjects since inhabiting in this his Majesty's colo
ny, all the privileges and immunities, that have, at any time,
been held, enjoyed and possessed by the people of Great Britian.
II. That by a charter granted by King Charles the second, in
the 15th year of his reign, it is declared and granted unto the
Governor and company of this colony and their successors,
that all and every subject of his said Majesty, his heirs and suc
cessors, which were then planted within the said colony, or
which should thereafter go to inhabit within the said colony, and
all and every of their children, which had been born there, or
which should afterwards be born there, or on the sea, going
thither, or returning from thence, should have and enjoy all the
liberties and immunities of free and natural subjects within any
of the dominions of his said Majesty, his heirs or successors, to
all intents, constructions and purposes whatsoever, as if they
and every of them were born within the realm of England.
III. That his Majesty's liege people of this colony have en
joyed the right of being governed by their own Assembly in the
article of taxes and internal police ; and that the same hath nev
er been forfeited, or in any other way yielded up, but hath been
constantly recognized by the King and people of Britian.
IV. That therefore, his Majesty or his substitutes, together
with the General Assembly of this colony, have in their repre
sentative character, the only exclusive right to lay taxes and

GENERAL HISTORY. 213
imposts upon the inhabitants of this colony ; and that every at
tempt to vest such power in any person or persons whatever
other than the General Assembly aforesaid, is unconstitutional,
and hath a manifest tendency to destroy British, as well as Amer
ican, liberty.
V. That his Majesty's liege people, the inhabitants of this col
ony, are not bound to yield obedience to any law or ordinance
designed to impose any internal taxation whatsoever upon them,
other than the laws and ordinances of the General Assembly afore
said. And inasmuch as it hath lately been drawn into question, how
far the people of this his Majesty's dominion of Rhode-Island,
have the right of being tried by juries, we earnestly recommend it
to you, to procure an act to be passed, if it may be done, de
claring that the courts of common law only, and not any court
of admiralty, have and ought to have jurisdiction, in all causes,
growing or arising in this colony on account of levying or col
lecting any internal taxes, or of any matters relating thereto. —
And that such process and way of trial, shall hereafter be had
and used in such matters, as have been usual and accustomed,
time out of mind ; and further, that no decree of any court of ad
miralty, respecting these matters, shall be executed in thiscolony.
We think that an address of thanks ought to be voted by the
General Assembly to those gentlenien who distinguished them
selves at the last session of Parliament, in defence of liberty and
the colonies ; in particular to General Conway and Colonel Isaac
Barre. As to other matters, not of such general concernment as the
foregoing, we leave their management to your prudence and
judgment, in which we put the greatest confidence."
The first four of these resolutions are couched in
nearly the same language with those passed by the
house of Burgesses in Virginia. They were intro
duced there by the celebrated Patrick Henry, and
were adopted with some shght amendments. He
also offered there the fifth, which was rejected. They
were introduced into the General Assembly of this

214 GENERAL HISTORY.
colony, at their session in September following, and
adopted by them with the addition of a sixth, declaring
" that the officers in this colony, appointed by the au
thority thereof, be and they are hereby directed to pro
ceed in the execution of their respective offices, in the
same manner as usual ; and that this Assembly wiU in
demnify and save harmless aU the said officers on ac
count of their conduct, agreeable to this resolution."
The Assembly struck out from the fourth resolution
the words " his Majesty or his substitutes," thus de
claring themselves to be the only body having right to
impose taxes on the inhabitants of the colony. These
resolutions faU little short of a declaration of entire
independency of the British government. They go
as far, if not farther, than any legislative proceed
ings of the same date in the country. They were
soon followed, however, throughout the country, by
votes of a simUar character; and such was the unan
imity of the inhabitants, and so great the opposition
to these taxes, here as weU as at home, that they pro
duced the repeal of the Stamp-Act in March 1766.
This repeal might have restored peace to the colo
nies, had it not contained a clause declaratory of the
right of Pariiament to bind tiie colonies in all cases
whatsoever.— If the right existed, this clause in tiie
act was unnecessary ; and if it did not, the act could
not create it. The repeal, clogged as it was, was
haUed with great joy tiiroughout tiie colonies. The
following notice of the first celebration of tiiis event,
is taken from the Providence Gazette.
" To show our loyalty to our most gracious sovereign, as well
as to express our love of liberty, the anniversary of his Majesty's

GENERAL HISTORY. 215
birth-day was fixed upon for a day of public rejoicing. Accord
ingly the auspicious morn was ushered in by the ringing of
bells and a discharge of several cannon from a battery planted
on the parade. The court house, a most elegant structure, was
beautifully ornamented with colors, and the shipping in the har
bor, hove out theirs, at a signal given. Joy and gladness shone
in every countenance ; and nothing was to be heard but mutual
congratulations, until 1 1 o'clock, when, according to the order
of the day, there was a general gathering of the people on the
parade. From thence they marched in order with drums beat
ing, trumpets sounding, and colors displayed, to the Presbyterian
meeting house, where thanks were given to the Supreme Ruler
of the universe, for his kindness to his people, in releasing them
from the.heavy burdens which were imposed on them, and for con
tinuing their liberties. There was an animated and well adapted
discourse delivered by the Rev. Mr. Rowland, from Psalm cxxvi,
3, and the religious exercises were concluded with a beautiful an
them performed by a company of musicians. The assembly re
turned in like good order as they came to the court house, where
his Majesty's health was drank by many hundreds under a royal
salute of twenty-one cannon, when the company adjourned to
four o'clock. Upon their re-assembling, they drank thirty-two
of the most loyal, patriotic and constitutional toasts, under a
dischsg^e of seven, five and three cannon, accompanied with the
sound of drums, trumpets and the loudest huzzas of the loyal
multitude, who were liberally treated by the gentlemen of the
town. In the evening 108 sky-rockets, with a bee-hive containing
106 serpents, was played off before the court house, (which was
most beautifully illuminated,) with divers other kinds of fire
works. At nine o'clock, there was an elegant boiled collation
served up to the company, and at eleven, when every heart vi'as
full fraught with joy and loyalty, the company retired. And
that the daughters of liberty might not be wholly excluded from
rejoicing in a way agreeable to them, the evening after, there
was a grand ball given by the gentlemen of the town, at which
there was the most brilliant appearance of ladies this town ever
saw. The whole was carried on to general satisfaction and with
out hurtful accident."

216 GENERAL HISTORY.
The foUowing year, 1767, the event was celebra
ted on its anniversary, the eighteenth of March.
The Gazette of the Saturday foUowing states, that
" the morning was ushered in by the ringing of beUs
and beating of drums." " In the evening a grand
baU was given by the young gentlemen of the town,
at which there was a very grand appearance of la
dies." The day continued to be observed for seve
ral years, with demonstrations of joy. In recaUing
to mind, on this anniversary, the evils and burdens
they had escaped, the sons of liberty throughout the
colonies, kept ahve the spirit of freedom, and pre
pared a way for that event, which their descendants,
in more modern times, deem it their highest duty
and pleasure to celebrate on each returning fourth of
July. The parhament of Great Britain, at the repeal of
the stamp act, having so wisely resolved that they
possessed the power to tax the colonies, in May fol
lowing resolved to exercise it, by laying a duty on
paper, glass, paints, tea, &c. imported into the colo
nies. This'act went into operation, November 20th,
1767, and it met with a most determined opposition
from the colonists. Yet it did not require that open
opposition which in case of the Stamp-Act, reached
almost to treason. The duty was imposed only on
imports. The Act did not make it imperative on the
colonies to import, and combinations were readUy
formed, against importations ; thus rendering the act
nugatory, as related to revenue.
The subject was acted upon in a town meeting in
Providence, on the 25th day of November. They

GENERAL HISTORY. 217
raised a committee to consider and report the most
effectual means of promoting the interest of the col
onies and of avoiding the payment of these taxes.
The committee reported in favor of obtaining sub
scriptions of the citizens, to an agreement not to im
port or use certain enumerated articles, after the first
day of January then next, but to discountenance the
excessive use of certain other articles which could
be manufactured in America, and the use of mourn
ing apparel, and encourage home manufactures and
the raising of wool and flax. The town unanimously
accepted the report, directed the form of subscription
to be printed, and appointed the town councU a
committee to procure signatures to it. The original
report is in the files of the city clerk, in the hand
writing of the late venerable Moses Brown. The
subscription papers are not to be found. The fol
lowing notice of them was inserted in the Provi
dence Gazette of December 12th.
" The subscription rolls for suppressing the unnecessary and
destructive importation of European goods and foreign superflu
ities, and for the encouragement of industry and economy and
manufactures, are now filling up very fast, and there is not the
least doubt but that they will be unanimously signed."
The agreement went into eflfect on the first day
of January, 1768. On the 13th of February, the
following advertisement appeared in the Gazette.
" The following tradesmen are wanted in the northern colo
nies in America, and from the universal spirit which now pre
vails, for extending our manufactures, there cannot be any doubt
but that suitable encouragement would be given them, if they
should transport themselves from Great Britain or Ireland, into
these delightful regions, quite removed out of the reach of the
28

218 GENERAL HISTORY.
paw of oppression ; that is to say : All sorts of tradesmen in the
linen and woollen manufacture, stocking weavers, steel makers,
nailers, locksmiths, gunsmiths, saw makers, cutlers, file makers,
and in general all sorts of workers in the iron way ; clock and
watch rdakers, paper makers, paper stainers, glass makers, ma
kers of blue and white and other sorts of earthen and stone
ware, pipe makers, needle and pin makers, wire drawers, work
ers in brass and copper, buckle makers, button makers, manu
facturers of horn, makers of wool cards, brush makers, glue ma
kers, makers of painters' colors, glovers and engravers."
The advertisement then states, that the climate is
very salubrious, enumerates many advantages which
the tradesmen would enjoy, and annexes a price cur
rent of many of the necessaries of life. Wheat is
stated at two shUlings nine pence sterHng, rye, two
shillings two pence, Indian corn, one shiUing six
pence, per bushel ; beef, veal and mutton, a penny
half-penny, pork, a penny three farthings, butter, five
pence, and cheese, three pence, per pound ; salt, one
shilHng six pence, per bushel ; sugar, twenty seven
shillings, per cwt. and firewood, in the cities, eight
shilHngs per cord. The list of tradesmen included
several arts in which considerable progress had al
ready been made. The design, so far as regarded
these, was to induce more finished workmen, and in
greater numbers, to enrich the country with their sldll
and knowledge ; and the resuH aimed at, was to ren
der the colonies independent of the mother country
•for any of the necessaries, or even conveniences or
luxuries of social Hfe.
No writer perhaps did more to arouse his country
men to a sense of impending dangers, than John
Dickinson, in a series of letters, published at first in

GENERAL HISTORY. 219
a Pennsylvania newspaper, over the signature of " A
Farmer." They were republished in the Providence
Gazette, and in almost every newspaper in the coun
try. The foUowing letter from the freemen of Prov
idence to the author, shows the estimation in which
they held his writings. It is inserted here as mark
ing their views, not only of the writer, but of the
subjects of his disquisitions.
" Sir — In your retirement, 'near the banks of the river Dela
ware,' where you are completing, in a rational way, the number
of days allotted to you 'by divine goodness, the consciousness of
having employed those talents which God hath bestowed upon
you, for the support of our rights, must afford you a satisfaction,
vastly exceeding that which is derived to you from the universal
approbation of your letters. However, amidst the general ac
clamations of your praise, the moderator and freemen of the an
cient town of Providence cannot be silent ; although we would
not offend your delicacy or incur the imputation of flattery in
expressing our gratitude to you,
Your benevolence to mankind, fully discoverable from your
writings, doubtless caused you to address your countrymen,
whom you tenderly call " dear and beloved," in a series of let
ters, wherein you have, with great judgment and in the most
spirited and forcible manner, explained their rights and privile
ges, and vindicated them against such as would reduce these ex
tensive dominions of his majesty to poverty, misery and sla
very. This your patriotic exertion in our cause and indeed in
the cause of the human race, in some degree, hath rendered you
very dear to us, although we know not your person.
We deplore the frailty of human nature, in that it is necessa
ry, that we should be frequently awakened into attention to our
duty in matters very plain and incontrovertible, if we would suf
fer ourselves to consider them. From this inattention to things,
¦evidently the duty and interest of the world, we suppose despot
ic rule to have originated, and all the train of miseries consequent
thereupon.

220 GENERAL HISTORY.
The virtuous and good man who rouses an injured country
from their lethargy and animates them into active and success
ful endeavors, for casting off the burdens imposed on them and
effecting a full enjoyment of the rights of man, which no human
creature ought to violate, will merit the warmest expressions of
gratitude from his countrymen, for his instrumentality in sav
ing them and their posterity.
As the very design of instituting civil government in the
world, was to secure to individuals a quiet enjoyment of their
native rights, wherever there is a departure from this great and
only end, impious force succeeds. The blessings of a just gov
ernment and the horrors of brutal violence, are both inexpressi
ble. As the latter is generally brought upon us by degrees, it
will be their duty to watch against every, the smallest attempt
to inovate an iota in their privileges.
With hearts truly loyal to the King, we feel the greatest con
cern at divers acts of the British Parliament relative to these
colonies. We are clear and unanimous in sentiment, that they
are subversive of our liberties and derogatory to the power and
dignity of the several legislatures established in America.
Permit us. Sir, to assure you, that we feel ineffable grati
tude to you for your letters, at a time when the exercise of great
abilities was necessary.
We sincerely wish, that you may see the fruit of your labors.
We, on our part, shall be ready at all times to evince to the
world, that we will not surrender our privileges to any of our fel
low subjects, but will earnestly contend for them, hoping that
the Almighty will look upon our righteous contest with gracious
approbation. We hope, that the conduct of the colonies on this
occasion will be peacable, prudent, firm and joint, such as will
show their loyalty to the best of sovereigns, and that they know
what they owe to themselves, as well as to Great Britian.
Town meeting, June 20, 1768.
Signed by order,
JAMES ANGELL, Town clerk.
To the author of a series of
letters signed A Farmer."

GENERAL HISTORY. 221
To this he returned the following answer :
" To the Moderator and Freemen of the Town of Providence,
in New-England.
Gentlemen — Words can but very faintly express the Senti
ments of Respect and Gratitude with which I receive the Kind
ness and Honor of your late Address to Me.
" The consciousness of having employed" myself " in the
Support of our Rights," through a dutiful Devotion to my
Country, " affords" me indeed a great " Satisfaction ;" Yet it
would be an unpardonable Affectation in Me to pretend, that
such " Praises" as You have bestowed, by such Persons bestow
ed, did not give me a very sincere Delight ; For to be esteem
ed and commended by those, who, themselves deserve to be es
teemed and commended, is one of the invaluable Rewards of
well-meant Actions.
So highly I prize the approbation of the Moderator and
Freemen of" the ancient town of Providence," that I shall con
stantly and zealously endeavor to merit its continuance ; and so
much I interest Myself in your Prosperity, that I most heartily
wish, your generous Resolution " not to surrender your privile
ges to any of your Fellow Subjects," may meet with a success
equal to such Virtue.
May You, Gentlemen, as I doubt not but you will, by your
wise and spirited Conduct, exhibit a noble Example, demonstra
ting, that these Colonies may, at the same Time, " shew their
Loyalty to the best of Sovereigns, and that they know what they
owe to themselves, as well as to Great Britain.
July 7th, 1768. A FARMER."
(Direction on envelope.)
" To the Moderator and Freemen of the Town
of Providence, in New-England."
In July, 1768, the sons of liberty were called upon
to attend the dedication of the tree of Hberty. Al
most every town then had either its liberty tree or
its liberty pole. The liberty tree of Providence was
a little north of the north side of Olney street, in
front of a pubhc house kept there by Capt. Joseph

222 GENERAL HISTORY.
Olney. Samuel Thurber, in a note kindly commu
nicated to me when in his 81st year, says :
" He" Captain Olney " had a large, old fashioned, two story,
low studded house, in the form of an L, with a large yard in
front. In this yard stood the largest elm tree that I ever saw.
A flight of steps was erected, leading perhaps twenty feet up to
wherl three or four limbs set out. There, a convenient seat
was fixed for, say, ten or twelve people to sit in and enjoy them
selves in the shade.''
The dedication of this tree took place on the 25tii
day of July. A large concourse of people assem
bled. An animated discourse was dehvered, from
the seat or summer house on the tree, by SUas Dow
ner. After which tiie people in the summer house,
laying their hands on the tree, the gentleman who
gave the discourse pronounced these words aloud.
" We do, in the name and behalf of all the true sons of liberty
in America, Great Britian, Ireland, Corsica, or wheresoever they
may be dispersed throughout the world, dedicate and solemnly
devote this tree to be a tree of liberty. May all our councils
and deliberations, under its venerable branches, be guided by
wisdom, and directed for the support and maintainance of that
liberty, which our renowned forefathers sought out and found
under trees and in the wilderness. May it long flourish, and
may the sons of liberty often repair hither, to confirm and
strengthen each other ; when they look toward this sacred elm,
may they be penetrated with a sense of their duty to themselves
and their posterity ; and may they, like the house of David, grow
stronger and stronger, while their enemies, like the house of Saul,
shall grow weaker and, weaker. Amen."
This discourse was afterwards pubHshed in a pam
phlet, a copy of which is in the possession of the
Historical Society. The liberty tree of Providence
was long since cut down, but the principles that in-

GENERAL HISTORY. 223
duced its dedication have survived. They led to
the subsequent independence of the colonies and aU
the blessings which have resulted from it. The ruth
less hand of time can destroy the monuments which
man erects or consecrates, but it possesses no power
over the principles which haUow such monuments.
They wiU exist, and flourish, and increase, when the
ruins of the monuments themselves, shaU cover the
graves of those who erected or consecrated them.
It seems that further measures were deemed ne
cessary to counteract the measures of the British
government, imposing duties on goods imported into
the colonies. " The merchants, traders, farmers
and mechanics, and in general, aU the sons of liber
ty, in this and the neighboring towns," were desired
to meet at the liberty tree, on the 25th of July 1769,
to consult and agree upon effectual measures, to dis
courage the importation and consumption of Europe
an goods. What was done at this meeting, does not
appear. Another meeting 'was holden, on the 17th
pf October foUowing. The occasion of this meeting
was the expected arrival of a vessel from England,
with British goods, imported contrary to the agree
ment of December 2d, 1767. On the 24th of Octo
ber, a town meeting was caUed on the subject, and it
was then resolved,
" That they would not, directly nor indirectly, from that time
until the act imposing duties upon glass, paper, &.c. shall be re
pealed, give any orders for importing, by land or water, into this
colony, either for sale, or for their own or families' use, or pur
chase of any other person importing, any of the articles enume
rated in an agreement, entered into and signed by a number of
the inhabitants of this town, on the 2d day of December 1767,

224 GENERAL HISTORY.
similar to one entered into, about the same time, by the town of
Boston ; and that they would strictly adhere to the measures
thereby adopted, by endeavoring, most effectually, to discounte
nance luxury and extravagance, in the use of British and foreign
manufactures and superfluities, and by exerting their utmost en
deavors to promote and encourage, by all laudable methods, our
own manufactures,, more especially the articles of wool and
flax, the natural produce and staple of this colony.
And, whereas, several merchants of this town have given or
ders for, and daily expect from England, in the Snow Tristram,
David Shand, master, divers parcel's of goods, among which are
many of the articles enumerated in the aforementioned agree
ment not to be imported, they did then, in the presence of the
town meeting, cheerfully agree and engage to deliver up, all
such enumerated articles, which they shall import, in said Snow,,
or by any other way whatever, to a committee of three gentle
men appointed by said meeting, for that purpose, who are to re
ceive and store the sAme, till the aforesaid act, imposing duties,
&c. shall be repealed."
Measures of this character, were pursued in most
parts of the colonies. Their effects were so sensi
bly felt by the manufacturers and merchants in Eng
land, as to induce a repeal of some parts of the ob
noxious acts of Parhament. The ministry consent
ed to this, hoping, thereby, to satisfy their own citi
zens at home, and to distract the proceedings of the
colonists, by exciting jealousies among tiiem. At
aU times, in every colony, there were some individ
uals, who were ready to sacrifice, even the Hberty
of the country, to their own avarice. These were
constantly evading the non-importation agreements,
and proposing alterations in them. The partial re
peal of the obnoxious acts, furnished them with a
pretence for seUing the prohibited articles. In a
communication of the Providence Gazette of Janu-

GENERAL HISTORV. 225
ary 20th 1770, some of the Boston Merchants are
accused of breaking the non-importation agreement.
Such reports, induced a meeting of merchants there,
when it was agreed stUl to adhere to it.
It seems that some of the merchants of Provi
dence came to a different conclusion. This led to
a special town meeting, on the 31st of May, which
resolved, " That no general importation of European and India goods,
from Great Britian, take place in this town, until a general im
portation take place in the neighboring colonies.
It appearing, that at the late meeting of a number of the mer
chants of this town, when the non-importation agreement was va
cated, by a majority of those present, they were unacquainted with
the sentiments of the neighboring colonies respecting that matter,
and as it appears, the proposed alteration of said agreement, to the
exclusion of tea only, is not satisfactory to the inhabitants of this
town, nor to the neighboring colonies, nor will it have the desired
effect, it is the opinion of this meeting, that the vacation of the
said agreement was too precipitate, and as such, we apprehend,
would not have been done by them, had the matter been postpon
ed to this time. Voted, that it is the unanimous opinion of this
meeting, that no goods, excepting such as are allowed by said
agreement, ought, by any means, to be imported into this town,
until the duty on tea be repealed, or the other governments, gen
erally, import; and that a committee be appointed to wait on the
three houses of merchants who are for importing and who have
sent for their goods, and use every argument to induce them
to countermand their orders, and report their doings at the an
nual town meeting, to be holden on Monday next ; and to pre
vent any disagreeable sfentiments arising in the minds of our
neighbors, against the inhabitants of this town, on account of the
said late resolution, the proceedings of this meeting are hereby
ordered to be published in the next Gazette, that the public may
be assured we shall harmonize in the united endeavors of this
continent, in this and every other measure so salutary to the
general welfare.
29

226 GENERAL HISTORY.
Voted, that Stephen Hopkins, Darius Sessions, Ephraim Bow
en, John Jenckes, Nicholas Brown, Nicholas Cooke and Job
Sweeting, be and are hereby appointed a committee for the afore
said purposes."
The following vote was also passed at the same
meeting. " Whereas there are some persons in the towns of Boston and
Newport, who have imported goods, contrary to the general agree
ments of the colonies, it is voted and resolved, that if any person
or persons shall purchase, directly or indirectly, any such goods
so imported, from thence or elsewhere, and bring them into this
town, either for sale or their own use, their names be published
in the Gazette, that they may, thereby, receive the displeasure
and discouragement of their injured neighbors and country ;
and that Jabez Bowen jr., John Brown, John Jenckes, Joseph
Bucklin and Benjamin Cushing jr. be, and are hereby appoint
ed a committee of inspection for that purpose."
The committee appointed to wait on the mer
chants, reported, at an adjourned town meeting, on
the 6th day of June, that the merchants had agreed
to countermand aU goods, except those enumerated
in a list then produced.
" The said list not being satisfactory, a dispute arose and a
vote was called in the following manner, viz : Whether the
importers should be permitted to import agreeable to the new
list exhibited by the committee, or continue under the restric
tions of their former agreement of October 1769? Upon a di
vision there appeared for the new list, only 19, and for the
old list 39."
Importers were however permitted to give orders
for any articles not included in tiie old list, which
the merchants of Boston, New- York, or PhUadel-
phia, imported, in consequence ot their agreements.
The record concludes, " it therefore fuUy appears
to be the sense of the town in general, that we har-

GENERAL HISTORY. 227
monize with the other colonies in their united agree
ments." Notwithstanding these proceedings, reports inju
rious to the town were widely circulated. The fol
lowing vote, passed at the regular town meeting on
the last Tuesday in August, shows the extent of
these reports, and how Ul founded they were.
" Whereas the committee of trade for this town, laid before
this meeting, a letter, from the committee of trade in Boston,
desiring the directions of this meeting, in giving an answer to
the same, the town, having considered thereon, do vote, that the
committee of this town, inform them, that, as a corporate body,
we have constantly and strictly adhered to our votes respecting
the non-importation agreement,and that the treatment of this town
by the Southern and Western colonies, in refusing to trade with
us, is unjust and without any foundation ; atid in particular, the
Philadelphians paying no regard to the letter from the merchants
of this town, is injurious and highly reflecting upon the sincerity
and veracity of the merchants here ; and that this town, notwith
standing the hard usage they have met with from the Southern
and Western colonies, will yet adhere to their former resolutions,
and will exert themselves in taking all prudent methods, in storing
goods, if any shall come to this town ; and they do expect the said
colonies will acknowledge their mistake and open a free trade
with them as heretofore, and that they will not themselves break
the agreement by importing and selling goods.''
This vote being communicated to the commit
tee of trade in Boston, was laid before a meeting of
merchants and others concerned in trade, on the 5th
day of September, when the foUowing vote was pass
ed by that meeting.
" Voted, that it appears to this body that the town of Provi.
dence hath faithfully adhered to the non-importation agreement,
and that all reports to the contrary are without foundation."
A copy of this vote was forwarded to the commit-

228 GENERAL HISTORY.
tee of merchants at Providence. This agreement
continued in force until October foUowing, when it
was rescinded, apparently by common consent.
In March 1772, the superior court of the colony
in the county of Providence, were engaged in the
trial of a most interesting cause, involving the legaH-
ty of the non-importation agreements. The commit
tee of inspection in the city of New- York, finding
one David Hills, of Wrentham, Massachusetts, vend
ing goods embraced in the non-importation agree
ments, induced him to deposit them in the hands of
a merchant whom they named, to be re-delivered
to him on the repeal of the acts of Parliament. The
evening after they were so deposited, they were tak
en from the hands of the depositary by the populace,
and burnt ia the streets. HiUs commenced an ac
tion for the value of the goods, against some of the
committee, whose property he found in Rhode-Isl
and, aUedging' that he was compeUed by threats to
part with them. ^ The most able counsel in the col
ony were employed on both sides. The claim of
the plaintiff", was one not entitied to popular favor.
The business in which he was engaged, was one
which the whole community, with one accord, had
decided to be unfavorable to the cause of liberty. —
The judges of both courts before which the cause
was tried, held their offices by annual appointment.
The jurors in each court, were returned from the
Several towns in the county, and did not receive any
charge from the court ; yet tiie plaintiff recovered
in both courts, by the verdict of the juries. Under
such circumstances, such a decision, of such a cause.

GENERAL HISTORY. 229
was very honorable to both court and jury. The
reverence that they paid to law and justice, was such
as to lead them to a conclusion against their own
practices, and prejudices, and in favor of a stranger,
whose conduct they condemned, as injurious to the
best interests of the whole country.
In the spring of 1772, the armed schooner Gas-
pee, commanded by Lieutenant WiUiam Dudding
ston, arrived in Narragansett Bay, to aid in enforc
ing the revenue laws. These laws had never been
much respected in this colony ; of course, the visit
of this vessel, on such an errand, was far from being
acceptable to the inhabitants, especiaUy as her com
mander seemed inclined strictly to discharge his duty.
Difficulties soon arose between the governor of the
colony and Lieutenant Duddingston, in relation to
their several duties ; the effect of which, was, to
make the latter stiU more punctihous and energetic
in relation to the revenue laws. He would not al
low even the river packets to pass up to Providence,
without bringing them to ; and, in some instances,
he disregarded the very laws he came to execute.
On the 8th of June, the sloop Hannah, Captain Ben
jamin Lindsey, touched at Newport, on her way
from New- York to Providence, and reported her
cargo to the custom house, then the only one in the
colony. On the day foUowing, she started on her
way up the river. The Gaspee followed her. Cap
tain Lindsey crowded saU to escape, and knowing
weU the channel, crossed Namquit Point, where
there was water enough for the Hannah, but not
enough for tiie Gaspee. The Gaspee foUowed him

230 GENERAL HISTORY.
and ran aground on the point. The Hannah pur
sued her course to Providence, and on her arrival,
Capt. Lindsey gave notice of the situation in which
he left the Gaspee. Namquit is about six mUes be
low Providence, on the west shore. In the evening
of the same day, eight long boats, fiUed with ship
masters and merchants, citizens of Providence, of
high respectabUity, boarded the Gaspee, took out
her crew and landed them at Pawtuxet, and set the
vessel on fire. On approaching the Gaspee, the
Lieutenant discharged his pistols at them, and, in
return, was wounded by a musket ball, in the left
groin. The vessel was whoUy destroyed. The
boats returned to Providence before morning.
As soon as Gov. Wanton became informed of this
transaction, he issued his proclamation, oflfering a
reward of £100, for the discovery of any person en
gaged in it. After taking affidavits in relation to it,
he transmitted an account of the whole aflfair, and of
the measures he had pursued in relation to it, to the
British government. They issued a proclamation,
offering a reward of £500, for the discovery of any
person engaged in it, and £500, additional, for tiie
discovery of the " captain" of tiie enterprize, or
" the sheriff" of the county of Kent," which last titie
was assumed on the occasion, by one of the most
active among tiie assaUants. Subsequentiy, they ap
pointed a special court of commissioners to inquire
into the matter. They met at Newport. But nei
ther rewards nor judicial investigation, led to any
discovery of the perpetators of the deed. Notwith
standing so many were personally engaged in the

GENERAL HISTORY. 231
transaction, that they were caUed together by beat
of drum through the streets, that they met at Sabin's
tavern, then one of the pubhc houses more frequent
ed than any other in the town, that they embarked
in their boats early in the evening, and without dis
guise of any kind, no person could be found base
enough to betray them. John Brown, weU known
as one of the most enterprising and wealthy mer
chants in New-England, took an active part in this
aff"air, if he did not originate it. Abraham Whipple,
afterward a captain in the continental navy, had the
command of the squadron. The last survivor of the
company was Ephraim Bowen. He died in 1840.
Here was the first open and armed opposition to
the forces of his majesty, and here the first blood shed
in the revolutionary struggle. A Providence man
fired the first gun, and at a company of Providence
men was the first ball discharged in ti^at^ontest.
The omnipotence of the BritisK^Parliament had
long been exerted in vain, to compel the colonists
to pay taxes imposed without their consent. The
taxes were evaded, by the non-importation agree
ments. No power could compel them to import
goods subject to the obnoxious duties. When com
peUed to retrace their steps, in 1770, and to repeal
the duties on aU articles, except tea, they stiU found
it impossible to compel the colonies to use that arti
cle. They would not even drink tea, on compulsion.
In 1773, resort was had to the extraordinary measure
of permitting the East India Company to export their
teas to America, with a drawback of all the duties
paid in England. Aware as the friends of hberty

232 GENERAL HISTORY.
were, that it would be impossible to stop the sale of
the article, if once introduced, they came at once to
the conclusion, that it should not be landed in the
country. This they were unable to eff'ect in Bos
ton, the consignees being friends of the government.
They then came to the decision of destroying it ; and
on the evening of the 16th December 1773, they
emptied 342 chests of it into Boston harbor.
The inhabitants of Providence were not called
upon to act so decisively, in relation to the importa
tion of tea, as were those of Boston. No teas were
shipped to tliis port. Soon after the Boston tea
party, to wit, on the 19th of January 1774, a town
meeting was called, at which the foUowing resolu
tions were passed.
" Inasmuch as the British parliament have undertaken to raise
a revenue in the American- Colonies by a duty upon tea ; We,
the freemen of the Town of Providence, legally assembled in
town meeting, cannot be silent on so interesting an occasion.
Should we, in this case, omit to assert and express the firmest
resolutions to vindicate our rights, it might be construed as a
cession of them into the hands of those who have wantonly in
vaded them in this instance.
We do therefore, in justice to ourselves, our posterity and the
sister colonies, openly and publicly make the following declara
tion ; hoping, that by a vigorous exertion in conformity thereto,
we may, in some measure, contribute towards escaping the
dreadful train of evils, which must be the consequence of a tame
submission to any invasion of American freedom. We lament
any seeming acquiesence which hath, at any time heretofore,
been made in these colonies, under parliamentary usurpations of
our liberties ; but as any such concessions were made through
fear, inattention, or without a due consideration of our rights, we
strongly protest against any precedent being made thereby, to
our disadvantage. When we consider, that many of our ances-

GENERAL HISTORY. 233
tors removed from Britain and planted themselves here ; that the
religion, language and customs of the two countries are mostly
similar, and that there hath been a long intercourse of trade and
commerce between them, we are willing and ever desirous of
a continuance of connexion between the Colonies and Britain,
if it may be had upon terms, in any measure, equal. Upon full
consideration of the matter upon which we have met, we do re
solve, 1. That the disposal of their own property, is the inherent
right of freemen ; that there can be no property in that which
another can, of right, take from us, without our consent ; that
the claim of Parliament to tax America, is, in other words, a
claim of right to levy contributions on us at pleasure.
2. That the duty imposed by Parliament on tea, landed in
America, is a tax on the Americans, or levying contributions on
them without their consent.
3. That the express purpose for which the tax is levied on the
Americans, namely, for the support of government, administra
tion of justice and defence of his Majesty's dominions in America,
has a direct tendency to render assemblies useless, and to intro
duce arbitrary government and slavery.
4. That a virtuous and steady opposition to this ministerial
plan of governing America, is absolutely necessary, to preserve
even the shadow of liberty, and is a duty which every freeman
in America owes to his country, to himself, and to his posterity.
5. That the resolution lately entered into by the East India
Company to send out their tea to America, subject to the pay
ment of duties, on its being landed here, is an open attempt to
enforce this ministerial plan, and a violent attack upon the lib
erties of America.
6. That it is the duty of every American to oppose this at
tempt. 7. That whoever shall, directly or indirectly, countenance this
attempt, or in any wise aid or abet in unloading, receiving or
vending the tea sent, or to be sent out by the East India Com
pany, while it remains subject to the payment of a duty here, is
an enemy to his country.
8. That no tea belonging to the East India Company, or any
30

234 GENERAL HISTORY.
other person subject to a duty, or dutied tea, shall be unladed
here, or brought by land.
9. That this town will co-operate with the other towns in this
colony, and with all the other colonies, in a resolute stand, as
well against every other unconstitutional measure, as the tea
act in particular.
10. That Samuel Nightingale, Esq., Jabez Bowen, Esq., and
Messrs. John Brown, John Updike, John Jenckes, John Mat-
thewson and Daniel Cahoon, or the major part of them, be a com
mittee to correspond with the towns in this and the neighboring
governments, on all such matters as shall be thought to affect
the liberties of America.
Voted, that this town highly approve of the proceedings of
their brethren of Boston, Philadelphia and New-York, in their
spirited and resolute opposition made to the introduction of tea,
while subject to a duty laid by Parliament ; and that our thanks
be given them for the same.
Voted, that the committee wait on all the importers of English
goods, in this town, and inform them of the resolutions which
the town have entered into respecting tea while subject to a
duty : and if any of them have ordered any tea to come next
spring, that they be desired to send counter orders immediately.
Voted, that the aforegoing proceedings be published in the
next Providence Gazette."
The committee proceeded immediately to the dis
charge of their duties. They found that only one
chest of tea had been ordered, and that that order
had been countermanded before the town meeting,
and that only nine chests, on which a duty had been
paid, had been imported since the non-importation
agreement was rescinded. The rest of the towns
in the colony passed similar resolutions, within a
short time after this.
The colonies made common cause with Massa
chusetts, in opposing the measures adopted by Par-

GENERAL HISTORY. 235
hament, against that colony, in consequence of the
destruction of tea in Boston harbor. They felt too,
that the crisis required a closer union between them,
and a general Congress was suggested.
The first act of any body of men in favor of this
measure, may be found in the proceedings of the
town meeting of Providence, holden May 17. The
following resolution was passed at that meeting.
" Resolved, that this town will heartily join with the Province
of the Massachusetts Bay, and the other colonies, in such meas
ures, as shall be generally agreed on by the colonies, for the pro
tecting and securing their invaluable natural rights and privileges,
and transmitting the same to the latest posterity. That the
deputies of this town be requested to use their infiuence, at the
approaching session of the General Assembly, of this colony,
for promoting a Congress, as soon as may be, of the Represen
tatives of the General Assemblies of the several colonies and
pirovinces of North America, for establishing the firmest union,
and adopting such measures as to them shall appear the most
effectual, to answer that important purpose : and to agree upon
proper methods for executing the same. That the committee
of correspondence of this town, be desired to assure the town
of Boston, that we consider ourselves greatly interested in the
present alarming conduct of the British Parliament, towards
them, and view the whole English American colonies equally
concerned in the event ; and that we will, with the utmost firm
ness, act accordingly, whenever any plan shall be agreed on.
In the mean time, we are of opinion that an universal stoppage
of all trade with Great Britain, Ireland, Africa and the West
Indies, until such time as the port of Boston shall be reinstated
in its former privileges, &c., will be the best expedient in the
case, and that a proper time should be generally agreed on for
the same, universally, to take place."
The deputies of the town obeyed the instructions
contained in these resolutions, and the General As-

236 GENERAL HISTORY.
sembly, at June session, appointed Stephen Hopkins
and Samuel Ward, delegates from this colony to a
continental Congress. As a proof of the unanimity
that prevailed, it should be recoUected, that these
two gentiemen had, for a long series of years, been
rival candidates for the office of Governor of the
colony, and that the parties were so nearly balanced
that they alternately filled the gubernatorial chah.
There were two other acts passed at the same
town meeting, which prove that tiie inhabitants were
true to the principles of liberty they professed. The
first is as follows :
" Whereas, the inhabitants of America are engaged in the
preservation of their rights and liberties, and as personal liberty
is an essential part of the natural rights of mankind, the depu'
ties of this town are directed to use their endeavors to obtain an
act of the General Assembly prohibiting the importation of negro
slaves into this colony, and that all negroes born in this colony
should be free after attaining to a certain age."
At the session of the Assembly in June, an act
was passed prohibiting the future importation of
slaves into the colony. The third resolution also
relates to the subject of domestic slavery. They
felt bound to enforce the law of the colony, for the
benefit of the creditors of the deceased, but justice
and consistency forbade their participating in any
gain to be derived from the unwilhng labor of their
fellow men. It is as foUows :
" Whereas Jacob Shoemaker, late of Providence, died intes
tate, and hath left six negroes, four of whom are infants, and
there being no heir to the said Jacob, in this town or colony,
the said negroes have fallen to this town by law, provided no
'heir should appear. Therefore,

GENERAL HISTORY. 237
It is voted, by this meeting, that it is unbecoming the charac
ter of freemen to enslave the said negroes, and they do hereby,
give up all claim of right or property in them, the said negroes,
or either of them. And it is hereby recommended to the town
council, to take the said negroes under their protection, and to
bind the small children to some masters and mistresses. And
in case there should, not be persorial estate of the said Jacob
Shoemaker, sufficient to pay his just debts, it is further recom
mended to said council to bind out either, or both, of the adult
negroes, for that purpose."
The Assembly at May, ordered a census to be ta
ken of the inhabitants of the colony. The whole
number was ascertained to be 59,686. The popu
lation of Providence consisted of
White Males, above 16 years of age, 1,219.
" " under " " " 850.
" Females, above " " " 1,049.
" " under " " " 832.
Indians, 68.
Negroes, 303.

Total, 4,321.
The number of dweUing houses was 421, and of
famUies, 655.
In August, the foUowing instructions were given
to the deputies of this town in the General Assem-
bly. " Gentlemen, the sufferings and distresses of the people of the
town of Boston, occasioned by a relentless execution of that cru
el edict for blocking up the port, awaken our attention and ex
cite our compassion. Their cause is our cause, and unless aid
and succor be afforded them, they may be discouraged into a
hurtful submission, and ministerial vengeance may be next di
rected against this colony, and in the end alight upon all. You
are, therefore, requested to use your endeavors, at the next ses»

238

GENERAL HISTORY.

sion of the General Assembly, to procure a grant to be made
from this colony of such a sum of money as they may think fit,
toward relieving and mitigating the difficulties and distresses,
which that town must experience from the operation of that most
unrighteous inhibition, the hostile manner of carrying the same
into force and a general arrest of their liberties.
Permit us to observe, that in doing this, it will be evidenced
that as a community we would do unto others as we would they
should do unto us under a like circumstance ; and that it will be
a greater testimony of unaminity in the general concernments of
America, in this day of struggle and danger, than private con
tributions, and far more equal."
Liberal contributions were sent them from aU
parts of the country. Many of the inhabitants re
moved to other places. Among those who came
to Providence was John Simpson, hardware mer
chant. He rendered himself obnoxious, by espous
ing the cause of despotism. On the morning of the
21st of August, he found his doors and window-
shutters, tarred and feathered. He prudentiy re
turned to Boston. A Mr. DeShazro, tin-plate work
er, arrived here a few days afterwards, but the in
habitants being apprised that he was an enemy to
the liberties of his country, intimated to him that he
could not continue here in safety, and on the foUow
ing day he returned to Boston. These circumstan
ces induced the town, on the 30tii of August, to pass
the foUowing resolution.
" It is resolved by this meeting, that this town ought not to
be made the asylum of any person or persons, of whatever town,
place or city, within the British dominions, whose principles
and practices, being inimical to the liberties of our country and
its happy constitution, have rendered or shall render them ob
noxious to the inhabitants of such place or places from which
they may emigrate ; and that all such ought to be discouraged,

GENERAL HISTORY. 239
by every prudent and legal measure ; and the honorable town
council are hereby requested to exert themselves, for the remo
val and ejection of all such persons, so far as by law they maybe*
warranted ; as their being admitted amongst us may tend greatly
to endanger the peace, order and tranquility of the town, which
has been manifested by recent instances."
The following day another town meeting was hol
den, the cause and proceedings of which are embod
ied in the following vote.
" Whereas, on the evening of the 30th of August last, a num
ber of persons imprudently and tumultuously assembled them
selves together, in a manner that did disturb the peace and or
der of the town ; and as such proceedings are of evil example
and repugnant to the good and wholesome laws of this town
and colony, which if executed, we deem sufficient to support the
quiet and tranquility thereof; and such doings being ever de
rogatory to the honor of the tovvn and subversive of our rights
and liberties, this town do protest against such proceedings, and
desire the civil magistrates therein to exert themselves to their
utmost, to prevent and suppress all such unhappy disturbances
in future, in doing which they may rely upon the aid and support
of the freemen and well disposed inhabitants, at all times."
This prudent act undoubtedly prevented the oc
currence in this town, of many of those scenes,
which were subsequently acted in different parts of
the country. By insisting upon the supremacy of
their laws, they honored both themselves and the
cause in which they were engaged.
The following month, the Light Infantry and Cadet
Companies ofthis town were required, by the Sheriff"
of the county of Kent, at East-Greenwich, to disperse
a mob there assembled, and threatening to destroy
that town. An express arrived here about two in the
morning, and these two companies reached the place
of destination at nine the same morning. It seems

240

GENERAL HISTORY.

that the inhabitants of East-Greenwich had charged
, Stephen Arnold of Warwick, one of the judges of
the inferior court in that county, with propagating
principles unfriendly to American Hberty and had
hung him in effigy. He had called together his
friends, to the number of some hundreds, to avenge
himself for these insults. After the arrival of the
military, he acknowledged that he had been indis
creet in his proceedings, being actuated by fear and
resentment. He signed a paper, acknowledging
these facts and declaring himself to be a friend to
the liberties of his country, and that he disapproved
of those measures which were intended to impose
any taxes on America without her consent. Upon
this, and his promising to discourage aU such unlaw
ful assembhes for the fiiture, peace was restored and
the military returned home.
The town in November, authorised their commit
tee of correspondence to receive £125, from the
town treasurer, to be transmitted to the distressed
inhabitants of Boston. SimUar donations were sent
from other towns, and from patriotic individuals, for
the rehef the inhabitants then suffering under the
provisions of the Boston Port BiU.
The committee of correspondence, of Providence,
held a meeting on the 24th day of November. The
following were their proceedings at that meeting.
" The committee of correspondence for the town of Provi
dence, having met together, this day, and taking into consider
ation an article in the Association made at the late American
Continental Congress, relative to improving the breed of sheep,
increasing their number, killing them as sparingly as may be,
especially those of the most profitable kind, and not exporting

GENERAL HISTORY. 241
them to the West Indies, do earnestly entreat and exhort, all per
sons within this town, to conform themselves exactly to this good
and wise regulation, as it will have a manifest tendency to bring
about and secure that freedom and happiness, which we so great
ly contend for. We would observe in particular, that those who
shall so far act in opposition to the united sentiments of all
America, collected in General Congress, as to kill any lambs, or
young sheep, without the most evident necessity, or export any
sheep at all to the West Indies, ought to be discountenanced, as
persons who counteract the general welfare."
They did more than resolve and publish their res
olutions. Hearing that some merchants here were
about shipping sheep to the West Indies, they wait
ed on them personally. The merchants, supposing
that by the association agreed to by the continental
Congress, they could export until the first day of
December, had purchased a number of sheep, ex
pressly for the purpose of exportation, but on learn
ing that a diflferent construction was put' on the arti
cle, they immediately gave ordejrs that they should
not be shipped. About the same time, the bearers
at a funeral accepted of gloves; upon recoUecting
that this was contrary to the recommendation of
Congress, after the corpse was interred, they immedi
ately returned them, and the merchant of whom they
had been purchased, received them back again.
These incidents may seem hke trifles. They were
so regarded by the friends of the British ministry.
Had they been duly weighed, trifling as they were,
they ought to have convinced every one that the
colonists were in earnest, and being so, were invin
cible. What cannot a people do, when impelled by pa-
31

242 GENERAL HISTORY.
triotism, when self-interest gives place to the pub
lic good, when private emolument and gain lose
their charms, being in opposition to the general
welfare.? When any people are so vfrtuous as to
yield impHcit obedience to the simple recommenda
tions of their rulers, upon the ground that the weU
being of the community depends on them, they may
be annihUated, but not subjugated.
In pursuance of the recommendations of the Con
tinental Congress, a committee of inspection was
appointed by the town, on the 17th of December.
It consisted of WiUiam Earl, Nicholas Cooke, Ben
jamin Man, Zephaniah Andrews, Arthur Fenner, jr.
Ambrose Page, Nicholas Power, George Corlis,
Paul AUen, David Lawrence, Joseph RusseU, Job
Sweeting, Joseph Bucklin, Jonathan Arnold, Ber
nard Eddy, Aaron Mason, Joseph Brown and Na
thaniel Wheaton. TTiey met at the chamber of the
town councU, on the third Wednesday of every
month. At their first meeting, on the 24th day of
December 1774, they pubHshed a synopsis of the
association of Congress, designating the duties im
posed and recommended by it. They then add, —
" In all and every of which matters, we request all persons in
this town, to yield the strictest conformity, and in general, a full
observance of every thing at large in the proceedings of the
Congress, as they would avoid such contempt and inconven
ience, as otherwise they would incur ; recommending a frequent
perusal of the said proceedings, to the end that they may fully
know their duty with respect to said agreement, entered into as
a great means for extricating this country from impending ruin
and slavery.
And we earnestly request all persons both in town and coun
try, who deal or trade in this place, and all others, to give us in-

GENERAL HISTORY. 243
formation of the names of such as shall violate any part of the
association, that they may meet with such discouragement as the
Congress have directed.
Voted, that all persons who shall in future bring goods into
this town, either by land or water, shall produce a certificate
from the committee of inspection, for the place from whence the
goods may be brought, of their being imported before the first
day of December ; or that they were bought at vendue, accord
ing to the regulation of the American Congress, as contained in
the 10th article.
Voted, that the chairman of this committee, or any three of the
members, be empowered to give certificates to any person who
shall apply, for goods imported into this town agreeable to the
regulations of Congress."
Congress, by the same association, agreed not to
use or purchase tea, after the first day of March
1775. As that day approached, the committee is
sued the following address to the inhabitants of Prov
idence. " We, the coipmittee of inspection, of the town of Providence,
besides the notice we have already given for your exact conform
ity to the association agreement of the General Congress, think
it our duty, at this time, when the first day of March is at hand,
to remind you, in special, that in the third article it is solemnly
agreed and associated, not' to purchase or use any East India
tea whatever, from and after the first day of March next. This
measure, among others, was thought necessary to gain redress
of those grievances which threaten destruction to the lives, lib
erty and property of his majesty's subjects in North America.
We hope that there will not be found in this town, any violator
of this solemn agreement, respecting the purchase and use of a
needless article, which hath proved so ruinous to the liberty, in
terest and health of the people. The united sense of the colo
nies in this matter, manifested in a general Congress, approved
and ratified by the several governments, and this, in particular,
we look upon to be equally obligatory with any other regulation
entered into for common good ; and that no person can be coun-

244 GENERAL HtSTORlf.
tenanced in a departure therefrom, or in acting such part iii so
ciety, under the pretence of liberty, as must, by the most evident
consequences, be followed with the greatest mischiefs.
We, therefore, most earnestly desire of all persons in this town,
a most strict adherence to this most important regulation ; that
they do not purchase, use or suffer to be purchased or used by
any person, for or under them, any India tea, after the first of
March next ; and that they would give information to us of the
names of all such as shall sell, buy or use, or suffer to be sold,
bought or used, any India tea, after the said time, that they may
be published in the Gazette, so as that they may be known and
universally contemned as enemies of American liberty, and that
all dealings with them be broken ofli"."
To manifest their determination to conform to this
address, the people assembled and burnt their tea,
in the market place, on the second day of March.
The solemnities of the occasion are thus described :
" On Thursday last, about 12 o'clock at noon, the town crier
gave the following notice through the town.
" At five o'clock, this afternoon, a quantity of India tea will
be burnt in the market place. All true friends of their country,
lovers of freedom, and haters of shackles and handcuffs, are
hereby invited to testify their good dispositions, by bringing and
casting into the fire a needless herb, which, for a long time, hath
been highly detrimental to our liberty, interest and health."
About five in the afternoon, a great number of inhabitants as
sembled at the place, where there were brought in about three
hundred pounds weight of tea, by the firm contenders for the
true interests of America. A large fire was kindled, and the
tea cast into it. A tar barrel. Lord North's speech, Rivington's,
and Mills and Hicks' newspapers, and divers other ingredients
entered into the composition. There appeared great cheerful
ness in committing to destruction so pernicious an article.
Many worthy women, from a conviction of the evil tendency of
continuing the habit of tea drinking, made free-will offerings of
their respective stocks of the hurtful trash. On this occasion,
the bells were tolled ; but it is referred to the learned, whether

GENERAL HISTORY. 246
tolling or ringing would have been most proper. Whilst the tea
was burning, a spirited son of liberty went along the streets with
his brush and lamp black, and obliterated or unpainted the word
" tea" on the shop signs.
Thus the funeral of Madam Souchong, was observed. She
was a native of China, £uid after travelling into several parts of
Europe, where she found great notice among the great and lux
urious, she took a trip to America. She came into this country
about forty years ago, and hath been greatly caressed by all
ranks. She lived in reputation for several years, but, at length,
became a common prostitute among the lowest class of people.
She became very poor, and her price was so lowered that any
one might have her company for almost nothing. The quality
deserted her, and by hard living, in log houses and wigwams, her
health was impaired. Broken spirits and hysterics seized her,
and she died on the first of March 1775, at midnight."
Had the biographer of Madam Souchong waited
but a short time, he would have ascertained that she
did not die at the time he stated. A sudden cata
lepsy seized her, at the time of her supposed death,
occasioned no doubt by the heavy load of chains for
America which the British ministry laid on her shoul
ders. She partially recovered in 1776, but in
1783, whoUy regained her lost powers, and has re
mained from that time to the present, as great a fa
vorite as when she first came to this country.
These and the subsequent proceedings of the
committee, are simply their recommendations of the
course of conduct to be pursued. They had not the
form, nor did they pretend to have the binding force
and authority, of laws. In many respects they must
have greatly interfered with individual interests, and
in all, with that control over and use of private prop
erty, which the laws of the land conferred on the
owners. They had the sanction of pubhc opinion.

246 GENERAL HISTORY.
The committee were merely the organ to announce
that Opinion, and it was that, embodied in their re
commendations, which gave them life and power.
AU experience has shown, that laws enacted in a
free government, against pubhc opinion, cannot be
executed, whatever may be the penalties annexed to
breaches of them. Unless immediately repealed,
they will be either openly and successfuUy resisted,
or secretly evaded. They want the spirit of law,
and are but a dead letter. These recommendations
had the spirit, but not the form, and they compeUed
obedience by their own inherent power. Sensible
of the value and importance of such a committee,
and satisfied with the manner in which they had ex
ecuted their duties, the town, at their annual town
meeting in June, re-appointed them, with the excep
tion of George Corlis, and added to their number
Samuel Nightingale, jr. Jabez Bowen, John Brown,
John Updike, John Jenckes, John Mathewson, Da
vid Cahoone, James AngeU and James Black. A
large proportion of the committee were the princi
pal merchants in the town. They entered unmedi
ately on the discharge of their duties, and on the
12th of June passed the foUowing resolve.
" It is voted, that all persons, venders of goods and merchan
dise in this town, sell the same, at the same rates they have been
respectively accustomed to do. And if any vender of goods or
merchandise, shall sell any such goods or merchandise on high
er terms than usual, or shall in any manner or by any device
Whatsoever, depart from the ninth resolve of the Continental
Congress relative to venders of goods, that then and in such
case, the public ought to neglect dealing with such persons or

GENERAL HISTORY. 247
his or her factor oi ageut, at any time ^J^eypaflfsr, for any cqm-
mpdity wh^tSQever.
And, it is further voted, that if any person shall sell any goods
or merchandise at a higher rate than they were heretofore ac
customed to do, the purchaser is hereby directed to give notice
thereof to this committee, and to produce the goods or merchan
dise so purchased, in order that such person's name may be pub
lished in the Providence Gazette.
And, it is further voted, that Messrs. John Updike, Samuel
Nightingale jr., Paul Allen and James Black, merchants, be and
they are hereby appointed a committee, to visit the several shop
keepers in this town, to examine the several prices oftheir goods,
and recommend to them that they sell the same at the usual pri
ces ; and if they find any goods marked at a higher rate tljan
usual, they are to make report to this committee."
Nothing but the peculiar circumstances of the
times would justify such a resolution as this. A peo
ple who would submit to it rather than pay a three
penny duty on tea, are entitled to our highest praise.
resolution, passed on the 17th of July, breathes the
samespirit. It was as foUows.
"It is voted, by this committee, that no mutton or lamb be
killed and brought to market in this town after the 22d day of
July inst., until the first day of Septeinber next ; and that if
any person shall, after this public notice, bring to market, or ex
pose to sale, any mutton or lamb, within the said limited time,
the same shall be seized and given to the poor."
, These proceedings manifest the spirit which se
cured the Hberty and independence of the colonies.
Men who could design such measures, could not be
slaves, and nothing but the purest patriotism, would
ever induce a community of freemen to submit to
them. There were some individuals, undoubtedly, who
secretly evaded them, but very few were the instan-

248 GENERAL HISTORY.
ces of open violation. Pubhc opinion was too unan
imous on the subject to be openly opposed. The
author has been informed of one instance in which
the committee of correspondence took a quarter of
lamb from before the fire where it was roasting, and
sent it to the work house, to gladden its inmates, with
out asking the owner's consent or waiting the result
of a judicial investigation of the matter.
Providence, at this juncture, was not behind
other places in making warhke preparations. It
does not appear that any companies of minute
men were organized here. Their place was sup
plied by the Independent Companies, so caUed. —
These consisted of volunteers from the mihtia, in
corporated by the General Assembly and possessing
certain privUeges, among the most important of
which was, that of choosing their own officers, subject
only to approval by the Governor, or Governor and
assistants. They were not attached to any particu
lar regiments of the militia, nor subject to tiie gen
eral or regimental officers ; but they received their
orders immediately from the Governor, as Captain
General. Hence the name of Independent Com
panies. An artiUery company had been incorpora
ted in 1744. In June 1774, they assumed the name
of the Cadet Company, by permission of the Gene
ral Assembly, and were commanded by a colonel.
At the same session of the Assembly, a Hght infantry
company was also incorporated. Soon after this a
grenadier company was formed. This was char
tered in October, and in December foUowing, the
Providence FusUeers, a company of horse, and anotii-

GENERAL HISTORY. 249
er of artiUery. In April following, the FusUeers and
ArtiUery were united and formed into the United
Train of ArtiUery, now in existence, a weU organized
and disciplined company. The Gazette of Decem
ber 18, 1775, says "Not a day passes, Sund&,ys ex
cepted, but some of the companies are under arms ;
so weU convinced are the people, that the complex
ion of the times renders a knowledge of the military
art indispensably necessary." On the first Monday
in April, a general muster of the militia of the colo
ny took place, on which occasion, there were about
two thousand men under arms in the county of Prov
idence, besides the troop of horse. As early as
January 1775, Stephen Jenckes, of North Provi
dence, had supplied several of the independent com
panies in Providence with muskets, of his own man
ufacture. Other persons in the colony were exten
sively engaged in making smaU arms, at the same
time. News of the battle of Lexington reached Provi
dence on the evening of the 19th of April. On the
morning of the 21st, the several independent com
panies of this and the neighboring towns, and a body
of the militia, in all about one thousand men, had
either marched or were in readiness to march, to
the assistance of their brethren in Massachusetts. —
A special session of the General Assembly con
vened on the 22d, at which, and at the May session
which soon followed, energetic steps were taken
not only to put the colony in a posture of defence,
but also to assist the other colonies in carrying on
oflfensive measures against the British troops in Bos-
32

250 GENERAL HISTORY.
ton. Providence contributed her fuU share to these
measures, and at the same time, exerted herself in
adopting means for her own defence, in addition
to those pursued by the colony. Several British ves
sels of war were in Newport harbor and cruismg
in the Bay. To prevent them from reaching Provi
dence and laying it under contribution for supplies,
was the principal object of their immediate care.
By the latter part of July, they had thrown up a
breastwork and entrenchment between Field and
Sassafras Points, and had erected a battery of six-
eighteen pounders on Fox Point. At a town meet
ing on the 29th day of August, Esek Hopkins, af
terwards first commodore of the American Navy,
was appointed commandant of this battery ; Samuel
Warner, Lieutenant, and Christopher Sheldon, Gun
ner. Seven men were appointed for each gun. A
floating battery was soon commenced. In October
they prepared scows, filled with combustible mate
rials, and were engaged in stretching a boom and
chain across the channel, when the colony assumed
the direction and completion of these works.
Pursuant to the recommendations of Congress,
they erected a beacon on the east hiU, near the junc
tion of Meeting and Prospect streets, for the purpose
of giving notice to the surrounding countiy, in case
of an attack on the town. The beacon was fired
on tiie night of the- 17th of August, to enable per
sons at a distance to ascertain its location. Its Hght,
it was said, was seen in Newport, New-London,
Norwich, Pomfret, Prospect HUl in Cambridge, and
in almost all the towns within the same distance

GENERAL HISTORY. 251
from it. -They soon had an opportunity of ascer
taining if they had any other defences, than the works
which they had erected. On the morning of the
22d of August, the Rose, Glasgow, and Swan, Brit
ish ships of war, with their tenders, were discovered
opposite Conimicut Point, about ten mUes distant.
An alarm was given. The batteries were immedi
ately manned, as were also the entrenchments.
The mihtary companies of the town and vicinity
appeared under arms. The ships, however, did
not approach any nearer, and on the evening of
the same day, moved down the bay to their for
mer station. The foregoing circumstances show,
that they might have met with an over warm re
ception, had they made an attempt on this town.
In February 1776, a census of the arms, and men
able to bear arms, in Providence, was taken by order
of the town. The report states, men, arms, families, inhab.
On the east side the river, 419 305 431 2678 •
On the west side the river, 307 192 310 1677
Total 726 497 741 4355.
After the British troops evacuated Boston, the
American camp near there was broken up, and the
regular army took up their Hne of march for New-
York. General Washington arrived here on his way
to that city, on the 5th of April. He was escorted into
town by the Cadet and Light Infantry companies,
and by two regiments of continental troops. The
success which had crowned his exertions to expel
the British troops from Boston, made him a welcome
and honored guest.

25^ GENERAL HISTORY.
In May of this year, the General Assembly of the
colony repealed the act entitied " An act for the
more eff"ectual securing to his Majesty the allegiance
of his subjects in this his colony and dominion of
Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations."
The preamble of the repeahng act is as follows :
" Whereas, in all states, existing by compact, protection and
allegiance are reciprocal, the latter being only due in conse
quence of the former ; and whereas, George the third, king of
Great Britain, forgeting his dignity, regardless of the compact
most solemnly entered into, ratified and confirmed to the inhab
itants of this colony, by his illustrious ancestors, and, till of late,
fully recognized by him, and entirely departing from the duties
and character of a good king, instead of protecting, is endeavoi^'
ing to destroy the good people of this colony, and of all the
united colonies, by sending fleets and armies to America, to
confiscate our property, and spread fire, sword and desolation
throughout our country, in order to compel us to submit to the
most debasing and detestable tyranny ; whereby we are obliged
by necessity, and it becomes our highest duty, to use every
means, with which God and nature have furnished us, in support
of our invaluable rights and privileges, and to oppose that power
whichiis exerted only for our destruction :"
The act then goes on to repeal the act referred to
in the title, requires the name and authority of the
king to be omitted in all commissions and judicial
process, and that of the governor and company of
the colony, to be inserted in Heu thereof. New
oaths of office were also prescribed by the same act,
omitting allegiance to the king. This act, by its
terms, severed the connexion between this colony
and Great Britain. It is virtuaUy a declaration of
indjependence, and it is believed to be prior in date
to any act, of similar character, passed by any other

GENERAL HISTORY. 263
colony. Under its charter, the colony enjoyed many
privileges above the rest of New-England. The
hand of oppression had not been heavUy laid on its
citizens ; yet the enjoyment of these privUeges made
them alive to every encroachment on the liberties of
the subject, and prompt to oppose the first approach
of arbitrary power. Congress made their famous
declaration of independence in July foUowing. The
General Assembly met to consider the same, on the
18th of the same month. It received their sanction
without any hesitation. The event was celebrated
in Providence on the 25th. The governor, and
such members of the Assembly as were in town,
were escorted by the Cadet and Light Infantiy Com
panies, to the court house, where the act of the As
sembly, and the declaration of Congress, were pub
hcly read. A salute of thirteen guns from the Ar
tillery and the Continental ships in the harbor, fol
lowed. A pubhc dinner was provided, arid spirited
and appropriate toasts given. In the evening the
king's arms were taken down from the pubhc offices
and burnt. The keeper of the " Crown Coff"ee
House," contributed his sign to the same fire. These
prdeeedings evinced a determination to secure the
independence which had been declared to exist. At
this time the enemy's cruisers swarmed in the bay,
and greatly interrupted the trade of Providence.
Their numbers increased as the season advanced, and
on the 8th of December, a large body of troops took
possession of the island of Rhode-Island. Ships of
war were there stationed, and in the harbor of New
port, and the passages each side of Rhode-Island

254 GENERAL HISTORY,
and Conanicut, were strictiy guarded. The first ap
pearance of the enemy's fleet caused an alarm to be
spread, and the independent companies and militia
promptly repaired to their stations. Large bodies
of soldiers arrived at Providence and remained
here for some time ; it being supposed that the
British troops intended to march through Providence
to Boston. This was never attempted nor probably
thought of. The salubrity of the chmate of that
beautiful island, the easy access to and safety of its
harbor, the facility with which it could be defended
against any attack from the main land, rendered it,
in every respect, an important post for the enemies
of America. The British retained possession of the
island untU the 25th of October 1779. Thefr pres
ence kept the whole colony in a continual state of
alarm. Excursions were very frequently made by
the tenders and smaU armed vessels to the neighbor
ing islands, and to the main. To guard against these,
it was necessary to maintain a chain of posts all
around Narragansett Bay. Though aided by some
continental troops, and by soldiers from the adjoin
ing states, the inhabitants of this state were almost
constantiy engaged in keeping watch and ward.
Providence, then next in size and importance to
Newport, and at the head of navigable water, was
supposed to be pecuHarly in danger. The town ex
hibited the appearance of a camp. The coUegc
building was first used as quarters for tiie artUlery,
and tiie grounds around it for a parade, and after
wards for a hospital for the sick soldiery. The ordi
nary business of the town was suspended. Many

GENERAL HISTORY. 255
of the inhabitants removed to places of safety in the
interior, and there was nothing but the din of arms,
and the thriUing sounds of martial music, to break
the silence that reigned in the streets. Comfortiess
as the inhabitants were, they could stiU afford a ref
uge to their friends from Newport, who were driven
from their homes by British troops there, and they
did so, thus discharging the debt their ancestors in
curred, for like kindness received in the Indian war
of 1676. News of the treaty with France arrived in
Providence on the 22d day of April 1778. It was
received with every mark of joy. A salute was fired
on the arrival of the news, from the battery on Fox
Point, and from the frigate Providence, which was
repeated at sunset by a. feu dejoie from the ArtiUery
Company, and troops here.
Two expeditions against the British troops on
Rhode-Island, were planned while they had posses
sion of the Island. One on the 16th of October
1777, when Major General Spencer had the com
mand in this department, and the other on the 9th
of August, the foUowing year, under General SuUi-
van. The first was not carried into execution at
aU. All necessary provision of military stores, am
munition, and boats, was made. A sufficient body
of troops assembled, yet owing to some neglect in
the arrangement of the boats and troops, it was aban
doned. After the arrival of the French ffeet under
Count D'Estaing, in the latter part of July 1778,
great hopes were excited, that with his co-operation
the enemy might be expeUed from the Island.
Major General SuUivan left Providence on the

256 GENERAL HISTORY.
7th day of August, to assume the immediate com
mand of the forces assembled and assembhng at
Tiverton, for that purpose. The council of war of
the state ordered out half of the whole military
strength of the state, to do duty for twenty days.
Two regiments of the Continental army passed .
through Providence on the 3d of August. Volunteers
and levies from the adjoining states were flocking
to the camp, and every thing seemed to promise
success to the expedition. The American forces,
soon after the arrival of General SuUivan at the
camp, crossed over to the island, and advanced
toward Newport, where the enemy lay. The French
ffeet had an encounter with the British, under Lord
Howe, off" Point Judith, and did not return to the as
sistance of the army untU the 20th of August. A
storm, seldom equaUed in severity at that season of
the year, separated the fleets before either obtained
any decisive advantage. On the 18th of August,
General Sulhvan opened his batteries on the enemy,
and the flring was kept up, on both sides, during
the two foUowing days. On the 22d, the French
fleet sailed for Boston, to convoy two of their ships,
which had been disabled in the previous encounter.
Deprived of their support, and daily fearing the ar
rival of the enemy's fleet with reinforcements. Gen
eral SuUivan commenced a retreat on the night
of the 28th. On the 29th he was attacked, and
after a severe action evacuated the island. General
Lafayette, in his last visit to America, spoke of this
battle as the best fought one in the whole war. He
was present a part of it, having rode from Boston,

GENERAL HISTORV. 267
where he went to induce Count D'Estaing to return,
if possible, to Rhode-Island, with the fleet. After
the evacuation of the island, the troops again sepa
rated. No critical examination was ever had as to
the causes of the failure of this expedition. If the
French fleet had rendered the assistance expected
from them, the whole of the British forces on the
island must have been taken prisoners.
While the British had possession of Rhode-Island,
the Pigot, gaUey, was stationed at the entrance of
Seconet river, on the east of the Island. She carried
eight twelve-pounders, and had forty-five men. It
was deemed a matter of some considerable import
ance to remove this obstruction to the navigation of
that river, and thus open a free passage to vessels
from Providence and Mount Hope bay to the sea.
The destruction of this gaUey was entrusted to, if not
originally planned by Major SUas Talbut, of Provi
dence. He left Providence on the 25th of October,
in the sloop Hawk, with two Lieutenants and fifty
men, volunteers from the army, under Gen. Sulli
van. They passed the British battery on Rhode-
Island, opposite Fogland Point, in the night of the
28th, and about one o'clock on the morning of the
29th, boarded the Pigot, and carried her, without the
loss of a man. The Lieutenant who commanded
the Pigot, expressed much chagrin that he should be
taken by an " egg^sheU," as he termed the Hawk, al
though commanded by a " Major." The prize was
carried into New-London, and subsequentiy sent to
Providence. Major Talbut received the thanks of
the General Assembly of this State, and a sword.

258 GENERAL HISTORY.
for this daring enterprise, and Congress promoted
him to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. America
had not a more active friend than Colonel Tal
but. Alternately, in the army and navy as his
country caUed for his services, through the whole
war, he devoted himself to her cause.
General SuUivan left the command here, in March
1779, and was succeeded by Major General Gates.
Such had been the devoted attention of Gen. Sulh
van to his duties, his zeal for the cause of his coun
try, his vigorous exertions against the enemy, and
his scrupulous regard for the rights of the citizen,
while stationed here, that aU classes of people uni
ted in addresses to him, at the time he left the com
mand. The foUowing address was presented him
by the town of Providence.
" Sir, — As you have sustained the high office of commander-
in-chief at this post for about a year past, and during that whole
time have carefully attended to, and cordially promoted the
peace, interest and safety of the state in general, and of this
town in particular, all that prudence could suggest, that dili
gence could effect or valor attempt, has been done for us. But
as the service of America is now to deprive us of your further
continuance here, and calls you to fill the same high office, in
more important commands, we can do no less than honestly to
return you our sincere thanks and most grateful acknowledge
ments, wishing you the blessings of Heaven, success in all your
efforts to serve your country, that you may happily tread the
courts of virtue, and finally reach the temple of fame.
We are. Sir, with every sentiment of gratitude and the high
est respect. Your Honor's most obedient humble servants.
Signed by the unanimous order and in behalf of a town
meeting of the freemen of the town of Providence, assem
bled on the 19th day of March 1779.
THEODORE FOSTER, Town clerk."

GENERAL HISTORY. 259
General Sulhvan returned the foUowing answer.
"To the respectable freemen and inhabitants of the town of
Providence. — Permit me, Gentlemen, to return you my most
sincere and cordial acknowledgments, for your very polite and
affectionate address. The unanimous voice of so respectable a
number of my fellow-citizens, approving my conduct as Com
mander-in-chief of this department, affords meu nspeakable satis
faction ; and it is with great truth and sincerity I assure you,
that the parting with so spirited and virtuous a people, whose
efforts to support me in my commands and to oppose the com
mon enemy have so well witnessed their zeal for the interests
of America, gives me the most sensible pain ; and, in a great de
gree, damps the pleasure arising from a prospect of rendering my
country essential services, in the department to which lam called.
I have the honor to be, with the most lively sentiments of es
teem and gratitude, Gentlemen, your obedient servant.
JOHN SULLIVAN."
Major General Gates arrived in Providence on
the third of April. Little opportunity had General
Gates in this department, to add to the laurels he
had previously acquired. The troops of the enemy
exceeded in number those under his command ; and
their station, in the midst of the state, aided by a
naval force that enabled them to carry on a preda
tory warfare, in any part of it, at pleasure, made his
situation no sinecure. After the enemy evacuated
the island, new duties of a perplexing character en
gaged his attention. Then came the conflicting
claims to property left by them, which in many in
stances had been taken from the inhabitants of the
neighboring shores and was now reclaimed by the
former owners. His services were esteemed too
valuable by the Commander-in-Chief, to be devoted
to such objects. On the eighth of November he
left Providence, on his way to the grand army.

260 GENERAL HISTORY.
On the expected arrival of a French fleet and ar
my in this colony. Major General Heath was invest
ed with the command in this department. He ar
rived in Providence, on the 16th of June 1780. The
French armament under the command of Count De
Rochambeau and Chevaher De Ternay, entered
Newport harbor on the 9th of July. They were not
suff"ered to remain long at rest. A British fleet un
der Admiral Graves soon appeared off" Rhode-Island.
This and a report of an intended attack on the
French, induced the Governor of this state to call
out the whole body of mUitia of the state, to assist
in repeUing it. Massachusetts and Connecticut al
so despatched a large body of troops to their assist
ance. The alarm continued but a few days. On
the 7th of August the Rhode-Island mUitia were dis
missed, the enemy having returned to New-York.
The French army remained in Newport during the
winter. Early in the spring. General Washington
visited them there, for the purpose of maturing the
plan of the next campaign. On his return through
this town, he was met at the lower ferry and escort
ed to the house of the Hon. Jabez Bowen, by tiie
citizens. A salute from the Artillery welcomed his
arrival. In the evening the town was brUliantiy Ulu-
minated. The foUowing day he dined at tiie State-
house, and in the evening attended a ball given on
the occasion. The foUowing address indicates tiie
esteem, and almost veneration, feU for General
Washington, and the universal joy inspired by his
presence.

GENERAL HISTORV. 261
" To his excellency General George Washington, Command
er-in-chief of the armies of the United States.
The subscribers, in behalf of the inhabitants of the town of
Providence, beg leave to address your excellency, upon your ar
rival in this place.
Your excellency's great military abilities, your unquestionable
patriotism, and the perfect confidence of a free people, just en
tering into a war with a most formidable foe, induced Congress
to place you at the head of the American armies. The appoint
ment gave us the most sincere pleasure, and we gratefully ac
knowledge that kind Providence, which in the most arduous en
terprises, and through all the dangers of your situation, hath
preserved a life so important to the United States.
We beg leave to assure your excellency, that we will manifest
t)ur attachment to your excellency, and the great cause in which
we are engaged, by exerting the utmost of our abilities in en
listing and supporting such a force, as with the aid of our gene
rous allies, will be sufficient to bring the war to a happy issue.
That your excellency may be the glorious instrument of effect
ing this most desirable event, which will deliver your name to
posterity with a fame equal to that of the most celebrated he
roes of antiquity ; and that you may long enjoy the honors that
will be paid you, by a grateful country, is the sincere prayer of.
Your excellencjr's most obedifent and most humble servants.
Nicholas Cooke, Jonathan Arnold,
Jabez Bowen, Nicholas Brown,
John I. Clark, John Brown.
His reply was as fiaUows :
" To the Honorable Nicholas Cooke, Esq. and the other,in-
habitants of the Town of Providence.
I am happy in the opportunity which your address affords me,
'of testifying to you how deeply I am penetrated with those dem
onstrations of attachment, which I have experienced from the
inhabitants of this town. The confidence and affections of his
fellow-citizens, is the most valuable reward a citizen can re
ceive. Next to the happiness of my country, this is the most
powerful inducement I can have to exert myself in its service.
Conscious of a sincere design to promote that great object, how-

262 GENERAL HISTORY.
ever short of my wishes the success of my endeavors may fall, I
console myself with a persuasion, that the goodness of my inten
tions, in some measure, justifies your approbation.
The determination you are pleased to express of making every
effort for giving vigor to our military operations, is consonant
with the spirit that has uniformly actuated this state. It is by
this disposition alone, we can hope, under the protection of Hea
ven, to secure the important blessings for which we contend.
With sincere gratitude for your sentiments and wishes towards
me, I beg you to accept the assurances of that perfect esteem and
regard, with which I have the honor to be, *
Gentlemen, your most obedient and most humble servant,
GEO. WASHINGTON."
Soon after this, the French camp at Newport was
broken up, and the troops marched through Provi
dence, and joined the army under General Washing
ton. A part of them encamped for a very short
time on the west side of the river, on the plain near
the burial ground of the Benevolent Congregational
Society. The second division of this army spent
the winter of 1782, in North-Providence. The re
mains^ of their encampment are now to be seen,
on the rising ground to the east of the Pawtucket
turnpike, extending from Harrington's Lane, almost
as far north as the Turnpike gate.
Occasional alarms disturbed the peace of this state
during this and the succeeding year, especially after
the predatory excursions of the traitor Arnold, into
his native state of Connecticut. Soon after the sur
render of CornwalHs, hopes of an immediate peace,
were wafted with every breeze across the Atiantic.
Tired of a contest which she had pursued for years with
no prospect of success, her internal peace threatened
by her own citizens, and her external relations with

GENERAL HISTORY. 263
the kingdoms of Europe, daily assuming a more som
bre aspect. Great Britain entered into negotiations
which resulted in restoring peace to Europe, and in
dependence to the United States of America. The
prehminary articles were signed at VersaUles, in
January 1783, and a proclamation declaring a ces
sation of arms was issued by Congress, on the 11th
day of April foUowing. The celebration of this joy
ful event in Providence, took place on the 22d day
of April. The morning was welcomed by a dis
charge of cannon and the ringing of bells. The
Continental frigate Alliance, then in the harbor, and
the rest of the shipping were decked with colors,
and fired salutes in honor of the occasion. A civic
procession, escorted by the ArtiUery, marched from
the house of Deputy Governor Bowen, to the Bap
tist meeting-house. The Rev. Enos Hitchcock,
pastor of the First Congregational Society, preached
a sermon on the occasion, from Psalm cxv. 1. "Not
unto us, O Lord, but unto Thy name, give glory."
This was followed by an oration by the Hon. Asher
Robbins, now of Newport, then a tutor in the college
here. After the services at the meeting-house, the
procession moved to the Court house, where the
proclamation of Congress for a cessation of arms was
read from the balcony, and foUowed by a discharge
of thirteen cannon from the state house parade, and
a battery on the east hUl near the beacon. The
proclamation was also read in two other places, after
which the procession returned to the state house,
where an entertainment had been provided. After
dinner, thirteen toasts, more patriotic than loyal.

264

GENERAL HISTORY.

were drank, eaqh under a discharge of thirteen can
non. In the evening, the state house and market house
were iUuminated, and a display of fireworks closed
the festivities of the day. The ArtiUery Company
on this occasion paraded under Col. Daniel TilHng
hast. During the whole war, he was the command
er of this corps. Under him, they were always ready
to meet the calls of their country. The old colors,
now preserved by them with care, bear witness to
the hard usage which they experienced, and the
dangers to which the band exposed them.
At the commencement of the troubles with the
mother country, which led to the independence of
the United States, the colony of Rhode-Island was
deeply engaged in commerce. While the smaU ex
tent of the colony and the comparative unproduc
tiveness of its soU, impelled the inhabitants to other
than agricultural pursuits, the long Hne of sea coast,
and above aU, the Narragansett Bay, running up in
its very cjentre, induced them to turn their attention
to commerce. From a representation made to the
British government, it appears, that during the year
ending December 31, 1763, 181 vessels from Eu
rope, Africa, and the West Indies, and 352 from the
neighboring colonies, cleared at tiie custom house
in Newport, then the only one in the colony. These
employed more than 2,200 seamen. To a colony
thus situated, all acts of the British Pai-Hament in
tended to restrict colonial trade, were pecuHarly op
pressive. Hence in such a colony, might naturally
be expected the first open opposition to such acts;

GENERAL HISTORY. 265
and here it was found, in the case of the Gaspee,
the circumstances of which have been related ; and
also in the case of the armed sloop Liberty, which
was burnt in the harbor of Newport, in 1769.
The General Assembly, in June 1775, directed the
committee of safety to charter two vessels to pro
tect the trade of the colony, one of ten guns and
eighty men, and the other of less force. Abraham
Whipple was invested with the command of both,
with the title of Commodore. The smaUer vessel
was commanded by John Grimes. The name of
the larger one was " Katy," that of the other is
not known. In August they added to this naval
armament, two row galleys, carrying sixty men. —
The design of this measure, is equivocally expressed
by the General Assembly, "to protect the trade
of the colony." Commodore Whipple explains this
phrase in a memorial which he subsequently ad
dressed to Congress. He stated that he received
his appointment on the 15th day of June ; that it was
made his duty to clear the bay of the tenders belong
ing to the British frigate Rose, then off" Newport ;
and that on the very day of his appointment he dis
charged this duty by making prize of one of these
tenders, after discharging at her the first cannon
fired at any part of his Majesty's navy, in the revolu
tionary war.
On the 26th day of August 1775, the General As
sembly instructed the delegates of the colony in
Congress, " to use their whole influence, at the en
suing Congress, for buUding, at the continental ex
pense, a fleet of sufficient force for the protection of
34

266 GENERAL HISTORY.
these colonies, and for employing them in such
manner and places, as will most annoy our enemies
and contribute to the common defence of these col
onies." This, it is believed, was the earliest move
ment in favor of establishing a continental navy.
Congress met on the 5th day of September, and
these instructions were laid before them on the third
day of October foUowing. The proposition met
with a favorable reception, and measures were soon
taken to carry them into eflfect. A committee of
that body, was instructed to procure three vessels,
one of fourteen, one of twenty, and one of thirty-
six guns, for the protection and defence of the uni
ted colonies. Esek Hopkins of North Providence,
then a brigadier-general in the service of this State,
received the appointment of commander-in-chief of
this infant navy. He was desired by the marine
committee of Congress to repair to PhUadelphia,
with as many officers and men as he could enlist in
the service. The councU of war of the State, dis
patched the Katy under the command of Commodore
Whipple to PhUadelphia, having Commodore Hop
kins with his men on board as passengers, with or
ders for her to remain in the service of Congress, in
case the armed vessels were directed to cruise oS"
New-England, and if not, then to return home.—
She was retained in the service and her name chang
ed to the " Providence." The proposed naval
armament was increased, and Commodore Whipple
was appointed to the command of the ship Colum
bus. This fleet, under Commodore Hopkins, left the
capes of the Delaware on the 17th day of February,

GENERAL HISTORY. 267
1776. It consisted of the ships Alfred, Captain
Dudley Saltonstall, and the Columbus, Captain Whip
ple, the brigs Andrew Doria, Captain Nicholas Bid-
die, and the Cabot, Captain John B. Hopkins, and
the sloops Providence, Fly, Hornet and Wasp. —
Without paying very strict obedience to the public
orders he received, Commodore Hopkins sailed to the
Bermudas, and took from Nassau, aU the cannon
and military stores there, consisting, among other
things, of 88 cannon, from 9 to 36 pounders, 15
mortars, from 4 to 1 1 inches diameter, 5458 shells,
and more than 1 1 ,000 round shot. They returned
to New-London on the 8tii day of AprU, and sub
sequently came up to Providence. This was the
first navalexpedition against the British government,
under Congress.
The committee appointed by Congress on the
14th day of December 1775, to build the thirteen
vessels of war, agreed upon the day before, appoint
ed Nicholas Cooke, Nicholas Brown, Joseph Rus
seU, Joseph Brown, John Brown, John Smith, WU
Ham RusseU, Daniel TiUinghast, John Innes Clarke,
Joseph Nightingale, Jabez Bowen and Rufus Hopkins,
aU of Providence, to build the two directed to be buUt
in Rhode-Island. This committee held their first
meeting on the 8th of January foUowing. On the
eleventh, they agreed upon the dimensions of the
vessels to be buUt, which were as foUows.

The Warren.

The Providence.

Gun deck.

, 132 feet, 1 inch.

124 feet, 4 inches.

Keel,

110 feet, 10| inches.

102 feet, 8J inches.

Beam,

34 feet, 5J inches.

33 feet, lOf inches.

Hold,

11 feet.

10 feet, 8 inches.

