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Early Days

ON THE

Western Slope of
Colorado

AND

Campfire Chats with Otto Mears
The Pathfinder
From 1870 to 1883, Inclusive

By
SIDNEY JOCKNICK

DENVER, COLO.
THE CARSON-HARPER CO.
MCMXIII

Copyright 1913
h
SIDNEY JOCKNICK

PREFACE
I offer the following pages to the public with some
diffidence, though not with any feeling of regret for
the style of composition, for I do not pretend to be
learned in book making. To my mind style and beauty
of composition belong rather to the poet or novelist
than to one whose sole pretension is to detail in a rough
way certain incidents and experiences in a rough life.
To explain why I am only now relating events
which occurred many years ago I must inform the
reader that I was for fifteen years prospecting and
cow-punching over various parts of Colorado, that sev
eral subsequent years were spent in ranching, conse
quently my habits of life precluded pen work. That
ranch life was not necessarily in itself incompatible
l with pen work became evident to me at a later period
of ranching than that which is here recorded. I then
found out that in the run of the year farming afforded
me more leisure than almost any other calling. There
upon I applied myself diligently to the soul-absorbing
work of an humble scrivener and I rather enjoyed it.
After that I kept a journal. I may some day publish
that also ; that, of course, will depend on whether or no
it is wanted, for, to speak the truth, I find rewriting old
subjects considerably more troublesome than agreeable.

I fully expect that all of my acquaintances will
flatter me upon the present work, but that is a matter
of no importance. I should think them rude if they
did not, and yet shall not believe them if they do. I
quite agree with some former writer who hints that the
best compliment that can possibly be paid to an author
is to buy his book, and from this criterion I shall judge
whether it is wished that I should appear in print a
second time or not, more than from the opinions either
of my friends or even of the reviewers. It must not,
however, be understood that I do not fear criticism; on
the contrary, I put myself in the most humble attitude
before the mighty wielders of the pen, and plead, that
to attack my style would be unmanly and betray a great
want of good manners on their part.
And now I cannot do better than to conclude this
preface by saying that I shall never regret having
devoted the greater part of nine years to mixing up
with different varieties and shades of Indian character,
frivolous as my pursuit of novelty may have appeared
to many. Numerous scenes, of which I had no previ
ous conception, have dawned upon me, I hope to the
enlargement of my mind and the improvement of my
understanding. If I have done but little good, I trust
I have done less harm, and that none of my adventures
will be other than a source of amusing and pleasant
recollections to me in the decline of life. God bless you
all!

To
THE HONORABLE OTTO MEARS
the Pathfinder and to
THE WESTERN SLOPE PIONEERS' ASSOCIATION
this book is affectionately dedicated
by the author

CONTENTS

PAGE
Preface  3
Chapter I — 1870 — Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado. . 9
Chapter II — 1870 and 1871 — Employed by the Government  24
Chapter III— 1871 and 1872— Appointed Chief Cook  32
Chapter IV — 1874 — Becomes an All-Round Sport and Broncho
Buster  45
Chapter V — 1874 — Starving Prospectors  55
Chapter VI — 1874 — Alfred Packer; Departure of Our Guests  65
Chapter VII — 1875 — Removal of the Agency to the Uncompahgre
River  81
Chapter VIII — Names of "Bronchos"; Otto Mears "Jugs" a Mex
ican, etc  98
Chapter IX — A New Agent is Appointed  108
Chapter X — Bad Men Among the Utes and Chief Ouray's Sum
mary Method of Disposing of Them  114
Chapter XI — 1876 — Thanksgiving Day and the First Grave on
the Uncompahgre  125
Chapter XII — 1877 — True Western Conditions; Evolution of an
Indian Scare  133
Chapter XIII — Flotsam and Jetsam  148
Chapter XIV — Mossbacks Posed as the Fathers of Ouray, but Got
Lost in the Shuffle  157
Chapter XV— The Golden San Juan  161
Chapter XVI— Bad Roads to Travel in 1877 and 1878  171
Chapter XVII — Fort Crawford Becomes a Regimental Post  176
Chapter XVIII— 1879— The Meeker Massacre  179
Chapter XIX — Arrival at the Agency  192
Chapter XX — Third Treaty with the Utes — Demanded by the
People of Colorado as an Atonement for the Meeker Massacre 203
Chapter XXI — Congress Ratifies the Treaty and General Mac-
Kenzie Removes the Utes  218
Chapter XXII — Ouray's Last Trip to Washington  228
Chapter XXIII — Otto Mears, the Pathfinder of the San Juan  235
Chapter XXIV— Gold City and Rico  244
Chapter XXV — George Howard, a Smooth Highwayman  250

PAGE
Chapter XXVI — Montrose and its Early Settlers, and a Cliff
Dweller's Romance  257
Chapter XXVII — Grand Junction  262
Chapter XXVIII — In the Sunny San Juan  269
Chapter XXIX — Reclamation Enterprise, Signal and Forest Serv
ice  282
Chapter XXX— Indians and Trails and How They Reckoned
Time ; Home Life and Customs  289
Chapter XXXI — The Colorado River Basin, a Region of Vast
Economic and International Importance  299
Chapter XXXII — Early Government Exploration and Early Span
ish Occupations, Settlement and Colonization  304
Chapter XXXIII — Early Settlements in Delta County  308
Chapter XXXIV — Coronado and Other Spanish Explorers  312
Chapter XXXV — Trappers and Gold Seekers  318
Chapter XXXVI— "Time and Tide," or the Southern Utes  323
Chapter XXXVII— Olathe  326
Chapter XXXVIII— The Moffat Railroad; Forest Reserves; Sig
nal Service and Oil Lands  329
Chapter XXXIX— The Forest Reserves  331
Appendix  339

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
Sidney Jocknick  Frontispiece
Two Ute Chiefs on a Denver Sky-Scraper  9
James B. Thompson  25
Alonzo Hartman  39
Otto Mears (taken in 1880)  73
Remains of the Victims of Albert Packer  77
Los Pinos Agency on the Uncompahgre  97
Rev. Henry F. Bond  107
Antoine, the Interpreter  137
N. C. Meeker  183
Rankin, the Scout  187
Monument to the Men Killed at the Historic Battle of Milk Creek. 191
Major Thomas Tipton Thornburgh  193
Map of Battle of Milk Creek  195
Chief Ouray's Old Homestead on the Uncompahgre  201
Four Ute Chiefs, Agent and Interpreter  221
The Final Exodus of the Utes from Colorado  227
Twin Peaks  241
Otto Mears (as he appears today)  243
Rico, Colorado  249
Picture "Rocks, Shavano Valley, near Montrose, Colorado  261
Red Rock Canon  283
Town of Montrose, Colorado, from Depot  289
Boring for Oil near San Juan River, in Southwestern Colorado  337
Chief Ouray and Otto Mears, the Pathfinder (taken in 1870)  347

Copyright, Tbe Pictorial News Co., New York.
TWO UTE CHIEFS ON A DENVER SKY-SCRAPER
Gazing over their old Hunting Grounds on the Platte River

CHAPTER I—1870
Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
YEARS ago there lived near my parents in Wash
ington a good pious farmer named Smith who had
retired from his business career to spend the eve
ning of his days in the Capitol City.
This man's brother-in-law, the late Captain Wil
liam H. Hooper of Salt Lake City, had somehow
drifted into Mormondom and was then its representa
tive or delegate in the House of Representatives.
Well, he visited his brother-in-law and I being very
young and enthusiastic was intensely interested in the
strange faith and people he represented and conse
quently took unusual pains to learn all I could concern
ing them. Captain Hooper was a resident of Salt Lake
up to the time of his death. With him I talked, not
for minutes only, but day after day for more than a
year, questioning, listening and reading his Book of
Mormon (and what a sickly burlesque of the Old Tes
tament it is) until I knew probably more of its contents
than many a full-fledged desciple of the faith.
To my youthful mind the coloring of the picture
conveyed a world of meanings, for I had not yet learned
to discriminate between colors and realities, and there-

10 Early Days on the
fore had much to learn from the experience and wisdom
of the gentiles, a few of whom I- afterwards met in
Denver. But I am getting ahead of my story. There is an
old saying that all wise men come from the East.
I argued with myself, not unreasonably, that some of
them must have come a little further from the East
than I did, or my friends did, especially the apostles
and prophets, for, in spite of the warnings of friends,
I was much biased towards the "Latter Day Saints"
and preoccupied with the intention of seeing the king
dom, "the power and the glory," that I had read so
much about.
Well, I came out to Denver. That was in 1870.
There I saw "a great light from the West." To me it
seemed "like the hand writing on the wall," and draw
ing words of sarcasm in blazing characters about my
air castles in Salt Lake City, so I allowed my new-born
faith to take on a second growth, so to speak. To make
a long story short, whilst I tarried in Denver my flow
ery visions of that kingdom by the salt waves was
destined to be rudely dissipated. While there I met
a man who had been about as lively a Mormon as one
could wish to see, but he was a Mormon no longer.
From him I learned much about the inner life of Mor-
monism. Not being one of the tithe-gathering saints,
but simply an impecunious "Jack Mormon" possessing

Western Slope of Colorado 1 1
but one wife, he gave me a most harrowing picture of
the slavery of Mormondom, and of the godless, fore-
saken, school for scandal ministry. After that inter
view my perspective of Mormonism was seen as
through a glass, darkly, and it very much upset me.
But enough of this, for I must again, perforce,
revert back to my environment at Washington where
the confinements of a desk caused me to long for a
change of scene. A "new deal" all around was prom
ised me if I would only go out to Utah. Suffice it to
say the proposition was father to the thought, in my
own wishes, for I had decided in my own secret heart
that the above proposition was good for what ailed me.
However, I determined not to appear too fresh
about it, so I hit upon first visiting Denver, Pike's Peak,
and so forth, and after that, providing the sign was all
right in the almanac, I would hike for Salt Lake City.
Captain Hooper, seeing that the Forty-First Con
gress was about to close its session would necessarily
be going west also, therefore by his proposal we were
slated to be fellow travelers together.
Accordingly, after bidding my parents in Washing
ton a fond farewell, I and my "side partner," Captain
Hooper, departed by rail for Wheeling, West Virginia,
then at the head of steam navigation on the Ohio.
There we abandoned the railroad and took a river
steamer for Cincinnati. It being summer time and find-

1 2 Early Days on the
ing ourselves in no extreme hurry we accordingly
decided that henceforward our route westward should,
as far as practicable, be confined to river transportation
as being by far the most agreeable mode of summer
travel. I found in Captain Hooper a most engaging and
entertaining traveling companion. He was intimately
acquainted with all the region through which we passed
and as we steamed down stream pointed out to me the
various points of interest as they came into our point
of view. Among others the famous home of Mr. Blen-
nerhassett on an island, where the notorious Aaron Burr
cut such a wide swath in American history. From the
Captain I learned for the first time that most extraor
dinary story of Burr's secret meetings and negotiations
with secret emissaries from old Mexico; of how he
made liberal use of Mr. Blennerhassett's wealth and
influence in society to further his ambitious plans of
conquest. I remember also to this day how my indig
nation was aroused by Captain Hooper's recital of
Burr's treachery and how sorry I felt for his unfor
tunate dupe, Mr. Blennerhassett, a fine old Irish gentle
man who had settled with his family on this beautiful
island. How odd, too, it seemed to me that after
having traveled the world over he should at last have
sailed down the Ohio river in America, and pulled up