268 GENERAL HISTORY.
Benjamin Tallman, was master-carpenter of the
Warren, and Sylvester Bowers, of the Providence.
The first was launched on the 14th, and the other on
the 24th day of May, 1776. These vessels were not
ready for sea until late in October. By the journal
of the committee, it appears, that on the 21st of that
month, they received a letter from the Marine Com
mittee of Congress, blaming them for some of their
proceedings ; in consequence of which, and of reports
which they say " bear hard on the characters of the
committee, as merchants and as gentlemen," they
relinquished their authority, and dehvered the vessels
to Stephen Hopkins, then one of this state's dele
gates in Congress. They close the journal of their
proceedings, by saying, that, "in the opinion of the
committee they are fit and might proceed immediate
ly to sea, were they fully manned." Great difficul
ties and delays occurred in procuring men, for these
vessels. The wages were fixed at eight doUars per
month, and to share one third of all prizes, except
armed vessels, and of them, one half. Privateers
were then numerous and very successful. They of
fered a share of one half of aU prizes taken, and
monthly wages, of from twelve to sixteen doUars.
CoUisions frequently arose, between the officers of
the Continental ships, and the captains and owners
of privateers, about men claimed, on either side, as
deserters. From these causes. Commodore Hop
kins did not hoist his flag on board the Warren, un
tU about the first of December. At the mouth of
Narragansett Bay, he met a British fleet of sixteen
ships of the line, that compeUed him to return to

GENERAL HISTORY. 269
Providence. The Continental vessels then at Prov
idence, were the Warren, Providence, Columbus,
Hampden, and sloop Providence. In a letter to the
marine committee, he states, that the vessels were
not then half manned. The collisions before spo
ken of, led to mutual criminations, to the marine
committee. He charged the buUding committee,
with withdrawing the men at work on the frigates,
to labor on their own privateers. It was to reports
of this kind, that they probably alluded, in their jour
nal. Commodore Hopkins was directed, in June
1776, to meet the marine committee at PhUadelphia.
What were the charges against him does not appear,
but whatever tiiey were, he was acquitted of them
and retained his command. On his leaving PhUa
delphia, the committee gave him further general or
ders, in relation to the future operations of the fleet,
on the Banks of Newfoundland and the Gulf of St.
Lawrence. In another communication to him about
the same date, they direct him to purchase a schoon
er he had taken, and add, " this schooner must be
called the Hopkins." Such a comphment is seldom
paid to an inefficient or unfaithful officer. In a letter
from the famous John Paul Jones to him, under date
of September 4th, from the sloop Providence, then
at sea, under his command, he says, " I know you
wiU not suspect me of flattery, when I affirm I have
not experienced a more sincere pleasure, for a long
time past, than the account I have have had of your
having gained your cause at PhUadelphia, in spite of
party. Your late trouble wiU tend to your future
advantage ; by pointing out your friends and ene-

270 GENERAL HISTORY.
mies, you will be thereby enabled to retain the one
part, whUe you are guarding against the others. You
will be thrice welcome to your native land and to
your nearest concerns. After your late shock, they
wiU see you as gold from the fire, of more worth
and value, and slander wUl learn to keep silence,
when Admiral Hopkins is mentioned." He was
frequently addressed as Admiral, but his title was
merely Commander in chief
The foUowing year, repeated complaints were
made to Congress against him, for which he was at
first censured, and subsequently dismissed the ser
vice. I have not been able to ascertain what the
complaints were, but they did not aflfect his charac
ter as a brave man, and a patriot.
After the American fleet arrived in Providence,
from their first expedition, they never left together.
The difficulty of manning them has been before al
luded to, and for a great part of the time a superior
British force was at the mouth of the bay. Occa
sionaUy a single vessel, would avail itself of a fog, or
a dark night, and escape. This was the case with
the sloop Providence, under Captain Jones, and the
ship Columbus, Captain Whipple. After the ship
Providence was completed. Captain Whipple was
tiansferred to her. In the memorial of Captain
Whipple before referred to, he states that he sailed
from Providence on the 20tii day of March 1778, in
the ship Providence, and had a battie with one of tiie
enemy's cruisers in getting out.
During the war, Providence abounded in priva
teers. They were generally successful in eluding

GENERAL HISTORY. 271
the British cruisers which swarmed on our coasts,
and in making prizes of merchantmen, transports
and small vessels of war. Many of the resources of
the American army and navy, were obtained by
means of these, and most of the foreign merchandize,
in the country, was introduced here, through their
agency. By touching the pockets of British mer
chants, they did much toward influencing the British
government to acknowledge the independence of
these states, and to conclude peace with them. Pri
vateering was almost the only business in which
American merchants could employ their vessels.
Patriotism and private interest concurred in urging
them to pursue it vigorously. Good men of those
days never hesitated to engage in it, on account of
any supposed moral wrong which it involved. Such
an objection is of modern date. I would not be un
derstood as justifying privateering. I only desire to
restore it to its proper rank. The same code which
says, thou shalt not steal, says also, thou shalt not
kiU. In January 1777, a convention of deputies from
the New-England States met in Providence, to state
the prices of goods and labor. The colonies had
reaped great advantages from the association, as it
was caUed, of the Congress of 1774. The commit
tees of inspection, appointed in pursuance of it, by
a dihgent and faithful discharge of their trusts, had
restrained individuals from demanding exorbitant
prices, either for their labor or goods. The declar
ation of Independence, and the subsequent act of
Congress opening the ports of the states, virtuaUy

272 GENERAL HISTORY.
repealled tiie association. After an open resort to
arms, it was unnecessary to regulate or restrg,in
trade with Great Britain, for the very situation of
the parties forbade the friendly interchanges of com
merce. Congress and the states too, had thus far
carried on the war by issuing bUls of credit. The
issues of these were regulated by the wants of the
army and navy. They constituted the currency of
the country. Every successive issue of them, tend
ed to depreciate their value, as it necessarily in
creased the amount, and consequently rendered the
day of payment more distant and less certain. This
depreciation of the currency produced an apparent
increase in the prices of all the necessaries of Hfe,
and this convention was called to regulate these pri
ces. They met, and after some deliberation, agreed
upon certain prices to be paid and received, for la
bor and almost every necessary article. The Gen
eral Assembly of this state being in session, at the
same time, the convention reported to them. They
immediately passed an act with the following popular
title. " An act to prevent monopohes and oppres
sion, by excessive and unreasonable prices, for ma
ny of the necessaries and conveniences of life, and
for preventing engrossers, and for the better supply
of our troops in the army, with such necessaries as
may be wanted." This act embodied and adopted
the report of the convention, and added other arti
cles to it, so that it included almost every article,
called necessary or convenient, from a bushel of wheat,
down to a quart of mUk. He who bought or sold
for a higher rate, was to "be accounted oppressive,

GENERAL HISTORV, 273
an enemy to his country, and guilty of a breach of
this act," and to be subject to a fine. The General
Assembly were not unanimously in favor of this act.
There were some who saw how futile must be every
attempt to fix the prices of articles, when the curren
cy in which they were to be paid for was constant
ly depreciating in value, or in fact had no fixed vaU
ue. The town of Providence, in June foUowing, ap
pointed David HoweU, Welcome Arnold, and Theo
dore Foster, to draft instructions to the town's rep
resentatives, in relation to it. The following was
their report, which was adopted by the town.
" To Messrs. Jonathan Arnold, John Brown, John Smith,
and William Rhodes, representatives for the town of Providence.
Gentlemen. — Having chosen you our representatives in the
General Assembly of this state, and not doubting but it must
be agreeable to you, especially at this critical time, to be ac
quainted with the sentiments of your constituents, respecting
sundry matters of weighty concernment to this and the neigh
boring states, we have thought fit to give you the following in
structions. You are directed to move for, and exert your influence in the
General Assembly, to obtain an act for the more effectual and
certain supply of the troops raised by this State, and their fami
lies, with such necessaries of life as they may want, at such
rates as may comport with the wages allowed them by govern
ment ; because by the late acts of this state regulating prices,
such articles are generally set higher than they were at the time
of their enlistment, by which means, if said act should be car
ried into execution and no other provision be made in their be
half, they would be deprived of part of their dues ; and if not ex
ecuted, most probably of a much greater part : and, because, un
der the present embarrassments of trade, it is extremely difficult
for them to procure some articles, with their money, at any rate.
The following may be the outlines of the bill proposed. A
35

274 GENERAL HISTORY.
sufficient number of commissaries or committees may be ap-
pointed, in the most convenient towns in this state, who may
buy or import such needful articles, on the best terms they can,
for the use and on account of the state. Let these commissa
ries deal out as directed, and at such prices as may be affixed, by
the Assembly, and keeping fair accounts of all their proceedings,
exhibit them when required, and be paid for their trouble ; and
let the state sink all the expense and loss upon the sale of such,
articles by a general tax upon the inhabitants.
By this means, the burden which now falls heavily 'on some
individuals, by whose industry and zeal in the common cause
the public are supplied with articles much wanted, will fall
equally upon all the interest in the state. A plan somewhat
similar to this, was adopted last war.
As soon as adequate provision shall be made for supplying
our troops, in the abovesaid, or any other equitable mode, you
are instructed and directed to move for and exert your best en
deavors to obtain, an immediate and total repeal of the late act
of this state regulating prices, &c.
Because the great end of that law will then be otherwise
answered and the only plausible reason of it removed ; and,
Because, we find by experience, that the subject of said act,
is so intricate, variable and complicated, that it cannot be and
remain any term of time equitable, and hath a tendency to frus
trate and defeat its own purposes. It was made to cheapen the
articles of life, but it has in fact raised their prices, by produc
ing an artificial, and in some articles a real, scarcity. It was
made to unite us in good agreement respecting prices, but hath
produced animosity and ill will between town and country and
between buyers and sellers, in general. It was made to bring
us to some equitable standard of honesty, and make fair dealers;
but hath produced a sharping set of mushroom pedlers, who
adulterate their commodities, and take every advantage to evade
the force of the act, by the most pitiful evasions, quibbles and
lies. It was made to give credit to our currency ; but hath
done it much injury ; it tends to introduce bartering, and makes
a currency of almost every thing, but money ; and.
Because, by experience, we, as well as the inhabitants of the
other states, find it almost impossible to execute such acts, at

GENERAL HISTORY. 275
least without a degree of rigor and severity heretofore unknown
in these free states; and, while it remains in its present situation,
it tends only to weaken government, and bring all laws into con
tempt, and even if it could be executed, it would operate as a
very heavy and unreasonable tax upon the sellers, who are gen
erally the enterprising and the industrious : It would prevent
foreigners from shipping goods to our coasts, and cause our own
merchants to order theirs to the southern states, and, in general,
discourage foreign trade, in carrying on which, the risk is great
and very uncertain and variable, according to circumstances,
from time to time, and therefore, not accurately computable
three years before hand. It would also tend to discourage agri
culture and manufactures among ourselves, as the prospect of
some extraordinary gain generally excites men to extraordinary
exertions in all the different branches of business. It hath a
tendency to exclude from our markets every thing extraordinary
in its kind, and of course, to prevent all improvement ; to dis-
courage industrious laborers, by allowing the indolent the same
wages ; for the scarcity of laborers will find employment for all,
as the scarcity of goods will bring nearly all qualities up to the
prices of the first rate, by which means, articles of inferior qual
ity will be sold dearer to the poor, than what they would be
afforded at if those of the first rate quality should be sold higher.
It would multiply oaths and lawsuits, otherwise needless, and
prove a strong temptation to perjury and knavery of every kind,
and in some cases put a man to needless expense in the disposal
of his own property. It would render a man's house and stores
liable to be opened and searched in a manner most ignominious
and unworthy of a freeman, and deprive him of the privilege of
complaining of it, under the penalty of ten pounds. It would
promote suspicion and jealousies in neighborhoods, and a med
dling with other folks' goods and business, ruinous to the peace
and good order of society. If regulating acts should succeed
one another, in time, as the last has the first, in this state, and
some articles be raised accordingly in each succeeding act, they
would rise faster than they did before any such acts were made,
and at the end of three years, be higher than it is probable they
would be were no such acts in being. The fact above referred

276 GENERAL HISTORY.
to, may convince all, that the rise of prices in general, is not so
much owing to a spirit of monopoly and oppression, as to the
scarcity of goods and plenty of money ; as our harbor has been
blocked up, and the goods formerly on hand chiefly turned into
money. The act stipulating prices, &c. is an attempt to make
an article, viz. money, worth as much when plenty, as when it
was more scarce, and to continue it of an uniform value, for a
term of time, notwithstanding the entire uncertainty of the quan
tity that may be thrown into circulation by future emissions, or
gathered in by taxation or otherwise, and therefore cannot, with
out injustice, take place. Time was, when a pair of shoes in
England, was commonly sold for four pence, and an ox for four
teen shillings ; but the price of those articles has, since, been
greatly enhanced, owing to the great plenty of gold and silver
introduced, which has depreciated the value of the coin. It is
not therefore strange, that a similar event should take place, with
respect to a paper currency, and that no law should be able to
prevent it. The money in a country, is only the measure of the
value of its transferable property. The decrease of property,
or increase of money, will raise the price of commodities, and
both operating at once, will produce a more sudden and sensible
effect. This has been our case, and if the whole money only
measure the whole property, a proportionable part of the money
ought to measure the same proportionable part of the property,
and neither more or less, for either would be injustice. There
fore, stipulating prices below this proportion, is as real injustice,
as raising them above it, and this proportion is so nice a point,
that nothing but the wants of mankind, can accurately hit upon
it. Trade, when left free from fetters and embarrassments, will
of itself settle down nicely to this proportion, and keep to it
closer, than any force whatever can bring it. If the prices of
commodities are arbitrarily fixed below this proportion, the re
dundancy of money will fix itself upon such articles as are not
limited, and raise them as much above it, as the others are .sta
ted below ; for the money will not satisfy, unless it circulates,—
the whole of it,— till it is thrown into some form of drawing in
terest. You are also directed to move that immediate application be

GENERAL HISTORY. 277
hiade to Congress, that all the states' money might be redeemed
with continental currency, and each state charged by the conti
nent with what they receive. Should this be accomplished, and
the money be redeemed by loan office certificates, it would take
large sums out of circulation, and so raise the value of the re
mainder. Some such modes, together with heavy taxes, a free
trade and domestic industry, would bid much fairer for lowering
the articles of life, than any regulating acts that can be adopted.
You are likewise directed, to move in the General Assembly,
that the other New-England states be addressed upon the sub
ject of their late embargoes, and endeavor to obtain a general re
peal of all their land embargoes as soon as may be, and that ours
be repealed immediately ; because, all embargoes, in measure,
produce the same bad effects in trade, as the regulating acts,
and ought never to be adopted, except in cases of the greatest
necessity ; and because no such necessity will remain after the
acts regulating orices are repealed."
The representatives of Providence moved the re
peal of the act. But neither their instructions, their
arguments, or their influence, could prevail in car
rying the measure. They were left in a lean minor
ity of seven, only three of the other representatives
voting with them.
In 1777, commenced a difficulty and dispute be
tween the state and the town of Providence, in rela
tion to the town's proportion of state taxes. In|l 767,
an estimate of all the polls and rateable estate was ta
ken, by order of the General Assembly. This esti
mate continued to be the basis of the apportionment
of colony and state taxes, untU March 1777. Sup
posing that the rate adopted in 1767 was not then
correct, the Assembly departed from it in the appor
tionment of a tax of £16,000, then ordered, and a
larger proportion than the estimate warranted was or
dered to be paid by Providence. The representatives

278 GENERAL HISTORY,
protested against this increase of taxes, except upon
a new estimate of the state. The difficulty was re
moved for the present; by the Assembly annexing to
the tax-biU, a provision, that that apportionment
should not be drawn in precedent, in future assess
ments. In August following, the treasury being
empty, another tax of £32,000 was ordered. The
estimate of 1767, had undoubtedly become unequal
at that time, and the situation of afi"airs would not
allow a delay tUl a new one could be taken, nor was
the situation of the state such as would render it
easy to obtain a fair one. This was directed to be
apportioned in the same manner as the tax of March
preceding. The town, thereupon, appointed a com
mittee to draw up a petition to the Assembly upon
the subject. John Updike, John Brown, WilHam
Wheaton, Lewis Peck and David HoweU were ap
pointed this committee. The petition drawn up by
them, represented, that since the preceding Febru
ary, the number of poUs had diminished 130, that
real estate had sunk at least twenty-flve per cent, in
value, that it cost the inhabitants on an average three
shiUings per week more than their earnings, since the
blockade ; and that this, added to the personal prop
erty removed from the town, ought to have reduced
the town's proportion of the £32,000 tax. This pic
ture of poverty did not move the hearts, or rather the
votes, of the General Assembly. In December, they
ordered another tax of £48,000, to be apportioned in
tiie same manner. This seems to have raised a spirit
of opposition. January 23d 1778, tiie town directed
the collector of the £32,000 tax, to pay one ninth of

GENERAL HISTORY. 279
the sum collected into the town treasury, and to pay
over to the general treasurer, such part only of the
£48,000 tax as would have been the proportion of
the town, according to the estimate of 1767. On
the thirtieth of the same month, another petition was
presented. The committee of the town appointed
to draw it up, consisted of John Brown, William
Rhodes and David HoweU. The petition is in the
hand writing of the latter, and is as follows :
" To the Honorable the General Assembly of the State of
Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
The address, petition and remonstrance of the freeholders and
other inhabitants of the town of Providence, in town meeting
legally assembled on the 30th day of January 1778, humbly
showeth, That, whereas, the Honorable Assembly of this government
at their session in June 1767, passed an act " for taking a just
estimate of the rateable estates in this colony, in order that the
rates and taxes may be equally assessed on the inhabitants,'' which
containeth among other things the following clause : " And be
it further enacted, that no colony tax shall be levied on the in
habitants of this colony, until the said estimate or valuation shall
be completed and approved by the General Assembly ; and that
the said estimate when completed, shall be the standard and
rule, by which rates and taxes shall be apportioned unto and up
on the several towns in this colony, until a new estimate shall
be taken ; " which said estimate or valuation was accordingly
taken, with great labor, diligence and accuracy, as well as at no
small expense to the government, by the worthy gentlemen, the
committee appointed for that purpose, and being laid before the
General Assembly, finally received their approbation and sanc
tion, and became and continued " the standard and rule for ap
portioning rates and taxes upon the several towns," for more than
' nine years ; and so, of right and justice, your petitioners, with
beseeming deference, apprehend ought still to continue, be and
remain, according to the express letter thereof, " until another
new estimate," can in like manner be taken.

280 GENERAL HISTORY,
Your petitioners would beg leave to observe, that in their
opinion and judgment the abovesaid act and order of Assembly,
the only just and equitable mode of apportioning the rates
and taxes to the several towns, being in its own nature prefera
ble to all others and being founded in example, custom and us
age, in this and all other free governments, time immemorial,
became so essential a part of the laws and constituton of this
state, that it ought not, neither could legally and constitution
ally, be set aside and annihilated, by the conjectural estimate
made and adopted, as it was by the General Assembly, in March
1777, wherein the proportion of taxes upon the several towns is
so widely different from the former, and manifestly unequal. —
Legislative bodies, as well as individual persons, are subject to
errors and mistakes, as well as prepossessions and prejudices.
The objects, therefore, of that power, are no less defined and
circumscribed, by the laws and constitution of their country,
the rules of justice, common reason and humanity, than those
of a judicial court or even an individual subject in the state. —
Taxation being the most delicate and critical object before
legislators, their conduct respecting the same ought always to
be such as will bear the most strict and scrutinous examination of
their constituents. Small deviations from the constitution,
drawn into precedent, may in time, terminate in fatal innova
tions. It is an old maxim, that mankind are not to be trusted
where they are interested against you ; and it is equally true that
they are not, to act in matters whereof they are ignorant ; and it is
no less evident, that it is the interest of a majority in the house
to assign an undue proportion of a tax to any particular town,
than it is, that they cannot know accurately what proportion to
assign, without having before them an exact list of all the rateable
estates, in all the towns. Such list or estimate therefrom, taken
by good and sufficient men, is essentially necessary to perfect le
gal taxation. And no other ,way of apportioning a tax can be bind
ing, excepting it be adopted by all the inhabitants at large, and
approved of by every particular town. No General Assembly,
therefore, in the humble opinion and judgment of your petition
ers, have or ought to have, any legal power, of themselves, so far
to alter the constitution and invade the privileges of their con-

(GENERAL HISTORY. ^8l
Stituents, as to take away their money at random, by lot, ouess
or conjectural estimates ; neither can it be expected, that free
men will easily part with their money upon so uncertain and
precarious a footing. It savors too much of those capricious
and arbitrary measures of raising money from their subjects,
adopted by absolute monarchs.
The town of Providence, through a singular zeal for introduce
ing taxation, though sensible they were ovei'rated, submitted to
pay the proportion assigned them in the conjectural estimate of
March 1777, in the ^616.000 tax, confiding in the faith and hon
or of the General Assembly, expressed in the following clause of
the act. " It is further resolved, that the proportion of the tax,
in the act now laid upon each town, shall not be drawn in prece^
dent or be considered as a rule for apportioning any future taXj
but shall be reconsidered &c. as soon as a proper estimate can be
made to ascertain the same," notwithstanding which resolve, a
tax of .£32,000 was ordered the next August and another tax
of .£48,000 the next December, to be apportioned, levied and
collected in the same manner, by the same uncertain conjectu
ral estimate, and notwithstanding our earnest entreaties and sup
plications to the contrary. Thus, that which was designed and
intended, as only the creature of a day, is inflexibly adhered to
and perpetuated, as though it had been the utmost effort of the
united wisdom of the state, and established, like the laws of the
Medes and Persians, irrevocable.
When a tax is to be assessed upon the inhabitants of a partic
ular town, the law and constitution require, that the inhabitants
render in to the assessors an exact list of all their rateable estates,.
that it may be levied upon them, according to equity and justice J
much more forcibly and strongly do the same reasons operate,
where a tax is to be apportioned to the several towns by the
General Assembly, the supreme assessors in the state ; and as it
would be inequity and injustice in the assessors of a particular
town, to refuse an inhabitant the benefit and privilege of exhibiting
a list of his rateable effects, so, your petitioners humbly apprehend,
it can be no less in the General Assembly to refuse them the
benefit and privilege of the only legal and constitutional esti
mate, taken in the year 1767, until another can be taken in like
36

282

GENERAL HISTORY.

manner as that was. Were it needful to urge more argument
in support of the above principles, of apportioning taxes only by
just and legal estimates, your petitioners would produce the ex
ample and authority of the honorable the Continental Congress,
in their order for apportioning the continental expenses to the
several states. The following is extracted from the eighth arti
cle of Confederation and Perpetual Union. " All the charges of
war and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the com
mon defence or general welfare and allowed by the United States
in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasu
ry, which shall be supplied by the several states, in proportion
to the value of all land within each state, granted to, or survey
ed for any person, as such land and the buildings and improve
ments thereon, shall be estimated according to such mode as the
United States in Congress assembled, shall from time to time
direct and appoint.'' Thus the several states are to bear their
true and just proportion of the continental expenses, according
to an accurate continental estimate, and not to be saddled with
burdens, hap-hazard and conjecturally ; and in the present con
tinental tax, the several states are only to be credited with what
they pay until such estimate be taken. Here is the united wis
dom of all America, an ordinance truly worthy of so august an
assembly. What has been said being sufficient to show, that the method
of apportioning the three last taxes upon the several towns in
this state was improper and illegal, your petitioners would beg
your farther patience and indulgence, while they observe and en
deavor to make appear, that it has operated greatly to their dis
advantage in particular.
In the year 1767, when the last legal estimate was taken, the
town of Providence was in its most flourishing circumstances.
Its trade was open to almost all parts of the world, its navigation
extensive and prosperous, its stores and warehouses crowded
with all sorts of merchandize, its streets thronged with foreign
ers who came hither to advance their fortunes by trade and com
merce. Shipwrights, housewrights, masons and all sorts of me
chanics and laboring men, pressed with useful and profitable
business and employment, and its extensive foreign trade, which

GENERAL HISTORY. 283
is the very being and life of a seaport, furnished business and
support for all its numerous dependents, and invigorated every
class of people in town. But how amazingly is the scene now
reversed. Our port has been blockaded for more than twelve
months, our stores and shops are almost empty, our navigation
demolished, our ship building at an end, our houses already
built, many of them standing empty and going to decay by slow
degrees, or more suddenly and wantonly ruined and destroyed
by barracking troops in them, many foreigners resident among
us as well as others our most wealthy inhabitants, who made the
principal figure in our trade, have packed up their fortunes and
removed to places of greater security. The common sort of
people who are left behind are mostly out of employment, and
the poor are yet among us to be supported by the remaining
persons of property. This is but a brief and imperfect, though
real and true representation of our circumstances, at these two
periods of time ; notwithstanding which, and to crown all our
distress, we find ourselves now burdened with a vastly larger
proportion of the public expenses than what we bore in the year
1767, and it is conjectured or guessed, that we are able to
bear it.
Your petitioners would beg leave further to observe, that a
great part of their interest consisteth of houses, stores and
wharves, the value of which hath depreciated more than any
other kind of interest. The reason of paying taxes is prin
cipally founded in present rents and profits, excepting in the case
of wild and uncultivated land, which however yieldeth its profit
to the owner by its increasing value. This being an established
principle of taxation, and upon which the valuation in 1767 was
entirely founded, it is plain, that an interest in the town of Prov
idence of a house, stores and wharf, valued in 1767 at $2000,
and bringing in five per cent, or $100 yearly profits, and a farm in
the country of the same value, yielding the same yearly profits,
ought to be taxed equally ; whereas, it is an undeniable fact,
that such an estate in town, at present, would not rent for more
than $50 per annum, and much less upon an average, and that
the farm in the country would rent for at least $400 per annum,
and therefore they ought now, in justice, to be taxed according to

284 GENERAL HISTORY.
said yearly profits or as one is to eight, and instead of the house-
es, &c. growing more valuable, as is the case with wild land,
they are daily decaying and exposed to the ravages and destruc
tion of war more than any other kind of interest. This also ap-
plieth in part to other sea-port towns, although none in the state
have so large a proportion of this kind of interest as the town of
Providence. We shall not mention the shipping which lies rot
ting in our harbor.
As to the comparative advantages which town and country
have derived from the late rise of the prices of things amongst
us, it is obviously much in favor of the country. The profits of
privateering were shared by few, some of whom have moved
away and carried their wealth with them, others have laid out
their money in land in other towns and states, so that it is not
now here to be taxed ; and but few goods remain amongst us,
which the country are disposed to purchase. They can, and do,
live almost independent, while we are dependent upon them for
nearly all the necessaries of life. The most rapid rise in prices
was within a year past ; if the merchants withheld their sale for a
high price, when they rose to a high price, the country had the
good sense not to purchase, being able to do without them. But
in favor of the farmer, nature withheld the bigger part of the years'
produce till the last fall, when country produce equalled, if not
exceeded, foreign goods, and necessity obliged us to purchase
his produce at that exorbitant price, which hath most amazing
ly drained, and still continueth to drain the town of its money,
by which it hath happened, that the country adjacent in gene
ral enjoys more benefit from the high prices of things [illegible.]
town of late than nine-tenths of its own inhabitants, [illegible.]
Having set forth many of these things at large in a former
petition and remonstrance to the Honorable General Assembly,
your petitioners will presume no further on your patience at
present, trusting that we have sufficiently made appear, that the
town of Providence ought not now to be taxed higher, if so high,
as their proportion would be by the estimate taken in the year
1767, and that the uncertain, conjectural estimate of March
1777, is unjust and illegal and ought to be set aside and abol
ished.

GENERAL HISTORY. 285
Your petitioners, therefore, beseech and entreat you, by all
the sacred obligations of reason, justice and humanity, that you
would immediately and totally annul and abolish the said con
jectural and illegal estimate of March 1777, and establish, ratify
and confirm, that only certain, just and legal estimate, taken and
established in the year 1767, as a standard and rule for appor
tioning rates and taxes unto and upon the several towns, until
another new estimate or valuation can in like manner, accord
ing to law and the constitution of this state, be taken, approved
and adopted ; and that you would forthwith take such measures
that the same be speedily brought about and accomplished as to
your wisdom and discretion shall seem most suitable and con
venient." From the latter part of this petition, it may be
surmised that a jealousy between the town and coun
try had been excited, growing out of the spirited
action of the town relative to the act for stipulating
prices of various articles. By repeated exertions
and continual eflfort, that act had either been repealed
or essentially [modified before August 1777. This
circumstance may, in part, account for the iU suc
cess that attended this petition. It surely could not
have resulted either from any lack of argument in the
petition itself, or from a conviction that the facts had
been misstated. It produced a reduction in the town's
proportion of a tax ordered in the following February,
but not so great as to give satisfaction to the town ;
besides, the estimate of 1767 seems to have been
equally disregarded, in the apportionment of it. So far
from producing a reduction in the taxes ordered in the
preceding year, the equity of which seems to be ac
knowledged by this proceeding, they directed a suit
to be brought against the town treasurer for the de
ficiency of the town's proportion of the tax of Au-

286 GENERAL HISTORY.
gust, which had been directed to be lodged in the
town treasury. Force met force. The town ad
vised their treasurer to be committed to jaU on the
execution. In May, a great number of the me
chanics and laborers of Providence joined in a pe
tition to the General Assembly for the reduction of
the town's taxes. The representatives also propos
ed to exert their influence to have the arrears paid,
in case subsequent taxes could be apportioned ac
cording to the estimate of 1767. The Assembly
were inexorable. It appears by the proceedings of
the town in June, that there was another execution
against the treasurer for the town's proportion of
the tax of December, for they then repeated theh
former advice to him, and John Brown and Ephraim
Bowen agreed to be sureties for him in a bond for
the liberty of the jail-yard. In case he acceded
to this advice, he was to disregard the bounds and
return to his home. Things remained in this un
pleasant situation, until October session of the As
sembly, when a new estimate was directed to be ta
ken, immediately after which, the town directed
their treasurer to pay up their arrearages. Thus en
ded this inglorious struggle. So far as the town by
petitions, remonstrances and protests, opposed the
imposition and collection of a tax which they deem
ed improperly apportioned, it must be accorded to
them, that they were but exercising their legal priv
ileges ; and so far as the Assembly insisted in appor
tioning taxes, without regard to the legal estimate of
taxable property in the state, it may be safely af
firmed, they erred and exceeded their power. But it

GENERAL HISTORlf. 287
lay with the same body to correct its errors by subse
quent legislation. An attempt to compel such legis
lation by abuse of legal means, was an endeavor to
arrive at a right resuH, by the use of unwarrantable
measures. As before observed, the estimate of 1767
had beyond doubt become unequal. That would
not however make it any the less imperative on the
state. The remedy for that inequality was in the
hands of the legislature, and was finally pursued by
them. In the then situation of things, it seems to
have been no easy matter to procure an estimate
satisfactory to all parts of the State. One was
adopted in July 1780, amended in November the
same year, and again in May foUowing.
In the year 1777 the occupation of so large a por
tion of the state by the enemy's troops, so interrupted
the labors of the husbandman, that in the spring of
the year foUowing, there existed a great scarcity of
corn. The prices had become extravagant, and
there was a fearful prospect that the poor would se
verely suflfer from want. To remedy the evil, the
town, on the first of March, resolved to hire ^43,200
to be sent to Connecticut for the purchase of corn.
They directed it to be insured if sent by water, and
oflFered fifteen per cent, premium for insurance, from
Connecticut river to Providence. They subsequently
directed 100 bushels of corn and 12 ofryetobe
stored and sold out to the poor in small quantities.
The price of corn, was ^20, and rye ^25 per bushel.
The nominal amount of money raised on this and
similar occasions, is much. Very much larger than
the real value. Paper money had suflfered a great

288

GENERAL HISTORY.

depreciation. Accounts were kept without regard
to this depreciation. For the purpose of ascertain
ing the real value, diffierent scales of depreciation
were adopted by the General Assembly at diff"erent
times. Annexed are two of them.

Scale of

Dep

reciation

, as adopte

d Nov.

1780.

1777

1

Continentals, 1 778

Continental.
Jan.
100
Spanish milled
Oct. 100
Spanish milled
Dolls, equal
to
$105
Dolls, equal
to
$500
Feb.
ti
tt
107
Nov. "
(.
54&
Mar.
11
tt
109
Dec. "
.(
634
Apri
,"
it
112
1779
May,
it
it
115
Jan. "
.(
742
June
it
it
120
Feb. "
a
868
July,
(C
tt
125
Mar-ch "
f<
1000
Aug.
ti
tt
150
April, "
it
1104
Sept.
a
it
175
May, "
it
1215
Oct.
li
it
275
June, "
».
1342
Nov.
a
tt
300
July, "
tt
1477
Dec.
tt
n
310
Aug. "
It
1630
1778
Sept. "
ti
1800
Jan.
tt
if
325
Oct. "
it
2030
Feb.
tt
tt
350
Nov. "
it
2:i08
Mar.
tt
it
375
Dec. "
it
2593
April
tt
it
400
1780
May,
if
tt
400
Jan. "
it
2934
June,
tt
it
425
Feb. "
It
3322
July,
it
it
450
March, "
it
3736
Aug.
tt
it
475
April, "
it
4000
Scale
adopted in June 1781.
From April 1,
1780,
to April 20, one Spanish
milled
dollar
equal
to $40 Continental, old emission.
April
2.5
equal
to
$42
1780
ec
30
f
44
Sept 10
equal to
$71
May
6
t
46
Oct. 15
it
72
11
10
I
47
Nov. 10
it
73
t(
15
t
49
" 30
if
^
74
it
20
t
54
1781
it
25
i
60
Feb. 27
(C
75
tt
30
t
62
April 15
((
76
June
10
e
64
" 20
it
77
it
15
)
68
" 25
ti
78
it
20
t
69
" 30
79
Aug.
15
if
70
May 15
80
" 30
IfiO
GENERAL HISTORY. 289
Unaware of these facts, the taxes imposed by the
state, during the years 1779 and 1780, would appear
reaUy immense, far exceeding in value the whole
state. In the former of these years, they amounted
to £495,000, and in the latter, to £1,940,000, be
sides ^26,000 in silver.
S^ich had been the alarming depreciation of the
paper currency of the country, that Congress es
teemed it their duty, in May 1779, to call the atten
tion of the states and of the inhabitants to that sub
ject. Meetings were holden, in relation to the mat
ter, in all parts of the continent. On the second of
July, the subject was taken into consideration by the
town of Providence, and the following resolutions
passed. " 1. That we will, to the utmost of our power, give effect to
the salutary purpose of Congress, expressed in their late address,
for restoring the credit of the Continental currency.
2. That, as, in our view, the most capital means of accom
plishing this, will be, effectually to supply the continental treas
ury, we will immediately promote subscriptions in this town,
for the purpose of loaning money to the continent. And we do
also recommend to all others, to pursue similar measures; par
ticularly those who have deposited money of the emissions of
May 20, 1777, and April 11, 1778, that in lieu of their monies
they receive loan-office certificates.
3. That we will co-operate with our brethren, the worthy cit
izens of Philadelphia and Boston, in reducing the prices of the
articles enumerated, as well as others.
4. That the merchants and traders of this town be requested
to convene, in order to ascertain the prices at which the several
articles of merchandize ought to be sold in this town, so as ef
fectually to unite and well comport with what may be done in
the same way, by the merchants and traders in other places,
and our brethren in the country, and report the same to this
37

290 GENERAL HISTORY
town on the 20th instant ; and it is recommended to the trades
men and mechanics, to reduce their prices from time to time, ac
cording to the prices of merchandize and country produce.
5. That for the purposes aforesaid, we will appoint a standing
committee, to address and correspond with the other towns in
this state, as well as such committees in other states as may be
appointed for similar purposes.
6. That we most cordially invite our brethren in the toun-
try, who command the necessaries of life, cheerfully to join us
in so laudable an undertaking ; as without their spirited concur
rence, all our efforts must be ineffectual ; assuring them of our
sincerity and fixed determination to persevere, till the good pur
poses of Congress aforesaid shall be fully accomplished.
We must observe to the public, that we cannot entertain the
least doubt but our present endeavors will be crowned with suc
cess ;
Because, the United States have plighted their faith and
pledged their estates, for the value of their currency, which soon
er or later, it must obtain ; and perhaps a gradual appreciation
is best.Because, the success hitherto attending our arms in the pres
ent campaign, affords us the most flattering prospects of a spee
dy and final expulsion of the enemy from our country.
Because, by the blessing of heaven, there is a prospect of the
most fruitful season, for all kinds of produce, ever known in
this country ; and should the crops answer our expectations,
their prices must of consequence be reduced.
Because, the large continental tax of $60,000,000, and suras
of money which we doubt not will soon be loaned to the conti
nent, must effectually supply the treasury and prevent the neces
sity of future emissions.
Resolved, that the Hon. Jabez Bowen, Esq. Mr. John Brown,
James M. Varnum, Jonathan Arnold, David Howell, William
Wheaton, and Dwight Foster, Esqrs. or the major part of them,
be, and they are hereby appointed a standing committee, to ad
dress and correspond with the other towns in this state, as well
as the committees of correspondence in other states, agreeably
to the fifth resolve of this meetinsr."

GENERAL HISTORY. 291
Another town meeting on the same subject was
called on the 23d of the same month. It was then
resolved, to hold a convention of delegates from
the several towns in the state, at East Greenwich, on
the second Tuesday in August following. The del
egates from Providence were Stephen Hopkins, Ja
bez Bowen, John Brown, Welcome Arnold, and
John Innes Clark.
The convention met on the 10th of August. Del
egates appeared from twenty-four towns. They
proceeded to fix the prices of the necessaries of Hfe,
of domestic as well as of foreign growth, to take ef
fect on the first day of September. They resolved that
he who demanded or received more for any article
than the stipulated price, should be deemed an ene
my to his country, and the committee of correspon
dence for the town where he dwelt, was directed to
publish his name to the world. The inhabitants of
each town were requested to state the wages of
tradesmen and labprers, in proportion to the rates
stated by the convention for the necessaries of life.
They recommended to the General Assembly, to
take immediate steps for raising the state's propor
tion of the continental tax. They appointed another
convention to be holden on the first Tuesday in No
vember. The doings of this convention were ap
proved by a town meeting holden on the 20th of
August. On the following day, a committee of in
spection, consisting of twenty-four persons, was ap
pointed, and another committee to state prices for
tradesmen and laborers. They reported on the 31st.
The prices stated were generally twenty per cent.

292 GENERAL HISTORY.
lower than those previously demanded. At the same
meeting, Nicholas Brown, Zephaniah Andrews, and
John Mumford, were appointed a committee to open
a subscription for loans to the continent. But, as in
a previous attempt to regulate the prices of articles,
and thus prevent a further depreciation of the paper
currency, these measures were found ineff"ectual.
They do not appear to have been pursued at Prov-
dence, or in the state, with the same fervor that they
were formerly. Perhaps the reasoning of a former
town's committee on the subject had shaken the con
fidence in their utihty or efiiciency, and thus render
ed them even more inefficient than they otherwise
might have been. The fundamental error was in
endeavoring to fix the value of a currency, which
currency itself should be the standard of value, by
the prices of the articles of merchandize.
By a census taken in 1782, it appears there were
in Providence,
White males, under 16 years of age, 943
from 16 to 22 205
" from 22 to 50 589
over 50 176—1913
White females, under 16 years of age, 903
" from 16 to 22 293
" from 22 to 50 727
" over 50 179—2102
Indians, 6— Mulattoes, 33— Blacks, 252, 291

Total, 4306
News of the definitive treaty of peace between the
United States and Great Britain, arrived in Provi-

GENERAL HISTORY. 293
dence, on the second day of December, 1783. This
treaty secured to the colonies, all that they demand
ed. The price they paid, for liberty and indepen
dence, perhaps cannot be estimated by any of the
present inhabitants. We can count up the milhons
of doUars expended, and number the lives that were
lost in that contest. But who can form an estimate
of the suff"erings of the inhabitants at large, and of
the privations they bore, in raising that sum ; or,
of the aflfliction, and sorrow, and pain, that preceded
and followed the deaths of the martyrs of freedom.
Want and misery were not confined to the ranks of
the soldiery ; they pervaded aU parts of the country
and all classes of society. Pain, and sickness, and
sorrow, did not revel merely in the camp. They
spread their devastating influence to the home of
the soldier. If he returned himself, he bore with
him the seeds of sickness and spread them in his
family, to blast his hopes of future comfort and joy.
If he feU in battle, the mother, the wife, the child,
drank of the cup of sorrow and suff"ering. The idea
that can now be formed of the scenes of the revolu
tion, must be very faint and imperfect. It may well
be doubted whether the most vivid imagination can
paint the picture with aU its horrors. How grateful
must have been the news of peace, under such cir
cumstances, to the war-worn veteran and his care
worn family — peace with liberty, liberty with inde
pendence, all that he wished, nay, more than he
dreamed of, at the outset, wrung from the grasp of
the mother country.

CHAPTER FIFTH.
GENERAL HISTORY.
FROM THE PEACE OF 1783, TO THE ADOPTIOJs' OF THE CONSTITUTION OF
THE UNITED STATES BY THE STATE OF RHODE-ISLAND, IN 1790.
At the close of the revolutionary war, the situation
of Providence diff"ered but little from that of other
parts of the United States. During that struggle,
this town contributed its fuU proportion of men and
means. It is entitled to a full share of aU the glory
of that contest, and it received a fuU share of loss
and privation. Although it was not, at any time,
the seat of actual war, yet, its immediate proximity
to the large body of troops posted on Rhode-Island
for a long time, and the facUity with which they
could, at any time, attack Providence, subjected its
citizens to frequent alarms, and to repeated tours of
military duty. The return of peace must, there
fore, have been haUed by them with great joy.
While the war continued, external dangers ensur
ed the union of the states. The utter inefliciency
of the articles of confederation, could never have
been feU, under these circumstances. At the return
of peace, individuals recovered their individuahty.
Different states ascertained that their interests were
diverse and opposed to each otiier. Commercial
enterprise engaged the attention of their citizens,
and forced on them the conviction that further and

GENERAL HISTORY. 295
uniform regulations of foreign intercourse were ne
cessary for their success abroad, and a firmer, closer
union, indispensable, to secure their happiness at
home. So long as every state possessed all the at
tributes of sovereignty, controUed only by the articles
of confederation, little advantage could result from
the liberty and independence they had gained. As
peace revealed the weakness of the articles of con
federation, it also disclosed the remedy for it, in the
establishment of a general government, clothed with
such powers as the states could not separately exer
cise, without ruin to themselves. It is believed
that a large majority of the citizens of the United
States were, at first, opposed to such a general gov
ernment. They had not felt, in their business, the
evUs which oppressed the other classes of their fel
low citizens, and they thought they saw in such a
general government, the same foe to liberty which
they had just vanquished. In the state of Rhode-
Island, this majority was very l9,rge. It included far
the greater part of aU the inhabitants of the country
towns, besides many of the inhabitants of the sea
ports. GeneraUy, the seaport towns were in favor
of such a central government, and none of them more
so than Providence. In the state of Rhode-Island,
these two parties had one cause to embitter them
against each other, which did not exist in many of
the other states. All the states were loaded with
debt at the close of the war, yet most of them had
the means of meeting their debts at some future
time. It was not so with Rhode-Island. Almost
from the first settiement of the state, all the expenses

296 GENERAL HISTORY.
of her government had been defrayed, by direct or
indirect taxation on its inhabitants. She had^'no
vacant lands within her limits, from the sales of which
she could endow schools, estabhsh charities, and de
fray her current expenses. For whatever of these
was done, almost the only means, was the industry
of her citizens, voluntarUy taxed for these purposes.
At the close of the war her state debt was very
large, compared with that of other states. The
principal part of it had centred in the hands of the
merchants and traders. The landholders were also
deeply in debt to them. Insolvency and ruin were
before them. The most ready expedient for rehef,
was a new emission of paper money, the ultimate
redemption of which should be secured by pledge
of real estate. Debtors saw in this, the means of
paying an old debt by contracting a new one, whUe
creditors beheved that the paper which they should
receive for their debts would very soon depreciate,
and become of little value. Some of the debtors,
apprehending this depreciation as a necessary con
sequence, saw in it the means of compounding their
debts, without a statute of insolvency. Hence a
struggle between debtor and creditor, the merchant
and farmer, in relation to the emission of paper
money. In this struggle. Providence, of course,
took part with the merchant. Their views in rela
tion to the subject, are embodied in the foUowing
memorial and remonstrance prepared in Providence,
signed by many of the inhabitants and others, being
freemen of the state, and presented to the General
Assembly at their February session, 1786.

GENERAL HISTORY. 297
" The memorial and remonstrance of sundry inhabitants of the
town of Providence and others, freemen of said State.
That as well from opinions industriously circulated in some
parts of the state, as from the proceedings of some towns legal
ly assembled, there is reason to apprehend, that an attempt is
soon to be made to induce the legislature of the state to put
forth an emission of paper money. As this measure may involve
the interests and fortunes of your memorialists, in common with
their fellow citizens, and essentially affect the honor and well be
ing of the state, they conceive that it cannot fail to be agreeable
to those who are advanced to seats in government, by the voice
of their country, to receive the most free and full communication
of the sentiments of their constituents, to the end that such mea
sures may be finally adopted, as may, in their issue, prove remedial
of real grievances under which any class of citizens may labor,
without entailing distress and ruin on others, or tarnishing the
honor and character of a free and sovereign state. Notwithstand
ing the confidence that it becomes your memorialists to have, and
which they are happy in this opportunity of expressing, in the abil
ities, integrity and information of the members of the present
leo-islature, they beg leave to submit to their candid consideration,
some remarks on the nature, tendency and operation of the
measure in contemplation, relatively to several classes of citizens,
as well as to the state ; preliminary to which, they cannot avoid
calling to mind.
That the better security of life, liberty and property, is the only
reason for exchanging a state of nature for a state of government ;
and that government which affords the greatest security for these
enjoyments, at the least expense, has been justly esteemed the best.
A confidence in the honor and virtue of our fellow citizens on
this side of the Atlantic, induced us to commit our lives and
fortunes into their hands, and inspired us with fortitude to throw
off all foreign dependence. After an expensive and bloody war
of many yeats continuance, Heaven has crowned us with suc
cess, and we are now to reap the fruits of our labors under the
mild and just administration of government, in the hands of men
of our own choice — our neighbors, our friends and our brethren.
It has happened in the course of the war, from various causes,
38

298 GENERAL HISTORY.
that some states, as well as some individuals in the same states,
have made advances to the public service, out of all proportion
to their abilities, compared with others. The period of account
has at length arrived, with returning peace and plenty. The
states in advance expect a credit, and to throw a part of their
burdens on their sister states. The individuals in advance ex
pect similar justice ; that their burdens be spread equally, on the
the shoulders of their fellow citizens ; trusting that the equal and
joint efforts of all, will sustain with ease, those burdens which,
falling partially, would bring on partial ruin and distress. It is
the prevailing opinion, whether well founded or not, that the
eastern states are in advance to the federal union on a just set
tlement, which is hoped for soon. It is certain that this little
state has been second to none, in her exertions. But waiving
the consideration of state advances, the certificates issued firom
our loan office, and other federal certificates, held by our citizens,
form an aggregate debt of from eight to nine hundred thousand
dollars, on a moderate estimation. If the actual circumstances
of the United States could admit of our receiving a credit in the
books of the federal treasury for this amount, or for the interest
of it annually, this state's quota of the national debt would be
settled, and no annual demand could arise against us, from Con
gress, other than for charges of the federal government. Is it
not therefore the interest of the state to give effect to the just
and constitutional measures of Congress for paying off this debt
with honor ? On this head, your memorialists have learned with
satisfaction, the measures adopted by the state. A debt has also
been incurred, which is ultimately to fall on the state. Your
memorialists are not informed of the precise amount of this
debt, but presume, that the care and fidelity of those in power,
have not suffered the gtate to acknowledge debts to individuals,
without a just consideration. The evidences of this debt are
held, it is to be presumed, by the citizens of this state : the avails
of the two and a half per cent, impost have been applied to pay its
interest, and it is now suggested, that the operations of paper mon
ey are necessary, to facilitate its final extinguishment. Your
memorialists hope, that after a fair and candid inquiry into the
nature, tendency and operation of this measure, it will not be
adopted.

GENERAL HISTORY. 299
The inconveniences of barter, or a mutual exchange of those
articles which mankind deem useful, introduced, in the progress
of civilization, the precious metals, as a measure of the value of
things ; but as commerce multiplied and extended the business of
transferring the necessaries, conveniences and luxuries of life, in
higher stages of improvement, evidences of the value of these
precious metals were substituted in their room, such as foreign
and inland bills of exchange, bank bills, bonds and paper money.
The operations of this paper credit, under certain circumstan
ces, and to a certain degree, may be useful to a state, as well as to
individuals. The single point of inquiry therefore is, whether,
under the actual circumstances of this state, an emission of pa
per money is a wise and necessary measure. In whatever man
ner this measure be adopted, on whatever funds the paper is to
rest, it must either remain at par with the precious metals, or
depreciate. If its credit is supported, it will indeed be less in
jurious to individuals, but what good effects will it produce ?
It will not increase our circulating medium, unless it augments
our business ; for it is an established principle, that the circula
ting medium in a country, other things being equal, will always
bear a proportion to the trade and commerce. The state there
fore, which wantonly adopts paper, foolishly banishes the same
quantity of the precious metals ; and this consequence, your me
morialists apprehend, wonld take place here ; the silver and gold,
which love not the society of paper, would be driven to our
neighboring states. That a state paper money would not aug
ment our business, but on the contrary vastly diminish it, must
be obvious to any one, who considers the smallness of the state,
the vicinity of its large towns to the large states of Massachu
setts and Connecticut, many of whose citizens now frequent our
markets, but in that case, finding no use for our paper medium,
would be compelled to divert their trade, to their own markets.
Nay, might it not be expected, that the best of our own produce,
allured by the charms of silver and gold, would take the same
route 1 Add to this, that while the paper remains at par, it
would not be more in the reach of distressed debtors, than pre
cious metals, if the dread of paper money was removed from
the minds of monied men, and private credit restored, nor would
any body be eased thereby, in payment of taxes, as produce

300 GENERAL HISTORY.
would fetch as much of one as of the other. For these reasons,
your memorialists humbly conceive, that an undepreciating state
paper money would do much hurt and could do no real good. The
operations of a depreciating currency, then remain next to be at
tended to. Your memorialists humbly conceive, it would be a
rare phenomenon in the political world, for a legislature to make
paper money, with a direct and avowed intention to avail the pub
lic of its depreciation. What would this be, it may be asked,
other than to make a promise, and at the same time confess you
do not mean to fulfil it, or to fulfil it only in part. In case paper
money, so emitted, should be suffered to expire gradually, it is
evident it would operate as a tax on the community to its full
amount. Should it be redeemed, at a depreciated value, the tax
would indeed be less, but no less unjustly levied from the people.
In both cases, the people would be taxed, not according to their
estates, but in the compound ratio of the money they took and
the time they kept it. This, your memorialists conceive, would
cruelly oppress various classes of people and injure the public
wealth ; and this oppression would be still more intolerable,should
the money, under such circumstances, be made a legal tender, so
as to discharge the principal, or even to stop the interest of debts
previously contracted. The operation of such depreciating pa
per, applied in payment betwixt individuals, would be no less
unjust and cruel than its operation as a public tax. In this
point of view, it would relax business, cut the sinews of indus
try, and enable sharpers and speculators to thrive on the plunder
of the innocent and incautious. But here it may be thought
unnecessary to enlarge, as it will doubtless be given out, and
well stood to by many, that no depreciation is to take place.
Your memorialists will not undertake to enter into the designs
or secret thoughts of any, but as it has been already, as they ap
prehend, clearly stated, that an undepreciating paper money
would not afford the relief aimed at, they cannot but be alarmed
with an apprehension, that the money to be emitted is also to be
depreciated. Whatever may be the intentions of the advocates of this mea
sure, your memorialists entertain no doubt but that the event
will justify their present apprehensions. The quantity of paper
in the hands of the citizens of these states, as evidences of the

GENERAL HISTORY. 301
federal and state debts, is already amazing. This cannot have
escaped the view of any. Add to this, the bills or certificates
issued by some states for payment of interest, the bank notes in
circulation, and the obligations of individuals. All these de
scriptions of paper, do, in fact, obtain more or less, circulation,
and supply the place of a medium of commerce. The interest
certificates to be issued under the requisition of September 27,
1785, and which are to have a general circulation, will make a
great addition to this mass. Was there ever a time, it may be
asked, before the revolution, when one fourth part so much paper
was in circulation in this country ? And it may be further asked,
was there ever a time, when the citizens had less transferable
articles, to employ and give motion to it ?
It may be said, that large quantities of paper money were
pushed into circulation during the war ; but your memorialists
conceive that to have been owing to a rare concurrence of cir
cumstances. In the first instance, the precious metals in circu
lation did not furnish a sufficient medium for transacting the
business which arose with the commencement of the war. Add
to this, that the enthusiasm of liberty, and the points of bayo.
nets, greatly contributed to the circulation of that paper, which,
nevertheless, finally expired, though there was at that time, little
of any other descriptions of paper in circulation. If these ob
servations are well founded, it cannot be thought even within
the possibility of things, that this state can now issue paper mon
ey, without depreciation. Whatever pains may be taken, by in
terested men, to divide the agricultural interest from the com
mercial, in this state, and to blow up the coals of faction and
party, your memorialists entertain too high an opinion of the
aood sense and virtue of the substantial farmers in the country,
to believe they can listen to the suggestions of a wily, selfish
policy, or aim to build themselves up, at the expense of sacrific-
ino- the seaport towns and the commerce of the state. In that
case, they must soon feel the sad effects of their ill-judged policy.
Your memorialists presume that the landholders need not be
told how intimately the rents of their estates, the prices of their
produce, and even the rate of their taxes, are connected with the
prosperity of commerce in the state, and that, to this prosperity

302 GENERAL HISTORY.
the solidity of the currency, the stability of public faith, and
the punctuality in private contracts, are absolutely essential.
Let us, therefore, inquire into the effects of this measure, on
several classes of people. The merchant brings his merchandize
from abroad, and must make punctual remittances, or his credit
and his trade are at an end. Paper money will neither pay his
debts in Europe, nor purchase the productions of other states, to
enable him to make payment ; and it is well known, this state
can furnish but very little. It cannot therefore, with any propri
ety, be expected that he should dispose of his goods, for an ar
ticle for which he has no use. View next the shopkeepers and
country traders, they too must refuse it, because it will not sat
isfy the merchant who supplies them. The farmer cannot take
it for his produce, because the merchants, shopkeepers and tra
ders have no use for it. The mechanics and common laborers
may close the scene, for they will neither be able to pass it for
food or raiment.
But it is worth while to consider, how far it is within the
compass of power to give circulation to paper, under these cir
cumstances, especially as there is reason to believe, from the
prices of articles of produce in general, that there is no great
real want of hard money, as a medium of commerce. It may
indeed be made, and, if armed with penalties, be set in motion ;
but unless it can obtain a voluntary circulation, it will not pro
ceed many stages, before it will meet with a dead set and expire.
Notwithstanding the preceding remarks, which your memo
rialists have taken the liberty to make, they must also subjoin,
that they grievously feel and lament the distresses of the times,
which they conceive originated from the desolations of the late
war and the heavy debt thereby incurred, as well as from the
embarrassments of the trade of the United States in foreign
countries, and some impolitic restraints among ourselves. To
these causes may be added, the almost total stoppage of the cir
culation of hard money, which adds a great artificial, to some
degree of real scarcity of that article, occasioned by the appre
hension of an emission of paper ; and with great deference
they take this occasion to submit for consideration, the propriety
of the following measures, in their humble opinion calculated

GENERAL HISTORY. 303
to afford some degree of relief: an addition to the impost per
haps chiefly on specific articles to be enumerated — an excise on
spiritous liquors and other luxuries — a tax on horses — laws to en
courage the raising of wool and flax, for promotino- our own
manufactures, and for reviving industry and economy among all
ranks of people.
To conclude, your memorialists cannot take leave of the Hon
orable General Assembly, without assuring them, in the strong
est terms, that they are sincerely disposed to contribute their
best endeavors, to give effect to all measures calculated to pro
mote and perpetuate the prosperity ofthis state and of the United
States ; but that they do not consider an emission of paper
money as coming within that description. And as in duty bound
will ever pray, &-C."
As they anticipated, the project was debated at
that session, and rejected by a vote of nearly two to
one. Gov. Greene, who had been chief magistrate
of the state from 1778, exerted himself against it, and
as a means of meeting the requisitions of Congress
and the current expenses of the state government,
proposed and advocated the passage of an act es
tablishing an impost on certain articles, and an ex
cise on liquors. The friends of paper money in the
state were not disheartened at their defeat. They
ralhed at the spring election, displaced Governor
Greene and his friends, and elected a Governor and
Senate whose views accorded with theirs. At the
May session, 1786, the project was again debated,
and a biU passed, authorizing the emission of
£100,000, securing its payment by pledge of the
real estate of the borrower, and making it a tender in
payment of aU debts, then contracted. It did not
pass without opposition, and the representatives of
Providence entered their protest against it, reiterat-

304 GENERAL HISTORY.
ing the arguments which are contained in the memo
rial before copied.
It required but a very short time, under these cir
cumstances, to verify the prediction that these biUs
would soon depreciate. The depreciation was sud
den and great. At the session in June, the friends
of paper money undertook to sustain its sinking
credit, and to force for it a circulation. They pass
ed an act, subjecting every person who should refuse
to receive it at par with gold and silver, for goods, or
who should do any act tending to discourage its cur
rency, to a penalty of £100 and to disfranchisement.
Upon the passage of this act, the merchants and
traders closed their stores, and discontinued their
business, as the only way of avoiding the penalties.
To counteract these proceedings, and to compel the
merchants to terms, the farmers who had mortgaged
their farms for these bUls, resolved not to bring any
of the produce of their farms to market. The re
sult was a total stagnation of all business. The dis
tress arising from a want of corn and breadstuff's
was such, and the prospects so gloomy and discour
aging, that a town meeting was called, on the 24th
of July, for the purpose of devising means of procur
ing a supply of these articles. The town then
agreed to borrow ^500 and send it abroad to pur
chase corn to be subsequently sold and distributed
by the town council among the inhabitants. To
counteract tiiese measures, the farmers called a coun
ty convention, of the county of Providence, to meet
at Scituate on the 10th day of August. This con
vention adjourned to unite with a state convention.

GENERAL HISTORY. 305
for the same objects, to be holden at East-Green
wich, on the 24th of the same month. Delegates
from sixteen towns appeared in this convention. 
They expressed their confidence in the state gov
ernment, their approbation of its proceedings, their
resolution to aid it in carrying into eflfect the acts
relative to the paper money then in existence, and
such others as might be necessary. Providence was
represented in this convention by David HoweU,
Welcome Arnold, WiUiam Rhodes, Jabez Bowen,
and Joseph Nightingale. They acted with a smaU
minority. Upon the applicationof many citizens, the Govern
or called a special session of the General Assembly,
to meet on the 24th of August. They stUl believed
they could give currency to paper money by penal
laws, and they amended the several acts before pass
ed, giving a more speedy and certain remedy for
any breach of the same. So eager had the majority
become, to enforce obedience to the laws on this
subject, that they lost sight of the rights of the peo
ple and jeopardized, nay sacrificed, their highest
and dearest privileges to it. The validity and con
stitutionality of these acts came in question before
the Supreme Judicial Court of the state, sitting at
Newport, in the case of Trevett q. t. and Weeden. —
After a very patient investigation, the court pro
nounced the acts unconstitutional and void. This
made another session of the General Assembly ne
cessary, and they convened early in October. After
directing the judges to be cited before them, to an
swer for their decision, they proceeded to the form-
39

306 GENERAL HISTORY.
ation of another biU, to repair, if possible, the injury
done by that decision to the currency of their biUs.
It bore the titie of "an act to stimulate and give ef
ficacy to the paper biUs emitted by this state, in May
and June last." It required every citizen, on or be
fore a day certain, named in the biU, to give his sol
emn engagement, that he would use his endeavors
to give the paper biUs a currency equal to gold and
sUver, and that he would not oflfer any article for
sale, which he would not seU as cheap for the one
as the other. He who neglected to give such en
gagement, was declared incapable of holding any
office of honor or profit, of voting for any such
officer, and of giving testimony in any court of law.
Under aU circumstances, the General Assembly
deemed it advisable to ask instructions of their con
stituents, before they passed a law containing such
extraordinary provisions. The bUl was of course
laid before a meeting of the freemen of Providence,
and was by them referred to Jabez Bowen, Nicho
las Brown, Welcome Arnold, John I. Clark and
Theodore Foster, to report instructions to the rep
resentatives in General Assembly. Their report
was made 9n the 17th of October, in the following
language. "Your committee have attentively considered the aforesaid bill,
submitted to the sense of the freemen of this state, by order of
the General Assembly, at their last session, and as it appears in
form of a bill and not of a law, they conceive themselves justi
fied in expressing, with greater freedom, their apprehensions of
its nature and tendency.
Some preliminary observations seem necessary to introduce
the subject. The right to property stands on a basis no less

GENERAL HISTORY. 307
firm, than the right of life itself, as the former is the means o^
preserving the latter. Your committee conceive, that no prop
osition can be more unquestionable, than that, in a state of na
ture, every man has a right, to enjoy the fruits of his own indus
try, or to exchange them for what in his opinion, is an equiva
lent ; extreme cases excepted. The social compact is entered
into, to secure and protect this right, and not to supersede or
take it away : and as in a state of nature, no individual could
compel his neighbor to part with his property on any other than
his own terms, it is clear, none could convey a right so to com
pel him, to his representative, in a state of government. The
representative body, therefore, are not authorized to ascertain the
value of the property of individuals and to decide on what terms,
excepting by equal taxation, they shall part with it. In that
case, there could be no private property, but all property would,
in fact, be a joint stock and the property of the representative
body ; the idea of private ownership being done away. This is
the situation of property under despotism, whether exercised by
one or many. No subject is owner or master of any thing, though
earned by the sweat of his own brow, nor allowed to stipulate
any terms for himself in parting with it. If these observations
are well founded, the General Assembly of this state, however
they may be authorized to impose common and equal taxes, im
posts and excises, and to ascertain the kind of money in which
they shall be paid, will be found wholly destitute of power to
touch the property of individuals, in the manner proposed by the
test bill. It will, your committee conceive, be found no less
out of their power, to compel the citizen to dispose of his vendi
ble commodities for silver and gold or specie, than for paper
money. Barter was the first mode of exchanging property, and
the moment a man is deprived of his right to barter, or to sell
for silver only, or for gold only, or for paper money only, or for
any other description of what he may deem an equivalent, and on
his own terms, that moment he becomes a slave.
Admitting it to be within the power of the General Assembly,
to enact it a crime to refuse to take paper money of this bank or
of any other, for others may and no doubt will be made, at par
with silver and gold, your committee conceive, that the punish-

308 GENERAL HISTORY,
ment annexed to the crime, is excessive and against the rights of
the people. The delinquent is to be " incapable to be elected to
any post of honor or profit within this state, or to exercise the
functions of any civil or military office therein, or of giving his
vote or suffrage for electing any officer or representative within
this state." This amounts to a very grevious disfranchisment,
and in effect almost to a proscription. Your committee conceive,
that citizens already under the sacred ties of allegiance to the
state, and paying their just part of all public charge for their
protection, ought not to be called to take further tests in this
way, as conditions of retaining their fi:eedom ; especially, tests
that do not regard their quiet and orderly lives, or the safety of
the state in time of war, but merely, as in the present instance,
relate to the considerations for which they are to part with their
private property. The establishment of such a principle, your
committee apprehend, would lay a foundation for endless con
tention and vexation, and issue in a dissolution of government.
Any measure, however unjust or romantic, and none could be
much more so, than the present attempt to pass this bank at par
with silver and gold, might be fortified by the party in power
with a test act, and all those who refused to comply therewith,
disfranchised. Even a minority, and as it might happen a very
small minority too, perhaps only those in power, at the spur of
the occasion, with a very few friends out of doors, might in this
way perpetuate their measures, and hold their seats against the
voice of the great bulk of the people. What are our liberties,
if we are to be deprived of them, in this way ? The principles
of our constitution must rest on ground more firm and safe. —
This mode of punishment, therefore, for crimes ofthis sort, your
committee are assured, is not only oppressive to individuals, but
highly dangerous to the public weal, and so, unconstitutional.
The impropriety of a test bill will further appear, from the
nature of the thing thereby required. All the freemen of the
state and others, are required to swear or affirm, " that they
will use their endeavors to give the paper money a currency,
equal to silver and gold, and that they will sell their vendible
articles, for the same price in one as the other." And in case of
failure, " are to be punished for wilful and corrupt perjury." —
Your committee do not understand the intent of the word " en-

GENERAL HISTORY. 309
deavor," as used in this bill, and so are not capable of ascertain
ing the amount of that part of the obligation of the oath. But
if it means, that the declarant should sell, what he has not to
sell, it goes too far, and if it means that he should induce oth
ers to sell, who are not disposed thereto, it imposes an officious
meddling in the business of others. And what else can it mean,
other than what is contained in the other clauses of the oath,
your committee are utterly at a loss. It seems to be a general,
uncertain and very exceptionable expression in the oath. Legisla
tors have power to take away money from the citizens, as much
as may be wanted for necessary public uses. But no constitu
tion, within the knowledge of your committee, ever authorized
a legislature to make the people take money of any kind. A
tender of money, paper money as well as hard money, may stop
interest on a lodgment of it in a court of law for the use of the
creditor, or may extinguish the principal of the debt, if the ten
der or lodgment of the money, is the same as contracted for. —
But in all countries, it is within the option of the creditor to re
fuse taking the money, in case he prefers subjecting himself to
certain pecuniary penalties of a less grevious nature than dis
franchisment even in despotic states. How shocking then to
the feelings of freeiuen must this test bill appear, which has it
directly in object, to compel the actual taking of the money,
not only for debts, but for all articles exposed to sale, and to do
this by imposing a solemn oath for the purpose, and to impose
this solemn oath for this purpose, under the unheard-of penalty
of disfranchisement. Your committee are humbly of opinion,
that this attempt is without a parallel in the annals of mankind.
Your committee proceed secondly to consider the justice of
the measure, and here,
1. Either the paper money is, in fact, equivalent to gold and
silver, or it is not. In the former case, the proposed test bill
is clearly unnecessary ; for men readily enough discover and
pursue their own interest, without laws to stimulate them there
to. In the latter case, if the paper money is not equal to silver
and gold, every man who takes it at par is a loser thereby, and
his loss will bear a proportion to the quantity of money he takes,
and a compliance with the test bill would, in every instance, be
a sacrifice of part of his inte'rest.

310 GENERAL HISTORY.
2. It is incontrovertible that the paper money is already de
preciated to three to five for one. If it was possible then, by
any exertion, to raise it to par on a sudden, an unreasonable
advantage would be thrown into the hands of many of the
present holders thereof, at the expense of those who have passed
it at a depreciated value. But,
3. From the principles and quantity of this bank of money,
and from the actual circumstances of this state, if it was possible
to give it a currency, in the first instance, equal to silver and
gold, it would be wrong and unjust, because it must necessarily
depreciate. In the third and last place, your committee attended to the
policy of the measure. And 1. The multitude of oaths to be
hereby introduced, would tend to familiarize and render common,
that solemn appeal to heaven. And, as in this case, where private
interest is so intimately concerned, would not the strongest and
most influential temptations to perjury be, every day, presented
to the minds of those under the test. And would not many be
caught in this snare, thus spread before them by the legislature,
and the crying sins of innumerable perjuries be added to those
of injustice and oppression.
2. There is no provision to give the measure a certain operation
in any one instance. And, least of all, will it produce any
effect where the chief malady lies. Merchants and wealthy
farmers, who alone, by the articles they have for sale, influence
money operations, will decline the test, for all may decline it,
and what good effect will be the compliance of hundreds who
have nothing to sell. In this position of affairs, would not the
law prove nugatory ? Would it not, in a short time, become
obsolete, even though it should not be repealed or adjudged un
constitutional and void 1.
3. By the operation of this measure, all foreigners and their
agents would be driven from the state, and their stocks and
business wholly withdrawn. This would not only prove an im
mediate injury to many, who draw a subsistence therefrom, but
would, in the event, throw a monopoly into the hands of a few
designing men.
4. Your committee could not avoid considering the policy of
this measure, as it regards the present rulers and their supporters,

GENERAL HISTORY. 311
who, it is to be presumed, if they are serious in their proposal
mean to take the test and live up to it. Will they not tie their
own hands, and leave the hands of others loose ? While they
are obliged, by solemn oath, to sell all their vendible articles for
paper money at par, will they not see their neighbors, who refuse
the test, selling for three or four prices, and accumulating
interest at their expense 1 Will the vain phantom of an imaginary
rule and sway in public affairs, countervail the loss of solid
interest? But
5. Lastly, as a compliance with this test will thus operate to
the injury of all who take it, your committee are decidedly of
opinion, that although some who have not thought deeply on the
subject, may be serious in this business, it can never take effect
and prevail. On the contrary, it carries its own condemnation^
written in capitals, on its very forehead.
Wherefore they beg leave to submit to the consideration of the
freemen the following resolution.
Resolved, that the bill entitled an " An act to stimulate and
give efficacy to the paper bills emitted by this state in May last,"
appears to the freemen of this town to be unconstitutional, un
just and impolitic, and that John Jenckes, Esq., John Brown,
Esq., Major Charles Keene and Benjamin Bourne, Esq., the
deputies appointed to represent this town at the next session of
the General Assembly, be and they hereby are instructed to vote
against said bill, and to use their endeavors to prevent its being
passed into a law."
For the reasons in this report contained, or for
some others as sound, the General Assembly, at the
regular October session, negatived this biU, by a
very large majority. This vote, however, is no evi
dence of any change of opinion in relation to paper
money, or the proper means to secure it a circula
tion. The next state measure aff"ecting particularly
the town of Providence, was a biU introduced at an
adjourned session, in March 1787, providing that
each town in the state should have two representa-

312 GENERAL HISTORY
tives in the General Assembly, and no more. This
bUl was also sent to the freemen of the several towns,
for instructions to their representatives. The free
men of Providence referred the matter to David
Howell, Nicholas Brown, Jabez Bowen, Paul AUen,
and Levi HaU. Their report was as foUows :
" Your committee have been led to inquire into the constitu
tion or fundamental laws of this state, relative to the doctrine
of representation in the General Assembly, and find, that in the
charter granted to this state, then colony, in the 15th year of
King Charles 2d, the principles of which they presume them
selves authorized to consider as forming the outlines of the pres
ent constitution, saving only such as were necessarily done away
by the declaration of independence, among other things, it is
ordained and declared, that " forever hereafter, twice in every
year, that is to say, on every first Wednesday in the month of
May and on every last Wednesday in October, or oftener in case
it shall be necessary, the assistants and such of the freemen of
the said company, not exceeding six persons for Newport, fbur
persons for each of the respective towns of Providence, Ports
mouth and Warwick, and two persons for each other place, town
or city, who shall be, from time to time, thereunto elected or de
puted by the major part of the freemen of the respective towns
or places for which they shall be so elected or deputed, shall
have a general meeting or assembly, then and there to consult,
advise and determine, in and about the affairs and business of the
said company or plantation."
In virtue of this clause your committee are of opinion, that
the town of Providence hath a constitutional right to send four
deputies to the General Assembly of this state.
Your committee also find, that in pursuance thereof, four dep
uties have been in fact chosen in this town, and have taken their
seats in the legislature, at the sessions of the General Assembly
in May and October annually, from the date of the said charter,
down to the present time, and they do not learn, that it is even
suggested, that said grant, privilege, and franchise, is or ought to
be forfeited, either for non-user or mis-user, or for any other cause
or pretext whatever.

GENERAL HISTORY. 313
Your committee proceeded in the next place to inquire into the
powers of the General Assembly, and of the freemen, by towns
and individually, to alter the constitution of this state relative to
this particular, so as to deprive this town of half the number of
its deputies, agreeably to the bill now under reference to them.
And here your committee humbly apprehend, that the General
Assembly are restrained and limited in all their legislative acts,
by the constitution. They are, in fact, the creature of the con
stitution ; they are brought into existence thereby, and em
powered to act agreebly thereto for a certain term, and then
sink back again into the mass of their fellow citizens ; all
their acts are liable to examination and scrutiny by the peo
ple — that is, by the supreme judiciary, their servants for this
purpose — and those that militate with the fundamental laws or
impugn the principles of the constitution, are to be judicially
set aside, as void and of no effect. Here is the safety of rich
and poor ; here is a rampart thrown up against arbritary power
where it is most to be dreaded, as well as soonest to be expected,
viz. in the hands of the sovereign.
Precarious indeed would be the tenure of life, as well as of
liberty and property, held at the mere will of a popular assem
bly, sole judges of their own powers, of their own acts, and of
the people's liberties^^ Six months is a short term, but it would be
long enough to enable a wicked and corrupt set of rulers, not only
to enrich and aggrandise themselves, on the plunder and ruin of
the people, but also to take eventual measures to perpetuate their
power, by passing legislative acts, taking out of the hands of the
people, every means of redress. Wherefore your committee are
decidedly of opinion, that the General Assembly have no pow
ers adequate to the objects of this bill.
The powers of the freemen in town meetings, by instructions,
are to be considered, in the next place. Let it be here noted,
that town meetings are also held under the constitution and pres
ent laws, and they are also restrained thereby. It is of danger
ous tendency, to let down the bars of the state and countenance
town meetings in voting innovations in the constitution. It may
be asked, what power the General Assembly has to throw out
such a plan, by a legislative act, to the towns ? The charter
gives them no such power, and if they have it, as a grant from
40

314 GENERAL HISTORY.
the people, let it be shown. It may be convenient for the pur
pose of a faction ; points may be carried this way. The party in
power may require tests, and virtually disfranchise voters, and
then call upon the towns to make such alterations in the con
stitution as to weaken their antagonists, to exclude half their
members from the house. A bare majority of the towns may
give such instructions, by a bare majority of votes, but to what
purpose is all this 1 Are these fair and candid measures to es
tablish a constitution T Do they not rather carry the appear
ance of undermining and destroying the constitution ? There
may be thirty towns in this state, sixteen towns may contain
only one third of the inhabitants of the state. Half only of the
freemen of these sixteen towns may assemble in town meetings.
A bare majority of those so assembled, or a little more than one-
sixth part of the freemen of the state, may consent to the altera
tion, while the other fourteen towns, or two-thirds of the inhab
itants of the state, may vote against it, and in the event, instruc
tions for the alterations may be carried up in this manner to the
General Assembly, when a far greater number of freemen actu
ally voted against them in town meeting, than voted for them,
and when, perhaps, not half the freemen voted any thing about
them ; and moreover, when all those who did vote for the al
teration, only voted away the privileges of the freemen of other
towns, and thereby enlarged their own privileges in the state. —
Whence it appears, that the very nature of this alteration is such
as to render it an improper subject of such a reference to the
towns, because, it is making them judges in their own cause.— 7
It is in fact an adversary buiness, in which there are two parties
in interest. The four original towns against twenty-six others.
That the chance is clearly against the former, in this mode of
decision, as twenty-six is to four ; therefore, if this alteration is
necessary or desirable, it is to be accomplished in a more fair
and impartial manner.
It may be proper, in the third and last place, to consider what
power the freemen at large have to alter or establish a constitu
tion. Now it must be acknowledged, we have arrived at the
true source and origin of power. The people can make or al
ter their fundamental laws at their pleasure. But here it is
proper to pause and deliberate on the momentous undertaking-

GENERAL HISTORY. 316
To effect this great object, differernt methods have been adopted
in different countries. The United States afford rare instances
of the voluntary formation and adoption of free constitutions, by
the people. But no instance has occurred to your committee,
of a constitution being formed by the General Assembly of any
state, and sent down to the freemen of the several towns and dis
tricts to be adopted by their instructions, nor has any instance oc
curred of any alterations being attempted in any of their con
stitutions, in this way. This might be equally dangerous, for
under the idea of an alteration, principles the most radical and
essential might be affected, and, in a short time, a total change
take place, by the address and management of an intriguing
faction in power ; for which reason, this business seems never
to have been entrusted to the rulers, for the time being, of any
of the states. If a constitution is to be formed, or an alteration
therein made, common prudence would suggest that the busi
ness should be committed into the hands of ra&a specially ap
pointed for that purpose, and who are not connected or interest
ed particularly, in the administration for the time being, or dis
posed to make arrangements to favor the purposes of any fac
tion or party. Such an arduous and momentous affair should be
considered and digested in a convention of the more wise, cool
and independent freemen of the state, specially appointed and
assembled for that purpose, before it ever ought to be laid be
fore the freemen at large, for their approbation. In such times
as the present, whatever plan may be thrown out by the party
in power, is almost sure to be adopted greedily by their support
ers, and the more injuriously it may operate on the minority, the
more certain it will be adopted by their adversaries. This con
sideration alone, drawn from the mode of making the alterations,
in the opinion of your committee, would be a sufficient objection,
even if the matter of it appeared ever so unexceptionable. Has it
not been objected against the recommendations of Congress for
altering the confederation, that they were for enlarging their
own powers, that they stepped forward with an ill grace, in a
business wherein they were concerned themselves, that they
might have prejudices or sinister views of their own to promote ;
nay, have not these very objections dropped from the mouths of

316 GENERAL HISTORY.
members of the legislature, who are now fabricating alterations
in the constitution and powers of the General Assembly, and
urging them on the towns with great zeal and with all the weight
of their influence, as public men and men in power.
Such has been the effect of these objections, whether well or
ill founded, that not a single alteration proposed by Congress, in
the confederation, has been adopted by all the states ; and a con
vention is soon to be holden, of the first characters in America,
other than members of Congress, for the purpose of revising the
federal constitution. In like manner, your committee conceive,
that if ever any alterations should be made in the constitution of
this state, they ought to originate in a state convention, appointr
ed for that special object and not otherwise. Your committee
moreover are of opinion, that it would be unreasonable and im
proper to lessen the number of the deputies from the four oldest
towns, even in case a new constitution should be framed, in the
manner above proposed.
1. Because this franchise, enjoyed more than a century by
these towns, has been considered and has become the right and
property of the inhabitants, as really and fully as the soil with
the buildings, the appurtenances and easements thereof, which
have passed into the hands of the present holders, so privileged,
and have thereby been held in greater estimation and value.
2. Because these towns, or at least two of them, being com
mercial places, have become very numerous, and as they have been
heretofore, so they may become again, in better times, the re
ceptacles of great wealth, and be assessed accordingly in public
taxes, and therefore, on both these accounts, are well entitled to
some preferential distinction in the representative body of the
state. 3. Because the great number of small precincts in this state,
incorporated into towns by the legislature, have exceedingly in
creased the number of deputies, and reduced the influence which
the old towns had originally in the legislature, and as these little
corporations have been created by the consent and votes of the
deputies from the privileged towns, and under the expectation of
their being protected in the continued enjoyment of this fran
chise, it would be ungenerous, and a breach of good faith, for

GENERAL HISTORY. 317
these little corporate towns, to turn against the old towns in this
particular, and to attempt to deprive them of the very franchise
by the exercise of which, and on the grounds of which, alone
the little towns came forward with their claims, and were, in
fact, brought into existence.
4. The idea that all towns in a state, great and small, are en
titled to an equal voice in the General Assembly is chimerical,
and unfounded in reason and good sense, as well as against the
usage and custom of all places.
Your committee are of opinion, that no sober man would risk
his reputation for common sense, on the assertion that two
hundred freemen ought to have the same weight, in the legisla
tive body, as four hundred, or that two hundred thousand pounds
property is of the same consideration as four hundred thousand,
in point of legislation.
5. If alterations in the representation are necessary to the
purposes of just legislation, your committee are humbly of
opinion, that at a proper time and in a proper method, they
may take place, on just principles, and without such gross and
palpable injury to particular' towns, as would be done by the
present bill. Suppose, for instance, that some of the larger
towns, which now send two deputies, should be indulged with
one or more additional deputies, and some of the least towns re
duced to one deputy only. In some such method, and under
proper authority, delegated for that purpose by the people, might
not a scale be formed of six, four, three, two and one deputies
for the several towns, much better according with their numbers
and taxable property, than for every town, great and small, to
send two deputies.
Lastly, your committee attended to the reasons or matter of
inducement of the bill before them. They cannot conceive
that such a number of deputies was granted to the four old
towns, " to make a sufficient number to do and transact the
public business," for the same paragraph ascertains, thati two
deputies shall be allowed to every other town, and provides that
these grants shall run together, without limitation of time. And
it is a well known maxim, that grants shall hold most strongly
against the grantors and most beneficially for the grantees.

318 GENERAL HISTORY.
therefore, it is not to be intended that the grants of six and four
deputies to some towns were made, on any other or less weighty
reasons, than the grant of two deputies to the other towns ; or
that the former were to be of shorter duration than the latter.
Moreover, your committee do not conceive the necessity of such
numbers, at that time, to do the public business. They are not
able to comprehend, how the public business is to be done, by
main strength or by numbers, to better advantage than by wis
dom and moderation, and a very few men might suffice, for all
the purposes of legislation, at that time of innocence and sim
plicity of manners. The true reason for allowing the several
towns to be represented, even at that time, by six, four and two
deputies, appears to your committee to have been, in order to
give the towns weight in the representative body, as nearly as
might be proportioned, to their numbers and wealth ; and this
reason, instead of losing, has gained strength from that period
to the present time.
Your committee observe, that another reason in support of the
bill under reference to them, is drawn from the confederation of
the United States in Congress, " that each state has an equal
voice in Congress." But here it ought to be remarked, that the
individual states are all sovereigns, and that sovereignty is a
state and condition of such super-eminent and transcendant
rank, that it acknowledges no superior on earth. There cannot,
therefore, be a more or less sovereign state, although a state,
which is sovereign, may be greater or less. If, therefore, dele
gates meet in a common council to represent sovereign states,
from the necessity of the case, they must meet on a footing of
equality and not otherwise. For if one state has two votes,
and another but one, the latter cannot be more than half
sovereign ; a solecism in politics, for sovereignty is one and in
divisible. There is, therefore, no analogy in the two cases,
unless it is contended that the thirty towns in this state are so
many sovereign bodies, possessed of independence and armed
with the plenary powers of legislation and government, and that
their deputies meet in General Assembly, as ministers plenipo
tentiary, or delegates, to advocate the sovereign rights and
independence of the several towns. But this would be too ex
travagant to require a serious refutation.

GENERAL HISTORY. 319
Your committee cannot conclude, without expressing the
pleasure they feel that the legislature hold the wisdom of Con
gress, in any particular, in such high estimation ; and they hope
that another article in the confederation, will appear to the hon
orable legislature to be founded in equal wisdom, which provides,
that no alteration shall ever be made in the confederation with
out " the consent of the legislature of every state." Should
that wise provision be also adopted by the General Assembly
relative to the constitution of this state, and' the consent of
every town held previously necessary to every alteration therein,
your committee trust, that the town of Providence, as well as
the other three original towns, will long remain in the enjoyment
of all their just and constitutional rights and privileges.
Whereupon, your committee recommend the following reso
lutions :
Resolved, that it is inexpedient, in the opinion of the freemen
of this town, at this time, to frame a new constitution for this
state, or to attempt any alteration in the present constitution,
and that it will be, at all times, of dangerous tendency for the
General Assembly, for the time being, to frame a new constitu
tion, or to make alterations in the present constitution, with a
view to lay them before the several town meetings in this state
for the adoption of the freemen.
Therefore, Resolved, that the deputies appointed to represent
this town in the General Assembly, be instructed to reject the
bill for depriving the towns of Newport, Providence, Portsmouth,
and Warwick of a part of the number of deputies they have a
right to send to the General Assembly, under the constitution
of the state."
This proposition was also negatived by a large
majority. StUl the friends of paper money were
a majority in the State. Yet, as they Hved in the
smaUer towns, and more remote from each other,
they did not so readily meet to encourage each
other, nor were they so weU drilled as the minority.
The latter being residents in the large towns, and
representing, if not the whole wealth, stUl the per-

320 GENERAL HISTORY,
sonal property, in the state, could easUy assemble
and mature their plans of operations ; and they sel
dom lacked pecuniary means, where such could be
supposed efficient to gain the end in view. In one
other respect, the minority exceeded the majority —
power in debate. Though many of the majority
could at once detect the fallacies used by the mi
nority in their speeches, stiU, from want of early
training in the war of words, they could not expose
them in pubhc. These circumstances rather in
creased the rancor of party. The occasional rebuffs
which the majority received at the hands of the mi
nority, did not dishearten the one, whUe they excited
the other to continue the contest.
At the same March session, 1787, further matter
of dispute and contention between the same parties,
arose out of the recommendation of Congress to
the several states, to appoint delegates to revise the
Articles of Confederation. The General Assembly,
by a large majority, dechned sending delegates ;
nevertheless, the convention was organized, and
performed their herculean labor in the course of that
summer. The result was laid before the General
Assembly, at their October session, with the general
request that the constitution reported might be laid
before a convention. They directed it to be pub
lished, and circulated among the inhabitants ; and at
the February session, 1788, referred the question of
the adoption of the constitution, to the freemen in
their several town meetings. At this time, beyond
a doubt, a very large majority of the citizens of tiie
state were opposed to the constitution. Many who

GENERAL HISTORY. 321
heartUy desired the estabhshment of a general gov
ernment, equally desired to make some amendments
to the constitution, as prepared by the convention.
As this could be done only in a convention, and could
not be effected in town meeting, it was known that,
in this mode of deciding the question, they would vote
against its adoption. Aware ofthis, the friends of the
constitution opposed the measure in theGeneral As
sembly, and after it was adopted there, generally
combined not to vote on the question, in their several
towns. Town meetings were holden on the 30th
of March. The whole number of freemen who vo
ted, in the state, fell short of three thousand, while
the whole number in the state exceeded six. The
contest was carried on in earnest, in but very few
towns. The friends of the constitution had a lean
majority in Bristol and Little Compton, the only
towns in which they succeeded. The meeting at
Providence was holden at the Friends' meeting
house. Soon after its organization, Samuel Samp
son, an attorney at law, presented his vote against
the constitution. Upon this, James Field oflfered
his vote in favor of it, exclaiming, that he would tie
that. Subsequentiy they prevaUed on Mr. Field to
withdraw his vote ; and as no other person voted on
the question, Mr. Sampson won for himself the
honor of being the sole freeman of Providence who
expressed his opinion on that subject. The repre
sentatives of the town were instructed, by a large
majority, to vote for a convention to decide this ques
tion. The foUowing petition from the town to the
Assembly, on the same subject, embodies the views
41

322 GENERAL HISTORY.
of the friends of the constitution, as they chose to
express them. The committee appointed to draw it
up, consisted of David HoweU, John I. Clark,
Thomas Arnold, Theodore Foster, and Benjamin
Bourne. The petition of the freemen of the town of Providence, in
town meeting legally assembled, by adjournment, on the 26th
day of March A. D. 1788, humbly showeth
That your petitioners, being assembled in pursuance of an act
passed by the legislature of this state in February last, submit-
tino- to the consideration of the freemen of this state the report
of the convention of delegates for a constitution for the United
States, as agreed on in Philadelphia the 17th of September, A. D.
1787, and feeling themselves deeply impressed with the weight
and magnitude of the subject under reference to them, beg leave,
with most respectful deference, to lay before the honorable leg
islature, the unanimous result of their most calm and deliberate
considerations and discussions on this subject.
The formation of a constitution or fundamental laws for a state,
your petitioners consider as the most arduous, as well as the most
important, work to which the people can be called. It therefore
seems to require, not only the exercise of the wisdom and experi
ence of the people, but that this wisdom and experience should
have full scope, to display itself to advantage, and that all the
members should severally be put into a situation to profit and be
edified by each other. The most natural and simple idea of the
mode of proceeding in this business, among a people resolved into
a state of nature, would seem to be, that all the people should be
assembled on some spacious plain to consult on the subject, dis
cuss and adopt a constitution for themselves. In ancient times
and in small republics, this measure has been taken with success,
but in the present case, where is the spot commodious for assem
bling all the freemen of this state ? And where is the man who
could be heard to advantage, by such a numerous assembly ? In
this method, therefore, in vain do we seek for the benefit of the
wisdom of our friends, in other parts of the state, to assist our
reason and guide our judgment, in this momentous affair. These

GENERAL HISTORY. 323
observations will yet become more striking, when applied to the
federal union, and the doctrine of representation v^ill force itself
on our minds, in an instant. Such is the weakness of the hu
man mind, in its most improved state, and such the shortness of
human life, that it has been found necessary to divide and par
cel out the business thereof into various hands, to the end that
each may avail himself of the skill and experience of all others,
in their various occupations, and a mutual dependence on each
other, become the interest and safety of all.
Your petitioners apprehend that representation is a fundamen
tal principle in the existing constitution of this state. The laws
which operate throughout the state, are made by representatives
of the people, and could not be regularly made by an assembly
of all the freemen, or, acting at home in their several town meet
ings. In neither of which cases, could the parties to be affected
more immediately by such laws, have an opportunity to be heard
with convenience, and to have their reasons examined and dis
cussed with candor and deliberation. When, therefore, a sub
ject of universal concernment offers itself for the consideration
and discussion of the freemen ofthis state, and which cannot regu
larly be passed upon by the ordinary representatives, assembled
in their legislative capacity, in orderly pursuance of the existing
principle of representation, other representatives, for the special
purpose of deciding thereon, as it would seem to your petition
ers, should be appointed.
The great federal convention held at Philadelphia, resolved
that their work should " be laid before the United-States in Con
gress assembled," and the President's letter adds, that it is
"submitted to the consideration of the United States, in Con
gress assembled," by which expressions, it was clearly open to
amendments by Congress at their pleasure, and we are informed,
that such amendments were, in fact, proposed in Congress, but
not adopted. The same great convention further give their
opinion, that after their work shall have passed through the
hands of Congress, it should be " submitted to a convention of
delegates chosen in each state by the people thereof, under the
recommendation of its legislature.'' This submission, being in
general terms, cannot be understood as confining such conven-

324 GENERAL HISTORY.
tion to adopt or reject it in gross, and as precluding the consid
eration or proposal of amendments, nor has it in fact been so
understood by the states of Virginia and Massachusetts. Before
the convention of the former it is to be laid, by order of their
legislature, for free and full discussion ; and the convention
of the latter have actually proposed several amendments. The
whole ao-ency of Congress seems to have been, to lay it before
the states, as they received it from the convention. If therefore
the freemen of any state are precluded from the benefit of pro
posing amendments, it must be done by their own legislature,
and by no other body of men who have taken measures relative
to this work. From the prevailing opinions throughout this un
ion, from the acts of Congress as well as of most the legislatures
of these states, and particularly from the acts of this state, grant
ing to Congress the power to levy and collect an impost and to
regulate trade, as well as from the actual embarrassment of pub
lic affairs and private distress and ruin of many individuals, your
petitioners presume themselves authorized to believe, that the
old confederation of the United States is not adequate to all the
purposes of the federal union, and whether the proposed new
constitution, is the greatest improvement thereon, remains a
question to be resolved by this state, in common with her sister
states in the union. The most eligible mode of proceeding in
this business, therefore, is the simple point of enquiry. It oc
curs to your petitioners, that the mode pointed out by the act
under present consideration is inexpedient and improper. Be
cause, 1. In this mode the seaport towns cannot hear and exam
ine the arguments of their brethren in the country, on this sub
ject, nor can they in return be possessed of our views thereof;
so that each separate interest will act under an impression of
private and local motives only, uninformed of those reasons and
arguments which might lead to common utility and public good.
2. Not only will much information be denied in this mode,
but a full hearing of the cause will be impossible ; for other states
are interested, and their interests in many cases opposite to ours.
How far it may be proper to sacrifice a state interest to obtain
federal protection, requires great and deep thought, and how
much power ought to be vested in Congress, to enable them to

GENERAL HISTORY. 326
vindicate the national honor, is not easily determined by those
who are best acquainted with the actual circumstances of both
the friends and enemies of the United States ; yet, every indi
vidual freeman, ought to investigate these great questions in
some good degree, before he can decide on this constitution. —
The time, therefore, to be spent in this business, would prove
a great tax on the freemen to be assembled in town meetings,
which must be kept open not only three days, but three months
or more, in proportion as the people at large have more or less
information. 3. All the letters and papers containing the information
aforesaid, could not be conveniently copied and dispersed into
all the towns in this state, to be read to all the freemen ; and in
case they should decide, without an entire knowledge of the
public affairs of the union, there could be no security for a just
decision. 4. The mode pointed out, may exclude many of the free
men fi:om voting at all. Votes are only to be taken by yea and
nay. All persons, therefore, who are not ripe for judging by
themselves, and wish to devolve it on a convention, are excluded
from a voice ; as likewise all others who may be decidedly in
favor of certain amendments, and not willing to vote individual
ly by yea and nay. The votes and influence of both these de
scriptions of citizens, will be necessarily excluded ; and as those
only who vote, can bind themselves individually, how are those
to be bound, who do not vote ? They are not represented, nor
can they be bound under that idea, by the doings of their neigh
bors ; so that after three quarters of the state may have indi
vidually voted for the new constitution, a principle is yet to be
sought for, to bind the other quarter.
.5thly. This mode of voting is in other respects indecisive ; for
the United States in Congress assembled, will not receive and
count the votes of individuals, nor will they take a certificate
thereof from the General Assembly, as a warrant to them to
bind the state. They can only attend to the voice of a conven
tion, duly authorized to act on the subject, and to bind all the
individuals in the state, in virtue of their having been appointed
their representatives for this purpose, agreeably to the line
appointed by the federal convention. To what purpose then are

326 GENERAL HISTORY
all the towns to be put to this great expense of time and trouble,
to investigate and vote in this important national concernment,
when all their doings will be void, and a convention must be
finally had, before Congress can receive any information fi-om
the state, whether the new constitution has been adopted or re
jected 1
6. This method of voting deprives this state of the privi
lege of proposing amendments, which can be done and agreed
to in a convention only. After having been excluded from a
hearing, by the policy of the state, in the formation of the pro
posed constitution, would it not be a repetition of injury to the
freemen of this state, to deny them the privilege of proposing
such amendments as they might judge necessary, and of discus
sing the constitution, in the same mode as adopted by all the
other states. Have they not a right, as composing one member
of the Union, to have their voice heard on this subject, before a
constitution shall be adopted by all their sister states, to which
they must finally submit ? This argument, in the view of your
petitioners, will gain strength from the suggestion thrown out
by some, in justification of the present mode, that the people
are more enlightened here than elsewhere, and have a greater
sense of freedom. If this suggestion is well founded, their voice
was more wanted in our federal convention, and their remarks
and improvements in a state convention to be brought forward
and engrafted with the constitution, are more necessary. Have
not the freemen of our sister states a right to claim this service
at our hands, and have not the freemen of this state a right to
demand it ?
7. The present Congress, a body known and acknowledg
ed by the state, having recommended the calling a convention
for this purpose, and twelve states having complied therewith,
your petitioners cannot avoid expressing their regret, that a
mode of deciding on this question, so novel, ineffectual and in
jurious to the people of this state, should have been substituted
in the stead of one recommended by a legal body, and sanctioned
by such great authorities, and which, in every point of view,
promises to be the best and only mode of putting an end to this
business. 8. Your petitioners will only add, that in all pvpn'= - '•""-

GENERAL HISTORY. 327
vention will become necessary. This state, however sovereign
and independent, cannot exist without a connexion with her sis
ter states ; aud if a convention be not held, at a period when the
proceedings of this state might have an influence on the federal
councils, and the doings of other states, one must sooner or later
be held, to join in the general American Confederacy, after having
lost all opportunity of influencing, or having any direction in
the formation of that confederacy.
Whether, on the whole, it be advisable to adopt, reject or
amend the proposed constitution, your petitioners beg leave to
decline deciding in their individual capacities, for the foregoing
reasons, which they have thought necessary to lay before your
honorable body, in explanation of their conduct on this occa
sion. And they beg leave to offer the strongest assurance of
their sincere love to their country, and attachment to the liber
ties thereof, as well as of their ardent wish for the establishment
of an efficient federal government, on such principles as may se
cure to the states their necessary jurisdiction and power, and to
individual citizens their just rights and privileges. And to ac
complish these great objects, in the most regular, safe and satis
factory manner, your petitioners humbly pray this honorable
General Assembly to recommend the calling a convention in this
state, at such time and place as they, in their wisdom, may judge
most for the public welfare.
No other state followed the example of Rhode-
Island, in relation to the constitution. The legisla
tures of the other states, generaUy at the session
next after the report of the general convention, caU
ed state conventions to consider and decide upon
the constitution. Notwithstanding the acknowl
edged existence, at first, of a large majority opposed
to it, in almost every state, stUl, before the first of
June 1789, eight out of the thirteen states had
adopted it in convention. The general convention
had agreed that it should go into operation when
adopted by nine states, and that from that time, the

328 GENERAL HISTORY.
old articles of confederation should be considered as
cariceUed. As one state after another adopted it,
and the prospect of its going into eff"ect increased,
an intense anxiety seized the community. The
convention of New-Hampshire was the next to meet,
after the first of June. At a previous meeting, a
majority of the members appeared inchned to reject
it, and the adjournment had been had for the pur
pose of enabhng them to consult their constituents.
They met and adopted it. News of this auspicious
event reached Providence on Tuesday, the 24th of
the month, and was received with every expression
of joy. The bells of the diflferent churches rang
their merry peal during the whole day, with little in
terruption. A salute of cannon was fired from Fed
eral HiU at noon, and at other hours during the day.
The schools were dismissed, and the students in col
lege paraded the coUege grounds in procession. On
the 27th the inhabitants held a pubhc meeting to de
cide, "upon the most eligible mode of commemora
ting the anniversary of Independence, and of cele
brating the auspicious event of the adoption of the.
Federal Constitution by nine states." They resolved
to celebrate both events on Friday, the 4th of July.
The Rev. Dr. Hitchcock, pastor of the First Con
gregational church, was requested to deliver an ad
dress on the occasion, at the First Baptist meeting
house. The Rev. Dr. Manning made the first prayer
and the Rev. Mr. Snow the concluding prayer,
and the benediction was pronounced by the Rev.
Mr. Stanford. After the services at the meeting
house, a procession was formed which moved to the

GENERAL HISTORY. 329
land of Job Smith, on the plain at the head of the
cove, by the papers of the day called Federal Plain.
There, there was a table laid, more than one thousand
feet long, under an awning. An ox roasted whole
formed a part of the provision made for the dinner.
It was supposed that between five and six thousand
people partook of the entertainment. They left the
plain about six o'clock, marched to the court house
parade, and there dismissed, after giving thirteen
cheers. The former part of the day was exceeding
rainy ; but there were other clouds which marred
the festivity of the occasion. The nature, cause,
and final disposition of these, wiU be learned from
the two following communications, copied from the
Providence Gazette. The first in order originaUy
appeared in the United States Chronicle, at the re
quest of " WiUiam West, one of the committee."
" On the 24th day of June last, the account of New-Hamp
shire's adopting the constitution reached the town of Providence,
when a number of the leading men in the town, caused the bells
to be rung on the occasion and repaired to Beacon Hill, where
they spent part of the day in joy. and festivity, expressive of their
feelings on this occasion ; but not content with thus solacing
themselves in mirth and merriment, they soon concluded to have
one general celebration of the adoption of the new constitution
and the Independence of America, on the 4th of July inst., it
being the anniversary of American Independence : which cele
bration was to be on the plain to the northward of the bay or
cove. Here they proposed to have an elegant feast, consisting,
among other things, of an ox roasted whole. To this celebra
tion or feast they proposed to give a general invitation to the
town and country. Accordingly, in the next Saturday's Ga
zette and Thursday's Chronicle, was inserted a general invita
tion to the town and country to assemble on this occasion ; and
likewise, special invitations were sent to his excellency the
42

330 qjENERAL HISTORY.
Governor, the Deputy-Governor and Assistants, the honorable
Superior Court, the Treasurer, Secretary and Attorney General
of the State, besides which the inhabitants of the town of Prov
idence were additionally invited by beat of drum and public out
cry, through the streets.
The public at large, seeing preparations for so public a cele
bration of the adoption of the same constitution, which had al
ready received the disapprobation and disgust of at least four-
fifths of the individual inhabitants of this state, as well as of the
legislative authority of the state, did thereupon, at once, per
ceive, that said entertainment in such a public manner, was in
tended as a public insult upon the legislative authority of the state,
as well as the body of the people at large, and that their invita
tion to the particular officers, as well as the general invitation
to the country, was intended as an aggravation to the insult ; and
that the celebration of Independence, as part of the occasion of
said festival, was united in said invitation, merely for the pur
pose of alluring the countj-y to join with the designing few at
the social board, and thereby take occasion to represent to the
other states, that town and country had joined to celebrate the
adoption of said constitution, and insinuate that the opposition of
this state to the constitution, was given up. On which consid
eration the country was roused with indignation and resentment
against the artful and designing few, who would thus publicly
insult the dignity of the state, and at the same time, thus crafl;i-
ly endeavor to allure the unwary, ignorantly to assist them in
the prosecution of their nefarious schemes, and were determined,
if possible, to prevent the celebration of the feast on the propos
ed principles and to support the dignity of the state. Whereup
on, on the night previous to the intended celebration, they as
sembled in arms, to the number of about 1000 men, near to the
plain where the ox was then roasting, and early in the morning
of the 4th inst. numbers from all quarters of the country adja
cent ,were collecting, and had not a compromise taken place, be
tween town and country, it is reasonably supposed there would
not have been less than 3000 men assembled under arms, by
12 o'clock of the same day. About 1] o'clock in the evening
of Thursday, the town sent a committee to enquire what the
country demanded, whereupon they were informed, that the

GENERAL HISTORY. 331
country had no objection to the celebration of any occasion ex
cept that of the new constitution or its adoption by any of the
states ; on which it was agreed, that a committee from each
party should meet in the morning, with an endeavor to accom
modate matters to the satisfaction of the country. Accordingly
the committees were chosen and met at about 7 or 8 o'clock in
the morning. The committee from the town consisted of Ja
bez Bowen, David Howell, Welcome Arnold, John I. Clark,
Benjamin Bourne, Esqs., Col. Zephaniah Andrews and Mr.
John Mason ; the committee from the country consisted of Wil
liam West, Esq. Capt. Andrew Waterman, Abraham Mathew
son, John Westcott and Peleg Fisk, Esqrs., Col. John Sayles
and Capt. James Aldrich ; and upon their conferring together
about an hour, it was agreed, on the part of the town, that they
would not celebrate the day on account of the adoption of the
new constitution by nine states, or on account of said constitution
in any respect whatever ; that no salutes should be fired or toasts
drank in honor of said constitution, or in honor of any state or
states which have adopted said constitution — that they would
honor the day by a discharge of 13 cannon and 13 only — that
the celebration of the day should be in honor of the indepen
dence of America and that only — and that they would not pub
lish or cause to be published any account contrary to said agree
ment. In consideration whereof, it was agreed, on the part of
the country, that the men then under arms should withdraw
from the field and suffer the town to go on with their feast, ac
cording to the aforesaid agreement, in peace and quiet. Then
one member from each committee went to the troops under
arms and declared to them the particulars of the aforesaid agree
ment, whereupon they retired, in pursuance of said agreement."
" Mr. Carter, — Your last Gazette announced to the public the
manner in which Friday, the 4th instant, was celebrated in
this town. From a regard to the honor of the state, and to the
feelings of some of our fellow citizens, no mention was made of
the appearance of a number of persons under arms, from the
country, on the morning of that day. But in vain was this
friendly purpose to cast the veil of charity and oblivion over
that rash and ill-judged attempt.