Western Slope of Colorado 13
at this, his secluded island home near the present town
of Cincinnati. At this place we took a propeller that
plied between there and St. Louis.
Our voyage down the Ohio was an eventful suc
cession of groundings on sand bars and mud flats.
At the last of these groundings we were marooned for
two whole days and nights. Being grounded on a
sand bar is sometimes conducive to studious habits, per
sonal introspection and general observations on the
faults of others. More frequently than not its mon
otony is varied by the fascinating sound of poker chips
as they go clicking in unison with the jingle of glass
ware. As the weather was hot and the call loud and insist
ent, somebody took to mixing of sodas and brandy
smashes, such as our grandmothers used to make.
The ting-a-ling-ling of the ice in the pitcher seemed to
go right to the spot. Had it not been for my lively
companion, however, time would most certainly have
hung heavily on my spirits, inasmuch as betwixt drinks
the poker table had no charms for me.
Thus out of abundant leisure we became retrospec
tive, and thrashed over again some old straw in the
Mormon Bible concerning points of faith that the
Captain had not previously touched upon. Incident
ally, too, our conversation drifted back to the story of

14 Early Days on the
Blennerhassett, for, somehow its moral blended well as
a counterpart in national politics with that of Mormon-
ism, both subjects being eloquent in paradoxes anent
Western history. Again the Captain waxed eloquent
on the brilliant schemes of Aaron Burr, comparing him
to Brigham Young who likewise saw in the domain of
old Mexico a possibly safe issue from out of his own
persecution and a possibly safe theatre of future great
ness for Mormonism when its prestige as a church
would have become outlawed in the United States.
Naturally, our conversation assumed an argumentative
tone, with the Captain on the affirmative side as against
myself on the negative ; however, it is not my purpose
to lumber up these pages with arguments on the tenets
and principles of the Mormon question. Suffice it to
say that it is now some forty-one odd years since I
stood on the hurricane deck of that Ohio steamboat.
Captain Hooper's remarks on that occasion as to the
future of the Mormon church were singularly pro
phetic, at least in so far as the old school of Mormonism
was concerned and their change of faith. Now, as
then, Mexico welcomes them kindly to her shores as
if in deference to their wishes to absorb some of their
idle female element unrestricted by any legal enact
ments against polygamy, so hither they are going today,
as on a pilgrimage but worthy of a better cause.

Western Slope of Colorado 15
"Poor sons of men, said the pitying spirit,
Dearly ye paid for your primal fall,
Some flowrets of Eden ye still inherit
But the trail of the serpent is over them all."
Far be it from me to sit in judgment on anyone's
faith. Nobody has a shadow of right to do that, but
the actions of a people in so far as they have a bearing
upon others concern everyone, and this right only I
exercise when I say that no one has a right to live in
direct opposition to the laws of a country by simply
calling such opposition religious faith. The Hindu
thug believes that his goddess demands the strangling
of as many people as possible, but if such a dusky
devotee endeavored to serve his deity by strangling
even one of the shining lights of Mormondom it is
hardly probable that that plea would save his neck
from being unpleasantly dislocated. That bigamy is
a crime punishable by confinement in the state's prison,
every man in the United States knows, or ought to
know, consequently if he commits it he should be pun
ished according to the law no matter whether it hap
pens in Boston or Salt Lake City. And if a woman
lives with a man knowing him to have a wife already,
she has no rights of wifehood to defend under the law,
that I know of. If men and women desire to live in
polygamy, Mexico, as already intimated, welcomes

16 Early Days on the
them freely. As to our ladies reading the Psalms of
David, the Songs of Solomon and other records of
people who lived when the intelligence of mankind was
in its swaddling clothes, well I guess they are guilty of
that. The fact is they go back even further, clear to
the beginning where there is the account of a marriage
that took place "when the morning stars sang together,"
and as that is about the only one on record where God
himself issued the license and performed the ceremony,
it is to be presumed that it was about as nearly correct,
in every particular, as anything of the kind could be.
Had polygamy entered into the divine plan there were
enough ribs where the first one came from to set up
quite a respectable Mormon family, only how would
poor old Adam have felt as the personification of so
much plurality in his simple backbone.
But to return to the steamer's deck; eventually, we
reached that broad expanse at the outlet of the Ohio
and were rocking on the broad bosom of the Father of
Waters, the Mississippi. Melancholy has marked the
Mississippi for her own. Visit its shores anywhere
and a weird mournful atmosphere mellows the scene.
One thinks of the myriads of mound builders and
Indians who are dead, and of the many white people
who ought to be. For scores and scores of miles the
unending low shores, just mere nothing covered with
willows. Soft maples so thick that none ever becomes

Western Slope of Colorado 17
a tree make monotonous mounds of foliage behind the
willows. The imagination at such times is wont to paint
agreeable scenes as an offset to the invariable mo
notony, but so faintly that their outline remains not an
instant on the memory; so in this dreamy mood I had
been drivelling without the spark of an animation or
the spirit of an ambition sufficiently effective to arouse
me from my reveries. Sitting cross-legged on the
steamer's guard rail on the hurricane deck, I was fast
succumbing to the silent influence of "Old Morpheus"
when a heavy hand was laid on my shoulder; it was
my companion's. For an hour or more he had been
steadily promenading the deck, engaged with his own
thoughts and passing only an occasional word with
me as he reached the end of each beat. A moment
later and I would have fallen overboard and sank for
ever beneath the dark waves. Had it not been for my
faithful companion this book undoubtedly would never
have been written. Thus I owed him a debt of grati
tude, and the mental reaction which this episode
brought about made me almost half ashamed of my
silent, but nevertheless hostile attitude towards Mor
monism. At last we came in sight of St. Louis with its spires
and domes and minarets flashing in the sunlight.

18 Early Days on the

Here we took another boat called the "Mountaineer,"
bound for Wyandotte, now Kansas City, Kansas.
At St. Louis Captain Hooper received letters from
the head men of the church to hold himself in readi
ness at Wyandotte, to receive a somewhat numerous
party of Mormon emigrants that would reach there,
either in advance of, or simultaneously with his own
arrival. Sure enough, they were there all right when
our steamer tied up at its levee. In fact, they were in
the act of crossing the Missouri by ferry boat before
we were well ashore. Albeit, though he had not pre
viously mentioned the fact, he was in a half expectant
mind at St. Louis of hearing something in advance to
apprise him of their whereabouts.
They were a motley gathering of all nationalities
and fresh from Europe. On general principles anyone
possessing even a moderate knowledge of human phy
siology would have discounted them all for a lot of
antediluvians, so old-fashioned and unsophisticated was
their outward appearance as to style and bearing.
Only a very small portion of their men folks would
have passed muster in case any of them had become
desperate enough to have applied for admission into
the United States army. As to the personnel of their
female element, they were certainly the homeliest look
ing lot of women folks that the writer ever set eyes
upon.

Western Slope of Colorado 19
While I could not help but admire an ambitious
Mormon like Mr. Hooper yet, for all that, the bubble
of Mormonism for me had "busted." Furthermore, I
had a letter of introduction to the Governor of Colo
rado that would probably secure me an appointment
in the Indian Department, and inasmuch as "one bird
in the hand was worth two in the bush," I decided to
make Denver my objective point instead of Salt Lake.
Therefore I parted company with Captain Hooper and
from Wyandotte proceeded on the Kansas Pacific rail
road to Kit Carson, Colorado, which was as far as
construction work had proceeded. From Kit Carson
to Denver, a distance of 170 miles, I staged it, making
the distance on Ben Holliday's line in two days and
a half. Eastern Colorado and Western Kansas was
then an almost unbroken wild, with but occasional
habitations along the route. Three months later I re
ceived a letter from Captain Hooper dated from Salt
Lake, in which be detailed various incidents connected
with his toilsome journey through Kansas to Denver,
and thence overland to his destination. Most of this
was detailed in a diary form, no doubt culled from his
journal and submitted to me in good faith in case I
would ever have occasion to perform a similar journey.
For obvious reasons I omit itemizing the aforesaid
diary, but such names as Cochetopa Pass, Uncompah-

20 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
gre and Gunnison rivers, Grand Valley and so forth,
are herewith mentioned in the sense of their destiny as
subsequently decreed by fate to become inseparably
associated with the best years of my life.

CHAPTER II—1870 AND 1871
Employed by the Government
ON arriving in Denver I was struck with the ap
pearance of so many Indians on the streets. They
seemed to belong there. They were the Utes. In
fact, being its wards, the Government had provided an
agency for them, known as the Agency for "the Den
ver Utes." Their agent's name was James B. Thomp
son (a scion of English nobility).
One by one they all scraped up an acquaintance
with me. When my baggage arrived and was removed
to the Governor's office they would come and chat with
me. In this way I soon became intimate with all of
them. One Indian in particular who said his name
was "Bully Ike," would come and sit with me on the
wide porch of the Broadwell House till after dark and
long after the other Indians had retired to rest.
There was, however, a secret in this. He once
found me drinking something and on inquiring what
it was I told him it was "Rum Punch." On his asking
permission to taste it I said it might not be right for
him to do so, though as far as I was concerned he was
welcome. Notwithstanding this hint that it contained
some unlawful matter, he seemed anxious to test its

22 . Early Days on the
merits, and I allowed him to do so. The first evening
it was a sip, the second a gulp, and the third, a glass;
rather strong punch it was, too, for it contained a good
proportion of Scotch whiskey.
In this way I soon learned enough of the Ute lan
guage to make myself understood amongst them; and
my friend, "Bully Ike," wishing to learn more of Eng
lish, we mutually assisted each other. He soon made
much proficiency in his studies, which he evinced by
calling the agent by opprobrious names, such as "Old
Stiff," "Cabbage Head," "Horse's Ass," etc., and then
translating the same for his benefit. I noticed, how
ever, that he was careful not to let Mr. Thompson
overhear these uncomplimentary remarks.
One night, the grog being a little stronger and in
greater quantity than usual, he asked me again what
that sort of drink was called in English, whereupon
I reiterated that it was the same old "Rum Punch."
Pretty soon he had flooded his lower level and then
went the rounds of the other Utes and, waking them
out of their sleep, informed them with many hic-cups
that "hum punk" was "moldo bonio."
Having letters of introduction to Governor E. M.
McCook, Governor of Colorado Territory, as previ
ously stated, I awaited his return to Denver. He had
gone on a visit to the White River Agency, a "post"
that was later destined to leave a blood-stained page

Western Slope of Colorado 23
on Colorado's history. While there he held a pow
wow with certain chiefs and head men, who were anx
ious to have a competent survey made of their valley
lands. Pending his return I assisted Mr. Thompson
in a semi-official capacity as a copyist of Government
accounts. The Denver Utes were contemporary with the
high tide of buffalo hunting. As against their hered
itary enemies, the Arapahoes and Cheyennes, the Utes
were alert and aggressive. Incessant hunters, too, were
they, for Denver was their market for hides and
smoked meats.
Gladly would the Arapahoes and Cheyennes have
exterminated them but the latter always countered suc
cessfully against them, demanding and receiving their
share of the spoils. The frontiersman's sympathy, too,
was always on the side of the Utes, for the plains In
dians were deadly enemies to emigration.
Diplomatic again were the Utes in further dealings
with the whites, notably after the year 1868, in selling
to them those rugged, mineralized mountain sections
that they didnt' want and retaining the valley lands for
their future agriculture.
Originally their reservation comprised San Luis
Valley east of the summits of the Continental Divide,
but in the treaty of 1868 they surrendered this to the
whites in consideration of an annual annuity, and in

24 Early Days on the
the further assurance that, thereafter, their holdings
practically comprising the whole of the Western Slope
should forever remain their reservation, inviolate, for
"as long as rivers might run and grasses might grow."
Their agency was built in Cochetopa Park, their re
serve embracing in round numbers 19,000,000 acres,
or about one-third of Colorado. In the treaty of 1873,
called "the San Juan treaty," they sold to the whites
4,000,000 acres of mineral lands known as the San
Juan Mountains, retaining their valley lands as al
ready mentioned, amounting to 15,000,000 acres.
The degeneration of the Utes was very rapid after
the settlement of the West, but they were not blood
thirsty. Formerly they were a warlike tribe and, as
has already been recorded, held their own with the
fierce Arapahoes of the East and the savage Cheyennes
of the North, whether upon the mountain or the plain.
It is a matter of Ute history that one of their great
battles with the Arapahoes took place near the present
site of Steamboat Springs.
As civilization advanced, the plains Indians re
treated before it, and after the Sand Creek fight in
1864 the plains were almost deserted by the wild
hordes. The Utes retreated to the mountains, making occa
sional forays to hunt buffalo on the eastern plains or
in North Park. For this reason, the Agency for the

JAMES B. THOMPSON
Agent for the Denver Utes

Western Slope of Colorado 25
Denver Utes was kept up till the year 1876 and was
then discontinued, owing chiefly to the extermination
of the buffalo. During the whole period of President
Grant's first administration and continuously there
after till 1876, Major James B. Thompson was agent
for the Denver Utes. His appointment dated from
the administration of Governor McCook, who suc
ceeded Governor Hunt.
The Governor of Colorado was, in those days, an
exceedingly busy man, inasmuch as, in connection with
his business duties as Governor, he was also ex-officio
Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Territory,
and, therefore, finding the pressure of business duties
too much for him, he applied to the Interior Depart
ment to establish an agency, or bureau, to assume the
duties of his superin tendency over the Indians. Major
Thompson accordingly became Indian agent, his serv
ices commencing January 17 th, 1871.
By virtue of these sales they soon acquired a rich
"sinking fund" in their treasury which amply endowed
their existing agencies. Their agencies besides the
Denver "post," were three others, viz: The Northern,
or White River agency, the Middle or Cochetopa
agency, and the agency for the Southern Utes, then at
Abiquii, New Mexico, now at Ft. Lewis, near Durango.
They also had left them money enough to permanently
maintain their brethren in Denver, provided they be-

26 Early Days on the
haved themselves. Chief Ouray's forethought was
always in evidence in the "heyday" of their prosperous
times. Prior to the building of the Kansas Pacific railroad
to Denver the Plains Utes were self-supporting, for
buffalo were plenty in that golden era of the West.
But alas! Immortality could not hedge the buffalo;
their extermination was at hand, for, indeed, their days
were numbered after the completion of the Kansas
Pacific highway.
The creation of an agency for a band of Indians
in a place like Denver, was, in itself, a parody on
human intelligence, seeing that the establishment had
no better apology for its existence than that of a graft
ostensibly hidden under the specious guise of preserv
ing the Utes from harm while loafing about town.
This establishment was fathered by Ex-Governor
and Reverend A. C. Hunt in a letter submitted by him
to the chairman of the House Committee on Indian
Affairs, the purport of which letter was to the effect
that the Utes (buffalo hunters), needed proper guar
dianship while in Denver. The moral atmosphere of
the down town districts was inimical to their children's
health; that the spiritual welfare of their parents
needed cultivation; that parents as well as children be
kept as far as possible out of harm's way. (No doubt,

Western Slope of Colorado. 27
there were plenty of policemen in Denver who could
have done that very properly.) "That Indian parents
might become wise unto salvation, and gradually be
brought under the refining influences of civilization."
As to their spiritual welfare, many well-meaning
but misguided church people had at various times per
sistently endeavored to squirt a little gospel around
amongst them without avail. An effort, too, that was
made by some of Denver's philanthropic citizens to
educate their children, was construed by them into an
effort to cheat them. However, on the strength of Gov
ernor Hunt's letter -through Colorado's representative
or delegate, a resolution was adopted which passed
both houses instructing the Secretary of the Interior to
create an agency for the said Denver Utes, which prop
osition together with the accompanying correspondence
was submitted to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs
for his final endorsement and signature. This reforma
tion, however, was not reduced to practice till after
Hunt was removed from office and his successor, Gov
ernor McCook, was appointed.
However, as already mentioned, the real down
fall of the Denver Ute agency was the extermination
of the buffalo. In almost no time after the buffalo
were gone their little bank accounts necessarily carried
in their vest pockets gave out and left them penniless

28 Early Days on the
in so far as ready spending money was concerned. All
the same, however, their "subsistence," "clothing,"
"hay" for "horses," "shoeing," "veterinary," etc., kept
on coming up, for now that their agency was estab
lished their names were in the "pot," for it mattered not
to the Government, provided they behaved themselves,
whether there was plenty of game in the country or
none. Alas! for human fallibility and Indian frailty;
while an abundance of supplies brought forth their
good will, idleness, however, did not agree with their
nomadic nature. They soon became shiftless and cor
respondingly insolent and domineering in their behav
ior. Oft times drunk, very seldom sober, many of them
rusticated in the calaboose. At last they became so
demoralized that the Mayor and leading citizens of
Denver appealed to the Interior Department to have
them removed to some distant mountain agency.
Mr. Thompson, previously mentioned as their
agent, was honest enough to second this motion, know
ing very plainly that it was equivalent to tendering his
resignation. In a letter, therefore, to the Secretary of
the Interior, he said, in part: (I quote from his letter
verbatim, in the following words.)
"During my term of office I am free to confess that
I have had but few occasions to express my approba-

Western Slope of Colorado 29
tion of the heroic, self-sacrificing deeds of this offshot
from the family of the great Ne-va-va. (Nevava, a
famous Ute chieftain who inhabited the plains country
adjacent to the mountains in the "early fifties.")
"I do not find among the Denver Utes any instances
worth recording of individual honesty or heroism, and
I am forced to the conclusion, painful as it may be,
that the Indian of the present day is not given to per
formances of which either of those attributes is a con
comitant. On the contrary, I find among them much
deceit, many incurable cases of kleptomania and a total
want of that gratitude which might be expected from
the wards of a beneficent Government.
"If there is any reply to the efforts made to feed
and clothe them, it invariably takes the shape of a
murmur, and my red children cast out utterances that
could only be prompted by an indwelling spirit such
as is depicted as residing in the breast of Oliver Twist
when he dared to brave the wrath of Bumble and asked
for more."After the Government refused to further provide
for them they sought means to provide for themselves.
They roamed where they pleased, hunted where they
happened to find game, begged in the towns and stole
from the ranchmen.
Finally a portion of them were removed to the old
Los Pinos or Cochetopa agency, thirty miles east of

30 Early Days on the
where Gunnison now stands. This was Colorow's band.
The remainder of the Denver Utes remained there till
1876 under Mr. Thompson's care.
In order to illustrate the difficulties with which the
agent at Denver had to contend, and to show that not
all of the troubles arose from the natural cussedness of
the redmen, I cite the following incidents, which, while
to a certain extent comic, might have ended in a trag
edy. A short time previously a fight occurred on Repub
lican River, Kansas, between Piah's band of buffalo
hunters and a party of "Araps" under Chief "Moon-
face." The Utes were victorious and took three scalps,
among them that of the chief. Mr. Curtis (their inter
preter), D. C. Oakes and Dave Cook (sheriff) per
suaded the Utes to honor their victory with a war dance
in Denver. They enlisted the co-operation of Bartholomew, a
great animal trainer, who offered his tent for the exhi
bition. They then approached Major Thompson (In
dian agent) for permission to open the performance,
who objected, but finally agreed to abide by the decision
of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. The latter tel
egraphed as follows:
"Prevent the exhibit at all hazards. It will arouse
the jealousy of the Arapahoes. Call on U. S. Marshal
if necessary."

Western Slope of Colorado 31
Meantime, the promoters degided not to wait and
ignored Mr. Thompson altogether. He thereupon
called on the marshal, who refused to act; next, he
went to W. A. Smith (town marshal), to whom he
showed the order from the department, and was only
laughed at. Said he: "You put that order on ice."
Major Thompson retorted: "I'll put you where there
ain't any ice if you permit a violation of this order."
Meanwhile, Piah at the head of his band, accom
panied by Curtis, Oakes & Co. in plug hats as a rear
guard, started marching down Fifteenth street, arrang
ing their route so as to pass Major Thompson's office
and run a bluff on him. But the Major was laying for
exactly that sort of maneuvering, and when the psycho
logical moment arrived "called their bluff" by jumping
out in front of Piah with a loaded revolver in each hand
and shouting at him to "vamoose presto!" They
promptly "skidooed," and so precipitous was their
panic that the rear guard was overrun, losing all of its
dignity, plug hats, etc., and upsetting many lamp-posts
before they pulled up at the suburbs.
Had this performance been allowed to materialize,
it would not only have antagonized the Arapahoes, but
the Cheyennes, the Kiowas and the Comanches as well.
Meanwhile, Curtis and the U. S. Marshal received from
Washington one of those mysterious yellow envelopes
informing them that their services were no longer re
quired.