332 GENERAL HISTORY.
Whether from the vain glory of boasting of a supposed vie."
tory, or the still more unaccountable vanity of being known to
the world as the leader of a mob, a lengthy publication on that
subject has been thought necessary by one of the judges of the
Superior Court of this state. It has therefore now become an
indispensable duty to publish those proceedings, in their true
light, as well for the reputation of the gentlemen who contribu
ted to defray the expense of the feast, as to vindicate that of
those gentlemen who went out of town to disperse the rioters.
On certain information received in the morning of that day, that
some disorderly persons, with loaded guns, were lurking in the
woods in the vicinity of the town, a number of gentlemen,
about 7 o'clock, went out to treat with their leaders to disperse
them. On their arrival at Col. Christopher Olney's, they were
informed by William West, Esq., one of the judges of the Su
perior Court, Capt. Andrew Waterman, and John Sayles, Esq.,
both members of the Honorable General Assembly, who appear
ed to be their principal leaders, that their intention was to pre
vent any rejoicing on account of the adoption of the new fed
eral constitution. On this occasion, the gentlemen from town
remarked, that it gave them pain to think that the repose of so
ciety should be interrupted in such a manner, to effect a pur
pose of that kind — that had any persons dissatisfied in the coun
try, seasonably intimated that any demonstrations of joy on that
account would be revenged by military execution, their regard
for the apprehension and alarm in the aged and infirm, of the
women and children of the town, which would necessarily be
excited on such an occasion, and very distressing, would have
induced them to have forborne a gratification so trivial, what
ever their martial feelings might have suggested to the contrary ;
but that no intimation of this sort had been made, on the part
of any dissatisfied in the country, till the preparations for the
festival were completed — that the festival was to be held on the
anniversary of Independence, an event, in the celebration of
which, it was presumed, all could unite — that none were to be
compelled to attend, nor to be molested by any of the transac
tions of the day — that the festival would be attended on lands
which were private property, and by consent of the owners of
the soil — that all the monies to be expended, were raised by

GENERAL HISTORY. 333
Voluntary contribution — that it seemed a stretch of power,
alarming to freemen, to attempt in such a rude manner, with
guns and bayonets, to surround and disturb persons only eating
and drinking, and making merry on their own lands, at their
own expense, in the peace of the governor and company, and
free from even the suspicion of the actual breach of any known
law — that if any law had been broken or should be broken, le
gal prosecution was open, and the present administration on
their side, according to their account — that the laws would af
ford ample remedy for all offences, either against the state or
individuals in this case — that a legal remedy would be more
honorary to them, than any they could take by violence, as well
as more for the credit of the present administration, several of
whom were in the insurrection — that the liberty of thus sitting
under our own vines and fig trees, without any to make us
afraid, was an object for which we had long and obstinately con
tended, and in that contest, the independent corps in the town,
as well as the town militia, had borne too conspicuous a part,
to permit any apprehensions to take place derogatory to their
military character, whenever an occasion might present, in
which it might worthily be put to the proof— that it could not
be expected that the ground would be yielded, or the property
given up — that it was, however, the wish of all concerned, to
pacify the minds of the persons under arms, and to disperse
them, that the remainder of the day might be otherwise em
ployed — that no punctilio or affair of etiquette, would induce
them to turn the day into a day of blood, in which case even a
victory would prove a defeat, and would tend to fix and perpetu
ate animosity betwixt the parties, which the festival was calcu
lated to eradicate and destroy. They were then requested to
reduce their grievances to precision, on which John Sayles,
Esq., said that if thirteen cannon were fired, and thirteen toasts
drank, and none of them in honor of the nine states, he should
be satisfied. It was then remarked to them, that thirteen can
non had actually been fired at sunrise, and that no other num
ber had been ordered on any part of the day ; that thirteen toasts
had been ordered originally, and a list of them was shown,
which were afterwards drank and published. In this list, an al-

334 GENERAL HISTORY.
teration had been previously made, to please Squire Sayles, of
the thirteenth toast, from "the nine states," to "the day,"
the only alteration, and which was considered to be only an al
teration in words. This alteration, the gentlemen from the town
acreed to observe, with which the other party was satisfied, and
declared that they had no objection against the feast's being
celebrated, in all other respects conformably to the original or
ders, and pledged them'selues that their people under arms should
be instantly dispersed, which was accordingly done. The gen
eral alarm, beat all over the country by ill-minded persons, had
drawn a considerable concourse of people together ; but the
number of persons who assembled with hostile purposes, was
estimated, by indifferent persons, at about three hundred, and
not more, nearly half of whom were armed with guns, others
with clubs, &c. They were drawn together during the dark
ness of the preceding night. It was noticed that not a man left
the cover of the woods, to show himself on the plain, although
it was late in the morning before Col. Tillinghast's company of
the train, and the militia under Col. Whipple, took their posts
on the ground.
Many of the people from the country, after their leaders had
failed in carrying off the ox that night, roasting whole on the
plain, which, it seems was their original purpose, for they were
told that it was unnecessary to bring any provisions with them,
and had made terms no more to their advantage or honor, left
their arms behind them and joined in partaking of the entertain
ment. Some who had cash, bought victuals at Mr. Hoyle's tav
ern, and other places, and others, returned home in the rain,
hungry, tired and repenting their folly. Those people in the
country who were dissatisfied, seem to have been alarmed by
misinformation, some apprehending that the feast was really to
fix the new constitution on this state, while others apprehended,
that the militia were actually ordered to assemble by lawful au
thority, and that either the Governor or Deputy-Governor was
to take command of them. Many of those who had guns, came
without powder, and were told that they would be supplied with
stores in town. On better information, some returned before
they arrived in the vicinity of the town, and many of those as
sembled near the plain appeared chagrined to find, that an affair

GENERAL HISTORY. 335
which, in the country, had been magnified into a mountain on
a nearer approach appeared to be only a mole hill ; and being
glad of the appearence of an excuse for desisting from the rash
attempt, on hearing the explanations given to their leaders, read
ily dispersed. Two reflections will close these observations.
1. Unhappy indefed are the times into which we are fallen,
when armed violence is preferred to the laws of the land, even
by those whose duty it is to administer them. 2. Such is the
nature of the human mind, that after a habit of sportinw with
the properties of mankind, it rises to such a pitch of depravity,
as to sport with their lives.
JABEZ BOWEN, ] ^ , , .. ..
JOHN L CLARK, In behalf of them-
WELCOME ARNOLD, f '^'^t' ^""^ «*«'¦"
ZEPHANIAH ANDREWS, ] °^ ^'^^ committee.
It is painful to recaU to mind the existence of such
a state of feehng as the documents exhibit. That
the citizens of Providence had a perfect right to
roast an ox whole, or any other animal, on this or
any other occasion, it is presumed the survivors of
the army of the country wiU readily admit. Surely
there would be little joy or rejoicing in the world, if
we waited for an occasion, in which all could unite.
They could far better judge of the expediency of
their proceedings than we can at this day. But if
they were over poHte, or even if certain individuals
of them used highly opprobrious language to certain
of their opponents, it could not take from them their
right to eat the meat they paid for, much less con
fer on any others, the right to dictate in relation to
it. Certain it is, the threats used on this occasion
did not deter the citizens of Providence from any
manner of rejoicing they deemed expedient, at such
times as they chose. For instance, the next day,
July 5, the news reached Providence that the con-

336 GENERAL HISTORY.
vention of Virginia, had adopted the constitution. —
They rang their beUs, and formed a procession sup
posed to contain one thousand persons, which para
ded through the principal streets of the town. The
Artillery company fired a salute of ten guns, which
was answered by some larger cannon from Federal
HiU. On the 29th of the same month, they deemed
they had further cause of rejoicing, on hearing that
New -York had adopted the constitution. On that oc
casion the beUs sent forth another merry peal. They
decorated the south side of Weybosset Bridge with
eleven large national flags, representing the eleven
states which had adopted the constitution, in the or
der of their adoption, bearing the names of the states,
the times of their adoption and the majority by which
it was carried. On the north side of the bridge was
a standard for North Carolina, the staff of which
leaned about thirty degrees from a perpendicular,
with a smaU banner below, bearing the motto, " It
wUl rise." A-bare pole, forming an angle of about
forty-five degrees with the horizon represented,
" Rhode-Island in hopes." A procession was formed
of the citizens, which moved through the principal
streets to Federal HiU, to do homage to the stand
ard borne in the revolutionary war by Col. Olney's
regiment, which was there floating in the breezes of
Heaven. The roar of eleven cannon, at three sev
eral times during the day, proclaimed the cause of
their rejoicing.
The new government of the United States, under
the constitution was organized at New-York, on
the 4th of March 1789. This event rendered a

GENERAL HISTORY. 337
session of the General Assembly necessary about the
same time to provide for the foreign relations and
commerce of the Empire of Rhode-Island. The
representatives of Providence received the foUow
ing instructions from their constituents, on this oc
casion. Gentlemen, Eleven states having acceded to and fully ratified the
new constitution, and the government of those states under that
system being completely organized, and in full operation, a new
era, in the political affairs of this country, has taken place. The
situation of the state of Rhode-Island in this conjuncture, is per
fectly novel, and, in the apprehensions of your constituents, ex
tremely critical. Separated as we are from the states which
compose the present union, we stand perfectly alone, uncon
nected with any state or sovereignity on earth. As we can
claim no right to the flag of the United States, our commerce
and navigation are deprived of national protection. The bene
fit of commercial treaties, formed by European nations with the
United States, will no longer be extended to the citizens of
Rhode-Island. All trade with the new confederated states,
will probably soon be interdicted to the citizens of this state,
except on the footing of foreigners, and of course, on the pay
ment of exorbitant duties. Subjected to these injurious restric
tions and disadvantages, our commerce and navigation, already
extremely embarrassed, must be annihilated ; and the ports of
the state of Rhode-Island, which but a few years since were
crowded with shipping, will afford shelter to only a few fishing
craft. The loss of our commerce will inevitably be attended
with the most ruinous consequences to agriculture and manu
factures. T o this stage of degradation and wretchedness will the
state, in all probability, be reduced, should the legisl ature persist
in refusing to call a convention for adopting the new constitution.
Indeed, in the apprehension of your constituents, a perseverance in
this refusal will endanger the very existenceof the state. Should
the state again negative the calling a convention, your constitu
ents are fully persuaded, that some of their fellow citizens will
apply for the protection of the new government to be extended
'43

338 GENERAL HISTORY.
to their trade and navigation, under such discriminations as the
wisdom of Congress may suggest. Your constituents antici
pate the most ruinous consequences, both to the state and indi
viduals, in a continuance of our separation from the other states.
We most ardently wish, that this state may soon be re-united
with her late sister states, under a form of government calculated
to proniote their mutual welfare and prosperity. As this state was
deprived of a voice in the organization of the new constitution,
we are the more solicitous that we may have some agency in the
revision and amendment of it, which probably will soon take
place, not in a national convention, as some have supposed, but
in the Congress, in the first instance, who will form and pro
pose the amendments to the state legislatures ; and by them, in
the second place, on whom it will be incumbent to ratify or re
ject the amendments proposed. Impressed with these senti
ments, anxious for a re-union with the other states, and dreading
the ruinous consequences of a separation from them, we do
again enjoin it upon you, to use every legal and constitutional
means in your power at the present session, to obtain a legisla
tive act, for the calling, immediately, a convention of delegates
from the several towns in this state, for the purpose of deciding
on the new constitution.
The phalanx of the majority in the General As
sembly remained unbroken. The vote against call
ing a convention was not diminished by the circum
stances which attended the state, nor by fear of any
dangers in the future. At the following May ses
sion, the subject is again brought before them by
the following petition.
" We, the subscribers, citizens and freemen of the state, beg
leave to assure your honors, that this address is not founded
upon sinister or party views, but upon the purest sentiments of
regard\for the welfare and prosperity of the state at large.
We need not adduce many arguments, to prove the advanta
ges of commerce, to a people in our situation ; they are obvious.
From thence, not only our numerous tradesmen, mechanics and
laborers, citizens so useful to a state, derive subsistence for

GENERAL HISTORY, 339
themselves and families, but the cultivators of the land, who
would otherwise raise nothing more than they consume, are, by
finding a market for the surplus, excited to industry, and add in
a much greater degree to the strength and importance of the
state. In short, commerce, deriving reciprocal support from
agriculture, is the great fountain from which flow our numbers,
wealth and respectability. With the deepest concern, we have
beheld it of late declining. Our youth, brought up in the hab
its of industry and knowledge of business, and promising to be
come most useful members of society, are driven to settle in
other states, to look for that business they cannot find here.
Many industrious tradesmen and mechanics, are compelled to
emigrate for want of employment, and many more who once
lived in a comfortable manner, are now distressed, and only
waiting to dispose of their property, to remove also. All which,
we conceive to have been principally occasioned for the want of
competent power in the Congress of the late United States to
preside over, regulate and direct, the whole of our trade, both
foreign and domestic, upon a wise and uniform system.
Melancholy as this picture is, our future prospects are worse,
beyond comparison. The Congress of the eleven United States
have already made great progress in framing a bill, laying such
heavy imposts upon all articles transported from hence to any
of them, as well those of the growth and manufacture of this
state, as foreign merchandise, as will amount to a prohibition.
The operation of this statute will necessarily and immediately
cause a general stagnation of commerce, as we cannot supply
cargoes for foreign markets, without the articles imported from
the other states in the late union ; the consequence whereof,
will inevitably involve us in a distress truly deplorable. Were
it necessary, we might enlarge upon the following topics — that
we have not an alliance or treaty of commerce with any nation
upon earth— that we are utterly unable to defend ourselves
against an enemy — and, that we have no rational prospect of
protection and defence, but from the United States of America.
We see no hope of relief but in joining the United States, under
the new constitution. We are sensible of the many excep
tions that have been made to it. But as we have no doubt that

340 GENERAL HISTORY.
such amendments will take place, as will obviate all the princi
pal objections, and that it will, under the auspices of the most
illustrious Washington, be carried into operation, with the gen
eral approbation of the United States ; and, as we cannot pos
sibly exist as an independent state, unless united with them, we
are humbly of opinion, that wisdom and sound policy require us
to send members, as early as possible, to the new Congress, as
thereby this state will have a voice in proposing and making all
necessary alterations in the constitution, as well as in levying
imposts and making the necessary regulations of trade.
We do, therefore, deeply impressed with a sincere regard for
the public welfare, and with all the earnestness becoming the
importance of the subject, humbly entreat your honors to call
a state convention, agreeably to the resolve of the General Con
vention, held at Philadelphia, in September, A. D. 1787, and
the consequent recommendation of Congress, for the purpose of
joining the eleven states which have already united under the
new constitution."
Equally unavailing was this petition, with the
other measures pursued. The petition was received
and referred to a future session for consideration.
Providence, at this session, renewed her instiuctions
to her representatives, and as before, they obeyed to
the very letter ; still they were in a minority. The
legislation of the first Congress, it was expected,
would be highly injurious to the citizens of Rhode-
Island engaged in Commerce. Congress could
consider them only as foreigners, and subject them
to duties as such. Moved by fear of this, the free
men of Providence held a town meeting in August,
and appointed a committee consisting of James
Manning, Benjamin Bourne, Thomas Arnold, Nich
olas Brown, Theodore Foster, Welcome Arnold and
John Brown, to draft a petition to Congress, pray
ing their mercy in this respect. They reported the

GENERAL HISTORY. 341
following form, which was signed by the moderator
and clerk, and transmitted by the hands of Dr. Man
ning and Mr. Bourne.
" To the President, the Vice-President, the Senate, and House
of Representatives of the United States of America, in Con
gress assembled.
The petition of the freemen of the town of Providence, in
the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, legally
convened in town meeting, on the 27th day of August, A. D.
1789, most respectfully sheweth.
That during the arduous struggle of our country for the pre
servation of her rights, liberties and independence, in the late
war with Great Britain, this town was particularly noted for its
attachment to, and its advances and exertions for, the support
of the common cause of the United States. Sensible that our
most essential interests depended on our being in the Union,
and that the former confederation was unequal to its exigencies,
we made every effort to obtain delegates to be sent from this
state to the General Convention, which met at Philadelphia, in
1787. After the proceedings of that convention were published,
this town, pleased with the spirit of liberty, tempered with en
ergy and ^ responsibility, which so strikingly pervades the new
constitution, made the most unremitted exertions for obtaining
a convention of the state for its adoption.
We have not hitherto succeeded, but it is with great satisfac
tion, we have it in our power to inform Congress, that from the
recent election of the members of our lower house of Assembly,
there is a probability that this desirable event will soon take
place. We now experience the unhappy consequence of our not
belonging to the Union, in being subjected to the same imposts
and tonnage, as foreigners, which, considering our intimate con
nexion with the United States, and our dependence upon them
for the means of our subsistence, operates in a most grievous
manner against the seaport towns of this state, who have been
generally supplied, as well by land as water, with fire-wood, corn,
flour and other necessary articles, from the states now in the
Union ; and should our trade and communication with them

342 GENERAL HISTORY.
continue to be restricted, as at present, our situation will be truly
wretched. We claim an original relation to the American Congress, and
are fully sensible that we cannot exist independent of the friend
ship and good will of our sister states. And as we hope the
formal accession of this state to the new constitution is not far
distant, and as our separation from the union can by no means
be imputed to the seaport towns, the inhabitants whereof are,
almost unanimously, zealous advocates for the new constitution ;
and as a continuance of the above mentioned restrictions on the
inhabitants of this state will accumulate unmerited distress
upon that part of the community which has been most firmly
attached to the union ; and as we cannot but hope that the be
nign disposition of Congress, towards the agricultural part of
the state, manifested in the admission of their produce and man
ufactures duty free, will also be extended to the seaport towns ;
We therefore, most humbly entreat the attention of Congress
to our distressed situation, and that they will be pleased to grant,
for such time as to them in their wisdom shall appear proper,
that the vessels belonging to the citizens of this state, may be
admitted to entry in the ports of the United States, exempt from
the payment of foreign tonnage in the same manner as vessels
belonging to their own citizens ; and that foreign merchandize
on importation by the citizens of this state, into the United
States, by land or water, shall be subject only to the same duties
and restrictions as by law are required of their own citizens.
And as in duty bound will ever pray, &c.
Signed, by the unanimous order of the town,
WELCOME ARNOLD, Moderator,
DANIEL COOK, Town Clerk.
At the ensuing September session of the General
Assembly, they prepared an address and petition to
Congress on the same subject. As it comprises many
of the arguments of the opposers of the constitution,
it is inserted at length.
The General Assembly of the state of Rhode-Island and Prov
idence Plantations— to the President, the Senate, and' House of

GENERAL HISTORY. 343
Representatives of the eleven United States of America in Con
gress assembled.
The critical situation in which the people of this state are
placed, engages us to make these assurances, on their behalf, of
their attachment and friendship to their sister states and of their
disposition to cultivate mutual harmony and friendly intercourse.
They know themselves to be a handful, comparatively, and al
though they now stand, as it were, done, they have not separat
ed themselves or departed from the principles of the confedera
tion which was formed by the sister states in their struggle for
fredeom and in the hour of danger. They seek, by this memorial,
to call to your remembrance, the hazards tvhich we have run,
the hardships we have endured, the treasure we have spent and
the blood we have lost together, in one common cause, and es
pecially, the object we had in view, the preservation of our lib
erty ; wherein, ability considered, they may truly say, they were
equal in exertions to the foremost ; the effects whereof, in great
embarrassments and other distresses consequent thereon, we
have since experienced with severity ; which common sufferings
and common danger, we hope and trust yet form a bond of un
ion and friendship, not easily to be broken. Our not having
acceded to, or adopted the new system of government, formed
and adopted by most of our sister states, we doubt not has given
uneasiness to them ; that we have not seen our way clear to do
it, consistent with our idea of the principles upon which we all
embarked together, has also given pain to us ; we have not
doubted but we might thereby avoid present difficulties, but we
have apprehended future mischiefs.
The people of this state, from its first settlement, have been
accustomed and strongly attached to a democratical form of
government. They have viewed in the new constitution, an ap
proach, though perhaps but small, toward that form of govern
ment from which we have lately dissolved our connexion, at so
much hazard, and expense of life and treasure. They have
seen with pleasure, the administration thereof, from the most
important trust downward, committed to men who have highly
merited, and in whom the people of the United States place un
bounded confidence ; yet even in this circumstance, in itself so
fortunate, they have apprehended danger, by way of precedent.

344 GENERAL HISTORY.
Can it be thought strange then, that with these impressions, they
should wait to see the proposed system organized and put in
operation, to see what further checks and securities would be
agreed to and established by way of amendments, before they
could adopt it, as a constitution of government for themselves
and their posterity 1 These amendments, we believe, have al
ready given some relief and satisfaction to the minds of the peo
ple of this state, and we earnestly look for the time, when they
may, with clearness and safety, be again united with their sis
ter states under a constitution and form of government, so well
poised, as neither to need alteration or be liable thereto by a
majority only of nine states out of thirteen, a circumstance
which may possibly take place against the sense of a majority
of the people of the United States. We are sensible of the ex
tremes to which democratical government is sometimes liable,
something of which we have lately experienced, but we esteem
them temporary and partial evils, compared with the loss of lib
erty and the rights of a free people ; neither do we apprehend
they will be marked with severity by our sister states, when it
is considered, that during the late troubles, the whole United
States, notwithstanding their joint wisdom and efforts, fell into
the like misfortune; that from our extraordinary exertions, this
state was left in a situation, nearly as embarrassing as that
during the war ; that in the measures which were adopted, gov
ernment unfortunately had not that aid and support from the
monied interest, which our sister states of New- York and the
Carolinas experienced, under similar circumstances, and especi
ally, when it is considered, that upon some abatement of that
fermentation in the minds of the people, which is so common,
in the collision of sentiments and of parties, a disposition ap
pears, to provide a remedy for the difficulties we have labored
under on that account. We are induced to hope, that we shall
not altogether be considered as foreigners, having no particular
affinity or connexion with the United States, but that trade and
commerce, upon which the prosperity of this state much de
pends, will be preserved as free and open between this and the
United States, as our different situations at present can possibly
admit, earnestly desiring and proposing to adopt such commer-

GENERAL HISTORY. 346
cial regulations on our part, as shall not tend to defeat the col
lection of the revenue of the United States, but rather to act in
conformity thereto or co-operate therewith, and desiring also to
give the strongest assurances that w6 shall, during our present
situation, use our utmost endeavors to be in preparation, from
time to time, to answer our proportion of such part of the inter
est or principal of the foreign and domestic debt, as the United
States shall judge expedient to pay and discharge. We feel our
selves attached, by the strongest ties of friendship, of kindred and
of interest, to our sister states, and we cannot, without the
greatest reluctance, look to any other quarter for those advanta
ges of commercial intercourse, which we conceive to be natural
and reciprocal between them and us.
Notwithstanding the appearance of a threat at
the close of the petition, this, with the preceding one
from Providence, met with a favorable reception.
The vessels and goods of the citizens ofthis state were
for a Hmited time placed on the same footing with
like property of citizens of the United States. The
earhest symptom of wavering or doUbt on the part
of the majority appeared at this session of the As
sembly, and consisted of a request to the several
towns to instruct their representatives as to the
course they should pursue in relation to calHng a
convention. This course might have originated
from an expectation of strengthening themselves, by
showing a great majority of the people on their side,
rather than from wavering or doubt. Providence, on
this occasion, refused to give specific instructions to
her representatives, but directed them to act con-
scienciously in the matter, and according to tiieir
oaths of office — instructions which neither they nor
their opponents could have misunderstood.
In November 1789, North Carolina adopted the
44

346 GENERAL HISTORY.
constitution, and left Rhode-Island " alone in her
glory ;" sovereign, independent, and alone — no state
or nation bound to her by treaty, or by community
of feehng, situation or interest.
The January session 1790, was holden at Provi
dence. The motion for a convention was renewed
by Benjamin Bourne, one of the representatives of
Providence, and carried in the lower house by a
handsome majority, on Friday. The Governor,
'Lieutenant Governor, and eight senators, composed
the then Senate. Four senators voted to concur
with the lower house, and the Lieutenant Governor
and four senators against it, the vote being taken on
Saturday evening. The Assembly adjourned to
Sunday morning. Before the Assembly met, one of
the senators who voted against the convention, left
Prbvidence before the hour of meeting arrived. It
has been said in justification of this course of con
duct, that he had that morning been convinced that
he Ought that day to attend to his pastoral duties as
a minister, and that he left for that purpose. For
tunate was it for the friends of the constitution, that
he was so. The question was soon taken in the
Senate. The associates of the departed elder, each
stood firm in his place and in his opinion, but his ab
sence made it incumbent on the Governor, as the
presiding officer, to untie the vote, which he did by
voting to concur with the lower house. A remnant
are Hving of those who thronged the state house tiiat
day, and thronged it was to overflowing. The sev
eral churches were almost vacated. The most in
tense anxiety pervaded the community, and when it

GENERAL HISTORY. 347
was known that the biU calHng a convention had
been passed into a law, vain was the attempt to stop
the rising murmur of applause in the house, or the
shouts of joy without it. They felt that there would
be an end to their doubts and anxiety and fears, and
that the true interests of the state would at last pre
vail. This was however but a short step toward the
desired end. The views of a majority of the free
men were still against the constitution, and there ex
isted no reasonable probability that the majority of
the members of the convention would not be of the
same opinion. The convention met at South Kings
town in March. Every member was at his post,
and it was soon evident, that a majority of them op
posed the constitution. The dangers which threat
ened the state seemed too great for them to reject it.
Their policy was to postpone^ hoping that some
thing might transpire in the progress of the general
government, which would aflford new and tenable
ground of opposition. The friends of the constitu
tion urged its immediate adoption. Those opposed
to it succeeded in procuring an adjournment of the
convention to the last Monday in May, then to meet
in Newport. The result of this vote shows, con
clusively, that the convention could then have re
jected the constitution, had it dared so to do. On
the day appointed for the adjourned meeting of the
convention, the freemen of Providence met in town-
meeting, and gave the following instructions to their
delegates :
Resolved, that, in case the convention of the state now con
vened in Newport, shall not, at the present session, adopt the
constitution, but shall either reject the same or adjourn to some

348 GENERAL HISTORY.
future day, that in such case, the delegates from' this town in
said convention, be and they are hereby instructed to enter a
solemn and spirited protest against such rejection or adjournment.
It is further resolved, that it is our opinion, that on the rejec
tion of the said constitution or further delay of a decision there
on, the respective towns of the state have a right to make ap
plication to the Congress of the United States, for the same priv
ileges and protection which are afforded to the towns under their
jurisdiction; a'nd in such case the delegates from this town, be
and they are hereby fully authorized and empowered, to meet
with the delegates from the town of Newport, and the delegates
from such other towns as may think proper to join them, for the
purpose of consulting and advising such mode of application, as
they in their wisdom may think proper, and to carry the result
of their deliberations into immediate effect ; and that they make
report of their doings to the next town meeting.
The committee who prepared these instructions,
consisted of John Brown, Welcome Arnold, John
Dorrance, Gershom Jones, Jeremiah Olney, George
Benson, Zephaniah Andrews, Joseph Nightingale,
and Daniel Cooke. The delegates had no occasion
to use the extraordinary powers conferred on them.
The right and power to give them, may weU be
questioned. Certainly, nothing but a most sure
probabUity of utter destruction, or wilful disregard
of consequences by the convention, could justify the
use of them. The adjourned session commenced
on Monday. The excitement among the inhabi
tants may be inferred, from the fact that their meet
ings, on and after Thursday, were holden in the sec
ond Baptist meeting house, the state house being
too smaU to accommodate the spectators. On Sat
urday afternoon, the vote was put and carried in fa
vor of the constitution, by a majority of two. Per-

GENERAL HISTORY. 349
haps it would not be well to inquire too particularly
how that majority was obtained. There were some
patriots in those days, who acted as though the end
would, sometimes, justify the means.
The delegates from Providence to this conven
tion, Jabez Bowen, Benjamin Bourne, WilHam Bar
ton and John Innes Clark, reached their home on
Sunday morning. The news of the auspicious ter
mination of their labors preceded them a few hours.
Patriotism again encroached on piety, as when the
vote for calling the convention passed in the prece
ding January, and the stillness of the Sabbath morn
ing was broken by the joyful roar of artillery. The
Tuesday, following was devoted to the commemora
tion of the event. The mUitary paraded, flags were
hoisted, salutes were fired, the bells were rung, and
aU classes of the community joined in testifying their
joy at an event in which aU were deeply interested.
A desire to present, in an uninterrupted sketch,
the proceedings of the town in relation to the paper
money of 1786, and to the adoption of the Consti
tution of the United States, has necessarily led to
the exclusion of other events happening at the same
period. In the beginning of January 1784, the streets and
bridges sustained great damage by a sudden freshet
in Moshassuck river. The rain feU in torrents on
Monday and Tuesday, the fifth and sixth days of Jan
uary. The weather being at the same time quite
warm, the snow and ice were melted, so that the
stream of the Moshassuck was higher than it ever
had been within the knowledge of any of the oldest

360 GENERAL HISTORY.
inhabitants. The miU dam of the old grist mUl,
which stood near where the lowest stone lock of the
Blackstone Canal now is, remained undisturbed ; by
which means, the water overflowed the west bank of
the stream, just above the dam, cutting itself out a
new channel, carrying away the bridge and eight
buildings in the vicinity. Among the buUdings was
a new brick dwelling house belonging to EHsha
Brown, Jun. This stood just north of the bleachery
on Charles-street, and the new channel passed
through its foundation, so that all the materials of
the ceUar, as weU as the house, were carried down
stream into the cove. A large buUding, between
the new and old channels, was left untouched, the
inmates of which were removed with great difficulty.
The inhabitants did not succeed in their attempts to
cut away the old miU dam untU Wednesday, nor
were the waters turned into their old channel until
the day following. According to tradition there was
a similar freshet in the Moshassuck, about seventy
years before this, in which the waters broke from
their old bed in nearly the same manner. There
was another freshet in February 1807, which wiU
long be remembered by the citizens of Providence.
It carried away the two bridges over the Seekonk,
and MiU bridge and Smith's bridge, over the Mo
shassuck. The deaths in the year 1784 were one hundred
and forty-one, including twenty-six blacks. It is
matter of regret that a biU of mortality was not reg
ularly kept in the town. This is the first year in
which I have been able to find even an account of

GENERAL HISTORY, 351
the deaths, though it is presumed many facts could
be coUected from diaries &c. in the hands of individ
uals. The number of freemen in 1787 was 460.
In the year 1785, the General Assembly conferred
on the town the power of making "by-laws for the
better regulating the said town." This power had
been exercised from the first settiement without in
terruption. There must have existed some pecuHar
circumstance which induced the Assembly to make
this grant at this time, but no such appears in the
records. In December 1787, the ship General Washington,
Captain Jonathan Donison, saUed from the port of
Providence for Canton. It has been stated that this
was the first vessel which bore the flag of the Uni
ted States into the Celestial Empire. This is a mis
take. That honor belongs to a sloop from New-
York. She was foUowed by a ship from Massachu
setts. The General Washington was the first ship
from this state. She completed her voyage in nine
teen months and a few days. Providence at this
time numbered many enterprising merchants among
her citizens. Commerce was esteemed, if not the
only, at least the most direct road to affluence.
The General Assembly erected a number of her
citizens into a corporation, for the purpose of keeping
the channel of the river open, and granted them the
right to coUect two cents per ton on every vessel
over sixty tons burthen, entering the harbor, for
the purpose of defraying the expenses. In a letter
from this corporation to Congress, in 1790, praying
a continuatice of these privileges, they state, that

352 GENERAL HISTORY.
" there is a greater number of vessels belonging to
this port than to New-York," and that " it is a place
of more navigation than any of its size in the union."
The president of the society, at this time, was Wel
come Arnold, a gentleman who would not have hazard
ed his high character, by giving currency to a false
hood. An account was taken of the shipping of
Providence in March 1790. It consisted of 9 ships,
36 brigs, 45 sloops and 20 schooners, being 110 saU
in aU, and of 10,590 tons burthen ; exclusive of riv
er packets, boats and shallops.
In 1789, some individuals sought permission of
the town to erect a tide grist miU at Weybosset
Bridge. The proposition was rejected, and proba
bly to the pecuniary advantage of the proposers.
At that time, foreign vessels occasionaUy landed
their cargoes north of the bridge. Vessels were
built at the ship yard near the foot of court house
parade, and at the north end of canal basin, on the
south side of Smith-street, for a long time after this
In the same year, the representatives of Barring-
ton, in pursuance of their instructions, moved the
General Assembly to set apart a day for a public
thanksgiving, which was done. The fact would not
have been noted here, had it not been said, in con
nexion with it, that this was the first general thanks
giving ever appointed in the state. This is an error.
There certainly was one appointed in 1759, and in
other years. But since 1789, there has, it is behev
ed, been no omission of such an appointment, ex
cept in 1801. The newspaper notes, as worthy of
example, that John Brown, one of the most wealthy

GENERAL HISTORY. 353
merchants of Providence, or in fact of New Eng
land, appeared in January 1789, dressed in cloth
made from the fleeces of his own flocks. The
paper added that the yarn was spun by a woman
eighty-eight years of age.
It is seldom one can meet with any pork statistics
in New-England ; but in 1789, Knight Dexter took
an account of the porkers raised in Providence, and
slaughtered for omnivorous man. The number was
four hundred and twenty-five, the weight, eighty-
four thousand eight hundred and sixty-five pounds.
In addition to these, he reported one thousand six
hundred and thirty-nine, driven into town and killed.
Another set of facts is stated in a newspaper of
the same year, which' should have induced the in
habitants to double their dihgence in raising articles
of food. A correspondent of the Providence Ga
zette, stated that the wife of Waterman Carpenter,
at five successive births, had presented her husband
with ten hving children. The three with which she
presented him at the sixth birth, were unfortunately
dead. The census of 1795, shows that the population of
Providence had increased to 6,380 ; that of the
state having also risen to 68,825.
In August, of this year, President Washington
visited Providence. He came from New- York in
the Packet Hancock, Capt. Brown, accompanied by
his exellency Gov. Clinton, of New-York, the hon
orable Thomas Jeflferson, Secretary of State, the
honorable Theodore Foster, one of the Senators of
the state. Judge Blair, Mr. Smith, of Soutii CaroHna,
45

354 GENERAL HISTORY
and Mr. Gihnan, of New-Hampshire, members of
Congress. Agreeably to previous arrangements, a
procession escorted the President and suite from the
wharf to his lodging, at the Golden Ball Inn, now
known as the Mansion House. A federal salute, ac
companied by the joyful ringing of bells, announced
his arrival. The coUege edifice was iUuminated in
the evening. The next morning, the President and
suite, accompanied by his exceUency Gov. Fenner,
visited the several points of interest about the town.
At three o'clock, about three hundred partook of
an entertainment at the court house, after which he
was escorted to Captain Brown's packet; in which
he took his departure the same evening. The fol
lowing address was presented to the President, by
Henry Ward, Enos Hitchcock, Welcome Arnold,
David HoweU and Benjamin Bourne, a committee
appointed to draw up and present the same.
" To the President of the United States.
Sir — The inhabitants of Providence beg leave to offer you
their congratulations for your safe arrival at this place.
We are sensibly affected by the honor conferred on the state,
and on us in particular, in the present visit ; and be assured sir,
we shall think ourselves peculiarly happy, if by our utmost at
tentions, it can be made agreeable to you.
We gladly seize the first opportunity, to express our most sin
cere satisfaction, in your election to the Presidency of the Uni
ted States. The unbiassed voice of a great nation, which unan
imously called you to that important trust, is an event, of which
the annals of history afford no example, nor will future time see
it followed, unless the most transcendent merit and the clearest
fame, should be united in the same person. As general of the
armies of the United States, and as their President, we are at
tached to you by every motive of gratitude and affection. To
the conduct and management of her commander in chief, uni-

GENERAL HISTORY. 365
formly displayed in the course of a long and arduous war, Amer
ica is indebted, and to the smiles' of Heaven, for her freedom and
independence ; and the consummate prudence and ability mani
fested in the exercise of the power delegated to the President of
the United States, exhibit to the world a character of no less ce
lebrity in the cabinet than in the field.
From our most excellent constitution, and the benjgn influ
ence of those virtues which characterize your administration,
we entertain the most pleasing hopes of the extension of com
merce, the encouragement of agriculture and manufactures, and
of the establishment of public faith and private credit, and that
the liberties of America will be transmitted to posterity.
We ardently pray, that a life so conducive to the welfare of
millions, may be long protracted, and that when the fatal shaft
shall be sped which shall deprive America of her great benefac
tor, you may ascend to those regions, where, only, exalted virtue
will be fully rewarded.
Done in town meeting, legally assembled, this 17th day of
August, 1790, and in the fifteenth year of independence.
Signed at the request of the town.
JABEZ BOWEN, Moderator.
Daniel Cooke, Town Clerk."
To this Address, President Washington returned
the foUowing reply.
"To the inhabitants of Providence.
Gentlemen — The congratulations which you offer me upon
my arrival at this place, are received with no small degree of
pleasure. For your attentions and endeavors to render the town
agreeable to me, and for your expressions of satisfaction at my
election to the Presidency of the United States, I return you
my warmest thanks. My sensibility is highly excited by your
ardent declarations of attachment to my person and to the con
stitution. As, under the smiles of Heaven, America is indebted for
freedom and independence, rather to the joint exertions of the
citizens of the several states, in which it may be your boast to
have borne no inconsiderable share, than to the conduct of her
commander in chief, so is she indebted for their support, rather

356

GENERAL HISTORY.

to a continuation of those exertions, than the prudence and abil
ity manifested in the exercise of powers, delegated to the Presi
dent of the United States.
Your hopes for the extension of commerce and the encour
agement of agriculture and manufactures, and the establishment
of public faith, as reared upon our constitution, are well found
ed ; and it is my earnest wish, that you may extensively enjoy the
benefits arising therefi-om.
I thank you, gentlemen, for your prayers for my future wel
fare, and offer up my best wishes for your individual and collec
tive happiness. GEO. WASHINGTON."

CHAPTER SIXTH.
GENERAL HISTORY.
FEOM 1790,' TO THE ADOPTION OP THE CITY CHARTER.
The history of a town or other municipal corpo
ration, in a time of peace and prosperity, is embra
ced in a few words. The events which go to make
up that history, the facts which constitute that pros
perity, are too minute for observation. A detail of
them would be as useless and uninteresting as an
enumeration of the several streamlets that feed and
make up the resistiess current of the father of rivers.
We take occasion, therefore, to congratulate our
readers, upon an approach to the close of this part
of the annals of Providence.
In 1791, several of the wealthy merchants, moved
by the great advantages which had resulted to Bos
ton from the bank established there, called a pub
lic meeting of such persons as were inclined to favor
the establishment of a simUar institution in Provi
dence. The meeting adopted a plan prepared for
their examination, and the "Providence Bank" went
into operation in October. This was the first insti
tution of the kind incorporated in this state. Since
its incorporation, the General Assembly have, in
their wisdom, at various times, granted other char
ters, in other towns in the state, as weU as Provi-

358 GENERAL HISTORY.
dence. In 1842, the whole number in the state was
sixty-two, having a capital' paid in amounting to
^10,159,999. The annexed table wiU show several
particulars relative to the banks in Providence.
¦^. Am't of capi- Am't of capital
Names of B.mhs. incorDorated '.='' "?„*,", authorized by
incoiporaiea. jyj^y^ jg^^ Cliarter.
American, Oct. 1833. $314,000 $500,000
Arcade June, 1831. 400,000 500,000
Blackstone Canal, Jan. 1831. 434,650 500,000
Commercial, Jan. 1833. 263,850 500,000
City Bank, June, 1833. 200,000 500,000
Eagle Feb, 1818. 383,250 500,000
Exchano-e, Feb. 1801. 500,000 600,000
Globe Jan. 1831. 400,000 500,000
High-Street, June, 1828. 118,100 400,000
Manufacturers, Oct. 1813. 408,800 500,000
Mechanics and ) j^^ jg^^ 182,500 500,000
fVi f)nilT3f*TlirGTS I
Mechanics, ' June, 1823. 459,200 500,000
Merchants, Feb. 1818. 500,000 500,000
National, Oct. 1833. 120,000 500,000
North America, Oct. 1823. 220,050 500,000
Phenix, formerly Far- ) j^^ jg^g j gg^^g g^j, ^^j^
mers and Mechanics, )
Providence, Oct. 1791. 500,000 500,000
Roger Williams, Oct. 1803. 499,950 500,000
Traders, June, 1836. 200,000 200,000
Union, Oct. 1814. 500,000 500,000
Weybosset, June, 1831. 300,000 500,000
In 1819, the Providence Institution for Savings,
received a Charter of Incorporation from the Gene
ral Assembly. In January 1842, the number of de
positors was 2150, and the amount of deposites
^297,547. The good eflfects of this institution have
been extensively felt in this community.
As exemphfying the means of communication with
other parts of the United States, the arrangement
of the mails at Providence, in 1791, John Carter be
ing postmaster, is here inserted. The western and
southern mails closed on Mondays and Thursdays,

GENERAL HISTORY. 359
and arrived on Tuesdays and Fridays. The eastern
maUs closed on Tuesdays and Fridays, and arrived
on Mondays and Thursdays. The community then
had little idea of raUroad speed, and were compeUed
to put up with news from Boston, two days old.
Thip year they had a mihtary muster, the first in ten
years. The inhabitants lost their relish for playing
soldiers, after having been in the revolutionary war.
In 1792, it became necessary to re-build Weybosset
Bridge. The plan proposed, was a bridge 'fifty-six
feet wide, with a draw, resting on wooden trussels,
instead of the old stone pillars, which were to be
removed. The estimated expense exceeded £900.
The eastern abutment was to be removed westward
and the channel narrowed about thirty feet, in or
der to make room for a street where South Water
and Canal streets now are. Individuals began
to feel an interest in opening more convenient
modes of access into the town from the eastward,
than were afforded by the ferries at narrow passage
and Fuller's ferry over the Seekonk. Meetings
were called, and estimates made, of the expense of
a bridge over that river, where Washington Bridge
now is. Unavailing were all the attempts to raise a
fund sufiicient to build and maintain a free bridge.
A simUar ineflfectual attempt had been made in 1773.
At June session of the" General Assembly, grants
were obtained for both the toU bridges over the
Seekonk River. The flrst team passed Washing
ton Bridge on the 12th April, 1793. The bridges
were both carried away in the freshet of 1807.
In 1793, the town proposed providing a place for

360 GENERAL HISTORY.
town meetings, by raising the market-house, at an
expense of £750. The design was however rehn-
quished and the " Old Town-House" bought for that
purpose the following year, of the Congregational
Society. The town directed the town clerk to keep
his office in the market-house chambers, and the
town-councU to hold their meetings there. The
clergymen in Providence, published the foUowing
address this year, on a hand biU, and circulated
it through the town. The good advice it contains,
and its aflTectionate admonitions and exhortations,
entitle it to a careful perusal by citizens of the town,
at aU times. It evinces a spirit in the clergy of
those days, of piety toward God, of love toward their
fellow men, and of union among themselves, honor
able to them as christian teachers, and as individuals,
and which should ensure them a grateful remem
brance. " A friendly address to the inhabitants of the town of Provi
dence. Friends, brethren and fellow citizens :
Impressed by a sense of duty and actuated by motives of char
ity to our fellow men, we, the clergy of this town, beg leave to
arrest your attention, to a few things which concern your wel
fare. Deeply affected, at beholding the growth of impiety and
immorality, we desire in a most affectionate and respectful man
ner, unitedly, to address you on the importance of taking some
effectual measures to prevent their further progress. In this ad
dress we feel secure in the approbation of every liberal and can
did mind. To be silent with these impressions, would be crim
inal. It would be to betray the trust reposed in us. In this
joint attempt, we shall, at least, manifest our affection for you
and your children, and show that our exertions have one common
object in view, viz. your and their good.
Accept, then, this office of friendship. We wish no man any

GENERAL HISTORY. 361
ill. We are desirous of the good of all. Vice is a bane of so
ciety. Virtue is the source of order, of happiness among men.
Give countenance to the latter. Frown upon the former. Does
not profaneness, awfully abound ? This loosens the bonds of gov
ernment, by taking away the fear of GOD, that powerful princi
ple of order. Intemperance, which debases the man, entails
poverty and wretchedness on families and casts many burdens
on the public. The many and great violations of the law of the
Sabbath, open the way to licentiousness and profligacy of man
ners. To invite your attention to these enormities, to entreat
your exertions to check, to frown them out of countenance, is
the object of our address. In this you are not called upon to
espouse the schemes of a party. You are most earnestly en
treated to attend to that which is especially connected with the
well being of society. It is the cause of human happiness. —
Yes, Friends and Brethren, the cause we plead with you is the
cause of virtue, against the strong prevalence of vice and iniqu
ity, which marks the character of our times. It is the cause of
man. It is the cause of GOD. Society, in general, your fami
lies, in particular, and yourselves individually, are interested in
it. To the vicious, immoral and irreligious, of every class, we
offer our most affectionate admonition. We commend to their
serious consideration, the importance of amendment.
But in vain do we speak, unless parents, magistrates, men of
influence, will second our advice. These form the manners of
a people and give a stamp to public opinion. In vain do we in-
treat and persuade, while these who give a tone to public char
acter, do not co-operate with us. How many throw the weight
of their influence in the opposite scale ? Remember, sirs, your
responsibility at the tribunal of the public, at the bar of GOD.
In proportion to power and influence, are your obligations to
extend the weight of your example. Where much of this pow
er is given, much will be required. Example speaks louder than
words. Example extends its influence further than instruction.
Encourage our hearts. Strengthen our hands. Let your influ
ence favor the cause of virtue.
Two things are immediately within your reach. These are a
greater care of the education of children and the rising genera-
46

362

GENERAL HISTORY.

tion, and a more orderly and regular observation of the Sabbath.
Your honor, as a town, requires attention to the latter, the cred
it and comfort of your families, to the former. The laws of
God and of the government require a greater attention to both.
Your children are dear to you. They will be your glory, or
your reproach and pain. Their passions early spring up and
show themselves. They need to be soon checked and controll
ed. Their minds need much instruction and cultivation, to pre
vent the growth of evil principles. Their manners require the
constant watch of parents. They profane their Maker's name,
most awfully, in the streets. Let them be admonished of the
danger of such wickedness. Let them know the worth and ami-
ableness of good manners, of good language. Let them be
" trained up in the way they should go," and they will be your
ornament and crown of glory.
This cannot be done, but with great difficulty, without the
reorular observation of the Sabbath. This is the greatest barrier
against vice, the best method to introduce order and decorum,
among all classes of people, old and young. It affords the best
means of education. The appointment of one day in seven as
a day of rest, the consecrating the seventh part of time to relig
ious purposes and for the improvement of the human mind, was
an appointment, worthy of him who made it, and is most suita
ble for man. To^ spend this day in a way most agreeable to the
original design of it, is the directest way to improve in those
things, that are useful, most excellent and praiseworthy. It pol
ishes and refines the manners. It excites to acts of benevolence
and kindness. It strongly tends to promote the great ends of so
ciety. To pass over the many advantages it affords the pious
and the devout, to exercise their minds in a religious manner,
it gives parents and house-holders, a favorable opportunity to in
struct their children and families. By teaching them to spend
one day in seven, with that decency and propriety, which ought
always to distinguish the Sabbath from the other days of the
week, the government of them is rendered more easy. It tends
to preserve them from the snares of vice and to impress on their
minds a reverence for God and his institutions, a regard for vir
tue and religion. Under the influence of such a steady prac
tice, they would be ripening in those useful and amiable quali-

GENERAL HISTORY. 363
ties which will enable them to act their part well on the stage
of life and to become good members of society. The present
degeneracy of morals, the very great relaxation of virtuous sen
timents and principles, appear in no circumstance so much as
by the great contempt cast upon the institutions of religion, by
the manner in which the law of the Sabbath is violated and pro
faned. To disregard whatever has an air of principled devo
tion, to neglect those plain duties which are necessary for the
support of religion, must be productive of most pernicious con
sequences. Such examples produce effects dangerous to socie
ty. Their effects cease not with the present generation. They
make an early impression on the minds of youth and have a
most corrupting tendency on the rising generation. They viti
ate the morals of your children and entail the wretched inherit
ance of depraved manners, with its long train of dreadful conse
quences, upon posterity.
How great the call for this address, how great the necessity
of taking speedy measures for the redress of these evils, is sub
mitted to your most serious consideration.
That our attempt may be crowned with success, and your
own and your children's good may be promoted hereby, and a
divine effusion of His richest blessings be showered down upon
you and them, by the Supreme Ruler of the world, is the ardent
wish and fervent prayer of your affectionate friends.
JOSEPH SNOW,
ENOS HITCHCOCK,
STEPHEN GANO,
ABRAHAM L. CLARKE,
JONATHAN MAXCY,
JAMES WILSON.
Providence Dec. 19, 1794."
In 1795, the General Assembly directed a new es
timate of taxable property to be made, as the basis
of future taxation. The committee for Providence
consisted of WiUiam Earned, WilHam Richmond,
Thomas L. Halsey, Thomas Arnold, and Thomas P.
Ives. The general committee consisted of John L.

364 GENERAL HISTORY.
Boss, John Davis, Moses Brown, Noah Mathewson,
Joseph Stanton, jr., Elisha R. Potter, Ichabod Cole,
Thomas Allen, WilHam Green and Isaac Johnson.
It was the duty of the town committee to call on the
inhabitants for exact lists of all their rateable prop
erty, and from these and aU other sources to make
an estimate of the rateable estate in the town. The
state's committee visited each town, and upon exam
ination of the estimate made by the town committee,
and comparing it with aU other evidence given them,
varied or established it, as the circumstances of each
town seemed to require. This committee reported
at the June session, 1796, but their report was not
signed by either of the committee from the county
of Providence, and by only one from the county of
Bristol. The valuation of the state was fixed at
^15,500,000, and that of Providence, at ^2,950,000.
The adoption of the report was vigorously opposed
by a respectable minority in the General Assembly.
Fifteen members of the House of Representatives,
from various towns in the counties of Providence,
Newport and Bristol, presented a protest against its
adoption. The Assembly immediately ordered a
state tax to be apportioned according to the estimate.
The subject was brought before a town meeting in
Providence, on the 25th of June. They resolved
that the apportionment was unjust and unconstitu
tional, and directed their assessors not to assess the
town's proportion of it. They also appointed a com
mittee to draft a circular to the other towns in the
state, which felt themselves aggrieved by the esti
mate, inviting them to meet in convention, to devise

GENERAL HISTORY. 365
measures for its revision, and also, to take into con
sideration the expediency of forming a written state
constitution. On the day appointed, delegates from
eight towns in i'rovidence and Bristol counties, met
at Providence, and organized themselves by the
choice of Daniel Mowry for chairman, and James
BurriU, jr. for secretary. The convention subse
quentiy adjourned to the 15th of August, when they
agreed upon twQ circulars to the different towns in
the state, one in relation to the estimate, and the
other in relation to a state constitution. In the first
it is asserted that the state estimate was based upon
" conjectural calculations and selfish views," and
partial and unjust to several towns. They express
their belief that if the General Assembly can be in
duced to revise it, these errors would be pointed out,
and would be removed and tranquiUity restored ; and
they close by announcing their determination, to ac
quiesce in the decision of the Assembly, whatever it
might be. In the second circular they urge the ne
cessity of estabhshilig a firmer government in the
state, upon a written constitution. The town of
Providence foUowed up these proceedings of the
convention, by corresponding instructions to their
representatives. Those in relation to a state consti
tution were postponed to a succeeding session of the
Assembly, and the other towns requested in the mean
time to instruct their representatives on the subject.
As the state records are sUent in relation to further
proceedings on this, and in relation to all proceed
ings on the other subject, it is presumed the town
was unsuccessful in both. In September the town

366 GENERAL HISTORY.
repealed the vote refusing to assess the state tax.
Upon comparing this estimate with that adopted by
the Assembly in 1782, one cannot but be struck with
the great changes that had taken place in property,
or in opinions in relation to property. The estimate
of the state was then footed at £2,990,486, and that
of Providence, at £217,000. Compared with the
estimate of 1824, the change is no less great. The
state was then valued at ^32,640,000, and Provi
dence at ^9,500,000, being considerably more than
half the valuation of the state in 1796, and nearly the
valuation of the whole state in 178^.
In February 1796, the General Assembly incor
porated a company to build a navigable canal from
tide water in Providence, to the north line in the
state. The company proposed to continue that
canal in Massachusetts, through Worcester to Con
necticut river, and applied to the legislature of Mas
sachusetts, for a charter for that purpose. This was
refused, and of course put an end to the whole pro
ject. The project originated with John Brown, an
eminent merchant of Providence, who was so san
guine of the successful operation of such a canal,
that he subscribed ^40,000 toward the stock. Not
withstanding the great advantages which it was be
lieved both Providence and the county of Worcester
would derive from a work of this kind, no further
attempt was made to accompHsh it, until 1823. In
January of that year, the legislature of Massachu
setts incorporated a company for that purpose ; and
in June, that of Rhode Island incorporated a simUar
company,' both of which were united in interest, by

GENERAL HISTORY. 367
the legislatures, on tiieir petition. Subscriptions
for tiie stock were soon filled. The company of sub
scribers organized themselves in May, 1825, chose
Edward Carrington, Stephen H. Smitii and Moses B.
Ives, for then: commissioners, under whose auspices
the work was commenced, with every prospect of
success, and completed with all reasonable despatch.
The summit level at Worcester, is 450 feet above
tide water in Providence. " This is overcome by forty-
nine locks, forty-eight of which are of hewn stone,
costing about ^4,000 each. The length of the
canal is forty-four mUes and three quarters ; its
depth, four feet ; its width at the bottom, twenty
feet ; and at the surface, forty-five feet. The esti
mated cost of the work was ^500,000 ; the actual
cost exceeded the estimate about ^250,000. It was
opened for use, on the first day of July, 1828, when
the packet boat Lady Carrington passed over the
whole Hne in one day, and returned the next. The
hopes of the stockholders, of deriving a pecuniary
advantage from this work, have been cruelly disap
pointed. The investment has been a total loss to
them. The canal being erected along the vaUey of
the Blackstone river, whose banks are Hned with
manufacturing estabhshments fully equal, at least, to
the power of the river, has occasioned much mis
understanding and difficulty between the stockhold
ers and miU owners.
In 1797, the yellow fever made its appearance
for the first time in Providence, with such violence
as to cause it to be noticed in the journals of the
day. It commenced its ravages in August, and in

368 GENERAL HISTORY.
that and in the succeeding month, thirty-six persons
fell victims to it. It was confined principally to a
smaU part of the south end of the town. The next
year, the citizens were caUed to sympathise with the
inhabitants of PhUadelphia, who were suffering
under great ravages of the same disease. Their
sensibilities were so aroused, by the recollection of
their dangers the year before, that they generously
contributed nearly fifteen hundred doUars, for the
relief of the poor and destitute in that devoted city.
In 1800, Providence was again visited with that
scourge of the human race, and their poor then
found that sympathy which had been excited toward
PhUadelphia, exercised in their behalf by the citizens
of PhUadelphia, and the sum of ^2,000 remitted
for their relief. It commenced this year in the same
neighborhood as in 1797, but was not equally severe.
President Adams, with his famUy, passed through
Providence, in August 1797. This was the first op
portunity the citizens had had to pay their respects to
him, after his election to the presidency of the Uni
ted States. He was escorted into town by the Prov
idence Light Dragoons, a company which had been
formed about five years, and welcomed by the ring
ing of beUs and firing of cannon. The foUowing
address was presented to him on his arrival.
" The citizens of the town of Providence, voluntarily assem
bled to tender their respects to the chief magistrate of the na
tion, on his arrival in this town, beg leave to approach you, by
their committee, with sentiments of joy on the present occasion,
and with assurances of the sensible pleasure they feel, in com
mon with their fellow-citizens, that the suffrages of this great
community have met in a person whose long tried virtues and

GENERAL HISTORY. 369
talents pre-eminently qualify him to succeed the illustrious Wash
ington. With the highest satisfaction they have observed in
the measures of your administration, indubitable proofs of re
publican firmness and political wisdom, which dignify the nation
and endear its government to the people. We have to add their
ardent wishes that your journey may be prosperous, your life a
continued blessing to the world, and as happy to yourself as use
ful to thenation. We are, in behalf of the town, very respectfully.
Your most obedient servants,
ENOS HITCHCOCK, )
BENJAMIN BOURNE, } Committee."
JAMES BURRILL, Jr. }
To this he returned the following reply :
" Gentlemen, — The civilities of the inhabitants of the town of
Providence, to me and my family, are the more flattering, as
they were unexpected ; and I beg leave to communicate to them
through their committee, my hearty thanks.
The satisfaction they express on my advancement in the gov
ernment, affords me much consolation ; and their approbation of
my conduct in the discharge of the duties of my station, is, as
far as depends upon them, the completion of my wishes from my
fellow citizens. In return for their kind wishes, I pray them to
be assured of mine for the prosperity and happiness of the citi
zens of 'Providence, individually and collectively.
JOHN ADAMS."
In the evening the coUege edifice and some private
dweUings were briUiantiy iUuminated. The next
morning he proceeded on his journey, escorted to
the line of Massachusetts by several of the independ
ent companies, and many citizens.
The foUowing address from citizens of Providence
to President Adams, in 1798, is inserted as expres-
ive of the views of the citizens on that great ques
tion which was then agitating, not only America,
but Europe. 47

370 GENERAL HISTORY.
"To the President of the United States.
Sir, — The underwritten inhabitants of the town of Providence,
voluntarily assembled in pursuance of public notice, beg leave to
address you, with sentiments of personal and profound respect.
The late disclosure of the views and designs of France, in
contrast with the pacific dispositions of the United States, has
excited the most disquieting apprehensions of hostilities from that
republic, and the most unlimited confidence in the wisdoni, in
tegrity and patriotism of the administration of our government.
In the progress of the negociation with that republic, whose le
gitimate origin we were the first to acknowledge — a republic,
which at the dawn of its political day, seemed elevated to the
sublimest height of virtue, and disclaimed, in the first exercise of
its power, all right to interfere in the internal concerns of other
nations — we observe, with regret a departure from the great prin
ciples of liberty and justice ; and we observe this, with the deeper
regret, because that country received its first lessons in liberty
from ours. After the numberless and trying proofs, which the
United States had given of their sincere desire to preserve an
impartial neutrality, their repeated applications for redress,
might, at least have been answered with professions of amity
and of a love of justice, instead of an avowed intention, still fur
ther to impoverish us and pursue a studied system of universal
domination. While we lament that some of the inhabitants of this country
have too much attached themselves to European politics, we be
lieve this dangerous mistake proceeded, not from a treacherous
defection from the cause of their country, but fi-om the fascina
tion of the brilliant spectacle of a nation victoriously contending
for its liberties. We rejoice that the scales are fallen from their
eyes ; they must now see, what enlightened statesmen have seen
before, that the sacred name of liberty is profaned, to disguise
pr6J6cts of ambition and Conquest. Your late communications
must cement the public councils, and increase the energy of
government. The inadmissable and exhorbitant demands of
Frailce, will not only deprive them of every American advocate,
but convince the world, that an adjustment of the differences
between the two countries was impracticable on any other basis
than the prostration of America at the feet of France. The re-

GENERAL HISTORY. 371
suit in the mind of every American, must be a manly determi
nation to vindica,te the honor and interest of his country. Should
we be driven to the last appeal, we have an extensive country,
full of resources : and we trust in God, who has so signally fa
vored us, that he will again inspire us with that glowing zeal
and undismayed courage which, in a period not remote, this peo
ple so successfully displayed ; and in such an exigency we de
rive additional confidence from the firm moderation, the long
tried integrity, the ripened wisdom, which induced an enlighten
ed nation to place you at the helm of government.
We cannot conclude, without assuring you of our entire ap
probation of your conduct, in relation to the foreign concerns of
this country, of our prayers for your personal health and happi
ness, and of our readiness, with our lives and fortunes, to support
the dignity and independence of the United States."
This address was signed by nearly one thousand
citizens. The reply to it was as follows : —
"To the inhabitants of the town of Providence, in the State
of Rhode Island :
Gentlemen, — This respectful address, from the inhabitants of
Providence, who have been my friends and neighbors from my
youth, was by no means necessary to convince me of their af
fectionate attachment.
Imagination can scarcely conceive a stronger contrast than
has lately been disclosed between the views of France and those
of the United States. I will not distinguish between the views
of the governments and those of the nations. If in France
they are different, the nation, whose right it is, will soon show
that they are so. If in America they are the same, this fact
also will be shown by the nation, in a short time, in a strong
light. I cannot, however, deem this contrast a sufficient cause
of disquieting apprehensions of hostilities from that republic :
hostilities have already come thick upon us, by surprise, from
that quarter ; if others are coming, we shall be better prepared
to meet and repel them. When we were the first to acknowl
edge the legitimate origin of the French repujalic, we discov
ered at least as much real sincerity and honesty of heart, as we

372 General history.
did of knowledge of the subject, or foresight of its consequen
ces. The ill success of those proofs which the United States
have given of their sincere desire to preserve an impartial neu
trality, and of their repeated negotiations for redress of wrongs,
have demonstrated, that other means must be resorted to, in
order to obtain it. I agree entirely with you in acquitting, in
general, those of our citizens who have too much attached
themselves to European politics, of any treacherous defection
from the cause of their country. The French revolution was a
spectacle so novel, and the cause was so complicated, that I
have ever acknowledged myself incompetent to judge of it, as
it concerned the happiness of France, Jor operated on that of
mankind. My countrymen in general were, I believe, as ill
qualified as myself to decide. The French nation alone had
the right and the capacity, and to them it should have been
resigned. We should have suspended our judgments, and
been as neutral and impartial between the parties in France, as
between the nations of Europe. The honor of our nation is
now universally seen to be at stake, and its independence in
question, and all America appears to declare, with one heart
and one voice, a manly determination to vindicate both.
The legislature, by the late publication of instructions and
despatches, have appealed to the world ; and if the iron hand of
power has not locked up the presses of Europe, in such a man
ner that the facts cannot be communicated to mankind, the im
partial sense and voice of human nature must be in our favor.
If perseverence in injustice should necessitate the last appeal,
whatever causes we may have to humble ourselves before the
Supreme Tribunal, we have none for any other sentiment than
the pride of virtue and honest indignation against the late con
duct of France toward us. I thank you, gentlemen, for your
personal civilities to me, and return your kind wishes for my
happiness. Your noble declaration of your readiness, with your lives and
fortunes, to support the dignity and independence of the United
States, will receive the applause of your country, and of all
others who have the feelings and sentiments of men.
, April 30, 1798. JOHN ADAMS,"

t GENERAL HISTORY. 373
The news of the death of Washington clothed the
citizens of Providence with sadness. Upon its ar
rival, measures were adopted, by the mUitary com
panies, for the celebration of his funeral solemnities.
They appointed a committee to make the necessary
arrangements, and the freemen, in town meeting,
soon after elected the same persons, to wit. Nathan
Fisher, Henry Smith, Robert Taylor and Amos M.
AtweU, with the addition of Jeremiah Olney, John
Whipple, Christopher Olney, Charles Lippitt and
Jeremiah F. Jenkins. The 7th of January 1800,
was appointed for the celebration. A national sal
ute was fired in the morning in quick succession,
and afl;er that, a cannon every half hour, and minute
guns during the moving of the procession. The
muflfled bells were toUed during the whole day, and
until 9 o'clock in the evening. A procession was
formed in Broad street, composed of civil and mili
tary officers, most of the incorporated societies in
the town, and the masonic brethren, escorted by the
Light Dragoons, the Independent Volunteers and
the United Train of ArtiUery. From Broad street
the procession moved to the house of Jeremiah
Olney, where they received the bier. Jeremiah
Oltiey, WUHam Allen, Christopher Olney, Ebenezer
Macomber, John Spurr and John S. Dexter officia
ted as paU bearers. They then proceeded to the
Baptist meeting house, where George R. BurriU de
livered an elegant funeral oration, which was after
wards published. After the ceremonies here the
procession moved to St. John's church. Rev. Abra
ham L. Clark delivered a short address, while

374 GENERAL HISTORY.
the bier was set down, after which it was deposited
under the church.
The Baptist meeting house was dressed with
black on the occassion. On the preceding Sabbath
most of the churches in the town exhibited the same
signs of mourning. Great as was the parade on
this occasion, it by no means equaUed the grief it
was intended to express. Had Washington Hved
but a few ages earlier, he would have been deified
at his death, if not worshipped whUe Hving. A
nation's tears bedewed his new made grave ; when
shaU a nation's gratitude build him a monument ?
On the 21st of January 1801, the town was visit
ed with fire. The alarm was given about ten o'clock
in the forenoon. The fire commenced in the loft
of John Corhs' large brick store, situated on the
west side of South Main street, nearly opposite the
foot of Planet street. It extended along both sides
of South Main street, between No. 101 and No. 143,
and was finally, about 3 o'clock in the afternoon,
stopped by blowing up and puUing down several
buUdings to the leeward of it. It destroyed thirty-
seven buildings, consisting of 16 dweUing houses,
10 stores and 11 out-buildings, valued at ^300,000.
The weather was excessively cold, and the wind
high. A larger amount of property then feU a sac
rifice to the fiery element than at any time previous,
and it is famiharly spoken of, down to the present
day, as "the great fire." Long may it retain undis
puted title to this appeUation.
In 1804, sundry citizens petitioned the town for
a market house, to be established in Broad sti-eet.

GENERAL HISTORY. 375
This gave rise to much discussion. It was, subse
quentiy, after having been referred to a committee,
rejected by the town. It seemed then to be desir
able to have but one pubhc market house, it being
supposed, that the competition which would be ex
cited, by having more than one, would be injurious
to the citizens, both by diminishing their income
from the rents of the old market, and by increasing
the prices of country produce, then almost univer-
saUy sold at the market house by the producer.
Some of the same feeling existed in 1826, when
a company apphed to the General Assembly for a
charter of incorporation with leave to erect a mar
ket house, at the junction of MiU and North Main
streets ; but it was finally granted in June of that
year. The company proceeded at once, to erect
the necessary building. It is of brick, three stories
high above the basement. The basement is occu
pied by stores, the main floor, by a market and store,
the story above, by the Mechanics' and Manufactur
ers' Bank, and in the third, is a large haU, occasion
ally used for pubhc meetings. The cost of the
whole was about ^8,000. In 1827, a number of
persons combined to erect another market house at
the junction of Pawtuxet and Broad streets. They
obtained the requisite authority, both from the state
and town, to carry their design into effect. This
btiUding is two stories high, measuring seventy feet
by forty on the ground. The lower story is appro
priated for a market.
The evUs which it was feared would result from
the erection of more than one market, were either

376 GENERAL HISTORY
visionary when suggested, or the increase of the town
in population, business and wealth, has more than
neutralized them.
An attempt was made, in 1806, to have abUl of
mortality kept, but without success. Dr. John
Mackie, then a physician in full practice, kept biUs
of mortality for the years 1810 and 181 1, which were
published in^ the Rhode-Island American. The re
sults were as foUows :
Deaths from December 31, 1809, to December
31, 1810 — men 40, women 53, children 43, total,
136. Births during the same period, 334. In
1811, the deaths were, of males 91, females 87,
total 178. Births — of males 191, females 204, to
tal 395. These returns are not so satisfactory as
though derived from returns required by law, yet
there is little doubt they are, in the main, correct.
In the great national questions which divided the
American people, in relation to the embargo, the
non-intercourse, and the subsequent war with Great
Britain, the citizens of Providence uniformly sided
against the executive of the United States. Then:
opposition to those measures never extended beyond
petitions, resolutions and remonstrances. The news
of the declaration of war reached here on the 24th
of July 1812. It was received not only as a great
national calamity, as war always is, but as peculiarly
calculated to excite sorrow and regret. The bells
were tolled, and the flags floated at half mast. On
the 7th of August, the freemen assembled in town
meeting, and unanimously passed the following reso
lutions :

GENERAL HISTORY. 377
Resolved, That it is the duty of every citizen promptly to aid
in repelling all invasions of enemies, made for the purposes
either of plunder, bloodshed, or devastation, or with any view to
infract the rights, usurp the privileges, or interrupt the political
freedom of any person whatever.
Resolved, that we consider it most indispensably needful, at
this time, to give all aid for suppressing all riots, tumults and
mobs, believing that however horrible war may be, between nation
and nation, his terrible features almost soften with mercy, when
compared with the grim and bloody visage of civil commotion.
Resolved, that we will, at the hazard of all things, aid in the
support and complete execution of the laws, knowing that safety
canned be found, when law is trampled under foot, and believing
that neither life, liberty or property can be secure, when once
secret threats or open force have with impunity violated the free
dom of speech, of the press, and of election.
Resolved, that we do all pledge ourselves, promptly, and on all
occasions, to resist, and if possible, repel, all hostile invasions
from the enemy, that we will assist in quelling riots, tumults and
mobs, and do all in our power to discourage and discounte
nance every thing tending to those direful conflicts, hereby
guaranteeing to all persons, so fai^ as our influence and the effect
of our exertions can extend, the perfect protection of the laws,
so that they may, at all times, in all places, and on all occasions,
freely speak and publish their opinions, and nominate and elect
their public officers, nor be amenable therefor to any man or
collection of men, nor to any tribunal on earth but such only as
are established by the laws of the land.
Resolved, that for obtaining the objects aforesaid, we do re
commend to all persons, capable of bearing arms, forthwith to
furnish themselves with arms and ammunition, and be ready at a
moment's warning, to aid in defence of themselves, their families
and their country.
These embody their creed. In 1814, when there
was reason to fear that the enemy might visit the
town, a meeting of citizens was called, and a com-
mitte, appointed to superintend the erection of for-
48

378 GENERAL HISTORY.
tifications and breastworks, for the defence of the
town. The citizens turned out, en masse, at the caU
of this committee, and engaged personally, without
respect to age, standing, property or profession, in
erecting these works. They forgot their differences
in opinion, about the causes or justice of the war ;
their only strife was, who should manifest the most
works of patriotism. Their feUow citizens from the
neighboring towns volunteered their services, and
who wiU forget the spirit stirring songs, showing
their union in heart and hand to defend the soU of
the state from the invading foe. They caught the
feehng and the words of their brethren at the south
and west, and prolonged, as in echo, the chorus,
whUe at their labors —
" Better not invade,
Yankees have the marrow."
Nevertheless, they welcomed the return of peace
with every demonstration of joy. The news reach
ed here on the 12th day of February, 1815. The
beUs and cannon proclaimed the tidings, and it is
amusing now to recall to mind the crowds that at
that inauspicious season of the year, were patroUing
the streets, hurrying from place to place, with no
definite object in view. The 13tii was thus spent,
in going from place to place, and from house to
house, merely repeating to each other what aU had
learned the day previous. In the evening, a gene
ral illumination of the town took place. Gradually
the people regained their former sobriety of man
ners and movements, and returned to their wonted
occupations.

GENERAL HISTORY. 379
On the 22d and 23d days of September, 1815,
the town was visited with one of the most destruc
tive and terrific storms on record. In 1818, the
town appointed Moses Brown, Tristam Burgess,
Samuel Eddy, George Jackson, and John Howland,
a committee to draw up a historical and topographi
cal description of this storm. They never reported.
One of the committee, Mr. Brown, drew up a state
ment in relation to it, a copy of which is now lodg
ed in the Cabinet of the Rhode-Island Historical
Society. The following extracts are made from
that statement :
" The storm of rain commenced on the 22d, from
the N. E. ; moderate through the day, but at night
the wind increased. On the morning of the 23d,
the wind blew with increased severity from the east,
and about 9 A. M. veered to E. S. E., at 10 or be
fore, to S. E., and from this time to half past 11, the
storm was tremendous, and beyond, far beyond, any
in the memory of any man living. Before 12, the
wind veered to S. W. and greatly abated." " The
ebb tide, commencing near an hour before the regu
lar time of high water, relieved the minds of our in
habitants from their apprehension of a more over
whelming calamity." " The damage by the extreme
violence of the wind, extended to driving from their
anchors and fastenings all the vessels, save two or
three, that lay in the harbor and at the wharves ;
some against the bridge with such force as to open
a free passage for others to follow to the northern
extremity of the cove above the bridge, to the num-
bef of between thirty and forty, of various descrip-

380 GENERAL HISTORY.
tions from five hundred tons, downwards." " Other
ships and smaller vessels were lodged below the place
of the bridge, on each side of the river, on the
wharves. Scarcely a store that stood below Weybos
set bridge, on both sides the river, round the harbor
to India bridge, but what was damaged or entirely
broken to pieces. Many houses and barns were
blown down by the excessive violence of the wind,
and many others removed or broken by the height of
the tide and violence of the waves ; by which India
Point bridge and the east and lower end of central
bridge, were carried off, and by their joint influence
the Second Baptist meeting-house on the west side
of the river was destroyed from its foundation."
" The wind alone blew down, unroofed and damaged
many houses that stood out of the reach of the wa
ter." " A number of persons were wounded, and
two lost their lives, David Butler and Reuben Wins
low." " A sloop of about sixty tons floated across
Weybosset-street and lodged in Pleasant-street, her
mast standing above and she by the side of a three
story brick house." "The amount of damage in this
town has never been ascertained, but was estimated
to be near a million of dollars." " The violence of
the wind was such as to take up the spray of the sea
water and waft it through the air to that degree as
to appear on glass windows, salt to the taste, forty
miles in the country, even to Worcester." "On
measuring the height of the tide from a weU known
mark of the highest tide ever before known by our
oldest people, this tide of 1815, appeared to be seven
feet and five inches higher than any before known

GENERAL HISTORY. 381
by them." It must continue to be matter of deep
regret that this committee had not been appointed
earher. They might then have collected many
particulars not now included in this statement, and
even at the time of their appointment, it is probable,
more facts would have been gleaned up, if the com
mittee had been composed of any one of the several
gentlemen appointed on it.
The escape of one individual w as almost miraculous.
In the early part of the forenoon of the 23d, William
Aplin went on board a vessel in which he was interest
ed, then lying at a wharf in the southerly part of the
town, to render her situation more secure, by getting
other fasts from her to the wharf. He succeeded in
this, and with such effect, that, in a short time, she
raised the wharf, which was of wood, and together
with parts of it was on her way up the river, to the
cove. Mr. ApHn was not aware of any danger, tiU
his vessel was in the middle of the stream. The
wind carried her over to the west side of the river,
and against a schooner which lay there moored.
Here he endeavored to reach the shore, and jumped
on board the schooner, and from her toward a pile
of bricks on the wharf. A sudden movement of the
vessel prevented his reaching the bricks, and he fell
short, even, of the wharf, and into the stream. Though
a very athletic man, and aij expert swimmer, in vain
were his attempts to stem the current. He yielded
to dice necessity, and amidst the ruins of buildings
and wharves, contents of stores and lumber yards,
he pursued his course up stream, sometimes as
tride a stick of timber, and at other times div-

382 GENERAL HISTORY.
ing beneath the floating mass to avoid danger.
In his course, with unsurpassed presence of mind, he
took off his hat, coat, vest and boots. He com
menced taking off his pantaloons, but flnaUy replac
ed them. He landed near where the state prison is
now located, so chilled with his exposure, and so
severely bruised and injured, as to be unable for
some time to move.
It is not possible for any but an eye witness to
have a full conception of the dangers Mr. ApHn es
caped. " The great storm" is stiU referred to as a memo
rable event. Individuals suffered great damage
from it, almost every wharf being swept of its stores.
This circumstance opened the way however, for new
and commodious streets and new and more elegant
stores. South Water-street and South West Water-
street, date their origin after this — Canal-street was
opened soon after. The same event removed some of
the ancient boundaries of the cove. The inhabitants
were always ahve to the preservation ofthis sheet of
water, which adds so much to the health and beauty
of the town. They appointed a committee to es
tabhsh anew the dividing line between the public,
and the proprietors of the adjoining lands, and to
render further aggression on the part of individuals
impossible, a street was laid out around its borders.
Circumstances have delayed the completion of this
street even to the present time. It is stiU however
looked forward to as a measure highly advantageous
to the public. That part of it which was pai-aUel to
Market and Westminster-streets was soon finish-

« GENERAL HISTORY. 383
ed, for individuals saw their pecuniary interests in
volved in its completion. That required the erec
tion of a new bridge across the river near Weybos
set. This was completed in 1828. It was built by
the Providence Washington Insurance Company.
At the same time another bridge adjoining the estate
of that company connecting the new bridge with the
old Weybosset bridge was built by them. Weybosset
bridge was rebuilt about the same time, and consid
erable addition made to its width. The present
(1843) bridge was erected in 1839, at a cost exceed
ing ^25,000. It has now grown to the enormous
width of one hundred and forty feet, yet probably not
more exceeding the wants of the present city than
did one of the earliest eighteen feet bridges the wants
of the town as it then was.
In the summer of 1817, President Munroe, made
his tour of the Eastern States. In expectation of
his arrival at Providence, the citizens appointed a
committee consisting of the town council, Richard
Jackson, jr. Thomas P. Ives, James BurriU, jr. James
Fenner, Edward Carrington, Samuel G. Arnold,
Jeremiah B. Howell, Caleb Earle, WiUiam Church
and John Carlile, to make the arrangements "which
wUl best evince the high respect we have for the
person and character of the chief magistrate of the
United States." He arrived here on Monday, June
30, in the steamer Firefly. The ringing of the beUs
and firing of cannon proclaimed the unfeigned joy of
the citizens of Providence, at his arrival among them,
and in the evening a partial Ulumination repeated
the welcome. He was escorted to the Golden

384 GENERAL HISTORV. '
BaU Inn by several independent mUitary compan
ies. The next morning, he rode through the prin
cipal streets, of the town on horseback and left, about
eleven o'clock, escorted by the Providence Light
Dragoons. The committee of arrangements presented him
the following address on his arrival.
"Sir — The citizens of Providence beg leave to offer to you
their sincere and cordial congratulations, upon your arrival in
this town. With the most sensible pleasure they again see
among them the first magistrate of the union, under a constitu
tion, the adoption of which they so earnestly desired, to which
they are so devotedly attached, and from the operation of which
they have derived so many advantages ; and have the honor of
presenting their respectful address to you within their own mu
nicipal jurisdiction, as they have before had the satisfaction of
doing to two of your illustrious predecessors.
The time and circumstances of your visit to this part of the
United States, are such as to excite, in every mind, the most
gratifying and patriotic sentiments. A great and free people, in
the full enjoyment of peace and good government, unanimously
bestowing upon their chief magistrate, in his progress through
the country, the unsought and spontaneous expressions of their
good will and confidence, offers unequivocal evidence of general
happiness and freedom, and is a spectacle which no country in
the world, except our own, can now exhibit.
The history of the United States affords the most consoling
assurances, that the attachment of the people to the principles of
liberty and to the blessings oi a tranquil and well ordered gov
ernment, founded upon the will and choice of the majority, arises
upon the rational conviction and experience, and rests upon the
solid foundation, of early and general education, and moral hab
its. The proofs which you every where receive of the respect
and confidence of the people, and of their reverence for our re
publican institutions, must be to your own mind, a source of
the highest satisfaction, and a rich reward for all your arduous la
bors in the public service. May you long continue to receive

GENERAL HISTORY. 385
these rewards, so grateful to your heart, and so honorable to your
character, and to witness the increasing prosperity of the repub
lic to whose service, in the field and in the cabinet, both your
youth and your mature age, have been so faithfully and so suc
cessfully devoted. We have the honor to be with the highest
respect, in behalf of the citizens of the town of Providence, your
most obedient, and very humble servants."
The President's answer was as follows.
" Gentlemen — I receive with great satisfaction, the address
which the citizens of Providence, through their committee, have
been pleased to communicate to me. The pleasure of my jour
ney has been greatly enhanced by the uniform kindness and
promptitude, with which the objects of my visit have been sec
onded by my fellow citizens. Every where in the country, the
reflecting mind cannot fail to observe the blessings of a free gov
ernment. Living under a constitution, which secures equal civil,
religious and political rights to all, it is a great consolation in
administering it, that the people have formed so just an estimate
of its value, and from rational conviction and not from blind pre
judices, are sincerely devoted to its preservation.
I hope that this just confidence in the stability of our govern
ment may continue to increase, and if it does, it cannot fail to
produce the happiest effects, by encouraging a love of our coun
try, and an honest zeal to promote its best and permanent inter
ests. Happy shall I be, if my exertions in the public service
shall be so far successful, that they may assist the industry and
enterprise of my fellow citizens in increasing the general pros
perity. JAMES MONROE.
To the Committee of the town of Providence."
Many advantages result both to rulers and people,
from such a tour as President Munroe's. They de
stroy the unfounded prejudices which each entertain
toward the other, they ameliorate the asperity of
party feelings among the inhabitants of the visited
cities, and they draw more closely the cords o union
which unite the several sections of our common
country. Every visit of any individual produces
49

386 GENERAL HISTORY.
this eflfect in a smaU degree ; but the advantages
resulting from a visit of the head of the nation, can
not be fully appreciated.
The census of 1820, shewed a wholesome in
crease in the population and growth of Providence.
The number of inhabitants on the east side of the
river, was 6627, including 705 colored persons, and
on the west, 5118, including 270 colored persons ;
making a total of 11,745. To those accustomed,
at the present time, to see such a number of for
eigners about the streets of Providence, it wiU
scarcely be beheved, that in 1820, there were but
nine foreigners not naturalized, on the west side of
the river, and thirty on the east ; but the census
shows this to be true. The rapid increase of the
town may be fairly inferred, from the increase of
supplies of fruit and vegetables brought to market
within a few years before this period. On the 5th
of September, 1820, a writer in the Providence
Gazette, states that he counted one hundred and
seven wagons of fruits and vegetables at market ;
and that only six years before, the presence of forty-
nine such wagons at market, was matter of surprise
and remark. Before this, it was not uncommon to
meet persons in the evening, wending their way
through the streets, over the uneven sidewalks, mak
ing sure their steps by the flickering hght of hand
lanterns. This year, public lamps were erected at
the expense of the city, and in 1821, the side-walk
commissioners commenced their herculean labors of
making the rough places smooth and the crooked
straight, in the foot-ways through the town. In

GENERAL HISTORY 387
1 820, a fire hook and ladder company was estab
hshed, and in 1822 a hydrauhon purchased to pro
tect the inhabitants against the ravages of fire.
These several circumstances are brought together,
as evidencing the advance of the town in prosperity
and wealth as well as in population.
In 1824, the General Assembly called the atten
tion of the freemen to the necessity and expediency
of establishing a written constitution for the state.
The freemen of Providence responded to the call,
and appointed Caleb Earle, Edward Carrington,
John Pitman and WiUiam E. Richmond, their dele
gates to the convention entrusted with the formation
of the constitution. The convention met in New
port, in June, and soon perfected their labors. The
constitution adopted by them, was submitted to the
freemen, in their several town meetings in October.
The votes in Providence were 653 in favor of the
constitution and 26 against it. In the state the votes
were 1668 in favor and 3206 against the constitu
tion. Not only reason but prejudice was invoked
to produce this result in the state.
In the summer of 1824, Lafayette again visited
America. The circumstances attending this visit,
and his reception wherever he went, so far as this
country and this man are concerned, repudiate in
gratitude as necessarily and inseparably the vice
of a repubhc. He was every where greeted as the
nation's guest, and the only matter of discussion or
rivalry in regard to him, was, who should do him the
greatest honor. When the news reached Provi
dence, that he had arrived in America, the firing of

388 GENERAL HISTORY.
cannon and the ringing of the bells evinced the joy
of the citizens. A town meeting was called to in
vite him to visit this town, and the town council
and such as they should associate with them, were
appointed a committee of arrangements. As soon
as it was known that he was on his way to the east,
the committee despatched Ephraim Bowen, one of
his old companions in arms, to meet him in Connect
icut. Lafayette reached Providence on the 23d of
August, about noon. He was met at the line of the
town, in Olneyville, by the committee of arrange
ments, and escorted by a very long military and civic
procession, to the court house. The streets through
which he passed were fiUed with citizens, while the
waving handkerchiefs from the whole Hne of win
dows on either side showed that the ladies were not
deficient in gratitude or curiosity. On arriving at
the foot of the state-house parade, on North Main
street, he alighted from his carriage and walked to
the State-house through a double line of girls, dressed
in white, who strewed his path with flowers as he
passed. At the west entrance of the state-house,
stood the old veteran, Capt. Stephen Olney. A
glance from Lafayette assured him of his identity,
and they sprung mutually forward and stood clasped
in each others arms. Their eyes, were not the on
ly ones then dimmed with tears. There was a con
tagion in their tears that extended through the crowd.
He proceeded to the senate chamber, where the Gov
ernor of the state awaited him. Here he received the
multitude of citizens who caUed upon him. After
dinner he reviewed tiie troops that escorted him into

GENERAL HISTORY. 389
the town, and departed for Boston, laden with the
prayers and blessings of this community.
The following address was presented to him on
his arrival at the line of the town, by John CarlUe,
chairman of the committee.
" Sir — The General Committee, consisting of the Town
Council of the town of Providence, and the members of the
State Society of Cincinnati, who are associated with them in
the pleasing duty, beg leave respectfully to address you.
We congratulate you on your pleasant and prosperous voyage
across the Atlantic, and welcome you to the American shore,
and to the town which we represent.
While the friends of liberal principles and good government,
in both hemispheres, have abundant reason to be grateful for
' your disinterested and valuable services in the cause of freedom,
the American people are peculiarly indebted to you, for the zeal
with which you espoused their cause, in the darkest period of
the revolution, and when the hearts of the most sanguine friends
of their independence, were appalled at the dark clouds which
were lowering on their political horizon. The hour of calami
ty is the most certain test of the sincerity of professions. You
espoused the cause of America in such, and, parting from the
endearments of domestic felicity, crossed the wide ocean and
exposed your life, in defence of her liberties. Your military
career was as brilliant as it was serviceable. The confidence
of our beloved Washington was not mis-placed, when bestowed
on you. In all vicissitudes of life, in prosperity and adversity,
in every change of the political state of Europe, the affection
ate regard of the American people has followed you ; the na
tion will never forget your devotion or your services."
To this address Lafayette returned a short and
appropriate reply.
On the 10th of August 1824, died Ebenezer
Knight Dexter, in the 52d year of his age. Re
ference may now be made to him as the bene
factor of the town. When in succeeding time he

390 GENERAL HISTORY
shaU be robbed of this monopoly of praise, he wiU
stUl be entitled to be remembered and respected as
the one who set the first example of liberal munifi
cence to his native town. He was educated a mer
chant, and pursued his business with such strict at
tention and industry, that he was able to retire with
a fortune, when most men begin to think of accu
mulating one. For several years before his death
he bore the office of Marshal for the district of
Rhode-Island ; an office, the duties of which it is
very difficult at any time faithfuUy to discharge, with
out making enemies. He held the office in most in
auspicious times for himself. During the embargo,
non-intercourse and war, his duties were arduous,
and sometimes directly contravening the wishes and
the interests of a large portion of this community.
Yet he so carefully and skUfuUy managed, that he
lost not the esteem and respect of his fellow towns
men, nor the confidence of the government. By
his last wiU and testament he gave the greater part
of his property, amounting as it was estimated to
;^60,000, to his native town, to be appropriated to
the support of the poor. The freemen in town
meeting on the 22d day of November, passed the
following resolution.
" Whereas, the late Ebenezer Knight Dexter, Esq., our la
mented fellow citizen, actuated by a spirit of munificence and
benevolence, worthy of all praise and honorable to the commun
ity of which he was a member, did in and by his last will and
testament, after providing for individual objects of his attach
ment, constitute this his native town his residuary devisee and
legatee of the estates real and personal, wherewith it pleased Di
vine Providence to bless him, in this life, by means of which

GENERAL HISTORY. 391
most liberal donation a very large and efficient fund, under the
conditions of said will, remains at the disposal and control of
this town, for effecting the judicious intentions of the said deceas
ed, and especially ameliorating the condition of the unfortunate
poor, for whose comfortable support and permanent and credit
able relief, it appears to have been a principal object of the tes
tator in his bounty, to provide ; and whereas, an act evincive of
such generous attachment to the interests of his surviving fellow
citizens, and of such tender concern for the cause of suffering
humanity, ought to be met by the most open and sincere ac
knowledgment and acceptance ;
It is therefore resolved, by the freemen of the town of Provi
dence, in legal town meeting assembled, more than forty freemen
of said tovvn being present, that they, the said freemen of said
town, for themselves and their successors, will and do hereby ac
cept of the said donation, so devised and bequeathed to them,
in their corporate capacity, by the said Ebenezer Knight Dex
ter, Esq., deceased, according to the provisions of the said last
will and testament, and subject to all and every the conditions
thereof: That they receive this affecting testimonial of the re
gard and confidence of their departed townsman, with a deep, a
orrateful and a lasting sense of their obligations to him, for a
bounty so important in its extent, originating in his own free and
unsolicited will, and consecrated to purposes, so exalted and
beneficial : That while they cherish his memory, with a pleasing
reference to such traits of his character as claim the respect of
those who remember him, and of those, who in future time shall
hear of him, they will not forget that he has meritoriously ac
quired the titles of a public benefactor and a friend of the un
fortunate ; and that they will take pride in connecting with his
name the recollection, that in the bosom of their community
was born and lived and died, a citizen of such large and saga
cious views, who, by the energy of his benevolence, and the in
fluence of his example, has accomplished so much to render his
existence a blessing to generations yet to come — a citizen who
in the last solemn act of his life, in the progress of that scene
which crowns the character of man and tries the secrets of his
heart, evinced, that he learned the true val,ue and highest use of

392 GENERAL HISTORY,
those riches, which it sometimes pleases the Disposer of all good,
to make the fruit of industry and prudence, and to bless, as
means of effecting good will to man.
And it is further resolved, that the conditions under which
the said donation to the town of Providence is, in and by the
said last will and testament, devised and bequeathed, are alto
gether judicious and just, and as such are accepted, and ought
to be performed by said town ; and the faith of the said town of
Providence is hereby solemnly pledged to the true and just per
formance of the said conditions, in every particular thereof, ac
cording to the provisions of said last will and testament."
They directed the property to be kept distinct
from the other property and funds of the town, by
the town treasurer, and the fund to be denominated
the Dexter Donation ; to be under the immediate
direction of not more than five commissioners, to be
called the Commissioners of the Dexter Donation.
Immediate measures were taken to erect an Asy
lum for the Poor, in pursuance of the wiU of Mr.
Dexter. In January 1826, Isaac Brown, Caleb
Earle and Truman Beckwith, were appointed the
building committee, under whose superintendence
the asylum was completed, in a style honorable to
the town that appointed them, and in accordance
with the views of Mr. Dexter. The sum expended
by the town in that work, exceeded ^43,000. It
was completed in 1830. It is located on a range of
high land, about half a mile northeasterly from the
market-house, a spot selected by Mr. Dexter himself,
for that purpose. The building fronts the south,
and is 170 feet in lengtii. It is in three sections —
a centre and two wings. The centre section is fifty
feet front, by fifty-five from front to rear, projecting
in advance of the wings, ten feet. The other two

GENERAL HISTORY. 393
sections are each sixty feet by forty-five. The centre
basement is of granite, in courses, and the basement
of the wings of natural faced stone. Above the
basement, the walls are of brick, crowned with an
eave cornice of freestone. The wings are two sto
ries, with an attic ; the centre, three stories, with
a pediment in front and rear. A corridor divides
the building lengthwise through the centre, in each
story, and a transept corridor divides the centre
section, extending from front to rear, making
four spacious rooms in each story of this section.
Each wing in each story, is divided into six rooms.
The kitchen is in the centre basement ; the base
ment of the east wing, on the south side of the
corridor, is divided into store rooms, and ceUs for
the confinement of the inmates of the institution
for disorderly conduct ; the north side of the cor
ridor contains a fiiel, furnace and washing room.
In the basement of the west wing, is an eating room,
a pantry, with a fuel and furnace room. In the third
story of the centre section, is a chapel, fifty-one by
forty-six feet. The architectural character of the
building is Roman-Doric. From the roof of the
centre section, rises a fine proportioned lanthorn or
cupola, crowned with a ball and vane. The front
of the building is Hghted by 69 windows. Mr. John
H. Greene was the architect. The mason work was
executed by Messrs. Fisher & Andrews. The plot of
ground on which the Asylum stands, contains about
forty acres. Mr. Dexter directed in his wUl that this lot
should be surrounded with a stone wall, three feet thick
50

394 GENERAL HISTORY.
at the surface of the ground, and eight feet high. The
directions of the testator were scrupulously adhered
to, in this particular. The wall was finished in 1 840,
in a style honorable to the city. It is 6220 feet in
length, contains 7840 cords of stone, and cost about
^22,000. The Asylum began to be occupied in the latter
part of the summer of 1 828. Mr. Gideon Palmer
was then appointed master of the institution, which
place he has ever since held, by annual appointment.
The number of paupers at first received into it, was
sixty-four, including five chUdren. This number has
been graduaUy increasing. In 1842, the number
was one hundred and three, including fifteen children.
The expenses, including salaries, for the ye'ar ending
December 31, 1842, over and above aU receipts from
the house and farm, was about ^5500. Such of the
inmates as are able to work, are required to labor
for the city. .But experience has shown, that those
who cannot support themselves out of the Asylum,
contribute but little towards their support while in
it. If there were no saving in expense to the city
over the old system, which there clearly is, it is
abundantly evident, that the wants of the poor and
impotent are better supphed, and that the decHning
years of poverty-stricken age are here robbed of
many sorrows. About one-fourth of the inmates of
the Asylum, is upon an average, insane. WhUe this
adds materially to the expense, it diminishes in a
greater ratio, the comforts which the poor have a
right to derive from this institution. Each class re
quires distinct and opposite rules of disciphne and

GENERAL HISTORY.