CHAPTER III— 1871 AND 1872
Appointed Chief Cook
I HAD heard much from Mr. Thompson about the
beauty and attractiveness of the Cochetopa moun
tains and the adjacent Gunnison country, conse
quently, being anxious to go there, I asked and ob
tained from him a letter of introduction to his brother-
in-law, General Adams, who was shortly to become
Indian agent at the Cochetopa hills.
In conversing with old frontiersmen- I got the
impression that the whole "Western Slope" was a
hunter's paradise, a region fit for the gods, etc., there
fore, excited to the highest pitch by the workings of
my fertile imagination, I remained but a short time in
Denver after the removal of the Utes therefrom; just
long enough to see the last of them pull out. More
over, I felt no further compunctions or concern as to
their personal failings and faults, for I knew that the
new order of things was going to be good for what
ailed them, for, in the wilderness they would again be
back in their native element, furthermore I had become
somewhat domesticated among them, and was rather
fascinated by their wild life ; therefore, when they left
I almost ran after them, bearing such a load of castles

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 33
in my head as would have puzzled Hercules to carry
had they been constructed of any other material than
air. On arriving at the agency I was at once introduced
to the culinary department, that is to say, I became
chief cook and bottle washer.
General Adams' predecessor in office was the Rev.
Jabeze Neversink Trask, a very peculiar personage
both in name and character. Likewise, too, as much
out of place in the position of Indian agent as were he
the devil and placed in charge of a powder house.
It was Mr. Trask's cook that I had come to relieve
from duty, but on seeing Mr. Trask standing in the
kitchen door, I mistook that gentleman for his "chef"
who was then outside butchering a calf. I thereupon
informed Mr. Trask that I had come there to take his
place at "slinging hash." Mr. Trask did not at first
grasp the idea that I was "it," — "the hashee;" not
until I appropriated an apron did he realize who I was.
I had been told by the commissary to peel a tub of
potatoes that stood in the doorway, so I commenced
right at the score and did up "the spuds," Mr. Trask
eyeing me the while through a pair of enormous green
goggles which somehow got onto my nerves. I had
peeled, perhaps a half-dozen "spuds" when he very
deliberately picked up some of the parings and spread
ing them out in the palms of his hands, remarked that

34 Early Days on the
I was wasting a good deal of potato in the careless
peeling thereof. Evidently, Mr. Trask was somewhat
of a crank, and a very penurious crank at that ; besides,
my "detail" was in no sense any business of his.
However, I said nothing, got my job done with, and
the pot boiling good and strong by the time that the
ex-cook came in with a calf's liver "qui vive" for our
dinner. It was understood at Washington that the Rev.
J. N. Trask had been sent to the agency, not so much
because of his peculiar abilities, if he really possessed
any, but rather, on account of his sterling honesty and
guileless simplicity of character, a novelty, by the way,
in this age of incorrigible grafting. His ancestry was
of the "Bay state," all fisher people, as far back as the
old primitive "cod-fish days" of the original Massa
chusetts Bay Colony; consequently his antecedents
were "gilt edge" and wholly unexceptionable.
It was contended that Mr. Trask was a deadly
enemy to the "grafter," but he looked for one in every
bush, and therein was a law unto himself as a chronic
graft exterminator. His policy, too, as an agent was
an indiscreet haste to civilize and christianize the Utes
all in a day. It was his one supreme hobby; a relic
of old-time Quakerdom, to which he gravitated at all
times, like the needle to the pole, no matter into what
crazy pitfalls it invariably led him. Furthermore on

Western Slope of Colorado 35
account of his absurd eccentricity of dress and general
style of bearing, he speedily became a butt of ridicule
for all of the "guys" in the Ute nation. Indeed, he
had been at the agency but a few days when some of
the more hilarious "bucks" treated him to an extended
ride upon a rail. Commenting on this episode after
wards, he remarked, "It was my first free ride since ,
I left Denver."
By citizens of Saguache he was reputed to be crazy
and, indeed, for a year past the Indians themselves,
with Ouray at their head, accused him of trying to
starve them.
At the start it was recognized by Ouray that Trask
was somehow a misfit for the office, a certain hesi
tancy and indecision of character caught Ouray's atten
tion, and more than once, when business promptitude
was demanded of him, he was invariably slow and
ineffectual to meet it. Manifestly, too, at the outset
with official instructions before him, posted in a con
spicuous place, he should not have waited to be told
about everything, as if it had to come from Washing
ton, as, for instance, when notified by the Denver banks
that certain credits had been placed there at his dis
posal, his plain duty was to have immediately adver
tised in the Denver papers for "Proposals for bids for
Indian supplies." Instead of doing that, however, the
aforesaid credits together with a small balance left over

36 Early Days on the
from the previous agent's disbursements, were care
fully "covered in" by him to the credit of the agency's
funds and, like the Denver general fund, left securely
locked up, apparently for all time.
It was most emphatically fortunate for Mr. Trask
that the summer time of that year, 1872, witnessed the
end of his erratic administration, otherwise his crude,
arbitrary and ineffectual business methods would have
assuredly landed him in an outbreak.
The most pitiful person in the world, the one who
most excites our sympathies is the poor but proud aris
tocrat, the decayed gentleman who has seen better days,
and having fallen dwells on the glories of his past
instead of struggling where he belongs to rise again.
To say that Mr. Trask was crazy would not be in
strict keeping with veracity, for he possessed certain
qualities of mind and heart that were creditable, albeit
his sad lack of tact and business ability left him poorly
equipped to grapple with the cold, the heartless, the
striving world.
The misconceptions of his mentality, no doubt,
arose from this latter cause, and might also be ascribed
to certain other eccentricities of dress peculiar to Mr.
Trask. By no means the least noticeable feature of his
"personnel" was the singular style of his garments, the
cut of which was certainly far from being American,
as for instance, his swallow-tailed coat of navy blue,

Western Slope of Colorado 37
with impossible brass buttons, trousers of like material
but fashioned after the style in vogue about the year
1848, skin-tight above and below the knees, and flaring
out, funnel-shaped at the ankles, so palpably ridicu
lous that the spectacle was purely a matter of laughter;
green goggles (previously mentioned) for eye glasses;
a buck thorn walking stick, and an old-fashioned beaver
hat, with a devil of a broad brim for head gear.
His appointment was made under the auspices of
the Unitarian church, through whom he was backed at
Washington by some very strong letters. Notwith
standing that he was a nine days wonder to the clerks
of the Interior Department, he promptly received his
credentials and started for Colorado, the Government
receiving credit for free passes furnished him by the
railroads as far as St. Joseph, Missouri. From thence
to Denver he paid his own way. On arriving at Den
ver he proceeded to Governor McCook's headquarters
and reported for duty. McCook's reception of him was
courteous and cordial. Trask was then turned over to
his bookkeeper, and that gentleman fully informed Mr.
Trask as to various matters under the head of Gov
ernment accounts.
After Mr. Trask had familiarized himself pertain
ing to these official technicalities he was anxious to be
off to the scene of his future duties, but instead of
waiting for the carriage transportation which McCook

38 Early Days on the
was trying to arrange for him he pulled out of Denver
and "hiked" it afoot all the way to Los Pinos agency,
a distance of two hundred and fifty miles, the Govern
ment again receiving credit for free transportation, as
per "Walker's express." For Mr. Trask's mileage, see
Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for the
year 1872.
I have mentioned Mr. Trask at these lengths, not
that I would drag down his character, but out of sym
pathy for the cause represented, and at the same time
to correct the popular error that Mr. Trask was a
Quaker, for he was not, although his ancestry were of
that denomination.
It was the Unitarian church of Boston that was
responsible for his appointment, but they were quick
to see their error in Mr. Trask's incompetency and made
amends for it in recommending as his successor General
Charles Adams.
Adams brought to his new office a varied and valu
able experience of Indian nature, gained by years of
association among the wild tribes of the Southwest
while engaged in military service at Fort Union, New
Mexico. The Utes, Navajoes and Apaches all knew
him, therefore it was most consummately to the inter
ests of the whole service that Adams came here at this
very time (1872), for a man like he did not have far
to go to regain by tact of management some advan-

fflBBMMHHMipi

ALONZO HARTMAN
The Pioneer of Gunnison County

Western Slope of Colorado 39
tages, that, as between the above tribes, had been pre
viously risked by inattentive and inexperienced agents.
On relieving Mr. Trask, Adams found $25,000 to
his credit, the sum total of Trask's providence, kept
"not wisely, but too well."
All of the old hands that had so faithfully served
Mr. Trask were discharged by General Adams, except
one. This one exception was a cowboy named James
P. Kelley, who had charge of the cow camp on Gun
nison river. Later on this position was assigned by
General Adams to Mr. Alonzo Hartman. (Alonzo
Hartman is now a leading stockman of Gunnison
County.) Kelley was retained to assist him. Herman
Luders (subsequently Colorado's State Secretary of the
State Capitol Building Association), who was Adams'
private secretary then, became general manager of the
camp, theoretically speaking, to keep "tab" on brands,
accounts, etc., Hartman being, practically, the "head
push." Notwithstanding that I saw in some of these
arrangements a something that inspired me with con
fidence in the hope that I, also, would be amongst "the
elect" as one of the cowboys, galore, yet it was not to
be. Not so easily was I destined to throw off the yoke
of slavery to pots and kettles. Emancipation for me
was only to be obtained through a bluff, but instead of
making a "kick" right off, I deferred it, and pretended

40 Early Days on the
by my actions just as if Providence had placed me
where I was as for some sort of a special dispensation.
Just the same, however, I made up my mind to have a
day of reckoning with the Department.
In further dwellings upon my situation there yet
arose still another phase of it, which, although it
annoyed me, yet I affected to ignore it, as for instance,
I was off color, so to speak, with some certain Indians,
especially the Denver Utes, who looked upon my avo
cation, as something that belonged by its very nature
to a squaw's duties, therefore, on account of it, I was
dubbed "a squaw," and inversely, lost much of their
respect. For that matter I had lowered myself so much
in their estimation, that whenever any of them came
around I was supposed to be dead, or else, if they
deigned to notice me at all, it was "because of the fact
that what I was doing for the agency must necessarily
be extended to them likewise, for, according to their
way of thinking "a slave to the agency" was neces
sarily a slave also for the rest. In other words, I was
"it" in great big letters.
However, I continued to perform my duties with
unabated cheerfulness and faithfulness unto the end,
and was always looking forward to that fullness of
time, wherein I might shake the dust of the agency off
my feet, and hike out for Gunnison's green pastures.
As for "the rest" I never gave them a second thought,

Western Slope of Colorado 41
beyond mentally consigning them, one and all, to a far
distant but well-known locality.
In due course of time after having written infor
mally to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs asking for
a transfer from cook to cowboy, I was informed "it was
contrary to regulations that he should give me such
transfer seeing that my name was not registered,"
therefore, I had no standing, no identification papers.
Not in any case did the names of cooks, as such, ever
appear on the Department's roster, and this, too, for
the reason that the Department's regulations did not
provide for cooks at agencies, that under the sequence
of cause and effect, custom had made it a law that
agency employes invariably organized "a company's
mess" and hired their own cooks.
I had been expecting some such answer as this, and
was prepared to act on it accordingly. Then by dint
of perseverance through certain influences that I set in
motion as through a wide circle of officials, that were
friends of mine, I got all of the agencies, indis
criminately, to the number of sixty-two, to join
together in a united "kick" for Government cooks.
It was like a "strike" only that it partook more of the
nature of "a grandstand play," than as a mere labor
disturbance. Furthermore, it was "the posts' kick and
the Government's treat," and the way in which those
same kicks became repeaters was not slow. Then there

42 Early Days on the
was something doing, for it had got through the thick
hide of the Chief Commissioner that the aforesaid
"kicks" emanated from real grievances, and that the
same called for concessions, as per, to-wit: "that each
and every 'post' was indeed entitled to a Government
cook." Accordingly the regulations were cancelled and
the Board of Commissioners allowed "the posts" to
have their "needings," or in words to that effect. Thus,
"the grandstand play" won out.
"The new broom swept clean," and I accordingly
handed it out to the new cook, thereupon, to get duly
registered, to have my resignation accepted, and on top
of that to get my "transfer" from cook to cowboy,
countersigned, was but the work of routine, and thus,
at last, was my exit to the Gunnison made safely
through difficulties — ad astra per aspera.
A whole year spent in cooking had served to whet
my appetite for an out-door life, consequently while
at Gunnison I made the best of it.
I had painted the average cowboy's life according
to two methods: first, there was the stage method.
According to that, each character was at first to be duly
marshalled and ticketed, so as to know with an absolute
certainty that when a crisis was at hand each one would
appear and act his part, and when the curtain was
rung down all wound stand before it bowing "a-la-

Western Slope of Colorado 43
Buffalo Bill." There was to my mind a sense of satis
faction in this and of completeness.
That there was in the background, a second method,
I fully realized, but I did not then understand the
paraphernalia — the method of life that all "cow-men"
lead. Here, nothing could be prophesied, except that it
was a life of hard knocks, as well as a life of toil and
of sacrifices, therefore, before my advent on the Gunni
son came about, these stage effects had to be amended
in a new setting to suit the real life of the cowboy.
Then there was a strange coming and going effect.
Men appeared and reacted on each other and passed
away, and when next the curtain arose it opened to
view the foothills of a new reservation, west of the
107th Meridian. But enough of this, for I am getting
ahead of my story.
The old, old story, that "two is company, three is
a crowd, and four not allowed," became an established
fact for Kelley and I at the cow camp, seeing that
Hartman was called to the agency to act as commissary,
while Herman Luders took a four months' leave of
absence to go to Europe. The summer and fall's work
had all been done up, therefore Kelley and I had
unlimited leisure for hunting and trapping. Beaver
and otter, as well as mink, badger, etc., were then
plenty both on the Tomiche and Gunnison. Kelley

44 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
was well versed in all the arts of woodcraft, as well
as being handy at trapping. As it was a good fall, too,
for our purposes we had fair luck, with promises of
more to come during the succeeding winter. Our Sun
days were usually devoted to chasing coyotes. An elk
hunt, too, that we had been talking about for a long
time previously, was booked for a winter day's sport
when the time arrived, at which snow would drive
them down into our valley.
We had promised General Adams, "con amore,"
a likely set of horns, as a gift in his name to the Con
gressman from our district.
As a rule, it was not till after several successive
snowstorms had completely whitened over the Elk
Mountain Range that they came down.

CHAPTER IV— 1874
Become an All Round Sport and "Broncho Buster"
CHRISTMAS tide was fast nearing its evergreen
shore throughout the wild and wooly settle
ments bordering on the reservation, and winter,
at last, with its icy fetters had settled down on the val
ley of the Gunnison.
The waning light of a somewhat stormy evening
was drawing to its close with not much lingering in the
way of twilight, and while yet it was but early candle-
lighting I stood in front of our big fire place kicking
at its logs to see the sparks fly upwards, while Kelley
was autocratically fumigating his thoughts with rapid
puffs of smoke. We had been discussing the most
approved methods of elk-hunting. Although novices
at this particular kind of sport, yet we were well aware,
too, that our job presented some dangers as well as
difficulties, but as there was no way of getting away
from them we concluded that we might as well go
right up against them, for we had firmly decided that
the goods must be delivered. While differing on some
minor details pertaining to our proposed hunt, yet, we
were well agreed upon one subject which was to remain
mounted on our horses whenever a close encounter was

46 Early Days on the

imminent, also, seeing that they would not stand still
under fire, therefore, we resolved to do our firing on
the run, and trust to luck to make our shots count.
For that matter I had done some practicing on my steed
by firing at a slow walk, resting my rifle betwixt his
ears to steady my aim. Kelley, however, was disin
clined to favor this practice of mine, and frequently
warned me against it by saying, "Sid, if you ever burn
a horse's ear, you never can shoot off of him again."
Well, our plans were, at last, fully agreed upon, for,
indeed, we had been discussing them for a month pre
viously. — An elk must be found!
Accordingly, on the day after that which followed,
on account of Christmas intervening, we got an early
breakfast, and then saddled up, taking along with us
our two dogs, "Swipes" and "Snooks." Then we cau
tiously glided up stream to where on the west side of
the Gunnison the Government herd was grazing, for
among our cattle was where we expected to find that
elk. We had seen one with our stock on the day before.
He was still there, and grazing quietly on a south hill
side. Had our horses not betrayed our stealthy
approach by noisily breaking through the crust of the
snow we might possibly have stalked him as was our
intention, but it was all off now. With a loud snort
he recognized our presence and at once made a wide
detour around us. As he struck out, "bearing his

* Western Slope of Colorado 47
branches sturdily," his splendid muscular action indi
cated a buck in the prime of life. We chased him
across the flats towards the river, and in the direction
of camp, our dogs meanwhile closing well upon his
heels. It became evident that he was making for the "old
Government crossing" which was now badly gullied
by the previous summer's washouts. Not a sign of its
broken banks, however, was now visible, for its abrupt
ness was most completely garnished by enormous drifts
of snow. Heedless of that, however, our elk cleared
them in four bounds. As he did so, two rifles cracked
simultaneously. One of our bullets struck him in the
antlers and staggered him in the fourth bound, but only
for a brief instant, for, he hit the ground running with
scarce diminished speed, going like an arrow straight
away over the hills, the fields, and the meadows.
A second later as our horses neared the crossing it
became evident that we, too, would have to clear its
banks as did the elk in a series of bounds. Indeed, we
were going at such a smart pace that we couldn't have
done otherwise. I can convey no better idea of the
jumps by which we cleared the nigh bluff than by
mentioning that I felt the same sharp thrill up my back
that one does when coming downward from a consider
able height in a swing.

48 Early Days on the

In another instant we cleared the off bluff through
the gap left us by the elk, which seemed to break ranks
for us in a fog of whirling snow wreaths. Gaining the
open speedily, our dogs far in the rear, we soon espied
our elk going like a catapult straight up the steep sides
of the mesa or table lands east of the Gunnison. Here
we did a little finessing for the lay of the land up there
necessarily compelled him to double on his tracks,
whereupon he would be compelled to meet us again at
almost point blank range, and where our route would
lay at a tangent with his. As he neared us, therefore,
we gave him another volley but our shots, owing to the
high speed of our horses, passed harmlessly over his
head. Immediately he side-stepped us on a nearby track,
making it around a point of rocks that formed the key
stone of a crescent-shaped spur, that abutted backwards
so as to form a pass leading onto a benched slope, which
a few rods outwards precipitated downwards till it
became a part of the abrupt cliff-line skirting the Gun
nison. As he bolted through the pass we promptly
flanked him, taking our stand squarely across his trail,
thus barring his retreat to the back country.
He was not long in finding out the trap into which
he had got, and his blood was up. Then we had to
fight. It was the most exciting time of our chase, for
in less time than it takes to tell it, he was right back
at us, snorting, and with lowered horns. I fired first

Western Slope of Colorado 49
but missed my aim, and Kelley did even worse than I,
for he had gotten a cartridge fast in his magazine.
Thus the fight was left to me single-handed. Before
I could shoot again, however, my horse wheeled sud
denly and let fly a pair of iron heels, that crashed
against the elk's horns. Their impact served only to
check him momentarily, but to me even that brief
moment was sufficient time to allow our dogs oppor
tunity to mingle in the fray, which they did by harass
ing his flanks. Unfortunately in this mix-up, I dropped
my gun. Owing to the great depth of the snow, too,
our dogs were handicapped in this unequal contest, for
he trampled one under foot and hurled the other high
over his head. Then recrossing the gap he regained his
freedom. Getting things O. K. again was but the work of a
few minutes and finding our dogs none the worse for
their 'shake up,' we started to follow the elk's trail.
He was out of sight behind the upper bluffs by this
time, but could not have been far beyond our 'ken' for
the enormous depth of snow.
Somehow, or other, our trailing of him this time
lacked that exultant expectancy that had previously
characterized our pursuit. It was palpably useless to
even hope for another shot, so we now followed his
trail somewhat mechanically, more from curiosity to
determine in which direction he was heading, than

50 Early Days on the

because of any latent hopes we might entertain of
again corraling him. It was not till late afternoon,
therefore, that we made any further interesting dis
covery concerning his final destination, but we kept on
going until, by dint of much laborious climbing,
we at length reached the rounded dome of "cap rock"
that formed the upper stratas of the 'buttes,' and from
there gained an extended view of the landscape in our
foreground, where we at last caught sight of the elk
many miles away apparently breaking over to the back
country. But after watching him for awhile through
our glasses, we decided that we were mistaken, for
after crossing the valley that lay in our front he turned
aside and passed down another valley, that joined in
with a third, through which ran a tributary out to the
Gunnison. Our glasses also revealed an Indian trail
that paralleled this tributary. Evidently he would
take that trail, and return to the river. Therein, too,
lay his fatality, as was subsequently proven by the
sequel which followed.
On the off side of our lookout Kelley remembered
where there was a cave, so we repaired thither seeing
that just below its mouth, there was, as he termed it,
"a summer hillside," where a few tufts of grass yet
lingered, and where we could turn in from the unlovely
winds which incessantly howled up from the lower
canons. At the mouth of this cave, therefore, we

Western Slope of Colorado 51
unsaddled and fed our horses their customary oats, then
lighting a camp fire we settled ourselves down for a
comfortable smoke, our dogs, now throughly played
out, lying prostrate in the glow of the ruddy blaze.
It occurred to us while journeying hither that we
might discover an available outlet off of our mountains'
steep sides by which we might descend to the Gunnison
and thus obtain a short cut to camp. In looking about
with this end in view, there loomed on the distant
horizon a faint column of smoke. This discovery did
not at first impress us as being any more than ordinarily
significant, for our thoughts were centered about the
finding of a short cut homewards, and our imaginations
were yet active as to our elk's final destination,
whether down the river or back up again to our winter
range; this, to the exclusion of everything else. Our
searchings for a short cut revealed the exasperating fact
that the snow was too much drifted on the 'lee side' of
our 'mesa' to permit us to break a new trail homeward,
therefore we decided to return by the way whence we
came. It was a most disagreeable feature of our hunt
to dwell upon, for it meant a much belated return, and
furthermore, in case our horses gave out that we should
have to dismount and "drill it" from there to camp.
While resting up and by way of a diversion to dis
abuse our minds of this discouraging impression we
again approached the brink of our look-out to observe,

52 Early Days on the
if possible, any further signs of our elk, and, strange
to say, saw him for the last time, in the dim distance
crossing the Gunnison. It was only by the use of our
glasses that we sighted him, and casually, as we did
so, we focussed our gaze sidewise and again noted that
murky column of smoke, now more clearly defined than
when it had at first appeared. While sizing up its
vagaries we gradually took in the vast panorama of
that Gunnison landscape. For hundreds of miles to
the westward there was an endless chain of white peaks
which doubled and redoubled on itself in relentless
regularity, mountain rising above mountain ; a veritable
sea of mountains whose white-topped waves were sorely
vexed by contrary winds.
Against the afternoon's sunlight that faint column
of smoke seemed like a landmark, a beacon, so to speak,
and casting forth its sinister notes of warning across
that improvised ocean, but what it was "that its wild
waves were saying" we could only surmise. Possibly
it came from some lonely miner's tarrying place, one of
the many thousands who annually roam over the desert
places of the wild West in search of they know not
what, gold, perhaps. Certainly, not in any case could
it have come from an Indian's camp fire, for no Indian
that we had ever heard of ever wintered in that realm
of ice and snow, "the Continental Divide."