395

government. In an institution, the main design of
which is to provide for the wants of the poor, little
can be done toward improving the condition of the
insane. They can be kept there, but if more is
looked for it wiU be looked for in vain.
In April 1827, a public meeting of citizens friend
ly to the promotion of temperance, was holden at
the First Baptist meeting-house. This was the first
temperance movement in Providence. Several res
olutions were passed, which fell far short of total ab
stinence from intoxicating drinks. Some good un
doubtedly arose from the measures then taken.
They were the commencement of a series of meas
ures which have resulted in a great reformation in
society. Perhaps they went as far as the citizens of
the town, with their information on the subject, were
wilHng to go, and as far as pubhc opinion then re
quired they should go. Since then, in accordance
with the same public opinion, enlightened by expe
rience, great strides have been taken in reclaiming
the drunkard, and in preserving the temperate. The
temperance societies probably number more mem
bers than any other association. In " the Rhode-
Island State Total Abstinence Society," formed Jan
uary 6th, 1841, there were, in December, 1842, ris
ing 30,000 members. " The City Temperance So
ciety" formed November 1, 1836, contained 1380
members. " The Providence Washington Total
Abstinence Society," formed July 8th, 1841, con
tained 3085." " The Young Men's Washington Total
Abstinence Society," formed July 9th, 1841, con
tained 230, " The Sixth Ward Washington Total

396 GENERAL HISTORY.
Abstinence Society," formed April 8th, 1842, con
tains 300, and " The Marine Washington Total Ab
stinence Society," formed Aug. 29th, 1842, contain
ed about 60. In each of these societies the members
are pledged to total abstinence from every thing
which intoxicates. The influence of this great body
of total abstinents is already felt. Scattered as they
are through aU the ranks and gradations in society,
they exert a controUing power over many who have
not taken the pledge.
In 1830, the population had increased to 16,832 ;
in 1826 it was 16,941. The increase of inhabitants,
the consequent difficulty of holding town meetings,
and injudicious expenditures of pubhc money, in
duced some of the freemen to propose a change in the
form of the municipal government of the town. In
AprU 1 829 the proposition to adopt a city form of
government \^as agreed to by the freemen, by a vote
of 312 to 222. The General Assembly of the state,
in January 1830, granted a city charter, with a pro
vision that it should again be referred to the freemen,
and unless again adopted by three-flfths of the per
sons voting, should not go into operation. The
smaU majority in favor of it at first, undoubtedly led
to the introduction of this provision. On the 16th
of February, the freemen gave in their ballots on
the question, 383 for the charter, and 345 against it.
Probably the town government, having withstood
this attack, would have existed some years longer
had it not been for " the riot," as it is caUed, in
September 1831. The scenes here alluded to, wiU
not soon be forgotten by any who witnessed them.

GENERAL HISTORY. 397
The first outbreak of popular feehng was on the
night of September 21st. A number of saUors vis
ited Olney's lane, for the purpose of having a row
with the blacks, inhabiting there. After making a
great noise there and throwing stones, a gun was
fired from one of the houses. The greater part of the
persons in the lane then retreated to the west end
of it, and five saUors who had not been engaged in
any of the previous transactions, went up the lane.
A black man on the steps of his house, presented a
gun, and told them to keep their distance. They
in turn proposed taking his gun. This they did not
attempt, but pursuing their walk a little further, then
stopped. Here they were ordered by the black man
^' to clear out," or he would fire at them. This
they dared him to do. He did fire, and one of their
number was instantly kiUed. The first company
who were stiU at the foot of the lane, then returned,
tore down two houses and broke the windows of the
rest. During the next day there was a great excite
ment. The sheriflf of the county with other peace
officers, were in Olney's lane early in the evening.
As the mob increased in numbers and in violence
of language, they were ordered to disperse, and
seven 'taken in custody. Subsequently others were
arrested, who were rescued from the officers. The
sheriff" then required mUitary aid, of the Governor
of the state, and at midnight the First Light Infan
try marched to his assistance. The mob, not intim
idated by their presence, assaulted them with stones.
Finding that they could eff'ect nothing without firing
upon them, the soldiers left the lane, foUowed by

398 GENERAL HISTORY.
the mob, who then returned to their work and de-
moHshed six more houses in the lane and one near
Smith street, not separating untU between three and
four o'clock in the morning. On the morning of the
23d, an attack on the jaU being expected, the sheriflf
required military aid, and the Governor issued his
orders to the Light Dragoons, the ArtUlery, the Ca
dets, the Yolunteers, and the First Infantry, to be in
arms at six o'clock in the evening. The mob ap
peared only in smaU force and did littie mischief —
The military were dismissed untU the next evening.
On the evening of the 24th, there was a great col
lection of persons in Smith street and its vicinity.
Soon they commenced pulling down houses. Upon
this, finding it impossible to disperse or stay them,
the sheriff caUed again on the governor, and the mU
itary were again assembled. During their march
to Smith stneet they were assailed with stones. — ¦
They marched up Smith street and took post on the
hiU. Here both the Governor and the sheriff re
monstrated with the mob, and endeavored to induce
them to separate, informing them that the muskets
of the military were loaded with ball cartridges. —
This being ineffectual, the riot act was read and they
were required by a peace officer to disperse. The
mob continued to throw stones both at tiie houses and
soldiers. The sheriff then attempted to disperse
them by marching the Dragoons and Infantry among
them, but without success. He then ordered the mil-
itary to fire, and four persons fell, mortally wounded,
in Smith street, just east of Smith's bridge. The
mob immediately dispersed and peace was restored.

GENERAL HISTORY. 399
During these four evenings, eight houses in Ol
ney's Lane, and nine near Smith-street, in Snow-
Town, were destroyed or injured. On Sunday
morning, the 25th, a town meeting was holden. It
met at the Town House, but so great was the crowd,
that it adjourned to the State House parade.
Here several resolutions, lamenting the occasion
which had made recourse to the military necessary
to the civil officers, sympathising with the friends
and relatives of the deceased, and approbating the
course of the civU magistrates on the occasion, were
passed with great unanimity. A large committee
was appointed to prepare and publish a correct
statement of facts relative to the riots ; and it is
from their report that the facts above stated were
gathered. Believing the whole evil to have arisen
from the inefficiency of a town government, at a
town meeting holden on the fifth day of October,
the freemen, without a dissenting voice, resolved
that it was expedient to adopt a city form of gov
ernment. They appointed a committee to draft a
charter, consisting of John Whipple, Caleb Williams,
WiUiam T. GrinneU, Peter Pratt, George Curtis and
Henry P. Franklin. This committee reported on
the 12th of the same month. The meeting then
adjourned to the 22d to take the opinions of the free
men by ballot, on that day, resolving that if three-
fifths should vote in its favor, that then the represen
tatives of the town should be instructed to urge the
passage of an act of the General Assembly, grant
ing the same. On the 22d, 646 freemen voted, 471
for, and 175 against, the change. The representa-

400 GENERAL HISTORY.
tives of the town, therefore, according to their in
structions, presented the subject to the consideration
of the Assembly. Some citizens living in the west
erly part of the town, preferred their petition to the
same session, praying that if the city charter should
be granted, it should extend no further westward
than Broad-street ; and that the rest of the town
might be set off and formed into another town.
Under these circumstances, the General Assembly
granted the charter, to go into effect on the first
Monday in June 1832, if three-fifths of the freemen
voting, at a town meeting to be holden on the 22d
of November then next, should be in favor of it.
On the 22d of November, 647 freemen voted on the
question, 469 for, and 188 against, the city charter.
Thus was sealed the death warrant of the town of
Providence. The city of Providence rose from its
ashes ; and our warmest aspirations are, that she
may continue* to increase in wealth, population and
respectability. The first election of City Officers was holden on
the fourth Monday in AprU, 1832. Samuel W.
Bridgham, Esq. was elected Mayor, which office he
held by successive elections, without opposition, un
tU his death, in December 1839. He was succeed
ed by the present Mayor, Thomas M. Burgess, Esq.
The Aldermen first elected were
Dexter Thurber, 1st Ward. William T. GrinneU, 4th Ward.
Charles Holden, 2d Ward. Henry R. Greene, 5th Ward.
John H. Ormsbee, 3d Ward. Asa Messer, 6th Ward.
Since that time the following persons have holden
that office.

GENERAL HISTORY.

401

Anthony Hezekiah, Dunwell John, Phillips John F.
Barker William C. Holden Thomas R. Williams Caleb
Cady Joseph, Martin Sylvanus G. Wheaton James,
Clifford Benjamin, Newel Stanford,
The board of Aldermen elected in June 1842, is
composed of

Edward P. Knowles, 1st Ward.
Thomas B. Fenner, 2d Ward.
Richmond Bullock, 3d Ward.

Thomas C. Hoppin, 4th Ward.
Phinehas Potter, 5th Ward.
Robert Knight, 6th Ward.

The Common CouncU first elected, consisted of
the foUowing named persons.

FIRST WARD.
Thomas R. Holden,
Jesse Metcalf,
William R. Staples,
Peter Daniels.
SECOND WARD.
Isaac Brown,
Samuel Pearson,
Joseph Cady,
Cyrus Fisher.

THIRD WARD.
Joseph S. Cooke,
John Church,
William C. Barker,
Asa Pike.
FOURTH WARD.
Geo. Baker, Presid't.
James M. Warner,
Benj. D. Weeden,
Thomas B. Fenner.

FIFTH WARD.
Samuel Jackson, 2d.
Hezekiah Anthony,
Pardon Clark,
William Tallman.
SIXTH WARD.
Caleb Williams,
William Olney,
Thomas Seekell,
Sterry Baker.

The following persons have also held that office

since.Angell Dexter,
Ames Samuel,
Andrews David,
Anthony James G.
Anthony Henry,
Angell Daniel,
Brown James,
Brown John D.
Bowen George W.
Burrows John R.
Curtis George,
Cook Benoni,
Cowing Martin K.
Carpenter Ebenezer,
Cranston Barzillai,
Carpenter Earl,
Everett Amherst,
Eddy John S.
Field Daniel,
Fletcher Thomas, 51

Foster William,
Gould John,
Greene Simon H.
Grant Joseph,
Godfrey Christo. C
Gurney Austin,
Gardiner Peleg W.
Gillmore Joseph F
Ham William,
Hughes John L.
Hill George,
Hudson Horatio G.
Hoppin William W.
Johnson Oliver,
Jackson Geo. W.
Knowlton Erastus F
Knowles Edward P.
Larcher John,
Martin Stephen,

Mason Amasa,
Mason Nathan,
Miller William,
Mallett Edward J.
Potter Roger W.
Pabodie William,
Phillips John F.
Potter Phinehas,
Padelford Seth,
Smith William A.
Stimson John J.
Spencer Christo. V.
Sweet Jesse B.
Steere Enoch,
Trumbull Henry,
.Thornton William L.
Veazie Joseph,
Willard Hezekiah,
Young Edward R.

402

GENERAL HISTORY.

The Common CouncU elected in June 1842, is
composed of the following persons.

FIRST WARD.
Isaac Thurber,
Joseph G. Metcalf,
Stephen T. Olney,
Jabez Gorham.
SECOND W.ARD.
William Andrews,
James M. Earle,
William P. Bullock,
William S. Patten.

THIRD WARD.
William Viall,
John D. Jones,
Eben Wade,
Willard W.Fairbanks
FOURTH W.iRD.
Daniel T. Goodhue,
Shubael Hutchins,
Edward S. Williams,
Amos D. Smith.

FIFTH WARD.
James C. Bucklin,
Bradford Hodges,
Henry S. Hazard,
Samuel James.
SIXTH WARD.
Duty Greene,
Israel G. Manchester,
James E. Butts,
Mnason Allen.

CHAPTER SEVENTH.
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
It is intended in this chapter to embody a suc
cinct account of the rise, progress and state of
each religious society in Providence, at the adop
tion of the city charter. To obtain the facts neces
sary for this purpose, the author addressed a cir
cular to the pastors of the various churches, craving
their aid and assistance in the matter. In most in
stances, the answers received have supplied the de
sired information, and in some, almost the very lan
guage of the answers is preserved. Where none
were received, recourse was had to printed histories,
where such existed, and to oral communications with
the clergymen, officers and old members of the so
cieties. I have designed to arrange the sketches in
chronological order, dating each society at the time
it first met as a distinct church.

There can be Httle doubt, as to what were the re-
Hodous tenets of the first settlers of Providence. At
the time of their removal here, they were members
of Plymouth and Massachusetts churches. Those
churches, as it respects government, were Independ
ent or Congregational, in doctrine, moderately Cal
vinistic and with regard to ceremonies, Pedobap-

404 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
tists. The settlers of Providence, did not cease to
be members of those churches, by their removal,
nor did the fact of their being members, constitute
them a church, after it. They could not form them
selves into a church of the faith and order of the
Plymouth and Massachusetts churches, until dismis
sed from them ; and after such dismissal, some cove
nant or agreement among themselves was necessary
in order to effect it. That they met for pubhc wor
ship is beyond a doubt ; but such meetings, though fre
quent and regular, would not make them a church.
Among the first thirteen, were two ordained minis
ters, Roger WUliams and Thomas James. That they
preached to the settlers is quite probable, but there is
no evidence of any intent to form a church, previous
to March 1639. When they did attempt it, they had
ceased to be Pedobaptists, for Ezekiel Holyman,
a layman, had baptized Roger Williams, by immer
sion, and Mr. WUliams afterwards, had baptized Mr.
Holyman and several others of the company, in the
same manner. By this act they disowned the
churches of which they had been members, and for
this, they were soon excommunicated, by those
churches. After being thus baptized, they formed
a church and called Mr. WiUiams to be their pastor.
This was the first church gathered in Providence. It
has continued to the present day, and is now known as
THE FIRST BAPTIST CHURCH.
Copious extracts from the early records of this
church, are to be found, in the first volume of Ben
edict's History of the Baptists. Previous to 1775,
the records were very irregular and scanty, Mr. Stan-

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 405
ford, who was then preaching for this church, spent
much time and labor in reducing them to their pres
ent order. He derived ttiuch assistance from the col
lections that had been made a few years previous, by
Morgan Edwards of PhUadelphia, for a History of
the Baptists in America. One volume of Mr. Ed
wards' coUection, is now in the possession of the
R. I. Historical Society. The following particulars
in relation to the succession of pastors, up to the de
cease of Dr. Gano, is derived from Mr. Benedict's
History. Mr. WiUiams held the pastoral office about four
years, and then resigned the same. Mr. Holyman
was his coUeague. His successors were Chad Brown
and WiUiam Wickenden, the first ordained in 1642
and the other, by Mr. Brown.
Gregory Dexter succeeded Mr. Wickenden. —
He had been a preacher of the Baptist denomi
nation before he came to New-England. Tho
mas Olney, who succeeded Mr. Dexter, is said
to have been born in Hertford, England, about
1631, and to have arrived in Providence in 1654.
He withdrew and formed a separate church, which
continued but a short time. The ground of diff'er-
ence was, the necessity of the laying on of hands.
His successor. Pardon TiUinghast, came to Pro
vidence, in 1645. Ebenezer Jenckes succeeded
him. He was born in 1669, was ordained in 1719,
and died, pastor, in 1726. James Brown, grand
son of Chad Brown, born in 1666, was next
ordained, and continued pastor till his death, in
1732. Samuel Windsor succeeded Mr. Brown.

406 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY;
He was born in 1677, ordained in 1733, and re
mained in office tUl his death, in 1758. Thomas
BurHngham was coUeague pastor with Mr. Wind
sor, and was ordained at the same time with him.
He left his charge some time before his death, which
was in 1740, to preach to a new church in Crans
ton. Samuel Windsor, son of the preceding Sam
uel, was next in office. He was born November 1,
1722, and ordained June 21, 1759. About the year
1770, he made repeated complaints to the church,
, that his duties were too arduous for him to perform,
and requested them to give him an assistant. The
church acceded to his request, and John Sutton was
invited to preach as his assistant, which he did for six
months. After he left, James Manning, President of
Rhode-Island College, removed to Providence with
that institution. He was requested, soon after his re
moval, to preach to this society, after which, the pastor
invited him to partake of the communion with the
church. His acceptance of this invitation gave of
fence to some of the church members. Several
church meetings were subsequently holden, at which
President Manning's privilege of communion was
repeatedly confirmed, Mr. Windsor then exerting
himself against it. The reason assigned for this
opposition was, that the president did not hold im
position of hands to be a pre-requisite to commun
ion, although he himself had submitted to, it, and
administered it to such as desired it. Some attrib
uted the change in Elder Windsor's views, to the
president's "holding to singing in pubhc worship,
which was very disgustful to Mr. Windsor." In

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 407
April 1771, Mr. Windsor presented to the church a
writing, signed by a number of the members, stating
that they were in conscience bound to withdraw
from such as did not " hold strictly to the six principles
of the doctrine of Christ, as laid down in Hebrews
vi. 1,2." In May foUowing, he also withdrew and
joined the Separates. After advising with some
other Baptist churches, this church, in July 1771,
chose President Manning for their pastor. He
accepted the office, and held it until near his death,
in 1791. The general meeting, or Association of
the Baptists, in September 1771, recognized the
church under Mr. Manning, as the old church.
During the life of President Manning, John
Stanford preached some months for this church and
society. Jonathan Maxcy succeeded Mr. Manning in
the charge of the church, and in, the presidency of the
college. He was a graduate of Rhode-Island Col
lege, and has ever been regarded as one of her most
talented sons. After about two years, he, resigned
both offices, and removed to Schenectady, to take
the Presidency of Union CoUege. Subsequently
he was President of Columbia CoUege, South Caro
Hna, which office he held tiU his death.
Rev. Stephen Gano had the charge of this church,
after President Maxcy, for thirty-six years. He was a
native of New- York, born in 1762, and educated a
physician. He received ordination at the age of
twenty-three, and in 1792, removed to Providence
and became pastor of this church. He died in Au
gust 1828, universaUy lamented. No man ever had

408 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
more friends, or warmer ones, than Dr. Gano. If
any of his hearers estimated the pulpit labors of
other ministers above those of their pastor, it was
not because they were supposed to possess more
piety toward God, or more love to man, than he did.
After remaining more than a year and a half with
out a pastor, they united in caUing Robert E.
Pattison to that office. He accepted their call, and
commenced his labors in March 1 830. In August
1 836, his health having become infirm, he resigned
his office, and accepted the Presidency of Water-
viUe CoUege, in Maine.
William Hague, pastor of the First Baptist church
in Boston, was elected to fiU the vacancy caused by
Mr. Pattison's resignation. He entered on his duties
on the 25th day of June, 1837, and remained pastor
until August 1840, when he resigned to take charge
of the Federal- Street church, Boston. During this
period, Mr. Hague was absent eight or nine months,
in Europe, for the improvement of his health.
The church being again without a pastor, and
Mr. Pattison having in the mean while resigned
the Presidency of Waterville CoUege, he was a sec
ond time caUed to the pastoral office, and resumed
his duties in AprU 1841. In February 1842, he was
appointed one of the Corresponding Secretaries of
the Baptist Board of Foreign Missions, and at the
earnest solicitations of several friends of the mis
sion, he accepted the appointment, after having a
second time tendered to the church his resignation
as their pastor, to take effect after the first Sunday
in April 1 842. The vacancy caused by this resig-

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 409
nation had not been permanentiy filled, in Septem
ber following.
Most of the preceding statements are founded on
the records of the church. Other sources of infor
mation have been resorted to. Where that infor
mation diflfers from the record, the diflference wiU
now be given, together with such other facts in re
lation to this church, as have been collected from aU
sources whatever. The record states that Mr.
Williams held the pastoral office about four years.
A letter of Richard Scott, appended to " A New-
England Fire-Brand Quenched," and published
about 1673, states that Mr. Williams left the Baptists
and turned Seeker, a few months after he was bap
tized. Mr. Scott was a member of the Baptist
church for some time, but at the date of this letter,
had united with the Friends. According to Mr.
Williams' new views as a Seeker, there was no reg
ularly constituted church on earth, nor any person
authorized to administer any church ordinance, nor
could there be, untU new apostles should be sent by
the Great Head of the church, for whose coming he
was seeking. He was not alone in these opinions.
Many, in his day, believed that the ministry and or
dinances of the christian church were irretrievably
lost, during the papal usurpation. It has been sup
posed, by some, that Mr. WUHams held these opin
ions whUe in Massachusetts, and that this was the
reason he denied the church of England to be a true
church, and withdrew from his connexion with the
Salem church. Aside from the statement of Mr.
Scott, above quoted, that Mr. Wilhams turned Seek-
52

410 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
er, after he joined the Baptists and walked with
them some months, the supposition is shown to be
groundless, by his administering baptism in Provi
dence, as before stated, and joining with the first
Baptist church there. These acts he could not have
performed, had he then been a Seeker.
Mr. Holyman may have succeeded Mr. WiUiams,
after this change in his views, but it is quite improb
able that so smaU a society as this must have been,
would have needed two pastors, at the same time.
Mr. Holyman removed to Warwick soon after Jan
uary 1643. His proposed removal may weU
account for the ordination of Chad Brown in
1642. There were two Baptist churches in Providence,
as early as 1652 ; one of the six, and the other of
the five, principle Baptists. This appears from a
manuscript diary kept by John Comer, a Baptist
preacher, in Newport. The diary is now in the pos
session of that gentleman's descendants, in War
ren. It states that one of the members -of the first
Baptist church in Newport, " came to Providence,
and received imposition of hands from William
Wickenden, pastor of a church there, lately separa
ted from the church under Thomas Olney," and that
Mr. Wickenden and Gregory Dexter, returned to
Newport with him, and that the same ordinance
was administered to several others, who in 1656,
withdrew from the first church in Newport, and form
ed a new church, " holding general redemption, and
admitting to communion, only those who had sub
mitted to imposition of hands." The records of the

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 41 1
church make Mr. Dexter the successor of Mr. Wick
enden, and Thomas Olney, the successor of Mr.
Dexter. They also state, that Mr. Olney was born
in 1631, and came to Providence in 1664. Now,
the records of the to\yn shew, that Thomas Olney,
senior, came to Providence about 1638. He was
there baptized, with his wife, about 1639. They
had a son Thomas, who came with them, a minor,
and who was afi;erwards town, clerk, for many years.
He is probably the person referred to in the church
records. Dr. Styles states, in his manuscript itine
rary, that in 1774, he conversed with John AngeU,
then aged 83, who told him that his mother was
daughter of Gregory Dexter, and that Mr. Dexter
was the first Baptist elder of the six principle church.
There is in the cabinet of the Historical Society, a
letter from Governor Jenckes, dated March 19, 1730,
which contains some facts as to the succession and
religious tenets of the elders of this church. From
this, it appears, that one Dr. John Walton, formerly
a practising physician in the county, was then
preaching to a Baptist church in Providence. He,
it seems, was in favor of singing in public worship.
The governor was his intimate friend. He says,
" as to his singing of psalms, I have heard him say,
he would not urge it as a duty, on the church." Dr.
Walton expected some allowance by way of Contri
bution, for his services. The governor writes on
this point, " Elder TiUinghast taught, that a pastor
might receive, by way of contribution, although for
his own part, he would tcflce nothing:" It seems
further, from the same letters, that Dr. Walton op-

412 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
posed the laying on of hands, if " performed to ob
tain the extraordinary gifts of the Holy Ghost," and
that he thought the want of it ought not to be a bar
to communion with those who were rightly baptized.
Governor Jenckes adds, " at first, in the Baptist
churches in this colony, those under laying on of
hands continued fellowship with those who were not,
until one taught that laying on of hands was a doc
trine of devils ; then there arose a separation." Here
he evidently refers to Mr. Olney. After Mr. Olney's
death and after a meeting-house had been built, it is
probable, only one meeting was kept up, and one
church, under Mr. TUlinghast — that Mr. Jenckes
succeeded Mr. TilHnghast, neither of them insisting
so strongly on the points of former diflference as they
would have done, had there been a society of oppo
site sentiments in the same town with them. After
Mr. Jenckes' death, while Dr. Walton was preach
ing, other differences led them to stir again, the old
embers of contention. Mr. James Brown succeeded
him. What were his principles appears from the fol
lowing certiflcate.
May 25, 1732. Whereas there was a meeting appointed by
some of the Baptist church of Providence this present day, at
Elder James Brown's, the few of us that have met together to
reconcile this woful breach or division that has happened of late,
about the bounds of our communion, we think it needful to bear
each others' burdens, and so fulfil the law of Christ. The dif
ference between us is this, that some of us have bore with lar
ger communion than others. We shall endeavor, by the help of
God, not to offend our brethren in this thing, nor any thing
whereby it shall offend theiroconsciences, but shall endeavor to
be a building up of peace and tranquility within the spiritual
walls of Jerusalem. We do all further agree, that there be no

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 413
contradictions, but that we may all speak the same things, for as
we all agree and allow the six principles in Heb. vi. 1. 2. to be
the doctrine of Christ and to be the bounds of our communion,
so we ought to be of one body and not tearing one another to
pieces. We further agree that if any brother or sister shall join
in prayer without the bounds of the church, they are liable to be
dealt with by the church for their offending their brethren.
Samuel Fisk, Edward Manton,
Joshua Windsor, James Brown,
Elder Place, Samuel Windsor,
Thomas Burlingame jr. Thomas Olney,
James King, James Brown, jr.
John Dexter, Joseph Sheldon,
John Dexter, jr. Ebenezer Jenckes,
Jonathan Jenckes, Elisha Greene,
Nicholas Sheldon, Daniel Sheldon,
Benjamin Carpenter, Joseph Williams, jr.
Edward Fenner, Daniel Sweet,
Edward Mitchel, - Daniel Fisk.
Samuel Windsor, whose name is attached to the
foregoing certificate, was probably the first pastor
of that name. If so, his sentiments are also known.
The sentiments of the second Mr, Windsor ap
pear in his note sent to the church, about the time
of the division, in 1771.
Mr. Edwards, in the volume of his collections,
before referred to, gives the foUowing as the succes
sion of pastors in this church. Roger Williams,
from the establishment of the church, until he left
the colony for England, in 1643, and that he then
resigned it to Messrs. Brown and Wickenden. Mr.
Holyman was his assistant. Mr. Chad Brown died
between 1660 and 1665, leaving the church in
charge of his colleague. Messrs. Dexter, Tillinghast,
James Brown, Jenckes, Windsor, BurHngham, Wind-

414 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
sor and Manning, successively held the same office,
but the times of their appointments are not given
with any exactness. Thomas Olney, it is there
said, withdrew from the church with a few others,
in 1654, being dissatisfied with the doctrine of lay
ing on of hands. They formed a new church, which
continued its separate existence untU 1715, when
Mr. Olney resigned the care of it.
It wiU be seen that there is considerable discrep-*
ancy between the several statements here given, as
to the doctrines held by successive pastors of this
church. The reader has before him, all that I have
been able to coUect, upon the subject, from aU
sources. It is stated in the records of the church, as quoted
by Mr. Benedict, that " the church, at first, met for
worship in a grove, unless in wet and stormy weather,
when they assembled in private houses ;" that after
wards. Pardon TilHnghast, " at his own expense,
built the first meeting-house, about the year
1700." This house was situated on the west side
of North Main-street, nearly opposite Star-street.
In 1711, Mr. Tillinghast, in consideration of the
love and good wiU he bore the church, over which
he was then pastor, executed to them and their suc
cessors in the same faith and order, a deed of the
meeting-house and the lot on which it stood. In the
same instrument, he describes the faith and order of
the church to be the same as that now held by the
Six Principle Baptists. The same record of the
church states, that " a larger house was erected in
its place in 1718." This can scarcely be the case.

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 415
for in 1726, they were erecting a house. This ap
pears by their appHcation to the town for leave to
occupy with their new house then building the lot
south of that on which the old house stood. The
request was granted by the town. This house was
raised May 30, 1726, as appears from the following
memoranda, copied from an old account book of
Richard Brown, who, for many years, was clerk of
'the proprietors.
" May the 30th, 1726. The account of what charge I have
been at this day as to the providing a dinner for the people that
raised the Baptist meeting-house in Providence (it being raised
this day) is as followeth.
One fat sheep which weighed 43 lbs. the quarter, .£0,14,04
For roasting the said sheep, &c. 8
For one lb. of butter ? I
For two loaves of bread which weighed 15 lbs. 2
For half a peck of peas 1,03
December the 6th day. To money which I delivered to
Mr. Thomas Olney, "which I gave toward the finishing
said house, 3,13,06"
In 1740, the church had permission of the Gene
ral Assembly, to occupy the court house for meet
ings for pubhc worship. The occasion of the appli
cation does not appear. The house erected in 1726,
was occupied for a meeting house, untU the erec
tion of the one now in use. The old house and lot
was sold by leave of the General Assembly, and the
proceeds invested in the present one. In January
1773, the town granted them a lot, sixteen rods by
twenty, to be laid out in the cove, opposite Steeple
street. It is very doubtful whether they had any
intention of occupying this lot, at the time they appli
ed for the grant of it. The tradition is, that they

416 ECCLESIASTICAL HISlrORY.
then had in view the lot on which their present
house stands, which belonged to John AngeU, and
was improved by him as an orchard. He, they
thought, would not seU it to be used as a site for a
Baptist meeting house, for any consideration. Af
ter the grant of the town to them, they procured
one of the members of the Episcopal church to pur
chase the orchard and convey it to them. They
broke ground for their present house, on the first*
day of June 1774. It was opened for public wor
ship, for the first time, on the 28th day of May 1775,
though it was not completed untU some months af
ter this. This is a wooden structure, eighty feet
square of the Roman-Ionic order of architecture,
having a steeple*at the west end, one hundred and
ninety-six feet high, embelhshed with all the appro
priate ornaments of that order. This house, stand
ing amid the array of meeting houses in Providence,
is not exceUed by any one, in chasteness and beauty
of design, or in manner of execution. Mr. Sumner
was the chief architect. The main floor originaUy
contained one hundred and twenty-six square pews.
The roof and galleries are supported by fluted col
umns. The ceiling over the body of the house is a
continued arch ; over the galleries it is intersected.
The interior was altered in 1834, and some think
improved. The old pulpit and sounding board, to
gether with the square pews, were removed, and an
elegant pulpit of more modern style, and long slips
substituted. Convenience may have been consulted
in these alterations, but the unity of the house was
wholly destroyed by them. The steeple was fur-

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 417
nished with a good clock and beU, both imported
from England. The beU weighed 2515 lbs. and
bore the following motto.
" For freedom of conscience, the town was first planted,
Persuasion, not force, was used by the people.
This church is the eldest, and has not recanted.
Enjoying and granting, bell, temple and steeple."
This beU was split in ringing, in 1787. Jesse
Goodyear afterwards recast it, at Hope Furnace. —
The present bell weighs 2387 lbs. and bears the fol
lowing inscription : " This church was founded
A. D. 1639, the flrst in the state, and the oldest of
the Baptists in America." Great dissatisfaction was
expressed at the tone of this bell when it was first
hung. Some individuals attempted to break it with
a blacksmith's sledge hammer. They exhausted their
rage and strength in breaking a small piece from it.
Either this improved the tone or else taste has chang
ed, for this is now regarded as one of the finest
toned bells in Providence.
In 1774, some of the principal members of this
church and society, obtained a charter of incorpo
ration, under the name of " The Charitable Baptist
Society," in order more readUy to manage their
concerns and property. This corporation is the
legal owner of the meeting house. Some, at first,
thought that the acceptance of such a charter was
a departure from the principles upon which the Bap
tists first started, as it was seeking the aid of law, to
carry on their religious concerns. It was answered,
that they neither sought for, nor would accept, any
power to raise money for the support of public wor
ship, except by voluntary contribution. In 1808,
53

418 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
this society obtained power to tax pews for repairs
of the house, and in 1832, the further power to
raise money, by simUar taxes, for the support of the
ministry. This is not now considered as an infringe
ment of the voluntary principle, " since no one is
thus taxed, except by his own consent."
This church, from its first establishment, never
had any written creed or covenant. They have
ever professed to make the Bible their standard of
faith and practice. It would seem that there has
scarcely been any time when the members were
uniform in their behef. Nor has the faith of the
church as a body, always been the same. Sometimes
it has confessedly leaned toward the Six Principle
and General Baptists, and sometimes toward the
Five Principle and Particular Baptists. To which
side its founder inclined, it is quite impossible to say.
Now it leans towards the particular Baptists.
The power of choosing and setthng the pastor,
is in the church, subject to be controUed by the
Charitable Baptist Society. At the first, it is prob
able, the Pastors received but Httle for their services ,-
and that little was raised by voluntary subscriptions
and contributions. Some even doubted the right
to receive what was so collected. The expenses of
pubhc worship, including salaries of pastors, are
now raised by taxation on pews.
In early times, the question whether singing should
be used in public worship was gravely debated in this
society ; now, they hsten to the swelling notes of an
organ, and it raises no suspicion that they have de
parted from the truth or the ancient faith of their
predecessors.

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 419
For more than a century after the estabhshment
ofthis church, the banks of the Moshassuck and
Wanasquatucket witnessed the burying in baptism
of those who united themselves with it. These
streams were the Jordan, under whose waves they
passed, as they professed, in obedience to the com
mands of the Head of the church. It is questionable
whether some of the early members, if they should
revisit the scenes of their earthly pUgrimage, would
approve of the baptistery, in which converts of later
times profess to foUow the example of their Lord.
They would see in many things, a change, even in
some which they deemed unalterably fixed by the last
testament of their Master,
In 1730, before any towns were set oflf from
Providence, there were at least two other Baptist
churches within its limits ; one in that part subse
quently called Smithfield, estabhshed in 1706, and
the other in that part caUed Scituate, estabhshed in
1726. Several churches have been formed, either
in whole or in part, out of the members of this
church. In addition to those now in Providence,
of which sketches wUl be given in their order, there
were formed churches in Johnston, Cranston, Paw
tucket, Pawtuxet, East-Greenwich, and perhaps
others. StiU this is one of the largest churches in
the state. It numbered, in September 1842, about
five hundred and forty members. This church stiU
retains its ind^ependency. It makes a part of the
Warren Association of Baptists, and looks to it for
advice and counsel.

420 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
THE SOCIETY OF FRIENDS.
The first appearance of Friends in New-England,
was in 1656. In July of that year, two females of
this denomination of christians, arrived at Boston,
from Barbadoes. This event gave rise to the first of
a long succession of cruel and sanguinary laws
against them in the province of Massachusetts, and
in all the other colonies in New-England, excepting
only, the colony of Rhode-Island. They attempted
to compel this colony also to the same course, at a
very early period, as wiU appear by an extract of a
letter written to Mr. Clarke, the agent of the colony
in England, by a committee appointed by the Gene
ral Assembly, November 6, 1668, pubHshed on page
122. That letter shows the character of the early
Friends in New-Ehgland, and the indomitable spirit
of the state, in relation to religious freedom. These
circumstances, combined with others, rendered futUe
the attempts of the other colonies to prevent the in
gress of Friends into their jurisdictions. The
several towns in the colony of Rhode-Island, receiv
ed and comforted them, in their sufferings, and the
consequence was, the adoption of their opinions by
some of the inhabitants of almost every town, at a
very early period. The first person in Providence,
who adopted the principles of Friends, is stated by
tradition to be Richard Scott. He was one of the
early settlers of the town ; at first he joined the Bap
tists, but remained with them but a short time. His
wife Catharine, and two daughters Patience and Ma
ry, were also among the first members of the Friends'
Society. AU three of these suffered corporeal pun-

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 421
ishment in Massachusetts, at an early period, the wife
as early as 1658. One of the daughters subsequent
ly intermarried with Christopher Holder, whose
name appears, more than once, among those who
suflfered corporeal punishment in Massachusetts, as
Friends. That these met together for worship with
such others as agreed' with them in principles, is
highly probable, though there is no direct proof of
the fact. In 1666, Thomas Burnyeate, a Friend
from England, held a meeting at Providence, as ap
pears from his journal. Their numbers increased
both by converts from among their neighbors and
by emigration from the neighboring colonies, to such
a degree, that in 1672 the government of the colony
was in the hands of Friends. This year George
Fox, the founder of the sect, visited the island of
Rhode-Island, and attended the Yearly Meeting of
Friends in New-England, then holden in the house
of Governor WUliam Coddington. This house was
standing until within a few years, and some trifling
parts of it, by way of memorials, are now preserved
by the Historical Society of the State. While on
this visit, George Fox held a meeting in Providence,
" in a great barn, which was thronged with people."
This was just after the yearly meeting, and in aU
probabUity was the immediate cause of the challenge
sent by Roger Wilhams to him and Friends with him,
to debate fourteen propositions which he had drawn
up in relation to Friends' doctrines. The chaUenge
bore date July 13, but did not reach its destination
in Newport, untU July 26, after George Fox had
left this part of the country. It contained the four-

422 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
teen propositions, seven of which he wished to de
bate at Newport, and seven at Providence. John
Stubbs, John Burnyeate and WiUiam Edmundson,
English Friends, who were in Newport when the
challenge arrived there, accepted it without hesita
tion. Roger Wilhams was himself so much engaged
in the matter, that he rowed himself in his canoe to
Newport, a distance of thirty mUes, though then
over seventy years of age. They spent three days in
debate, at Newport, and one at Providence, convinc
ing more persons of the honest zeal of the disputants,
than of the truth of the positions assumed by either
of them. Mr. WiUiams published his account of the
debate in a volume entitled " The Fox digged out
of his Burrowes," which was answered by a volume
equally ponderous, entitled " A New-England Fire-
Brand Quenched." Both are curiosities now, and
should be examined as such, bearing in mind that a
far greater latitude in language was then aUowed in
polemical divinity than would now be allowed in po
litical debates. No memorial is left of the place in
which the day's dispute in Providence was holden.
The foregoing facts prove that there were Friends
in Providence at an early period, but they go but
a littie way to show that they held regular meetings
for worship, and much less, the existence of any
meeting house there. From a minute in the records
of the Rhode-Island quarterly meeting, it seems, that
as early as the 4th of 4th mo. (then June) 1691 "it
was proposed that some have a mind to buy Suck-
Hn's lot of land at Providence." The object of the
purchase could have been no other than to obtain

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 423
a site for a meeting house, or it would not have been
brought before this meeting. No order was taken
on the matter at that time, but from what subse
quently appears in the same records, it is probable
the lot was obtained.
From the same records, it appears, that a week
day meeting was established at Providence as early
as the 1st mo. (March) 1701. In the following
year the project of building a meeting-house was re
sumed. It was laid before the Portsmouth monthly
meeting, and by them referred to the Rhode-Island
quarterly meeting, holden on the 2d of 10th mo.
(December) 1701. The minute made by the quar
terly meeting was as follows :
" It was proposed and agreed unto, that two Friends should go
to Providence, the persons are Gideon Freeborn and Abraham
Chace, to see what encouragement Friends and Friendly people
will give, every way, toward building said house, and make their
return to said meeting at Portsmouth this day, five weeks."
At the next meeting, 1st of 1st mo. 1702, further
progress was made in the matter, as appears by the
foUowing extract from the records :
" As to the business of building a meeting house at Provi
dence and at Weekopimsett, and settling a meeting at Freetown,
which matter was accounted should have been resolved before
this meeting, yet the weather being so tedious did obstruct : and
whereas Gideon Freeborn and Abraham Chace were appointed
to see what encouragement Providence Friends and Friendly
people would give as to a house being built there, in answer to
vhich, Abraham Chace or his brother William, to day brought a
subscription of forty of the inhabitants of Providence, amounting
to the value of sf60,15, as has and may be seen, which Friends
were glad to see, but their dimensions being bigger than the land
they speak of, given for that use, would bear, so this meeting pi'o-

424 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
pose a house of thirty feet square to be built, which is according to
said land given, if money can be raised to answer the premises ;
in further pursuance of which, this meeting have desired Walter
Clark, Jacob Mott, Joseph Wanton and Abraham Chace, they
being also free, God willing, to go to treat with Providence peo
ple further about the premises, to know what the cost may be
judored, and who of them will undertake the building and take
this subscription, with other money that is first to be seen how
can be raised, and make return of what may be done to Rhode-
Island, that themselves, Dartmouth and Greenwich members of
our said quarterly meeting, may make way toward the obtaining
of what money may be wanting of the said subscription for the
accomplishing the premises."
It would be pleasing to present the subscription
referred to above, if it could be found. It probably
contained the names of most of " the Friends" and
" Friendly people" then in Providence. The lot
referred to was probably " Suckhn's lot," mentioned
in 1691. The size of the lot must have been very
smaU, if not large enough to accommodate a buUding
more than thirty feet square. After the laying off"
of the purchasers' house lots on the east side of
North and South Main streets, the proprietors con
veyed " warehouse lots," generally forty feet square,
on the opposite side of those streets. One of tiiese
warehouse lots was probably referred to, but where
Suckhn's house lot or warehouse lot was, I have not
been able to ascertain.
Subsequent quarterly meetings agreed to an ex
change of location for one near the dwelling house
of Eleazer Arnold, and upon the last named one, a
meeting house was erected between June 1703 and
July 1704. The foUowing extracts from the same

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 425
records show the progress of the business from time
to time :
" As to what relates to Providence meeting-house, some of
the Friends appointed having been there, and it seems, could not
fully resolve what the last quarterly meeting requested, by reason
the land given to set a meeting-house on was so nigh the common
road, so that the subscribers desired that it might be exchamr-
ed for some higher up ; it might be so this meeting might judge
it convenient, that those Friends that the meeting appointed be
fore, be yet continued to make a further progress in the premises,
answerable to the meeting's request, and make return of what they
do therein, at the next monthly men's meeting at Portsmouth, on
Rhode-Island, if may, without too much difficulty, or at furtherest,
at the next men's meeting at Newport, about 2lgt 5th mo., so
that one of these meetings, in behalf of the quarterly meeting,
may act and transact, as near as may be, to what the precedent
.quarterly meeting hath proposed in the premises, which monthly
meeting, we also desire, to acquaint the next quarterly meeting
what they do in the premises,
3d 1st mo. 1702-3. At this meeting it was agreed, that a meet
ing house should be built at Providence, if money can be raised
to accomplish the same. There was also a subscription begun
of about forty of the inhabitants of Providence, about .£60 and
now (illegible) is appointed to hand it about ; to encourage
Friends in the premises, when he thinks meet, in behalf of our
quarterly meeting.
1st 4th mo. 1703. " Inasmuch as the monthly men's meeting of
Rhode-Island at Portsmouth, the 27th of the 2d mo. 1703, did
encourage, upon their request, the Providence Friends getting
their meeting house proposed to be built near Eleazer Arnold's,
the major part collecting thereto being willing, the which matter
is also approved by this meeting, understanding also, that it is
generally agreed on amongst themselves, and now that the
Rhode-Island monthly meeting takes notice and encourages
the subscription in behalf and until the next quarterly meet
ing, &c."
5th 7th mo., 1704 "Whereas it hath been proposed and
agreed unto at several precedent quarterly meetings, for the en-
54

426 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
couraging the building a meeting house at Providence, and sev
eral Friends have contributed thereto already, and Friends there
have been courageous and noble being but few, and have built a
fair large meeting house for worship of God, and the burden ly-
inor pretty heavy on some particulars, they have expectation of
further assistance from this meeting according to the first encour
agement. This meeting agrees to make a subscription towards
glazing and finishing said house, and that each monthly meeting
appoint two Friends to encourage it in pursuance of the same, to
be delivered to Thomas Arnold, Edward Smith and William
Wilkinson, or to whom they shall appoint it for said use."
Thomas Story, in his journal page 359, states, that
on the "28th 6 mo (July) 1704, he attended a yearly
meeting, at Warwick, at Benjamin Barton's house,
and continued by adjournment to the meeting house
in Providence the next day, being the first day of
the week." In the records of Providence, there is
a deed dated October 2, 1708, from Eleazer Arnold
to Thomas Smith and others, of a tract of land near
the dweUing house of Eleazer Arnold, seven rods by
twelve, " on which stands a certain meeting house,
of the people called Quakers." From a most inter
esting letter received by me from John Osborne,
clerk of the present Smithfield monthly meeting, in
answer to one requesting information, I learn that
this is what is now known as " Lower Smithfield"
meeting house. At the date of aU the proceedings
referred to. Providence comprehended the whole
county of Providence, except Cumberland. The
town of Smithfield was set off from it and incorpo
rated in 1730. The following extracts from a valu
able letter from Thomas Howland, clerk of Green
wich monthly meeting, is inserted as explanatory
of some of the usages of Friends, without a knowl-

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 427
edge of which, it would be difficult to understand
some of the following statements.
" It appears by earliest records that I have in my
possession, that there was a ' monthly meeting for
business, established by the advice of the yearly meet
ing for New-England, in the fifth month 1699, called
' Greenwich monthly meeting.' This meeting, it
appears from various circumstances, embraced all
the members of the society living west of Narragan
sett Bay. Although it appears that soon after the
organization of Greenwich monthly meeting, that
Friends of Providence sent representatives to that
meeting, it does not determine either the place of
their individual residence or the place of their
assembhng." In the beginning of 1718, " Providence monthly
meeting" was set off from " Greenwich monthly.
meeting," and consisted of Providence and Mendon
meetings. The name was subsequently changed, in
1731, to "Smithfield monthly meeting." In 1783,
the present Providence monthly meeting was set off
from Smithfield monthly meeting. At the time the
first Providence monthly meeting was established,
John Osborne says, in his letter before referred to,
" there were four meetings for worship, viz. Mendon,
and what are now upper and lower Smithfield, and
Providence ; but at what precise period of time
these meetings commenced, I am unable to say. —
The records of the monthly meeting make no aUu-
sion to it."
The first meeting house at upper Smithfield, ac-

428 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
cording to the same letter, was buiU in 1719. The
minute by the monthly meeting directing it, being
as foUows :
" 1 0th mo. (December) 1719. Whereas, this meeting has
had a matter in consideration, about building a meeting house
at Woonsocket, on the burying ground lately purchased; to
build a meeting house twenty feet square, and John Arnold is
appointed to build the same, the height thereof left to him."
This was the second house of worship built by
Friends in Providence. It remained until 1775,
when the house now standing there was erected, in
its place.
In 1724, commenced the design of erecting anoth
er meeting house in Providence. The earliest no
tice of the intention is in the records of the Smith-
field monthly meeting in the following minute :
" 9th month (November) 1724. Whereas, it is concluded
by this meeting, a house shall be built in Providence town, and
there being a frame offered us, it is concluded by this meeting,
that if Edward Smith and Thomas Arnold approve of the frame,
that the money be paid to Daniel Abbot, as quick as can be,
with convenience."
It was then laid before the quarterly meeting, on
the 8th of 11th month (January) 1724-5 as ap
pears by the following extracts from the records ;
" The Friends of Providence, having, both at our last, and
also at this quarterly meeting, represented the service of a meet
ing-house being built at Providence town, which their concern
is well approved, and this meeting will also contribute something
towards accomplishing the same, and also thinks proper, that the
matter may be proposed to the yearly meeting in order for a
Subscription by particulars or otherwise as may be thouorht
proper."

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 429
The yearly meeting holden in the 4th month
(June) of the same year, passed the following order:
" The quarterly meeting of Rhode-Island having represented
to this meeting, that it is most likely for the advancement of
truth, to build a meeting-house in the town of Providence,
which proposal is approved of, and for the present that the work
may be going forward, do agree to raise the sum of one hundred
pounds, of which it is desired that the quarterly meeting of
Rhode-Island do collect the sum of eighty pounds; and also de
sires the quarterly meetings of Sandwich and Scituate to collect
the sum of twenty pounds, and to send the same up to Samuel
Aldrich, Thomas Arnold, and Benjamin Smith, of Providence."
The next quarterly meeting took the matter into
consideration, and the foUowing entry appears on
their records :
" 9th 5th rao. 1725. We received an epistle from the last year
ly meeting on Rhode-Island, informing that they having approv
ed of the proposal for building a meeting-house in the town of
Providence, and think proper to raise and contribute the sum of
iSlOO towards the same, and desires this quarterly meeting to
contribute the sum of .£80 of said hundred, which this meeting
proportions as follows, viz.
The monthly meeting of Rhode-Island, the sum of ^52
The Monthly meeting of Dartmouth, 10
The monthly meeting of Greenwich and Kingston, S
The monthly meeting of Nantucket, 10

^80
And send their several proportions 'as soon as conveniently
they can to Samuel Aldrich, Benjamin Smith and Thomas Ar
nold, of Providence, and make return to the next quarterly meet-
ing." The house was probably built soon after this, and
is a part of the meeting-house now standing between
South Court and Meeting streets. The deed of the
lot was made in the beginning of the year 1727, and

430 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
describes it as then having on it a meeting house.
An addition was subsequently made to it in the
years 1784-5. The town was accustomed, for a
long time, to hold their town meetings in this house,
and a school was, for many years, kept in the upper
part of it.
At the quarterly meeting holden 10th day 2d mo.
(April) 1730, Greenwich monthly meeting gave
notice, " That they are in want of some assistance by money towards
finishing a meeting-house at Shantituck, in which case this
meeting desires further information as to the necessity and cir
cumstances, &c.''
Shantituck, or Meshantituck, as it was sometimes
called, was in that part of Providence, since set off
and incorporated under the name of Cranston. It
remained, however, a part of Providence, until
1764, and hence the meeting house there should be
considered as in Providence, making the fourth
erected there by Friends. At the foUowing quar
terly meeting, the Greenwich monthly meeting
inform, " That besides the subscription made for building the meet
ing-house at Meshantituck, they have expended the sum of
^49, 19, for work already done, and considerable more is wanted
to finish it.
It is therefore recommended to the several monthly meetings
to consider the said Friends of Meshantituck, and lend theirfsuch
help as in brotherly freedom they may think meet, and it is de
sired, that what is collected for said service may be brought up
to our next quarterly meeting."
From the foregoing, it is apparent that before the
division of Providence, there were at least four so-

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 431
cieties of Friends having meeting-houses, within the
town. The oldest was what is now called lower
Smithfield, the second upper Smithfield or Woon
socket, the third in Providence town, and the other
in Cranston. It is not presumed that either of these
would vie with the costly structures built in more
modern times by other denominations of Christians.
They were probably small wooden buildings, suffi
ciently Ikrge to accommodate the comjJ&ny ordinar-
Uy assembhng in them, in the construction of which,
regard was had to convenience and comfort, rather
than to appearance. The buildings and lands were
generaUy held by trustees for the use of the Society,
but are now by an act of the General Assembly in
1 827, held by officers termed " Overseers of Socie
ty" for the time being. It is impossible to ascer
tain the numbers attached to these severa.1 meetings
at the time of their first formation. With their pres
ent population, excepting that of Providence, we
have nothing to do. Providence meeting, by a doc
ument published in 1836, was supposed to contain
1 68 individuals. The number has probably increas
ed since that account was taken,
FIRST CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH.
The worshipping assembly next gathered in Prov
idence, I suppose to have been a Congregational
Pedobaptist Society. This was formed about 1720.
Undoubtedly there were some Pedobaptists here, at
all times, from the first settlement. They may have
met, as a distinct worshipping assembly, previous to
1720, but such meetings, if any took place, were

432 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
not Stated and regular. Nor is it probable that
there was a large number of these individuals here
at any time previous. The principle held forth from
the settiement of the town, of an entire separation
between church and state, had been pronounced a
foul heresy, and the consequence of that heresy, a
multipHcity of sects, aU equal in the eye of the law,
had been repudiated by the churches of Plymouth
and Massachusetts, as subversive of aU rehgion, and
pregnant with incalculable evUs to civU society, and
the best interests of man. In those days of enthusi
asm and bigotry, great must have been the induce
ment, which could have led any orthodox religionists
to take up their abode in such a place, in point of
rehgion, as Providence was represented and believ
ed to be. On the other hand it cannot be doubted,
that when any such came to Providence, they did
not receive that hearty welcome which awaited their
opponents. They were admitted to equal civil
rights, it is true, but not to equal love or respect.
Instead, then, of being surprised that no worship
ping assembly was gathered earlier than 1720, our
surprise should be, that there was a sufficient number
of Pedobaptists, at that time, in Providence, to ren
der such a step advisable. In corroboration of these
views, the following letter is inserted from three dis
tinguished Congregational Clergymen in Massachu
setts, and the answer thereto. Jonathan Spreague,
who subscribes the answer, was a Baptist preacher.
" To the honorable Joseph Jenckes, Esq., late Deputy-Gov
ernor, William Hopkins, Esq., Major Joseph Wilson, Esq., Jo
seph Whipple, Esq., Col. Richard Waterman, Esq., Arthur

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 433
Fenner, Esq.,  Wilkinson, Esq., Philip Tillinghast, Esq.,
Capt. Nicholas Power, Esq., Thomas Harris, Esq., Capt. Wil
liam Harris, Esq., Andrew Harris, Esq.,  Brown, Esq.,
Jonathan Burton, Esq., Jonathan Spreague, Jun. Esq., and to
the other eminent men in the town of Providence. Pardon our
ignorance if of any of your Christian names, or if your proper
order be mistaken.
Honorable Gentlemen, — We wish you grace, mercy and peace,
and all blessings for time and for eternity, through our Lord Je
sus Christ. How pleasing to Almighty God and our Lord and
Redeemer, and how conducible to the public tranquillity and
safety, an hearty union and good affection of all pious protest-
ants, of whatever particular denomination, on account of some
difference in opinion, would be, by the divine blessing, your
selves, as well as we, are not insensible of. And with what
peace and love, societies of different modes of worship have
generally entertained one another in your government, we can
not think of without admiration. And we suppose, under God,
'tis owing to the choice liberty granted to protestants of all per
suasions in the Royal Charter graciously given you ; and to the
wise and prudent conduct of the gentlemen that have been im
proved as governors and justices in your colony. And the Rev.
Mr. Greenwood, before his decease at Rehoboth, was much af
fected with the wisdom and excellent temper and great candour
of such of yourselves as he had the honor to wait upon, and
with those worthy and obliging expressions of kind respects he
met with when he discoursed about his desire to make an ex
periment, whether the preaching of our ministers in Providence
might not be acceptable ; and whether some, who do not greatly
incline to frequent any pious meeting in the place, on the first
day of the week, might not be drawn to give their presence to
hear our ministers, and so might be won over, by the influence
of Heaven, into serious godliness ; and although God has taken
that dear brother of ours from his work in this world, yet it has
pleased the Lord to incline some reverend ministers in Connec
ticut and some of ours to preach among you ; and we are be
holden to the mercy of Heaven for the freedom and safety they
have enjoyed under the wise and good government of the place,
55

434 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
and that they met with kind respect, and with numbers that gave
a kind reception to their ministrations among you. These
things we acknowledge with all thankfulness. And if such
preaching should be continued among your people, designed
only for the glory of God and Christ Jesus in chief, and nextly
for promoting the spiritual and eternal happiness of immortal,
precious souls, and the furtherance of a joyful account in the
great day of judgment, we earnestly request, as the Rev. Mr.
Greenwood in his life-time did before us, that yourselves, ac
cording to your power and the influence and interest that God
hath blessed you with, will continue your just protection ; and
that you add such further countenance and encouragement there
unto as may be pleasing to the eternal God, and may, through
Christ Jesus, obtain for you the great reward in Heaven. And
if ever it should come to pass that a small meeting-house should
be built in your town to entertain such as are willing to hear our
ministers, we should account it a great favor if you all, gentle
men, or any of you, would please to build pews therein ; in
which you and they as often as you see fit, may give your and
their presence and holy attention. And we hope and pray that
ancient matters, that had acrimony in them, may be buried in
oblivion ; and that grace, and peace, and holiness, and glory,
may dwell in every part of New-England ; and that the several
provinces and colonies in it may love one another with a pure
heart fervently. So recommending you all, and your ladies and
children, and neighbors and people to the blessing of Heaven,
and humbly asking your prayers to the Divine Throne for us, we
take leave and subscribe ourselves your servants,
PETER THACHER,
JOHN DANFORTH,
JOSEPH BELCHER."
" To John Danforth, Peter Thacher, and Joseph Belcher,
committee of the Presbyterian Ministry.
Sirs — We, the inhabitants of the town of Providence, receiv
ed yours, bearing date October 27, 1721, which was read pub
licly, in the hearing of the people, and we judge it uncivil to re
turn you no answer. But finding the matter to be of religious
concernment, we counted it our duty to ask counsel of God, lest

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTpRY. 435
we should be beguiled as Israel was by the Gibeonites. Anti
inasmuch as the sacred scriptures were given forth by the Spirit
of the living God to be our instructer and counsellor, we shall
therefore apply ourselves to them. And in the first place, we
take notice of the honorable titles you give to many of us. Your
view, as we take it, is to insinuate yourselves into our affections,
and to induce us to favor your request. But, we find flatteries
in matters of religion to be of dangerous consequence ; witness
the Hivites, who said. We are your servants, and have heard of
the fame of the God of Israel. In this way did Joash set up
idolatry after the death of Jehoida. Elihu abstained from flat
tery for fear of offending God, while the enemies of Judah, for
want of the fear of God, practised it. By the same means was
Daniel cast into the lion's den, and Herod sought to slay the
Lord Christ ; and some at Rome sought to make divisions in the
church of Christ by flattering words and fair speeches, to de
ceive the simple ; but, saith the Spirit, such serve not the Lord
Jesus Christ, but their own belly ; and saith the apostle Peter,
through covetousness and feigned words they shall make merchan
dize of you. To conclude this article. We see that flattery in
matters of worship has been, and now is, a cloak to blind men
and lead them out of the way ; and serves for nothing but to
advance pride and vain glory. Shall we praise you for this l
We praise you not. Next. You salute all as saints in the
faith and order of the gospel, wishing all of us blessings for the
time present and to all eternity. It is not the language of Ca
naan but of Babel to salute men of all characters as in the
faith of the gospel. This is the voice of the false prophets,
which daub with untempered mortar, sewing pillows under eve
ry arm-hole, and crying, peace ! peace ! when there is no peace.
Is this your way to enlighten the dark corners of the world 1
Surely, this is darkness itself. Moreover, You highly extol lib
erty of conscience to men of all persuasions, affirming it to be
most pleasing to God, and tending most to love and peace,
and the tranquillity of any people. And you say. We are not
insensible of this any more than you. To which we say. Amen ;
and you well know it hath been our faith and practice hitherto.
Fourthly. We take notice, how you praise the love and peace
that dissenters of all ranks entertain one another with, in this

436

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.

government ; and it is as you say, to your admiration : and you
suppose that under God, it is owing to the choice liberty granted
to protestants of all denominations in the Royal Charter gra
ciously given us, and to the discreet and wise rulers under whose
conduct we enjoy this happiness. We answer. This happiness
principally consists in our not allowing societies to have any
superiority one over another, but each society supports their own
ministry of their own free will, and not by constraint or force upon
any man's person or estate ; and this greatly adds to our peace and
tranquillity. But the contrary, which takes away men's estates
by force, to maintain their own or any other ministry, serves for
nothing but to provoke to wrath, envy, and strife. This wisdom
cometh not from above, but is earthly, sensual and devilish. In
those cited concessions we hope too, that you are real and
hearty, and do it not to flourish your compliments ; otherwise
you make a breach on the third commandment. This is but a
preface to make room for your request, which is. That we would
be pleased, according to our power, to countenance, protect, and
encourage your ministers in their coming and preaching in this
town of Providence. To which we answer : — We admire at
your request ! or that you should imagine or surmise that we
should consent to either ; inasmuch as we know, that (to wit
ness for God) your ministers, for the most part, were never set
up by God, but have consecrated themselves, and have changed
his ordinances; and for their greediness after filthy lucre,some you
have put to death ; others you have banished upon pain of death ;
others you barbarously scourged; others you have impris.
oned and seized upon their estates. And at this very present
you are rending towns in pieces, ruining the people with innume
rable charges, which make them decline your ministry, and fly
for refuge some to the Church of England, and others to dis
senters of all denominations, and you, like wolves, pursue ; and
whenever you find them within your reach, you seize upon their
estates. And all this is done to make room for your pretended
ministers to live in idleness, pride, and fullness of bread. Shall we
countenance such ministers for Christ's ministers 1 Nay, verily.
These are not the marks of Christ's ministry ; but are a papal spot
that is abhorred by all pious protestants. And since you wrote
this letter the constable of Attleborough has been taking away

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 437.
the estates of our dear friends and pious dissenters to maintain
the minister. The like hath been done in the town of Mendon.
Is this the way of peace 1 Is this the fruit of your love 1 Why
do you hug the sin of Eli's sons and walk in the steps of the
false prophets, biting with your teeth, and crying peace 1 but no
longer than they put into your mouth but you prepare war
against them. Christ bids us beware of such as come to us in
sheep's clothing, but inwardly are ravening wolves ; and your
clothing is so scanty that all may see your shame, and see that
your teaching is like Gideon's, who taught the men of Succoth
with the briars and thorns of the wilderness. In the next place;
You freely confess that we entertained you kindly at all times.
We hope we are all so taught of God to love our enemies, and to
do good to them that hate us, and pray for them who despiteful-
ly treat us. And since you admire the love and peace we do
enjoy, we pray you to use the same methods and write after our
copy. And for the future never let us hear of your pillaging
conscientious dissenters to maintain your own ministers. O, let
not this sin be your everlasting ruin. Further. You desire
that all former injuries, done by you to us, may be buried in
oblivion. We say. Far be it from us to avenge ourselves, or to
deal to you as you have dealt to us, but rather say with our Lord,
Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do! But if
you mean that we should not speak of former actions done
hurtfully to any man's person. We say, God never called for that
nor suffered to be so done ; as witness Cain, Joab and Judas,
which are upon record to deter other men from doing the like.
Lastly. You desire of us to improve our interest in Christ Je
sus for you at the throne of grace. Far be it from us to deny
you this, for we are commanded to pray for all men. And we
count it our duty to pray for you, that God will open your eyes
and cause you to see how far you have erred from the way of
peace ; and that God will give you godly sorrow for the same,
and such repentance as is never to be repented of; and that you
may find mercy and favor of our Lord Jesus Christ at his ap
pearing. And so hoping, as you tender the everlasting welfare
of your souls and the good of your people, you will embrace our
advice ; and not suffer passion so to rule as to cause you to hate
reproof, lest you draw down vengeance on yourselves and on the

438 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
land. We, your fi-iends of the town of Providence, bid you
farewell. Subscribed for, and in their behalf, by your ancient
friend and servant for Jesus' sake, JONA-THAN SPREAGUE.
Feb. 23, 1732."
In 1721, they set about erecting a house for public
worship. Dr. Hoyle, one of the most active and
efficient of their number, visited the neighboring col
onies to solicit pecuniary aid, and he met with con
siderable success in his mission. On his return,
and without the concurrence of his associates, he
commenced erecting a house on a lot of land, near
the junction of Pawtuxet and High-streets. So
great was the dissatisfaction, at the conduct of Dr.
Hoyle, that the house was torn down after it had
been partiaUy finished, and, as tradition says, in the
night season.
In 1723, the society erected a house for worship
at the corner of CoUege and Benefit-streets, now
known as the " Old Town Hpuse." When first erect
ed, it was much smaUer than at present. I have
been informed by Job Danforth, a highly intel
ligent old gentieman of this society, who died in
1 838, at the advanced age of ninety-fonr years, that
two additions have been made to the original struc
ture, one on the south and the other on the east part
of it. I am induced to believe that the enlargement
on the east side, consisted simply in the addition of
a tower, which according to the same authority, for
merly stood there. When the upper part of this was
taken down, a belfry was erected on the west side of
the- house on the roof.
In 1794, the society sold this house to the town,

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 439
and commenced erecting a more spacious and ele
gant one, at the corner of Benevolent and Benefit-
streets. They began to raise this buUding on the
19th day of August 1794, on which occasion. Dr.
Hitchcock, the pastor of the society, dehvered an
address. It was dedicated to the service of Almigh
ty God, on the 16th day of August 1795. This
edifice was of wood, eighty-seven by seventy-one
feet on the ground. The front was ornamented
with two. spires, on whose fine proportions the eye
rested, with peculiar satisfaction and delight. Mr.
Caleb Ormsbee was the architect. The whole house
was a beautiful copy of one of the most beautiful
houses of worship in Boston. It was destroyed by
fire on the morning of the 14th of June 1814.
Measures were immediately taken by the society
for the erection of the stiU more spacious and ele
gant structure, which they now occupy. It stands on
the same site withjhe preceding one. The corner
stone of this house, was laid with appropriate relig
ious ceremonies, on the 29th day of May 1815, and
the building dedicated, on the 31st of October in the
foUowing year. It is built of granite taken from the
Waterman " Snake-den" ledge, in Johnston. The
front and two sides are of wrought granite in cours
es, the rear, of rubble work. It measures seventy-
seven feet by one hundred, including a vestibule of
twenty feet. The main wall is thirty feet high above
the basement. The tower is of stone, eighty feet
high to the beU deck. The whole spire is about
two hundred feet high. This society is indebted
to the gpnius and taste of John, H. Greene, for their

440 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
beautiful house. Its cost exceeded ^50,000. Since
its erection some alterations have been made in the
interior of the building, which may have added to its
convenience but they have not increased its beauty.
Previous to the settiement of any minister over
this society, several clergymen from the neighboring
colonies, occasionally preached for them. Dr. Styles
in his itinerary, mentions a Mr. Dorrance and a
Mr. Danforth as among these. Samuel Moody, of
York, Maine, also preached for them. The society
were desirous of obtaining his services as pastor, but
his church at York refused to part with him. With
their consent however, he preached at Providence
three months. During this period he baptized six
teen persons. They had no settled minister untU
1728. In the spring of that year, Josiah Cotton
commenced preaching for them, and in the follow
ing autumn was ordained, eighteen churches be
ing present by their delegates to assist at the ordina
tion. The church was formed on the same day that
Mr. Cotton was ordained, and consisted of nine per
sons, viz. Cornelius Salisbury, Nathaniel Blague,
WilHam RandaU, Joseph Bagley, Timothy Carpen
ter, Joseph Barstow, John Church, Thomas Pollock
and John Taylor. Mr. Cotton remained in the pas
toral charge of this society and church untU 1747,
when he was dismissed, at his own request. After
an interval of about five years, they gave John Bass
an invitation to preach for them as their stated min
ister. He commenced his services in 1762 and con
tinued with them until 1768, when he left the minis
try and commenced the practice of medicine. He

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 441
died in October 1762, in the 46th year of his age.
During his ministry it is said " the number of hear
ers did not oftentimes exceed twenty, and the church
was so scattered and divided that it was scarcely
known whether there were any of them left." In
1761, the members of this scattered church again
united, and being joined by some members of other
churches, renewed their covenant, the whole num
ber then, being eleven males and ten females. The
following year, they obtained the services of David
S. Rowland, who continued with them untU he ask
ed and received his dismission, in 1774. Dr. Lo-
throp, of Boston, officiated with them nearly the
whole of the year 1776. After his return to Boston
the revolutionary war broke up the society so much,
that they had only occasional preachers, tiU the faU
of 1780, when Enos Hitchcock, was applied to and
engaged to become their permanent pastor. He
was not installed, however, untU October 1783. —
His connexion with the church and society continu
ed untU dissolved by his death, on the 27th of Febru
ary 1803. Mr. HaU, the present pastor of this soci
ety, in an historical discourse, from which most of the
materials for this memoir have been taken, thus most
eloquently and truly, closes his sketch of Dr. Hitch
cock. " The character of his mind, the working of
his heart, the creed of his life, might be written in
a Hne : ' faith, hope and charity, these three, but
the greatest of these is charity.' " He left a legacy
exceeding ^6,000 to the society, besides which, it is
said he frequentiy subscribed toward his own salary
of £200. 56

442 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
Henry Edes, of Boston, succeeded Dr. Hitchcock
in the pastoral charge. He was ordained in July
1 805. His ministry terminated in June 1 832, at the
request of the pastor.
The present pastor, Edward B. HaU, was instaUed
in his office on the 14th of November 1832.
The lot on which " the old Town House" stands,
was originally conveyed to trustees for the use of
the society ; the only secure mode which could be
adopted by an unincorporated society. In 1770, a
number of persons belonging to the society, pro
cured a charter of incorporation, under the name of
" the Benevolent Congregational Society," for " the
purpose of raising a fund by free and voluntary sub
scriptions, contributions, legacies and donations, for
the support of pubhc worship, in the Congregational
Society in the town of Providence aforesaid, of which
the Rev. David S. Rowland is at present minister."
It included thirty-six persons by name, among whom
were many of the most inffuential individuals in the
town and colony. This it is beheved is the old
est charter for such a purpose, granted in this state.
The increase both of church and society has been
great, since 1761 . It is now one of the most numer
ous congregations in Providence, and it has always
numbered within its pale, its full proportion of the
most honored inhabitants. Among its most munif
icent benefactors, Enos Hitchcock and John Dor
rance should be named.
In former years, it was much more common than
now, for rehgious societies to apply to the General
Assembly for leave to raise money by lotteries. —

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 443
Most of the early societies in Providence did so, and
this among the rest.
Two churches and societies have sprung from this
one since its establishment. The first in point of
time was the present Beneficent Congregational
church, from which the Richmond street Congrega
tional Society and the High Street Congregational
Society have arisen, and the other the Westminster
Congregational Society. The circumstances at
tending the formation of each, wiU be given here
after. The present number of communicants is
about two hundred. ST. John's church.
Notwithstanding the assistance that members of
the Church of England received from the mother
country, toward maintaining ministers and erecting
houses for pubhc worship, in the colonies, I can
find no trace of Episcopahanism in Providence,
untU about 1722. The society established for Pro
pagating the Gospel in Foreign parts, as early as
1704, sent Mr. Honyman a missionary to Newport.
He occasionally preached at Providence. In one
of his communications to the society, he stated that
" no house could hold the congregation" at Provi
dence, " so that I was obliged to preach in the open
fields." This was in 1722, when he exerted himself
in gathering a subscription to erect a church. Dr.
Humfries, in his history of that society, draws no
flattering picture of the state of rehgion in Provi
dence, about this time. " The people," says he,
¦" as described above," (that is in the copies of the

444 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
letters, from the missionaries sent by the society)
" were neghgent of aU rehgion," tiU about the year
1722 ; the very best were such as called themselves
Baptists or Quakers, but it was feared many were
Gortoneans or Deists." Bad as they were, they sub
scribed £250 among themselves, obtained a sub
scription of £200 more in Newport, £100 in Bos
ton, and £200 in other places, and then borrowed
£200, with which to erect a church. And on St.
Barnabas' day, 1722, they raised one, sixty-two feet
long by forty-one broad, and twenty-six feet high.
Dr. StUes says this church was erected in 1723.
The first date is obtained from Dr. Humfries' His
tory, above referred to. The chief contributor was
Col. Joseph Whipple, who gave £100. This church
occupied the same spot on which St. John's church
now stands. It was pulled down in 1810, but wUl
long be remembered as a remarkably neat and pret
ty church. The steeple was not erected untU a
long time after the main body of the church. In
1762 and in 1771, leave was given by the General
Assembly to raise money sufficient to repair the
church and to buUd a steeple, by lottery, from which
it is perhaps reasonable to infer that the steeple was
not built untU after that time. The first beU in
Providence, according to Mr. Job Danforth, was
hung in the belfry of this steeple.
The corner stone of St. John's church, was laid
on the 6th day of June 1810, and the edifice com
pleted so as to be dedicated on thb 11th June 1811.
The exterior walls of this building are of natural
faced stone, laid in irregular blocks, a kind of ma-

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 446
terial pecuHarly appropriate for the style of the
building. It is eighty-two by sixty-seven feet on the
ground, with a chancel sixteen feet by thirty-four.
It contains one hundred and eight pews. Much
credit is due to John H. Greene, the architect, for
the consistency which pervades all parts of this
building, within and without, satisfying the be
holder with it, as being a whole, the work of a
single mind.
Tradition refers to Gabriel Bernon, a French
Huguenot, who came to this country at the revoca
tion of the edict of Nantz, as one of the earliest
members of the Church of England, in this town.
It is supposed that it was through his influence that
the missionary at Newport occasionaUy visited and
preached at Providence, and that it was at his house
that the meetings were holden. This house occu
pied the site of the brick house, No. 149 on North
Main street, and a part of it is stiU standing in the
rear of that house.
There is a httle discrepancy between Dr. Hum-
fries, in the work above referred to, and Dr. Mc
Sparran, in a pamphlet entitied " America Dissect
ed," as to the Episcopal minister who first preached
in Providence. The former would seem to give that
honor to Mr. Honyman. Dr. McSparran says that
he entered on the duties of his mission to Narra
gansett, in 1721, and adds, " I was the first Episco
pal minister that ever preached at Providence, where
for a long time I used to go four times a year ; but
that church has now a fixed missionary of its own."
This was written in 1753. The truth was that pro-

446 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
bably both he and Mr. Honyman occasionally
preached here. The first person settled over the
church here, as a " fixed missionary," was George
Pigot. He was sent by the society, to Stratford,
Conn, in 1722. The following year he removed to
this town on his own suggestion, and was settled
over this church. He remained here but. a short
time, when he was succeeded by Mr. Charro. Mr.
Charro was dismissed from his charge on account
of improper conduct. In October 1730, Arthur
Brown became rector. He was highly esteemed by
his congregation. He remained with them tiU 1736,
when he removed to Portsmouth, N. H. and was
succeeded in 1739 by John Checkley. ' Mr. Checkley
was a native of Boston. He received his education
at Oxford, and was admitted to holy orders by the
Bishop of Exeter. When he visited England for
the purpose of ordination, several of the dissenting
ministers of Massachusetts, sent a remonstrance
against him, containing such aUegations as delayed
his admission to holy orders for some time. From aU
accounts, he was a man of eccentric character. His
ideas of the deportment proper for the christian min
ister were formed from the Enghsh clergy of the es
tablished church, and not from the puritan ministers
of New-England, and, of course, the latter deemed
him erroneous. Before he came here, he pubHshed
" Some Strictures on Episcopacy," which subjected
him to a prosecution in Massachusetts for a Hbel. —
It was written in the spirit of the times, but on the
wrong side of the question, for the author to escape
punishment. Mr. Checkley continued in discharge

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 447
of his duties as rector untU his death in 1753. Dur
ing his sickness and after his decease, the pulpit was
supplied by several Episcopal clergymen untU 1766,
when John Graves succeeded him in the rectorship.
Mr. Graves attended the service of the church until
July 1776. He then declined to officiate, unless he
could be permitted to read the usual and ordinary
prayers for the king, which he considered himself
bound by his ordination vows to offer for him. The
patriotism of his hearers forbade this, and the conse
quence was, that the church was closed, most of the
time during the war of the revolution. During a part
of this time however, Thomas F. Ohver officiated as
lay reader. After the restoration of peace, Mr. Graves
oflFered his services to the parish, which were refused,
they being under obhgations to Mr. Ohver. Mr. Oli
ver soon received ordination from Bishop Seabury, the
first American Bishop, and remained in this parish
untU 1786, when he left them, by their consent, to
officiate among his friends and relations at Marble-
head. Mr. Graves died here in November 1786.
In September 1786, Moses Badger succeeded to the
rectorship, which he held untU his decease in Sep
tember 1792. ^Abraham L. Clarke succeeded him,
commencing his labors in March 1793. He resign
ed the rectorship March 14, 1800. Nathaniel Bow
en, afterwards Bishop of South-Carolina, succeeded
him in the rectorship, November 12, 1 801 . Mr. Bow
en left this church for St.Michael's church in Charles
ton, S. C. in November, 1802. Nathan Bourne
Crocker performed divine service in this church on
Sunday, October 24, 1802, as lay reader. He con-

448 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY,
tinned to officiate in this capacity until May 1803,
when he was ordained, and chosen rector. In Jan
uary 1804, iU health obliged him to resign. John
L. Blackburne succeeded him, in December 1806,
and in March 1807 he resigped. The same month
Mr. Crocker was again invited by the church to be
come its rector. He entered upon the duties of his
office at once, and has continued in the discharge of
them, without interruption, to the present time.
In May 1794, John Smith, of Providence, present
ed a petition to the General Assembly in behalf of
the minister, church-wardens, vestry and congrega
tion of the Episcopal church, representing that " that
church was founded in the reign of George the First,
then king of Great Britain, of blessed memory, who
reigned over the colonies of Great Britain with jus
tice and paternal regard ; that, in consequence
thereof, the proprietors of the said church from the
purest motives of gratitude and affection, named it
King's Church ; but the conduct of the present king
of Great Britain and of the people thereof, hath been
so totaUy different, that the citizens of the United
States have been under the necessity of declaring
themselves independent, and renouncing monarchy
in aU its forms ; and that said minister, church-war
dens, vestry and congregation conceive the present
name of the said church to be highly improper, and
pray that the said name may be aboHshed, and the
church called St. John's Church, in Providence."
The Assembly readUy granted the petition. It was
not strange that the proprietors wished a new name.
Beyond a doubt their old one, borne as it was by a

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 449
society who professed to belong to what in common
parlance was caUed the church of England, had been
the means of subjecting them most unjustly to suspic
ion, ridicule, and even absolute injury. In October
following, a number of persons received from the As
sembly a charter of incorporation under the name of
" the United Society of St. John's Church." The pe
titioners wete members of the congregation of St.
John's church, and the object was to raise a fund by
voluntary contribution and subscription for the more
effectual support of public worship. In 1812, upon
" the petition of the minister, church-wardens, vestry
and congregation of St. John's church," and " the
United Society of St. John's church," their two char
ters were abrogated and a new corporation created
under the name of " St. John's Church, in Provi
dence." Since this last charter, public worship has been
supported by taxes on pews, income of funds, and
voluntary donations. In government, doctrines,
rites and usages, it conforms to and is a part of the
Protestant Episcopal Church, of the United States of
America. The number of communicants in 1842,
was between 1 80 and 200.
BENEFICENT CONGREGATIONAL SOCIETY.
During the time that Josiah Cotton had the pasto
ral charge of the First Congregational Society, a
part of his church and congregation seceded from
his watch and care. The seceders deemed his
preaching' destitute of sound evangehcal principles.
They accused their pastor of preaching " damnable
57

450 ^CLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
good works." The final separation took place on
the 7th day of March 1743. Among the seceders
were, deacon Joseph Snow, Benjamin Cary, Thom
as Knowlton, Alexander M'Crary, Solomon Searle,
Peter Tefft, John Paine, Joseph Snow, jr. (afterwards
their minister) Ebenezer Knight and BarzUlai Rich
mond, together with fifteen females. These com
posed a large part, if not a majority, of Mr. Cotton's
church, at the time, and, it is believed they claimed
to be the first church, in opposition to Mr. Cotton
and his adherents. They began religious meetings
by themselves, and opened for the worship of God,
the first meetings that were statedly attended and
maintained on the west side of the river. In the
language of the record of Mr. Cotton's church,
" they set up a separate meeting, where they at
tended to the exhortations of a lay brother, who had
been brought up in the business of house-carpentry."
" Every method for heahng the uneasiness that had
arose, proved fruitless and vain ; enthusiasm raged
with a most furious impetuosity. These held sepa
rate meetings, at a private house, where they were
entertained, on the Lord's day, with loud and vocife
rous declamation, on the downfall of Babylon, and
on the necessity of coming out and being separate,
not touching the unclean thing ; and such like ex
hortations were liberally held out." The lay broth
er alluded to, was Joseph Snow, jr. whom they
elected to the office of pastor and teacher. After
some years, he was induced by their repeated soHci-
tations, and, as he believed, by the Spirit and Provi
dence of God, to consent to be ordained ; which cer-

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 461
emony took place on the 12th day of February
1 747. The separatists were suspended from Mr. Cot
ton's church on the 25th of March 1744. Soon after
this, they commenced erecting a house for pubhc wor
ship ; and the tradition is, that the elder, profiting by
his previous knowledge of "house-carpentry," "led
some of his principal members into the woods and
there cut down and hewed timber for that purpose."
The house was erected upon a lot of land given
them by Daniel Abbott, on the 29th day of May 1744.
It is now occupied by the meeting-house of the socie
ty. The house was built .of wood, and originally
measured thirty-six by forty feet. As the congrega
tion increased, they enlarged it, first by building a
piece in the middle, then by adding a piece to the
rear, and finaUy by building a story under the house,
as the hiU was removed upon which it was originaUy
built. The spire had attained nearly one hundred
feet in height, in 1772. The bell was imported from
England about 1760, and is stiU in use by this socie
ty. This continued the meeting-house of the socie
ty until 1 808. George Whitefield, Robert Sandeman,
Mr. Ashbury, first superintendent of the Methodists
in America, Mr. Murray, and other eminent min-
ters often preached in it. These circumstances with
the length 9f time the house had been used for reh
gious uses, and the very many associations connect
ed with it, induced the society, for some years, to
submit to many inconveniences, rather than to its
demolition. When they yielded to necessity, in 1808,
the older members contemplated its destruction with
any feehngs but those of pleasure. The present

462 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
meeting-house was erected in 1808-9. This is of
brick, much larger and more commodious than the
former one, having one hundred and fifty pews on the
ground ffoor, and spacious gaUeries. The expense
of erecting this house was paid by sale of pews, and
a fund of nearly ^20,000 was realized, over and
above the cost of the house. In the autumn of
1836, it was materially improved, both in its appear
ance and in its convenience, externaUy and inter
nally, at an expense nearly equalling its first cost.
The eye rests with pleasure on its lofty dome and
imposing facade.
In October 1786, the General Assembly granted
a charter of incorporation to six of the members of
this church, under the name of "the Beneficent Con
gregational Society." The first meeting under it,
was holden in April 1786. The measure did not, at
first, meet with the approbation of all the members
of the old society. After considerable time, it was
unanimously adopted, and has ever since been their
fundamental law.
Mr. Snow continued the beloved pastor of a uni
ted people for many years. In 1783, " the fair
character and exemplary lives " of such as had been
formerly suspended from Mr. Cotton's church, in
1744, compelled that church to take off their cen
sure, and to restore them to fuU fellowship. The
peace and harmony thus restored, was soon disturb
ed in an unlocked for and unexpected manner. On
the 27th of May 1791, James Wilson, a native of
Ireland, as he was passing on a journey through
Providence, was invited to preach for this society.

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 453
After preaching ten discourses, he was engaged as
colleague pastor with Mr. Snow, who had previous
ly requested an assistant. Mr. WUson continued to
preach for this society for nearly two years, when it
was proposed to ordain him as coUeague pastor.
Mr. Snow manifested a decided opposition to this
measure ; objecting to Mr. Wilson's doctrinal senti
ments, he having been a Methodist minister before he
came to this country. It is said, that whUe a ma
jority of the church members sided with their old
elder, a majority of the society took part with Mr.
WUson, and he was accordingly ordained. This
was in October 1793. Upon this, Mr. Snow and
his adherents withdrew themselves, and held meet
ings in Mr. Snow's own house, forming a new reh
gious society, now known as the Richmond Street
Congregational Society.
Previous to the ordination of Mr. WUson, the
church agreed upon a constitution, and at the same
time adopted a covenant and articles of faith, which
remain unaltered to the present day. Twenty males
and eight females signed the covenant, at first. Al
though Mr. WUson was ordained only as coUeague
to Mr. Snow, after that ordination, he performed aU
the duties of pastor.
On the 12th March 1836, Mr. Wilson requested
of the church an assistant in the ministry, he having
completed the 75th year of his age. The church
acceded to his wishes, and on the 30th June follow
ing, invited Cyrus Mason, of the Cedar-Street
church. New York, to become his associate pastor.
He accepted the caU, and was installed on the 7th

464 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
of October, After continuing with the church about
one year, he asked a dismission, on account of iU
health, and returned to New York. In May 1837,
the church invited Mark Tucker, of the Second Pres
byterian Church in Troy, N. Y., to become associate
pastor, in which office he was instaUed, on the 21st
of June following. Mr. Wilson closed his labors and
his life, on the 14th of September 1839, in the 80th
year of his age. Dr. Tucker has now the sole pas
toral care of the church and congregation.
In December 1834, the church dismissed fourteen
of its members, at their request, to unite with others
in forming what has since been called the High
Street Congregational Church. Notwithstanding
this, the church has increased in its numbers, so that
in 1842 it contained 468 members. The congrega
tion is one of the largest in the city.
The power of choosing a pastor resides in the
church, whUe the control over the house is with the
society. The pews are liable to taxation only for
repairs of the house ; the expenses of public wor
ship are defrayed from the income of funds and vol
untary contributions.
RICHMOND STREET CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH.
After the ordination of James WUson as coUeague
pastor with Joseph Snow over the Beneficent Con
gregational Church and Society, Mr. Snow and a
part of the church, withdrew and set up a separate
meeting by themselves. The grounds of their with
drawal, were the doctrinal sentiments of Mr. WUson.
It is supposed that a majority of the church mem-

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 455
bers adhered to Mr. Snow, whUe a majority of the
congregation were the adherents of Mr. WUson. —
On this ground, the present Richmond Street Church
has sometimes claimed to be the elder of the two.
In fact the claim has sometimes been extended to
priority over the First Congregational Society, —
Without pretending to decide this nice question ot
precedence, I have deemed it proper to rank this as
the third Congregational church in Providence,
because Mr, Snow and his adherents when they
withdrew from the church under the care of Mr,
Cotton, left them in possession of the name and
property of the church and Society, And so when
they left the Beneficent Congregational Society, they
assumed a new local habitation and name for them
selves. They at first met for pubhc worship at the dwel-
hng house of Mr, Snow, They soon however com
menced the erection of a meeting house. This was
the wooden structure standing on the corner of Pine
and Richmond-streets, and now generaUy recog
nized under the name of " the old Tin Top," from
the material with which the top of the spire is cov
ered. It was dedicated on the 16th of August, 1796,
but was not completely finished until the autumn of
1807, when Thomas WiUiams, then pastor of the
church, solicited and obtained the means of finish
ing it, from Massachusetts and Connecticut. The
beU was the gift of Mr. WUhams, from his own
resources. This house was abandoned by the so
ciety, after the erection of their present house in
1827. Since then it has been used successively by

456 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
various new societies as a place of worship. Its
walls have listened to almost all the doctrines which
divide and sub-divide Christendom. After it ceased
being a house of public worship, it was transformed
into a circus, and since then into a brew-ery, for
which purpose it is stiU used. The present meeting
house also stands on Richmond street a little west of
the old one. It is built of wood, seventy-five by
sixty-five feet on the ground, having one hundred and
ten pews on the lower floor. Its style of architecture
is chaste, and the building'is of pleasing appearance
and fair proportions. The expense of its erection
was defrayed by sale of pews. It was dedicated to
the worship of Almighty God on the first day of
January 1828.
Mr. Snow continued his pastoral care of this
church and society untU his death, which occurred
on the 10th of April, 1803, in the 89th year of his
age and 68th of his ministry. Stephen Gano, then
pastor of the First Baptist church, preached his
funeral sermon. In it he observed, " if uniform
piety, unshaken faith in the divine government, a
persevering attachment to the religion of Jesus
Christ, an ardent love to the souls of men, an ex-
plary Hfe of godliness, and a sweet serene compo
sure in prospect of the approaching dissolution of
his body, give evidence of being approved of God,
we may safely conclude our friend and father in the
Gospel is now minghng his songs of praise among
the spirits of just men made perfect, enjoying the
reward promised to the faithful laborer." Few men
receive, and fewer deserve, such a character.