Western Slope of Colorado 53
Our return trip, contrary to our fears, was unat
tended with any serious mishaps such as we had anti
cipated, for our horses having become somewhat
refreshed by their long rest and feed were equal to the
occasion, carrying us safely back to camp in the early
hours of morning. As we neared home a thousand
coyotes, for so it seemed from the noise they made,
hailed our early approach by giving vent to one of their
'after midnight' serenades. As Kelley remarked, it was
their "shivvoree" as if in mockery of our unsuccessful
day's hunt. For that matter, I may say, too, that it
turned out as I had anticipated, great fun but very poor
sport. *
Notwithstanding that, however, the sequel to our
story had yet another ending, an altogether different
finale. Like a twice told tale it wound up in that elk's
final overthrow. In crossing the Gunnison treacherous
ice, the result of a thaw, had so undermined his foot
ing that he got into deep water. Even then as he sank
to his neck in the chilling current he might have recov
ered himself had he not caved in at an eddy where the
whirl of waters had entwined some tangled willows
around his hind legs into such a snarl that his struggles
to free himself only caused them to tighten their grip.
He had evidently made frantic efforts to break loose
from that deadly embrace, for the ice around him for
many yards had the appearance of having been pul-

54 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
verized into mush during his death struggles. Thus, at
last, had he perished and that, too, within a mile and
a half of the "old Government crossing." Ere we dis
covered him three days had elapsed after our chase
when a hard freeze intervened so that he was frozen
stiff, almost petrified in the solid ice of the river.
His huge crest of antlers towered six feet into the air
looming tragic above his ice sepulchre. Though seen
at a distance it was his head-gear that attracted our
attention and led us to the spot. There, too, at the base
of his horns was the bullet's crease that had staggered
him at our first round of shots, also the dismembered
spur off another prong where my horse had kicked him
in the fight.
Thus, after all, and at our very feet lay the prize
which we had so striven for; those antlers! the crest
of an undoubted champion. To say that we felt grati
fied is to put it mildly, but somehow, at the same time
we felt sorry for that elk, sorry to find him thus fallen
so ignominiously from the high estate of elkdom.
In course of time the horns were duly presented to our
Congressman through General Charles Adams.

CHAPTER V— 1874
Starving Prospectors
BETWEEN two days, and lacking but one day of
grace of being the old and new year met, which,
therefore was due on the second consecutive
morrow, there came to our lonely cabin on the Gunni
son a visitor, otherwise the compliments of the season
would have passed us by unnoticed.
That mystery of smoke as seen from our lookout
station four days previously was solved this day by a
startling knock on our cabin door. On opening it a
man was standing there supporting himself with a
stick, and behind him was yet another, leaning heavily
against a tree.
We brought them inside and seated them in our
chimney corner. Both of them were very much ema
ciated and exhausted. The warmth of our room, com
bined with their previous momentary excitement had
somehow overpowered them, especially so, the second
man, who said his name was Burke. The other's name
was "Lot" (Loutsenhizer). I had just time to grasp
Burke by the shoulders ere he fainted and was about
to fall. The other, "Lot," sat with bowed head at the

56 Early Days on the
fire place. A memorandum book had fallen out of
Burke's pocket which Kelley picked up.
They succeeded, at length, in telling us their whole
story. It was bit by bit, and in broken and fragmen
tary sentences. Emphatically a harrowing tale. It
appeared that there were three others very much
weaker, who had not yet come up, but who had pre
ferably camped behind in the brush. For three weeks
past all had been at death's door, when, one day, the
man whose name was Burke indicated to "Lot" where
there was a coyote, whereupon "Lot" killed it. In the
coyote's mouth was a sheep's shank; this and the coyote
served the crowd for five days' rations.
Evidently this incident of the coyote and his
proposition of a "shank" was regarded by the outfit as
something providential for they repeated it to us several
times over, and again, afterwards with a minuteness of
detail that was pathetic.
Kelley meanwhile had a meal ready for them, but
their stomachs seemed to crave no cooked food.
Luckily for them, Lot had shot a cow that morning and
when Burke cut her throat they all crowded around
and drank of her warm life blood which thereby saved
their lives.
Towards evening Jim and I hitched up a sled and
loading it down with provisions, tents and blankets,
proceeded down to the river to where they said their

Western Slope of Colorado 57
comrades were camped. It was about two miles dis
tant. On approaching it we saw in the foreground a
man of dishevelled appearance standing with a coyote's
head between his hands. His eyes fairly glistened
with childish delight when he saw us coming. The
rest were hidden from sight behind a bunch of willows
and probably slumbering when the noise of our
approach awakened them. It was a hard looking out
fit, clothes all ragged, and out at the knees. As they
seemed inclined to remain where they were, we allowed
them to do so. Meanwhile, after pitching a tent and
providing a lot of wood for their camp fire we returned
homewards. That memorandum book now in Kelley' s posses
sion, proved to be a diary, kept in Burke's handwrit
ing. An entry in its pages showed when they began
to count the days that lay between them and final
starvation. A grewsome calendar it was. Among
other items was an entry concerning the coyote, of how
persistently they had trailed him down hills and across
valleys, till, at last, coming up with him he was their
prey, though but a bunch of bones and a shank of
carrion. Another page was appropriated by a single
line and dated significantly, "the beginning of the
end, December 23, 1873." But before that end came
a supplement was added (this on a page by itself)
which quoted "Lot's" finding the trail of our elk. This

58 Early Days on the
episode of their long march, according to Burke's
entries, had made frequent appeals to their pride, but
by that time they were just about all in. Its effect,
however, had, at least, aroused them from their stupor,
and awakened a little languid curiosity. Was it the
trail of a cow1? Chief Ouray had told them of a cow
camp (which was ours). (Their rendezvous prior to
starting on this cross country trip was at Chief Ouray's
camp on Uncompahgre river.) The remembrance of
this assurance served to let a little light into their
benighted skulls, whereat, they nerved themselves to
make one last supreme effort to reach us. Pretty soon
they saw that cow, which cow's life blood, when killed,
as we have seen, had rallied them. Beyond there and
not a stone's throw off, at a bend in the river, lay the
elk's carcass. "Lot" and Burke soon found that and
thence our trail home.
With but a single exception the same hardships
and privations as those experienced by "Lot's" oufit
were avoided by the various subsequent parties that
came our way that winter. For that matter, all save one
"outfit" took the same route as did Lot. All belonged,
primarily, to a larger outfit consisting of twenty-one
souls, which outfit, had congregated with Chief Ouray
who housed and fed them.
It is on record that Ouray in his kindness of heart
earnestly desired them, one and all, not to risk an inter-

Western Slope of Colorado 59
mountain trip at that time as all indications pointed to
a very severe winter with extraordinary snow falls.
But Lot's party averred that there were so many of
them (twenty-one) it looked as if they would eat the
old man out of house and home.
The remainder of the original crowd, or about half
of them, after Packer's outfit of six pulled out, really
acted on the above advice and remained with Ouray
till spring opened. The crowd escorted by Packer,
never reached us at all, but were lost. According to
statements made by those subsequent outfits that came
through at the end of March, Packer's crowd should
have reached us not later than a week behind Lot's
outfit. For that matter, Lot and Burke averred that the
Packer crowd came near joining in with theirs, but
deferred till a week later on account of some rough
words that had been passed up to Packer by Lot.
While yet they tarried it was characteristic of Ouray
that he almost persuaded them to remain with him, but
seeing that they were at last determined on going, he
besought them as he had likewise done the rest, "not
to lose sight of the Gunnison."
Whether this outfit was under the evil spell of
Packer's diabolical spirit, or whether they were lost,
will never be definitely known. At all events Packer
repeatedly declared that he knew of a "cut-off" that

60 Early Days on the
would materially shorten their route, but Ouray had
steadily warned them against "cut-offs." Indeed, no
such "cut-off" exists today. However, it is altogether
probable that they were bewildered and lost in storms
such as were so trying to Lot's party.
The Packer crowd individually, were men (Packer
excepted) that were well liked by the rest. Further
more they severally represented what little cash capital
the "outfit" at large was credited with. Although it
amounted to but the paltry sum of eight hundred dol
lars, yet, on the side, it had an intrinsic value greater
than its nominal value, inasmuch as it stood security
for a lot of energetic prospecting, in embryo, pending
their discovery of gold.
Any one who has prospected remembers the feeling
of despair that comes over him when winter is near,
and nothing has been found. In a similar mood our
proteges "banked" not a little on the financial stand
ing of their comrades, and at odd times were corres
pondingly solicitous as to their personal safety. Never
theless as the weeks grew into a month, and other weeks
added still another month, and yet no tidings of either
good or ill repute came to hand, Lot's party grew tired
of waiting and watching, and accordingly pulled out
for the agency preparatory to crossing Cochetopa pass,
and thence to the mines.