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 457
" After Mr. Snow's death, his church and people were few
in number and feeble in all respects. Under these discouragino-
circumstances, rather than to have no meetings for public wor
ship, and having been befriended by the Baptists in Mr. Snow's
day, they received into their pulpit Joseph Cornell, a Baptist
minister, who came and offered his services. While he preach
ed in their meeting-house there was an unusual attention to re
ligion. During that attention Mr. Cornell formed a Baptist
church, and received into it a number from the remnant of Mr.
Snow's flock, and gained nearly the whole congregation to his
measures ; and claimed a right to possess and occupy the meet
ing-house. To these movements and claims of Elder Cornell, Mrs. Snow,
the widow of Elder Snow, and a few sisters in the church, ac
counted themselves obliged to object, in duty to God, and by
their public and solemn profession of religion. Mrs. Snow took
many journeys to obtain the advice and assistance of ministers,
in their trials and sorrows.
In the year 1806, she obtained for a few weeks, James Davis,
an itinerant minister of the gospel, to preach in their meeting
house. Whilst Mr. Davis was employed. Elder Cornell and his
people held their meetings on the sabbath in the town house,
though they held weekly meetings in Mr. Snow's meeting-house,
until, by a singular occurrence, they were induced to leave that
house ; yet they still claimed a right to it. This claim was re
nounced, after a proper examination of the subject, during the
first months of Thomas Williams' ministry.
In September 1806, Mrs. Snow, by the advice of Dr. Em-
tnons, applied to Thomas Williams, of Pomfret, Connecticut, to
come to Providence, and be their minister. To this application,
after the most serious consideration for four months, he gave a
I'eluctant and trembling consent. He came to Providence on
the first of January 1807, with no prospect of a pecuniary com
pensation for his services. On the first sabbath he had for his
hearers, Edward Wilbur, who was never able to learn to read ;
John Clarke, an excommunicated free-will Baptist ; and Massa
Basset. Mr. Basset sat in the gallery, played on a bas^viol and
sang tenor, assisted by Mrs. Elizabeth Sampson, and her sister,
58

468 EiSCLESIASTlCAL fllSTORt.
Rebecca Snow, nieces of Elder Snow. Besides these pfersonS;
he had from eight to twelve ag6d, pious women, all of whom,
except two or three, were widows.
After Mr. Williams had been in Providence a month, in which
he attempted by the means in his power, to ascertain whether
there remained of Mr. Snow's people what ought to be account
ed a church ; he attempted to call a meeting of such men, as had
been members of the church during his ministry. To accom
plish this object, he rode ten miles into Smithfield, and there
found Joseph Whipple^ who had been one of Mr. Snow's mem
bers, but had gone to other meetings for some years ; he rode
eight miles into Attleborough, and there found a Mr. Arming-
ton, who had also been a member, but had attended no meeting
for a number of years ; he went into Seekonk, and there found
Deacon French, an aged and infirm man, who had been to no
place of worship for a long time, but had formerly been one of
Mr. Snow's deacons ; and in the town of Providence, he found
William Eddy, Who had been a member of Mr. Snow's church,
but had withdrawn himself and goiie with Elder Cornell.
Two or three of these four men agreed to attend what was
called a meeting of the church, on a day which was appointed
for the purpose. They came according to the appointment,
and voted to recfeive Calvin Park, a professor in Brown Univer
sity, and Paul Jewett, a tutor in the same institution, into the
church, provided they shall procure a dismission fi'om the
churches of which they were members, and unite themselves to
the church in Providence. They obtained dismission, and be
came members of the church."
" The congregation under Mr. Williams' irlinistry, slowly but
constantly increased, until the number who commonly attended
his meeting was from four to six hundred ; the members of the
church were about one hundred, with an unusual proportion of
occasional communicants ; and a greater number of the Students
in the college attended his meeting than at any other place of
public worship. Mr. Williams never attempted nor desired to
obtain hearers from Other societies ; for it was his opinion, that
such persons, as were of any worth, wete needed in the societies,
to which they belonged ; and that it would be no benefit to gain
persons of a different character.

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 469
Mr. Williams had no definite compensation for his services •
one year, for eight months, he went from house to house for his
food, without a single dollar, during that time, for his labors.
He had a small room, in which he lodged and studied. His
clothes were washed by Phillis Fitch, a colored woman, who
afterwards went to Africa, under the direction of the Coloniza
tion Society, and died within a year from the time she left Prov
idence. She was born and bred in Pomfret, in the family of
Schuyler Putnam, a son of Gen. Israel Putnam. She was a pi
ous and worthy woman, and became a member of the church,
while Mr. Williams was their minister.
Mr. Williams continued in Providence, without installation or
regular settlement, until the 7th of April, 1816. At that time
he renounced his connection with the church and people in
that town, on account of the constant opposition to his ministry;
chiefly through the mfluence of Abner Kingman, who declared
that he had been tormented by his preaching nine years, and
that he would no longer bear it.
During Mr. Williams' ministry the church adopted the cove
nant, the doctrinal articles, and the articles of discipline, which
they have since retained, and took the name of the Pacific Con
gregational Church ; and the society which was incorporated in
the year 1808, was called the Pacific Congregational Society.
While Mr. Williams was their minister, Massa Basset made an
organ, which he offered the society, to be used in the public
worship of God, and which they accepted, against the avowed
sentiments and decided judgment of their minister.
When Mr. Williams left the society, they were free from debt,
and owned in pews and other possessions some amount of prop.
erty. In July, 1816, Willard Preston was installed pastor and teach
er of the Pacific Congregational Church and society. They
gave him, at first, six hundred dollars a year ; and some part of
the time more than that sum. He was, for a little time, very
popular with his people and in the town. But difliculties and
contentions soon arose in the church and continued and in
creased, until a part of the church, with advice of a council,
withdrew and formed a new church, by the name of the Calvin-
ist Congregational Church. They had for their minister

460 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
Calvin Park. They held their meetings in a hall on Pine-street
Mr. Preston was dismissed in 1821, leaving the church, under
the evil effects of the contention and disorder, that had existed
during his ministry ; and the society, enfeebled and embarrassed
with debts. Under these troubles, they who had acted with Mr.
Preston, and particularly Abner Kingman, who had been cho
sen a deacon in the church, applied to Mr. Williams for counsel
and assistance. On the 2d of July, 1821, he began to supply
the pulpit which he had formerly filled in Providence, and in No
vember of that year moved with his family to that town. There
he continued to preach, until the 5th of August 1823. The
society then, through the influence of Abner Kingman, rejected
his services and refused, under the control of the same man, to
assign any reasons for their conduct ; nor would they consent
that Mr. Williams should be heard by the councils who were
called for his dismission. Mr. Williams' offence chiefly consist
ed in the measures which he took for the re-union of the church,
which had been divided by Mr. Preston's ministry.
After Mr. Williams' second removal, El^m Clark was or
dained pastor and teacher of the church and people, and contin
ued in ofiice about a year. After his dismission Albert Judson
was employed by the Pacific Society in the ministry of the gos
pel, about two years, without any installation. While he was
there, in August 1825, most of the members, who had been di
vided during Mr. Preston's ministry, became united, under the
name of the Union Congregational Church. The church at
that time had 88 members.
On the 12th of December 1826, Thomas Tileston Water
man, was ordained rector of the church. In the year 1827
the society built the meeting house how standing on Richmond
street. When the house was dedicated, the church and society
changed their name, and have since been called the Richmond-
street Congregational Church and Society.
Mr. Waterman was dismissed on the first of January 1837. —
Charles Turner Torrey was ordained in the month oi March, the
same year, and remained there almost a year. In December
1838, Willis Lord was installed and continued in the ministry
nearly two years. After his dismissiqn, their next pastor was
Jonathan Leavitt, who was installed November 1840 ; and re-

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 461
mains with that church and people, until this day, 28th April,
1842." The choice of pastor has always been with the
church, the society having a negative on their choice.
The expenses of public worship are defrayed by a
tax on the pews. The church now (1842) consists
of about 300 members. It is independent, but is
associated with and forms a part of the Rhode-Is
land Consociation of Congregational Churches,
The author is indebted to Thomas Williams, for
the greater part of the foregoing sketch.
FIRST METHODIST CHURCH,
In answer to the circular before referred to, the
author received from A, D. Sargent, in 1836, a
memoir of the rise and progress of Methodism in
Providence, This memoir is so fuU, that little more
has been done than to adapt its phraseology to the
preceding parts of this work. In making out that
sketch, the writer referred to the records of the
church, and to the recoUections of its aged members.
The first clergymen of the Methodist Episcopal
Church who visited Providence and preached, were
Freeborn Garrettson and Jesse Lee. The time of
their first visits cannot be ascertained. After them
there were many who occasionaUy caUed and
preached in the town, Mr. Ashbury, Superintendent
<5f the Methodists in America, preached here in June
1791. In 1798, Joshua HaU came to this place,
tarried a few months, taught a school, and preached
on Sunday evenings, and occasionaUy at other times.
On the 24th of November, in the same year, he

462 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
organized a church, and formed a class for regular
meetings. The church consisted of only five per
sons. Meetings have been kept up regularly, from
this time ; but there was no regular preacher untU
after some years. The first baptism by a Methodist
clergyman, was on the first day of May 1801. The
clergyman was Joseph SneUing, and the person bap
tized, Diadama Tripp. On the 28th of August follow
ing, the sacrament of the Lord's Supper was adminis
tered for the first time, at which were present five
male and seven female members. John Finegan
was the officiating clergyman. The first quar
terly meeting was holden in the Town House, on
the 12th and 13th days of August 1803. George
Pickering preached on that occasion. In the spring
and summer of 1804, Erastus Kibby preached in
the Town House. So few attended his meetings,
that he became discouraged, and told one of our
citizens now Hving, he was tired of preaching to
the waUs. In July 1815, Van Rensalaer Osborn
came to this place, and preached in a school house
near the corner of Pleasant and Middle-streets.
His preaching was attended with great and good
results, and by the middle of September, the
church numbered thirty-three members. He met
With great opposition, and had many and great ob
stacles thrown in his way, yet the society increased
to such a degree that they deemed it expedient to
undertake the erection of a house of worship. Mr.
Osborn obtained about ^600 for tiiis purpose, by
subscription. Encouraged by this, the society pur
chased a lot and erected a meeting house thereon,

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 463
at the corner of Aborn and Washington-streets. It
was dedicated on the 8th day of June 1816. The
church then consisted of 1 1 1 members. Mr. Os
born was stationed over the church by the Annual
Conference. In February 1817, a board of trus
tees was incorporated by the General Assembly, to
hold the house and lot in trust for the Methodist
Episcopal Church, in the same manner as aU the
meeting houses of that church are holden. When
first erected, it was designed to have the seats free.
In a short time it was found expedient to pew the
house and tent the pews. Solomon Sias was sta
tioned here in the years 1817 and 1818, and Moses
Fifield in 1819. In 1820, Bartholomew Otheman
became pastor of the church. He remained here
two years, during which time the church and socie
ty increased so much, that the house was found too
small to accommodate them. They therefore re
solved to erect a new house, and a suitable lot for it,
at the junction of Chestnut and CHfford-streets, was
generously given to the society by Daniel Field.
The old house was disposed of, and subsequently
converted into a dweUing house. The corner stone
of the new house was laid on the 6th day of August
1821, and the house dedicated on the first day of
January 1 822, This, like the first, is built of wood.
It is sixty-five by seventy-five feet on the ground, a
gallery around three sides of it, and a large and com
modious room under the east part of it, used for
evening and conference meetings. A steeple and
beU have been since added.
Timothy Merritt foUowed Mr. Otheman in the

464 ECCLESIASTICAL HlSTORf.
care of the church, and in 1823 and 1824, Enoch
Mudge was stationed here. In 1826, Daniel Webb
succeeded Mr. Mudge, and was foUowed by Asa
Kent, Jacob Sanborn, David KUburn, Jotham Hor-
ton, Jacob Sanborn again, Aaron D. Sargent, Dan
iel FiUmore, Abraham D. MerrUl, and David Patten,
Jr., according to the custom of the Methodist church,
the last of whom was stationed here in 1841. Not
withstanding the church set off a part of its mem
bers in 1833, to form the Power-street church, and
a part withdrew in 1841, to form the Fountain Street
Wesleyan Society, the number of its members, in
1837, was 293, and in 1842, about 400. The con
gregation usuaUy assembling in this house, is very
large and respectable.
AU the current annual expenses of the society
have, from its first establishment, been paid by the
voluntary subscriptions and contributions of its mem
bers. They are attached to the great body of the
Methodist Episcopal church in the United States,
agreeing with them in doctrine and church disci
pline. AU the preachers that have been stationed
over this church, since 1816, are, with their wives,
now living in 1 842 ; a remarkable circumstance.
It is questionable whether the statistics of any other
denomination could present a similar one.
PINE STREET, OR SECOND BAPTIST CHURCH.
The Pine street or Second Baptist Church, was
organized on the first day of May 1806. Its first
members were Jeremiah Rose, WUHam West, Ben
jamin Ham, WUHam "Ham, Samuel Gorton, Reuben

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 466
Burke, Chace Webb, Laban Lake, Thomas Rey
nolds, Nancy West, Frances Gorton, Mercy Webb,
Sarah Lake, Abigail Jenks, LilHs Paul and Rachel
Mason, most of whom had been members of the
First Baptist Church, Joseph CorneU became the
pastor, at its first organization. He was a native of
Swanzey, Mass, born February 11, 1747. He was
ordained in Lanesborough, Mass. in 1780, after
which he devoted himself to the work of the min
istry to the end of his Hfe, in 1 826, with a zeal and
faithfulness rarely equaUed. With a very limited
education, and entirely self-taught, he possessed such
sound common sense and such a thorough knowl
edge of the springs of human action and passion,
as enabled him to catch and hold the attention of his
auditory, and make most deep and lasting impres
sions on their minds. He resigned the pastoral
charge of this church in November 1811. From
this time till October 1812, the church had no pas
tor. Elisha Cushman preached for them a part of
the time. In October 1812, Daniel Lewis became
pastor, but resigned his office at the end of a year.
The church were again without a pastor until De
cember 1814, when Luther Baker, assumed the pas
toral care. He resigned his office in May 1822. —
In December following, Peter Ludlow commenc
ed preaching to the church. He was ordained
in August 1823, but in consequence of iU health,
resigned his charge in September following, and
removed to Georgetown, S. C. James N. Sea
man became pastor in December 1826, and relin
quished the office in August 1828. In October fol-
59

466 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORV:
lowing, Pharcellus Church became pastor. The
church accepted his resignation in July 1834. In
September following, John Blain commenced his la
bors as pastor of this church. He remained with it
untU the close of the year 1836, Soon after, the
church succeeded in obtaining the services of J, S,
Maginnis, who was, however, compeUed to rehnquish
his charge, by ill health, in less than one year, and ac
cepted the professorship of Theology, in the Hterary
and theological institution at HamUton, N, Y, After
continuing for several months without a settled min
ister, the church and society invited the present pas
tor, John DowHng, then of New-York city, who en
tered upon his labors in this city in January 1839,
Under the ministry of Mr, DowHng, the church has
received large accessions, and now numbers about
500 communicants.
The church, from its first organization, untU July
1806, worshipped with the Congregational society
now known as the Richmond Street Congregational
Society, in their old meeting-house on Richmond
street, Mr, CorneU, before referred to, had been
engaged, before the organization of this church, to
preach for that society in this house, they being then
destitute of a pastor. When the Congregational
society obtained a minister of their own order, the
Baptist church removed to " the Old Town House,"
under Mr. CorneU, as their pastor. This was in
July 1806, In March following, they purchased the
site on which their present meeting house stands,
and erected a meeting house of wood on it, in the
course of the same spring, which was dedicated to

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 467
the service of Almighty God, in June. The funds
for erecting this house, were raised by subscription
and sale of pews. In " the great storm " of Sep
tember 1815, this house was swept from its founda
tions by the tide, and wholly destroyed. It will be re
membered as a plain unassuming structure. For
some time after its first erection, the water, at spring
tides, flowed under a considerable part of the house.
What is now known as Dorrance street, was then
nothing but a dock, extending nearly to the hne of
Weybosset street. The water flowed over this dock,
ahnost every tide, and at its ebb, disclosed the rea
son which obtained for it the name of Muddy Dock.
After the loss of this house, the church held meet
ings in the academy in Aborn street, and subse
quently in the brick school house, then standing
near Chestnut street. They immediately took mea
sures for the erection of a new house. Two of their
members were appointed to visit some of the prin
cipal cities and towns in the United States, and so
Hcit aid for this work. They succeeded in obtain
ing about ^4,000. The new house was dedicated
in November 1816, and cost, when completed,
about ;^ 10,000, the balance of which was paid by
the sale of pews. It was a wooden structure, mea
suring fifty by seventy feet, and containing seventy-
eight pews, besides those in the galleries. The
tower extended just above the roof of the house.
The steeple was added subsequentiy, and in 1837
the house was enlarged to its present size, fifty by
eighty-five feet. It now contains one hundred and
six pews, with large accommodations for evening

468 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
meetings and other purposes, under the main body
of the house. It is now an ornament to the city.
The society obtained a charter of incorporation
in February 1817, which was amended in February
1 831 , and the name changed from " the Second Bap
tist Society," to that of "the Pine Street Baptist So
ciety." Previous to the last date, the salary of their
pastors was raised by voluntary subscriptions, and
since then, by tax on pews, a power to assess which
tax, was given by the amended charter. The
church forms a part of the Warren Baptist Associa
tion, but is strictly independent. By the charter,
the power of appointing a pastor is given to the so
ciety, but is at the same time limited to such person
as the church shaU select.
THIRD BAPTIST CHURCH.
In preparing a sketch of this church and society
very great assistance has been derived from a com
munication from WiUiam C. Barker. Not only his
facts but his language also, wiU be generaUy adopted.
The congregation first associated, as a distinct
worshipping assembly, in 1 820. After meeting a
number of times, they withdrew from the First Bap
tist Church, and formed themselves into the Thu-d
Baptist Church in Providence. The church at first
consisted of fourteen individuals, nine males and five
females. Among the most prominent of these were
George Dodds and Isaac Peck. They at first adopt
ed a written creed, but subsequently, in 1828, laid it
aside, taking the holy scriptures as the only rule of
faith and practice.

Ecclesiastical history. 469
Allen Brown was the first settied pastor. He eur
tered upon his duties in December 1821, and was
ordained in January foUowing. He retained the
office of pastor, tiU January 1828, when he resigned
it. From January to November 1828, there was no
settled pastor over the church. On the first sabbath
in November 1828, WiUiam Phillips engaged in the
duties of pastor, which duties he discharged, to the
satisfaction of church and society, until November
1836, He was succeeded by Joseph A. Warne, in
February 1837. Mr. Warne's connexion with the
society terminated at his request in January 1838.
He was succeeded by Miron M. Dean, and he by
Thorndike C. Jameson, who is the present pastor.
The number of the members of the church in
1837, was 196, Since then it has received many
additions, the number in 1 842, being about 460.
The church acknowledges no obedience due to any
other body on earth. It is strictly independent. It
is however connected with the Warren Association
of Baptists. The pastor is usually chosen by con
current vote of church and society, although the so
ciety have no power of controUing the church in
that matter.
The church met for worship first, in private hous
es. Afterward they purchased a lot of land on
Tockwotton plain, and commenced erecting a meet
ing-house upon it in 1820. The house was com
pleted, and dedicated to the service of God, on the
29th day of June 1822, It was of wood, forty-five
feet by fifty, with a convenient room in the base
ment. The funds necessary to erect this house were

470 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
obtained partly by subscription and contribution, and
partly by sale of the pews. The house underwent
very considerable alterations, after its first erection.
In 1832 it was lengthened twenty-four feet, and rais
ed two and a half feet, making it forty-five by sev
enty-four feet. A cupola-steeple and beU were also
added. Since then the house has been farther length
ened, and is about forty-five by ninety-nine feet.
The society received a charter of incorporation
in June 1832. The whole expense of public wor
ship was at first raised by subscription, and so con
tinued until within a few years, when the pew own
ers consented to subject their pews to taxation,
for that purpose.
The church and society has always had munifrcent
benefactors, who from their abundance, contributed
much, but over and above them aU, should be borne
in remembrance George Dodds. Of humble for
tune, and past the period of Hfe when he could hope
to add to it, Mr. Dodds devoted himself to the ser
vice of this church and society from its commence
ment. His unostentatious piety, secured him the
esteem and love of all who knew him, and many
gave their mite to this society for the sake of the
good old man who soHcited it. Long may he be
remembered. That smaU canvass bag which he
carried so long, ready to receive the offerings of all
to aid in erecting this church, should be esteemed
an invaluable relic. Others did weU, but he exceed
ed them aU.

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 471
THE FOURTH BAPTIST SOCIETY.
A number of gentiemen residing in the northerly
part of Providence, met on the 26th day of April,
1820, for the purpose of consulting, on the practi-
bility of erecting a house of public worship, in their
vicinity. Benjamin Peck, was the chairman, and
Samuel Thurber, clerk of the meeting. They ap
pointed a committee to select and purchase a suita
ble lot for the purpose, and to open a subscription to
raise sufficient funds to carry their design into effect.
On the fifth of June, this committee reported, that
they had purchased a lot, and collected by subscrip
tion, nearly enough to pay for it. They advised the
appointment of another committee to solicit sub
scriptions toward the erection of a house. Dexter
Thurber, Stanford New-el, Asa Pike, Samuel Thur
ber, Enos AngeU, David Cole, Consider MiUer, Hol
den Pearce, Esek Esten jr. and Joseph Veasie, were
appointed this committee, with full power to take
such steps to attain the great object in view, viz. the
erection of a meeting house and the estabhshment
of a religious church and society, as they might
think most expedient. Among the earhest steps ta
ken, was the procuring of a charter of incorpora
tion, which was granted by the General Assembly at
their October session. A, D, 1820. This differs from
most charters for simUar purposes, as it includes
fundamental articles of government agreed upon by
the society, touching not only the disposal of the
property of the society, but the creed of the
chjirch which should assemble within the society's
house. These last provisions breathe a spirit above

472 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
all sectarianism. They resolved that the meeting
house shall be a Baptist meeting house, as a major
ity of persons engaged in the erection of it were
Baptists, and they assumed the name of the Fourth
Baptist Society. This is all the sectarianism in the
charter or agreement, and this is neutralised in a
very great degree, by a subsequent article which de
clares, that no subscription to any creed, article of
faith or covenant, shall be required to constitute any
person a member of said society, or of the church
which may meet in their house, and that no person
shall be required to make any confession of faith,
other than a behef in the scriptures of the old and
new testaments.
The first meeting under the charter, was holden
on the 28th day of May 1821. Among other things,
they then appointed Dexter Thurber, Enos AngeU,
Jabez Gorham, Peter Daniels, and David Cole, a
committee to superintend the erection of their meet
ing house. The house was completed in the sum
mer of 1822, and was dedicated on the 26th day of
August. It is a wooden structure, forty-seven by six
ty-seven feet on the ground, and containing sixty-
eight pews, with a projection, thirteen by thirty feet,
supporting the steeple, which is ninety feet in height,
and is furnished with a good beU. It is a well pro
portioned building, and neatly finished both inside
and out, being an ornament to that part of Provi
dence and doing honor to the persons who plan
ned and carried the project into execution. The
cost of the house exceeded six thousand doUars.
Donations to the amount of ^611 were received

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 473
from sundry persons not members of the society.
The sale of the pews yielded more than ^4,600.
In January 1825, the society received the grant of a
lottery from the General Assembly, from which they
realized two thousand dollars.
The first settled pastor over this church and so
ciety, was Zalmon Tobey. He was invited to that
place in February 1 823. Previous , to that time,
their pulpit had been temporarily supplied, by vari
ous preachers. Mr. Tobey continued his connex
ion with the society untU AprU 1 833, when he was
dismissed at his own request. He was succeeded by
Peter Simonson, who continued pastor of the church
untU October 1 836, when having received an invi
tation to become the agent of the New-Jersey Bap
tist State Convention, he requested and received a
dismission from his pastoral charge.
Thomas B. Ripley soon after accepted an invita
tion from the church and society to become their
pastor, and continued to fulfil the duties of that of
fice until August 1840.
Their present paStor, Francis Smith, commenced
his labors among them on the first of January 1 841 ,
and was ordained on the 30th of March foUowing.
The compensation of the pastor, and aU the ex
penses attending pubhc worship, have been defrayed
by tax on pews and voluntary subscription. The
power of choosing and settling pastors is in the
church and ,society. The present number of church
members is one hundred and ninety-seven ; the
congregation usually assembling for worship exceeds
three hundred. 60

474 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY,
The foUowing remarks were written by one of the
members of the church, and are inserted by particu
lar reqiiest :
" In the summer of 1835, a discussion arose in the church, in
relation to the terms of communion ; which resulted in the pas-
sacre of a resolution to invite " all members of evangelical
churches, in good standing, who have been buried with Christ
in Baptism," to a seat at the sacramental board.
The adoption of this measure, by the church, gave offence to
some of the friends of the society, who believed that one of the
most important articles of its charter, had been rendered void.
The church, however, still continued to occupy the house, and
have done soup to the present time; and a committee was some
time since appointed by the society, to petition for an alteration
of the charter.
The introduction into that instrument, of the article which
declares that " no subscription to any creed, article of faith, or
covenant, shall be required, to constitute any person a member
' of said society, or of the church which may meet in their house,"
and that "no person shall be required to make any confession of
faith, other than a belief in the scriptures of the old and new
Testaments," was effected by men who were, beyond all ques
tion, the true friends of liberty, both civil and religious. It is
believed, however, that in the adoption of this measure, they
overlooked one important feature in the constitution of a church
of Christ :^the fact that the only real bond of union, among
the members of such a body, is love. In all other organized bod
ies, men may act together effectively, without being influenced
by this feeling ; but the prosperity and influence of a church
are exactly in proportion to the sincerity and fervency of the af
fection which the members feel for one another, and for their
Great Head. This principle alone can hold them together, and
enable them to act together; and this is their distinctive bado-e :
" By this shall all men know that ye are my disciples, if ye have
love one to another.'' This being the case, how useless must it
ever be, to attempt, by legislative enactments, to bind together,
in the form of a church, individuals who differ entirely in their

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.

475

views of religious doctrine ; and how vain to expect that men
will labor, in concert, and with their whole hearts, for the sup
port and for the promulgation of truth, who can never agree in
regard to " what is truth."
Measures like this, so far from being promotive of religious
freedom, are, in fact, calculated to perpetuate religious thraldom,
inasmuch as they compel men either to labor for the promotion
of what they regard as error, or to refrain from acting in the
defence, the support, and the propagation, of that which they
believe to be truth.
The question, " how can two walk together, except they be
agreed ?" has been conclusively answered by the history of this
church. During the first thirteen years of its existence, it was
obliged to struggle hard for life; encumbered as it was, by a prin
ciple, which, however beautiful in theory, was found to be ru
inous in its practical influence. But no sooner did it resolve
to abandon the attempt to live under such circumstances, and to
take a stand upon the broad and sure " foundation of the apos
tles and prophets," than it began to thrive ; and, from that time
to the present, has enjoyed uninterrupted prosperity, the num
ber of its members having been increased nearly three-fold,
while its influence in the region where it is situated, and the
amount contributed for the support of the various benevolent
operations of the day, have been augmented in something like
the same proportion." FIRST UNIVERSALIST SOCIETY.
The answer of Mr. Balch, pastor of the Univer-
salist Society, in 1837, to the circular before refer
red to, has furnished most of the facts, and much of
the language, which wiU be used in the sketch of
that society.
In the autumn of 1772, John Murray came to this
town, bearing a recommendation from General
James M. Varnum to Nicholas Brown. He preach
ed in Mr. Snow's meeting-house. He visited this

476 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
town occasionally, for many years after this, and
preached in such places as could be procured for
him. After Mr. Murray, Elhanan Winchester, Ad
am Streeter, Richard Carrique, and various others,
preached occasionaUy to those professing a belief in
the salvation of aU men through him " who gave
himself a ransom for aU, to be testified in due time."
These meetings were usuaUy holden in the " Old
Town House," but no regular preacher was employ
ed, tUl after the organization of a society in 1821.
On the 16th of February 1821, a subscription paper
was circulated and signatures procured for the pur
pose of organizing an UniversaHst society. Their
first me,eting was holden at the court house, on the
10th day of April 1821, and the following persons
were present, viz. Rufus Waterman, Charles Harts
horn, Oliver Carpenter, Esek Eddy, Jeremiah Fen
ner, Sion Fenner, William A. Smith, Samuel W.
Wheeler, Thaddeus Curtis, WUliam Olney, Benjamin
Snow, Rhodes G. Allen, Dutee Roberts, James An
thony 2d, John LasseU, James Stetson, Lucius Dyer,
Henry Brickley, Asa Ferguson, Nehemiah Arnold,
James W. MitcheU, John F. Sheldon, Calvin Thom
as, WiUiam Calder, John Martin.
At this meeting, it was " resolved, that we wiU
form ourselves into a religious society, to be known
by the name of the First UniversaHst Society in the
town of Providence, and that we wiU receive into
our body such persons of good moral habits, as
choose to associate with us." The subscription pa
per circulated for signatures began thus : "We the
subscribers, believing in that gospel which God

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 477
preached to Abraham, saying, in thee shaU aU na
tions be blessed, do hereby," &c. This was the
creed or covenant under which the society was or
ganized, and it has not since been altered. Rufus
Waterman was chosen President, Oliver Carpenter,
Treasurer, and Samuel W. Wheeler, Clerk. An act
of incorporation was obtained in October 1821, on
the petition of fifty-three members.
On the 7th of December 1821, Fayette Mace, of
Strong, (Me.) was invited to the pastoral care of the
society. He entered upon his duties, the foUowing
spring, and continued to discharge them, untU Janu
ary 1823, when he took his leave of the society and
returned to Maine.
February 17, 1823, David Pickering, of Hudson,
N. Y. being invited to become pastor of the society,
accepted the invitation and entered upon his labors
as such, on the second sabbath in May following.
He was installed June 4, 1823. He continued with
the society, untU the first sabbath in October 1 835,
when he removed to New-York, having previously
asked and received a dismission. Nov. 30, 1836,
WiUiam S. Balch, of Claremont, N. H. was caUed
to the pastoral charge of the society, which caU he
accepted and entered upon his duties on the 5th
day 'of March 1 836. Having accepted a call from
the city of New- York, he took his leave of the society
in November 1841. Henry Bacon, of Marblehead,
Mass. succeeded him. He is the present pastor,
having been instaUed March 17, 1842.
The society resolved, the 22d day of October
1821, to erect a house of pubhc worship on the lot

478 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
which they purchased of Nathan Mathewson, at the
corner of Westminster and Union streets. The cor
ner stone of the edifice was laid, with appropriate
rehgious ceremonies, on the third of June 1 822. A
silver plate deposited in the stone bears this inscrip
tion. " The First UniversaHst Society in Providence,
was incorporated by an act of the General Assembly
of the State of Rhode-Island, at tiieir October ses
sion 1821. The corner stone of this edifice, de
signed for the service of Almighty God, through
his son Jesus Christ, was laid by Rev. Fayette Mace,
on the 3d June, A. D. 1822. John H. Greene,
architect, Caleb Mosher, Zachariah Chafee, joint
master-builders. The Lord reigneth, let the earth
rejoice. Ps. xcvu. 1."
The house was buUt of stone. It contained one
hundred and twenty-eight pews, cost upwards of
;^20,000, and furnished conclusive evidence of the
good taste, talents and skUl of the architect and mas
ter-builders. The money expended in the erection of this house
was raised by subscription among the society ; each
subscriber being allowed, in pews, the amount of
his subscription. This house, with several other
buildings in the vicinity, was destroyed by fire on
the evening of the 24th of May 1825. The fire
originated on the opposite side of Union-street, in a
cabinet maker's shop, then occupied by Rhodes G.
AUen. The society held a meeting the day after the
destruction of their house, when it was " voted that
the society wiU immediately build a new house for

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. , 479
public worship, provided sufficient subscriptions can
be obtained," &c. June 4th, it was " voted unani
mously, that we build a new house for the pubhc
worship of Almighty God, on the foundation of the
old house recently destroyed by fire." The cor
ner stone of this house was laid by David Pick
ering, with appropriate religious services. It was
completed at an expense of upwards of ^24,000,
and dedicated on the 29th day of December 1825.
The cost of this house was defrayed as the cost of
the former one had been, with the exception of some
private donations, and about six hundred doUars,
raised by coUections taken up by the UniversaHst So
cieties in Portsmouth, N. H. Boston and Glocester, .
Mass. This is a handsome Roman-Ionic brick
building, containing one hundred and twenty-two
pews on the floor, with a handsome steeple, furnish
ed with a good beU and clock.
The original mode of raising money for the sup
port of pubhc worship, was by voluntary subscrip
tion ; but the charter of the society was so amended
in October 1832, that a tax upon the pews, not ex
ceeding five per cent, on the original appraisal, may
be levied for that purpose, and the money has been
thus raised ever since. The whole power of choos
ing, setthng, and dismissing pastors, rests solely in
the society, which acknowledges obedience to no oth
er power save the Great Head of the church, which is
his body the fullness of Him that fiUeth all in all. It
is stiictly independent. There were, in 1837, nine
ty-seven members of the society. The congrega-

480 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
tion usuaUy assembling for worship, ranges from 500
to 600.
There is a church formed in connexion with the
society. It requires no profession of faith, except
a behef in Almighty God and his Son Jesus Christ.
Each member takes the Bible as his creed, and cov
enants with the church, to walk in the statutes of
the Lord, blameless. AU believers in the Lord Je
sus Christ, whether pubhc professors or not, are re
spectfully invited to communion. The church
claims no authority in the settlement or dissmission
of a pastor, nor control over its members, further
than admonition and dismission for unchristian con
duct. It meddles not with the pecuHar sentiments
of its members, any of whom can withdraw at plea
sure. CHURCH OF ST. PETER AND PAUL,
A few Catholics in Providence, and a few in the
vicinity, in the year 1827, demanded the spiritual
care of a priest, Robert D. Woodley, was sent to
them by Benedict Fenwick, the Catholic Bishop of
New-England, Mr, Woodley continued to attend
to their spiritual affairs untU 1830, when John Corry
succeeded him in the pastoral charge. At that time
the number of Catholics was from 160 to 200. Dur
ing Mr. Woodley's time, they held their rehgious ex
ercises in Mechanics' Hall. Soon after Mr, Corry
assumed the charge, the civU authority of tiie town
granted them the use of the " Old Town House,"
which they used four or five years. In January
1832, Mr. Corry purchased the lot of land upon

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 481
which the Catholic church of St. Peter and St. Paul
was subsequently erected. In November 1832, Mr,
ConneUy succeeded Mr. Corry, who was then sta
tioned in Taunton. At that time, the Catholics
numbered about 300, In a short time, they greatly
increased in numbers, owing to the rail-roads then
in the course of construction in the vicinity. In
May 1 834, Mr. Lee succeeded Mr. Connelly, and held
the pastoral charge for three years and a half, being
occasionally assisted by Messrs. Lynch, McNamee
and Mills. The Cathohcs then numbered about one
thousand. In 1 836, in July, the foundation of the
church of St, Peter and St, Paul was laid. But lit
tle progress was made in the building that season,
through want of funds. The work was, in fact,
wholly discontinued from October 1836, to Septem
ber following. At the last mentioned date Mr. Cor
ry was again stationed in the city, and re-commenced
the building, and had it closed in, by the first of De
cember, when rehgious exercises were held in it for
the first time. In the course of the following sum
mer, the interior was more decently fitted up for
divine service. At the Christmas of 1838, Messrs.
Philip AUen & Son presented the church a fine
toned, Spanish bell, weighing about one thousand
pounds, A sweet toned organ was placed in the
church in 1841. The whole expense of the lot,
church, organ, and church furniture, was about
4' 12,000. The church covers an area, ninety-eight
cet by forty-four. It is thirty-four feet high, having
a fine basement story, in which are two good school
rooms. The walls of the house are built of slate
61

482 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
stone, covered with cement. It is a casteUated
gothic structure, with a tower, of fine proportions
and finish.
As early as 1813 or 1814, the Catholics celebra
ted mass in a small wooden buUding then standing
on the north side of Sheldon-street, about one hun
dred feet east of Benefit-street, Public service, ac
cording to the rites and ceremonies of that church,
was performed there for nearly a year. The build
ing then occupied was a small one, which had pre
viously been improved as a school house. It was
subsequently removed from this lot, and blown down
in ."the great gale" of 1815. Bishop Cheverus
occasionaUy officiated in this chapel,
WESTMINSTER CONGREGATIONAL SOCIETY,
In January 1828, a number of individuals profess
ing Unitarianism, associated themselves together
under the name of " The Religious Association."
Subsequently, one of the deacons and fourteen of
the members of the First Congregational church.
having been at their own request dismissed from
that church, united with this association and formed
what has since been known as the Westminster
Congregational society. They first met for public
worship in the " old tin top" meeting house, on
Richmond street. In 1829, they erected, at an ex
pense of ^35,000, a handsome and spacious church,
on the west side of Mathewson street, of the Ionic
order of architecture, containing one hundred and
six pews. The waUs are of stone, covered with ce
ment. There is no church in the city which is more

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 483
chaste in its style of architecture, or which exhibits
more classic taste in its exterior, than this. The
funds for buUding this house were raised by sub
scription and sale of pews,
Frederick A. Farley was the first pastor of this
church. He was ordained September 10, 1828, —
He resigned his charge in July 1841, a,nd was suc
ceeded by the present pastor, Samuel Osgood, who
was installed December 29, 1841, The pastor is
chosen and settled by the society. The expenses of
public worship are raised by tax.on pews. In June
1828, the General Assembly granted a charter of in
corporation to the society. The church has no
written creed, but only a written covenant. The
number of church members in 1842 was between 40
and 50, The church is strictly independent,
GRACE CHURCH,
The parish of Grace church was organized in
May 1829. It consisted of about forty families, or
two hundred persons, including thirty-one commu
nicants. In December 1836, the congregation had increas
ed to about 140 families, and 261 communicants.
During the first year, this parish was supplied by
the neighboring Episcopal clergymen, Samuel
Fuller, jr, officiated from May 1830, to AprU 1831,
George F. Hawkins a part of the year 1 832, and
John A. Clark from October 1832, to October 1835.
He was succeded by the present (1842) rector, Al
exander H. Vinton.
The society first met for worship in the old Con-

484 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
gregational meeting house, at the corner of Pine
and Richmond streets, known as the "old tin top."
In the year 1832, they purchased the Providence
Theatre, at the corner of Westminster and Mathew
son streets, and converted the same into a commo
dious place of worship. It is now a very handsome
Gothic building, with appropriate tracery on the
windows and doors, and is an ornament to that part
of the city. It contains one hundred and ten pews ;
but the society has increased so much, that they wiU
soon be compeUed to abandon it, for one of more
ample accommodations. The expense of the pur
chase and alteration of this house was raised by
subscriptions and sale of pews. The parish receiv
ed a charter of incorporation, in June 1 829. Pub
lic worship is supported by a tax on pews and income
of the funds of the society. It was originaUy es
tablished according to the doctrines, rites, and usages
of the Protestant Episcopal church of the United
States. The power of calHng a minister, resides
in the vestry, the corporation having the liberty of
nominating. ROGER WILLIAMS BAPTIST CHURCH.
In December 1 829, a number of persons belong
ing to different Baptist churches, judging it expedi
ent to have a congregation for public worship, on
Christian Hill, procured a private room on High
street, for their accommodation, and engaged Wil
liam C. Manchester, for their minister. On the 22d
day of March 1830, twelve persons, eight of whom
were from the Six Principle Baptist church in Scitu-

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 486
ate, two from that in Coventry, one from that in
Cranston, and one from that in Johnston, assembled
at their usual place of worship and associated them
selves together as a church, under the name of the
Roger Williams Christian HiU church, now known
as Roger Wilhams church. Agreeably to the prac
tice of the churches, to which the members of the
newly constituted church previously belonged, they
subscribed to no written creed or covenant, but re
ceive the holy scriptures, as furnishing every article
of necessary belief, and teaching them their duties
to one another and to aU men. There was howev
er, a mutual understanding, that, with shght excep
tions, the doctrines set forth in a treatise on Doctrine
and Practice just pubHshed by the General Con
ference of the FreewiU Baptist denomination, were
taught by the scriptures. Their numbers continu
ing to increase, in June 1831, they petitioned for a
charter of incorporation, which was granted them
under the name of the Roger WUHams church of the
Six Principle Baptists in Providence. The church
and congregation continued to occupy their hired
room untU 1832, when they removed to a school
house on Battey street, a few rods north of High
street. Soon after obtaining their charter, they
commenced buUding the house they now occupy on
Burges street. It is a wooden structure, 70 by 46
feet, on the ground, with a handsome steeple and a
beU. It was dedicated on the 25th day of Decem
ber 1833. The funds for erecting the house were
obtained, partly by private subscription, and partiy
by sale of the pews. The charter gives power to

486 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
tax the pews for repairs of the house, but all the ex
penses of public worship, are raised by contribution.
The church united with the Rhode-Island and Mas
sachusetts Conference, of the Six Principle Baptists,
in September 1830. That Conference in September
1835, received a charge against the church of using
instrumental music in pubhc worship. The matter
was referred to a committee, to examine into the
same and to deal with the church in relation thereto.
Upon a hearing before the committee, th& church
admitted the charge, and attempted to justify it. —
The committee, not agreeing with the church, pass
ed a vote of censure on them and excluded them
from their communion, while they continued the
use of musical instruments in public worship. Up
on being informed of this result, the church protest
ing against the power of the Conference to delegate
the powers exercised by their committee, resolved
to withdraw from the Conference. In May 1836,
an attempt was made to connect this church with
the Warren Association of Baptists, but it was inef
fectual, owing to dissimilarity of sentiments, on some
points. They remained, therefore, wholly indepen
dent and disconnected with any other body of
Christians whatever, untU May 1837, when they
united with the Rhode-Island Quarterly Meeting
of the Free-wiU Baptists, still maintaining the
peculiarities of the old Baptists, excepting strict
communion. The congregation, during the first year, consisted
of from 30 to 60 persons. Since then, it has been
graduaUy increasing. After passing through vari-

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 487
OUS and severe trials, the church is now in a prosper
ous condition. The congregation varies from two to
four hundred, generaUy. rising two hundred, and the
number of communicants in the church is 130, —
" As a church, they are utterly opposed to slavery
and intemperance, and all things that tend to these :
yet to abolish these with every other evU, they choose
to call no man, or class of men. Master, but stead
ily to foUow that course they judge to be pointed
out to them by the Word, Spirit and Providence of
God," July 7, 1837, Elder Manchester was dismiss
ed from the church as a minister and member. Sep-
.tember 30, 1837, L. D. Johnson, of Boston, Mass.
became their pastor, and was instaUed, an unusual
ceremony with the connection. Their next pastor
was Arthur A. Caveno, bf Strafford, N, H, who
continued with them a year. Their present pastor
is James A, McKenzie, of Newport, R, I, who com
menced his labors with them May 1, 1840,
THE PAWTUXET STREET CHRISTIAN SOCIETY,
A church of this denomination of Christians, was
organized here more than thirty years since, but for
want of a pastor, its members soon became scatter
ed, and the church extinct. In the winter of 1 833-
4, a few individuals associated together, and invited
ministers from abroad to visit and preach to them.
Their meetings were holden at private houses. As
their numbers increased, and a greater interest be
came manifested in their meetings, they engaged
Elijah W. Barrows, of Connecticut, for a pastor,
and estabhshed their meetings in the old meeting

488 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
house of the present Richmond Street Congrega
tional Society, standing at the corner of Pine and
Richmond streets. This was in April 1 834, Their
numbers were stUl small, the congregation varying
from forty to eighty persons. The church was or
ganized in July of the same year, and consisted of
nineteen members. In November, they commen
ced the erection of a smaU chapel for their accom
modation, upon a lot of land at the corner of Paw
tuxet and Fenner streets, which they hired for the
purpose. It was completed so as to be dedicated to
religious service, about the first day of January
1835. The cost of the building was ^1000,
pvhich they raised by sale of pews. Elder Barrows
continued with them until April 1837, when he was
dismissed, at his request. After a few months, Ed
ward Edmunds, of New-York, was engaged to suc
ceed him. He was ordained elder of this church
in November. The church and congregation in
creased very rapidly under his charge. In the sum
mer of 1838, they enlarged their chapel, so that it
could accommodate over two hundred and fifty per
sons. They purchased the lot at the northwest cor
ner of Pawtuxet and Fenner streets, in 1839, and
removed their house on to it. Mr. Edmunds re
signed his office in April 1840, and Benjamin Tay
lor, formerly of Massachusetts, but more recent
ly of Michigan, succeeded him in June following,
and continued with them one year. During this
"time, the congregation increased very much, so that
their chapel would not accommodate them. In July
1841, they broke ground for a new chapel, forty-

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 489
seven by seventy feet. It was soon completed, at a
cost of ^10,000. It contains eighty pews on the
floor, with an orchestra and side galleries, and wiU
accommodate at least seven hundred persons. The
cost of this, as well as of their first chapel, was
raised by sale of pews. John Taylor, formerly of
Massachusetts, but recentiy of Portsmouth, R. I., be
came pastor ofthis church and society in June 1841.
The church now consists of upwards of two hundred
members. In settling a pastor, the church recommends, but
the power of election is in the society. The pas
tor's salary, and all the expenses of public worship,
are defrayed by monthly subscriptions and collec
tions. The church is strictly independent in its gov
ernment, and for its creed, takes the holy scriptures
as their only rule of faith and practice. The socie
ty was incorporated in 1834, under the name of
" The Pawtuxet Street Christian Society."
MEETING STREET BAPTIST CHURCH. •
This church occupies the house formerly known
«,s the African Union Meeting and School House.
It was built in 1819, upon a lot on Meeting street,
given to them by the late Moses Brown. The de
sign, in its erection, was to establish a building in
which aU the colored people of Providence might
assemble for pubhc worship, and in which a school
could be kept exclusively for their chUdren. The
work was undertaken without any reference to sec
tarian differences among them, and was approbated
by most of the clergymen in Providence, and by
62

490 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY,
professing Christians of all denominations. It was
vainly supposed then, that denominational distinc
tions might be buried, among this class of people,
and they be induced to forego their own opinions on
religious matters. At first, they proceeded with
much unanimity. They raised about five hundred
doUars, among themselves, and their agent, Nathan
iel Paul, was successful in obtaining subscriptions
for their aid, in other places which he visited for that
purpose. In April 1819, they commenced the erec
tion of a wooden buUding, fifty feet by forty, with a
large room in the basement, appropriate for a
school room. The school room was fitted for use
in June 1819. Meetings were holden in it also tiU
August 1821, when the upper part being finished,
was dedicated to the service of Almighty God. The
cost of the structure exceeded two thousand doUars ;
of this amount rising eight hundred doUars were sub
scribed by people of color. Much credit is due to
the Rev. Henry Jackson for his active and zealous
exertions in relation to this house. Perhaps it is not
too much to say, that without them, it would not
have been built.
The friends of the colored people who were en
gaged in this enterprise, were soon disappointed, for
the same causes which have produced sects and dis
sonant creeds throughout Christendom, operated to
divide and subdivide the colored people of Provi
dence. The churches of colored people now in Provi
dence, generally originated and met first for worship
in this house.

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 491
The friends of the original enterprise have by this
circumstance, probably done more good than they
anticipated. The great body of colored people are
now divided into sects, having distinct houses of
worship, whUe before 1819, they had no house of
any kind, and probably would not have had, up to
the present time, had it not been for this very move
ment, A portion of the colored population stUl meet in
this house, a part of whom constitute " the Meeting
Street Baptist Church," They were first recognized
as a regular Baptist church and congregation, on
the 8th day of December 1841, The church then
consisted of nine persons, seven males and two fe
males. It has now increased to thirty-three. The
congregation were about fifty in number. Jeremiah
Asher, of Hartford, Conn, was then ordained their
pastor, and has continued that relation up to the
present time. At that time the members of the
church entered into a covenant with one another, but
they never have had any written creed. Their an
nual expenses are defrayed by voluntary subscription
and contribution. The power of choosing and set
tling a pastor, is in the church and society. The
church is strictiy independent, acknowledging no
obedience due from it to any other body on earth.

CHAPTER EIGHTH,
EDUCATION.
It is matter of regret, that education has not al
ways received the same degree of attention in Rhode-
Island, as in the other New-England states. Whatever
may have been the cause, and several might be sug
gested were this the proper place, it must be admitted,
that the soil of Rhode-Island has never been pecu
Harly favorable to schools, or institutions of learning.
Providence has manifested more interest in them
than the other towns in the state, yet we shall find
little to boast of even in her case.
In May 1663, the proprietors passed the follow
ing order : " It is agreed by this present Assembly,
that one hundred acres of upland and six acres of
meadow (or lowland to the quantity of eight acres,
in Heu of meadow) shaU be laid out within the
bounds of this town of Providence ; the which land
shall be reserved for the maintainance of a school in
this town ; and that after the said land is laid out
and the bounds thereof set, it shaU be recorded in
our town records, according unto the bounds fixed,
and shaU be called by the name of the school lands
of Providence," This is the earliest grant now to be
found in the records, and the eariiest reference to a
school, or any means of education. From a petition

EDUCATION. 493
of John Whipple, jr. in the files of the city clerk's
office, presented to the town January 28, 1684, it
appears, that a whole purchase right of land, had
long before that time, been set apart for the use and
benefit of a school. The prayer of the petition was,
that lands might then be laid out under it. It
does not appear what was done with this petition,
nor is there any mention on the records of the
grant referred to in it, unless it is the grant first re
cited, and it would not seem probable that the pe
titioner could have confounded these grants, or mis-
recited the one intended by him, for he was town
clerk in 1670, 1671, 1677, 1680 and 1681,
The first schoolmaster in Providence, of whom
any memorial remains, was William Turpin, When
he came, is not known, but he was here the 11th
day of June 1684, On that day he executed an in
denture with WUHam Hawkins and Lydia his wife,
in which he covenanted to furnish Peregrine Gard
ner, with board and schooling for one year, for six
pounds ; forty shUHngs of which in beef and pork ;
pork, at two pence, and beef, at three-pence half
penny, per lb ; twenty shilHngs in corn, at two shU
Hngs per bushel, and the balance in silver money. —
He was to be instructed in reading and writing, —
This instrument is in the hand writing of Mr, School
master Turpin, and exhibits plenary proof of his abil
ity to teach writing. It also proves conclusively
that schoolmasters in those days were not very exor
bitant in their demands.
The foUowing January, Mr. Turpin presented a
petition to the town, in these words :

494 EDUCATION.
" The humble request of William Turpin, now schoolmaster
of the said, town, is, that whereas there vvas a parcel of land
formerly granted by the ancestors of said town and was to be
to the use and benefit of a schoolmaster, as by the records of the
town book will more at large appear, which said order or grant
was read to me in the presence of several gentlemen, that were
the occasion of--my settling at this town, who promised to be in
strumental in the performance thereof Gentlemen, my desire
is, that the aforesaid land may be forthwith laid out, according
to the said order or grant, and that the said master or his hpirs
may be invested in the said land, so long as he or any of them,
shall maintain that worthy art of learning. Thus leaving it to
you, gentlemen, to give a speedy answer, according as you shall
think meet, I rest yours to command, WILLIAM TURPIN."
There is no memorandum what answer, if any,
was returned to this petition. How long the peti
tioner " maintained that worthy art of learning" does
not appear. It was to him, as it ought always to be
to those who engage in it, the stepping stone to hon
ors, if not to fortune. In 1722 and 1723 he repre
sented the town in General Assembly ; in 1727, he
was town clerk ; and died, town treasurer, in 1744,
He held the last office from 1722 to 1736, and was
again elected to it in June 1743. He died in 1744,
and before AprU.
In January 1696, John Dexter, WUHam Hopkins
and others, petitioned the town for a piece of land
on Dexter's lane, or Stamper's hiU, on which to erect
a school house. The petition was granted, and there
our infomation ends. Dexter's lane is now called
Olney street.
When the proprietors divided the land lying on
the west side of North and South Main streets, into
warehouse lots, they left a lot opposite the west end

EDUCATION. 495
of the court house parade, for a school house lot.
The first reference to it, is on the plat of the ware
house lots in the proprietor's office, bearing date in
1747, How long before this date, the lot was set
off for this purpose, whether it was set oflf in pursu
ance to the grant referred to in Mr, Turpin's pe
tition, or in answer to the petition of John Dexter
and others, cannot be ascertained. Nor can it be
ascertained when a school house was first erected
on it. The first notice I have been able to find of
it on the town records, is in 1752. In that year,
Nicholas Cooke, Joseph Olney, Esek Hopkins, EH
sha Brown and John Mawney, were appointed " to
have the care of the town school house, and to ap
point a master to teach in said house." The school
committee the following year, were Nicholas Cooke,
John Mawney, Nicholas Brown, Elijah TUlinghast,
and Daniel Abbot. The next year, the school house
was leased by the town to Stephen Jackson, school
master, for three months from March 1st. There is
no further reference to the matter until 1763, when
the town clerk was directed to lease the house
again. The schoolmaster probably received aU his
compensation from his pupils ; the town, as a corpo
ration, simply furnishing a room at a fixed rent.
There were at least two other schools in town, as
eariy as 1763, Mr. George Taylor, in 1735, had
the use of a chamber in the state house, to keep a
school in ; and in 1751, Gideon Comstock, Alexan
der Frazier, Joseph Potter, Thomas AngeU, James
Field, BarziUai Richmond and Nehemiah Sprague,
had permission to build a school house on the west

496 EDUCATION.
side of the river, " on vacant land a little above Jo
seph Snow jr's dwelling house, the street being wide
enough." They stated they had then subscribed
enough to erect a house. The location of this
house must have been near the public pump in
Broad street. After the court house was burned, in
1758, the town endeavored to possess themselves of
the lot on which it had stood, in lieu of the one on
Main street. There were great difficulties in the
way, the court house lot having been originally
granted only for the use of a colony house, and the
' school house lot, only for a school house. The diffi
culties were, however, overcome, and in February
1765, a committee of the town transferred the fee
of the school house lot, and purchased the other.
In 1767, the town again took up the subject of
education, with the apparent design of providing
schools for aU the children of the inhabitants. At a
town meeting holden December 8, they resolved to
purchase or build three school houses for small chil
dren and one for youth, to provide instructions and
pay the expense from the treasury, and these schools
to be under the supervision of a school committee,
John Brown, John Jenckes, Nathaniel Greene,
Charles Keene and Samuel Thurber were appointed
a committee to select locations for the houses, to
purchase land and make contract for their erection,
Darius Sessions, Samuel Nightingale, Jabez Bowen
and Moses Brown were appointed to prepare an or
dinance for the building, supporting and governing
the school. These committees reported to an ad
journed meeting, holden on the first of January 1768.

EDUCATION. 497
The record states, the reports were both rejected.
Neither of them is on file or recorded. That made
by the last named committee, in the hand writing of
the late Gov, Bowen, I have lately found, accom
panied with a memorandum in the hand writing of
the late Moses Brown, They are as foUows :
" The education of youth, being a thing of the first import
ance to every society, as thereby the minds of the rising gene
ration are formed to virtue, knowledge, and useful literature,
and a succession of able and useful men are produced, with
suitable qualifications for serving their country with ability and
faithfulness; and, institutions ofthis nature are the more useful,
by how much the more liberal and free, the enjoyment of them is.
This town having taken the same into consideration at their
last meeting, held the 2d day of December last past, voted to
purchase and erect three small school houses, for the education
of children, and one larger one for the education of youth, and
that proper masters should be provided and keep for each house
at the town's expense.
Upon consideration whereof, be it enacted by the town of
Providence, and by the freemen of the same it is hereby enact
ed, that four school houses be erected or purchased, within the
compact part of this town, as soon as may be. That one be pur
chased, or a new one built, on the west side of the great bridge,
at or near the place where the school house at present stands ;
that one be erected at the southerly part of the town, in the
back street, near Power's Lane ; that one other one be built at
the northerly part of the town, in the back street, near Richard
Brown's lot ; and that one larger one be erected on the lot where
the old court house formerly stood. The three small ones not
to cost more than three hundred pounds, lawful money ; to be
built of wood, and pretty near the form and dimensions of that
one over the great bridge already built.
And be it further enacted, that the large school house to be
built on the old court house lot, shall be built with brick, ac
cording to the plan presented to this meeting by the committee,
and that the finishing and completing the same, shall not exceed
63

498 EDUCATION.
the sum of four hundred and eighty-five pounds lawful money,
and that the same shall be finished on or before the first day of
December, next after this date. And whereas, there is a sum of
money, in the hands of the town's committee, which arose from
the sale of the old school house and lot, be it further enacted,
that the whole of the said sum of money be appropriated towards
building the several school houses that are to be erected at the
town's expense.
And be it further enacted, that this town will take the remain
der of the expense that shall accrue by building the several
school houses, on itself, and that the town will from time to
time, and at all times hereafter, supply said houses with good
and sufiicient masters, at all times to come, and that fire wood
shall be supplied said schools at the town's expense.
And be it further enacted, that the sum of five hundred and
twenty pounds, lawful money, be assessed and levied on the polls
and estates of the inhabitants of this town, on or before the first
day of February next, and that the same be collected and paid
into the town treasury, by the collector of taxes on or before the
day of next, to be applied for defraying the expenses,
providing materials, and building the said four school houses.
And be it further enacted, that the following rules, orders and
regulations, shall be observed in the governing the said schools,
that is to say :
That the school house already built on the west side of the
great bridge, shall remain under the direction of the present pro
prietors, till such time as all the other houses shall be finished,
and fit for the reception of scholars ; that then, all the four
houses shall be furnished with masters at the expense of the town.
That a school committee shall be annually chosen, of persons
dwelling in different parts of the town, who are hereby clothed
with ample power and authority, from time to time, to appoint
masters and ushers, in all or any of the schools, fully qualified to
do the duties of their respective stations, to agree with each for
their several salaries, and to pass certificates to the town treas
urer, for their receiving the same ; which agreements, in wri
ting, shall be obligatory on the town, at all times, and said com
mittee's certificates thus passed, shall be a sufficient warrant to
the treasurer for his payment of said wages.

EDUCATION. 499
A lid further, in case of any complaint to said committee
against any of the masters or ushers, as to insufficiency, neglect,
partiality or misconduct, said committee for the time being, are
required to take the same into immediate consideration, and act
thereon as shall to them seem just and right, either for the ac
quittal or removal of said masters or ushers, and the appointing
of others, in his or their room, or stead. That any repairs or
alterations that may be at any time hereafter thought needful in
said houses, shall be laid before said committee, and be by them
inquired into, and if found fit, and reasonable, shall be laid be
fore the town for them to act and determine upon.
That every inhabitant of this town, whether they be free of
the town or not, shall have and enjoy an equal right and privi
lege, of sending their own children, and the children of others
that may be under their care, for instruction and bringing up, to
any or all of the said schools. And that each and every scholar,
before they be admitted into any of the small schools, shall
have learnt their letters and acquired some acquaintance with
spelling. And before they be permitted to enter the larger
school, they must have gained considerable knowledge in read
ing and writing, and that all those who may be thus qualified,
shall and may be admitted to all the advantages of education
that may be taught in either of the respective schools. And in
case any dispute should arise, touching the qualification of any
child or children, the same shall be determined by the school
committee That not exceeding two hours in each day, shall be taken up
in the large school, in perfecting the scholars in reading, accent-
intr, pronouncing and properly understanding the English tongue.
That the remaining school hours shall be employed in teaching
the children and youth in writing, arithmetic, the various branch
es of mathematics, and the learned languages. The whole to be
taught in one or separate apartments in said house under the di
rection of said committee, as the circumstances of said school,
from time to time shall require, and as will have the best tenden
cy to increase and spread knowledge and learning.
That children under the care of non-resident freeholders, shall
be admitted into said school, provided said freeholder shall pay

500 EDUCATION.
the sura of twelve shillings, lawful money, in the school tax an
nually ; and also those inhabitants of the town who pay twelve
shillings, lawful money, annually, to the support of the school,
if they have no children nor apprentices of their own, shall have
liberty to send the children of any friend or relation of theirs
living out of this town.
That the masters in each school, during the common school
hours, shall be obliged to give a constant attention to the duties
of their offices, and not engage in any employ, that might impede,
the due instruction of the youth under their care, and also that
they keep up in their several departments, a strict, but not pas
sionate and severe, discipline. And for the raising a laudable
emulation to excel in the various branches of learning, said mas
ters shall, from time to time, range the scholars in proper class
es, according to their several attainments, annually or quarterly,
and those that excel in learning in each class, shall have some
honorary marks of favor or distinction, conferred on them by the
master. The committee for the time being, shall be the visitors to the
said schools, to inspect the conduct of the several masters, and
the proficiency of those under their charge ; their visitation to
be made quarterly at least.
That none shall be received into the schools from other towns,
when the numbers are so large in the schools, as that the profi
ciency of those that belong to this town may be obstructed ; but
when there is sufficient room in any of the houses, children may
be received in from any other towns, on the approbation of the
committee, they settling what sums of money shall be paid by
the parents or guardians of such children, for the supporting of
the schools, receiving the same and passing of it to the town
treasury." "1768. Laid before the town by the committee, but a number
of the inhabitants (and what is most surprising and remarkable,
the plan of a Free School, supported by a tax, was rejected by
the POORER sort of the people) being strangely led away not to
see their own as well as the public interest therein, (by a few
objectors at first) either because they were not the projectors, or
had not public spirit to execute so laudable a design, and which
was first voted by the town with great freedom, M. B. "

EDUCATION. 501
The like strange and surprising result has been
seen in almost every community which has refused
to establish free schools. Another committee re
ported at the same time that there were then 102
houses, 911 inhabitants (including 189 between the
ages of 6 and 14) fit for schooling, on the west side
of the river.
The votes of the meeting holden December 2d,
were in effect repealed, by the rejection of the re
ports of the committees, and the town at this meet
ing resolved to buUd one brick school house, thirty
feet by forty, and two stories high, near the court
house, out of the proceeds of the old school house
lot sold in 1765, and a tax of £100, provided the
sum of £182,17 should be raised by private subscrip
tions for the same object. The probabUity is, that
this was equal to the proceeds of the old school
house lot and the tax of £100. In the house so built,
the town agreed to support a free school, to be un
der the direction of a committee of nine, of which
the town council were to be ex officio members. —
The attempts to raise the sum required by subscrip
tion failed, and the town met again on the subject,
on the first day of February. It was then voted, to
apply the proceeds of the old school house lot to the
erection of the school house on the old court house
lot, so far as they would go, if individual proprietors
would contribute what would be sufficient with that
to complete the house ; the house so built to be
kept in repair by the proprietors, and the town to
have the use of the lower story. In case this ar
rangement could not be completed within thirty

602 EDUCATION.
days, the town's committee were instructed to erect
so large a house as they could, with the proceeds of
the old lot and house. The subscription was not
filled within the Hmited time, but by the middle of
July it was, and John Smith was appointed to build
the house which now stands on the lot. ' The town
had the ownership of the lower story, and the pro
prietors, of the upper. Subsequent to this, the town
frequently appointed masters to keep school in their
part of the house, and passed rules and regulations,
for the good government of both the schools kept in
it. A school committee were also frequently ap
pointed, which visited these schools occasionally, and
also the other private schools kept in the town.^
Things continued in this inauspicious state, until
1786. It would seem that the town had then be
come more sensible of the disadvantages of being
joint owners of a school house with individual citi
zens and of being co-partners in the business of edu
cation, with any one. At any rate, they found a de
ficiency in benefits received. In AprU, they ap
pointed a committee, to draw up a plan of educa
tion for the government of the several schools in the
town. This committee soon discovered, and in July
reported, the causes of iU success. They say :
" They have endeavored to suggest some general outlines for
the regulation of schools, as they are now supported by individ
uals, but are of opinion, that no effectual method can be devised
for the encouragement of learning and the general diffusion of
knowledge and virtue, among all classes of children and youth,
until the town shall think proper to take a matter of so much
importance into their own hands, and provide and support a
sufficient number of judicious persons for that purpose."

EDUCATION 503
The town were not, however, wiUing to adopt the
measure proposed. They stiU pursued the half-way,
vaciUating course, worse, in fact, than no municipal
action on the subject. They appointed a school
committee, to have the government of the town
school houses, to appoint masters and give directions
for the government of schools kept in them, and to
take charge of such other school houses in town as
the proprietors should resign to them. The propri
etors of the school houses had become convinced of
the inexpediency of individuals' being interested in
school houses, for the accommodation of common
schools. Those interested in " the brick school
house," agreed, at once, that if the town would put
and keep that building in repair, they should have
the use of it for two years, provided they would
keep up a school in it for one year. Previous to
this time, another set of proprietors erected another
school house near the north end of Benefit street,
the wooden building which stood there in 1 828, and
then known as the first district school house. Its
original name was " Whipple Hall," They also offer
ed the use of their house to the town, for a public
school, for a reasonable rent, the town keeping it in
repair. The town accepted the charge of these
houses on these terms. They also set apart all
moneys which should be received of the state, or the
United States, for damage done " the brick school
house," during the revolutionary war ; all rents to
be received for Market-house ceUar, chambers and
staUs, and all wharfage to be received on the mar
ket-house lot, as a fiind for the support of pubhc

504 EDUCATION.
schools. It is not probable that this arrangement
lasted long, or that much good grew out of it. The
funds set apart for the purpose were quite too small.
They might have been, and probably were, mostly
consumed in keeping the houses in repair, and pay
ing the rents demanded. The result of the arrange
ment then, would simply have been, the estciblish-
ment of public schools, which aU might attend who
would pay the tuition demanded by the instructors.
This seems probable, from the fact that afterwards,
in 1791, some of the citizens petitioned the town to
establish free schools. The petition was referred to
the school committee. They reported in August,
that it is expedient to purchase the proprietors' inter
est in "the brick school house," and also in " Whip
ple Hall," and build two new houses, one at the south
end of the tovvn, and the other on the west side of
the river. They recommended that the schools so
established should be under the care and supervision
of the school committee, who should appoint the
necessary instructors. There was one very singular
provision in the report, which almost reconciles us
to the fate which it met with. It is stated that the
Friends then had a school of their own, in which
their children were instructed, and would continue
to be instructed, without expense to the town. The
report recommended that they should be permitted
to draw from the town treasury, money to support
their school, in proportion to the number of chil
dren attending it. It would have been indeed hu-
mUiating, if public education had been subjected to
evident sectarian influence, by the descendants of

fibOcAWoM. 605
those who had first severed aU connexion between
feligion and civil government. The town directed
the interests of the proprietors in the two school
houses to be purchased; This was not theh effected,
and the matter was permitted to slumber from Au
gust 1791, to September 1792, when the town again
resolved to estabhsh free schools, and directed the town
Council to carry into effect the report of the com
mittee of August 1791. How fully do these pro
ceedings abound in good resolutions ! The town
council did nothing more than the school committee
the yeai* before, toward the establishment of free
schools. The next year, the town authorised the
school committee to make some arrangements with
the proprietors of the " brick school house," so that
the interior of the buUding might be altered. In
1794, and after that, frequent directions afe given
for the repair of this house, ahd for the drawing up
of regulations for the schools, but nothing more
about free schools. In September 1795, the town
again resolve to establish " schools foi* the free edu
cation of the chUdren of the inhabitants of the town,
and that the expense of supporting the same be de
frayed out of the town treasury." The report of
the school committee made in August 1791, was
revived, and the town council were again directed
to carry the same into effect. Like all previous
movements on this subject, the passage of these
resolutions ended the matter.
In 1^00, commencenced a new era in the annals
of education in this state * During this year, the
General Assembly passed their first act in relation to
64

506 Education.
schools, the object and design of vvhich was to es-^
tabhsh free schools in every town. The subject was
brought before them by the following memorial and
petition of the Providence Association of Mechan
ics and Manufacturers, drawn up by John Howland ;
" That the means of education which are enjoyed in this
state, are very inadequate to a purpose so highly important :
That numbers of the rising generation, whom nature has lib
erally endowed, and suffered to grow up in ignorance, when a
common education would qualify them to act their parts in life
with advantage to the public, and reputation to themselves :
That in consequence of there being no legal provision for the
establishment of schools, and for want of public attention and
encouragement, this so essential part of our social duty is left to
the partial patronage of individuals, whose cares cannot extend
beyond the limits of their ow.n families, while numbers in every
part of the state are deprived of a privilege which it is the com
mon right of every child to enjoy :
That when to that respect, which, as individuals we feel our
selves bound to render to the representatives of the people, we
add our public declaration of gratitude for the privileges we en
joy as a corporate body, we at the same time solicit this Honor
able Assembly to make legal provision for the establishment of
Free Schools, sufficient to educate all the children in the seve
ral towns throughout the state. With great confidence, we
bring this our earnest solicitation before this Honorable Assem
bly, from the interest we feel in the public welfare, and from
the consideration that our society is composed of members, not
originally of any one particular town, but assembled mostly in
our early years from almost every town in the state :
That we feel as individuals, the want of that education which
we now ask to be bestowed on those who are to succeed us in
life, and which is so essential, in transacting its common con
cerns. That we feel a still greater degree of confidence, from
the consideration that while we pray this Honorable Assembly
to establish Free Schools, we are, at the same time, advocating
the cause of the great majority of children throughout the stat6.

EDUCATION. 507
and in particular, of those who are poor and destitute — the son
of the widow, and the child of distress :
Trusting that our occupation as mechanics, and manufactur
ers, ought not to prevent us from adding to these reasons an ar
gument which cannot fail to operate with those, to whom is
committed the guardianship of the public welfare, and that is,
that liberty and security, under a republican form of govern
ment, depend on a general diffusion of knowledge among the
people. In confiding this petition and the reasons which have dictated
it, to the wisdom of the Legislature, we assure ourselves that
their decision will be such, as will reflect on this Honorable As
sembly the praise and the gratitude, not only of the youth of the
present generation, but of thousands, the date of whose exist-
tence has not commenced."
This petition was presented to the February ses
sion, 1799, and the whole subject was referred to a
committee, who reported in June, by biU. The biU
was printed and referred to the freemen for instruc
tion. The instructions given by Providence were
as foUows :
" To John Smith, William Rhodes, Thomas P. Ives, and Da
vid L. Barnes, Esqrs.
Gentlemen — Placing in you the fullest confidence, we have
selected you to assist in the public councils of the state, not
doubting your readiness to promote such measures, as may tend
to advance the general interest, as combined with the private
happiness of the people. It never being our intention to bind
our representatives by instructions, in the ordinary business of
legislation, we should not have addressed you at this time, but
from the deep interest we feel in the question submitted by the
General Assembly to their constituents. On the question of
free schools, gentlemen, all party distinctions are broken down ;
here there can be no clashing interests. On this subject one
section of the state cannot be opposed to another. Before this
benevolent idea, every partial, narrow motive of local policy must

508 EDUCATION.
disappear. As we are confident, that the general object of the
bill can meet with no opposition, the only question which can
arise, will be on some of its particular provisions, as to the best
mode of carrying its general principle into effect. On this point
of the subject, we would recommend to you to support the adop
tion of the bill in its present form, as any inconvenience which
may arise in particular districts, can, at any time, be removed
after the law is in operation, when experience can point out to
the legislature, the expediency of a different arrangement; but
this we confide to your discretion, on the positive injunction,
that the general system is not affected.
Fully confident of the patriotism of our fellow citizens through
out the state, that they are actuated by the same anxious solici
tude for the public good, we doubt not but their representatives
and ours will meet at the next session, bringing with them, the
rich deposit of the public sentiment, and, by a unanimous voice,
establish Free Schools throughout the state ; then will that glory,
which attaches itselFto the purest benevolence, and to the high
est acts of public virtue, rest on their heads, and the members" of
the Rhode-Island Legislature, having thus before the close of the
eighteenth century, provided for the full enjoyment of a right
which forms so essential an article in the great system of social
order, will be mentioned with high expressions of gratitude and
honor, through the ages and generations which are yet to suc
ceed. It is, nevertheless, the sense of the town, that, in case any
particular alteration of the bill, to extend it to native Indians, or
other people of color, or as it may respect any particular society,
shall appear eligible, to the representatives on hearing before the
General Assembly, these instructions are not to be construed to
militate against any such amendment."
In October following, the House of Representa-
tives passed the bill into a law. The Senate post
poned the matter untU the next February session,
( 1 800) when they concurred with the House. It met
with great opposition in the General Assembly, and
measures were soon put in motion to ensure its re
peal, by which its fair operation never was felt. The

EDUCATION. 509
end designed was accomplished, the act became un
popular, and was repealed in February 1 803.
In prospect of the passage of this act, the town
appointed a committee to purchase Whipple Hall,
and the proprietors' interest in the " brick school
house." This was effected with little difficulty. At
the April town meeting, 1800, a committee, consist
ing of James BurriU, jr. Richard Jackson, jr. John
Howland, John Carlile, WiUiam Richmond, John
Corhs and Joel Metcalf, was appointed to devise a
plan to carry the act of the General Assembly into
effect. They exhibited a report recommending the
estabhshment of four schools, to be kept up during
the year ; one to be kept in Whipple Hall, one in the
<' brick school house," one in a new house to be built
at the south end of the town, and the other in a new
house to be built on the west side of the river.
They recommended that there should be a principal
in each school, at a salary of ^500, and so many
ushers or assistants, with such salaries as the town
councU should deem expedient, all whom should be
appointed by the council. They proposed that the
town should constitute one school district, under the
act of the General Assembly. The main features
of [this report were adopted, and the details of the
plan left to the council, who were also charged with
the superintendence of the schpols. A tax of ^^6000
was ordered, which, with the other funds belonging
to the town, were appropriated toward carrying the
system into operation. The council immediately
commenced their part of the labors.
Arrangements were soon made for the erection of

510 EDUCATION.
the new houses, ordered by the town. The one at
the south end of the town, was located on Transit
street, on the same lot now occupied by a school
house, and the one on the west side of the river, near
the corner of Friendship and Claverick streets. In
July they appointed James WUson, John Dexter,
Moses Noyes and Royal Farnum, principals, and
subsequently, Daniel Young, Lucius BoUes, Grave-
ner Taft, Ezra Leonard and WUHam Morton, ushers
or assistants, of these schools, two assistants being
assigned to the school on the west side of the river.
In August, the town appointed the first school com
mittee under the act of the General Assembly, It
consisted of Jonathan Maxcy, Enos Hitchcock, Ste
phen Gano, WiUiam Jones, James BurriU, jr,, John
Howland, Jabez Bowen, David L, Barnes, Amos
M. AtweU and John Carhle. The powers of this
committee were derived from the public school act
and were very limited, the town council being in
vested with the general oversight, supervision and
government of the schools. The council and school
committee met on the 16th of October and adopt
ed rules and regulations for the government of the
schools, and shortly after, the councU communi
cated to the principals of the schools, some further
rules to be by them observed in the discharge of
their duties. The preliminary arrangements being
made, the schools were opened on the last Monday
of October 1 800, under very favorable auspices, —
On the 23d of December there were attending in
the school in the

EDUCATION. 61 1,
first district, in Whipple Hall, under Mr. Dexter, 180, ,
Second " in brick school house, " Mr. Noyes,, 230
Third " south end, " Mr. Farnum, 240
Fourth " west side, " Mr. Wilson. 338
Subsequently, the school in the fourth district was
divided, and a part put under a master without any
assistant or usher at a salary of four hundred dollars
per year, making the sum paid annually for the sup
port of schools, for salaries alone, ^3,200. This con
tinued to be the arrangement Until 1812, It is
matter of regret that the records furnish no data
from which to ascertain the number of scholars in
these schools during this period. That the number
decreased after the novelty of the system had worn
off, is quite probable, I have not been able, how
ever, to ascertain the exact numbers, except in
AprU 1803, and May 1804. At the first, the num
ber was 708, and at the second, 736.
"From 1812 to 1818, there were five schools, —
Five masters, at ;^500 salary, also five ushers, at a
salary of ^200, making the annual expenditure, for
tuition alone, ^3,500." The number of scholars, it
is supposed, was not increased much, if at all, during
this period. In August 1818, the salaries of the
ushers was raised to ^250. In the following year, a
school house was erected on the west side of the
river, on Pond street. The fourth district was then
divided into two, and from this time to 1824, there
were five masters at a salary of ^500, and five ush
ers at ^260, and the average number of scholars
about 830. Thus they remained untU 1828, with a
slight variation, which wiU be hereafter noticed.
At the January session, 1828, the General Assem-

612 EDUCATION.
bly passed another act establishing public schook
throughout the state. From the passage of the first
act, (1800) the town of Providence had continued, as
we have seen, to keep up public schools, notwith
standing the repeal of that act in 1 803. After its re
peal, the whole burden of their support rested on the
town ; and it was borne without murmuring. The
poor and middling classes received, in the education
of their children, much more than they contributed
for the support of the schools ; whUe the rich were
amply compensated for their part of the expense, by
the increased security which they enjoyed for their
property, and the increased happiness they saw
around them. Upon the passage of this law, which
brought in the state to the pecuniary aid of the town,
a vigorous attempt was made to increase the num
ber, usefulness and standing of the pubhc schools
in Providence. The general act put the schools
under the exclusive control of a school committee
in each town. In June 1828, the first election was
made under this law. The board consisted of
twenty-one persons, A little time previous to the
passage of this act, the town council had been oblig
ed to divide the schools in two of the districts, the
scholars being too numerous for accommodation in
the school houses. This was the commencement of
primary schools in the town. Previous to this, in all
the districts, children of aU ages, received instruc
tion in aU the branches taught^ The monitorial
system of instruction was established in one of the
writing schools in 1 828, to test its efficiency. It re-

EDUCATION. 61 3
mained for some years, and until its early friends
were wiUing to have it changed back.
One of the first acts of the committee under the
act of 1828, was the establishment of a primary
school in each of the districts. It was soon found,
that the numbers attending these schools would be
quite too large for one instructress, and an assistant
was added to each school. The salary of a precep
tress was fixed at ;^175, and her assistant, at ^100.
The salaries of the preceptors and ushers of the
other schools remained the same, A school for col
ored children was estabhshed in 1828, the master of
which received ^400 per year ; a primary was ad
ded soon after. The number of schools in the town,
at the time of. the adoption of the city charter, was
twelve, five writing and five primary, and one
writing and one primary for colored children — the
amount paid for tuition, five thousand seven hundred
doUars, and the average number of scholars for the
last three years, about twelve hundred.
Since the adoption of the city charter great and
permanent improvements and additions have been
made to the schools, school houses, and system of
pubhc instruction. The schools have been increas
ed to twenty-five, of the foUowing descriptions :
sixteen primary and secondary, six grammar, one
high school, and two schools for colored chil
dren. Each primary school is under the care of
a preceptress and one assistant; each grammar
school under a master, and at least one male or two
female assistants ; and each school for colored chU
dren under a master or preceptress and one male
65

614 EDUCATION.
or femaje assistant. The high school is not yet
opened, progress is made in the erection of the buUd
ing for its accommodation. Its site is at the corner
of Benefit and AngeU streets. That wiU be under
the care of a principal and one or more assistants,
A superintendent, appointed by the school commit
tee, has the general oversight and management of all
the schools, school houses, estates and apparatus be
longing to the pubhc school establishment. The
school committee consists of thirty persons, appoint
ed in pursuance of the general school law of the
state. The salaries paid to the superintendent and
teachers are as follows: — To the superintendent,
;^1250 ; and to the principal of the high school,
j^l260 ; to each male assistant in high school, ^760 ;
to each female assistant, ^500 ; to each master of a
grammar school, ^800 ; to each male assistant, ;^400 ;
to each female assistant, ^276 ; to each preceptress
of a primary and secondary school, ^260 ; to each
assistant, ^200 ; to each master of a school for
colored children, $500 ; to each preceptress, j$f200;
to each male assistant, ^250 ; to each female assist
ant, ;^150.
The whole expense of the pubhc schools, for the
year ending in June 1842, was |fl6,649, of which
^5,057 42 was received from the state. The num
ber of scholars receiving instruction during the last
quarter of that year, was 3,805. The free school
estabhshment, it is presumed, wiU not suflfer by com
parison with that of any other town or city in the
Union, It should not be supposed that aU the means of

EDUCATION. 5l5
education which the children and yotith enjoyed in
this town, have now been enumerated. The fact is
far otherwise. The corps of private instructors has
always been large and respectable, so far as means
are left to form a judgment on the matter, I did
intend to append a Hst of such as had given or prof
fered instruction in Providence ; but supposing that
a bare list of names, and nothing more, would give
httle interest, have abandoned the idea. In 1789,
six of the principal schoolmasters associated for the
purpose of agreeing upon their charges for tuition.
If this be the origin of the trades' union in this coun
try, their successors did not learn from them the art
of demanding extravagant wages for services ren
dered. They fixed the price of tuition in English, at
fifteen shillings per quarter. In May 1767, a school
for the instruction of young ladies in writing and
arithmetic, was advertised. The school hours, from
six to half past seven in the morning, and from half
past four to six in the evening, would be deemed
now quite as unfashionable as the price of tuition,
two doUars per quarter. In 1808 and 1809, two
academies were incorporated, under the names of
the " Providence School Society," and the " West
minster School Society." Since then, other similar
establishments have received from the public a lib
eral patronage. In October 1821, the number of
academies and schools of aU grades, was sixty-one,
and the nUmber of scholars attached to them, 2,805,
In 1831, a simUar examination was made, and the
result showed eleven public schools, having 1,150
scholars, and fifty-six private schools, having 1,682

616 EDUCATION.
scholars ; being, in all, 2,832, almost one thousand
less than the number now attending the pubhc
schools only. The number of private schools has
considerably decreased, since the new organization
of the public schools. friends' school.
The institution in Providence, under the care of
Friends, is called " The New-England Yearly Meet
ing Boarding School," Its object is to impart to
the children of members of the society of Friends,
a guarded education, embracing not only the more
common branches of an Enghsh education, but ex
tending also to the higher departments of the math
ematics and classical studies.
The school was originaUy established and opened
for the reception of scholars, at Portsmouth, Rhode-
Island, in the year 1784. It was continued there
four years, when, from want of sufficient encour
agement, the school was suspended.
In 1814, Moses Brown offered to the acceptance
of the society, the farm on which the school is now
located, containing about forty-three acres of land.
The erection of a suitable building was soon com
menced. It consisted of a centre building, fifty-four
feet square, three stories high, with two wings, each
forty-two by forty-four feet, two stories high, and a
basement story under the whole. Since then, the
wings have been enlarged, so that they are now
eighty-four by forty-two feet. Another buUding,
forty by fifty feet, has since been built,, two stories
high above the basement. The wings of the first
named building contain the school rooms and dor-

EDUCATION. 617
mitories of the students. The centre building is
occupied by the famUy of the superintendent, and
contains, also, the meeting room, library, &c. The
building last erected, contains a spacious lecture-
room, laboratory, and other public rooms. The phi
losophical apparatus is well selected and ample.
The mineralogical collection probably surpasses that
belonging to any similar institution in the state.
The location of the school is on the rising ground
in the east part of the city. For salubrity and beau
ty, it could not be exceeded. The land is one hun
dred and eighty-two feet above tide water, and it is
said that in a clear day, every town in the state, ex
cept New Shoreham, may be seen from the observa
tory on the centre buUding. The school was open
ed for the reception of scholars, on the first of Jan
uary 1819, and has always received a liberal pat
ronage. Among the prominent benefactors of the school,
may be mentioned Moses Brown, his son Obadiah
Brown, and WUHam Almy. Obadiah Brown be
queathed the institution ^100,000, the income of
which is appropriated to its current expenses.
The number of scholars averages about 150 of
both sexes. The price of board and tuition is ^60
per annum. At present, none are admitted but
members or chUdren of members of the Society of
Friends. A committee appointed annually by the
New-England Yearly Meeting of Friends, has the
general direction of the school. The immediate
care of it, is in two Friends, man and wife, who are
called superintendents, and who exercise a general

618 EDUCATION.
parental care over the scholars. Four male and
three female teachers, are usually employed.
BROWN UNIVERSITY.
The only university in the state is located at Prov
idence. It was incorporated in 1764. The corpo
ration is divided into two branches, that of the fel
lows, and that of the trustees. The number of the
fellows is twelve, of whom eight, including the Pres
ident, are required to be Baptists ; the remaining
four can be selected from any religious denomina
tion. The trustees are thirty-six in number, of
whom the charter requires that twenty-two shaU be
Baptists, five Friends, four Congregationalists, and
five Episcopalians. Notwithstanding these provis
ions in the charter place the institution under the
government of the Baptists, there are other provis
ions in the same instrument, which excludes secta
rianism from the course of academical instruction.
It prohibits the introduction of any religious tests
into the institution, and declares that all the mem
bers of it shall " forever enjoy full| free, absolute
and uninterrupted liberty of conscience," " and that
youth of all religious denominations shall and may
be admitted to the equal advantages, emoluments
and honors of the college or university," "and that
the public teaching shaU, in general, respect the
sciences ; and that the sectarian differences of opin
ions shaU not make any part of the public and clas
sical instruction."
The institution was at first called Rhode-Island
CoUege. The name was afterwards, in 1 804, chang-

EDUCATION. 519
ed to Brown University, in honor of Nicholas Brown
Esq, late deceased, who was its most munificent
benefactor. The following sketch of the early history of this
institution was drawn up by the Rev, Morgan Ed
wards, 1771, and is copied from a volume of his man
uscripts in the Cabinet of the Rhode-Island Histori
cal Society.
" Young indeed the institution is, and therefore short would
its history be, had it received its existence, locality, endowment
and permanency, like other institutions of the same nature ; but
contrariwise, some peculiar circumstances attended each, which
infer the interposition of Providence, and bespeak it to be a
thing of God and not of man only. The first mover for it, 1762,
was laughed at, as a projector of a thing impracticalile. Nay,
many of the Baptists themselves discouraged the design, pro-
phecying evil to the churches, in case it should take place, from
an unhappy prejudice against learning, and threatened, not non-
currence, but opposition. Nevertheless, a young man, who is
now at the head of the institution, went to Rhode-Island govern
ment, and made the design known. The reason of his attempt
in this province, was, as has been observed, that the legislature
is there chiefly in the hands of the Baptists, and therefore, the
likeliest place to have a Baptist college established by law. The
remainder of what I intend to say, on this head, shall be in the
words of President Manning ; to which I shall add the history of
the first charter by Daniel Jenckes, Esq., who both, for obvious
reasons, think it necessary to have them published. President
Manning's narrative is as follows : ' In the month of July 1763,
we arrived at Newport, and made a motion to several gentlemen
of the Baptist denomination, whereof Col. Gardner, the deputy
goverijor, was one, relative to a seminary of polite literature,
subject to the government of the Baptists. The motion was
properly attended to, which brought together about fifteen gen
tlemen, of the same denomination, at the deputy's house, who re
quested that I would draw, a sketch of the design against the day
following. That day came, and the said gentlemen, with other

520 EDUCATION.
Baptists, met, in the same place, when a rough draft was produc
ed and read : the tenor of which was, that the institution was to
be a Baptist one, but that as many of other denominations
should be taken in, as was consistent with the said design. Ac
cordingly, the Honorable Josias Lyndon and Col. Job Bennett
were appointed to draw a charter, to be laid before the next Gen
eral Assembly, with a petition that they would pass it into a law ;
but the said gentlemen pleading unskilfulness, touching an affair
of the kind, requested that their trusty friend, Rev. Ezra, now
Dr. Stiles, might be solicited to assist them. This was opposed
by me, as unwilling to give the Dr. trouble about an affair of
other people. But they urged, that his love of learning and
Catholicism, would induce him readily to give his assistance.
Accordingly, their proposal was consented to, and his assistance
obtained, or rather, the drafting of the charter was left entirely
to him, after being told that the Baptists were to have the lead
in the institution and the goverment thereof forever, and that no
more of other denominations were to be admitted than would be
consistent with this. The charter was drawn, and a time and place
appointed for the parties concerned to meet and hear it read.
But the vessel in which I was to sail for Halifax, going off that
day, prevented my being present with them long enough to see
whether the original design was secured. And as the corpora
tion was made to consist of two branches, trustees and fellows,
those branches to set and act by distinct and separate powers,
it was not easy to determine, by a transient hearing, what those
powers might be. The trustees were presumed to be the prin
cipal branch of authority, and as nineteen out of thirty-five were
to be Baptists, the Baptists were satisfied, without sufficient ex
amination into the authority vested in the fellow.ship, which, af
terwards, appeared to be the soul of the institution, while the
trusteeship was only the body, and placing entire confidence in
Dr. Stiles, they agreed to join in a petition to the Assembly, to
have the charter confirmed by authority. The petition was pre
sented and cheerfully received by the Assembly, and the charter
read ; after which a vote was called for and urged, by some, to
pass it into a law. But this was opposed by others, particularly
by Daniel Jenckes, Esq. member for Providence, alledging that
the Assembly required more time to examine, whether it was

EDUCATION. 521
agreeable to the design of the first movers for it, and, therefore
prayed to the house, to have the perusal of it while they adjourn
ed for dinner. This was granted, with some opposition. Then
he asked the Governor, who was a Baptist, whom they intended
to invest with the Governing power in said institution ? The Gov
ernor answered, the Baptists, by all means. Then Mr. Jenckes
showed him, that the charter was so artfully constructed, as to
throw the power into the Fellows' hands, whereof eight out of
twelve were Presbyterians, usually called Congregationalists,
and the other four might be of the same denomination for aught
appeared in the charter to the contrary. Convinced of this.
Governor Lyndon immediately had an interview with Dr. Stiles,
the Presbyterian minister of Newport, and demanded why he
had perverted the design of the charter 1 The answer was, " I
gave you timely warning to take care of yourselves, for that we
had done so with regard to our society ;" and finally observed,
that " he was >not the rogue." When the Assembly was con
vened again, the said Jenckes moved that the affair might be
put off to the next session, adding that " the motion for the col
lege originated with the Baptists, and was intended for their use,
but that the charter in question was not at all calculated to an
swer their purpose ; and since the committee, entrusted by the
Baptists, professed they were misled, not to say, imposed upon,
that it was necessary the Baptists in other parts of the colony
should be consulted, previous to its passing into a law, especial
ly as few, if any of them, except himself, had seen it, and prayed
that he might have a copy for the same purpose ; all which was
granted. When the charter came to be narrowly inspected, it^
was found to be, by no means, answerable to the design of the
agitators and the instructions given the committee. Conse
quently, application was made to the Philadelphia Association,
where the thing took its rise, to have their mind on the subject,
who immediately sent two gentlemen hither,to join with the Bap
tists of this colony, in making what alterations and amendments,
that were to them specified before their departure. When they
arrived, Dr. Ayres of Newport was added to the committee, and
they, happily, drafted the present charter, and lodged it, with a
new petition, in proper hands. The most material alterations
were, appointing the same number of Baptists in the fellowship,
66

522 EDUCATION.
that had been appointed of Presbyterians, by Dr. Stiles, settlinj;
the Presidency in the Baptist Society, adding five Baptists to th-.
Trustees, and putting more Episcopalians than Presbyterians i.
the corporation.'
Thus the Baptists narrowly escaped being jockied out of their
college by a set of men, in whom they reposed full confidence.
How the same party have acted since, will appear hereafter. I
now proceed to the further history of the first charter by the
said Daniel Jenckes, Esq.
" While I attended the business of the Assembly, held August
1763, Capt. William Rogers came to the council chamber and
presented me with a paper, with the design that I should sign
it, adding, " That it was a petition for a Baptist college, he
knew I would not refuse." Business not permitting me to attend
to him immediately, I requested he would leave with me the pe
tition and charter ; meanwhile, the sergeant made proclamation
requiring the members to ta]ie their seats. In my seat, I began
to read the papers, but had not done, before the petition and
charter were called for, which I gave to the sergeant and he to
the speaker at the board. The petition being read, a motion
was made to receive it and grant the charter. After some time,.
I stood up to oppose proceeding immediately on the petition,
giving my reason in words to this effect. " I understood that
the college in question was sought for by the Baptists, that it
was to be under their government and direction, with admission
only to a few of other religious denominations to share with them
therein, that they might appear as catholic as could be, consist
ent with their main design ; but on the contrary, I perceived by
glancing over the charter, while I sat in my place just now, that
the main power and government and direction, is vested in
twelve Fellows, and that eight out of the twelve are to be Pres
byterians, and that the other may or may not be of the same de
nomination, but of necessity, none of them is to be a Bap
tist. If so, there is treachery somewhere, and a design of
grossly imposing on the honest people who first moved for the
institution, I, therefore, desire the matter may lie by till the af
ternoon." This was granted. In the afternoon the matter was
resumed, with a seeming resolution, in some, to push it through
at all events ; but I had influence enough to stop proceedings

EDUCATION. 5213
then also. That evening and next morning, I made it my business
to see Governor Lyndon and Col. Bennett, and to inform them
of the construction of the charter. They could not believe me
for the confidence they had in Dr. Stiles' honor and integrity,
until seeing convinced them. What reflections followed, may
be better conceived than published. However, we all agreed
to postpone passing the charter into a law, and did effect our
purpose for that session, notwithstanding the attempts of Mr.
EUery, and others of the Presbyterians, to the contrary. Before
the breaking up of the Assembly, the house, at my request, di
rected the speaker to deliver the charter to me, after I had made
a promise it should be forthcoming, at the next meeting of the
Assembly. I took the charter to Providence and showed it to
many who came to my house. Others borrowed it to peruse at
home. Meanwhile the messengers from the Philadelphia Asso
ciation arrived in Newport, which occasioned the committee of
Newport to send to me for the charter. I asked for it of Dr.
Ephraim Bowen, who had borrowed it last. The Doctor said he
had lent it to Samuel Nightingale, Esq. Search was made for it
there ; but it could not be found ; neither do I know, to this day,
what became of it. When the next General Asembly met, on the
last Wednesday , in October 1763, the second charter was pre
sented, which was much faulted and opposed by the gentry who
concerned themselves, so warmly about the other, and one in
particular, demanded that the first charter, which had been
entrusted with me, might be produced. Then I related as
above, that it was lost, and the manner, how it was lost, but the
party, instead of believing this, very rudely suggested, that I
had secreted the charter, and in the face of the court, charged
me with a breach of trust, which brought on very disagreeble
altercations and bickerings, till, at last, I was necessitated to say,
that " if there had been any foul doings, it was amongst them
of their own denomination at Providence." Their clamors con
tinued, and we gave way to them that session, for peace sake.
Meanwhile Dr. Bowen, who is a man of strict honor and integ
rity, used all means to recover the former charter, posting up
an advertisment in the most public place in town, and making
diligent enquiry, but to no purpose. At the next Assembly,
which met in February, 1764, the new charter was again

524 EDUCATION.
brought on the carpet, and the same clamor against it and un
just reproaches against me, were repeated. It was said " that
the new charter was not like the old, and was constructed to de
prive the Presbyterians of the benefit of the institution." To
which it was replied, " that it was agreeable to the design of
the first undertakers, and if calculated to deprive the Presbyte
rians of the power they wanted, it was no more than they them
selves had attempted to do to the Baptists." After much and
warm debate, the question was put and carried in favor of the
new charter, by a great majority."
This charter lay dormant for about two years, except that
some nominated in it, did qualify themselves in order to become
a corporation, and did open a subscription among themselves
and choose Rev. James Manning to be President. But in Sep
tember 1766, the tuition part of it was begun at Warren, by
said President, who soon had eight or twelve scholars, which
brought on the first commencement September 7, 1769. Be
fore this, in February 1767, the Rev, Morgan Edwards, of Phil
adelphia, set out for Europe to solicit money toward the paying
the salary of the President and Assistant, for hitherto we had no
fund, and succeeded pretty well, considering how angry the
mother country then was with the colonies for opposing the
stamp act. Afterwards the Rev. Hezekiah Smith and others,
gathered small sums in America for the same purpose, but after
all the endowment is so scanty that the college is in arrears to
the President, to this day, who has suffered considerably by it.
To the year 1769, this seminary was for the most part friendless
and moneyless, and therefore, forlorn, inasmuch that a college
edifice was hardly thought of But Mr. Edwards making fre
quent remittances from England, some began to hope and many
to fear, that the institution would come to something and stand.
Then a building and the place of it were talked of, which open
ed a new scene of troubles and contentions, that had well nigh
ruined all. Warren was at first agreed on as a proper situation,
where a small wing was to be erected in the spring of 1770 and
about ^800 raised toward effecting it. But soon afterwards,
some who were unwilling it should be there, and some who
where unwilling it should be any where, did so far agree,
as to lay aside the said location, and propose that the countv

EDUCATION. 525
which should raise most money should have the college. That
of Providence bid high for it, which made the county of New
port, which is jealous of Providence on account of trade, ex
ert itself to the utmost. However, Providence obtained it, which
so touched the jealousy and piqued the pride of the islanders, as
to make many of them enemies to the institution itself The
same is too much the case with the other disappointed counties.
Nevertheless, by the adventurous and resolute spirits of the
Browns and some other men of Providence, the edifice was begun
in May 1770, and roofed by the fall of that year. The next sum
mer it was so far finished as to be fit for the reception of scholars.
This college is allowed to be a neat pile of building and most
pleasantly situated. The building is of brick, one hundred and
fifty feet by forty-six, four stories high, exclusive of the cellar,
which is partly above ground. In the middle on each side, is a
projection of fifteen feet making the whole resemble a cross. —
In one of these projections is the chapel, in the opposite, the
dining room; above is the library, the apparatus room &c. —
The chambers are fifty two in number, opening to large aisles,
running the whole length of the building. Upwards of one hun
dred scholars may be here accommodated. The situation of the
college is remarkably airy, healthful and pleasant, being the sum
mit of a hill pretty easy of ascent and commanding a prospect of
the town of Providence below, of the Narragansett Bay and the
islands, and of an extensive country, variegated with hills and
dales, woods and plains, &c. Surely this spot was made for a
seat of the mu^es. The first commencement, mentioned before,
was celebrated at Warren, September 7, 1769, whereat was a
great concourse of people who openly professed their admiration
of the performances of the young gentlemen and the regularity
and decorum of the whole business of the day."
After giving the names of the graduates at the
first three commencements, and the names of the
persons composing the corporation, Mr. Edwards
remarks :
" I shall finish this appendix with a letter addressed to Pres
ident Manning, whom the writer supposes to have expected the
friendship and help of the Presbyterians, with respect to the col-

626 EDUCATION.
lege, had not the Baptists, in newspapers, complained ofthe op
pression of their brethren in New-England, and threatened to
carry those complaints, to the throne in case they should be con
tinued any longer ; at least, the writer supposes the President to
have ascribed their present enmity against the college and indus
try to prevent youth from resorting thither, to those complaints
and threatenings. Part of the letter is as follows :
'I should not have ventured to oppose my opinions to yours,
had not facts, recent facts, decided the matter in my favor ; and
show that the goodness and candor of the president, have im
posed on his judgment. Remember you not, the first charter ?
While the Baptist college was yet in embryo, they very disin
genuously opposed it as such, and contrived to make it their
own, since which disappointment. Dr. Stiles would have nothing
to do with it, though courted again and again to accept even a
fellowship therein. And when the present charter was present
ed to the Assembly at South Kingstown, remember you not what
clamor they raised against it there ? and what stout opposition
they made to the passage of it, in so much that its friends
thought it best to desist 1 And how they triumphed afterwards ?
And when the affair was brought on again at East Greenwich,
the next session, you can never forget, with what heat and
coarse expressions, the same oppositions were renewed, nor the
mortification and murmurings which the passing of it occasion
ed. It is true, while the charter lay dormant, they remained
easy, and, as you say, appeared well pleased when you had set
it on foot at Warren. But the reason of that is obvious ; they
knew, that while the college stood friendless and moneyless, as
it then did, they should have the pleasure to see it fall, and to
mock those who began to build a tower and were Uot able to
finish it. But, seemed they good humored when money came
thither from Europe ? Or, did they not look as the man of Bristol
did, at your first commencement, and put the same invidious
construction upon every thing, that he did on the complaisance
you showed him, that day. Their good a^ffection toward the
college edifice was but varnish ; for while with specious argu
ments they would have it here and anon there, and then, in
another place, they were only working to prevent its being any
where : and soon as it had a locality and the beginning of its

EDUCATION. 527
existence at Providence, did they not, with some misled Baptists,
attempt to get another college, to destroy yours, and actually
carried their design through the lower house 1 This also fail
ing, what remains but to prevent youth from resorting to it.
Their slandering the oflicers of instruction, as insufiicient ; the
town where it is in, as a lawless place ; the college, as wanting
government ; their representing it as a nest of Anabaptists, cal
culated to make proselytes ; their visiting grammar schools and
tampering with masters and parents ; theil: scolding Presbyte
rian youth, when they enter with you, as your neighbor Rowley
did, who is capable of nothing but what is gross and indelicate ;
their refusing to pay their subscriptions, &c. ; are all intended
to hurt what they could neither prevent nor destroy. Think
you that their present opposition to the college is the effect of
those newspaper complaints and threatenings of Presbyterian
oppression in New-England ? Why, then, did they oppose it
before those complaints and threatenings had existence. Think
you they will be friends should we desist from these complaints
and court their favor ? It cannot be, except God should once teach
them to love their neighbors as themselves, and to do as they
would be done by. Destroying the Baptist college will pacify
them, and nothing else. The existence of that on the hill of
Providence is a Mordecai in the gate. I told you, long ago, that
if you could not do without the Presbyterians, you could not do
at all. I need not inform you that Ideal in generals. I except
the honest, the trusty and the good, and some such Presbyte
rians I met with, in their connexions with this college. God
send us more such, and mend the rest' "
Mr, Edwards' intimate connexion with the insti
tution in its infancy, must have made him weU ac
quainted with the facts as they transpired ; but it
cannot be doubted, that his strong predUections and
prejudices may have imparted a deeper coloring to
some of his statements, than his impartial judgment
would have approved. This remark may also be
applied to the statements furnished Mr. Edwards by
President 'Manning and Judge Jenckes.

628 EDUCATION.
In addition to the facts derived from the above
named source, a few have been gleaned from other
sources. The first draft of the charter referred to
by Mr. Edwards, and supposed to be lost, is stUl in
existence. It was recently found among the files
and papers of the church over which Dr. StUes pre
sided. Where it was, when sought for in 1763, stiU
remains involved in doubt.
The permanent location of the institution, it
would seem, was made to depend upon the amount
of subscription received in each county in the state.
An advertisement inserted in the Providence Ga
zette, under date of January 12, 1770, and signed
by three of the FeUows, states that the county of
Newport had exceeded the other counties in the
amount of its subscription. The corporation met
on the 7th of February foUowing, and by a vote of
twenty-one to fourteen, decided that " the said edi
fice be built in the town of Providence, and there
be continued forever." They broke ground for the
building now known as University Hall, on the 26th
day of March, and the corner stone of that building
was laid by John Brown, on the 14th day of May
foUowing, The buildings of the institution in 1842,
consisted of Hope College, Manning HaU, and
Rhode-Island HaU, in addition to the one first built.
These have been erected within a few years, and
the first two by the late Nicholas Brown, the dis
tinguished patron of the institution. His donations,
at various times, including the legacy given in his
wiU, do not fall short of ^100,000, University
HaU and Hope College, are mostly occupied by the

EDUCATION. 529
Students, while Manning Hall and Rhode-Island
HaU, are appropriated to the use of the library and
philosophical apparatus, including also a laboratory
and lecture room.
One of tne results of the location of this institu
tion at Providence, was an appHcation to the Gen
eral Assembly, by another set of petitioners, for
another college. At the February session, 1770, a
charter for an academy and college, to be located in
Newport, passed the lower house of Assembly, by
twenty majority, -The appHcation was not favora
bly received in the upper house, vvhere it was either
rejected or indefinitely postponed. The minute-
book of the Senate for that session, cannot be found,
but it did not pass that body, for no mention is made
of it in the records of the General Assembly,
Dr, Manning remained at the head of this intitu-
tion as President, from its first organization untU his
death, in 1791, He was succeeded by the Rev,
Jonathan Maxcy, In 1 802, Dr, Maxcy resigned the
presidency, and subsequently was elected president
of Union College, Schenectady, which he after
wards resigned, and was chosen President of Co
lumbia CoUege, in South Carohna, which station he
held untU his death. The Rev, Asa Messer was
elected President soon after the resignation of Dr.
Maxcy, He held the office untU 1826, when he re
signed, and was succeeded by the present incum
bent, the Rev, Francis Wayland, jr. In 1842, the
board of instruction consisted of a president, five
professors and three tutors. The number of under
graduates was then about 170, The whole number
67

530 EDUCATION.
of graduates was about 1,600. The philosophical
apparatus of the University wiU bear comparison
with that of most of the Universities in the country.
Its library contains 10,000 volumes, besides which,
there are two societies, composed of Undergradu
ates, having Hbraries containing 7,000 volumes.
The necessary annual expenses of a student, inclu
ding board, varies from ^112 to ^134 per year.
The following incident, kindly communicated by
John Osborne, of Smithfield, is inserted to show that
the discipline of the college, in its infancy, was quite
as strict as that of any simUar institution at the pres
ent time :
The late Judge Peleg Arnold, when about 18 years of age,
in going to mill, heard as he approached Friend's meeting house
at upper Smithfield, a great noise like the breaking in of win
dows, and being desirous of ascertaining the cause, rode up the
hill to within about 20 rods of the house, when he discovered
two young men on horseback each with a club, smashing in the
fi-ont windows of the meeting house.
Immediately on seeing him they wheeled and rode off at full
speed. He being a vigorous young man and determined to as
certain who they were in order to bring them to justice, threw
his bag of corn in the road and started in pursuit. The race
was a sharp one and continued for six miles, when the Jur" ¦".
came up with and stopped them on Cumberland Hill. A
learning their names and places of residence, he permitted them
to proceed. One of the young men proved to be a student in
the college ; and the President being informed of the circum
stance, wrote to the Clerk of the Monthly Meeting the follow
ing letter : Providence, December 12, 1770.
Sir — You may think strange that I, a stranger to you,
should address you by- this epistle, but will excuse me, when I
give the reason, which is, an information that I have received,

EDUCATION. 531
that one Scott, a youth under my tuition, some time ago riding
through Smithfield, (in company with one Dennis, of Newport,)
rode up to, and, in a most audaciously wicked manner, broke
the windows of the Friends' meeting house in said town, of
which meeting I understand you are clerk. Upon the first hear
ing of this scandalous conduct, I charged him with the fact,
which he confessed, with no small degree of apparent peni
tence : whereupon I thought good to inform you, and by you,
the Meeting, that they shall have ample reparation of damages,
and such other satisfaction as they shall think proper ; being
determined to punish with the utmost rigor, all such perverse
youth as may be entrusted to my care, as I hold such base con
duct in the greatest detestation.
You will be so good as to let me know when the first meeting
of business is held, that I may send him up to appear before
them, and make not only reparation, but such a confession be
fore the Meeting as shall be fully satisfactory. I choose to mor
tify him in this way; and should be very glad that some of the
heads of the Meeting would admonish him faithfully, and show
him the evil of such doings, if this would be agreeable to them ;
but I speak this, not to direct them in the matter, but what
would be agreeable to me. When this is settled, we shall dis
cipline him with the highest punishment we inflict, next to ban
ishment from the society ; and with that, if he does not comply
with the above.
The youth has been but few months under my care ; is a child
of a respectable family in Kingston, Massachusetts Bay, and had
his school learning at New-Haven. I am sorry for his friends,
and that it happened to fall to my lot to have such a thoughtless,
vicious pupil : but am determined this shall be the last enormi
ty, one excepted, of which he shall be guilty while under my
care. I hope the Meeting will inform me how he complies with
these injunctions, if they think proper to take these or any other
methods. Please, by the first opportunity to favor me with a
line in answer to the above requests, and you will do a favor to
A real friend,
JAMES MANNING
Mr. Thomas Lapham, jr., in Smithfield.

532 * EDUCATION.
In reply to which, as requested, Thomas Lapham, jr. sent him
the following letter : Smithfield, the 17th of 12th mo., 1770.
Respected Friend — These may inform that I received thy
letter of the 12th inst., concerning one of thy pupil's base con
duct, in breaking the windows of our meeting-house, and agree
ably to thy request therein, I hereby inform, that our meetings
for business are held on the last fifth day of every month ; so
that our next will be on the last fifth day (or Thursday) of this
instant, at the house where the windows were broken. A meet
ing for worship begins at 1 1 o'clock, and commonly holds two
hours ; then begins the meeting for business. Therefore, if the
youth appear before us, I intend to send thee an account of his
second progress. I am glad to hear such proper methods propo
sed fbr the settling of his scandalous deed — and that the affairs
of the college may be so conducted as to be a means of promo
ting virtue and piety, which are far preferable to arts and sci
ences, is the real desire of one who wishes well unto all.
THOMAS LAPHAM, Jr.
The young man, according to the direction of the President,
appeared before the next monthly Meeting for business, and in
formed the Meeting what he had done, made a suitable acknow
ledgment, paid the damage done to the windows, received some
wholesome admonition and advice, and returned to his college
duties, it is to be hoped, a better man."
Our view ofthe means of education in Providence
would stUl be incomplete, without some notice of
Sunday schools. Originally designed as an elee
mosynary institution, supported and carried on by
private beneficence, they commend themselves to
the favor of every phUanthropist.
Sunday schools were at first estabhshed as a
means of affording to children employed in manu
facturing establishments, the means of gaining a por
tion of that education afforded, by common schools,
to children not so employed.

EDUCATION. 533
The first in the United States, it is beheved, was es
tabhshed by Samuel Slater, the father of cotton man
ufactures in this country, for the benefit of the chU
dren in his cotton miU in North Providence. This was
in the spring of 1796, When the original object
of Sunday schools becomes changed, and they are
made a means of diffusing morality and rehgious in
struction to the rising generation generally, then it is
that they are deemed to deserve only qualified praise ;
for in a greater or less degree, sectarianism dic
tates the instruction given. It was in this stage of
their existence, that Sunday schools were intro
duced into Providence, This was in March, 1816.
The first school was established by the Methodists.
In" the course of two years after this, there were five
schools here. Now, in 1842, the schools are in
creased to thirty, taught by nearly five hundred teach
ers, and containing about five thousand scholars.
Thus far our view has been confined to the nec
essary and useful branches of education. The or
namental deserve a word in passing. Before 1763,
dancing had not been taught in Providence, by any
professor of the art. The want of a professor in
this art began to be felt as a serious evil. To rem
edy it, a correspondent in the Gazette, states the
fact, and adds, what he beheved to be another, that
a competent teacher who could play his own fiddle,
would meet with encouragement in Providence, —
Every proposed improvement has always met witii
its opponents, A portion of every community, at
aU times, are satisfied with the wisdom and ways of
their ancestors, or look upon every change, as be-

534 EDUCATION.
ing from bad to worse. So it was in this case, —
This correspondent drew down on his head the ire
of some such individual. It led to a long contro
versy, the opponents contending that a spinning
school would be more profitable and useful. The
dancing master came soon after this. There was a
teacher of Fi;ench here in 1773, The earliest teach
er of instrumental music that I have been able to
find was in 1784, It is not probable he was the
first. Vocal music must have been taught very ear
ly. I can find no early trace of drawing or painting.
One other means of mental improvement stiU re
mains, and that is pubhc libraries.
Before 1754, a number of individuals associated
together to form a public Hbrary. The design met
Avith due encouragement, A company was formed
and a well selected and valuable collection of books
bought by subscription. The state generously af
forded the society the use of the councU chamber
in the state house for their library. The books
were burned with the house, on the evening of De
cember 24, 1758. The company received from
the General Assembly the grant of a lottery, with
the proceeds of which they replaced their lost Hbra
ry, After the present court house was erected, it was
kept for many years in the senate chamber, and was
in very general use. In progress of time, it became
neglected. New works were not added to the col
lection, and the shareholders ceased to take that
interest in it, which it deserved and which was nec
essary to keep any such institution in order. The
want of new books, led to the formation of another

EDUCATION. 536
hbrary. In June 1831, a company, composed in
part of share holders of the Providence Library, ap
phed to the General Assembly and received a char
ter of incorporation, under the name of the Provi
dence Athenaeum. They soon formed a very valu
able library, mostly of modern works. In a short
time, it was ascertained, that if the reading commu
nity would not support one pubhc library, it would
not two. The establishment of the Providence
Athenseum, withdrew from the Providence Library a
part of its patronage, and in its turn, the existence
of the Providence Library kept from the Athenaeum,
patronage, which under other circumstances it
would have received. In view of this, several mem
bers of both institutions met, and as a means of uni
ting both libraries, agreed to become members of a
third public Hbrary company under the name of the
Athenaeum, which should swallow up the other two.
At the January session of the General Assembly
1 836, they obtained a charter of incorporation. It
soon became, by purchase, the owner of the other
two hbraries.
In March 1836, Nicholal Brown and the heirs of
Thomas P, Ives, oflfered to give the Athenaeum a lot
of land on the corner of Benefit and College-streets,
for the location of a buUding, ^6000 towards .the
erection of a buUding thereon, and ^$'4000 for the
increase of the library, provided other individuals
would subscribe ^10,000 toward the building and
;$f4000 more for the library, before the first of June
then next. The Athenaeum found little difficulty in
complying with these terms. The citizens of Prov-

636 EDUCATION.
idence were too much alive to the importance of
the object in view not to avail themselves of the mu
nificent offer. They broke ground for the buUding
on the 4th of AprU 1837, and completed it in No
vember, It is forty-eight feet front by seventy-eight
deep, one story high with a basement. The front
is of Quincy granite, hammered ; the sides of rough
ashler granite. The basement story is occupied by
the Frankhn Society, and the principal one by the
Athenaeum. A room was offered to the Rhode-Isl
and Historical Society ¦ for the accommodatfon of
their cabinet, but was dechned. The accommoda
tion of these societies, in addition to the Athenaeum,
was part of the original offer of the munificent ben
efactors. The building was designed by WUHam
Strickland, of PhUadelphia. It cost, including the
preparation ofthe lot, nearly ^19,000. The Hbrary
consists of about ten thousand volumes of weU se
lected and highly valuable books. The price of a
share in this institution is so smaU, being only fifteen
doUars, and the annual tax so light, being limited at
five dollars, that almost any individual can avail him
self of the advantages vraich it oflfers.
The time and study-saving machinery of public
lectures, is, in Providence, a thing of comparitively
modern invention. The present generation is ac
customed to see the corners of the streets, at all
times, covered with placards and handbUls of itine
rant lecturers, who for a smaU sum, in a very short
time, and with no preparatory study in their hearers,
promise to enhghten a promiscuous audience, in
the deepest arcana of the most abstruse science.

EDUCATION. 537
The generation which preceded us had not the ad
vantages of these raUroads to scientific exceUence,
They had to delve through ponderous folios and
quartos, each for himself, to acquire but a tithe of
the knowledge which modern lecturers promise this
more favored generation. The leader in this reform,
to whom is due the honor of introducing this system
to this community, was Dr. Moyes, of Edinburg.
He came to Providence in the beginning of the au
tumn of 1784, and pubHshed his intention of giving
twenty-one lectures on philosophical chemistry, or
the philosophy of nature, with experiments, at the
state house, for the sum of one guinea. The fact
that he was quite bHnd, and had been so since he
was eighteen months old, moved the sympathy and
excited the curiosity of the good people of Provi
dence, and secured him a good audience.
The foUowing year, Dr. Benjamin Waterhouse,
then a professor in Rhode-Island CoUege, gave a
course of lectures at the state house, on Natural
History. Since then, men of less attainments and
less natural abUities, have, from time to time, en-
Hghtened and amused this community. But wheth
er upon the whole, the amount of knowledge ac
quired in this way, is so great or so valuable, or so
lasting, as that acquired by the old fashioned mode
of thought and personal study, is a subject upon
which no lectures have, as yet, been given, and, of
course, it cannot be expected that any opinion wiU
be expressed in relation to it.
68

CHAPTER NINTH.
NEWSPAPER AND PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS.
In this chapter, it is designed to bring together
all that can be collected in relation to the newspa
pers and periodicals which had been, pubHshed in
Providence, before and at the adoption of the city
charter. It cannot be expected that every pub
lication of the kind wiU be noticed ; all that can be
promised is, that none shall be intentionaUy omitted.
The first newspaper printed in Providence, was
" The Providence Gazette and Country Journal." A
handbiU, containing the prospectus of the publisher,
is now before me, bearing date September 1, 1762.
It is signed by William Goddard, and proposes to
pubhsh a weekly newspaper, in case sufficient en
couragement should be offered ; the first number to
be issued on Wednesday the 20th day of October.
The terms were " seven shUHngs lawful money, per
annum, or equivalent in currency." The first num
ber appeared on the day appointed. It contains a
well written address of the proprietor to his patrons,
and the commencement of " The History of Provi
dence," now understood to have been written by
Gov. Hopkins. New-York dates are up to the 1 1th
ofthe same month. It was printed opposite the
court house. The second number was printed on

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 539
Saturday October 30th, the day of publication hav
ing been changed, as the paper states, so " that the
gentlemen in Newport and other towns in the south
ern part of this government, or in Connecticut, who
shall please favor this undertaking, may receive their
papers by the post," It is both amusing and in
structive to read the advertisements in these early
Newspapers, Much of the most interesting parts
of the history of any municipal corporation, can be
learned from this uninviting source. The character
of the inhabitants may in part be gathered from
the forms these advertisements assume, and the
signs which merchants and tradesmen adopted to
catch attention.
The foUowing poetical advertisement is taken
from the Providence Gazette of November 19, 1796.
The author, Jonathan Cady, wiU long be remem
bered as a pains-taking, industrious, rhyming shoe
maker. Among his cotemporaries, many there
were who could claim higher honors as a poet, but
few better entitled to the appeUation of an honest
man and good citizen. " ADVERTISEMENT.
It may be wise to advertise.
The work is now in hand.
He makes a heel, neat and genteel
As any in the land.
Court, block and stick, made neat and sleek
None equal in the state.
All those that view, may say 'tis true.
What I do here relate.
But, to be short, another sort
Of heels, are called, spring.
By John Smith made, this is his trade :

540 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS
He served and learned, at Lynn.
Truly 'tis said, these heels are made
Within old Providence,
Sold by wholesale, or at retail,
One dozen, for twelve pence.
The purchaser need go no further
Only inquire of Bene Thurber,
And he can show you where to stop.
Because he lives close to my shop.
A bunch of grapes, is Thurber's sign,
A shoe and boot is made on mine.
My shop doth stand in Bowen's lane
And Jonathan Cady is my name."
The next week soirie brother poetaster addressed
the foUowing distich to the rhyming cobbler.
" To Mr. Jonathan Cady.
Make an end to your rhymes, close accounts with the past.
And take to your heels and you'll speed well at last"
The foUowing advertisement copied from the
Gazette of the same year, shows, that the complaints
so rife in more modern times, against domestic
servants, are of long standing. Its insertion may
induce some of the complainants to enquire wheth
er part of the evUs complained of do not originate
from themselves.
" Five Hundred DoLL.iRs Reward. — Was mislaid, or ta
ken away by mistake, (soon after the formation of the abolition
society,) from the servant girls in this town, all inclination to do
any kind of work, and left in lieu thereof, an impudent appear
ance, a strong and continued thirst for high wages, a gossiping
disposition for every sort of amusement, a leering and hankering
after persons of the other sex, a desire of finery and fashion, a
never-ceasing trot after new places more advantageous for steal
ing, with a number of contingent accomplishments; that do not
suit the wearers. Now if any person or persons will restore to

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 541
the owners that degree of honesty and industry, which has
been for some time missing, he or they shall receive the above
reward of five hundred dollars, besides the warmest blessings of
many abused householders."
Sometimes, it is difficult to discover the connec
tion between the sign and the commodities oflfered
for sale. That Shakespeare's head should be se
lected as a sign for a printing office, or bookstore,
or a Buck and a Glove, for a leather dresser's shop,
excites no surprise. But why a dealer in English
and India goods, should select for his sign, an Ele
phant, a Golden Eagle, a Boy and a Book, a Black-
boy and a Butt, a Fish and a Frying-pan, a Golden
Fox, a Black Boy, a Bunch of Grapes, the Sultan's
Head, or a Brazen Lion, is by no means so appar
ent. Such were, however, some of the signs as
sumed by such dealers, as appears by the early Ga
zettes. We ought also to be, occasionally, remind
ed of some things to which these advertisements re
late. It might influence, at least, our language, to
others. For instance, the following, inserted in
January 1763,
" To be sold for want of employ — A likely, spry, healthy
negro boy, about ten years of age. Inquire ofthe printer."
Some of a similar character are found at later
dates. In October 1766, is one of the following
tenon " To be sold at public vendue, to the highest bidder, at the
jail in Brovidence, on Wednesday 15th ofthis inst. October, by
order of the Superior Court, pursuant to his sentence, one Jo
seph  , a stout, able-bodied, active man, for the term of
three years, to satisfy the damages and costs of his prosecution
and conviction for stealing sundry goods from Mr. Obadiah
Sprague, of North Providence. W. WHEATON, Sheriff"

542 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.
In July 1763, the printing office was removed to
"the store of Judge Jenckes near the great bridge,"
and in March 1766, to " the house opposite Mr, Na
than AngeU's," This was just North of the First
Baptist meeting house. After the pubhcation of No,
134, May 11, 1765, the Gazette was discontinued
untU August 9, 1766, Mr, Goddard says, in No.
134, that, " his hopes far exceeded his success in
the undertaking," but expressed a determination to
re-commence his paper as soon as the stamp-act
should be repealed. On the 24th of August 1766,
a " Gazette Extraordinary" appeared in which Mr.
Goddard declared his intention soon to resume the
publication of the Gazette. Instead, however, of do
ing so, he removed himself and part of his printing
materials to New-York. On the 9th of August
1766, the Gazette appeared again, published by Sa
rah Goddard & Company, at the printing office near
the great bridge. In June 1767, it was removed
to the Post Office, opposite Knight Dexter's, This
must have been near No, 91, North Main street, —
Sarah Goddard was mother of William, and he was
probably "the Company," This copartnership was
dissolved in September 1767, after which Mr, God
dard and John Carter became joint proprietors and
pubhshers, and continued so till November, when
Mrs, Goddard removed from Providence, and Mr,
Carter became sole proprietor of the Gazette,
The foUowing passage in the Hfe of Mr, Goddard,
is described by himself, in his correspondence with
Mr, Isaiah Thomas, of Worcester :

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 543
" During the great alarm and stagnation of business, occa
sioned by the British stamp-act being passed into a law, to be in
operation here, I went fi-om Providence to New-York, and as
sisted Mr. Holt. He showed me several elegantly written and
highly spirited essays, against the unjust tax, which no printer
at New-York dared to publish. I volunteered my services, went
to Woodbridge, and obtained leave to use the apparatus there
at pleasure, where I planned a newspaper with this title.
THE
CONSTITUTIONAL [/om Of die.l COURANT.
C A snake cut into thirteen parts, with initials in each, em- )
( blemating the thirteen colonies, in the centre of the title 5
Containing matters interesting to liberty, but no wise repugnant
to loyalty.
Then followed an address from the editor, Andrew Marvel,
mentioning the prudent fears of New- York editors, who declined
printing the subjoined, awakening performances, lest they and
their families should be ruined by the hand of power, &c. ob
serving, that I had no family and no such apprehensions, and
having competent knowledge of the printing business, I was
determined to devote my time and talents to promote the wel
fare of my devoted country, in opposition to the alarming
strides of power, &c., and, intimating if No. 1 was well re
ceived, other numbers would follow. The paper was complet
ed ending thus : ' Printed by Andrew Marvel, at the sign of
the bribe refused. Constitution Hill, North-America.' I sent
them by a confidential agent to New-York. Thousands were
rapidly sold. It excited much alarm in the government. A
council was called at the fort, but nothing could be done with
the petty Junius, who was, in a great degree, the sole depositary
of his own secret. When troubles were overpast, by the repeal
of the odious law, this paper was noticed in the Annual Register,
and Andrew Marvel's address published, the editor of that work
observing, that it was the most significant paper that made its
appearance during the troubles in North-America. When one
of the council at New- York demanded of the hawker, Lawrence
Sweeney, 'where that incendiary paper was published,' he could
obtain no other reply than ' at Peter Hassenclaver's Iron works.

544 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.
may it please your honor.' Peter Hasscnclaver, a German of
wealth, carried on extensive iron works, well known in New-
Jersey. Frequently, afterwards, daring writings appeared with
this imprint — ' Printed at Peter Hassenclaver's Iron works.' "
Mr. Goddard afterwards engaged in the publica
tion of the " Gazette and Post Boy," in New-York,
" The Pennsylvania Chronicle and Universal Ad
vertiser," in Philadelphia, and " The Maryland Jour
nal and Baltimore Advertiser," in Baltimore. In
1792, he returned to Providence, where he resided
untU his death in 1817. Mr. Thomas says of him,
in his History of Printing, " few could conduct a
newspaper better than Goddard ; he was a capable
editor, and his talents were often drawn into requi
sition." He died in 1817, aged 78 years.
In October 1771, the Providence Gazette was
printed in " the new building on Main street, front
ing the court house," and subsequently " in Meeting
street, opposite the Friends' meeting-house." In
November 1793, John Carter and WiUiam Wilkin
son became partners and joint publishers of the Ga
zette, the office being removed to " the Post Office,
opposite the market." They proposed, in 1795, to
pubhsh the Gazette semi-weekly, but did not receive
sufficient encouragement to warrant their doing so.
The firm continued untU May 1799, when Mr. Car
ter became again the sole owner of the establish
ment, and so continued untU February 1814, when
he conveyed it to Hugh H. Brown and WiUiam H.
WUson. The Gazette, under the editorship of Mr. Carter,
is such a monument as the firmest patriot and the
best citizen might honestiy desire. He prided him-

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS: 546
self on the typographical correctness of his paper,
and the public rehed on the correctness of its con
tents. It would be difficult to find an error in either
department, justly chargeable to Mr, Carter, He was
a native of PhUadelphia and served his apprentice
ship with Dr, Frankhn, His friend Mr. Goddard,
in the correspondence before referred to, described
him, in 1810, with equal truth and humor, by saying,
" every virtue appears in full vigor, except his pa
tience." He never was remarkable for the last
named virtue, in matters connected with his business,
although in ordinary social intercourse, few men ex
hibited more courteous manners or a better spirit.
He died August 19, 1814, in the 70tli year of his
age, Messrs, Brown and Wilson published the Gazette
until June 1816, when it passed into the hands of
Mr, Brown. He was sole publisher until January
1820, when he formed a connexion in business with
Walter R. Danforth, who had the oversight of the
editorial department of the paper. The Gazette
then became a semi-weekly journal, issued during
the first year, on Mondays and Thursdays, but af
terwards on Wednesdays and Saturdays. This ar
rangement continued untU January 1, 1826, when
the firm was dissolved, and Mr. Brown became again
sole owner of the establishment. He remained sole
proprietor and pubhsher, with Albert G. Greene as
editor, until October 5, when the Gazette became
united to the Rhode-Island American. The joint
estabhshment was the property of Carlile (Francis
Y.) and Brown. The place of publication, from
69

646 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.
1814 until the union of the two estabhshments, was
the buUding at the corner of Market Square and
South Main street. After the union, it was pubHsh
ed in one of the buildings on the north side of Mar
ket Square. From October 1826, WiUiam S. Pat
ten was the editor, for one year. Christopher E.
Robbins succeeded him. In March 1827, the firm
of Carlile and Brown was dissolved, and Mr. CarlUe
became sole proprietor and pubhsher, and in AprU of
the same year, Benjamin F. Hallett took the edito
rial chair. In 1827, " The Microcosm " was united
to this establishment, and in July 1829, " The Ca
det and Statesman." The proprietors, then, were
Carhle and Parmenter, (Jonathan C.) and the title
of the semi- weekly paper, " The Rhode-Island
American, Statesman and Gazette." The proprie
tors commenced at the same time the publication of
a daily paper, under the title of " The DaUy Adver
tiser." In November 1829, Daniel Mowry, 3d. be
came the sole proprietor. The DaUy Advertiser
was discontinued after February 1833. Mr. Mow
ry continued the pubhcation of a weekly paper,
under the title of " The Microcosm, American and
Gazette," untU April 1833, when he sold the estab
lishment to James S, Ham and Joseph Knowles.
They pubHshed the paper one year, under the firm of
J, S, Ham & Co,, after which it was discontinued.
During the revolutionary war, and the troubles
preceding it, the Providence Gazette advocated
whig principles. After the peace of 1783, it oppo
sed the paper money party in the state, and advoca
ted the adoption of the Constitution of the United

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 547
States. Subsequentiy, after the new organization
of parties, it was a high federal paper. In the latter
part of its existence, it espoused the cause of anti-
masonry. During the first half century of its exist
ence, the opinions of the editor are seldom given
on any subject. The reader is suppHed with facts,
and left to draw his own conclusions from them.
The next newspaper, in order of time, was " The
American Journal and General Advertiser." It was
published weekly, on Thursdays, by Southwick (Sol
omon) and Wheeler, (Bennett) from March until
November 1779, at the corner of North Main and
Meeting streets, and subsequently by Mr. Wheeler,
on the west side of the river. The publication was
continued nearly, if not quite, up to the commence
ment of " The United States Chronicle."
" The United States Chronicle, PoHtical, Com
mercial and Historical," was a weekly paper, com
menced in January 1784, by Bennett Wheeler, and
published on Thursdays, He printed it for eighteen
years, bringing it down to 1802, when it was discon
tinued. The Chronicle advocated the adoption of
the constitution of the United States, and the gen
eral views of the federal party.
The earliest semi-weekly paper in Providence,
was " The State Gazette and Town and County
Advertiser." The first number bears date January
4, 1796. The publisher and proprietor was Joseph
Fry. It was a smaU paper, even for those times.
The days of publication were Mondays and Thurs
days, and the place, " the north side of Market

648 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.
Square." It continued at least six months, but did
not probably survive the first year.
" The Providence Journal and Town and County
Advertiser," was a weekly paper, pubHshed by
John Carter, jr. on Wednesdays, for three years,
commencing January 1, 1799-
Mr. Samuel J. Wilhams commenced the pubhca
tion of "The Impartial Observer," in July 1800.
It was a weekly paper, printed on Mondays.
Benoni WUliams became the pubhsher, after March
1801. It was discontinued after the second year.
Proposals were issued by Mr. WUHams for the pub
lication of a paper in the place of the Impartial
Observer, to be called " Liberty's Centinel," a
few numbers of which were published.
" The Providence Phenix" commenced in May
1803. The publishers were Theodore A. Foster
and WiUiam W. Dunham. It was published weekly,
on Saturdays, in Westminster street. Mr. Foster
left the concern, after the fijst year, and Mr. Dun
ham continued sole publisher, until July 1805, the
place of publication being changed to Market
Square. WiUiam Olney succeeded Mr. Dunham,
and published the Phenix untU his death, January
10, 1807. He was succeeded by Jones (Josiah)
and Wheeler (Bennett H.) In 1816, they changed
the name to that of " The Providence Patriot and
Columbian Phenix." From J anuary 1 , 1 819, it was
pubHshed semi-weekly, on Wednesdays and Satur
days, by Jones, Wheeler, and BarzUlai Cranston,
under the firm of J. Jones and company. Mr.
Cranston left the concern after the first year. The

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 649
publication was continued by Jones and Wheeler,
untU May 1823, when Eaton W. Maxcy succeeded
Mr. Wheeler, and the name of the firm was changed
to Jones and Maxcy. After one year, Mr. Maxcy
left, and was succeeded by WiUiam Simons, and
the firm's name again changed to Jones and Simons,
and so continued, until December 1829. Mr. Si
mons then left the concern, after which it was pub
lished by Mr. Jones, as agent, for about three years,
during a part of which period, James O. RockweU
was editor. Soon after this time, the Patriot
was discontinued. During the whole of its exist
ence, it was a high party paper, of the JefFersonian
school of politics.
" The Rhode-Island Farmer," was the titie of a
weekly paper, printed by Heaton (David) and Wil
liams, (Benoni) commencing in the summer of 1804,
and continuing about one year. Amos Hopkins
was the reputed editor.
" The American" was commenced October 21,
1808, by Dunham (William W.) and Hawkins (Da
vid, jr.) This was the second semi-weekly paper
printed in Providence. After the first year, the
name was altered to "The Rhode-Island American."
The days of publication were Tuesdays and Fridays,
and the place, the north side of Market square.
Dunham and Hawkins continued the publishers
untU May 1812, when Mr. Hawkins became sole
proprietor, and so remained untU October 1813.
He then disposed of t^ie establishment to MiUer
(John) and Man (WUliam W.) who continued its
publication until April 1814. Up to this late date,

650 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.
there was no regular editor to this paper. Then
William G. Goddard became joint proprietor with
MUler & Man, and assumed the charge of the edi
torial department. In January 1815, Mr. Miller re
tired from the concern, and the pubhcation was con
tinued by Goddard and Man, untU the death of Mr.
Man in March 1817, when Mr. Goddard became
sole proprietor. The paper was pubHshed by God
dard and KnOwles (James D.) from July 1819, until
October 1820, when Mr. Knowles retiring, Mr.
Goddard became, again, sole publisher as weU as
proprietor, and so continued untU October 1826,
when he transferred the estabhshment to Francis Y.
Carhle, who immediately connected it with the
Providence Gazette, as has been before stated.
The American was ever a decided advocate of
the principles and poHcy of the old Federal party.
During the last war, a weekly paper was started
in Providence, under the name of " The Providence
Centinel and War Chronicle." Herman B. and
Daniel Man, were the publishers, and George R.
BurriU, the editor. But a few numbers were ever
published. " The Manufacturers' and Farmers' Journal, and
Providence and Pawtucket Advertiser," commenc
ed in January 1820. It was issued on Mondays and
Thursdays, MUler (John) and Hutchens (John)
were the pubhshers, and WUHam E, Richmond the
editor. The editor's name was withdrawn from the
imprint, after the first year. At tiie end of the third
year, Mr. MUler became the sole proprietor, and so
continued, till May 1833, when he entered into co-

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 651
partnership with George Paine. They published
the Journal, up to January 1, 1836, when the es
tablishment passed into the hands of George W.
Jackson, who retained it until July 1838, when he
transferred it to Knowles (Joseph) and Burroughs
(WilHam L.) These last named gentiemen owned
the establishment up to February 1 839, when Mr.
Burroughs transferred his interest to John W. Vose.
In July 1840, Knowles and Vose transferred a part
of the estabhshment to Henry B. Anthony. Mr. An
thony assumed the editorial chair in July 1 838. Pre
vious to that time, Benjamin F, Hallett, ThomasRiv-
ers, Lewis Gaylord Clark, and Thomas H, Webb, had
successively been editors of the Journal, although no
editor's name appeared in the imprint, after the first
year. In 1 824, the Independent Inquirer was united
to the Journal establishment, and after that time, it
was issued from the same office. In July 1829, the
proprietors commenced pubhshing a daily paper, un
der the name of " The Providence Daily Journal,"
"The Courier" became united to the Journal, in
1840, and was issued only semi-weekly, on Tues
days and Fridays.
The leading object of the Journal, at its outset,
was to aid the cause of home industry and domestic
manufactures. It did good service to that cause
then, and has ever been its faithful and efficient ad
vocate. In questions of general politics, it is identi
fied with the Whig party in the state and country.
Though it is now in its green old age, it has surviv
ed aU the other newspapers which were in course of
pubhcation at its commencement.

552 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.
" The Independent Inquirer" commenced Au
gust 2*7, 1823, It was pubHshed weekly for about
one year, by Barnum Field, after which he trans
ferred the estabhshment to the Journal.
" The Beacon" was issued weekly for more than
two years, commencing January 10th 1824, by Wil
liam S. Spear, It was a fearless paper, in the most
extended signification of the term,
" The Microcosm" was also a weekly paper. It
was commenced June 10, 1825, by Walter R. Dan
forth. After No. 13 of the third volume, it was
transferred to the Rhode-Island American, as before
stated. " The Literary Cadet and Saturday Evening Bul
letin," was the title of a weekly paper, ccjmmenced
April 22d, 1826, by Smith (Samuel J.) & Parmenter
(Jonathan C.) After the first year, it became a semi-
weekly. This was a very popular newspaper, and at
an early day of its existence is said to have obtained
a weekly circulation of about four thousand cop
ies. Sylvester S, Southworth was the editor of it
during the greater part of its existence. In July,
1829, it was united to the American and Gazette.
" The Investigator and General Intelhgencer"
was published weekly, by James B, Yerrinton, com
mencing in October 1827, WiUiam GoodeU was
editor, and the place of pubhcation the Canal Mar
ket building. This was a political paper, not at
tached however to any party, of course it received
the patronage of neither, but on the contrary was
opposed by aU. In December 1 828, it was removed
to Boston and united to the " National PhUanthro-

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS, 563
pist," Subsequently, it was united to the " Genius of
Temperance," and carried to New- York, where it
was discontinued.
In 1818, a smaU paper entitled "The Juvenile
Gazette," was published a few months, Origen
Bacheler edited it at first, and subsequentiy William
H. Smith, Hugh H. Brown printed it,
" The Repubhcan Herald," under the titie of
" The Herald," commenced in August 1828. The
following month, it was enlarged, and the name
changed. John S. Greene, was the printer and
pubhsher untU July 1829, when he transferred it to
WilHam Simons, jr. who has ever since published it.
He removed the place of publication from " the
Whitaker building" so called, to the north side of
Market Square. The Herald was published weekly
on Saturdays, up to January 1 832, after which it was
issued on Wednesdays and Saturdays. In February
1840, Mr. Simons commenced the publication of
" The Daily Evening Herald," but discontinued it,
after about six months, for want of support. The
Herald has always advocated Democratic principles.
"The Beacon Light" commenced Saturday,
March 11, 1829, and continued but a short time. —
W. A. Brown was the publisher of it. In May fol
lowing, the same publisher issued " The Little Gen
ius," which was also a short Hved paper.
" The Literary Subaltern," was first published
semi-weekly, commencing January 1, 1829. At
the close of the first year, it became a weekly paper.
WilHam MarshaU was the publisher until October 2,
1829, when he transferred it to HaU (John W. D.)
70

554 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.
and Simmons (Brown.) Mr. HaU rehnquished his
interest in the concern to Mr. Simmons, who re
mained sole publisher until November 30, 1832,
when he sold the establishment to Sylvester S.
Southworth, who published it but a short time. He
was the editor of it from its commencement. This
was a literary and political paper, and fearlessly in
dependent. " The Providence Free Press" began in AprU,
1 830, in this city, having been previously, for some
time, published in Pawtucket. During its publica
tion, which was but a single year, it was the organ
ofthe Anti-Masonic party in the state.
" The Chronicle of the Times," was the title of
a newspaper, a few numbers only of which were
pubHshed. The first number bears date September
18th, 1831. Bennett H. Wheeler was proprietor
and editor.
" The Scourge," was published in the year 1810,
occasionally. It bore the name of no printer, pub
lisher or editor. The contents were generally so
personal, as to render secrecy desirable by all con
cerned in it. Only three or four numbers were
published. There is another class of Periodicals almost ex
clusively devoted to the diffusion of religious infor
mation. These are ordinarily of a sectarian origin
and character. So many different sects have always
existed in Providence, in proportion to its popula
tion, that such publications have always had but Ht
tie patronage, not enough to sustain them for any
considerable length of time.

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 555
The first, in order of time, was " The Rehgious
Intelligencer or Christian Monitor," This was a
weekly paper, of quarto form, of four pages. It
was pubHshed, at the American office, and edited by
James D, Knowles, The first number is dated May
13, 1820, After six months, he discontinued it, for
want of support.
In May, 1821, Barber Badger, revived this paper,
under the name of " The Religious Intelhgencer,"
After a few numbers, it assumed the name of " The
Rhode-Island Rehgious Intelhgencer." It was is
sued from the same office, weekly. In May, 1 823,
it was enlarged to a foHo, and became a half news
paper, with the title of " The Religious Intelhgen
cer and Evening Gazette." It was published in
this form, one year.
"The Rhode-Island Baptist" was published in
monthly numbers, from October 1823, to September
1824. Allen Brown was the editor and pubhsher,
and John MiUer the printer.
" The Christian Telescope" commenced August
7, 1824. It was a weekly quarto, of four pages,
and was edited by David Pickering, pastor of the
First UniversaHst church, and printed and published
by BarzUlai Cranston, for one year. After that,
John S. Greene became the pubhsher. In August
1826, it was enlarged to eight pages, and the title
changed to " The Christian Telescope and Univer
saHst MisceUany." In December 1826, F. C. Swain
became associated with Mr. Greene in the publica
tion ofthis paper. From December 1826, to Sep
tember 1827, it was printed by Cranston and Mar-

556 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS
shall, after that Mr. Greene printed it and was sole
publisher. He changed the form to a folio, and the
name to " The Christian Telescope and Friday
Morning General Intelhgencer," in November 1828,
and Jacob Frieze became associated with Mr. Pick
ering in the editorship. It was discontinued in the
year 1829.
" The Anti-Universalist," commenced in 1827,
Was the antagonist of the Christian Telescope. Ori
gin Bacheler was its publisher and editor, and James
B. Yerrinton, the printer, apart ofthe time, at least.
It was removed to Boston in December 1828, where,
after undergoing various changes of proprietor, print
er, editor, and even name itself, it ceased to be.
" The Hopkinsian Magazine," edited by Otis
Thompson, of Rehoboth, and printed by Hugh H,
Brown, was pubHshed from 1824 to 1840.
" The FreewUl Baptist Magazine," commenced
in May 1826. The first volume consists of eight
numbers, which were published quarterly, by seve
ral elders of the Rhode-Island Quarterly Meeting,
Zalmon Tobey being the editor, and BarzUlai
Cranston the printer. After the first volume, the
Quarterly Meeting assumed the publication of the
work, which extended through two volumes more,
up to May 1830. The last two volumes were issued
in monthly numbers, under the same editor, the first
of them being printed by James B. Yerrington, and
the other by Marshall & Hammond.
" The Rehgious Messenger," was the title of a
weekly quarto of four pages, commenced July 2,
1826. It was printed by Barnum Field, for Origen

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 657
Bachelor, editor, every Saturday morning. In 1826
and 1827 it was published under the titie of " The
Rhode-Island Rehgious Messenger," by James B.
Yerrington and Yerrington & EUis, " under the pa
tronage ofthe Rhode-Island State Convention," and
edited by a committee of that body, until August
12, 1826, when James N, Seaman became the
editor. In the course of the year 1827, it was en
larged to a folio form, and WilHam GoodeU became
the editor. In January 1828, it was published on
Friday mornings, and was probably discontinued that
year. This was a sectarian paper, only so far as to
make it accord with the views of what were called
" Evangelical Christians," and yet, though patronised
by so large a class of Christians, it died for want of
support. " The Gospel Preacher," was pubHshed about one
year from December 1827. David Pickering was
the editor, and John S. Greene the printer. It was
issued monthly, in octavo form, each number con
taining two original sermons, by UniversaHst minis
ters. " The Union Conference Magazine," was the ti
tle of a periodical published in August 1829, by
Ray Potter. It was devoted to the interests of
the FreewUl Baptists, One number only was pub
lished, " The Rhode-Island Journal and Sunday School
and Bible Class Advocate," was a semi-monthly
publication, edited and published by the Rev. David
Benedict, during the year 1831.
"The Sunday School Herald." A single sheet with

658 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.
this title was pubHshed on the 26th day of AprU 1 832,
under the patronage of the Sunday School Union.
No papers of this class were being published at
the time of the adoption of the city charter. Those
that previously existed, had stopped, and generally
after a comparatively short race, and for want of
patronage. This did not happen because the citi
zens of Providence did not patronize such publica
tions. There can be no doubt, that their subscrip
tions for such papers published abroad would have
supported several at home.
Such also was the case with periodicals purely lit
erary. With great exertions, one or two such pub
lications have outhved their first year. It wiU be
seen that most of this class never attained that age.
The first in order of time, was " The Rhode-
Island Literary Repository," This was a monthly
publication, in, octavo form, commenced in April
1814, The editorial department was under the su
pervision of Isaac Bailey. The publication was
rehnquished at the end of the first volume. Robin
son (Martin) and Howland (Benjamin) were the
pubhshers. "The Ladies' Magazine" was also published
monthly. The first number appeared in March
1823. The second did not appear untU August fol
lowing. The work was suspended after a few
months. It was " edited by a lady," and printed by
John MiUer.
"The Ladies' Museum" commenced in July
1825. This was published weekly for one year, by
Eaton W. Maxcy, when it was discontinued.

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 559
" The Toilet and Ladies' Cabinet of Literature,"
was a smaU weekly quarto of four pages, which
commenced January 6th, 1828. Josiah Snow was
the publisher ; Owen G. Warren edited it untU No
vember. After that, Samuel M. Fowler was the
editor. From August 1828, untU November, it was
pubHshed by W. A. Brown, and after that, by Smith
and Parmenter. The second volume commenced
January 24, 1829, under the titie of " The Satur
day Evening Gazette and Ladies' Toilet," in folio
form. This was foUowed, in 1829, by " The Bruno-
nian," edited by students of Brown University. It
was published monthly, in octavo form, for one year,
commencing in July.
" The Original," was the title of a monthly maga
zine edited by Frances H. Whipple and printed by
Marshall and Hammond, in 1829. Two numbers,
only, were published.
" The OUa Podrida" was made up principally of
original matter, and published occasionally by John
Bisbee, afterward a distinguished UniversaHst cler
gyman. Not more than three or four numbers were
ever pubHshed.
Some periodicals remain, which could not prop
erly be classed with the preceding, but which de
serve to be noticed as part of the periodical litera
ture of Providence, They are. Almanacs, Direc
tories, Registers and Tax books.
The first Almanac published in Providence, and
" calculated for its meridian," was by Benjamin
West, in 1763, From that year up to the present

560 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.
time, (1843) there always has been at least one print
ed each year. Dr. West calculated and pubHshed
one yearly, with littie if any omission, untU 1785.
In 1769, Abraham Weatherwise published one, and
in 1790, and in several successive years, Bennett
Wheeler published his " Nortii American Calendar."
The venerable Isaac Bickerstaff commenced here
his labors in almanac-making, as early as 1781.
Each succeeding year since, has added one to his
Hterary progeny. Notwithstanding the increase of
rival publications addressed to the religious and po
litical partialities, and to the various prejudices of
the prevailing ism of the year, whatever it is, the
works of Mr. .Bickerstaff are sought after with
avidity. His omission recently, to pubhsh prognos
tications in relation to the weather, have diminished,
in some degree, his popularity ; but no other alma
nac-maker could have sustained himself, after such
a departure from long established usage.
The publication of " The Rhode-Island Register
and United States Calendar," commenced in 1819,
by Hugh H. Brown. This was continued annually
untU 1 832, by him, and by the firm of Brown & Dan
forth. The first " Directory" of Providence, was pub
Hshed by Brown & Danforth, in 1824. Since that
time a Directory has generally been published once
in two or three years.
The publication of the " Tax Book," commenced
in 1827, and has generally been followed up every
year since. Though written principahy in Arabic
characters and abounding in figurative language, it

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 561
is a work much conned over. That part of it which
points out what each individual is bound to pay
toward the public burdens, is, in most instances, read
with a sigh, by the persons interested, whUe that
part which contains the reasons for the apportion
ment, the valuation of each, is perused with pleas
urable sensations. Many a man is not aware of
his wealth, tUl he finds it in this book,* whUe others
enjoy a secret pleasure in its perusal, arising from
the success of their endeavors to conceal their pros
perity. Upon the whole, it is rather a taking work.

71

CHAPTER TENTH.
PURCHASES QF THE NATIVES, AND DIVISIONS OF
THE TOWN.
It was the misfortune of most of the English col
onies in America, to be early and deeply involved in
disputes with one another in relation to their respect
ive jurisdictions and boundaries. These arose partly
from the conflicting and contradictory patents grant
ed by the English sovereigns, and the boundaries
prescribed in successive charters. No one can pe
ruse these instruments without being struck with the
utter ignorance of the geography ofthe country, and
with the utter recklessness of consequences, which
they evince. It is scarcely possible to conceive
that the vast tracts of land which they convey could
ever have been esteemed so valueless as these cir-
curtistances prove that they were ; and yet, nothing
but their small value at that time, could have pre
vented such innumerable and endless quarrels as
would ruin any country, however valuable. Anoth
er fruitful source of disputes, was the ambiguity,
vagueness and uncertainty, which pervaded most of
the grants that the colonies received from the natives.
These arose, in some instances, probably from de
sign, and in others, from the difficulty of communi
cation between the parties. Hence in part origina-

INDIAN PURCHASES, &c. 563
ted the distrust and jealousy of the natives, which
continually filled the colonists with fears, and occa
sionally overwhelmed them in blood ; and hence,
also, private bickerings and disputes between ad
joining colonies as to title, which frequently disturb
ed the peace of these infant settlements. As the
disputes first aUuded to, related principally to juris
diction, and grew out of the grants from the com
mon sovereign of them aU, they were definitely set
tled by appealing to that sovereign. But the latter
were more lasting, because no such effectual and
speedy method existed for their settlement; and
more acrimonious, as they involved individual inter
est and private feeling.
The colony of Providence was happUy exempted
from disputes of the first class ; not that the causes
that produced them elsewhere, were not also in ac
tive operation here, producing the like results, but as
the colonists of Providence had neither patent nor
charter from England, except as united with the
other colonies within the state, aU those colonies so
united, were the party in these disputes, and they be
long to the history of the state, rather than to the
history of the town. Difficulties enough, however,
arose from the other cause, to retard the growth and
mar the tranquillity of the town, during almost the
whole of the first century of its existence. The
deed of the sachems to Mr. Wilhams, which is given
on page 26, is, in an especial manner, liable to the
charge of ambiguity and vagueness. The bounds
established and confirmed by it, " from the river
and fields of Pawtucket, the great hiU of Neotacon-

664 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
kanitt, on the northwest, and the town of Masha-
pang on the west," are more exact and certain than
those of most deeds of the same kind, executed at
the same period. " The great hill of Neotoconka-
nitt" StiU retains its location and its name. It is
about three mUes westerly from where Weybosset
bridge now stands. "The town of Mashapaug"
was near the pond that now bears the same name
about two mUes south of Neotaconkanitt. " The
river and fields of Pawtucket," have given their
name to the viUage of North Providence, which now
probably occupies the place of the " fields." Had
the description ended here, or added as a southern
bound the Pawtuxet river, there would have been
little difficulty or doubt about the matter. But it
does not ; the deed goes on, for a new considera
tion, to grant " aU that land from those rivers" (that
is, the Moshassuck and Wanasquatucket,) " reach
ing to Pawtuxet river ; as also the grass and mead
ows upon the said Pawtuxet river."
This clause is apparently inconsistent with the
preceding part of the deed, and the meaning of the
whole instrument is rendered by it, vague and uncer
tain. The extent of the grant is made tenfold more
uncertain, by the confirmation, as it was caUed,
which was appended to it in 1639. Miantonomi,
one of the original grantors, then confirmed the
deed and " acknowledged this his act and hand up
the streams of Pawtucket and Pawtuxet, without
limits, we might have for our use of cattie." 
Such was the indefinite extent of the first purchase
of Providence. Wjth such bounds, if bounds they

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 565
may be called, it must have required the greatest
prudence on the part of the settlers, to prevent diffi
culties between them and the ignorant and jealous
Narragansetts. They succeeded, however, in main
taining peaceable relations with them, while strife
and contention between themselves divided them
into parties, and weakened and almost destroyed
the system of government which they had established.
This deed was understood to convey little more
than the right of jurisdiction over the land it describ
ed. The general right that the sachem possessed in
the soU, passed under it, but such Indians as had
built wigwams, or planted upon it, were also to be
satisfied. In some instances, individuals among the
purchasers, bought oflf the natives residing on their
lands, and in others the whole body of purchasers join
ed, and, from their common stock, paid them for
their right in the soil, and it was not uncommon that
a succession of such claimants would appear, and re
ceive satisfaction. The sums paid to these individ
uals, generally far exceeded the amount paid to the
sachems. In 1646, Massasoit, sachem ofthe Wampanoags,
laid claim to the sovereignty of part ofthe purchase,
or of land adjoining it. It is generally supposed
that his jurisdiction never extended beyond the Nar
ragansett bay and the Seekonk river. Yet, in those
times, it was deemed expedient to quiet their pos
session by purchase of every claimant, however friv
olous or unfounded his claim might be, rather than
to expose themselves to the imputation of denying
the right of the natives to the soU on which they

666 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
dwelt. In this case, an agreement was made with
Massasoit, for a conveyance of his pretended right.
The terms were settied and the deed drawn, but when
it was presented to him for his signature he refused
to execute it. The circumstances are detaUed at
length in the following " testimony" copied from
the state records.
Wapewasik, over against Portsmouth 10. 7. 46 so called. —
We, Gregory Dexter, Thomas Olney, Roger Williams and
Robert Williams, in a word of truth and faithfulness declare,
that being requested by the town of Providence, in our name
and in their behalf, to buy the right which Ousamequin pretend-
eth to a parcel of land, which lies between our bounds at Paw-
tuckqut and an Indian plantation northwest from thence called
Loquassuck, and knowing that our town had right to the feed
ing and grazing of cattle upon the said parcel of land, by our
grant of the Nanhygganset purchase before such times as they
since released him of his subjection, as also, that it was upland,
from the water and most of it barren and rocky, without meadow ;
so making a journey to Ousamequin's house, offered him but
fifteen fathom of white wampum (it being a time when white
wampum only was current, and which we knew he would accept)
but he desired to have commodities and wampum, and, at last,
we agreed upon ten fathom of white wampum, four coats of En
glish cloth, six of the best English hoes, and English axes, and
twelve great knives, which wampum and commodities, he desir
ing speedy payment, we went, all of us, over to Portsmouth, to
procure the said wampum and commodities^ he furnishing us
with a canoe and a native, where some of us performed good
service for him, in some controversies between the English and
him. We brought him the wampum, which he accepted of, the
coats also, which he accepted of, and received the cloth, choos
ing out of two parcels, but of twelve knives he chose eight, out
of six hoes, he chose one, we promising to procure him the rest
of the hoes and hatchets and knives to his liking, which he was
fully content. Afterward going to sleep, he begged two coats
of us, which we promised to give him ; yet in the morning some

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 567
of us refusing to sell him shot, as also all refusing to give him
four coats more, he took forth our money and goods again to us,
which we refused, not being willing to countenance such deal
ing in the barbarians, and having before, in their payments and
a coat to his chancellor which he desired, and other small gifts
unto them, laid out the value of about forty fathom of wampum,
we were not willing to wrong our own country in granting his
desire of four coats, and so unreasonably to raise the price of
such parcels of land in this barbarous wilderness, and, therefore,
we declare, that the said land, according to a fair and righteous
bargain, belongs to the town of Providence, the town paying to
Ousamequin, as aforesaid. Roger Williams, Robert Williams,
Gregory Dexter, Thomas Olney.
In 1658, a committee was appointed to treat with
the Indians who claim Loisquisset, and clear it for
the town. There is no report of their proceedings.
The Court of Commissioners, in May 1669, au
thorised the town to buy off the Indians within their
bounds, and to add not exceeding three thousand
acres to their jurisdiction, by purchase ofthe sachems.
They soon avaUed themselves of the liberty first
granted. At the same time they also took deeds
froni the sachems, successors of Conanicus and
Miantonomi, In these, the western bounds of the
colony are more clearly defined. By one of the
tvvo parties that then divided the town, these were
called deeds of mere confirmation ; the other party
considered them as new purchases,
" Providence, the 3d month, 29th day, 1659.
This be known to all that it may concern, in all ages to come,
that I Caujaniquaunte, sachem of the Narragansetts, ratify and
confirm to the men of Providence, and to the men of Pawtux-
cette, their lands and deed, that my brother Meantonomeah
made over and disposed to them, namely, all the lands between

568 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
Pawtucket river and Pawtuxet river, up the streams without
limit for their use of cattle ; and I also do for summer and win
ter feeding of their cattle and ploughing and all other necessary
improvements, as for farms and all manner of plantations what
soever : This land, I say, above said, I confirm to the aforesaid
men at this present, twenty full miles, beginning to measure
from a hill, called Fox's hill, upon a straight line, running up
into the country between Pawtuckette and Pawtuxcette river.
This land and these appurtenances I hereby confirm to them
and their heirs and assigns forever, and that my heirs and assigns
shall not molest them nor their assigns forever in any of the
lands above said ; and that I am always ready to defend their ti
tle from the claim of any Indians whatsoever. In witness where
of I hereto set my hand.

The mark of X. #¦" ^ CAUJANiaUAUNTE.

The witnesses,
Awaushowes, his f mark.
Mattackcees, called Newcom, his W mark.
We also witnesses :
Nathaniel Waterman,
Andrew Harris.
I, Aiaquaomit, own this my father his act and deed, which is
above written, and do acknowledge, that I have received full
satisfaction for all the right and claim which could be laid by
me unto any of those lands which my brother hath sold unto the
men of Providence and the men of Pawtuxett. Witness my
hand this 28 of April in the year 1660.

-^

The mark X— f*^ of AIAaUAOMIT.

W The mark of Matt.ackcees, alias Newcom.
Thomas Olney Junior.
For Pawtuxette and Providence, the 6 mo, 13 day, 1659.
This be known to all ages upon any just occasion, that we
Cussuckquanth and Nenekealah chief sachems over the Indians
in these parts of the country, ratify and confirm to the men of
Providence and the men of Pawtuxette, their lands according to

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 56d
their joint agreements, which our brother Meantenomeah pos
sessed them with, that is, all the lands between Pawtuck
ette and Pawtuckcett, between the streams of these rivers, and
up theSe streams without limits, or as far as they shall think fit.
These lands and the a{)purtenances, we confirm to them, in and
foi- good considerations, to them, their heirs and assigns forever.
Nevertheless, it shall not be lawful for the aforesaid men to re
move the Indians that are up in the country, except they shall
satisfy those Indians, and so cause them to depart willingly ,neither
shall any of those Indians sell any part of their said lands to any
man whatsoever, only it shall be lawful for those Indians to re
ceive some recompence for their removing oflf, if they see cause,
of the aforesaid Englishmen of Providence or Pawtuxette ac
cording to their joint agreement. Also we bind our heirs and
assigns forever not to molest, the aforesaid men nor their heirs
nor assigns upon any ofthe aforesaid lands forever.
Witness our hands
CUSSUCKaUANTH his mark :_>
NENEKEALAH his mark  * *
AwATHOWES his mark * 
Richard Smith,
James Smith.
These bear witness to all ages to come, to such as are con
cerned herein. That we, Scuttape and Quequaganewet, son to
Meakeaw, son to Q.uanuanone, called by the English Qun-
nounicus uncle to Meantonomeah, who made a peace with the
English in the Massachusetts, for all the Indians in these parts, in
the time ofthe Pequote war with the English. This our grand
father and cousin, chief sachems, granted to Roger Williams,
acFcnt for the men of Providence and the men of Pawtuxcett, a
tract of land, reaching from Pawtucket river to Pawtuxcett riv
er, all the lands between the streams of those rivers, and up
those streams without limits for their use of cattle, did they grant
to the men abovesaid, the men of Providence and the men of
Pawtuxcett to whom we establish the lands aforesaid up the
streams of those rivers, and confirm without limits, or as far as
the men abovesaid of Providence and Pawtuxcett shall judge
convenient for their use of cattle, as feeding, ploughing, plant-
72

570 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
ing all manner of plantations whatsoever ; we say, all the lands,
according to the limits abovesaid, we establish and confirm to
the men of Providence and the men of Pawtuxcett, according
to their joint agreement, in the most absolute tenure of ffee sim
ple, to them, their heirs and assigns forever, and hereby bind
ourselves, our heirs and assigns, not to molest or trouble the men
abovesaid in the full enjoyment of the land abovesaid. Never
theless, it shall not be lawful for the men abovesaid to remove
the Indians, that are up in the country from their fields, without
the Indians' consent and content, nor shall it be lawful for any of
those Indians to sell any of the lands abovesaid to any, only it
shall be lawful for them, to take of the men of Providence and the
men of Pawtuxcett, according to their joint agreement, satis
faction for their removing. And we have established to the
men abovesaid the land and deed granted by our grandfather and
cousin, so do we also confirm the grants of confirmation by our
cousins Cussuckquanth, Caujaniquanutte and Nenekealah.
The mark of SCUTTAPE,  J
Dated this first of December 1659 —
Signed and delivered in presence of us
Manatash, q  his mark, Indian interpreter,
Nantomoroawe, I  his mark,
Richard Smith,
Richard Smith jr.
James Smith,
William Dyre.

The mark of QUEQUAGANEWET.

./"•TY

In February foUowing, a grant of thirty shiUings
was made to Aioquomitt, in consideration of his deed.
A committee, consisting of Thomas Walling, Henry
Brown, WilHam Harris, WUliam Wickenden, John
Fenner and Daniel Brown, was appointed " to set
the bounds of the plantation twenty miles from Fox's
hill westward, up in the country," in pursuance of
the deeds last copied.

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 571
That Mr. WiUiams was dissatisfied with these pro
ceedings, is evident from the following correspon
dence, between him and the town, in October of
this year:
" Loving Friends and Neighbors — Divers of yourselves have
so cried out ofthe contentions of your late meetings, that (study
ing my quietness) I thought fit to present you these few lines.
Two words, I pray you to consider. First, as to this plantation
of Providence ; then, as to some new plantation, if it shall
please the same God of mercies, who provided this, to provide
another, in mercy for us.
First, as to this town. Although I have been called out of
late to declare my understanding as to the bounds of Providence
and Pawtuxet, and although divers have land and meadows in
possession, beyond these bounds, yet I [illegible] that none
of you think me so senseless as to put any barbarian to molest
an Englishman or to demand a farthing of any of you.
Second. If any do, (as formerly some have done and di
vers have given gratuities, as Mr. Field, about Neotoconkanitt,
and others) I promise, that as I have been assistant to satisfy
and pacify the natives round about us, so I hope I shall, still
while I live, be helpful to any of you, that may have occasion
to use me. '
Now as to some new plantations, I desire to propose that
which may quench contention, may accommodate such who
want, and may also return monies unto such as have of late
disbursed. To this purpose, I desire, that we be patient and
not torment ourselves and the natives, sachem and people, put
ting them upon mischievous remedies, with the great noise of
twenty miles new, or old purchases.
Let us consider if Miswosaket and Wayunkeke, and the land
thereabout, may not afford a new and comfortable plantation,
which we may go through with all effectual endeavors, for true
public good. To this end, I pray you consider, that the inhabit
ants of these parts with most of the Cowesets and Nipmucks,
have long since forsaken the Narragansett sachems, and sub
jected themselves to the Massachusetts ; and yet, they are free

572 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
to sell their lands to any whom the Massachusetts shall not pro
test against. To this end, observing their often flights, and to
stop their running to the Massachusetts, I have parlied with
them, and find that about thirty pounds will cause them to leave
those parts and yield peaceable possession. I suppose then that
the town may do well to give leave to about twenty of the inhab
itants (of which I offer to be one, and know others willing) to
lay down thirty shillings a man toward the purchase. Let every
one of this number have liberty to remove himself or to place a
child or friend there. Let every person who shall afterward be re
ceived into the purchase lay down thirty shillings, as hath been
done in Providence, which may be paid, by some order agreed on,'
to such as have lately disbursed monies. Unto the effecting of
this, I offer, gratis, my time and services, in hopes, that such as
want may have a comfortable supply amongst us, and others made
room for, who may be glad of a shelter also.
Yours, to serve you,
27, 8, 60, so called. ROGER WILLIAMS."
The following answer, drawn up by Thomas Ol
ney, sen. WiUiam Harris and Arthur Fenner, was
returned by the town :
" We received your letter, and it being read in the ears ofthe
town, they considered this answer : 1 . That from these words
in our evidence taken by you which are these, " the lands upon
Moshassuck and Wanasquatucket," which lands, comprehend
Masswasacutt, it appears ours already, and when we plant there,
we will agree with the Indians either to remove or. fence. 2.
When as you say, the Indians have subjected to the Bay, we
say, they were subject to the Narragansett sachems when you
bought the land which we now have, and yourself propose yet to
buy. And we know, that if we let go our true hold already at
tained, we shall, if not ourselves, yet our posterity, smart for it,
and we conceive herein, that we do truly understand what your
self doth not. And if your apprehension take place, as we hope
it never will, in these your proposals, we haply may see, what, we
conceive you desire not, the ruin of what you have given name
to, viz. poor Providence. As for the natives complaining, we

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 573
have not yet wronged them any further than satisfaction, that
we know of, nor shall not. What their wrongs to us are, we have
hitherto rather smothered, than complained, yet we must tell
you, that we shall not be averse to any fair gratuity, either to
take them off their fields or otherwise, always having respect un
to the act of the sachems, whom you have formerly so much
honored. And herein, if you can accomplish, we shall be ready
to assist with further pay, upon our former grounds, otherwise
we shall not meddle, and forbid any so to do. Thus in love,
though in brief return, we rest your neighbors.
The Town of Providence,
Per me, THOMAS OLNEY, jr.
Oct. 29, 1660. Clerk in the behalf of the town.
To Mr. Roger Williams, these."
I suppose "Miswosaket" aiid "Masswasacutt,"
in these letters, to refer to the same place. It was
probably situate near what is now called " Mesh-
wansecut" pond, in the northeast corner of the
present town of Scituate. " Wayunkeke " is in
Smithfield, between the Wanasquatucket and Paw
tucket rivers.
At a town meeting in January 1661, a number of
townsmen were permitted to purchase Aquidneset,
reserving a right to all the others to become jointly
interested with them, by paying a proportion of the
purchase money, by the first of March. The town
annex to this permission, a provision that it shall not
affect the rights of the town acquired from the Nar
ragansett sachems.
In May, the town borrowed £20 to pay for clear
ing off certain Indian titles. Probably it was ex
pended in procuring the following deeds :
" Providence, 10, 3, 1661, so called. This certifieth that I,
Wettiaskant, sachem, formerly living at Wachimoqut, now at

674 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
Kaukanchawanshad, do give up and resign to Thomas Olney,
sen. John Brown and Roger Williams of Providence, for the
use of the said town, all my interest and claim to a certain
tract or lordship of land lying west northwest or thereabouts,
from Providence, called Wayunkeke; the bounds of the said
lands from the Indian fields at Wayunkeke are eastward to a
ridce of hills called Pamechipsk, westward to a river called
Toyasqut, which runs down to Pawtucket, southward to a way
in the midst of a plain ground between Wayunkeke and Misho-
nosakit pond, northward to a place called duttonikanit. The
said lordship, with all the rights and privileges, fields, meadows,
rivers, fishings, trees, stones, and whatever else I formerly en
joyed there, as mine own inheritance from my father, and long
by me enjoyed, I now for good consideration, in hand received
and agreed upon, with my heart resign as aforesaid. Witness
my hand.
Witness, The mark of WUTTIASKANT, -f
The mark of George, called Machichacou, or Pigseyes, CD
The mark of Pompmuanit, O
William Hake.
Providence, 27, 10, 61, so called. Be it known unto all men,
that I, Maugin, called Tom of Wauchimoqut, do freely give up
all my claim of right to any lands about Notacunckanet, and so
forward to Sakesakit and Paugatchat, and so from thence for
ward to Mishosakit, unto the town of Providence, and promise to
help the men of Providence to clear the Indians from their
fields at the places aforesaid. This writing I make to Thomas
Olney, sen. John Brown, Valentine Whitman and Roger Wil
liams, appointed by the town to clear off Indians, for the town's
use. In witness whereof, I set my mark.
The mark of H MAUGIN,
Witness, called Tom of Wauchimoqut.
Daniel Williams.
Providence, 12, 1, 1661. Be it known unto all men by these
presents, that I, Waumsittou, or Sepauqut, chief sachem of Pau-
kanawqut, do, by these presents, for the consideration of one
hundred fathom of wampum, and other gifts received, make
and pass over unto Thomas Olney, sen. John Sayles, John

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN.

575

Brown, Valentine Whitman and Roger Williams, all my right
and interest, claim and challenge, unto any lands, grounds and
meadows lying and being on the west side of Seecunk or Paw-
tuckqut river, for the use of the town of Providence, excepting a
tract of land, about four or five miles, which I gave leave to Wil
liam, or Quashawaunamut of Massachuset, to dispose of, which
said land begins at the old field of Wasquadomisk ; and whereas,
I have no interest in any land beyond that tract assigned to Wil
liam aforesaid, only some subjects of mine lay claim to the next
tract of land beyond that of William, his tract, called Mashack-
qiint, I do promise to deal with my said subjects to treat and
agree with Providence men, if they please, before any other
English. In witness of the premises, I set to mine hand and
seal. The mark A of ALEXANDER.
alias Waumsittou, or Sepaugut.
In the presence of
Daniel Williams,
John S.\usaman,
The mark H of Tom Wachamoket.
Providence 24, 4mo, 1662, so called.
This witnesseth that I, Wesauomog sachem, inhabitant of
Mishpashit, do by these presents, for good considerations in hand
received, with which I acknowledge myself fully satisfied, I give
and surrender up all my right, interest and claim unto the land
aforesaid, unto Thomas Olney, sen. John Brown, Valentine
Whitman and Roger Williams, in the name and for the use of
the men of Providence and their heirs and assigns forever ; and
do promise to keep a league of friendship and love with them
and to endeavor that all the natives of Mashousakit, shall so do,
and that the English may freely cut the meadows, build houses,
feed cattle, and plant the ground, in peace and safety. The
bounds of this land he saith, is southward from the pond of
Mishousakit about three miles to a pond called Nanipsick,
northward joining to Wayunakege, eastward, near Sakesakit,
and westward about seven miles.
In witness of the premises, I subscribe my mark.
Witness, The mark of WESAUOMOG, O
The mark of George, called Pigseyes, ?
Obadiah Hullmes,
Marke Luccar.

576 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
These are all the conveyances made by the na
tives to the town that can now be found in the files
or records. There is a reference to another deed
from Wuttation. The land that it conveyed, lies
either in Smithfield or in BurriUvUle, but neither the
extent, bounds, or location of it, can be ascertained.
Purchases were also made from the natives by indi
viduals, some of which embraced large tracts. —
Among the most considerable of these was the West
quanoid purchase , which lies between the north branch
of the Pawtuxet river, and the dividing line between
the present counties of Providence and Kent. The
Westquanoid purchasers, belonged principaUy to
Rhode-Island, It is impossible to locate the lands conveyed by
these deeds, with exactness.
About the same time that Mr, WiUiams executed
his first deed to his twelve companions in exUe, the
foUowing arrangement was entered into between
them, for a division of the lands :
"An agreement made between the several inhabitants ofthe
town of Providence, the 8th of the 8 month 1638. It is agreed,
this day abovesaid, that all the meadow ground at Pawtuxet,
bounding upon the fresh river upon both sides, is to be impro
priated unto these thirteen persons, being now incorporate in
to our town of Prpvidence, viz. Ezekiel Holyman, Francis
Weston, Richard Waterman, Thomas Olney, Robert Coles,
William Carpenter, William Harris, John Throckmorton, Roger
Williams, John Greene, Thomas James, William Arnold, Stuke
ly Westcott, and to be equally divided among them, and everj
man to pay an equal proportion to raise up the sum of twenty
pounds for the same, and if it shall come to pass, that some or
any one of these thirteen persons abovesaid do not pay or give
satisfaction for his or their equal proportion of the abovesaid

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 577
sum of twenty pounds, by this day eight weeks, which will be
the seventeenth, day of the tenth month next ensuing, that they
or he, shall leave their or his proportion of meadow ground unto
the rest of those thirteen persons, to be at their disposing who
shall make up the whole sum of twenty pounds, which is to be
paid unto Roger Williams.
Memorandum. On the third day of the tenth month, 1638,
so called, according to former agreement, I received ofthe neigh
bors abovesaid the full sum of rfl8. 11. 3, per me,
ROGER WILLIAMS."
The date of the foregoing agreement, as stated in
the copy from which the foregoing was copied, is
the same with the date ofthe " Initial deed" of Mr.
WUliams ; but it is evident there is either a mistake
in the date or in the body, of the instrument. From
the eighth of October, eight weeks would not be the
seventeenth but the third day of December, the date
of the memorandum of payment.
The object of the agreement, undoubtedly was to
secure to the first settlers and purchasers of Provi
dence, a portion of the purchase for their own use.
The natural meadows on the banks of the Pawtux
et were selected as being of the greatest immediate
value. There existed no necessity of precision in
the bounds of the part so set off, at first, nor whUo
the proprietors of both purchases were the same in
dividuals. Nor was it then contemplated, that any
change of circumstances, would render it more diffi
cult to state the precise bounds at some future pe
riod. But as soon as the proprietors of Providence
were increased by the admission of other persons,
to the "same fellowship of vote" with the original
purchasers, the want of certainty in the description
73

578 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
and boundaries of the portion appropriated to them
selves exclusively, was feh as a great evU, It gave
rise to mistrust and jealousy among the inhabitants
of Providence, and divided them into parties. An
attempt was made as early as 1640, to settie the line
between the two proprieties. The difficulty had
then so far progressed, that the parties were obhged
to call upon some individuals to act as arbitrators
between them. Their report is given in page 40.
They decided, that the dividing hne should
" Run upon a straight line from a fresh spring, being in the
gully at the head of the cove, running by the point of land call
ed Saxeffrax, unto the town of Mashapaug, to an oak tree stand
ing near the cornfield, being at this time the nearest cornfield
unto Pawtuxet, the oak tree having four marks with an axe, till
some other landmark be set for a certain bound. Also, we
agree, that if any meadow ground lying adjoining to that mea
dow that borders upon the river of Pawtuxet, come within the
aforesaid line, which will not come within a straight line from
the long cove to the marked tree, then, for that meadow to be
long to Pawtuxet ; and so, beyond the town of Mashapaug, from
the oak-tree, between the two fresh rivers Pawtuxet and Wanas
quatucket of an even distance."
This report was signed by the greater part of the
proprietors of both purchasers. It does not appear
that the hues then agreed upon were run out. In
fact, the indefinite nature of the bound set to the
purchase, precluded the possibility of their ever
being run out. The hne from the spring to Masha
paug, was definitely settled, but the Hne " between
the two fresh rivers, Pawtuxet and Wanasquatucket,
could not be, until the parties agreed " what land
and meadows" upon the Wanasquatucket they pos
sessed, and what was granted them in 1639, when

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 579
Miantonomi acknowledged his prior deed and
added, " up the streams of Pawtucket and Paw
tuxet, without limits, they might have for their use
of cattle." There remained then ample matter for
dispute, and as the parties grew warm, it is to be
feared, that there was on both sides a departure from
the principles with which both started. The ex
istence of these two parties may be easily traced in
the language used in the subsequent deeds from the
sachems. Those first procured, were intended to
operate as deeds of confirmation of the previous
grant to Mr, WiUiams, establishing a western bound
ary to it. The party that was not active in pro
curing them, insisted that they were a fraud upon
the natives, as deeds of confirmation, and affected
to consider them deeds of new purchases, the con
sequence of which would be to vest the whole in the
proprietors of Providence, A majority of the town,
however, accepted them as deeds of confirmation,
Pawtuxet purchasers accordingly paid one fourth of
the expense of procuring them. In accordance
with the extent of land conveyed by these deeds, the
town, in March 1660, agreed that their western
bounds should be set twenty mUes west of Fox's
HUl. A committee was appointed to run the west
ern line. At the same time, they also agreed that
the dividing line between Providence and Pawtuxet,
should be " midway between Wanasquatucket and
Pawtuxet, twenty miles." A committee was ap
pointed in April 1661, consisting of Arthur Fenner,
WiUiam Wickenden and Thomas Hopkins, " to meet
three of Pawtuxet men and run the line " " up into

580 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
the country, beginning at the tree at Mashapaug."
They did not execute their commission tiU several
years afterwards. The next proceeding on the sub
ject was in March 1666, when it was mutually
agreed, that " the line of diflference shaU be run be
tween Providence and Pawtuxet from the end of
the line already set near unto Pawchaset river, and
from thence upon a straight Hne to Hypse's rock, if
said rock is midway between Pawtuxet and Wanas
quatucket, if not, then opposite it, at midway." A
committee was appointed, the same day, to run out
this line. There is no evidence of any proceedings
by them, nor is it to be wondered at, when the
agreement did not more exactly define the course to
be run. The committee appointed in 1661, report
ed in January 1668, that they had run the Hne
agreed on from the spring to the marked tree at
Mashapaug, and thence " northward to a centre be
twixt the two rivers upon an equal distance, near
unto a great rock, and from thence westerly upon a
straight line near unto Pawchasit river." Their re
port was accepted by the town in February foUowing.
These lines, it wUl at once be perceived, extend only
part of the way between the two proprieties, as Paw
tuxet purchasers claimed them to extend. In 1675,
another committee was appointed by the town to con
fer with Pawtuxet men about the dividing line. The
result ofthe conference does not appear in any report,
but it did not result in any settlement of the matter
in controversy.
Recourse was, in the mean time, in many in
stances, had to legal process. Suits were institu-

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 581
ted in various courts and jurisdictions, for alledged
trespasses. These served to arouse private feehngs
and to enlist them in the disputes, without, in any de
gree, settling the question out of which they arose.
The tribunals in this colony were not so constituted
as to be impartial in relation to the matter. It could
scarcely happen, that some of the Assistants who
composed the highest judicial tribunal then known,
would not be interested in the question under de
bate, though they might not be in the issue on trial.
At any rate, the losing party would always have it
in his power to shake the confidence in such tribu
nals, on such matters, where whole communities
were, in fact, parties in feeling. In 1660, recourse
was had to the courts of Massachusetts, After the
subjection of some of the Pawtuxet purchasers, with
their lands, to that government, two of them, Wil
liam Carpenter and Robert Coles, commenced a suit
in the county court at Boston, against WUliam Har
ris, for trespass on Pawtuxet lands. The court en
tertained jurisdiction over the cause, and gave judg
ment for the defendant. No one, it is presumed,
wiU now suppose that the courts of that Province
ever could have obtained any jurisdiction over the
matter in dispute or the defendant in the action,
both being many miles beyond their charter hues.
Nor was it possible for them to execute their judg
ments on the land, as their right to the jurisdiction
was disputed by this colony.
In June 1677, the difficulties had increased to
such a degree, that WiUiam Harris one of the Paw
tuxet proprietors, undertook a voyage to England

582 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
to petition the king for the appointment of special
commissioners to hear and determine them. In his
petition he gives a summary of the difficulties and
dangers that surrounded the Pawtuxet purchase, —
He states that he and his twelve partners had pur
chased the land about forty years before, that their
purchase or parts of it, were claimed by the town of
Providence, the town of Warwick, the colony of
New-Plymouth and two parties of ithe province of
Massachusetts Bay ; that they were intruded upon
by these claimants, and that although they had sued
some of them, they could obtain no redress for their
wrongs. The prayer of the petition, was, that the
governors of New-Plymouth, Massachusetts, Rhode-
Island and Connecticut might be required to hear their
complaints themselves, or to appoint such as were
just and able men to hear them, and with the aid of a
jury equaUy chosen out of the respective govern
ments to determine all diflferences concerning the
lands at Pawtuxet. AU these various claims de
pended on the extent of the original purchase of
Providence. Neither Warwick, New-Plymouth, nor
the parties from Massachusetts could maintain their
claim against the rightful bounds of Providence, as
they were founded on conveyances from the na
tives subsequent to the purchase by Mr. WUHams,
and were either included within or were bounded
upon, his grant. It has been before stated, that the
question between Providence and Pawtuxet de
pended on the extent of Providence westerly, and
the course that the dividing Hne should run, beyond
Mashapaug. The prayer of this petition was grant-

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 583
ed, and a commission sent to the four governors, —
They appointed commissioners to hear the matters
in dispute. These were Thomas Hinckley and
James Cudworth, of Plymouth, Simon Lynde and
Daniel Henchman, of Massachusetts, George Den-
nison and Daniel WethereU, of Connecticut, and
John CoggeshaU and Peleg Sanford, of Rhode-Isl
and, They met at Boston on the third day of Oc
tober 1677, and empanneUed a jury, four of whom
belonged to Massachusetts, two to Plymouth, three
to Connecticut, and three to Rhode-Island, They
then adjourned to Providence, where they met on
the 17th day of November, Five cases were then
entered and tried before the jury. WUHam Harris,
Thomas Field and Nathaniel Waterman were the
plaintiffs. The defelidents were, John Tours, of
Hingham, the town of Warwick, John Harrod and
partners, Edmund Calverly, Gregory Dexter, Arthur
Fenner and the town of Providence, A paper caU
ed the declaration of the plaintiffs in the last nam
ed case contains, near the close of it, what was the
issue between the parties in that cause ;
" Whether the said town of Providence should not, with us,
run the line agreed on by us for partition between the said riv
ers Wanasquatucket river and Pawtuxet river, at an equal and
even distance, and equally upward into the country, as high as
the place or pond, called Punhangansett, the most westerly
bound, which is about twelve miles from the most easterly bound
set at Providence : and who hath the best right and truest title
to the lands on the southward side of the said line."
On the 21st of November the jury returned a ver
dict for the plaintiffs for two pounds, damages, and
" Also that the said defendents run the aforesaid line, equally

684 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
between Pawtuxet river and Wanasquatucket river, till they
meet a thwart line from the head of Wanasquatucket river, di
rectly running to Pawtuxet river."
The court accepted the verdict and issued three
warrants to carry it into effect, one to the Assistants
of Providence, requiring them to summon the free
men of Providence to meet and choose a commit
tee to run the lines described in the verdict — one to
the town sergeant of Providence, requiring him to
give the plaintiffs possession, after the above lines
were run, and the third to the Assistants, requiring
them to see that the town sergeant dehvered pos
session according to their warrant to him. The
court then adjourned to meet at Boston on the 23d
of May 1679, "to consult with their respective gov
ernors whether they had power to grant execution
for the cost of court, &c," and to prepare a report
of their proceedings to the king. The commission
ers from Connecticut being absent, the court ad
journed to the 18th of June, then to meet at Prov
idence. The verdict, as accepted by the court, was
far from determining the controversy between the
parties. Something was to be done by the defend
ants ; they were to run the very hues which were the
foundation of the dispute, and the language of the
verdict was so loose and indefinite, as to their length
and courses, that there was littie probability that
they would be run in a manner satisfactory to the
plaintiffs. This was the fact. In April the plaintiffs
proposed to the town of Providence to appoint sur
veyors to run the Hnes. The proposition was not
acceded to. At the adjournment on the 18th of

blvisioN^ OF The tow^n. 585
June, the defendants produced a plan showing a Hne
which they affirmed was according to the verdict.
It extended from what they supposed to be the head
of'Wanasquatucket river, to a point in Pawtuxet
river where the Pawchasit river empties into it.
Providence contended that the line so run was " a
thwart line" in the language of the verdict " from
the head of Wanasquatucket river directly running
to Pawtuxet river," The plaintiflFs objected to this
line, and refused to accept it as the line the jury in
tended, as this line made an acute angle and not a
direct thwai't line or right angle, as they construed
the language ofthe jury to require. The court then
" thought it might be most satisfactory to have the
former jury themselves, explain their own meaning
in their verdict," and adjourned to the first day of
October, at which time the jurors were summoned
again to appear. At the time of the adjournment
only five of the Commissioners were present ; the
next day, the twO from Rhode-Island appeared, but
one being stiU absent (WethereU, of Connecticut,)
they withdrew themselves, on the ground that no
proceedings could be had unless aU the commission
ers were present. The remaining five commission
ers, taking a diflferent view of their powers, coUtin-
ued in session. All the jurors except the three from
Rhode-Island, appeared on the first day of meeting*
They did not appear tiU the second, and then " re
fused to do any thing as to the explanation of what
they intended in their former verdict," alledging
that they had previously explained it in writing.
The remaining nine jurors explained their meaning
74

586 INDIAN PURC^ASES AND
to be as the court had previously declared it and as
the plaintiflf claimed, and also, on oath, declared to
the court, that the jurors from Rhode-Island had
concurred with them in this explanation. The
commissioners' report is dated the 5th of October
1678. Mr. Harris made another voyage to England in
1679, and presented a petition to the king, complain
ing that the judgment remained unexecuted, and that
the plaintiffs were stiU kept out of possession. The
magistrates of Rhode-Island were required, by letter
dated July 9, 1679, to cause the judgment to be
carried into immediate effect. This letter was pre
sented to the governor and assistants in general
council, on the 30th of September. They issued an
execution on the judgment, reciting the verdict in
the words used by the jury, and appointed John
Smith, of Newport, the marshal, to execute the
same. He made his return to the general councU
on the 10th day of December, that he had not de
livered possession of the lands described in the exe
cution, that he had applied to the plaintiffs for them
to point out the lands, but that they had neglected to
do so. It seems he spent several days in Provi
dence and Pawtuxet, endeavoring to discharge his
duty. It is probable, from his detail of circumstan
ces, that the plaintiffs were determined not to accept
possession, except according to their construction of
the verdict, and they would not point out the land
unless he would run the lines described in the ver
dict, which he refused to do, because the verdict
made that thq duty of the defendants. Not disheart-

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 587
ened by these rebuflfs, in January following, Mr.
Harris again embarked for England, with a design
of preferring another petition to the king for redress.
On his passage he was taken a prisoner, by a Barba-
ry corsair, and carried to Algiers. He remained
there more than a year, and was finally ransomed, at
the cost of about ^1200. He travelled through
Spain and France, reached London, and died a few
days after his arrival there. During the .whole of
this controversy, Mr, Harris had acted as the attor-
riey of the Pawtuxet purchasers, he being also one
of them. There existed between him and Mr. WU
liams, a personal, or what became a personal, con
troversy, for many years before his death. The
origin of it is not known nor whether it grew out of
the dispute between the proprieties, or whether that
dispute did not owe to it much of its violence. So
far as proceedings were had before courts and juries,
Mr, Harris generaUy succeeded, whUe Mr, Williams
seems to have gained and kept an ascendancy in
the affairs ofthe town. Little is known ofthe early
life of Mr. Harris. He first landed in Boston, and
the tradition is that he came in the same ship with
Mr. WUHams. He left Salem with Mr, WiUiams,
and was one of the first six that crossed the Seekonk,
The records do not show that he ever took a leading
part in the aflfairs of the town, or was often called
by his fellow townsmen to hold offices. He held
the office of Assistant for Providence, for several
years, during some of which there was a large num
ber, if not a majority, of the freemen ofthe town op
posed to him. His influence lay in other parts of

588 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
the colony. The proceedings commenced against
him in the colony, and the complaints urged against
him by the town, have heretofore been given in
preceding chapters. In defending what he supposed
were the rights of Pawtuxet purchasers, he was in
defatigable. They were prosecuted with a zeal and
industry, and at an expense, which the matter in
dispute would hardly seem to justify. The argu
ments or pleas he made before the commissioners, in
1677 and 1678, are preserved. They exhibit deep
thought, and much ofthe scholastic reasoning, pecul
iar to that age, but are deficient in that general and
classical knowledge which distinguished the learned
men of his day. Although he acted throughout the
controversy as an attorney for the purchasers, no one,
from reading his arguments, would hesitate a moment
in determining that he was never educated a lawyer.
While they show an intimate acquaintance with the
statutes of England, they, at the same time, show that
his knowledge of law extended no further than to
them. His knowledge of the principles of the com
mon law, so far as it extended, was not derived from
books, but from deep reflection and the innate
strength of his own mental powers. His perception
of them was quick, and his conclusions from them
'just, wherever he did not permit his prejudices and
prepossessions to influence him. He appears to
have possessed an ardent temperament, combined
with such an uncommon degree of firmness as
amounted almost to obstinacy. From the proceed
ings in the Pawtuxet controversy, it may be doubted

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 589
whether this latter principle may not have delayed
its termination.
At tiie time of the third and last voyage to Eng
land, and probably before, Mr, Harris was engaged
as the agent of Connecticut in urging the claims of
that colony to the jurisdiction over the Narragan
sett country. While this circumstance evinces the
respect which that colony had for his talents and in
tegrity, it may account for some of the prejudices
against him in Rhode-Island,
It does not appear that any steps were taken, after
the death of Mr. Harris, in relation to the settle
ment of this controversy, untU 1682. In November
of that year, the town of Providence appointed
"five trustees," with fuU power " to end the diflfer
ence " with Pawtuxet, and " agree upon the Hne to
be run," They applied themselves to the task, and
in January they executed an agreement with the
Pawtuxet proprietors, establishing the future line of
division between them and Providence, They re
ported their proceedings to the town in AprU, and
were then instructed to run out the line. Thus far
they had perfected nothing. The dividing hne had
been settled in 1640, by the "combination" signed
by the parties, A vote of the town, in 1660, had
fixed the course of the Hne, and finally the jury be
fore the commissioners, in 1677, had directed how
the line should run. These trustees had therefore
done no more than had been repeatedly done be
fore. They stopped at the very point where the
difficulty commenced. It is worthy of remark,
however, that the Hne now agreed upon contract-

590 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
ed the limits of the Pawtuxet purchase, far more
than either of the preceding ones. By this, it
was to extend no farther west than the seven-mile
Hne. The north Hne was to be run from the spring
in the gully at Saxeffrax cove, to Mashapaug, and
from thence to a point in the seven-mUe line midway
between the south bounds of the purchase, and the
point where the seven-mile Hne crossed the Wanas
quatucket river. These lines were not run out by
the trustees. In fact, they could not be, for the
south boundary of the purchase was then in dispute,
and the seven-mile line no where crosses the Wanas
quatucket. There is no reason, notwithstanding
this, to doubt the sincerity of the contracting par
ties. The same trustees were empowered, at the
time of their appointment, to settle the difficulties
with Warwick. They probably expected then soon
to accomplish this. It is no great imputation on
them to believe, that the seven-mUe line had not
been run its whole length northward, nor that the
whole course of the Wanasquatucket had not been
explored. The dividing line between Providence and War
wick, so far as related to jurisdiction, was settled by
the General Assembly, in October 1696. They de
cided that the north side of the Pawtuxet river, from
the junction of its northern and southern branches, to
its mouth, should separate the jurisdiction of the two
towns. In 1707, a new claimant appeared for "part ofthe
lands supposed to be within the purchase of Provi
dence. This was the Westquanoid Company.