Western Slope of Colorado 6l
Summarizing as to the antecedents of this crowd,
as a whole, a brief introduction by way of their retro
spect will make some points clear as to their life story.
To begin with, it appeared that they came from Salt
Lake, and that while stopping there, the Salt Lake
tribune's glowing accounts of "Summit's golden har
vests" in Colorado had fired their' imaginations with
the zeal to get there. It was a trip of five or six hun
dred miles, but all the same, distance, to them "lent
enchantment to the view."
Sensing the adage that "birds of a feather flock
together" our protegees put up at a miner's boarding
house, hard by the "Tribune office. The landlord of
this boarding house learning of their destination
informed them that there was a man in the "chain
gang" working on the city's streets who knew all about
"the ins and outs" of Colorado, this was Packer; that
if they would but pay his fine he would be released
and would prove a valuable guide to them, entirely
devoted to their interests in their quest for gold, etc.
Accordingly his fine was paid, and Alfred Packer then
became the twenty-first member of the gang.
In the aggregate, miners and prospectors had so
constituted this "outfit" that it represented both profes
sions as about in the proportion of half to half. Many
think these names synonymous but they are not. A
miner is one who works in the mines, has a home and

62 Early Days on the
labors for wages. You are liable to find him in the
same place month after month. The prospector is one
who will not work in a mine any longer than it takes
to earn a "grub-stake," or else he gets some one to
"stake" him.
At last they got started and as they hit the trail
the slogan was "Summit or bust." They were after
placers, proper, for the papers had told them that the
"findings" were rich, but that they lay on the eastern
slopes of Colorado as already intimated, and therefore,
their trip would necessitate crossing an Indian reserva
tion. It was for this latter reason they had banded
themselves together as a unit, collectively, although for
that matter, they need not have concerned themselves
about Indians for the mountain tribes (the Utes) were
at that time uniformly well disposed towards the
whites. Many weary weeks were spent in traversing the
dreary, trackless wastes that lay between the confines
of Mormon settlements and Green river. To their sur
prise, on arriving at the Green they found it to be a
stream that was wide and deep so they camped there to
build a raft, on which to cross over after the manner of
a ferry. So faulty, however, was the raft's construction that
it developed a curvature of the spine about mid-stream
where the rapid current caused it to change end for end

Western Slope of Colorado 63
and thereby it shipped such a heavy sea, that their
little stock of provisions and a large portion of their
"dunnage" went kiting off towards the Gulf of Cali
fornia. In like manner, owing to the unwieldy shape
of their raft they failed to make a' landing on the oppo
site shore at the point aimed at, and passed many miles
down stream off of their direct course ere they came to
anchorage. With heavy hearts they again tramped across the
desert on the road to Grand river. Ten miles a day
was their average progress. But good luck was in
store for them in the course of a week, and that was
when they were within two days' journey of the cross
ing where they met two teams that were going their
way, albeit not necessarily to the mines, but to that
neighborhood, therefore they loaded their "dunnage,"
such as it was, into the wagons, and took turns at riding
to relieve each other in walking.
After fording the Grand the outfit camped to rest
their teams, choosing their bivouac on a site nearly op
posite to where Grand Junction now stands. While
encamped they received a visit from three Indians who
informed them that they were in Chief Ouray's country
and that it was three sleeps to his wig-wam, near the
present site of Montrose.
They all had heard of Ouray and were rejoiced to
learn that they would soon enter the shelter which his

64 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
camp would afford them, for it was getting late in
the fall and moreover they were footsore from their
long and arduous journey.
The old chief, as we know, received them kindly,
listened attentively to their recitals of hardship in com
ing through southern Utah, was sympathetic with their
ambitions but expressed in a warning voice his disap
probation of their foolhardy enterprise in attempting
at that late season to cross the higher ranges of moun
tains, pointing his moral with the fate of a similar
expedition on a like errand, twenty years previously.
However, they remained with him three weeks, that is
to say the prospectors did, while the others, that were
the miners proper, to the number of ten, remained with
him well into the early spring which followed.

CHAPTER VI— 1874
Alfred Packer; Departure of Our Guests
NINE weeks of resting at our camp had the effect
of restoring Lot's party of prospectors to their
normal physical condition. During convales-
cense some of their eccentricities were interesting but to
have made fun of them would have betrayed a great
want of good manners on our part.
Although spring was well advanced and the snow
rapidly melting under the influence of a noon day sun,
yet there were many drifts left, so that the Cochetopa
trail was still a hard proposition to go up against.
However, though destined to undergo a rough trip,
it would not cost them the struggles and privations that
they experienced on the Gunnison trail. "Lot" was still
their leader but this time he had wisely provided him
self with a pair of snow shoes (skees), while Burke had
outfitted with a pair of "web-foots." The balance of
the crowd under escort of Burke fetched up in the rear,
"Lot" acting as an advanced reconnoitering pilot, going
from one mountain top to another so as to take in all
the high places and everything between.

t)6 Early Days on the
Their itinerary was like unto history repeated
within itself; of getting lost in storms; out of "grub;"
snow blind, etc.
On what slender threads human lives are sometimes
dependent was strangely emphasized on this, their sec
ond trip, by a woman's dream. The dream as it
occurred to her, (Mrs. General Adams) is given here
with in her own words : "One day in March, 1874, while
my husband was Indian agent there occurred the most
surprising and ghastly incident within my knowledge.
A cloud, one of the phenomena of the Western wilds
came floating slowly from the mountains and gradu
ally enveloped the whole place. We could scarcely
discern objects a few paces distant. I had dreamed of
this the night before, and now it had come to pass.
"My spirits were depressed and I was possessed
with the idea that some one in great distress was near
me; some one lost in the dense fog and pleading
piteously for help. I expressed the presentiment to the
men at the agency but they ridiculed me. I told them
to swing a light on the highest point; it might prove
a beacon to some forsaken wanderer. They only
laughed at me, and said what foolishness. Then I
want to be foolish, said I; and seeing that they would
not comply with my request I called my son and com
manded him to place a light on the top of Ouray's
house.

Western Slope of Colorado 67
"The atmosphere continued surcharged with murky
vapor until late in the evening when the clouds sud
denly lifted and the great round full moon threw a
silvery light over valleys and mountains.
"About this time the mail carrier arrived and the
men eager for news from home gathered around the
table to watch the distribution of letters and papers.
The Indian boy, Antelope,' one of the agent's adopted
waifs, with a startled look on his face rushed into
the room and exclaimed, 'Oh! Seignor! White man
heap hungry.' We turned and saw a haggard hun
gry face pressed against the window but which quickly
disappeared. The poor man had fainted. The men
brought him in and with the return of life he talked
in an odd fantastic way peculiar to the maniac. It was
evident that his mind was wandering. We bathed his
eyes in warm milk, gave him nourishment and a com
fortable bed.
"The next morning he was in his perfect senses
but very weak. When' restored he spoke appealingly
for his comrades back on the trail. This was Lot, their
dauntless leader. The men cast distrustful glances at
each other but General Adams at once said we will
send for them, and asked who would volunteer to go
for the lost men. My son, Willie Phelps, said he
would go and then the bookkeeper (Herman Lautter,
acting bookkeeper during the absence of Herman

68 Early Days on the
Luders in Europe) spoke up and said he would accom
pany him. They were given a can of coffee, and a can
of milk and a bag of provisions, whereupon they started
amidst cheers and blessings. General Adams' parting
injunction was that they should go no further than the
forks of the trail and return on the morrow.
"On arriving at the above junction they built a big
fire of logs and sticks, hung the sack of provisions to
a limb out of reach of the coyotes, drew a map of the
route to the agency, nailed it to a tree, and as nothing
further could be done returned to their home.
"Lot's subsequent experiences after leaving his
companions came very near resulting disastrously.
Being partially snow blind he broke one of his snow
shoes by running against a rock. This accident plunged
him into the deepest dejection; he threw away the
remaining shoe, and sat down upon a stump to reflect.
Before many minutes had elapsed he realized that he
was being surrounded by fogs and flying mists and
took to rustling firewood preparatory for a night of
storm and terror, using the stump for a back log.
"Sitting all alone on the mountain, disconsolate, he
felt as if God and man had forsaken him, when as
through a rift in the fogs he saw a light that went up,
up, higher and higher, until it remained fixed. Can it
be the moon, he said. He sprang to his feet and after
going a few paces heard the welcome bark of a house

Western Slope of Colorado 69
dog, and then struck out luckily finding a broken trail
that led him to the 'post.' "
The next day after his arrival, Burke, much
exhausted dragged his weary body into the agency.
At sight of him, Mrs. Adams was moved to tears.
Don't cry he said, why I had a good breakfast this
mdrning, and then told how on leaving his other com
panions, for the time being, he pushed on up the creek
(Cochetopa) till he came to the "forks" and there saw
the fire, sack of grub, etc. Hurrying back to his com
panions he told them of his discovery and of the notice
on the tree giving the distance and route to the agency.
Before the shades of another night had fallen the rest
of them made it to the "post." So the light that was
scoffed at was the means of saving their lives.
As a presentiment the foregoing circumstances were
at least remarkable.
Jim, Kelley and I were again keeping "bachelor's
hall" in the solitudes of the Gunnison, but it was not
for long. As the advent of spring became assertive,
our proteges (miners, this time) began leaving Ouray's
camp by twos and threes, according as the spirit moved
them, and followed the Gunnison trail as the rest had
done (the Packer crowd, of course, excepted). By this
time our suspicions that they were hopelessly lost were
confirmed, circumstantially according to the date of
their departure as given us by their companions, these

70 Early Days on the
subsequent arrivals. Accepting their statements as true
it appeared that the Packer company left Ouray's camp
just five days after "Lot."
A grewsome story, their subsequent history. Their
sad fate, the handiwork of that remorseless criminal,
Alfred Packer, whose motive in murdering his com
rades was that of robbery. Of how he betrayed them
off the main trail, as against Ouray's express directions
into an impassable wilderness, and then murdered
them when they slept; of how he turned cannibal and
feasted off of their flesh, camping for many weeks at
the scene where lay his victims. Of how he next made
his way to the agency in the Cochetopa country where
he related his adventures to the employes.
His story substantially was as follows: He with
five others had started out from Ouray's camp on the
Uncompahgre intending to reach the Government cow
camp on the Gunnison. That after a few days' travel
ing he was lamed, and unable to walk; that his com
panions and himself disagreeing as to which way they
should go, they had deserted him taking a southerly
direction while he after resting a few days, and then
being able to resume his journey had slowly and labori
ously found his way to the agency, subsisting en route
on berries and an occasional rabbit or squirrel he man
aged to kill. He told Stephen A. Dole, who was then
in charge of the agency during the absence of General

Western Slope of Colorado

Adams, that he had no doubt but what his comrades
had reached Silverton or Animas valley. This recital
excited the sympathy of the employes, whose concern
for his welfare induced them to persuade their foreman,
Mr. Dole, to offer him a job which would give him a
few dollars to assist him on his outward-bound jour
ney, but he seemed strongly disinclined to accept a job.
On the other hand, however, his appearance did not in
dicate any such suffering as he claimed, for he looked
hale and hearty and well fed, though somewhat fatigued
from his long tramp. Instead of asking for food his
first demand was for a drink of whiskey. Judging from
his story which he varied for every listener, whiskey had
a confusing effect on his memory. Even his own sub
sequent confession to General Adams was full of con
tradictions. At this time, according to his own account,
he was wholly without money and to procure some sold
his Winchester rifle to one of the employes. He then
departed for Saguache, forty-five miles distant, saying
as he left that he was tired of Colorado and wished to
return to his family and friends in Pennsylvania. At
Saguache it appeared that he had plenty of money and
spent much of his time in drinking, carousing and
playing poker. At times he exhibited considerable
sums of money. A few days after leaving the agency
some Indians discovered and brought in strips of flesh,