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 69t
They claimed all the land lying south of the north
branch of the Pawtuxet, under a deed from the na
tives. This dispute was, however, of short duration.
In October 1708, it was agreed between them, that
a line should be run due south from the centre of
Punhangansett pond, to Warwick north line, and
that the dividing Hne between Providence and WestT
quanoid, should cross this hne at right angles, mid
way between its extremes. No further difficuhy
appears to have existed in relation to this Hne. Like
the Pawtuxet controversy, this related solely to titie
to lands. The jurisdiction of Providence over it
was never questioned.
The dividing line between IProvidence and Paw
tuxet had not been run out in 1708. A petition was
presented to the purchasers of Providence this year,
by one of their number, praying that it might be.
In the following year a committee of Pawtuxet pur
chasers was directed by that body to run it out. It
does not appear that either of these attempts went so
far as even to agree upon the dividing Hue, much less
to run it out. It slumbered tiU February 11, 1712,
when another agreement was made between a com
mittee of Providence and a committee of Pawtuxet,
It recites, that the dividing line " was agreed upon
in 1682-3, but no bounds set, which left the matter
in dispute," and then follows the Hne at that time
agreed upon, varying from aU preceding ones, and
stiU further reducing the extent of Pawtuxet pur
chase, beginning at Mashapaug, and to run west
fourteen degrees north, to the seven-mUe line, and
then due south to Warwick line. The committee

692 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
who executed this agreement, in the May following
run out the Hne agreed on, and set Up bounds, and
this ended the controversy.
Although the proprietors of Providence had oc
casionally for years previous to 1718, held meet
ings apart from the town, for the transaction of busi
ness relating solely to the lands of the purchase, yet
the bodies had but one clerk and one set of records.
And in many instances, orders which concern only
the propriety, were passed by the town. Little care
was taken to keep the line of separation distinct in
the records, and hitherto little attention has been
paid to it in this and the preceding chapters. It was
impossible to do it, without conjecturing from the
contents of certain orders and proceedings by which
body they were passed. Less ambiguity, ' it was
thought, would arise from this course, than from
pursuing the contrary one, and marking out the dis
tinction as the work progresssed. In 1713, a dis
pute arose between the purchasers and town, as to
the records, and in the beginning of 1718, the pur
chasers removed it, by choosing a clerk for their
own body and opening a new set of records. Since
that time, the records have been kept distinct. The
records of the proprietors are divided into two sets,
one relating to land to the east, or within the seven-
mile Hne, the other relating to land to the west, or
without the same line. This line Was first established
in 1660. It runs due north and south, seven mUes
westward of Fox's hiU, or Fox point, as it is now
called. It is the dividing Hne between the present
towns of Smithfield, Cranston and Johnston on the

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 693
east, and Scituate, Gloucester and Burrillville on the
west. It originally marked the extent of the early
divisions of the lands, westward.
The disputes and difficulties which have heretofore
been traced from their rise to their final determina
tion and settiement, related solely to rights of prop
erty and soU, The right of jurisdiction over aU the
land lying between Warwick on the south, Connec
ticut on the west, Massachusetts on the north, and
Pawtucket or Seekonk river on the east, was always
admitted to be in Providence, It was aU caUed the
township of Providence, Jurisdiction was also
claimed over the land which constitutes the present
town of Cumberland. This was denied by Plymouth,
and afterwards by Massachusetts, and was a matter of
contention between the colonies, until 1746, when
it was settled by the king in councU, and the juris
diction given to the colony of Rhode-Island,
As settiements increased towards the borders of
the township, the inhabitants began to experience the
great disadvantages growing out of such extended
limits. The meetings of the freemen were holden
in the viUage which was, then, generaUy styled
the town of Providence. Inhabitants living at the
extremities of the township were obhged to travel
twenty miles or more, to attend them. Municipal
regulations, highly neccessary for the viUage, were
totally inapplicable to the other parts of the town.
The diflferent pursuits too, of the inhabitants, those
in the viUage part being principaUy traders, mechan
ics or merchants, and the rest, generally, husband
men, also required for each, diflferent regulations.
75

594 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
The first, from their situation, would need frequent
town-meetings, to make rules and by-laws for
their government, and would require expenditures
from the pubhc treasury, in which the other would
feel and have but little interest. These circumstan
ces naturally produced a desire for a division of the
town into separate municipal corporations. In
April 1730, a petition was presented to the freemen
of the town, in town meeting, praying that the town
might be divided into three or more towns. It was
assented to at once, and the General Assembly of
the colony, at a session in February foUowing, passed
an act dividing the town into Providence, Smith-
field, Scituate and Gloucester. The bounds of Prov
idence were declared to extend south to Warwick,
west to the seven-mile line, on which it measured
eight and a half mUes, and northward to a Hne drawn
from the weir on Pawtucket river about half a mUe
north of Pawtucket falls, to the north end of its
western boundary on the seven-mile line.
In 1764, upon the petition of some of the inhabi
tants of Providence, the town of Cranston was set
oflf from the southwesterly part of Providence. By
this act the southerly line of Providence was declar
ed to be a straight line from Hawkius' Cove on
Providence bay or river, to a bend in Pochasset riv
er^ near Charles Dyer's, then to follow the river up
to the Plainfield road, then by that road to the seven-
mile line. The town of Cranston takes its name
from Samuel Cranston, who for many years was
governor of the colony. The petition states there
were, at this time, 600 freemen in Providence.

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 595
In 1759, the township of Johnston was erected,
out of the westeriy part of Providence. The divid
ing hne begins on the southern bank of Wanas
quatucket river, due north from the easternmost
part of Solitary Hill, and runs thence due south to
the northern Hne of Cranston, From the place of
beginning, the Hne north, is the Wanasquatucket riv
er. This town was named after Augustus Johnston,
at that time attorney general of the colony.
The township of Providence stiU consisted of a
large area of land and contained a large number of
inhabitants. The compact part had been empow
ered for some years to meet and assess themselves for
the purchase of fire engines, which the proximity and
materials of their dwellings made necessary. In
1763, engine men were elected as town officers, —
In 1764, a town watch was agreed upon. Several
grants of lotteries for the paving of the streets had
been obtained. In all these improvements, those
inhabitants who were without the compact parts of
the town had little interest. They felt it, therefore,
an unnecessary burden to contribute towards them,
and even the attendance upon the town meetings
necessarily and frequently called in relation to such
improvements was no small tax upon them. Induc
ed by these or some other reasons, one hundred and
fifteen of the inhabitants in the northerly part of the
township preferred a petition to the General Assem
bly at their February session, 1765, to be set off
into a town by the name of Wenscutt, They pro
posed that the dividing line between Providence and
Wenscutt should run from the southernmost point

596 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
where the Hne of Johnston meets the Wanasqua
tucket river, by that river to the northwest corner of
the town's land east of Forestack meadow, thence to
the middle of MiU Bridge, and thence due east to
Seekonk river. In their petition they stated the
number of freemen in Providence to be upwards of
four hundred, and that about one hundred and sixty
of them resided in the part proposed to be set offi —
This petition was continued tiU the next session and
a citation ordered to the town of Providence, At
the same February session, a counter petition, signed
by twenty-nine of the " inhabitants of the northern
part of Providence," was also presented. This pe
tition charges, " that divers persons, inhabitants of
the same part of the town of Providence in which
we dweU, have been instigated and set on by crafty'
and designing men to desire of this Assembly that
the said town of Providence may be again divided
into two towns, in such a manner and by such boun--
daries as are directiy calculated to serve the inter
ested views and purposes of such instigators," and
prays to be heard against that petition. The char
ges in this petition may probably be traced to the
high spirit of party which characterised the Ward and
Hopkins era in the colony. The first signer of the
petition for dividing the town was EHsha Brown, one
of the most active and influential partisans of Gov,
Ward in the nortii part of the colony. The signers
of that petition were probably mostiy Ward men,
and the signers of the other, Hopkins men. The
Hne proposed for a dividing line, evidentiy shows
that some ulterior objpct was sought after in the di-

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 697
vision, for it passed though the compact part of the
town. It was not so drawn as to separate the agri
cultural from the mercantUe part of the communi
ty, but it is fair to conjecture, that as it embraced the
residence of EHsha Brown, it set oflf with him, as
the town of Wenscutt, so many otiier partizans of
Gov, Ward as would secure the election of repre
sentatives to the General Assembly favorable to
Gov, Ward, He had that year, 1766, succeeded
against Gov, Hopkins, and this seems to have been
resorted to as a means of perpetuating his power
in the colony, and perhaps of rewarding some of his
faithful adherents, by the multipHcation of offices,—-
There is no evidence that any citation ever issued
to the town of Providence on this petition ; on the
contrary, it is expressly stated in a protest signed
by the deputies of Providence, that none had been
issued or served. The petition however was grant
ed, at the June session 1765, and the dividing Hne
established as prayed for, but the name of the new
town was changed from Wenscutt to North Provi
dence, At a town meeting in August, a com
mittee was appointed by the town of Providence to
remonstra;te against the division, and in November
the deputies were instructed to procure a re-union,
AU efforts proved ineffectual, while Gov. Ward's par
ty prevaUed in the colony. In April 1767, Gov.
Hopkins secured the ascendancy, and in June follow
ing the southern bounds of North Providence were
established as they now exist, commencing at the
same point, following Wanasquatucket river to the
-southerly end of Forestack meadow, thence to the

698 INDIAN PURCHASES AND
northwest corner of the burying ground, thence
easterly and southerly by said burying ground to
Harrington's lane, thence easterly by the north side of
that lane to the southwest corner of Joseph Olney's
land, thence south across the said lane, thence easterly
by the south side of that lane to the dividing Hne
between land of WUHam and Phineas Brown, and
by that dividing Hne to Seekonk river.
This is the last town that was severed from the
original lands of Providence, The interests of
the compact and agricultural parts of the township
required the divisions which had been made. The
original town, under any circumstancge, was alto
gether too extensive to be embraced in one munici
pal corporation. Some of the towns so severed
from Providence have been since divided into
other towns. Thus the original town of Scituate,
so named by the first settlers of it, from the town
of Scituate in Massachusetts, from which many of
them came, has been divided into Scituate and Fos
ter, the last town taking its name from Theodore
Foster, formerly one ofthe senators from this state
in the Congress of the United States, The town of
Gloucester, so called from the Duke of Gloucester,
has been divided into Gloucester and BurriUvUle, —
The latter town derives its name from James BurriU,
jun,, formerly attorney general and afterwards chief
justice of the state, and senator in Congress, The
town of Cumberland, which was annexed to the
county of Providence by decision of the king in
councU in 1746, was so called in comphment to
Prince William, Duke of Cumberland.

DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 599
The several divisions of Providence have rather
accelerated than diminished her prosperity. WhUe
the younger branches of the famUy have been rapid
ly increasing in population and wealth, the parent
stock retains all the freshness and vigor of youth.
As she parted with a large proportion of her outlands
as portions for her several daughters, her attention
has been graduaUy and necessarily turned from ag
riculture to commerce and manufactures. The
same enterprising spirit which enabled the first set
tlers successfuUy to combat aU the difficulties of
their wUderness situation, and to force from a com
paratively lean and unproductive soil, both suste
nance and comfort, when directed in succeeding
times to commerce, led the way to China and the
East Indies, and whitened every sea with her canvass.
The area of Providence is about six square miles.
Its form is irregular, and its surface diversified with
hills and dales. The two rivers, Moshassuck and
Wanasquatucket, unite in the town and form Provi
dence harbor or river, into which the Pawtucket
empties itself, at Fox Point. The land on the west
of the Moshassuck, is generally Hght and sandy ;
the highest part of it, Jeflferson plains, is seventy-six
feet above tide-water. East of the Moshassuck, the
soU is a heavy loam, underlaid with slate and grey
wacke. The highest point of it is two hundred and
four feet above tide-water. This is just north of
Olney street, in the range of the Dexter Asylum
and the Friends' school.

CHAPTER ELEVENTH.
MISCELLANEOUS.
In this chapter it is designed to embody various
facts and traditions connected with the town of
Providence, which could not easUy be embraced in
either of the foregoing chapters.
In answer to a circular, craving information, the
author received a long and very interesting letter
from Samuel Thurber, one of our oldest and
most respectable citizens, since deceased. As this
is the only answer he received, although the circular
was sent to many persons, such parts of it wiU here
be given, as have not already been embodied in this
work. Sir — Your request for information concerning circumstances
and things appertaining to this town, I cannot answer agreeable
to my desire, by reason of having been permitted to outlive my
memory or recollection, in a very considerable degree, being
now in my 81st year. I will endeavor, however, to recollect, then
must take things as they occur, therefore you must not expect
accuracy or uniformity. Should I happen to state any thing
worth your notice, make such use of it as you think may be
beneficial. Changes in the face of the soil, in this town, are hardly visi
ble, excepting near the streets, where the improvement or change
is great. The time is within my recollection when there were
not more than six or eight buildings on Benefit street, and no
street over the hill excepting that called Jail-lane. The old
jail, standing on the north side of it, was one of the buildings.

MISCELLANEOUS. 60 1
All carriages going to or from the east part of the town, passed
through Olney's lane, or through a street quite at the south part
of the town. At that time I think I had some knowledge of
nearly every family in town. As respects the river, I doubt
whether the tide covers half the ground it did seventy years
since ; wharves first built, then Water streets beyond the wharves,
acres' filled or raised south of Weybosset and Broad streets.
Where Westminster street is, and all north of it, the tide flowed.
I am told that there was a knoll, or small round hill, near the head
of what is now called the Long wharf, which at that time was
an island. Old people have often told me of having picked ber
ries on it. An old man long since told me that while there was
difficulty with the Indians, several of them got slily upon
that hill and fired at a small company of white young men who
were playing at nine pins, near where the court house now
stands, and hit one of their pins. I am told that the first vessel
which sailed from this town for the West Indies, was loaded at a
wharf that was then a little to the westward ofthe canal market.
I once saw a vessel of about thirty or forty tons, a fisherman, un
loading at a wharf then adjoining to what is now called Smith
street. Many vessels of large burthen have been built on the
west side of what is called the canal basin, and at other places
north of the great bridge, which bridge I believe was fifty or
sixty feet longer than it now is. There was a draw in it, for the
purpose of letting vessels through. The channel, I thiiik, is now
covered by Water street. As respects schools, previous to about
the year 1770, they were but little thought of; there were in my
neighborhood, three small schools, perhaps about a dozen schol
ars in each. Their books were, the bible, spelling book and
primer. One kept by John Foster, Esq. in his office ; one by Dr.
Benjamin West. Their fees were seven shillings and sixpence
per quarter. One kept by George Taylor, Esq. for the church
scholars. He, it was said, received a small compensation from
England. Besides these, there were two or three women schools.
When one had learned to read, write, and do a sum in the rule
of three, he was fit for business. About this time. Dr. Jonathan
Arnold made a move for building a proprietors' school house ;
by his exertions he obtained enough to build one at the norther-
76

602 MISCELLANEOUS.
ly end of Benefit street, which was called Whipple Hall, in con
sequence of Mr. Joseph Whipple giving the lot for two shares.
George Taylor, jr. was the first master. The town, a few years
since, bought the proprietors out.
At a time many years since, I fell in with an old gentleman
standing viewing what was called the old Turpin house. He
says to me, I am taking a view ofthe old house where the Gen
eral Assembly used to sit : I have been there and should like to
go in to see whether it looks as it did formerly. I vvent in with'
him ; after looking round, he says, it is much as it was. This-
house then was standing on the west side of North Main street,
nearly opposite to the Fourth Baptist meeting house. It ap
pears that in the days of Turpin, the original owner, this was' a
very sightly place, and a place of considerable business. He had
a large jard with an elm tree in it, a fine garden, handsomely
fenced in, through which there ran a small brook, which came
from a small swamp, laying a little to the eastward of where the
meeting-house now is.
The Rev. John Graves, the church priest, from England, was
I believe a very pious man. As he was sent over under the pay
of that government, his piety obliged him to attend to his en^
gagement, consequently his hearers left him and employed an
other. After the king had acknowledged our independence, he
considered himself discharged from that quartei', then oflfered, as
I was told to officiate as an American, but could not be re-instated.
He died soon after. The Rev. Joseph Snow, was a truly wor
thy man, one it is said, who had done much for his society, and
who, after becoming old, was slipped aside. The old gentleman
died with grief The Rev. Samuel Winsor was a worthy, plain
Baptist preacher, and was a very useful man. The Rev. James
Manning did great things in the way of enlightening and inform
ing the people. Schools revived by means of his advice and as
sistance. Previous to him it was not uncommon to meet with
those who could not write their names.
Doctors Joseph Hewes, Ephraim Bowen, and Jonathan Ar
nold, all at the same time, were our most eminent physicians.
Arnold, at the commencement of the revolutionary war, took
charge of the hospital, and there continued until the peace in

MISCELLANEOUS 603
1783. He afterwards went as a member to Congress. He final
ly made a settlement in Vermont, and there died.
As for lawyers, I never had much to do with them, as I ever
had a contemptible opinion of their trade. I however will relate
from information, an instance. There was a man who I recol
lect of once seeing, by the name of John Aplin. It is said that
he was a man of learning and of a good address, a poor English
man. He found friends who put him forward. He soon became
popular, and acquired a handsome estate. He, like some others
of the trade, became very avaricious. A very important case
presented, both sides wanted him, he so engaged, and received a
fee from each. This was discovered ; he consequently, between
two days, up keleg and scud for Connecticut. I doubt whether
he was ever in Rhode-Island afterwards. He had six sons ; one
of them, by the name of Joseph, was educated to the same trade.
He was a tory, and went off" to the British. I dont know that
either of them is now living, or that there is an inch of their
property in the name.
Manners and fashions were very plain. The dress in general
was meant to be durable. Men mostly with wash-leather
breeches ; cloth for most purposes, generally manufactured in
their families ; laborers of almost every description with leather
aprons ; the best dress of the most opulent, was of English
manufacture, in a plain style. Some who were a little flashy,
would wear a cocked hat, a wig, or a powdered head, their hair
clubbed or queued ; sometimes would buy or borrow some for
the purpose of giving the club or queue the better appearance.
Women of the same neighborhood would visit each other with a
clean checked apron, a striped loose gown, a handkerchief over
the shoulders, and a sun bonnet ; then pleasantly sit down and
divert themselves over a dish of bohea tea and a piece of bread
and butter. A few who considered themselves somewhat supe
rior, would wear a silk or calico gown, with long ruffle cuflTs, a
lawn apron, a little roll over the head, resembling a crupper to a
saddle, with the hair smoothly combed over it, a flat chip hat,
with a crown about one inch deep, all covered with a thin silk,
some black, some white, others red, green, &c. &-c. Young
men would at times amuse themselves in the lots, at ball, shooting

604 MISCELLANEOUS.
at poultry or at a mark, now and then at wrestling or jumping ;
at times muster in small parties with young women, then have a
dance ; at harvest time, would go miles to a husking, as the far
mers generally would at that time make merry. At the season
for pigeons, there was too much diversion in destroying them.
There were many stands set up around our cove, by means of
which thousands were annually destroyed by shooting. In the
country they were mostly taken in nets, and brought to market
by horse loads, in panniers. A man told me that he at a time
carried a load in that way to Boston, that they were so plenty
that he could not sell them, neither give them away ; he thought
that there might be those who had rather steal than to have it
thought they were beggars, so set his panniers down by the side
of a street, there left them for awhile ; when he returned, he
found many more than he had left.
Captain Jabez Whipple, who lately died in his one hundredth
year, told me, that when a young man, he, with several others,
kept a pack of hounds, with which they would at times divert
themselves in a fox chase ; that at a time they followed one, most
of the day, at evening they holed him, then made a fire at the
hole in order to keep him in during the night ; they came with
tools for digging, went to work, and soon found him, suffocated,
as they supposed, took him out, handed him from one to the
other, with every appearance of being dead, so threw him on the
ground, when he instantly took to his toes, and so gave them
another day's chase.
As for particular places of resort, I can hardly say that I know
of any ; the great bridge was a considerable of a place for it, at
a pleasant time. Captain Joseph Olney kept the principal pub
lic house. As the town increased, it settled the fastest nearer
the tide water. Col. Knight Dexter, opened a public house
where the people could be more conveniently accommodated ;
this and other houses being opened for the same purpose, drew
the custom from the old place, so that it became abandoned.
Elisha Brown,, at a time was doing a very considerable business
to the northward of Capt. Olney's, near Joseph Turpin's. To
him there was great electioneering resorting. For several seasons
party ran high between Samuel Ward, of Newport, and Stephen

MISCELLANEOUS. 605
Hopkins, of this town. No one more zealously engaged in the
cause than Brown, for Ward, and for himself as Deputy Govern
or. His zeal, I believe, was rather expensive, as he left to his
family near nothing, of a good estate.
The first coach that I ever saw, and I do not know but the
first one that was ever in this town, was owned by a Mr, Merritt,
an Englishman, who came and purchased the farm and built the
house where the venerable Moses Brown lately died, in his 99th
year. This coach would once in a while come into the street by
way of Olney's lane, then there would be a running of the chil
dren, and a looking from the windows, to see the new wonderful
thing. About this time, there would be, now and then, a person
who wanted a passage to Boston. Col. William Brown, who
lived quite at the north east corner of the town, on a farm, kept
what was called a curricle, drawn by two horses ; he would be
their carrier. It would take him about thrdi days to go and re
turn. After awhile, Thomas Sabin, I think, was the first that set
up a stage ; he generally went once a week. After him, Robert
Currey, then Samuel Whipple ; when they got through by day
light, they thought to have done well. The mail was carried by
a Mr. Mumford, on horseback, once a week, between this and
New-London, and so back. May, 1776, 1 went to Pomfret, thir
ty-six miles, in a chaise ; the road was so stony and rough, that I
could not ride out of a slow walk, but very little of the way ; I
was near two days in going, such was the general state of our
roads at that time.
Eminent men, I can refer to whom they were, the world knows
them, a Washington, a Franklin, a Lafayette, together with all
who composed our first Congress, then will add seven eighths at
least of New-England men. The object and design of the great
majority at that time was the same. They were ready and wil
ling to make any and every sacrifice that should benefit the great
whole. But very few such at this time ; now the most eminent
men are those who sacrifice the general good to the interest of
selected individuals. The arch deceiver did not in former days
receive such polite addresses as they now do. The fair, plain,
honest man, although in moderate circumstances, was then the
most eminent.

606 MISCELLANEOUS.
At a time, I saw an old lady walking over the great bridge
with a cane in her hand. I asked a bystander who she was. He
said old Mrs. Eddy, that she is now more than one hundred years
old. After which, I heard that she died, at about one hundred
and five. A Mr. Miller died about the same time, at about the
same age. I was at Newport not long since, there I saw a man
who said he was one hundred years and one month old that day ;
he was very intelligent, and has since died. John Sayles is said
to have lived more than one hundred years. Mr. Richard Brown,
who lived in the north east corner of this town, and died some
twenty years since, on his century day was so cheery that his
family presented him with a violin, which in his young days he
had been somewhat attached to ; he had not lost the use of it ;
he died before the year expired.
September, 1828, I visited the asylum in New- York, with one
of their aldermen ; there I saw many old people ; among them
one who it was said would be one hundred and eight years of
age, should he live until the December following. From his
appearance, I thought him to be the youngest of those who it
was said were over seventy. As I doubted, I questioned him.
He was so intelligent and correct in all his answers, that I more
doubted, and said to the keeper that it was impossible. He said
that he, with their chaplain, who was an aged Englishman, had
been of my opinion, which had occasioned a close interrogation,
after which they were obliged to believe he was correct. I af
terwards saw the same alderman, and enquired concerning the
old man. He told me, that in the spring following, he desired
to go to his son who lived in or near to Canada, that if they
would set him on as far as Albany, he would then find his way
to his son's. He was set on, as requested.
I think that you will be able to collect more particular infor
mation on war affairs from others than I can give, still should
you think that I can give particular information on that subject,
I will do what I can, though you must not expect any thing of
consequence, from me. With respect sir, yours,
S. THURBER.
On a review I must scribble out a little more. — Business and
occupation was similar to what it now is, except machine manu-

MISCELLANEOUS. 607
facturing. Furniture in general was very plain, mahogany was
but little known. Almost every article of wood was straight,
without much paint or polish. But little crockery, and that of a
coarse kind. Pewter and wood were the principal table furnit
ure. Two would be often eating out of the same dish, "knd per
haps a dozen drinking out of the same pewter quart pot or earth
en mug.
In my youngest days there were but few carriages besides
carts, consequently when women wanted to go abroad it was very
common for them to go on horseback, sitting on a pillion behind
a man. Women would often be at market on horseback, with a
pair of panniers, selling butter, cheese, eggs, &.c.
The time hath been when an abundance of bass and perch,
particularly bass, were taken through the ice on Seekonk river,
in the night season. About fifty years since, I was there
with perhaps a dozen or twenty others. That night there were
several tons taken, the most that was ever known to be taken in
one night. Since then some would be taken every winter, until
lately, that business seems to be about done. It is supposed
that the filth washing from the abundance of cotton mills, pre
vents their coming into the river. S. T.
The rising generation will not have so good times as the lat
ter have had. What wars and trouble we have had, have been
but a trifle to what are to be."
It is seldom one can meet with such a man as was
Mr. Thurber. He expresses doubts as to the accu
racy of some of his statements, and he is the only
man who wiU. His uniform correctness had by no
means forsaken' him, at the time of writing the fore
going letter. Few men could remember so weU as
he has, and few had the extent of local knowledge
he possessed.
In 1768, the house kept by Joseph Olney, was one
of the most fashionable houses of the time. The
neighborhood was the seat of business. Not only
the General Assembly, but the courts, were holden

608 MIS CELL ANEOUe.
at the old Turpin house. The house of Mr. ApHn
is stiU standing, a littie north of this house, on the
other side of the street. The lower story of the
"long brick house," on the east side of North Main
street, was formerly occupied for English and West
India goods stores. The house of Gov. Brown is
still standing, on the same side of the street, a Httle
east of the street, just north of the long brick house.
After the Joseph Olney tavern was given up, the
Montgomery tavern was erected, between North
Main and Stampers street, at the top of Constitu
tion hiU. It took its name from the likeness of Gen
eral Montgomery, which hung conspicuous on the
sign. After the revolution, it was kept by Major
Simeon Thayer, an officer of the revolution, who
deserved more than he obtained, for his services to
his country at Mud-fort.
Alexander Thorp and Isaac Cushno petitioned
the General Assembly, at their October session,
1736, for the exclusive right to run a stage to the
Massachusetts, The record does not show the pre
cise points to and from which it was to run. The
petition was granted, the right to continue for seven
years. A committee of the assembly was appoint
ed to prescribe the terms. Then it was probably
looked upon as a great undertaking, equal to that of
constructing a rail-road or a canal in modern times.
Probably this stage, if it ever run, went from New
port to Boston, The first stage coach from Provi
dence to Boston, is referred to by Mr. Thurber, in
his letter. That was before the estabhshment of a
newspaper at Providence,

MISCELLANEOUS. 609
In July 1767, we meet witii the first advertisement
of a regular stage coach running between Provi
dence and Boston, At that date, Thomas Sabin
advertises, that " one starts every Tuesday morning
from the house of Richard Olney, inn-holder, to
carry travellers to Boston, on the most expeditious
and cheap rate," The coach returned on Thurs
day mornings, , Richard Olney's house was nearly
opposite the court house parade, on North Main
street. The notice does not state whether the coach
went through in a day, or stopped the first night at
Wrentham, as it did, according to tradition, in ear
her times. In those times, it is said that the owner
of a stage coach occasionaUy gave notice a week or
ten days before-hand, that on a given day, he would
start for Boston, if sufficient encouragement oflfered,
taking care to give notice so that his passengers
could settle aU their worldly affairs and make their
wiUs, before commencing such an arduous and dan
gerous journey. Previous to this, in 1763, Joshua
Hacker and Benjamin Lindsey advertised a line of
two boats to ply between Providence and Newport,
twice a week, and oftener, if possible, with freight
and passengers. In 1783, the stage to Boston run
twice a week. Then, it had ceased to be a seven-
days wonder to see a man who had been to New-
York, The line of packets, which soon after pHed
between Providence and New-York, excited the ad
miration of passengers. In speed and accommo
dations, they were said to be equal to any in the
world. These continued almost to engross the
travel between New-York and Providence, Boston
77

610 MISCELLANEOUS.
and the other towns east, untU the erection of the
New-London turnpike, in about 1820, TfaveUerS
found it quite refreshing to their aching limbs, after
being shook in the stage coaches of those days, to
get into the luxurious cabin of a Providence and
New- York packet. This, it should be borUe in mind^
was before stage coaches were the easy vehicles
they subsequently became. Strength and durabUity
were then the pervading ideas of their builders and
owners. Although the roads had lost their original
corduroy character, they had not acquired that
level smoothness which invited sleep. An occasional
rock or stump would try the strength of the car
riage and the patience ofthe traveller, CoUnected
with the stage coaches over the New-London turn
pike, was a line of steamboats from New-London
to New-York, The more ample accommodation
df these over the packets, but above all, the certain
ty that attends their movements, gave this mode a
decided prefereUce over the preceding one, and the
splendid packets soon became mere freight vessels.
About the same time, Captain Elihu S. Bunker, in
the steamboat Connecticut, came from New-York
tb Providence, around Point Judith. Thus, it was
ascettained by actual experiment, that a steamer
could pass that fearful Point. Before that event, it
was deemed impossible. StiU, some time elapsed
before the travelling pubhc could be induced to
patronize the steamers round the Point. Several
successful voyages destroyed their doubts, and in
turn the New-London turnpike and the New-Lon-
dbn steamers were abandoned. The Point Juditii

MISCELLANEOUS. 611
steamers were supposed to possess unequalled facil
ities for the traveller. Speed, certainty, safety and
ease, combined to render them the favorites of the
pubhc. The facts just stated, show how fickle that pub
lic is, and how successive improvements have drawn
attention and patronage from the modes of convey
ance which preceded them- So it was with steam
ers. On the completion of the New- York, Provi
dence and Boston railroad, leading from Providence
to Stonington, a portion of pubhc favor was with
drawn from the steamers.
The great thoroughfare between Boston and New-
York, has always been through Providence, In
early times, the traveUer passed on horse-back from
Providence through East-Greenwich, Wickford, over
Tower HiU, and through Westerly into Connecticut,
This was the regular route to New-York, It also
was the only direct road fjom Providence to Connect
icut, for many years after the settlement of Provi
dence, It is said that the first team from Connect
icut, by any road further north, arrived in Providence
on the 29th September 1722, and was driven by Gov
ernor Sessions, UntU about that period, the usual road
to that state was through the towns first named. So
late as 1776, Httie could he said in favor of the road
leading from Providence to Pomfret. Mr, Thurber,
in his letter, states that in May of that year, he was
nearly two days in going only thirty-six mUes,
As some may be curious to know the expense of
traveUing in early times, I annex the foUowing
charge, extracted from the account book of Rich
ard Brown :

612 MISCELLANEOUS.
" Oct. the 25, 1737, Mary TiUinghast Dr.
For the use of my mare, the three days last past,
a journey to East Greenwich, and carrying double
on said mare, £0,12,0,"
On the first of the first month 1746, the town
" agreed that John Smith should have the vaUey
where his house stands, in case he set up a mUl, as
also excepting, sufficient highways." This valley
comprehended aU the land between the west bank
of the Moshassuck river and the hiU to the east
of Jeflferson plains, from Smith street on the south
to Orms street on the north, Charles street, now
passes along this vaUey, The grantee, after this,
generally had the title of "miller" appended to his
name to distinguish him from other purchasers, —
Even in those early times and in this smaU commu
nity, the name of "John Smith" seemed not to desig
nate any particular individual. Four out ofthe one
hundred and one original proprietors of Providence
had equal title to it. One was called John Smith
the mUler, and sometimes John Smith senior, one
John Smith the mason, one John Smith Jamaica,
and the other John' Smith Junior. Soon after this
grant, he set up a grist miU in the yaUey, near where
the first stone lock of the Blackstone canal now is.
The property of the water privilege is stUl in the de
scendants of the first grantee. They continued to
improve it for a grist-mUl until the erection of the
Blackstone canal. Some years after this, the town
commenced a suit at law against them, on the
ground that the original grant, and some subsequent
acts ofthe town, and "the miller," obliged them not

MISCELLANEOUS. 613
only to "set up," but to keep in repair, a grist-miU
tiirough all time. The heirs succeeded in repelhng
this claim, after a long and expensive Htigation. —
The surplus water at this privilege has been used
for various purposes, during this time. A carding
machine, clothier's works, oil works, a cotton facto
ry, a machine shop, a furnace, a fulHng miU, and a
machine for making blankets, have, at diflferent times
within the memory ofthe author, been operated by it.
Under date of the 4th of the third month (May)
1651, is a record of a coroner's inquest holden on
the body of Margaret Goodwin, wife of Adam Good
win. The jury consisted of twelve, and their ver-
was that "either the terribleness of the crack of
thunder, or the coldness ofthe night, being she was
naked, did kiU her." She had been insane, as ap
pears by a previous record.
On the 28th of July, of the same year, the town
meeting determined that aU common highways
should be four rods wide. We have great reason
to regret that this act had not been rigidly enforced.
In January 1662, a Mr. Hackleton applied to the
town for liberty to burn lime and to take stone and
wood from the commons for that purpose. This is
the earliest notice of the manufacture of that import
ant article. By "the commons," is to be under
stood, all lands lying within the purchase, not ap
propriated by any particular person. The request
was granted for a Hmited time. In 1666, the atten
tion of the town was again caUed to the Hme-rock
within their Hmits. In October, they ordered "that
those lime rocks about Hackleton's lime kiln shaU

614 MISCELLANEOUS.
perpetuaUy be common and that no land shaU be
laid out on the north-east or south-east of said kUn,
within six poles, nor upon the other sides or parts
of the said kUn, within sixty poles; this said kUn
being at or near a place caUed Scoakequanoisett."
In the foUowing year the town ordered that lime-
rock, should continue common whenever any sur
veyor should discover it in any quantity, but like
many similar orders passed in those days and since,
it was soon disregarded, and lime-rock land divided,
Hke aU other. There can be Httie doubt, that the
interests of the public have been as weU, if not bet
ter served, than if these rocks had remained undi
vided. No trace can be found of the first estabhshment
of a Post Office in Providence. In 1768, reference
is made to Samuel Chase, as the then Postmaster.
This is the first mention of the matter in any of the
records. Letters Patent were granted by WUliam
and Mary, in 1691, to Thomas Neal, to erect and
establish " an office or offices, for the receiving and
dispatching letters and pacquets" in America, for
twenty one years. The rates of postage were to be
settled by the colonies. As early as 1793, the prov
ince of Massachusetts, on the petition of Andrew
Hamilton, the deputy of Thomas Neal, established
rates of postage. From Boston to Rhode-Island it
was fixed at six-pence for every single letter. No
corresponding act was ever passed by the legisla
ture of the colony of Rhode-Island, nor any act
from which the existence of a pubhc post can be in
ferred, except only a provision that the King's post

MISCELLANEOUS. 615
shall pass all ferries free of ferriage. The amount
of postage was regulated by act of parhament, in
1711. WUliam Goddard succeeded }/lr. Chace as
Postmaster. He subsequently resigned in 1769, and
was succeeded by John Cole, and he by John Car
ter in 1772. Mr. Carter held the office untU after
the adoption ofthe constitution ofthe United States,
in 1790. WilHam WUkinson was appointed soon after
that event, and reinoved in 1802, during President
Jefferson's administration. Dr. Benjamin West suc
ceeded Mr. Wilkinson, and held the office tiU his
death, in 1813, when the office was given to his son-
in-law, Gabriel Allen, who also held it untU his death
in 1824. Bennett H. Wheeler was his successor. —
He was reinoved in 1831, by President Jackson, and
was succeded by the present incumbent, Edward J.
Mallett. In May 1774, a plan was laid before the Ameri
can public in the newspapers, for establishing a new
American Post Office. It stated that the previous
establishment had been set up by a private gentie
man in the Southern States, that in the 9th year of
Queen Anne, the Government of Great Britain took
it into their hands, and that the income of the es
tablishment in 1774, was £3,000. It proposed tiie
formation of a joint stock company, to establish and
maintain a Post Office. The subscribers, in each
colony, to appoint seven from among themselves,
who should have power to appoint postmasters and
regulate maUs and postage. These committees were
to be authorised to appoint a postmaster general
who should adjust the accounts of all postmasters,

616 MISCELLANEOUS,
divide surplus of receipts over expenses, and assess
deficiencies, on the committee of each colony, in
proportion to the amount of subscriptions. Mr.
Goddard was very active in favor of this project, if
not the author of it. It was never carried into effect.
In June 1776, the General Assembly established
post riders and Post Offices in Providence, Newport,
Bristol, Warren, Tower HUl, South Kingstown and
Westerly. A committee of that body were entrust
ed with the general oversight and care of the Post
Office estabhshment. Rates of postage for single
letters, were, for not over 60 miles, 6f pence, for 60
and not over 100, 8 pence, for 100 and not over
200, 10 pence, for 200 and not over 300, 14 pence.
In August foUowing, a maU started from Provi
dence for New London on every Tuesday afternoon
to return as soon as may be. John LasseU was
the post rider at the rate of ;^85 per year. Benja
min Mumford rode from Newport to Cambridge^
starting every Monday, at five in the afternoon.
This arrangement continued but a short time. A
Continental Post Office was soon established. Mr.
Mumford then succeeded Mr. LasseU. He received
his appointment from WUliam Goddard, Surveyor of
Post Offices.
The following notice is copied from the Gazette
of August 16, 1767 :
" Yesterday, a few gentlemen in this town made a great feast
for the poor. There was a general invitation of all the objects
of this liberality, besides a special invitation to many. A boo-
of 120 lbs. was provided, half a sheep, and a lamb, and other
provisions, at Carpenter's Point."
It was a pic nic on a large scale, and unique, as

MISCELLANEOUS. 617
it respects guests. The place has seen many par
ties since, but probably none more replete with
pleasure than this.
The same paper, in December foUowing, announ
ces as a fact, that " three young ladies, daughters of
a gentleman of fortune, in the neighborhood of this
town, have lately clothed themselves in garments of
their own spinning." The spinning wheel was not
so old fashioned then, as now. A short time after
this, it is also recorded, in the same paper, " that a
number of young ladies, daughters of hberty and
industry, assembled at the Rev. Mr. Rowland's, with
their spinning wheels, and at night presented him
with 1,020 knots of thread." If these things reaUy
took place as stated, there has been a great change
in some matters and things. Since the erection of
cotton mills and the introduction of spinning ma
chines, young ladies are not seen carrying their
spinning wheels to their minister's house, and din
ning his ears with their hum-drum noise.
There were some golden dreams, Jiowever, in
those days ; all was not dry matter-of-fact bone labor.
The project pourtrayed in the foUowing petition,
has haunted the imaginations of many since, and it
wUl probably be the means of as much anticipated
pleasure and wealth to future generations, as it has
been to those that are past.
To the Honorable General Assembly, to be held at East-
Greenwich on the last Monday of February, 1768.
The petition of Samuel Jackson Cooper, Richard Jackson,
John Updike, Merchants, all of Providence, in the county of
Providence, humbly sheweth : ^
That they are about to dig after pitcoal, commonly called sea-
78

618 MISCELLANEOUS.
coal, in the town of Providence, and make an effectual trial if
there be any coals there or not ; that they are induced to make
this experiment from the many natural appearances and marks
of coal which have occurred to such as are skilled in coal mines,
and after the most deliberate view of their undertaking, they
find some encouragement in their proceeding, although the ex
periment will be attended with great expense. If any large
quantity should be discovered, it would certainly be of great
benefit to the colony, as fire wood grows scarce and consequent
ly dear, and no seacoal, as yet discovered, in these parts. The
place where the bed of coal is supposed to lie, is in the hill at the
back of the town, from whence it might be put on board of ves
sels, with great ease and advantage. It might become a great
staple, and bl-ing immense sums of money into the colony, which
would be distributed primarily amongst a multitude of laborers,
who must necessarily be employed in carrying on the business,
and from their hands, be circulated through the government.
It might be the means of bringing into the government, a num
ber of vessels from the neighboring colonies, with such neces
sary articles, to trade off" for coal, as at present we are obliged
to send after, and can procure no other way, than by a consid
erable loss in trade. The petitioners humbly conceive, that if
they had a monopoly of the whole business, they could not de
rive any more advantage to themselves, than a moderate com
pensation for their trouble in managing the business and direct
ing the operations of the laborers, but the principal advantages
arising from the business would accrue to the public, and be
equally distributed. The petitioners are confident, that the leg
islature of the colony will constantly attend to and countenance
every species of business or manufacture, that will have a ten
dency to bring the balance of trade into our favor, or that will
in any way be to the emolument of the colony. With these
ideas, they humbly pray the Assembly to grant unto them, their
heirs and assigns, a patent under the great seal of the colony,
for the sole vending, disposing and exporting all seacoal or pit-
coal or by whatsoever other name the same may be called,
which may be found by them in the town of Providence, and
that no other person or persons be permitted to sell or export any
coal found in said town of Providence for the term of fourteen

MISCELLANEOUS 619
years after the petitioners shall discover coal ; or grant them
some other encouragement for their undertaking a business of so
great expense, and which in event may prove of universal bene
fit, as your honors may see fit. The petitioners being ready to
give sufiicient security that they will make an effectual ex
periment within three years, and that, if coals should be found
in sufiicient quantities, they will supply the markets at a much
cheaper rate, than can be imported from abroad, or surrender
up their patent. And they will ever pray &c.
The prayer of this petition was granted, and a
patent ordered to be issued under the seal of the
colony. Whether they commenced operations or
not, I have not been able to ascertain. The hill
referred to, shows that some persons, at some time,
have sought for wealth beneath its surface.
The transit of Yenus, on the third day of June
1769, was observed at Providence, by Benjamin
West and Joseph Brown, assisted by Stephen Hop
kins, Moses Brown, Jabez Bowen, Joseph Nash
and John Burrough. This phenomenon occurs but
twice in a century. It aflfords conclusive data for
determining some of the most intricate and impor
tant questions in astronomy. The transit of this
planet, in 1761, had been observed in aU parts of
the civihzed world. It was desirable that the same
event, occurring in 1769, should also be observed
by many persons, in different parts of the earth, and
with great exactness. In prospect of its near ap
proach, all the necessary instruments were obtained.
No expense was spared in procuring them, or in
making the necessary arrangements. Dr. West
states, in an account of the proceedings which he
afterwards published, that Mr. Brown expended

620 MISCELLANEOUS.
more than £100 sterHng, in making these prepara
tions. A temporary observatory was erected in the
street, since then, and from this circumstance caUed
Transit street, about one hundred feet east of Benefit
street. Here, on the morning of the third of June,
were collected not only the gentlemen before named,
but many others ; some attracted by curiosity mere
ly, and some by their love of science. The day
proved calm and serene. Not a cloud intervened
to obstruct their observation, but every circumstance
contributed to facilitate it. The account published
by Dr. -West, bore ample testimony to his science
as an astronomer. Compared with other observa
tions, even with those made under the patronage of
crowned heads in Europe, it maintains a high place
for its accuracy.
Notwithstanding the political dangers and diffi
culties with which the colonies were surrounded in
1772, the inhabitants of Providence found leisure
to form and perfect plans for their present comfort,
and for the future well-being of the town. That
part of the town since caUed Eddy's Point, was for
merly an island, and was connected with the main
land by an artificial embankment. It had been found
a very convenient place for business, excepting only
a want of fresh water for the supply of the inhabi
tants. In that year they formed a company for the
purpose of supplying themselves with this necessary
article, by an aqueduct from the main land, and ob
tained a charter of incorporation from the General
Assembly. Capt. John Field, tiie owner of land ad
joining, upon which there was a large and perma-

MISCELLANEOUS 621
nent spring of good water, generously gave one half
of it to the company for nine hundred and ninety-
nine years. Operations were immediately com
menced by Joseph Bucklin and Nicholas Clark,
and in four months they completed the undertaking,
carrying the water nearly three-fourths of a mUe,
in logs. The aqueduct was supposed capable of
supplying one hundred gallons per minute. In a
letter of thanks addressed to Captain Field on the
26th of August, after the work was completed, they
say, "we are supplied with fresh water in a more
convenient manner than any of the inhabitants of
the colony : and, to use the language of scripture,
our situation was, before, pleasant, though our wa
ters were *hought ; but, now, through your bounty
and beneficence, we have at command a spring shut
up, or fountain, opened at pleasure." In October
following the "Rawson's Fountain Society," was
incorporated. The fountain of this corporation was
dug in land of the heirs of the late Stephen Rawson,
It was thirty feet in length, thirteen and a half feet
wide, and about ten feet deep. The main pipe was
four inches bore and about four hundred rods in
length. The undertakers of this work, were Amos
AtweU and Jonathan Ellis. The logs were bored
by machinery invented by them.
Since that period, two other fountains have been
built on the west side ofthe river. The one belong
ing to the Providence Aqueduct Company, is located
near the junction of Stewart and Conduit streets, —
The water is conveyed from it in a double range of
four inch iron pipes, a part of which was laid at

622 MISCELLANEOUS.
great expense, the excavation for the same, varying
from four to thirty-one feet in depth. The pipes
from this fountain were extended at first across the
river, and under its bed. They were broken whUe
erecting the bridge, and have not since been replaced.
The other fountain is located between Fountain
and Cottage streets, a little to the east of Dean
street. The main pipe at the fountain is five inches
in diameter. The head is sufficient to dehver water
in the third story of the Union buildings, next the
bridge. These four fountains, supply a greater part ofthe
inhabitants on the west side of the river, whose dwel-
ings are near the salt water, with pure and whole
some water. They are owned by diflferent compa
nies, and the right to use the water is granted to
families, at the cost of about ten dollars per year.
About the year 1803, Col. Jeremiah Olney dug
a fountain in the northeasterly part of the town on
his own land, for the purpose of supplying the inhab
itants on the east side of the river, with water. Logs
were laid to the west end of Olney street, but he met
with little encouragement, the inhabitants preferring
to dig and own weUs, as the land in that vicinity yields
a great supply of good water at no very great depth.
A larger quantity of flour was brought to market
in Providence, from the surrounding country, in
1774, than in any preceding year. It was in fact so
great, as to form the subject of a newspaper para
graph. Mr. Carter, the editor of the Providence
Gazette, a man not given to speculation, remarked,
that there appeared a probabUity that flour would, in

MISCELLANEOUS. 623
time, become " a very considerable article of ex
portation," That time has not yet arrived, and
probably never will, the industry of the people being
turned to other objects.
The winter of 1779-80, was one of extreme se
verity. It continues to be referred to, up to the
present day, as " the cold winter," At the time, it
was said to be more severe than any that had prece
ded it for many years. The harbor of Providence
was closed by ice in November, and continued so
for nearly two months. The ice extended from New
port harbor to " the Dumplings." The island of
Rhode-Island lost its insular character. Beaten
paths were made over the ice from Newport to
Wickford, East Greenwich and Providence. Load
ed teams passed repeatedly across Narragansett Bay.
The ground was covered with snow during the whole
time, but not so deep as to obstruct the communi
cation between diflferent towns. The intensity of
the cold, and its long continuance, caused great dis
tress among the poor.
" The dark day," in May 1780, is often referred
to by those who remember it. For several days
previous to the 19th of that month, the atmosphere
appeared to be charged with a dry, smoky vapor, so
that the sun could be viewed with the naked eye.
At 10 o'clock, on the 19th, the darkness had increas
ed to such a degree, as to impede the regular trans
action of business. Between half past twelve and
one, it arrived at its height. Ordinary business was
wholly suspended. That which was necessary to be
done, was done by candle-hght, though at noon-day.

624 MISCELLANEOUS.
Fowls sought their roosts, cattle retired, as at night,
and men stood appalled at the dread appearances.
The busy hum of Hfe was stiUed, and ,aU nature
seemed to wait in dismay for further demonstrations
of her approaching dissolution. About one o'clock,
the wind, which had been at southeast, changed to
the southwest, the darkness began graduaUy to di
minish, and at two o'clock, man and beast and fowl,
were in the enjoyment of an apparent cloudy morn
ing. A very little rain feU in the morning, whUe
the wind was at southeast. During the whole time,
the air had a sooty, smoky smell, which was also
communicated to the rain water which was saved.
This circumstance remembered, led afterward to
the conclusion, that the strange appearances were
caused by vast fires, known then to be raging in the
forests in some parts of the country. The darkness
was not peculiar to Providence, It extended over
the greater part of New-England, some parts of the
middle and southern states, and even to the Canadas,
Soon after the peace of 1783, the inhabitants of
the state of Rhode- Island turned their attention to
manufactures. The first company in the state, for
the manufacture of cotton, was formed in Provi
dence, in 1787, Their object was to make home
spun cloth, by hand. At first, they built a jenny,
of twenty-eight spindles, and after that, a spinning
frame, having eight heads of four spindles each.
They obtained the models of these machines from
Massachusetts, They had also a carding machine.
The jenny was first operated in one ofthe chambers of
the market-house. In the following year, two Scotch-

MISCELLANEOUS. 625
men came to Providence, who knew how to use
the fly-shuttie, A. loom was constructed for one of
them, and set up in the same place. The spinning-
frame was afterwards removed to North Providence,
to be worked by water, but it was found quite too
imperfect for use. Samuel Slater, the acknowledg
ed father of American cotton manufactures, arrived,
at the same place, in January 1790. Before the
end of the year, he had started three cards, one
drawing frame, and seventy-two spindles, by water.
From this small beginning, have arisen the cotton
manufactures in this country. The first cotton
thread spun by machinery, in Rhode-Island, was
spun in the chambers of the market-house, in Provi
dence, The first cotton thread spun by water, in
the United States, was spun in North Providence.
About 1788, John FuUem worked a stocking loom
in Providence, and in March 1790, a calendering
machine was put in operation in the same place,
moved by horse-pOwer. In 1794, Messrs, Schaub,
Tissot and Dubosque, were engaged in printing
calicoes. In 1797, Peter Schaub and Robert New-
eU were engaged in the same business. They used
cotton cloth imported from the East Indies, and
wooden blocks to impart the desired figures and col
ors. Previous to this, by several years, calico printing
in the same manner, was carried on at East Green
wich, This, it is supposed, was the first printing done
in America, The Rhode-Island Historical Society
have, in their cabinet at Providence, some of the
cahco first printed, and some of the blocks used.
In August 1765, a large and complete paper mUl
79

626 MISCELLANEOUS. «
was first finished and put in operation near Provi
dence, probably at OlneyvUle, This is the earhest
of which I have obtained any information.
From the peace of 1783, down to the present
time, (1842) there has been a gradual increase of
attention to manufactures, and a gradual introduc
tion of new manufactures, AU the water power
in Providence, is fully occupied, and besides this,
there were in operation, in April 1842, thirty-four
steam engines, in the whole exceeding nine hundred
and twenty-five horse power. The latter were em
ployed in grinding grain, sawing and polishing mar
ble, printing cloths, bleaching, calendering and dye
ing, sawing and planing lumber, for driving a pump
in a distiUery, and bellows in furnaces and foundries,
in engraving cylinders for printing goods, and in
manufacturing machinery, India rubber shoes, small
wares, furniture, screws, reeds, power-loom pickers,
carriages, and cotton and woollen goods.
In 1789, the mechanics and manufacturers of
Providence formed themselves into an association
for mutual aid, and obtained a charter of incorpora
tion from the state.
This institution has been of the greatest advan
tage to its members and to the community. By an
nual assessment, they have become possessed of a
handsome fund, devoted to charitable purposes, and
are owners of a large and commodious hcdl on Mar
ket square. Some years since, they established a li
brary, which, in 1842, contained nearly 2,000 vol
umes. Individually and coUectively, the mechanics

MISCELLANEOUS.

627

and manufacturers of Providence have always wU-
Hngly lent a ready hand for every good work.
Commerce was a favorite pursuit with the citizens
of Providence, at an early period of its history. —
What was the amount of duties on merchandise re
ceived before 1790, cannot be now ascertained. —
The following is a statement of the amount of duties
on merchandise which accrued in the district of
Providence from the year 1790 to the year 1831,
every doUar of which was paid.

1790

123,647

1811

5^216,975

1791

82,268

1812

184,624

1792

63,387

1813

146,249

1793

125,511

1814

85,016

1794

113,326

1815

100,390

1795

279,938

1816

269,660

1796

223,259

1817

210,359

1797

251,558

1818

210,163

1798

135,726

1819

404,850

1799

194,850

1820

118,439

1800

283,366

1821

99,626

1801

294,906

1822

485,067

1802

269,941

1823

250,717

1803

368,552

1824

247,510

1804

422,413

1825

103,350

1805

341,597

1826

304,492

1806

375,820

1827

203,620

1807

284,980

1828

195,172

1808

173,637

1829

132.738

1809

131,578

1830

100,585

1810

338,173

1831

284,094

Since 1 831 , there has been a great faUing oflf in the
amount of duties in this district. This was probably
owing, partiy, to the fact that enterprise and capital
have since then been seeking more lucrative em
ployment in manufactures, and partiy, to the great
growth and increased commercial importance of
New- York and Boston, As those cities increase, the

628 MISCELLANEOUS.
foreign commerce of intervening and neighboring
ports must decrease, and the coasting trade engross
their attention.
At the August town-meeting, 1796, an attempt
was made to diminish the danger of destructive fires,
from the practice of smoking in the public streets.
Since then the attempts by legislation have been
multiplied, but public feeling has shown itself in this
matter, stronger than positive law. The town act
of 1795, had a peculiar exception attached to it, to
preserve which it is here inserted.
" Whereas great danger of fire in this town arises from a very
improper practice of smoking pipes and segars in the public
streets, it is therefore recommended, by the freemen of the
town, in town-meeting assembled, that the citizens wholly refrain
from that practice ; nevertheless, it is not understood by these
recommendations, to prevent any among us, the young men or
others, who may be under the necessity on account of any griev
ous malady from using the same by way of medicine."
If only those smoke in the streets now, who are
laboring under "grievous maladies," we should
have a very unfavorable opinion of the salubrity of
the climate of Providence, At any rate, it would
seem that some "young men and others" are very
soHcitous of recovering their health by their constant
use of this medicine.
Within a few years past, much has been done by
individuals toward beautifying the streets of Provi
dence by planting ornamental trees on their bor
ders. Since the labors of the side walk commis
sioners made the rough places smooth in the side
walks, and permanentiy fixed the level and grade of
the streets, there has been an increased attention to

MISCELLANEOUS. 629
this matter, and citizens and strangers are beginning
to feel and appreciate the value of such trees, A hke
spirit pervaded the citizens in 1798, Just before that
time, the Lombardy poplar was introduced here, —
The taU and graceful appearance of the young trees
with their bright glossy leaves, in connexion with
their foreign origin, gained them many ardent friends
and admirers. Nurseries of young plants were as
siduously cultivated by individuals for sale. The town
embarked in the speculation and ordered a nursery to
be set out on the Hospital land. The mania raged
some years, but not to an equal degree with the mo
rns multicaulis mania of later times, nor with such
ruinous effects on individuals. But it was soon as
certained that the Lombardy poplar would not bear
the rigor of our climate, that its bright glossy foliage
had a very disagreeable smell, and furnished food
for a very loathsome and poisonous worm, that its
form was so graceful that it aflforded no shade, and
that its wood yielded neither fuel nor timber. Its
foreign origin could not support it, under all these
disadvantages, and it was generally voted to agree
with an old minister in an adjoining state, who de
clared that he had rather have two pear trees than
one poplar. But a few remain to the present day.
In 1803, Daniel Anthony, a surveyor of great ac
curacy and skiU, made the first map of Providence.
It was drawn on a scale of fifty rods to the inch,
and engraved by WUHam Hamhn, Mr, Anthony
pubHshed a second map, in 1824, on a large sheet-
A glance at these two maps wUl do much toward

630 MISCELLANEOUS.
convincing any one of the rapid increase of Provi
dence between those two dates.
In 1836, Benoni Lockwood and Samuel B. Cush
ing, published a map embracing Providence and
North Providence. This was on a smaUer scale
than Mr. Anthony's, but more useful, because em
bracing the two towns, and other particulars not con
tained in the former.
At the June session of the General Assembly,
1799, John Smith, one of the Representatives of
Providence, proposed in the lower House, the caU
ing of a convention, for the formation of a state
constitution, to consist of one delegate for every one
thousand inhabitants. The motion was carried in
that house, forty-four voting in the affirmative. It
was probably lost in the Senate, as it does not ap
pear in the schedules of the proceedings of the Gen
eral Assembly.
In 1830, James Hammond resigned the office of
Town Sergeant, which he had held, by annual elec
tion, twenty-one successive years. He had literally
grown old in the service of the pubhc. To dis
charge the duties of any office weU, the incumbent
must feel honored by the office. If he feel that he
honors the office, the public service wUl suflfer, by
his official conduct. Though the office of Town
Sergeant is not generally considered a high office,
Deacon Hammond, as he was familiarly caUed, felt
himself honored by it. This appeared in his every
action. By virtue of this office, he officiated as
crier to the courts in the county of Providence.
On these occasions, he seemed conscious of the

MISCELLANEOUS. 631
dignity of the office he held. His look, his man
ner, his tone, every movement of the whole man,
showed that whUe he admitted the office of presi
ding judge to be superior to that of Town Sergeant
of tiie town of Providence, he doubted if any other
was its equal. This did not appear in haughty,
overbearing, arrogant conduct, on his part; that
could never proceed from his humble heart. The
man would acknowledge his inferiority to all around
him. The sergeant claimed their deference and
respect. His enunciation, clear, loud and distinct,
was weU suited to the vocation of crier. The for
mal prayer, at the end of the usual proclamations,
which in other hands were as words of course, sig
nifying nothing, accompanied as they always were
with the uplifted hand and eye of Deacon Ham
mond, seemed, indeed a prayer. Who that ever
heard him read aloud the town-clerk's warrant for
calling a town meeting, can forget his manner. He
then moved, and looked, and spoke, as though the
freemen of the town could not assemble in town-
meeting without his aid. Old age and infirmities
forced him to resign. And though the town gave
him a vote of thanks for his services, and testified
their gratitude in the weightier way of a gratuity, the
man could not long survive the sargeant. He died
on the 18th day of February 1831, in the 81st year
of his age, leaving behind few that could equal, and
none who would exceed him, as an honest, upright
man. Had he lived and been blessed with strength
to warn town meetings, the old way of warning
them, by beat of drum and proclamation, would not

632 MISCELLANEOUS.
have been dispensed with, and perhaps the Town
form of government would not have been overturned.
None of the first built dwelling houses are now in
existence. A part of the " Manufacturers' Hotel,"
on Market square, is believed to be as old as any
building now standing. The part alluded to, is near
the south east corner of the present building. The
house which was removed in the summer of 1842,
from the corner of north Main and Church street,
is also a very old building. The house formerly oc
cupied by Gabriel Bernon, a French Hugenot, and
in which traditioft states that the common prayer
book ofthe church of England was first used in pub
hc worship, now stands between North Main and
Canal streets, in the rear of No. 49 North Main
street. It formerly stood on North Main street.—^
The style of the oldest houses now standing, does not
indicate that the owners abounded in wealth, or that
the architects of those times possessed a superabun
dance of talent or taste. Comfort and convenience,
were much more regarded than mere appearance.
Utility was seldom sacrificed to looks. The oldest
pubhc building is " the old Town House," a venera
ble relic of this class of structures, proving as far as
one item can prove a general proposition that the
same considerations governed the inhabitants in the
erection of their pubhc and private buUdings. The
buUdings of the next class, both pubhc and private,
show more wealth and taste. The reign of taste
was soon foUowed again by that of utUity and con
venience, and it is not untU a comparatively few
years past, that utility, convenience, and taste, liave

MISCELLANEOUS. 633
been united. Even within that time some attempts
have been made to excel the works of the old Gre
cian and Roman architects, by the erection of build
ings unique and singular. These attempts have
been partiaUy successful, and splendid monuments
of monstrosity have been the result. Reference has
been made in a previous chapter to several of the
meeting-houses as fine specimens of architecture, —
AU that are so, were not then named, and the Ar
cade deserves also to be named in this connection.
This was erected in 1827 and 1828, It is buih of
granite, fronting on two streets, Westminster on the
north, and Weybosset on the south. It is seventy-
four feet on each street and two hundred and six
teen feet in length. It forms a transept or cross
of one hundred and ninety-four feet by forty-two.
The two fronts are ornamented with recess porti
cos fifteen feet deep ; each of which is composed
of six Ionic columns, three feet in diameter, and two
square antes, and is crowned with an entablature and
cornice, forming a pediment. ' The whole height of
the front collonade is forty feet from the base to the
pediment. The roof over the entrance-hall, is cov
ered with glass thirty-two feet in width and one
hundred and eighty-eight feet in length ; the rest of
the roof is covered, with tin. The entrance to each
portico is by a flight of four steps, running, with the
corner hutments, the entire length of the colonade.
The entrance hall runs from street to street and is
thirteen feet wide. The buUding is three stories
high, having twenty six stores in each story. Two
flights of steps under each portico lead to the
80

634 MISCELLANEOUS.
stores in the second and third story. The coridors,
forming the floors of these stories, are protected by
a strong cast-iron balustrade, running entirely round
the interior of the building. The whole cost of the
building was estimated at ^145,000, It belongs,
the east half to Cyrus Butler, and the west half to
the Arcade corporation. The architect was RusseU
Warren. The investment has not been so profita
ble as the proprietors might have wished. To eke
out the profits, they are entitled to the proud reflec
tion, that they have erected the most beautiful build
ing in Providence, and one that exceeds all others
in the United States devoted to the same objects.
The public debt of Providence in 1831, amounted
to ^108,814,97. In 1842 is was ^222,331,17.—
Many great and permanent improvements have been
made since the adoption ofthe city charter, in which
the next generation wiU participate. This view of
the matter has induced the city government to charge
that generation also with a part of the expenses.
Until within a few* years, no regular bill of mor
tality has been kept in Providence. By reference
to them, since kept, it appears that the deaths in
1840, were 562, in 1841, 677, and in 1842, 702.—
The population by the census of 1 840, was 23, 1 72.

APPENDIX,
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, FEOM ADOPTION OP CITY CHARTER TO 1843.
I had intended to close the ecclesiastical history at the adoption ofthe
city charter in 1833. It was found impossible, from the materials in my
possession, to give the true '¦religious statistics of the town at that time.
This induced me to bring down the sketches given in Chap. II. to 1842,
and to add sketches of such societies as has been formed since the adop
tion ofthe city charter.
The Power Street Methodist Chubci-i, was constituted in 1833,
and consisted of about fifty persons, who were dismissed from the Chest
nut Street Church for the purpose of forming a new church. In 1842, their
numbers exceeded three hundred and fifty. Their pastors have been
Charles K. True, David Patten, jr. Hiram H. White, Asa W. Swineton,
Abel Stevens, Daniel Fillmore, Charles McReding. The present in
cumbent is Ephraim Stickney . Their meeting house is of brick, seventy-
five by fifty feet. It is at the corner of South Main and Power streets,
was dedicated January 1, 1834, and cost about $15,000 which was raised
by sale of pews. The church is attached to the Methodist Episcopal
church in the United States.
The High Street Congregational Church, consisted at first of
forty members. 'Their present number (1842) is 221. It was organised
December 18, 1834. They erected their present meeting-house in the
same year. It is of wood, eighty feet by fifty, with a cupola steeple. —
The cost of its erection was defrayed by lease of the pews for five hun
dred years, subject to an annual rent not exceeding eight per cent on their
valuation. The house belongs to the High street Congregational society,
incorporated in 1833. William B. Lewis, Nathaniel S. Folsom, and Leon
ard S. Parker, have successively been pastors of this church and soci
ety.— Mr. Parker is their present pastor.
New Jerusalem Church. A small society of this denomination has
been gathered in Providence, and now holds its meetings for worship, in
Union Hall, near the UniversaHst meeting-house. If is not known that
there were any receivers ofthe doctrines ofthis church here, prior to the
year 1824. Some volumes ofthe writings of Emanuel Swedenborg had,
at an earlier period, been placed by Mr. Artemas Stebbins, of Swanzey,

636 APPENDIX.
in a circulating library, but few read them, and none are known to have
believed what they teach.
In the year 1824, Waldo Ames, and George B. Holmes, came to reside
in this place. Mr. Ames was a believer in the doctrines ofthe New Je
rusalem. He went to England in 1826, and procured the writings of
Swedenborg, and others, written in illustration and defence of these doc
trines. Mr. Holmes was associated in business with Mr. Ames, and- he
and Mrs. Holmes, became receivers of these doctrines.
In 1834, James Scott, of North-Providence, and Anson Potter, of Cran
ston, became interested in the writings of Swedenborg. The former had
been educated among the Quakers, and was deeply imbued with their
principles. He is the son of the late Job Scott, a distinguished teacher
of Quakerism. Mr. Potter had lived a professed Deist, but previously to
his acquaintance with the doctrines of the New Jerusalem, had professed
a belief in Christianity, and had received an idea, that there was a some
thing of Divinity in the Lord Jesus Christ. Both of these gentlemen
soon became convinced, that the New Jerusalem is indeed, a New
Church, which the Lord is, at this day, establishing on earth.
In 1835, John F. Street, a member of the New Jerusalem church, in
Manchester, England, came to reside in Seekonk, and made known the
doctrines of the New Church to some persons at Pawtucket. He asso
ciated himself with the receivers already named, and they then began to
hold meetings at each others' houses, on the Sabbath. These were so
cial meetings, at which they read the word, the writings of Swedenborg,
and sermons from the New Jerusalem Magazine, and from manuscripts,
supplied by Samuel Worcester, of Bridgewater, Mass. Mr. Ames had al
ready become a member of the New Church in Bridgewater, his native
town. Mr. Scott and Mr. Potter went thither in about 1835, and receiv
ed baptism, and were soon after joined to that church.
Public worship was now established. Sermons were furnished by Mr.
Worcester, and Mr. Scott was appointed the reader, and Mr. Ames filled
the same ofiice, in the absence of Mr. Scott. This little society was es
tablished as a branch ofthe Bridgewater society, that it might be under
the same pastoral care. This connexion was dissolved about the year
1840, and this society was organized as a distinct church, according to
the usages and forms of the body of Christians to which it is attached.
Still to the present time their number is so small that they have had no
settled pastor over them, although their meetings are regularly kept up.
The first public meeting for worship was held April 19, 1835, and it is
believed, to be the first ever held in this city for the worship of the Lord
Jesus Christ, as the only GOD.
During this year, John Prentice embraced the doctrines of the New Je
rusalem, and with his children, received baptism. He had been a preacher
of the Congregational order, but was never settled as a pastor. He joined
the New Church in Bridgewater, January 3, 1836. In the same year, Mrs.

APPENDIX. 637
George B. Holmes, Mrs. James Scott and Simon Henry Greene were also
received into the same church. At the first public meeting of this socie
ty, twenty-five persons, including children, were present. The average
number at this time may be about fifty. The number of church mem
bers now residing within this city is about twenty. Besides these, seve-
¦ral adults and children have received introduction by baptism into the
New Church.
The doctrines professed by this church, are called the Heavenly Doc
trines of the New Jerusalem. They are not formed by the several socie
ties which adopt them, but are taken from the writings of Emanuel Swe
denborg. All the societies of the New Jerusalem Church in this coun
try aud in others, embrace all the doctrines which are taught in those
¦writings. An abstract of their articles of faith is contained in their
Book of Worship. These are sanctioned by the New Church Confer
ence in England, and the General Convention of the New Church in
the United States. The reader is referred to their Book of Worship for
particulars. It is necessary to remark, in order to guard against mistakes, that the
New Church do not regard the writings of Swedenborg, as containing any
truth, except what is derived from the sacred scriptures. They believe,
what he declares, that his spiritual sight was opened by the Loid, so that
he saw spiritual beings and spiritual things, as spirits do, and that he was
thus made acquainted with the same senses or meanings ofthe sacred
scriptures, which are known and received in the heavens. The truths of
the word revealed to him, while in this open intercourse with both good
and evil spirits, are what are contained in his writings. He was thus en
lightened by the Lord, that he might teach to the world, the true doc
trines of the word, as they are known in heaven, in order that a church
might be formed on earth, in agreement and conjunction with the church
above. Swedenborg is therefore considered as an expositor enlightened
and commissioned by the Lord, to make known the true doctrines of the
word, and many arcana of heavenly wisdom concerning the spiritual
world. But his writings have no claim to a comparison with the word ;
for the word, or sacred scriptures, is divine truth, and the writings of
Swedenborg contain only common measures of wisdom which angels
possess, and which men may receive. They are not the word, but are
given to teach men the true meaning of the word.
The church which is to be formed by believing these doctrines, and
living according to them, is called in the Revelation, the New Jerusalem,
and because its doctrines are revealed from heaven, they are called the
Heavenly doctrines of the New Jerusalem. In the society of which we
are speaking, no prayer is used except the Lord's prayer ; and nothing
but the literal words of scripture is used in chanting or singing. Their
public worship consists of chanting or singing portions ofthe word, the
Lord's prayer, and reading from the word, and a sermon.

638 APPENDIX.
No full system of ecclesiastical government has yet been adopted in
the New Church, The general laws of order are contained in the wri
tings of Swedenborg ; and different societies adopt different rules for
their oro-anization and government. In the United States, the ministers
ofthe New Church derive their ofiices from the Convention, and are sub
ject to the authority of that body. Churches are instituted, by ministers
duly authorised by the Convention. These churches are understood to
have the right and duty of choosing their pastors, but not of settling
them without an act of the Convention, nor without their being ordained
by ministers appointed by the Convention. From what has been already
stated, it -will appear, that the society of the New Church in Providence,
was at first so much connected with that of Bridgewater, as not to possess
the full organization and order of a church of the New Jerusalem. Con
sidering that the doctrines of the New Jerusalem are essentially opposed
to those in which all men at this day have been educated, aud that they
require a life opposed to all that is selfish and worldly, it is obvious, few
will receive them, and that even that few, will be slow in their reception.
The little flock here collected believe, that a true reception of these doc
trines, also requires a far greater degree of rational knowledge of spiritual
truths, than has been possessed for many ages. This knowledge may
however, be obtained by those whom the world regard as the most sim
ple, provided they deny themselves, take up their cross and follow the
Lord. It is not regarded as desirable, but even as dangerous, to persuade
men to assent to these doctrines, faster than they can truly forsake all
that they have ; and for this reason, the common modes of proselyting
are not adopted. The doctrines are publicly taught, the books contedn-
ing them are exposed for sale, and are freely loaned, and private instruc
tion is gladly given to those who seek to know the truth, that they may
do it. And though the progress of this church is slow, its members see,
that old things are passing away, and they know, that all things will be
come new.
The greater part of the foregoing sketch of this church was kindly
communicated to the author by James Scott. He is mistaken in believ
ing that " the first public meeting for worship was holden April 19, 1835 ;"
the author well recollects of attending a public meeting at " the old town
house" more than twenty years since. This society propose erecting a
house for public worship in the course of the present year.
Saint Stephen's Church. Previous to 1833, a number of Episcopal
ians opened a Sunday school in the southerly part ofthe town. Meeting
with unexpected success, in that year they purchased a building erected
for an infant school room, removed it to Thayer street, and fitted it up for
a place of public worship. At Easter 1839, they invited Francis Vinton
to be their rector. The following year they erected their present house
at the corner of Benefit and Transit streets. It is a rough stone struct
ure, covered with cement, containing eighty-two pews on the ground

APPENDIX 639
floor, the whole cost of which, with the organ, was about $13,000. Mr.
Vinton was temporarily succeeded in the rectorship by John H. Rouse.
George Leeds succeeded Mr. Rouse. The present rector is Henry Wa
terman, and the number of communicants, upwards of seventy. The
parish was incorporated in October 1839.
The West Baptist Church, was first recognised as a distinct church
in October 1840. The members who composed it at first, were dismissed
at their request, from the other Baptist churches in the city, for the pur
pose of uniting in a new church ofthe same faith and order which should
hold forth a clearer aud more decided testimony against slavery in all its
forms. They first met for worship in a private house on Pine street, but
soon hired the Green street school house, at the corner of Washington
and Green streets, in which their meetings are still holden. Archibald
Kenyon is their pastor. The number of communicants is one hundred
and eight.
The Wesletan Methodist Society, was formed in 1841 by a num
ber of persons who had been members of the Chestnut street Methodist
Episcopal Society. Their first place of meeting was at a school house on
Pond Street. They were incorporated in January 1842, and in the same
year they erected a house for public worship on Fountain street. It is a
plain wooden structure, sixty-five feet by forty-six, and cost $6,000.
On the 25th of December 1842, this society, by a formal vote, dissolved
all connexion with the Methodist Episcopal Church, and became the
First Wesleyan Society formed in New-England. The Wesleyan Con
nexion has since extended to various parts ofthe country. The alleged
reasons for their withdrawal were, the friendly relation the Methodist
Episcopal Church sustained to slavery, and its ecclesiastical economy.
Jotham Horton was their first pastor. His connexion with this church
ceased in January 1843, at his own request. He was succeeded by Lu
cius C. Matlack. The church members are one hundred in number.
Saint Patrick's Church. The increase of the Catholic population
in Providence and vicinity, had, in the year 1841, become so great, as to
render their church too small for their accommodation. To remedy this,
a meeting, composed chiefly of persons residing in the north part of the
city, was holden on the 15th day of March, in Washington Hall. At a
subsequent meeting holden in Franklin Hall, in April, they organized
their society and adopted measures for the speedy erection of a church,
on a lot which they had purchased, situate on Smith's Hill so called, and
fronting on State street. The location was well selected, being one of
the most sightly and pleasant in the north part of the city. The corner
stone of the church was laid, with religious ceremonies, on the 13th of
June following. While their house was in progress of construction, they
held meetings for public worship in Franklin Hall and Masonic Hall, un
der the ministration of William Fennelly, pastor of the Catholic church

640 APPENDIX.
at North Providence. The house being in a condition to be occupied for
divine service, the congregation assembled therein, for the first time, on
the 25th of December of the same year. Dennis Ryan ofiiciated on this
occasion. The church being completed was solemnly consecrated to the
service of Almighty God, under the name and invocation of Saint Pat
rick, apostle of the Irish nation, on the 3d day of July 1842, by Benedict
Fenwick, Catholic Bishop of New-England, assisted by several Catholic
clergymen of the city and neighboring places. William Wiley was the
first pastor of this society. He commenced his spiritual charge, January
16th 1842 and has retained it to the present time (January 1843.) The
church is a neat, substantial building, of the castellated Gothic order of
architecture, constructed of slate stone and covered with cement. It is
seventy-five feet in length, exclusive of the tower, by fifty-five in breadth.
It is capable of seating about eight hundred persons, with no other gal
lery than the one in front, which is mostly taken up by the choir and or
gan. It has an organ of superior tone, and a fine bell weighing two thou
sand pounds ; the latter being mostly the gift of a liberal protestant gen
tleman of the city. The church, including the furniture and land, cost
about $17,000, for the payment of which reliance is placed, mainly, on
funds derived or to be derived, from the contributions of the congrega
tion and their fellow catholics in the city and vicinity, and from the in
come of pews in the church. The congregation, consisting of between
eight and nine hundred adults, have already generously contributed for
this purpose, but being, as the catholics here generally are, poor and de
pendent on their daily labor for subsistence, it will be readily and truly
conjectured, that the building is still encumbered with a large debt. The
society, from the want of a basement under the church, have as yet, no
school provided ; but the children are assembled every Lord's Day, one
hour before each of the services, for catechetical and other religious in
struction given by the pastor and subordinate teachers. The number of
children in attendance, varies from one hundred to one hundred and
fifty. The members of this society, as well as the catholic population of
the city and vicinity, are principally natives of Ireland (with the excep
tion of some English and a few Americans) who have emigrated to this
free coutry, with a view of enjoying that liberty of conscience and those
civil rights and privileges which are denied to them in the oppressed and
persecuted land of their fathers.
Seamen's Bethel, In August 1841, a number of persons who felt an
interest in the seamen visiting this port, united themselves into a society
with the design of erecting a meeting-house for their accommodation. —
Their number did not exceed forty, and though not abounding in riches,
they immediately commenced the erection of a house forty-five by seven
ty feet. It is not yet completed, although public worship has been hold
en in it, since the autumn of 1841. The society have expended about
$5,500, on it and it will require about $1,500 to complete it. Benjamin

APPENDIX. 641
Taylor, preaches in this church. A coUection is taken up at every meet
ing for the support of public worship. The seats are free, those in the
body ofthe house being exclusively appropriated to seamen. Such an
institution would seem entitled to a full share of christian munificence.
TRhe Second Universalist Society, meet for worship in the "Old Town
House.'' It was formed in 1841, by a secession of some of the members
of the First Society, made for want of sufficient accommodations in their
meeting house. They are under the pastoral care of James Gallager.
J. N. Parker and William Jackson preceded him in office.
The Second Freewill Baptist Church was organized in Septem
ber 1835, under John W. Lewis as their pastor. Their number then was
ten. They met for worship in the African Union meeting and school
house until November 1840. They then hired a hall on Middle street
and since, in 1841, they erected a house for public worship on Pond street.
It is a small wooden building, thirty feet by forty. The society was in
corporated in January 1842. After Mr. Lewis, Luke Waldron their pres-
,ent pastor was called to preside over this church and society. The church
now consists of upwards of sixty members.
The African Methodist Episcopal Church was gathered in 1837.
It belongs to the Wesleyan Methodist Episcopal church. The annual
conference of this body of professing christians meets at New-York. —
The pastors of this church and society are appointed by the conference.
They have been Jehial C. Beman, William Serrington, and Nathan Blunt.
Levin Smith is their present pastor. The church in 1840 consisted of
fifty members, now (1842) tliere are nearly one hundred members.
They at first hired a small building in which to hold their meetings. —
They now own a small house and lot on Back street. The society was
incorporated in January 1838.
The Second African Methodist Episcopal Church, consisting of
fifteen persons, first met as a distinct body in September 1838. The
same year they built their meeting house, on Meeting steeet, east of Pros
pect street. It is thirty-five feet by twenty-five. The church is attached
to the African Methodist Episcopal church, in the United States, which
was incorporated in Pennsylvania in 1816. Their preachers are appointed
by the annual conference of that church. The first was N. C. W. Can
non. He was succeeded by Jabez P. Campbell. The number of church
members exceeds eighty. The society was incorporated in 1839.
Christ Church. The society incorporated, in March 1842, under
this name, first met together for worship, in 1839, in a school house on
Washington street. They have since erected a church on Union street.
It is a small, neat, wooden building, thirty-eight by fifty-two feet. S. G.
Degrasse officiated as minister for this society during the summer and
autumn of 1840. Alexander Crummell, lay-reader, succeeded him.
This church is part of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United
States, and conforms to it, in rites and usages, government and doctrin
81

642 APPENDIX.
PERIODICALS COMMENCED SINCE 1832.
From the organization of the city government in 1832, up to Decem
ber 1842, several periodicals, political, sectarian and literary, have been
commenced. I have endeavored to annex a brief sketch of each of them.
" The Evening Star," was the first daily penny paper in the state, ^d
the third, it is believed, in the country. It was published in 1834, by
Charles Haswell. After printing a few numbers, he relinquished the un
dertaking to Nathan Hall and Cornelius S. Jones. They continued the
paper under the title of" The Daily News," from April 1834, to Decem
ber following. After this it was published by Jones & Haswell until
August 1836.
" The Daily City Gazette" commenced Feb. 2, 1833, and was pub
lished about nine months, after which " the City Gazette" was published
as a weekly paper for a short time. Sylvester S. Southworth and Ste
phen G. Holroyd, were the publishers.
" The Commercial Advertiser," a daily evening paper, commenced
about the first of June 1834, and continued about three months. " The
New-England Family Visitor," was a weekly paper made up from the
Advertiser, and published during the same time. Knowles & Bur
roughs were the publishers.
Samuel S. Wilson commenced the publication of the first penny paper
in the state, January 1, 1835, under the title of " The Penny Post." After
six months the title was changed to " The Weekly Visitor," under which
title, Mr. Wilson published it for about three months, when he transferred
it to Cyril A. Carpenter, who discontinued it after about one month.
" The Light" was assumed as the name for a paper ostensibly engaged
in the cause of moral reform, published simultaneously in New- York and
Providence, by Joseph A. Whitmarsh, in 1835. It gave rise, in Provi
dence, to another paper, entitled " More Light," edited by Jacob Frieze.
They both were short lived.
" The Morning Courier' ' commenced in June 1836. It was published
both daily and semi- weekly by William G. Earned. This paper assumed
a neutral ground in politics, and, of course, was not patronised extensive
ly. In January 1840, the establishment was transferred to " The Journal."
"The Gaspee Torch Light" was published at the "Journal Office,"
for about three months preceding the presidential election in 1840, edited
by William R. Watson. This gave rise to "The Extinguisher," which
was published during the same time, at "The Herald" office, edited by
Jacob Frieze. The first advocated and the other opposed the election of
General Harrison to the presidency.
" The Evening Chronicle" is a daily penny paper, edited and published
by Joseph M. Church. 'The first number issued on the evening of the
30th day of March 1842. " The Narraganset Chief," is a weekly paper
made up from the Chronicle, and published on Saturdays.
"The Plain Speaker," is a paper published at Providence, though
printed at North Providence. The character of this paper is well describ-

APPENDIX. 643
«d by its title. It is published occasionally, circulated gratuitously, and
supported by voluntary donations. Christopher A; Greene is the editor.
During the year 1834, Silas Weston published and edited a, semi
monthly paper under the title of "The Pupil's Monitor. The title de
scribes the work.
" The Cradle of Liberty," was chiefly made up of selections from " The
Liberator." It was published monthly for one year, (1839,) and devoted
to the cause of anti-slavery .
In 1834, a few numbers of a paper entitled " The Constitutionalist"
were published; the object of which was, to advocate the adoption of a
written constitution for the state. It expired for want of support.
To further the same object and an extension of the right of suffrage,
" The New Age," a weekly paper, commenced February 19, 1841. The
first number was printed by Benjamin T. Albro. The publishers were
" the Rhode-Island Suffrage Association." Subsequently, it was publish
ed by Millard (Samuel M.) & Brown (John A.) and at a later period by
Millard, Low (Samuel) & Miller (William J.) On the 18th day of March,
1842, they commenced the publication of a daily paper, devoted, to the
same objects, under the title of" The Daily Express." Both of these pa
pers were discontinued during a part of the summer of 1 842, but were re
vived in the autumn ofthe same year.
" The Suffrage Examiner," was the title of a single paper published in
1841 by the executive committee of the Rhode-Island Anti-Slavery soci
ety, to oppose the adoption of any constitution for the state which made
any distinction in the political rights ofthe white and colored population.
The following papers have been devoted to the cause of temperance.
" The Rhode-Island Temperance Herald," commenced Oct. 13th, 1838,
was continued one year. It was edited by an association of gentlemen,
and published weekly, on Saturdays, at No. 15, Market Square. On the
30th of October 1839, it appeared in an enlarged form under the title of
" The Olive Leaf and Rhode-Island Temperance Herald." At first it
was edited by Charles Jewett and Lorenzo D. Johnson, and afterwards
by Abel Stevens. In May 1840 it was united to the " New- York Week
ly Messenger," and published simultaneously in New- York, Providence
and Boston, under the name of " The Olive Leaf and New- York Weekly
Messenger." Mr. Johnson resumed the editorship after the union.
" The Cold Water Gazette" began March 21st 1840. It was edited by
Wyllis Ames and published at No. 14J Westminster street. The main
object of this publication was to further the election of a temperance tick
et of general officers for the state. Only a few numbers were ever pub
lished. " The Samaritan'' continues to be an unwavering champion of total
abstinence from all that intoxicates. It commenced November 10th, 1841,
and is published weekly. Samuel S. Ashley and Thomas Tew were joint
editors at first. After some time, the establishment was transferred to
Mr. Tew, and is now published semi-monthly.

644 APPENDIX.
" The Rhode-Island Temperance Advocate" was the title of a paper
proposed to be published semi-monthly by Joseph A. Whitmarsh under
the direction ofthe executive committee ofthe Providence young men's
temperance society. The first number is dated in May 1833, and no oth
er one ever was published.
" The Gospel Messenger, devoted to theoretical and practical religion
and morality," commenced November 28, 1840. It was printed weekly
on a demi sheet, and edited by Zephaniah Baker. In January 1842, it was
enlarged, when S. P. Landers was associated with Mr. Baker in the edi
torship. In January 1843, A. A. Davis became sole proprietor and
associated Hervy Bacon and D. B. Harris with himself in the editor
ship. It is published at Providence and Boston simultaneously, but prin
ted at the office of B. F. Moore in Providence. It is devoted to the cause
of Universalism, but its columns are open to free discussion of all the
great moral principles ofthe age.
" John the Baptist," is the title of a work devoted to the interests of
the Six Principle Baptists. John Tillinghast is the editor. It commen
ced in 1840. The first volume was published by Benjamin T. Albro. It
is now printed in Pawtucket.
" The Christian Soldier'' is n. semi-monthly publication belonging to
the Freewill Baptists. It was commenced February 18th 1842. J. Whit-
temore and T. H. Bacheller are the editors. Some of the first numbers
were issued from the printing office of Hugh H. Bro-wn. Afterwards it
was printed in Pawtucket.
But one literary paper has been started since the adoption ofthe city
charter. Notwithstanding the talents and abilities of the editor and the
industry of the publishers it continued in existence only one year. It
commenced in June 1832. It was called " The Literary Journal and
Weekly Register of Science and the arts." It was a quarto of eight pa
ges, published weekly. Albert G. Greene was the editor, and Knowles
& Vose the publishers. After two months it was published by J. Knowles
&. Company.
In the preceding pages, the autliur has aimed to be correct in his facts, and just in his
conclusions. Yet with all )iis care aud labor, he doubts not many errors may have escaped
him. Two have been pointed out to him, which he takes pleasure in correcting. One
relates to the Dexter Asylum. The architect of the building gave him the information
to be found on pages 392 and 393. Since those pages were printed, the same gentleman
informed him that it is not entirely correct. The chapel is forty-seven feet by forty.
The basement under the east wing, on the south side of the coridor, is divided into an
eating-room, awash-room, and two cells. On the north side, is a fuel and furnace room,
a work-room and a cellar. The basement of the west wing, on the south of the condor,
has also an eating-room and a store-room ; on the north, is a fuel and furnace room, two
cellars and a stair-case.
On page 262, it is stated that the French army spent the winter of 1782 in Providence.
This information was derived from Dr. Stephen Randall, since deceased. In I78'2, he
had the agency of the land on which they encamped. A few days after that page wa3
struck off, Dr. Rraudall called on the author, to correct his statements, liaving. In the
meantime, referred to documents to enable hira to do so. The first division of the army
arrived November 10, 1782, and pitched their tents on Mathewson's Hill. The second
division arrived soon after. They removed in a few days from Mathewson's Hill to
the place named on page 262. Before December 7th, they marched for Boston, to em
bark for Europe.

APPENDIX. 645
List of persons who have held certain offices in
Providence.
REPRESENTATIVES IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY

1664. First Session.
Arthur Fenner,
Zachary Rhodes,
Thomas Harris, sen.
John Brown.
May.
William Carpenter,
William Wickenden,
Arthur Fenner,
Stephen Arnold.
October.
Gregory Dexter,
John Throckmorton,
William Carpenter,
Zachary Rhodes.
1665. February.
William Harris,
Thomas Arnold,
Thomas Hopkins,
Stephen Arnold.
Majj.
William Cai-penter,
Zachary Rhodes,
James Ashton,
Henry Brown.
October.
Thomas Olney, sen.
John Throckmorton,
Thomas Hopkins,
Edward Smith.
1666. March.
Richard Scott,
Thomas Borden,
John Smith, (miller)
Thomas Clemence.
May.
John Throckmorton,
William Harris,
Thomas Harris,
Edward Inman.
September.
Same as May, except
John Whipple in place
of William Harris.
October.
Thomas Arnold,
William Wickenden,
Gregory Dexter,
Epenetus Olney.
1667. May.
Roger Williams,
Thomas Olney,
John Throckmorton,

Stephen Arnold,
Jvly.
Two sets returned.
Thomas Harris,
Thomas Olney,
Thomas Field,
Thomas Olney, jr.
John Throckmorton,
Anthony Everden,
Thomas Hopkins,
Shadrach Manton.
1667 October.
John Throckmorton,
Edward Inman,
Lawrence Wilkinson,
Resolved Waterman.
1668.
John Throckmorton,
Edward Inman,
Samuel Bennett,
Nathaniel Waterman.
October.
Henry Brown,
Anthony Everden,
Edward Smith,
Shadrach Manton.
1669. May.
John Sayles,
John Whipple, jr.
Andrew Harris,
Shadrach Manton.
Oct. — Not known.
1670. May.
John Throckmorton,
Thomas Harris,
Arthur Fenner,
Andrew Harris.
June.
Thomas Olney,
Thomas Field,
Stephen Arnold,
Thomas Roberts.
June, 2d session.
Thomas Arnold,
John Throckmorton,
John Sayles,
John Whipple, jr.
Oct. — Two sessions. Thomas Harris,
John Sayles, Toleration Harris,
Thomas Harris, 1674.
Shadrach Manton, John Whipple,
Thomas Borden. John Sayles,

1771. May.
Thomas Olney,
John Sayles,
Shadrach Manton,
Ephraim Carpenter.
September.
John Throckmorton,
Anthony Everden,
Thomas Arnold,
Henry Brown.
October.
Stephen Arnold,
John Sayles,
Thomas Harris,
Richard Arnold.
1772. March 5.
Stephen Arnold,
John Throckmorton,
Thomas Clemence,
Thomas Roberts
1672. March 15.
Henry Brown,
Anthony Everden.
Henry Fowler,
John Smith, (miller)
.Spril 2.
Stephen Arnold,
Thomas Olney, jr.
Ephraim Carpenter,
John Whipple.
Jlpril 30.
Arthur Fenner,
Thomas Arnold,
Edward Inman,
Thomas Hopkins.
October.
William Harris,
Samuel Reife,
Pardon Tillinghast,
Thomas Borden.
1673. May.
John Throckmorton,
William Harris,
Lawrence Wilkinson,
Anthony Everden.
October.
John Lapham,
William Ashton,

646

APPENDIX.

Stephen Arnold,
Edward Inman
October.
Samuel Bennett,
Samuel Winsor,
William Hopkins,
Leonard Smith.
1675. May.
Toleration Harris,
Edward Smith,
William Ashton,
Valentine Whitman.
October.
William Carpenter,
Stephen Arnold,
John Throckmorton,
William Ashton.
1676. March.
John Whipple,
Edward Inman,
Richard Arnold,
John Field.
May.
William Carpenter,
Stephen Arnold'
Thomas Olney. jr.
Edward Smith-
October.
John Sayles,
Edward Inman,
Andrew Harris,
Epenetus Olney.
1677. May.
Thomas Olney, jr.
William Hopkins,
Stephen Arnold,
John Whipple, jr.
October.
John Sayles,
Edward Inman,
Samuel Bennett,
William Hawkins.
1678. May.
Sdward Inman,
Eamuel Bennett,
Thomas Arnold,
William Hawkins.
October.
Arthur Fenner,
John Sayles,
Nathaniel Waterman,
William Hawkins.
1679. May.
Joseph Jenckes,
Arthur Fenner,
William Carpenter,
Richard Arnold.

October.
Valentine Whitman,
Thomas Harris, jr.
(The others illegible.)
1680. March.
Thomas Olney, jr.
Joseph Jenckes,
William Hopkins,
John Dexter.
May.
Richard Arnold,
Thomas Harris, jr.
Nathaniel Waterman,
Edward Smith.
October.
John Thornton,
Pardon Tillinghast,
James Mathewson,
Edward Smith.
1681. May.
John Whipple, jr.
Richard Arnold,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Thomas Harris, jr.
1682. May.
Valentine Whitman,
Nathaniel Waterman,
William Hopkins,
John Whipple, jr.
1682. May. "
Thomas Harris, jr.
Edward Smith,
Thomas Arnold,
John Whipple, jr.
September and October.
Thomas Olney,
WiUiam Hopkins,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Edward Smith.
1683. March and May.
Thomas Field,
Thomas Arnold,
Thomas Fenner,
Alexander Balcom.
August and October.
Thomas Olney,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Joseph Williams,
Edward Smith.
1684. May.
Stephen Arnold,
John Whipple, jr.
Henry Brown,
Epenetus Olney.
October.
John Whipple, jr.
Joseph Williams,

John Dexter,
Thomas Arnold.
1665. May.
Stephen Arnold,
Thomas Field,
Valentine Whitman,
Thomas Harris, jr.
October.
Thomas Harris,
Thomas Olney,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Thomas Field.
1686. May.
Valentine Whitman,
John Whipple, jr.
Epenetus Olney,
John Angell.
October.
Thomas Olney,
William Hopkins,
Eleazer Arnold,
John Dexter. 1687-88-89. None.
1690. May.
Stephen Arnold,
Pardon Tillinghast,
John Dexter,
Gideon Crawford.
October.
Gideon Crawford,
Thomas Olney,
John Whipple,
Nathaniel VVaterman.
1691. March.
Thomas Harris,
Samuel Whipple,
Thomas Fenner,
Joseph Jenckes.
October.
James Blackmore,
Thomas Arnold,
Renjamin Carpenter,
Thomas Fenner.
1692. May
Not known.
October.
Thomas Olney,
Arthur Fenner,
WiUiam Crawford,
Thomas Field
1693. May.
William Hopkins,
Joseph Williams,
Eleazer Whipple,
Samuel Wilkinson.

APPENDIX.

647

October. Not known.
1694. May.
Thomas Harris,
John Dexter,
Gideon Crawford,
James AngeU,
October.
Pardon Tillinghast,
Gideon Crawford,
John Sayles,
Daniel Abbott.
1695. May and October.
Thomas Field,
Wm. Hopkins,
Thomas Fenner,
Jonathan Sprague.
1696. May.
Thomas Olney,
Richard Arnold,
Jonathan Sprague,
John Dexter.
October.
Richard Arnold,
Joseph Williams,
John Dexter,
Thomas Olney.
1697. January.
Pardon Tillinghast,
John Dexter,
Thomas Harris,
Samuel Wilkinson.
May.
Nathaniel Waterman,
William Hopkins,
Gideon Crawford,
Benjamin Carpenter.
October.
William Hopkins,
Joseph Williams,
Gideon Crawford,
Thomas Fenner.
1698. January.
Richard Arnold,
John Dexter,
Gideon Crawford,
Jonathan Sprague.
May.
Joseph Williams,
Richard Arnold,
James Angell,
Joseph Whipple.
October.
Joseph Jenckes,
Samnel Wilkinson,
James Angell,
Joseph Whipple.

1699. February.
Samuel Wilkinson,
James Angell,
Joseph Jenckes,
Joseph Whipple.
May.
William Hopkins,
Thomas Fenner,
James Brown,
Samuel Comstock.
October.
Arthur Fenner,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Benjamin Carpenter,
Gideon Crawford.
1700. February.
Pardon Tillinghast,
John Dexter,
Eleazer Arnold,
Jonathan Sprague.
May.
Jonathan Sprague,
John Wilkinson,
Elisha Arnold,
Peleg Rhodes.
October.
Arthur Fenner,
Richard Arnold,
John Dexter,
Joseph Jenckes.
1701. March.
John Dexter,
Richard Arnold,
Samuel Wilkinson,
Joseph Jenckes.
May.
Gideon Crawford,
William Randall,
Eleazer Whipple,
Eleazer Arnold.
October.
John Dexter,
Richard Arnold,
Gideon Crawford,
Joseph Jenckes.
1702. March.
John Dexter,
Gideon Crawford,
Joseph Whipple,
Samuel Comstock.
May.
Nathaniel Waterman,
Gideon Crawford,
Joseph Whipple,
Samuel Comstock.
September.
Jonathan Sprague,

John Sheldon,
Thomas Harris,
James Brown.
October.
Richard Arnold,
John Dexter,
Jonathan Sprague,
Joseph Jenckes.
1703. January and May.
John Dexter,
Jonathan Sprague,
Eleazer Arnold,
Joseph Whipple.
October. \
John Dexter,
Joseph Jenckes,
Gideon Crawford,
William Hawkins.
1704. January.
Jonathan Sprague,
Samuel Wilkinson,
Gideon Crawford,
Nicholas Power.
May. '
Joseph Whipple,
Jonathan Knight,
James Angell,
Stephen Arnold.
October.
John Dexter,
Joseph Jenckes,
Thomas Fenner,
Gideon Crawford.
1705. May.
John Dexter,
Joseph Jenckes,
Gideon Crawford,
Joseph Whipple.
June.
John Dexter,
Richard Arnold,
Thomas Fenner,
Andrew Harris.

Jonathan Sprague,
Joseph Jencks,
Joseph Whipple,
James Brown.
October.
John Dexter,
Samuel Wilkinson,
Joseph Jenckes,
Wm. Hawkins.
1706. March.
John Wilkinson,
William Hawkins,
Stephen Arnold,

648

APPENDIX.

Elisha Arnold.
May.
Thomas Harris,
Thomas Field,
Gideon Crawford,
John Sayles,
July.
Eleazer Arnold,
Jonathan Sprague,
Joseph Whipple,
John Wilkinson.
October.
Joseph Jenckes,
Samuel Wilkinson,
Jonathan Sprague,
Thomas Olney.
1707. February.
Jonathan Sprague,
Joseph Jenckes,
Samuel Wilkinson,
Joseph Whipple.
May.
Joseph Jenckes,
Jonathan Sprague,
Samuel Comstock,
Thomas Olney.
1707. May.
Eleazer Arnold,
Thomas Olney jr.
Thomas Harris,
Andrew Harris.
October.
Richard Arnold,
Samuel Wilkinson,
Philip Tillinghast,
Arthur Fenner.
1708. February.
Jonathan Sprague.
Joseph Whipple,
Thomas Harris,
Nicholas Power.
May.
Jonathan Sprague.
Joseph Jenckes,
Philip Tillinghast,
Samuel Comstock.
October.
Thomas Olney,
Jonathan Sprague,
Joseph Whipple,
Philip Tillinghast.
1709. May.
Jonathan Sprague,
Sylvanus Scott,
Philip Tillinghast,
James Brown.

September and Octo
ber.
Jonathan Sprague,
Philip Tillinghast,
Nathaniel Jenckes,
Richard Brown.
1710. May.
Jonathan Sprague,
Joseph Whipple,
Andrew Harris,
William Hopkins.
October.
Nathaniel Jenckes,
Philip Tillinghast.
Arthur Fenner,
Thomas Harris.
1711. May.
Peleg Rhodes,
James Dexter,
William Crawford,
Jonathan Sprague.
July and October.
Joseph Whipple,
James Brown,
John Smith,
Thomas Olney.
JYovember.
Samuel Comstock,
Eleazer Arnold,
Thomas Arnold jr.
William Wilkinson.
1712. J^ay.
Richard Waterman,
Philip TUlinghast,
Richard Brown,
Samuel Wilkinson.
May.
Jonathan Sprague,
Joseph Whipple,
William Hopkins,
.Tames Brown.
1712. October.
William Hopkins,
Jonathan Sprague,
William Smith,
William Crawford.
1713. May.
Nathaniel Jenckes,
Philip TiUinghast,
William Crawford,
Daniel Abbott.
October.
William Hopkins,
Joseph Williams,
Joseph Whipple,
James Dexter.

1714. May.
William Hopkins,
Joseph Whipple,
William Harris,
Jonathan Sprague^
October.
William Hopkins,
William Smith.
Jonathan Sprague,
Joseph Mowry.
1715. May.
Andrew Harris,
Resolved Waterman,
Thomas Steere,
Eleazer Arnold.
October.
WiUiam Hopkins,
Philip Tillinghast,
Eleazer Arnold,
Andrew Harris.
1716. May.
John Arnold,
John Burton,
Edward Smith,
Daniel Abbott.
October.
Joseph Whipple,
Edward Smith,
Samuel Wilkinson,
William Smith.
1717. May.
Joseph Whipple,
William Crawford,
Edward Smith,
Daniel Abbott.
October.
William Harris,
James Dexter,
Andrew Harris,
Sylvanus Scott.
1718. May.
Jonathan Sprague, jr.
Thomas Harris,
Daniel Abbott,
Joseph Brown.
October.
Richard Waterman,
William Crawford,
William Harris,
John Jenckes.
1719. May.
William Crawford,
Elisha Knowlton,
William Harris,
Richard Waterman.

APPENDIX.

6^

Octobcf.
Valentine Whitman,
Stephen Arnold,
Jacob Clark,
Hope Angell.
1720. May.
William Smith,
Hope Angell,
William Harris,
Jonathan Sprague, jr.
October.
Arthur Fenner,
William Smith,
William Harris,
Daniel Abbott.
1721. May.
William Smith,
Daniel Abbott,
Ebenezer Sprague,
Jonathan Sprague, jr.
October.
William Smith,
James Olney,
Elisha Knowlton,
Andrew Harris.
1722. May.
Joseph Whipple,
Nicholas Power,
Thomas Olney,
William Turpin.
October.
Joseph Whipple,
Philip Tillinghast,
Nicholas Power,
Thomas Olney,
1723. J^ay.
Joseph Whipple,
Philip Tillinghast,
Nicholas Power,
William Turpin.
October.
Samuel WUkinson,
Richard Brown,
Thomas Arnold,
Henry Harris.
November.
Richard Waterman,
WiUiam Smith,
Daniel Abbott,
John Angell.
1724. May.
Richard Waterman,
WiUiam Smith,
Daniel Abbott,
Jonathan Sprague.
October.
Richard Waterman,
Elisha Knowlton,
82

WiUiam Smith,
William Edmonds.
1725. JUay.
Richard Waterman,
Joseph Mowry,
Jonathan Sprague, jr.
Thomas Olney.
October.
Richard Waterman,
Jonathan Sprague, jr.
Thomas Olney,
Joseph Whipple.
1726. May.
Richard Waterman,
Jonathan Sprague, jr.
Elisha Knowlton,
James Arnold.
October.
Richard Waterman,
William Smith,
Philip Tillinghast,
Daniel Cooke.
1727. May.
Richard Waterman,
William Smith,
WUliam Jenckes,
PhiUp Tillinghast.
October.
Joseph Whipple,
PhUip Tillinghast,
William Porter,
Stephen Dexter.
1728. May.
Thomas Olney,
William Smith,
Elisha Knowlton,
Daniel Abbott.
October.
William Smith,
William Jenckes,
Joseph Whipple,
Ezekiel Warner.
1729. May.
William Smith,
Elisha Knowlton,
Ezekiel Warner,
Daniel Abbott.
October.
Ezekiel Warner,
William Jenckes,
Joseph Mowry,
WiUiam Turpin.
1730. May.
Ezekiel Warner,
Daniel Abbott,
Jonathan Sprague, jr.
James Brown, jr.

October.
Nicholas Power,
Thomas Olney,
Richard Sayles,
John Potter, jr.
1731. May.
John Potter, jr.
Jabez Bowen,
John Thornton,
William Rhodes.
October.
Philip Tillinghast,
John Potter, jr.
John Angell,
Richard Thornton.
1732. May.
Richard Waterman,
John Potter, jr.
John Thornton,
Jabez Bowen.
October.
John Angell,
Thomas Olney,
Richard Waterman,
James Congdon.
1733. May.
Richard Waterman,
Jabez Bowen,
Joseph Fenner,
Richard Thornton.
October.
Ezekiel Warner,
Daniel Abbott,
Robert Gibbs,
Richard Fenner.
1734. May.
Ezekiel Warner,
Thomas Olney,
Daniel Abbott,
Richard Fenner.
October.
John Thornton,
Robert Gibbs,
William Hopkins,
Jonathan Randall.
1735. May.
Jabez Bowen,
Richard Fenner,
William Rhodes,
Jonathan Randall.
October.
Daniel Abbott,
Charles Tillinghast,
Richard Thornton,
William Burton.
1736. May.
Jabez Bowen,
Richard Fenner,

660

APPENDIX.

WiUiam Hopkins,
Robert Knight.
October.
Daniel Abbott,
WiUiam Hopkins,
Richard Thornton,
Zuriel Waterman.
1737. May.
John Potter,
James Brown,
WiUiam Rhodes,
William Hopkins.
October.
Daniel Abbott,
Jabez Bowen,
Richard Fenner,
Peter Burlingame.
1738. May.
Charles Tillinghast,
John Potter,
Jabez Bowen,
Richard Thornton.
October.
William Jenks,
John Thornton,
William Hopkins,
Charles Tillinghast.
1739. May and July
Richard Fenner,
Peter Burlingame,
James WiUiams, jr.
Robert Gibbs.
October.
John Potter,
Jabez Bowen,
Richard Thornton,
Jonathan Randall.
1740. May.
Peter Burlingame,
Richard Thornton,
Jonathan Randall,
William Hopkins.
October.
Daniel Abbott,
Charles Tillinghast,
John Thornton,
George Brown.
1741. May.
John Potter,
Jabez Bowen,
Jonathan Randall,
Robert Gibbs.
October.
John Hopkins,
George Brown,
Nathaniel Jenckes,
Richard Thornton.

1742. May.
Daniel Abbott,
WiUiam Burton, jr.
Jabez Bowen,
Jonathan Randall.
October.
Charles Tillinghast,
Thomas Field,
Stephen Hopkins,
Henry Harris.
1743. May.
John Potter,
Jabez Bowen,
Jonathan Randall,
Christopher Harris.
October.
Robert Gibbs,
Edward Arnold,
George Brown,
Benjamin Potter.
1744. May.
Jabez Bowen,
John Burton, jr.
Stephen Hopkins,
Joseph Borden.
October.
William Rhodes,
George Brown,
Henry Harris,
John Potter, jr.
1745. May.
William Smith,
George Brown,
Joseph Borden,
Ezekiel Warner.
October.
John Angell,
Christopher Lippitt,
Benjamin Potter,
Joseph Olney.
1746. May.
George Brown,
Joseph Sheldon,
Stephen Hopkins,
Henry Harris.
October.
George Brown,
Stephen Hopkins,
Benjamin Potter, jr.
Jonathan Randall.
1747. May.
George Brown,
Stephen Hopkins,
Elisha Brown,
Ezekiel Warner.
October.
Daniel Jenckes,
William Hopkins,

John Potter, jun.
Peleg Williams, jun.
1748. May.
Daniel Jenckes,
John AngeU,
Henry Harris,
John Potter, jr.
October.
George Brown,
Daniel Jenckes,
Jonathan Randall,
Stephen Hopkins.
1749. May and Oct.
Jonathan Randall,
Stephen Hopkins,
Elisha Brown,
Daniel Jenckes,
1750. May.
Jonathan Randall,
Elisha Brown,
Christopher Harris,
John Andrews.
October.
Jonathan Randall,
Elisha Brown,
John Dexter,
Daniel Jenckes.
1751. May.
Stephen Hopkins,
Elisha Brown,
Joseph Wanton,
Christopher Harris.
October.
Stephen Hopkins,
Elisha Brown,
Jonathan Randall,
Arthur Fenner.
1752. May.
Stephen Hopkins,
Elisha Brown,
Jonathan Randall,
George Brown.
October.
Stephen Hopkins,
Jonathan Randall,
Elisha Brown,
Ephraim Bowen.
1753. May and Oc
tober.
Jonathan Randall,
Elisha BroVn,
Daniel Jenckes,
George Brown.
1754. May.
Jonathan Randall,
Daniel Jenckes,
Thomas Olney,
John Potter, jr.

APPENDIX.

65]

October.
Daniel Jenckes,
Thomas Olney,
Nicholas Brown,
Richard Waterman.
1755. May.
Daniel Jenckes,
Nicholas Brown,
George Brown,
Henry Harris.
October.
Elisha Brown,
Nicholas Brown,
George Brown,
Daniel Jenckes.
1756. May and Oct
Elisha Brown,
Nicholas Brown,
Henry Harris,
George Brown.
1757. May.
WiUiam Smith,
Christopher Harris,
Daniel Jenckes,
James Olney.
October.
Stephen Hopkins,
Elisha Brown,
Daniel Jenckes,
John Andrews.
1758. May.
Obadiah Brown,
Charles Olney,
William Smith,
BarziUai Richmond.
October.
Obadiah Brown,
Charles Olney,
Christopher Harris,
Barzillai Richmond.
1759. May.
Isaiah Hawkins,
Daniel Jenckes,
Obadiah Brown,
John Bass.
October.
Joseph Turpin,
Daniel Jenckes,
Gideon Comstock,
Isaiah Hawkins.
1760. May.
Daniel Jenckes,
Joseph Turpin,
Isaiah Hawkins,
Stephen Rawson.
October.
Daniel Jenckes,
Abraham Smith,

Isaiah Hawkins,
Stephen Rawson.
1761. May and Oct.
Daniel Jenckes,
George Jackson,
Samuel Chace,
Charles Olney.
Vice, Abraham Smith
rejected by the Assem
bly. 1762. May.
Daniel Jenckes,
Joseph Nash,
Joseph Olney, jr.
George Jackson.
October.
Daniel Jenckes,
George Jackson,
James Angell,
Esek Hopkins.
1763. May.
Same as October prece
ding.
October.
Daniel Jenckes,
James Angell,
Benjamin Man,
Esek Hopkins.
1764. May.
Daniel Jenckes,
Moses Brown,
Jacob Whitman,
Esek Hopkins.
October.
Daniel Jenckes,
Moses Brown,
Jacob Whitman,
John Cole,
1765. May.
Daniel Jenckes,
Moses Brown,
Jacob Whitman,
Charles Olney.
October.
Daniel Jenckes,
Moses Brown,
John Cole,
Samuel Nightingale.
1766. May.
Daniel Jenckes,
Moses Brown,
John Cole,
George Jackson.
October.
Daniel Jenckes,
Moses Brown,
John Cole,
Samuel Nightingale.

1767. May.
Daniel Jenckes,
Moses Brown,
John Cole,
Thomas Greene.
October.
Daniel Jenckes,
Moses Brown,
Thomas Greene,
James Angell.
1768. May.
Daniel Jenckes,
Moses Brown,
George Jackson,
Charles Keene.
October.
Thomas Greene,
Moses Brown,
George Jackson,
Charles Keene.
1769. May.
Daniel Jenckes,
Moses Brown,
Benoni Pearce,
Job Smith. October.
Daniel Jenckes,
Moses Brown,
Benjamin Man,
Job Smith.
1770. May and Oct.
Daniel Jenckes,
Moses Brown,
Benjamin Man,
Stephen Hopkins.
1771. May.
Same as 1770.
October.
Stephen Hopkins,
Moses Brown,
Benjamin Man,
John Jenckes.
1772. May and Oct.
Stephen Hopkins,
Thomas Greene,
Benjamin Man,
John Jenckes.
1773. May.
Stephen Hopkins,
Benjamin Man,
John Jenckes,
John Smith.
October.
Stephen Hopkins,
John Jenckes,
John Smith,
John Mathewson.

652

APPENDIX.

1774. May.
Same as October 1773.
October.
Stephen Hopkins,
John Jenckes,
John Smith,
John Mathewson.
1775. May and October.
Same as October 1774.
1776. May.
Jonathan Arnold,
John Brown,
John Smith,
Amos Atwell.
October.
Jonathan Arnold,
John Brown,
John Smith,
John Mathewson.
1777. May.
Jonathan Arnold,
John Brown,
John Smith,
William Rhodes.
October.
Stephen Hopkins,
John Updike,
Jabez Bowen,
Theodore Foster.
1778. May.
John Updike,
Elihu Robinson,
Theodore Foster,
Paul Allen.
October.
John Brown,
Theodore Foster,
Welcome Arnold,
Thomas Greene.
1779. May.
John Brown,
Theodore Foster,
Welcome Arnold,
David Howell.
October.
Theodore Foster,
Welcome Arnold,
David HoweU,
John I. Clarke.
1780. May.
Welcome Arnold,
David Howell,
Darius Sessions,
Benoni Pearce.
October.
Welcome Arnold,
Charles Keene,
Joseph Brown,

Theodore Foster.
1781. May and October.
Same as October 1780.
1782. May.
Welcome Arnold,
John Smith,
John Brown,
William Barton.
October,
Welcome Arnold,
John Smith,
John Brown,
Paul Allen.
1783. May.
John Smith,
John Brown,
Paul Allen,
Thomas Jenkins.
October.
John Smith,
John Brown,
Paul Allen,
Ebenezer Thompson.
1784. May.
Joseph Nightingale,
Paul Allen,
Ebenezer Thompson,
John Jenckes.
October.
Joseph Nightingale,
John Je-nckes,
Paul Allen,
Charles Keene.
1785. May and October
John Jenckes,
Paul Allen,
Charles Keene,
Jeremiah Olney.
1786. May.
John Jenckes,
John Brown,
Charles Keene,
Thomas Truman.
October.
John Jenckes,
John Brown,
Charles Keene,
Benjamin Bourne.
1787. May.
John Brown,
Welcome Arnold,
Benjamin Bourne,
Joseph Nightingale.
October.
Welcome Arnold,
Benjamin Bourne,
Joseph Nightingale,
Nathaniel Wheaton.

1788. May and October.
John Jenckes,
Jabez Bowen,
William Barton,
Amos Throop.
1789. May and October.
John Jenckes,
Jabez Bowen,
Benjamin Bourne,
Amasa Gray.
1790. May.
Jabez Bowen,
Benjamin Bourne,
Amasa Gray,
Welcome Arnold.
October.
Welcome Arnold,
Amos Atwell,
Robert Newell,
Sylvanus Martin.
1791. May.
Welcome Arnold,
Amos Atwell,
Samuel Nightingale,
Sylvanus Martin.
October.
Welcome Arnold,
Amos Atwell,
Robert Newell,
David Howell.
1792. May and October.
Welcome Arnold,
Charles Lippitt,
Robert Newell,
Nicholas Easton.
1793. May.
Welcome Arnold,
Charles Lippitt,
John Whipple,
Nicholas Easton.
October.
Welcome Arnold,
Charles Lippitt,
John Smith,
Nicholas Easton.
1794. May and October.
Same as October 1793.
1795. May.
Same as October 1793.
1795. October.
Welcome Arnold,
Charles Lippitt,
John Smith,
Richard Jackson, jr.
1796. May and October.
Same as October 1795.
1797. May.
Welcome Arnold,

APPENDIX.

653

John Smith,
Thomas P. Ives,
James Burrill, jr.
October.
Welcome Arnold,
John Smith,
Thomas P. Ives,
William Rhodes.
1798. May.
Welcome Arnold,
John Smith,
William Rhodes,
Richard Jackson, jr.
October.
John Smith,
William Rhodes,
Richard Jackson, jr.
Moses Lippitt.
1799. May.
John Smith,
WUliam Rhodes,
Richard Jackson, jr.
Thomas P. Ives.
October.
John Smith,
William Rhodes,
Thomas P. Ives,
David L. Barnes.
1800. May and October.
Same as October 1799.
3801. May.
Same as October 1799.
October.
Charles Lippitt,
John Dorrance,
Ephraim Bowen, jr.
John Carlile.
1802. May.
Same as October 1801.
October.
John Dorrance,
Ephraim Bowen, jr.
John Carlile,
George R. Burrill.
1803. May.
Same as October 1802.
October.
John Dorrance,
William Laxned,
Benjamin Hoppin,
George R. BurrUl.
1804. May.
Same as October 1803.
October:
Amos Throop,
George R. BurriU,
James B. Mason,
Peter GrinneU.

1805. May and October.
Same as October 1804.
1806. May and October.
Same as October 1804.
1807. May.
Same as October 1804.
October.
William Jones,
James B. Mason,
Richard Jackson, jr.
Samuel W. Bridgham.
1808. May.
Same as October 1807.
October.
William Jones,
James B. Mason,
Nicholas Brown,
Samuel W. Bridgham.
1809. May and October.
Same as October 1808.
1810. May and October.
Same as October 1808.
1811. May and October.
James B. Mason,
Samuel W. Bridgham,
Tristam Burges,
Benjamin Hoppin.
1812. May and October.
James B. Mason,
Samuel W. Bridgham,
Benjamin Hoppin,
Peter GrinneU.
1813. May.
Same as October 1812.
October.
James B. Mason,
James Burrill, jr.
Benjamin Hoppin,
William Wilkinson.
1815. May and October.
James Burrill, jr.
William Wilkinson,
Nathaniel Searle, jr
Ephraim Talbot.
1815. May.
Same as October 1814.
October.
James Burrill, jr.
William Wilkinson,
Nathaniel Searle, jr.
Samuel G. Arnold.
1816. May.
Same as October 1815.
October.
William WUkinson,
Nathaniel Searle, jr.
Samuel G. Arnold,
Stephen Waterman.

1817. May and October.
Same as October 1816.
1818. May.
Same as October 1816.
October.
Nicholas Brown,
Nathaniel Searle, jr.
Samuel G. Arnold,
Stephen Waterman.
1819. May.
Same as October 1818.
1819. October.
Nicholas Brown,
Nathaniel Searle, jr.
Stephen Waterman,
Philip Allen.
1820. May and Oct.
Same as October, 1819.
1821. May and Oct.
Nicholas Brown,
Nathaniel Searle, jr.
PhUip AUen,
Samuel Dexter.
1822. May and Oct.
Nicholas Brown,
Nathaniel Searle, jr.
Stanford Newell,
Samuel Dexter.
1823. May.
Edward Carrington,
Samuel W. Bridgham,
Stanford Newell,
Samuel Dexter.
October.
Edward Carrington,
Samuel W. Bridgham,
Stanford Newell,
Thomas Burgess.
1824. May.
Same as October 1823.
October.
Edward Carrington,
Samuel W. Bridghamj^
Stanford Newell,
Elisha Dyer.
1825. May and Oct.
Same as October 1824.
1826. May.
Edward Carrington,
Samuel W- Bridgham,
Stanford NeweU,
Lemuel H. Arnold.
October.
Caleb Earle,
Joseph L. Tillinghast,
Stanford Newell,
Lemuel H. Arnold.

654

APPENDIX.

1827.
Same as October 1826.
October.
Edward Carrington,
Joseph L. Tillinghast,
Zachariah AUen,
Lemuel H. Arnold.
1828. May and Oct.
Edward Carrington,
Joseph L. Tillinghast,
Zachariah Allen,
John Andrews.

Thomas Olney, jr.
Shadrach Manton,
John Whipple,
John Smith,
Roger Williams,
John Whipple,
Daniel Abbott,
John Whipple,
Thomas Olney,
Richard Waterman,

Henry Brown,
Zachary Rhodes,
Henry Brown,
Thomas Clemence,
John Whipple,
Thomas Olney,
Arthur Fenner,
Thomas Field,
John Throckmorton,
William Hopkins,
John Whipple,
Henry Brown,
Pardon Tillinghast,

1664.
Arthur Fenner,
Thomas Harris, sen.
John Brown. 1665.
Thomas Olney, sen.
Zachary Rhodes,
Thomas Harris, sen.
1666.
Thomas Olney, sen.
Richard Waterman,
Thomas Harris, sen.
1667.
John Throckmorton,
Anthony Everden,

1829. May and Oc
tober.
Edward Carrington,
Joseph L. Tillinghast,
Peter Pratt,
Lemuel H. Arnold.
1830. May and Oc
tober.
Joseph L. Tillinghast,
Peter Pratt,
Lemuel H. Arnold,
William Church.

1831. May.
Same as 1830.
October.
Joseph L. TiUinghast,
Peter Pratt,
William Pabodie,
William Church.
1832. May.
Joseph L. Tillinghast,
Peter Pratt,
William Pabodie,
George Curtis.

TOWN CLERKS. Richard Waterman,
Nicholas Tillinghast,
James Angell,
Theodore Foster,
Daniel Cooke,

1664 to 1667
1667 to 1670
1670 to 1672
1672 to 1675
1675 to 1676
1676 to 1677
1677 to 1681
1681 to 1683
1683 to 1715
1715 to
Aug. 1744
TOWN TREASURERS.

George TUlinghast,
Nathan W. Jackson,
Richard M. Field,

1664 16651666166716681669 167216741677
1682 1683
16871707

James Dexter,
James Brown,
William Harris,
James Brown,
William Harris,
Thomas Olney,
William Turpin,
Charles TUlinghast,
William Turpin,
Joseph Sheldon,
James Arnold,
Samuel Nightingale,
George Olney,
John Howland.

1744 to 1755
17.55 to 1758
1758 to 1775
1775 to 1787
1787 to
Nov. 1793
1793 to 1799
1799 to
Dec. 15, 1829

171117141717 1718
17201722 1737
1743
to April 17441771
to Aug. 1797
to Aug. 18141818

TOWN COUNCILS.
Thomas Hopkins, sen.

Not on records.
1669.
Thomas Olney, sen.
Thomas Harris, sen.
John Whipple, sen.
1670.
Thomas Olney,
WiUiam Harris,
John Sayles. 1671.
Thomas Olney, sen.
John Sayles,
Thomas Olney, jr.

1672.
Thomas Arnold,
Anthony Everden,
Thomas Hopkins, sen .
1673.
William Carpenter,
Arthur Fenner,
Thomas Olney, jr.
1674.
Thomas Olney, sen.
Thomas Olney, jr.
John Whipple, jr.
1675. Not on records.
1676.
Thomas Arnold,

APPENDIX.

665

Nathaniel Waterman,
Roger Williams.
1677.
Thomas Olney,
Arthur Fenner,
William Harris.
1678.
Roger Williams,
Arthur Fenner,
Edward Smith.
1679.
Roger WiUiams,
Henry Brown,
Edward Smith.
1680.
Roger Williams,
Henry Brown,
Thomas Arnold.
1681.
Thomas Olney,
William Hopkins,
John Whipple,
Edward Smith,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Thomas Field.
1682.
Thomas Olney, jr.
William Hopkins,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Thomas Field,
Edward Smith,
John Whipple. 1683.
Thomas Olney,
Nathaniel Waterman^
Thomas Field,
William Hopkins,
Edward Smith,
Thomas Arnold.
1684.
Thomas Olney,
Thomas Arnold,
Edward Smith,
Joseph Williams,
Thomas Harris, jr.
Eleazer Arnold.
1685.
Thomas Olney,
Edward Smith,
Joseph WUliams,
Thomas Harris, jr.
Thomas Arnold,
Eleazer Arnold.
1686.
Thomas Olney,
Edward Smith,
Joseph Williams,
Nathaniel Waterman,

Thomas Harris,
Eleazer Arnold.
1687. Selectmen.
John Whipple,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Thomas Field,
William Hopkins,
Joseph Williams.
1688. Selectmen.
Pardon Tillinghast,
Edward Smith,
John Dexter,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Thomas Field,
Joseph Williams.
1689.
Not on records.
1690.
Not on records.
1691 and 1693.
Thomas Olney,
Pardon Tillinghast,
WUliam Hopkins,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Joseph Williams,
Benjamin Carpenter.
1693.
Pardon Tillinghast,

Nathaniel Waterman,
Joseph WUliams,

Thomas Olney.
1694.
Pardon TUlinghast,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Joseph Williams,
William Hopkins,
Benjamin Carpenter,
Thomas Olney.
1695.
Pardon Tillinghast,
Nathaniel Waterman,
William Hopkins,
Epenetus Olney.

1696 and 1697.
Pardon TiUinghast,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Epenetus Olney,
WiUiam Hopkins,
Benjamin Carpenter,
Thomas Olney.
1698.
Thomas Olney,
Pardon Tillinghast,
William Hopkins,

Benjamin CMpenterj
Roger Burlingame,
Thomas Fenner.
1699.
William Hopkins,
Pardon Tillinghast,
John Dexter,
Benjamin Carpenter,
Thomas Fenner,
Thomas Olney.
1700 and 1701.
Pardon Tillinghast,
Richard Arnold,
John Dexter,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Thomas Fenner,
Thomas Olney.
1702.
Thomas Olney,
Pardbn Tillinghast,
Thomas Field,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Samuel Wilkinson,
Thomas Fennel'.
1703 and 1704.
Thomas Olney,
Pardon Tillinghast,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Thomas Field,
Thomas Fenner,
Joseph Whipple.
1705 and 1706.
Pardon Tillinghast,
Thomas Fenner,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Jonathan Sprague,
James Brown,
Thomas Olney.
1707.
Pardon Tillinghast,
WUliam Hopkins,
Nathaniel Waterman,
Jonathan Sprague,
James Brown,
Thomas Olney.
1708-1709-1710 & 1711,
Thomas Olney,
Jonathan Sprague,
Nathaniel Waterman,
William Hopkins,
James Brown,
Richard Brown.
1712.
Thomas Olney,
Jonathan Sprague,
William Hopkins,
James Brown,
Richard Brown,

666

APPENDIX.

John Smith. 1713.
Thomas Olney,
Sylvanus Scott,
WiUiam Olney,
WUliam Harris,
Daniel Abbott,

Also,
Thomas Olney,
Joseph Williams,
William Hopkins,
Joseph Jenckes,
James Brown,
Nicholas Power.
1714.
Thomas Olney,
Joseph Williams,
WiUiam Hopkins,
Sylvanus Scott,
William Harris,
Edward Smith.
1715.
Joseph WUliams,
WUliam Hopkins,
Joseph Whipple,
William Harris,
Sylvanus Scott,
Edward Smith.
1716 and 1717.
Joseph Whipple,
Arthur Fenner,
Thomas Harris,
Sylvanus Scott,
William Harris,
Edward Smith.
1718.
Joseph Whipple,
Thomas Harris,
Sylvanus Scott,
Edward Smith,
William Crawford,
William Harris.
1719 and 1720.
Joseph Whipple,
Thomas Harris,
Edward Smith,
Nathaniel Jenckes,
James Brown,
PhUip TUlinghast. 1721.
Joseph Whipple,
James Olney,
Nicholas Power,
Philip Tillinghast,
Nathaniel Jenckes,
Thomas Harris.

1722 and 1723.
Joseph Whipple,
Arthur Fenner,
Nathaniel Jenckes,
William Smith,
James Olney,
Thomas Harris.
1724.
William Smith,
Thomas Harris,
James Olney,
Philip Tillinghast,
Peleg Rhodes,
James Dexter.
1725.
Joseph Whipple,
PhUip Tillinghast,
James Brown,
James Olney,
James Dexter,
Thomas Olney.
1726.
Joseph Whipple,
PhUip TiUinghast,
James Olney,
James Dexter,
Thomas Olney,
John Angell. 1727.
Joseph Whipple,
PhUip Tillinghast,
William Turpin,
James Olney,
Stephen Dexter,
James Williams.1728.
Joseph Whipple,
Pliilip TUlinghast,
William Smith,
John Angell,
John Potter, jr.
James Olney. 1729.
Joseph Whipple,
Philip Tillinghast,
Nicholas Power,
James Olney,
Stephen Dexter,
John Potter, jr.
1730.
Philip Tillinghast,
Nicholas Power,
John Potter,
Benjamin Smith,
Thomas Field,
Richard Fenner.
1731.
Philip TiUinghast,

Richard Waterman,
Stephen Dexter,
James Congdon,
John Thornton,
Nathaniel Jenckes.
1732.
James Congdon,'
John Thornton,
Stephen Dexter,
Edward Fenner,
Nathaniel Jenckes,
Thomas Burlingame.
1733.
James Congdon,
John Thornton,
Stephen Dexter,
Edward Fenner,
Thomas Burlingame,
Hope AngeU. 1734.
Richard Waterman,
Stephen Dexter,
James Congdon,
Hope Angell,
John Thornton,
Benjamin Carpenter.
1735 and 1736.
Stephen Dexter,
Hope Angell,
John Thornton,
Benjamin Carpenter,
Zuriel Waterman,
Charles TiUinghast.
1737 and 1738.
WiUiam Hopkins,
Hope Angell,
John Thornton,
Benjamin Carpenter,
Zuriel Waterman,
Charles Tillinghast.
1739.
William Hopkins,
Hope AngeU,
Richard Fenner,
Benjamin Carpenter,
Zuriel Waterman,
Charles TilUnghast.
1740.
Daniel Smith,
Hope Angell,
William Burton,
Charles Tillinghast,
Thomas Harris, jr.
Zuriel Waterman.
1741.
William Burton,
John Whipple,
Daniel Smith,

APPENDIX.

657

Charles TUlinghast,
Thomas Harris, jr.
Zuriel Waterman.
1742.
William Burton.
Daniel Smith,
Thomas Harris,
Zuriel Waterman,
John Whipple,
Thomas Field.
1743.
George Brown,
Daniel Gould,
Thomas Harris,
Zuriel Waterman,
John Whipple,
Christopher Lippitt.
1744.
George Brown,
Daniel Smith,
Thomas Harris,
Zuriel Waterman,
John Whipple,
Christopher Lippitt.
1745 and 1746.
George Brown,
Daniel Smith,
Thomas Harris,
Zuriel Waterman,
John Whipple,
Thomas Olney, jr.
1747.
George Brown,
Daniel Smith,
Thomas Harris,
Zuriel Waterman,
Thomas Olney, jr.
Benjamin Potter, jr.
1748.
George Brown,
Thomas Harris,
Zuriel Waterman,
Thomas Olney, jr.
Benjamin Potter,
Obadiah Brown.
1749.
George Brown,
Joseph Olney,
Thomas Harris,
Zuriel Waterman,
Thomas Olney, jr.
Benjamin Potter.
1750.
George Brown,
John Dexter,
John Burton,
Zuriel Waterman,
Thomas Olney,
83

John Randall, 1751.
George Brown,
John Dexter,
John Burton,
Zuriel Waterman,
Jonathan Jenckes,
John Randall. 1752.
George Brown,
Jonathan Olney,
John Potter, jr.
Zuriel Waterman,
Jonathan Jenckes,
John Randall. 1753.
George Brown,
Jonathan Olney,
John Potter, jr.
Zuriel Waterman,
Obadiah Brown,
John Gorton. 1754.
Daniel Jenckes,
Jonathan Olney,
Barzillai Richmond,
Zuriel Waterman,
Isaiah Hawkins,
John Gorton.
1755 and 1756.
Daniel Jenckes,
Jonathan Olney,
Barzillai Richmond,
Isaiah Hawkins,
Nathaniel Sweeting,
John Waterman. 1757.
George Brown,
Jonathan Olney,
Barzillai Richmond,
Isaiah Hawkins,
Paul Tew,
John Waterman. 1758.
Paul Tew,
Jonathan Olney,
Barzillai Richmond,
Isaiah Hawkins,
WUliam Pearce,
John Waterman.
1759 and 1760.
John Andrews,
Jonathan Olney,
BarzUlai Richmond,
Isaiah Hawkins,
William Pearce,
Samuel Currie.

1761.
John Andrews,
Samuel Nightingale,
Jonathan Olney,
Isaiah Hawkins,
William Pearce,
Samuel Currie.
1762, 1763 and 1764
John Cole,
Isaiah Hawkins,
John Jenckes,
Jonathan Jenckes,
Samuel Currie,
Amos Atwell. 1765.
John Cole,
Isaiah Hawkins,
John Jenckes,
Jonathan Jenckes,
George Taylor,
Amos Atwell. 1766.
John Cole,
John Jenckes,
Amos Atwell,
James Angell,
Nicholas Brown,
John Field.
1767 and 1768.
John Cole,
John Jenckes,
Nicholas Brown,
John Field,
George Jackson,
Charles Keene.
1769.
John Cole,
John Jenckes,
Nicholas Brown,
John Field,
Charles Keene,
Jacob Whitman. 1770.
John Cole,
John Jenckes,
Nicholas Brown,
Joseph jRussell,
Charles Keene,
Jacob Whitman.
1771 and 1772.
Same as 1769.
1773,1774 and 1775,
George Taylor,
Richard Jackson,
Benjamin Thurber,
Jabez Bowen,
John Mathewson,
Job Sweeting.

658

APPENDIX.

1776.
George Taylor,
John Mathewson,
Job Sweeting,
Ebenezer Thompson,
Daniel Cahoone,
Christopher Sheldon.
1777.
John Mathewson,
Christopher Sheldon,
Edward Thurber,
Arthur Fenner, jr.
Benoni Pearce,
Benjamin Cushing, jr.
1778.
Arthur Fenner, jr.
Christopher Sheldon,
Benjamin Cushing, jr.
Elihu Robinson.
Zephaniah Andrews,
William WaU.
1779 and 1780.
Arthur Fenner, jr.
Christopher Sheldon,
Benjamin Cushing, jr.
Paul Allen,
Samuel Butler,
David Lawrence.
1781 and 1782.
Amos Atwell,
Christopher Sheldon,
Paul Allen,
Samuel Butler,
Nathaniel Wheeler,
Benoni Pearce.
1783.
Amos Atwell,
Christopher Sheldon,
Paul Allen,
Samuel Butler,
Ebenezer Thompson,
Aaron Mason.
1784, 1785 and 1786.
Ebenezer Thompson,
Paul AUen,
Samuel Butler,
Aaron Mason,
Richard Jackson,
Nicholas Power.
1787, 1788 and 1789.
Ebenezer Thompson,
Paul AUen,
Samuel Butler,
Aaron Mason,
Nathaniel Wheaton,
Nicholas Power.
1790.
Ebenezer Thompson,

Nathaniel Jacobs,
Samuel Butler,
Aaron Mason,
Nathaniel Wheaton,
John Davis.
1791 and 1792.
Ebenezer Thompson,
Samuel Butler,
Aaron Mason,
Nathaniel Wheaton,
John Mason,
John Davis.
1793 and 1794.
John Mason,
Samuel Butler,
Aaron Mason,
Nathaniel Wheaton,
John Davis,
James Burrill.
1795.
Amos Atwell,
Samuel Butler,
Sylvanus Martin,
Joel Metcalf,
Seth Wheaton,
Zephaniah Brown.
1796.
Amos Atwell,
Rufus Waterman,
Sylvanus Martin,
Joel Metcalf,
Seth Wheaton,
Zephaniah Brown.
1797.
John Dorrance,
Sylvanus Martin,
Joel Metcalf,
Thomas L. Halsey,
Jonathan Treadwell,
Samuel Eddy.
1798.
John Dorrance,
Sylvanus Martin,
Joel Metcalf,
Thomas L. Halsey,
Jonathan Treadwell,
Moses Lippitt.
1799 and 1800.
John Dorrance,
Joel Metcalf,
Benjamin Hoppin,
Grindall Reynolds,
Joseph Jenckes,
Jabez Bullock.
1801, 1802 and 1803.
John Dorrance,
Abner Daggett,
Benjamin Hoppin,

Joseph Jenckes,
Jabez Bullock.
1804-1805-1806 & 1807.
John Dorrance,
Joseph Jenckes,
Jabez Bullock,
Nathan Waterman,
Young Seamans.
1808-1809-1810-1811 and 1812.
John Dorrance,
Joseph Jenckes,
Nathan Waterman,
Young Seamans,
Oliver Earle.
1813.
John Dorrance,
Nathan VVaterman,
Young Seamans,
Oliver Earle,
George Olney.
1814.
William Richmond,
Nathan Waterman,
Young Seamans,
Oliver Earle,
George Olney.
1815.
William Richmond,
Young Seamans,
Oliver Earle,
Stephen Tillinghast,
Thomas L. Halsey,
1.^16.
William Richmond,
Richmond Bullock,
Oliver Earle,
Thomas Burgess,
Amasa Mason.
1817.
William Richmond,
Richmond Bullock,
Oliver Earle,
Stephen TilUnghast,
Stanford Newell.
1818 and 1819.
William Richmond,
John Carlile,
Oliver Earle,
Slanford Newell,
Walter R. Danforth.
1820-1S21-1S22&1S23.William Richmond,
John Carlile,
Richmond Bullock,
Walter R. Danforth,
Zachariah Allen.

APPENDIX.

659

1824.
William Richmond,
John Carlile,
William Wilkinson,
Walter R. Danforth,
Zachariah AUen.
1825.
Richmond Bullock,

WUliam T. GrinneU,
Stanford Newell,
Walter R. Danforth,
Charles Holden.
1828.
Richmond Bullock,
WUliam T. GrinneU,
Peter Pratt,

John Pitman,(declined.) Stephen Branch,

Stanford Newell,
Zachariah Allen,
Walter R. Danforth,
WiUiam T. GrinneU.
1826 and 1827.
Richmond Bullock, COLLECTORS OF THE PORT

Charles Holden.
1829.
Richmond Bullock,
William T. GrinneU,
Stanford Newell,

Charles Holden,
Amasa Mason.
1830.
Richmond Bullock,
Stanford Newell,
Charles Holden,
Anthony B. Arnold,
Hezekiah Anthony.
1831.
Richmond Bullock,
John H. Ormsbee,
Charles Holden,
William Sheldon,
Henry P. Franklin.

Jeremiah Olney,
Thomas Coles,

Walter R. Danforth,
William R. Watson.

List of those who have addressed the citizens of Providence
on the anniversary of American Independence.

1788 Enos Hitchcock.
1789 None.
1790 None.
1791 Enos Hitchcock.
1792 None.
1793 Enos Hitchcock.
1794 George Tillinghast.
1795 Jonathan Maxcy.
1796 Paul Allen.
1797 George R. Burrill.
1798 Samuel W. Bridgham.
1799 Jonathan Maxcy.
1800 Jonathan RusseU.
1801 Tristam Burges.
1802 Nathaniel Bowen.
1803 Asa Messer.
1804 James Wilson.
1805 George R. BurriU.
1806 John Whipple.
1807 Henry Bowen.
1808 John Mackie.
1809 Johh B. Snow.

1810 Tristam Burges.
1811 John Whipple.
1812 Joseph L. TiUinghast.
1813 John Holroyd.
1814 Jeremiah Lippitt.
1815 Charles N. Tibbitts.
1816 Christopher C. Dexter.
1817 Samuel Y. AtweU.
1818 Richard W. Greene.
1819 Joseph W. Torrey.
1820 WiUiam R. Staples.
1821 Peter Pratt.
1822 None.
1823 Albert G. Greene.
1824 Benjamin F. Hallett.
1825 Peter Ludlow.
1826 William Hunter.
1827 None.
1828 David Pickering.
1829 None.
1830 John H. Clifford,
1831 Tristam Burges.

INDEX.

Abbott Daniel, 165, 170, 201, peti
tion of, to buUd a town house, 173.
Adams John, President, visit to
Providence, 368 ; address to, rela
tive to France, and his reply, 370.
African Methodist church, 641.
African Methodist (second) church,
641.
Alarms in Providence, 251, 264.
Almy WUliam,benefactor to Friends'
school, 517.
Almanac first published, 559.
Alexander, death of, 156.
AUen Daniel, 171.
Allen Paul, 242, 312.
Allen WiUiam, 373.
Allen Gabriel, 615.
American Navy, commencement of,
265 ; first officers in, 267.
Ames Waldo, 636.
Andrews Zephaniah, 242, 335, 348.
Andross Sir Edmund, governor of
New-England, 175.
Angell Thomas, 21, 35, 39, 43, 78,
88, 92, 105, 86, 93, 170.
AngeU John, 165, 170.
Angell James, 165, 170.
Angell Joseph, 199.
Angell James, town clerk, 210, 246.
Anthony John, 129.
Anthony Daniel, 629.
Anti-Universalist, 555.
Aplin William, remarkable escape
of, 381.
Aplin John, 603.
Aqueducts, account of, 621.
Arcade, description of, 633.
Arnold WiUiam, 23, 30, 35, 43, 46,
77, 83, 47.
Arnold Benedict, 22, 27, 33, 35, 39,
43, 46, 48, 78, 101, 109, 110, 118,
121, 124, 127, 129, 132, 135, 130.
Arnold Stephen, 135.
Arnold Thomas, 165, 170.
Arnold, Jonathan, 243, 273, 602.

Arnold Welcome, 273, 291, 305, 306
335, 340, 342, 348, 354.
Arnold Thomas, 322, 340, 363, 193.
Arnold Samuel G., 383.
Arnold Eleazer, 426.
Arnold Peleg, 530.
ArtUlery company incorporated,248.
Ashton James, 78, 88, 93, 105, 122,
125, 132, 86.
Asher Jeremiah, 491 .
Athenesum established, 535.
Ashton Henry, 170.
Atwell Amos, 621.
Atwell Amos M., 510.
Bank Providence, estabUshed, 358.
Barker James, 112.
Baptist church, First, sketch of, 404.
" " third, " " 468.
" " fourth, « " 471.
" " West, " " 637.
Babcock Joshua, 192.
Barton WUliam, 349.
Bagley Joseph, 440.
Bass John, 440.
Barstow Joseph, 440.
Badger Moses, 447.
Bassett Massa, 457.
Barker Luther, 465.
Balch WiUiam S. 477.
Bacon Henry, 477.
Barrows Elisha W. 487.
Barnes David L. 507, 510.
Baulstone WiUiam, 71, 88, 101, 116,
118, 121, 124, 127, 129, 130, 132,
93.
Beacon Erected, 250.
Bewitt Hugh, 35, 43, 70, 76, 78, 80,
81, 84, 88, 91, 105, 117, 118, 86.
Bellew Maturin, 61.
Bennett Samuel, 61, 105, 112, 118.
Bennett Edward, 165, 170.
Belcher Joseph, 434.
Benevolent Congregational society,
442.

662

INDEX.

Bernon Gabriel, 445,
Beckwith Truman, 392.
Beneficent Congregational society,
448.
Beman Jehiel C, 64.
Beacon, 552.
Beacon Light, 553.
Bellingham Richard, 47.
Black James, 246. \
Blackburne John, 448.
BUls of Mortality, 350, 376, 634.
Blain John, 466.
Blague Nathaniel, 440.
Blunt Nathan, 641.
BoUes Lucius, 510.
Bowen Ephraim, 201, 226.
Books of records burnt, 166.
Bowen Ephraim, jr. 231, 602.
Bowen Jabez, 224, 231, 246, 267, 291,
305, 306, 312, 335, 349, 496, 510,
619.
Bourne Benjamin, 322, 340, 349,
354. 369.
Bowen Nathaniel, 447.
Brenton WiUiam, 127.
Brown John, 61, 34.
Brown Chad, 35, 39, 40, 43, 405,
410, 413, 30.
Brown Henry, 88, 101, 105, 119, 121,
86, 570.
Brown Daniel, 61, 570.
BrowneU Joseph, 192.
Brown John, 101, 105, 131, 134.
Brown Obadiah, 192.
Brown John, 210, 226, 231, 246, 267,
273, 278, 291, 340, 348, 352, 366,
496, 528.
Brown Allen, 193.
Brown Joseph, 243, 267, 619.
Brown Nicholas, 267, 306, 312, 340,
226, 495.
Bowers Sylvester, 268.
Brown Elisha, jr. 350.
Brown George, 197.
Brown Moses, 364, 379, 497, 516,
619, 489, 605.
Brown Isaac, 392.
Brown James, 412, 405.
Brown Richard, 415, 607.
Brown Allen, 469.
Brown Elisha, 495, 604.
Blown Obadiah, benefactor to the
Friends' school, 517.
Brown William, 605.
Brown University, sketdh of, 517.
Burrows William, 35, 43.
Briggs John, 101.
Bread stuffs imported by town, 287.

Brunonian, 559.
Bridgham Samuel W. 400.
Bulgar Richard, 117, 130, 132.
Bull Henry, 118.
Burnyeate John, 154, 422.
Bulls' garrison liouse burnt, 161.
Burial ground, public, established,
184.
Bucklin Joseph, 242, 226, 621, 201.
Burrill James, jr. 365, 369, 383, 509,
510.
BurrUl George R., 373.
Burges Tristam, 379.
Burlingham Thomas, 406, 413.
Burrough John, 619.
Brown Nicholas, 528.
Carpenter WiUiam, 22, 35, 43, 46,
77, 119, 125, 127, 129, 132, 135,
147, 154, 576, 32, 581.
Carr Caleb, 129, 171.
Carr Sir Robert, 141.
Cartwright George, 141.
Carpenter Joseph, 31.
Canonochet taken, 168.
Cahoone David, 246.
Cadet Company formed, 248.
Carpenter Waterman, 353.
Carter John 358, 615.
Canal Blackstoup, sketch of, 366.
Carrington Edward, 367, 383, 387.
Carlile John, 383, 509, 510.
Carpenter Timothy, 449.
Cary Benjamin, 450.
Carrique Richard, 476.
Catholic Church, First, 486.
Campbell Jabez P. 641.
Cavenno Arthur A. 487.
Cady Jonathan, 539.
Cannon N. C. W. 641.
Cadet Literary, 552
Calico first made in Providence, 625.
Census 193, 198, 203, 237, 251, 292,
353, 386, 396, 634.
Charter of Providence, 73.
Chace Samuel, 614.
Chuff, an Indian shot, 172.
Charitable Baptist society, 417.
Church John, 440.
Charro Mr. 446.
Checkley John, 446.
City charter granted, 396, adopted,
399, first election of officers un
der, 400.
City Gazette, 642.
Church Pharcellus, 466.
Christian church, 487
Chronicle of the United States, 547

INDEX.

663

Chronicle ofthe Times, 554.
Christian Telescope, 555.
Christ church, 641,
Christian Soldier, 644.
Clark Jeremy, 71.
Clark John, 75. 82.
Clemence Thomas, 61, 165, 170,
Clawson John, 61.
Clark Joseph, 121, 124.
Clark Walter, letter from, 162, 167.
Clark John I. 267, 291, 306, 322'
335, 749.
Clergymen, address of 360.
Clark Nicholas, 621.
Clarke Abraham L. 363, 373, 447.
Conanicus, 18, 27, 30 569.
Cope Edward, 22, 39, 43.
Coles Robert, 23, 35, 40, 43, 46, 33,
476, 576, 581.
Combination of settlers of Provi
dence, 40.
Court General of trials established,
65.
Court General of commissioners es
tablished, 65.
Coddington William, 71, 79, 81, 83,
88, 116, 421.
Coweset, 87.
Conanicut, 83.
Comstock Daniel, 61.
Colony officers under charter, of
1664, 64.
CoggeshaU John, 91, 98,101,116,152.
CorneU Thomas, 101.
Coggeshall Joshua, 152.
Counties first erected, 188.
County or court house built, 191,
burnt and rebuilt, 193.
County work-house, 194
Cooke Nicholas, 210, 242, 267, 495,
226.
Corlis George, 243.
Committee to build ships of war at
Providence, 267.
Constitution of United States refer
red to people of Rhode-Island,
32] , votes on in Providence, 32] ,
petitition in relation to, 322, adopt
ed by nine states, 328, celebration
ofthe adoption by nine states, 328,
adopted by twelve states, 346, con
vention called in Rhode-Island
relative to, 346, adopted by Rhode-
Island, 349.
Cooke Daniel, 342, 348.
Coles Ichabod, 364.
Contitution for state, proposal for,
365, 387.

Cole John, 615.
Corlis John, 374, 509.
Church William, 383.
Comer John, 410.
Congregational church first gath
ered, 431 , sketch of, 432.
Cotton Josiah, 440.
Cornell Joseph, 405, 457
Corry John, 480.
Conelly Mr., 481.
Comstock Gideon, 495.
Courant Constitutional, 543.
Coal, petition for monopoly of, 617.
Commercial Gazette, 642.
Constitutionalist, 643.
Cold Water Gazette, 643.
Cranston John, 109.
Crawford Gideon, 179.
Cranston Samuel, 190.
Crocker Nathan B., 447.
Cromwell Alexander, 641.
Cranston incorporated, 594.
Cradle of Liberty, 643.
Curtis George, 399.
Cushing Benjamin, jr. 226.
Cushman Elisha, 465.
Curry Robert, 605.
Cushing Samuel B., 630.
Daniels Alice, 22, 35.
Danforth Job, 438.
Danforth John, 434.
Davis James, 457.
Dancing School, 533.
Dark Day, 623.
Daily News, 642.
Daily City Gazette, 642.
Daily Express, 643.
Dexter Gregory, 35, 43, 71, 7q, 80,
86, 87, 83, 85, 61, 91, 93, 201, 105,
108, 206, 40.5, 583, 410, 30.
Dexter John S., 373.
Defence, Committee of, 378.
Dexter Ebenezer K., death of, 389 ;
donation to the town, 392.
Dexter Asylum, 392.
Dean Myron M., 469.
Dexter John, 494, 510.
Dexter Knight, 604.
Deeds Indian, 567, 568, 569, 574,
575.
Debt of Providence, 634.
Dickinson John, 218, 221.
Directory of Providence, 560.
Downer Silas, 210, 222.
Dowling John, 466.
Dodds George, 468.
Duddingston WiUiam, 229.

664

INDEX.

Duties coUected on imports, 627.
Dyre WiUiam. 73, 76, 84, 88, 112,
93, 95.
Easton Nicholas, 75, 81, 91, 98, 130.
Easton John, 91, 101, 116, 127, 129,
132, 152.
Earl William, 242.
Earl Caleb, 383, 387, 392.
Edmundson WiUiam, 154, 422.
Edmunds Mary, 184.
Eddy Samuel, 379.
Edwards Morgan, 405, 519.
Edes Henry, 442.
Edmunds Edward, 488.
Ellis James, 37.
Ellis Jonathan, 621.
Enlistment of Providence men a-
gainst the French, 203.
Evening Star, 642.
Evening Chronicle, 642.
Extinguisher, 642.
Farmer's letter to Providence, 221.
Farley Frederick A. 483.
Farnum Royal, 510.
Fenner Arthur, 76, 93, 125, 105,
110, 119, 117, 121, 126, 130, 132,
134, 142, 165, 93, 170, 572, 579,
583.
Feiiner William, 61.
Fenner John, 61, 127, 128, 370.
Fenner Thomas, 165, 170.
Ferries, 196.
Fenner Arthur, jr. 242.
Fenner James, 383,
Fennelly WUliam, 639.
Field WiUiam, 23, 35. 76, 78, 81,61,
112, 119, 117, 116, 121, 122, 124,
23, 127, 129. 130, 132, 134, 30.
Field John, 35, 39, 43, 7] , 122.
Field Daniel, 121.
Firebrand discovered, 143.
Field Thomas, 165, 169, 170, 583.
Field Zachariah, 165, 170.
Fire department, 200, first engine
purchased, 199, hook and ladder
company formed 356.
Field James, 321, 495.
Fisher Nathan, 373.
Fire Great, 374.
Fitch Phillis, 459.
Fillmore Daniel, 464, 635.
Foster .lohn, 601.
Foster Theodore, 273, 305, 322, 340.
Folsom Nathaniel S. 635.
Fowler, Henry, 113.
Fox George, 125, 421.

French fleet arrived ,at Newport,
260, army at Providence, 262.
Freshets, 349, 350.
Franklin Henry P. 399.
Friends first appearance of in New-
England, 119, 420, meeting-house
built, 423, school of, 516.
Fuller Samuel jr. 483.
Frasier Alexander, 495.
Freewill Baptist Magazine, 556
church, 641.
Garrisons established, 167.
Gaspee burnt, 229.
Gates General, in Providence, 259.
Gano Stephen, 363, 456, 510, 405.
Garretson Freeborn, 461.
Gallager James, 641.
Gazette Providence, 538.
Gaspee torch light, 642.
Goddard WUliam, 206, 615.
Goodwin Adam, 35, 43.
Gorton Samuel, 48, 54, 75, 81, 84,
85.
Gould Thomas, 101.
Gospel Preacher, 557.
Gospel Messenger, 644.
Glocester incorporated, 594.
Greene John, sen. 35, 61, 101, 22,
30, 33, 576.
Greene, John, jr. 35, 84, 91, 96, 101,
110, 118, 121, 125, 127, 129, 130.
Greene William, 364.
Greenwich Monthly Meeting, 427.
Graves John, 447, 602.
Grace Church 483.
Greene Nathaniel, 496.
Greene John H., 393.
Harris WUliam, 20, 33, 35, 40, 43,
78, 112, 118, 126, 128, 130, 132,
142, 147, 587, 165, 170, 581, 583,
587.
Harris Thomas, 30, 34, 35, 43, 71,
76, 80, 81, 87, 84, 85, 101, 105, 109,
110, 112, 116, 576, 572, 117, 118,
119, 129, 130, 132, 134, 147, 170,
570.
Hawkins William, 35, 43, 70, 165,
170. 498.
Hart Edward, 35, 43.
Harris Thomas, jr. 130.
Harris David, 193.
HaU Levi, 312.
Hacker Joshua, 609.
Hague William, 408.
HaU Edward B., 441,
Hall Joshua, 461.

INDEX.

665

Hawkins George F., 483.
Hamlin WUliam, 629.
Hammond James, 630.
Herenden Benjamin, 61.
Hewes Joseph, 602.
Henry Patrick, 213.
Heath General, in Providence, 280.
Halsey Thomas L., 363.
Herald, 553.
Higginson John, 12.
HUls David, 228.
Hitchcock Enos, 328, 354, 363, 369,
510, 441.
High Street Congregational Church
615.
Holyman Ezekiel, 101, 404, 410, 23,
33, 576.
Home or house lots, 34.
Hopkins Thomas, 35, 39, 43, 70, 76,
85, 105, 125, 127, 128, 129, 143,
579.
Holden RandaU, 84, 92, 98, 101, 109,
110, 116, 118, 121, m, 135.
Holmes Dr., 59.
Hopkins WiUiam, 165, 494, 170.
Hopkins Stephen, 210, 619, 268, 291,
197 226
Hopkins Esek, 250, 266, 268, 270,
495.
Hopkins Rufus, 267.
HoweU David, 273, 278, 279, 305,
312 322 354.
Howland John,' 379, 510, 506, 509.
HoweU Jeremiah B., 283.
Holder Christopher, 421.
Howland Thomas, 426.
Hoyle Dr., 438.
Honeyman, Mr. 443, 445.
Horton Jotham, 464, 639.
Hopkinsian Magazine, 556.
Hutchinson Ann, 49.
Hull WiUiam, 121, 95.

Inman Edward, 61, 105, 119; 129.
Indians price of, 171.
Inspection, committee of, appointed,
242, 246.
Independent companies, 248.
Independence of Rhode-Island de
clared, 252.
Instructions to Representatives of
Providence in General Assembly,
273, 306, 312, 337.
Instructions to delegates in conven
tion, 347.
Ives Thomas P. 363, 383, 507.
Ives Moses H. 367.

Instructors of Public Schools in
1600, 510.
Independent Inquirer, 352.
Investigator, 552,
Indian deeds, 568, 569, 573, 574,
575.
James Thomas, 35, 23, 27, 404, 33,
576.
JaUs, 179.
Jackson George, 379.
Jackson Samuel, 617. '
Jackson Richard jr. 383,-509.
Jackson Henry, 490,
Jameson Thorndike C. 469,
Jackson William, 641 .
Jenckes Joseph Governor, 190, 411.
Jenckes John, 246.
Jenckes Stephen, 249.
Jenkins Jeremiah F. 373.
Jeffries William, 93.
Jenckes Ebenezer, 406.
Jewett Paul, 458.
Jenks John, 496, 226,
Jenckes Daniel, .519, 521,201, 197.
Jones John, 71, 119.
Jones John Paul, 269.
Jones Gorsham, 348.
Jones William, 510.
Johnson Isaac, 364.
Johnson L. D. 487.
Johnston incorporated, 595.
John the Baptist 644.
Juvenile Gazette, 553.
Kenyon Archibald, 639.
Kent Asa, 464.
Keene Charles, 496.
Kibby Erastus, 462.
KUburn David, 464.
Kingman Abner, 460.
Knight Richard, 76, 91, 98, 109, 1 18,
l.«l.
Knowlton Thomas, 450.
Lancaster William, 165, 170.
Lawrence David, 242.
Laws, power to make, given to the
town, 357.
Earned WUliam, 363.
Lamps first established, 386.
Lafayette, in Providence, 387.
Lapham Thomas, jr. 537.
Ladies' Magazine, 558.
Ladies' Museum, 558.
Leavitt Jonathan, 460.
Lee Jesse, 461.
Leeds George, 639.

84

666

INDEX.

Lewis Daniel, 465.
Lewis John P., 641.
Leonard Ezra, 520.
Lee Asa, 481.
Lippit John, 35, 43, 61.
List of those who remained in town
in Philip's war, 165.
Liberty tree dedicated, 221.
Lindsey Benjamin, 229, 609.
Lippitt Charles, 363.
Library Providence established, 534.
Literary Cadet, 532.
Little Genius, 553.
Literary Subaltern, 553.
Limerock, regulations of, 613.
Light, 642.
Literary Journal, 644.
Lockwood Benoni, 630.
Lottery system commenced, 197.
Lothrop Dr. 441.
Low Anthony, 171.
Lord WUlis, 460.
Ludlow Peter, 465.
Lynch Mr. 481.
Lytheriand WiUiam, 91. 97, 101,
109, 110.
Massasoit sachem of Wampanoags,
18, agreement with, 566.
Man William, 35, 43.
Manton Edward, 35, 43.
Maverick Samuel, 141.
Manton Shadrach, 143, 150.
Man Abraham, 165, 170.
Market house, 201 ; buUt,292; fish
do., 292; Canal, 375 ; Broad street,
375.
Man Benjamin, 242.
Mason Aaron, 242.
Mathewson John, 246.
Manning James, 338, 406, 519, 529.
MaUs, 358.
Mallett Edward J., 615.
Maxcy Jonathan, 363,407,510,529.
Mathewson Noah, 364.
Matlack Lucius C., 639.
Macomber Ebenezer, 373.
Mason Cyrus, 453.
Maginnis J. S., 466.
Mace Fayette, 477.
Manchester WiUiam C , 484.
Mawney John, 495.
Manufacturers' Journal, 550.
Maps of the town, 629.
McSparran Dr., 445.
Methodist church, 461.
Merritt Timothy, 463.
MerrUl Abraham D., 464.

McNamee Mr., 481.
McKenzie James A., 487.
Meeting street church, 489.
Metcalf Joel, 509,
McReding, 635.
Messer Asa, 529.
Mechanic Association incorporated,
626; petition for public schools,
506.
Miantonomi, 18 ; deed of, 27, 30 ;
murdered, 52.
Military officers, 109.
Mills Mr,, 481.
Microcosm, 552.
Mills, grant from town for erecting,
612.
Mile-end cove, 34.
Morey Roger, 122, 111.
Morey John, 165, 170.
Mowry Daniel, 365.
Monroe President, in Providence,
383.
Moody Samuel, 440.
Morton WUliam, 510.
Moyes Dr., first lecturer in the town,
537.
MortaUty biUs of, 634, 376.
More Light, 642.
Morning Courier, 642.
Murray Mr., 451, 475.
Mudge Enoch, 464.

Narragansetts powerful tribe of In
dians, 17; sell the location of
Providence to the first settlers, 20.
Namquit Point, 229.
Navy of Rhode-Island, 265.
Nash Joseph, 619.
Narragansett Chief, 642.
Navy American, commencement of,
265.
Neponsit Indians subject to the
Wampanoags, 18.
Newell Robert, 625.
Newspaper first established in the
town, 206.
New Jerusalem church, 635.
New Age, 643.
Nichols Richard, 141.
Nightingale Samuel, jr. 210, 246,
496.
Nightingale Joseph, 267, 305, 348.
Northup Stephen, 61, 129.
Non-importation agreements, 217,
223, 225, 226, 227, 228.
Noyes Moses, 510.
North Providence incorporated, 595.

INDEX.

667

Officers under Gov. Andross, 178.
Olney Thomas, first treasurer, 22,
30, 33, 35, 43, 71, 75', 77, 80, 84,
61, 92, 98, 23, 576, 5'72, 110, 112,
116, 117, 119, 122, 125, 126, 129,
130, 132, 154.
Olney Epenetus, 61.
Olney Thomas jr. 126, 129, 130, 134,
405, 410,
Olney James, 165, 170.
Olney Jonathan, 199.
Olney Joseph 221, 495, 604, 607.
Olney Jeremiah, 348, 373, 622.
Olney Richard, 609.
Olney Christopher, 373.
Olney Stephen, 388.
Oliver Thomas F. 447.
OUa Podrida, 559.
Old houses, 632.
Olive Leaf, 643.
Ormsbee Caleb, 439.
Osborne John, 426, 530.
Osborn Van Renselaer, 462.
Osgood Samuel 483.
Othman Bartholomew, 463.
Ousamiquin, subject to the Narra
gansetts, 18.
Owsapocamine, Sachem of Coweset,
87.
Ox roast, 329.

Page William, 180.
Page Ambrose, 242.
Painter Thomas, 35.
Partridge Alexander, 71.
Parker George, 110, 116.
Paper money. The first in Rhode-
Island issued in 1710, 188. Prov
idence protests against it in 1713,
1 89, scales of depreciation of, 288,
memorial against, 297, issued in
1786, 303, convention ' to aid cir
culation of, 305.
Palmer Gideon, 394.
Patteson Robert E. 408.
Paine John, 450.
Park Calvin, 4-58.
Parker I. N. 641.
Patten David, 80, 464, 635.
Parker Leonard S. 635.
Patriot, 458.
Pawtuxet purchase, deed of, 576,
difficulties about, 577.
Packets to Newport line of, 609.
Pearce William, 199.
Pequod Indians, enemies ofthe Nar
ragansetts, 18.

Perry Richmond, 111.
Peace, of 1783 proclaimed, 262, of
1815,378.
Peck Lewis 278.
Peck Isaac 468.
Periodicals and Newspapsrs, 538,
642.
Penny Post, 642.
Phenix, 548.
PhUip King, son of Massasoiet, 156,
war, 158, death of, 169.
Phipps WiUiam, 469.
Pike Robert 61.
Pigot galley taken, 257.
Pitman John, 387.
Pigot George, 446.
Pickering George, ,462.
Pine street Baptist church, 464.
Pickering David, 477.
Pic nic for the poor, 616.
Plain Speaker, 642,
Power Nicholas, 35, 43, 70, 122, will
made by town council 124, 242.
Porter John, 76, 93.
Potter Robert, 61.
Porkers in town in 1789, 353.
Potter Elisha R. 364.
Pollock Thomas, 440.
Potter Joseph, 495.
Potter Anson, 636.
Post office and postmasters, 614.
Power street Methodist church, 635.
Providence, letter from to J. Verin,
25 ; to Roger Williams, 89 ; burnt,
166 ; south line of settled, 590 ;
divided into three towns, 592;
area of, 599 ; purchasers of, 60 ;
letter from George Sheppard to.
Progress in Law, 173.
Pray Richard, 165, 170.
Pray John, 165, 170.
Pray Ephraim, 165, 170.
Prices of grain, &c., 187, 218 ; ot
goods, &c. stated, 246, 271, 291.
Printing press set up, 206.
Providence frigate built, 267.
Pratt Peter, 399.
Providence Free Press, 554.
Providence Monthly Meeting, 427.
Providence Journal, 549.
Proprietors' school house bought,
509.
Preston Willard, 459.
Primary schools established, 572.
Providence School Society, 515.
PupUs' Monitor, 642.
Purchases of the Natives, 562.

668

INDEX.

Rats, bounty on, 190.
Randall William, 448.
RandaU Job, 198.
Reynolds William, 22, 35, 39, 43.
Reeve Widow, 35.
Reddock Henry, 61.
Reception of second charter to Col
ony, 136.
Remonstrance against William Har
ris, 147.
Records of town copied, 166 ; burnt,
166; separated from proprietors,
592.
Read WiUiam, 192.
Representation of towns, report on,
312.
Religious Intelligencer, 535.
Religious Messenger, 556.
Rhode-Island purchased of the Na
tives, 49; taken by the British, 253.
Rhodes Zachariah, 121, 125, 129,
131, 132, 135.
Rhodes John, 165.
Rhodes William, 273, 279, 305, 507.
Rhode-Island Farmer, 549.
" " American, 549.
" " Intelligencer, 555.
" " Baptist, 555.
" " Journal, 557.
" " Literary Repository ,558.
" " Register, 560.
Rice WiUiam, 197.
Rickard George, 35, 39.
Riot in East-Greenwich, 239.
Richmond WiUiam, 363.
Richmond William E., 387.
Richmond Barzillai, 450, 495.
Richmond Street Congregational
Society, 4.54.
Ripley Thomas B., 473.
Riot in Providence, 397.
Roberts Thomas, 78, 116, 117, 129.
Roome John, 101, 109, 110.
Rogers James, 118, 121, 125, 127,
129, 130, 132, 171.
Roger Williams Baptist church, 484.
Rowland David S., 441, 617.
Rouse John H., 639.
RusseU Joseph, 243, 267, 193.
Russell William, 267.
Ryan Dennis, 640.
Sassacus, a sachem of the Pequods,
18.
Sayles John 34, 125, 61, 91, 92, 101,
110 119, 117, 118, 126, 129, 130,
131, 93.
Sayer Widow, 35, 43.

Sanford John, 75, 91, 110, 116, 117»
118, 121, 125, 127, 130, 152, 93,
Sampsoii Samuel 321.
Saint John,'s church, 443.
Sanderman Robert, 451.
Sampson Elizabeth, 457.
Sargent A. D. 461, 464.
Sanborn Jacob, 464.
Saint Stephen's church, 638.
Saint Patrick's church, 637.
Samaritan, 643.
Settlers first in Providence, 20.
Seaman James N. 465.
Sessions Darius, 226, 476.
Seamen's Bethel, 640.
Scourge, 554.
Scott Richard, 35, 39, 43, 78, 409,
429.
Scott James, 636.
Schools — land given for, 492, first
committe, 495, first master, 495,
act of 1800, 505, act of 1828, 511,
masters of the public schools, 510,
committee under act of 1800, 510,
number of in 1828, 511, number
of in 1842, 513, number of in 1821
ar.d 1831, 515, Sunday, 532.
Scituate incorporated, 594.
Shawmut Indians subject to the
Wampanoags, 18.
Sherman Philip, 71, 75, 76.
Serrington William, 641,
Sheppard John, 61.
Sheppard George, 133.
Sheldon Christopher, 250.
Ship General Washington voyage
to China, 351,
Shipping in Providence in 1790, 352.
Six acre lots, 34,
Simpson John, 238.
Simonson Peter, 473.
Slavery remonstrances about, 237.
Slater Samuel, 533.
Smith John, 20, 35, 70, 71, 75, 84,
61, 109, 119, 125, 170, 612.
Smith Benjamin, 61, 109.
Smith Edward, 61, 98, 165, 170.
Smith Elisha, 171.
Smith Richard, 161.
Smith Plilip, 171.
Small Pox, 199.
Smith John, 267, 273.
Smith Job, 329.
Smith Stephen H. 367.
Smith Henry, 373.
Smith Levin, 641 .
Smith Thomas, 426.
Smithfield monthly meeting, 427

INDEX.

669

Smith Francis, 473.
Smithfield incorporated, 594.
Smoking in the streets prohbited,
628.
Snow Joseph Jr. 328, 450.
Snow Rebecca, 558.
SneUing Joseph, 462.
Spencer's expedition on Rhode-Is
land, 255.
Spurr John, 373.
Sprague Jonathan, 438,
Sprague Nehemiah, 495.
Squirrels bounty on, 190.
Steere John, 61.
Stampers' Hill, 117.
Stibbs John, 154, 422.
State prison, 161.
Stamp-act resolutions about, 210,
celebration of repeal of, 214.
Stanford John, 328, 404, 407.
Stanton Joseph jr. 364.
Stevens Abel, 635.
Storm Great, 379.
Story Thomas, 426.
StUes Dr. 440, .521.
Stickney Ephraim, 636.
Streeter Adam, 476.
State Gazette, 547.
Street John F. 636.
Stages from Providence, 609, patent
granted for, 608.
Steam engines in Providence, 626.
Sucklin Thomas, 61.
Sullivan's expedition on Rhode-Is
land, 256, address to, 258.
Sunday schools, 532.
Sunday School Herald, 557.
Suffrage Examiner, 643,
Sweet Mary, 22.
Sweet John, 35
Sweet James, 119.
Swamp fight with the Indians, 141,
Sweeting Job, 242.
Swineton Asa W., 635.
Taxes under Gov. Andross, 177.
Talbut SUas, 257.
Tallman Benjamin, 268.
Taxes, dispute about between state
and town, 277.
Taylor Robert, 373.
Taylor George, 601.
Taylor John, 440, 489.
Taylor Benjamin, 488.
Taft Gravener, 510.
Tax book, 560.
Tabor PhiUp, 129.
Tew Ricliai-d,101, 118, 130, 132, 135.

Tea, resolutions about, 232 ; burnt,
244.
Temperance movement, beginning
of,395. ^ ^
Tefft Peter, 450.
Temperance Herald, 643.
Temperance Advocate, 644.
Throckmorton John, 30, 35, 43, 143,
23, 576.
Thurston Edward, 132.
Thanksgiving, appointed by Gov
ernor Andross, 178 ; in 1789, 352.
Theatre erected, 206.
Thatcher Peter, 434.
Thurber Samuel, 496 ; letter from,
600.
TUer Widow, 35, 43.
TUlinghast Daniel, 267.
Tillinghast Pardon, 61, 405, 411,
412, 413.
Town, street, 34; officers, twosetts
of, 151 ; meeting of under a tree,
169; Sergeant, difficulty about
electing one, 178 ; Treasurer sued
by state, 285 ; house bought, 380.
Torrey Joseph, 98, 128, 129, 130,
132,135.
Townsend John, 101.
Townsend Richard, 101.
Toll bridge at Weybosset, 146.
Tobey Zalmon, 473.
Toilet, 559.
Tree of liberty dedicated, 221.
Tripp Diadama, 462.
Tripp John, 117.
True Charles K., 635.
Tucker Mark, 454.
Turner Charles T., 460.
Turpin William, 493, 608, 602.
Twenty-five acre purchasers, 60.
Unthank Christopher, 35, 43.
Uncas, Sachem of the Mohegans
51 ; murders Miantonomi, 52.
Usher John, 177.
Universalist Society, first, 475
Union Conference Magazine, 557.
Universalist Society, second, 641.
UnderhUl John, 95.
Updike John, 617.
Vane Henry, letter from, 99.
Vaughan William, 152.
Venus transit of, 619.
Verin Joshua, 21 ; disfranchised, 23;
letter from, 25.
Vessels cleared in Colony in 1763,
264.

670

INDEX.

Vinton Alexander H., 483.
Vinton Francis, 639.
Wampanoags submitted to the Nar
ragansetts, 18.
Waterman Richard, 23, 30, 33, 35,
43, 76-, 80, 87, 84, 85, 61, 110, 112,
116, 117, 118, 121, 122, 576.
Warner John, 35, 39, 40, 43, 74.
Waller Matthew, 35, 43.
Walwin Thomas, 61, 119, 129, 170,
570.
Walker Archibald, 184.
Way George, 61.
Waterman Nathaniel, 164, 170, 583.
Waller Thomas, 165.
Warner Samuel, 250.
Washington George, address to and
reply of, in 1780, 361, in 1790, 354,
funeral solemnities of, 373.
Warren Frigate built at Providence,
367.
Ward Henry, 354.
War, resolutions relating to, 377.
Walton John, 413, 413.
Waterman Thomas T., 460.
Warre Joseph A., 469.
Wayland Francis, jr. 529.
Waldron Luke, 641 .
Waterhouse Benjamin, 537.
Waterman Henry, 639.
Weston Francis, 23, 35, 33, 576.
Westcott Stukely, 23, 35, 43, 91, 30,
576.
West Robert, 35, 43.
West Mathew, 112.
Weetamo, wife of Alexander, 156,
157.
West William, 339.
Westminster Congregational Socie
ty, 482.
Westminster School Society, 575,
Westquanoid purchase, 591.
West Benjamin, 619, 601, 615.
Wesleyan Methodist Society, 639.
Weekly Visitor, 641.
Wheelwright John, 49.
Whipple Samuel, 184.
Whitman Valentine, 121, 165, 170.
Wheeler Bennett H., 615.
Whipple Samuel, 170.
Whipple Nelle, 170.
Whipple John, 126, 165, 615, 493,
170.
Whipple Abraham, 231, 265, 266.

Wheaton Nathaniel, 242.
Whipple John, 373.
Wheaton WiUiam, 278.
Whipple John, 399.
Whipple Joseph, 444, 602.
Whipple Jabez, 604.
Whitefield George, 451.
White Hiram H., 615.
Whipple Hall buUt, 503.
Williams Roger, arrived in New-
England, 11, called by the Salem
church, 14, admitted a freeman in
Mass. 13, assistant pastor of Ply
mouth, 13, banished from Mas
sachusetts, 15, removed to Provi
dence, 17, purchase of Provi
dence, 26, deed to the settlers, 28,
second deed to same, 30, third
deed to same, 33, house lot of 35,
signer of combination, 1640, 43,
55, 70, 71, 78, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88,
61, 109 110, 112, 116, 117, 118,
119, 121, 125, 126, 131, 170, 134,
135, tax of, 154, dispute with Qua
kers, 154, 165, 404, 405, 407, 421,
471, 576.
WUliams Mary, wife of Roger, 32.
Williams Robert, 35, 43, 70, 71, 77,
80, 81, 87, 84, 85, 61, 105, 112.
Wickenden WiUiam, 30 35, 39, 43,
70, 71, 77, 80, 81, 84, 86, 88, 61,
101, 105, 110, 405, 410, 412, 413,
93, 570, 579.
Winsor Joshua, 35, 39, 43.
Wickes Francis, 21, 35, 39, 43.
Winthrop John, 47.
Wickes John, 76.
Wilkinson Laurence, 61.
Wilkinson William, 615.
Winsor Samuel, 165, 405, 406, 412,
190.
Wild cats, bounty on, 190.
Wilson James, 363, 452.
Williams Caleb, 399.
Williams Thomas, 455.
Winchester Elnathan, 476.
Winter of 1779-80, 624.
Wiley William, 640.
Woodward Joseph, 165, 170.
Work-house, 194.
Woodley Robert D. 480.
Yellow Fever in town, 267.
Young Daniel, 510.

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