72 Early Days on the
which the agency physician declared must have been
cut from a human body. As they were found on
Packer's trail, it was at once surmised that Packer had
killed his companions and subsisted on their flesh,
instead of roots, berries and rabbits, as he had narrated
to them. "The members of the original party of twenty-one,
who had preceded him to Saguache, on meeting Packer
there inquired of him what had become of the other
five. He told them, as he had told the employes at
the agency that they were in Silverton or in the Animas
valley, as on leaving them they went in that direction."
During his stay he went to Mr. Mears' store and
asked him if he had a horse that he would sell him as
he wanted to buy one. Mr. Mears sold him a horse
for seventy dollars, for which Packer paid in bank
notes, but Mears believing one of them to be counter
feit (he had been told by one of the original Utah party
that Packer had been in jail at Salt Lake for passing
counterfeit money), asked him for another. Packer
then produced a different pocketbook than that from
which the first had been drawn, and opening it took
out another bill, giving it to Mears in place of the note
that had been rejected, and in doing so displayed a
red printed draft, such as were then used by the Wells-
Fargo Express Company, which attracted the attention

OTTO MEARS
The Pathfinder of the San Juan
(Taken in 1880)

Western Slope of Colorado 73
of Mr. Mears, though he said nothing. About this
time General Adams, who had come from Denver,
arrived at Saguache en route back to the agency, to
whom Mears related the strange circumstances con
nected with Packer's arrival there, and his suspicions
that he had murdered and robbed his companions in
the mountains. Conferences with the members of the
original Utah party who had reached the same con
clusion, as they knew that Packer had little or no money
when they left him, brought a proposition from Adams
that if Packer could be induced to go back to the agency
where he (Adams) had full jurisdiction, he would
either force a confession from him or hold him a pris
oner until an investigation could be made as to the fate
of his companions. He then informed Packer that if
he would go as a guide, he would outfit a party to hunt
for the missing men. After much reluctance and num
berless excuses, he agreed to go if Adams would bear
all the expenses, and in this manner Packer was brought
to the agency, accompanied by Mears and two or three
of the Utah men. On the way thither, in crossing
Cochetopa creek, Packer was seen to throw something
into the stream, and when asked what it was, he replied
that it was some trash for which he had no use. They
reached the agency at dark that evening, when Adams
sent for Packer to come to his office. He said to him,

74 Early Days on the
"Packer, Mr. Mears informs me you had two pocket-
books at Saguache, both containing money; I want to
see them." He denied having any, whereupon Adams
requested Mears to search Packer, but nothing further
than a knife about nine inches long, was found. Then
both came to the conclusion that it was the pocket-
books Packer had thrown into the Cochetopa.
By this time it became known that none of the party
with whom Packer had entered the mountains had
reached Silverton or the Animas valley, and the cir
cumstances foregoing convinced Adams and all con
cerned that they had perished in the deep snows, or had
been killed and robbed by Packer, the latter suspicion
being very strong, as some of them, as has already been
stated, were known to have possessed considerable
money in notes and drafts.
"In addition, in one of his fits of intoxication at
Saguache, he had exhibited a pipe, a pocket-knife and
some other small articles known to have belonged to
the missing men. General Adams had carefully noted
all these suspicious circumstances, and having Packer
in his power, resolved to force the facts from him. All
who were interested in the proceedings, more especially
the Utah men, were so deeply incensed against Packer,
threats to lynch him were freely indulged. Packer in
reply to Adams' question, "Where did you get the large

Western Slope of Colorado 75
sums of money shown at Saguache, as you had but ten
dollars on leaving here?" said he had borrowed it from
a friend. Said Adams, "What you have told me is
false ; now I want to know and will know what became
of your comrades whom you left in the mountains.
You have lied to me! I believe those men are dead,
and that you know who killed them, and I am deter
mined to know the truth."
*Packer now thoroughly alarmed confessed the
whole truth about having murdered the entire outfit of
five men.
In this confession of Packer's there is omission of
a significant truth that he had in his possession a quan
tity of morphine which he occasionally made use of to
induce sleep. It is altogether probable that he made
use of some of it to drug his victims. This fact was
related to the writer by one of the "outfit" who knew
that Packer had morphine in his possession.
Notwithstanding the diligence that General Adams
displayed in outfitting search parties to hunt for the
missing men and compelling Packer to assist in the
search their efforts were all to no purpose. On the
fourth day out the man in charge of the main expedi-

*Note — The paragraphs in this chapter marked as quoted are from
the pen of Gen. Frank Hall.

76 Early Days on the
tion, Herman Lauter, an employe of the agency, was
set upon by Packer who tried to murder him with a
large sheath knife that he had concealed in his boot,
but Lauter speedily disarmed him. When he declared
himself to be bewildered and lost, a man named Nutter,
of the original Utah party, who accompanied the
expedition, said to Packer, "I am satisfied now that
you killed those men, and ought to be hanged for it."
He replied, "If you are satisfied that I killed the men,
YOU find them." The search therefore ended in com
plete failure, and there was nothing to do but go back
to the agency and report. Packer was thereupon taken
to Saguache and was turned over to the sheriff of that
county. The search was kept up, however, and at
various times, articles of clothing and other things were
discovered, which still further confirmed the suspicions
that the men had been killed."
"In June the greater part of the heavy snows had
disappeared, and prospectors began to go into the moun
tains, many of whom passed the agency en route.
General Adams related to them what had occurred, and
requested them to look for the bodies of the men who
had gone to the mining fields with Packer the previous
winter."

'Wit-' ' /' ?
Remains of the Victims of Albert Packer

Western Slope of Colorado 77
Among the first that went to Lake City that spring
was a photographer named J. A. Randolph, who made
views and sketches for Harper's Weekly. While pass
ing through a spruce grove Randolph *came upon the
bodies of five men, four lying in a row, each showing
that his head had been crushed with a hatchet or an
ax, and that they had been killed while sleeping.
"The bodies were covered with blankets, and were
in an advanced state of decomposition. The fifth man,
Bell, lay at some distance from the others; examination
proved that he had been shot with a rifle, and the head
had been cut clean from the trunk. There were abun
dant signs of a sharp, fierce struggle indicating unmis
takably that Bell had fought desperately for his life.
Most of the flesh had been cut from his body, but the
others were less extensively mutilated, which seemed
to prove that the party was not destitute of food when
killed; that they had not slain each other as Packer
claimed, but that he (Packer) had slain them for their
money and property."
Another circumstance which indicated the des-
perateness of the fight with Bell, was that when Packer

*Frank Hall, in his history of this discovery, gives
the artist's name as Reynolds. This is a mistake, as the
sketch herewith from Harper's Weekly is signed by
the artist himself as John A. Randolph.

78 Early Days on the
arrived at the agency two of his front teeth were miss
ing. A rude shanty or cabin was found near the spot,
and leading from it to the battle ground was Packer's
well-worn trail, showing that he had made frequent
visits to his victims and subsisted upon their flesh.
On the strength of this discovery General Adams,
as we have seen, turned Packer over to the sheriff of
Saguache County. A few days later he made his escape
from jail and nothing more was heard of him till March
1883, nearly ten years afterward, when one of the or
iginal Utah party, named *"Frenchy," being in a house
at Fort Fetterman, Wyoming Territory, heard voices of
men through a thin partition which separated the rooms,
and at once recognized one of them as Packer's.
Keeping his own counsel, he communicated the fact to
General Adams, then holding the position of United
States Postoffice Inspector, that Packer was at Fort
Fetterman, under the assumed name of John
Schwartze. He was soon arrested by the sheriff of that county
and held for Adams, who immediately went to the
post and brought him back to Denver and lodged him
in jail. From there he was next taken to Lake City
by the sheriff of Hinsdale County and arraigned for
trial at the spring term of the district court when Judge

*Jean Cazaubon.

Western Slope of Colorado 79
Gerry sentenced him to be hanged on the 19th of May
following. However, Packer, was never executed,
owing to the blunders of our State Legislature in
amending certain sections of the criminal code. By
this means he acquired another hearing, this time in
the Supreme Court. But this hearing did not come
off till 1885 — meanwhile Packer laid in jail awaiting
the result till, at last, broken in body and mind by the
long confinement he at last received his sentence.
Not only Packer, but several other assassins gained
new trials under the lame technicalities of the penal
code and had their sentences commuted to imprison
ment, in lieu of the death penalty. Packer's final sen
tence was 40 years, but he died before the expiration of
that term.
The graves of his victims lie in a foreground front
ing on the eastern shore of Lake San Christoval, a beau
tiful sheet of water two miles from Lake City, five
hundred feet deep. In that vale of gloom they are
sleeping today, shaded by a grove of immense pines
and spruces that lift their dark green heads high above
the surrounding forest.
Emigravit be the inscription on their tombstones:
Reposing in unbroken solitude; surrounded by a colon
nade of crags and peaks; their's is a worthy sepulchre
that lies mirrored forever on the lake's placid bosom!
A lake and a landscape that reverberates with echoes

80 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
whose accents recall the past, for, even as music was
first born of the echo so is nature's voice a solemn
requiem, a Te Deum of the dead.
To detail at further length the grewsome particu
lars of this melancholy story is not the purpose of this
sketch, for abler pens than mine have told it scores
of times. For that matter, it has been put on record
by writers who have achieved a world-wide reputation.

CHAPTER VII— 1875
Removal of the Agency to the Uncompahgre River
TIME passed on from the spring time of 1874
into the summer season of 1875, bringing with it
a change of agents at Los Pinos.
The regulations of the Indian Department gave full
option to the church (Unitarian), as to whether or not
they desired to keep General Adams as agent.
His appointment, in the first place, as we have seen,
was made principally because of his military record and
therefore because of his unexceptional fitness for the
"post." At that time it appeared to have been the gen
eral impression that his religious faith was of the strict
Unitarian, but it afterwards appeared that Adams was
a Catholic, a fact which, he, himself, very seldom
adverted to, consequently in dividing up the patronage
it was recognized that the Ute portfolio really belonged
of right to the Unitarians. Accordingly certain theo
logians of Boston, the headquarters of Unitarianism
secured General Adams' removal so as to create a
Vacancy for a member of their sect.
The Reverend Henry F. Bond, a graduate of Har
vard College, thereupon took General Adams' place.
In the summer season of 1875, as already stated, there

82 Early Days on the

came orders from Washington to pull up stakes and
move the Utes into the Uncompahgre country. After a
favorable location was agreed upon a new saw-mill was
ordered from Denver. Contracts for its delivery at
the new agency were let to the logging camps already
located there.
Various spasmodic efforts at grading across some
hill-country and at bridge construction were in evi
dence that "the San Juan mining excitement" had
preceded the Indians to their new home, sensing the
necessity for better roads which did not reach full com
pletion till three years later. That the roads were bad
was likewise evidenced by the final cost of freight
deliveries at the mines and the struggles of prospectors
in getting there, none of which were to be lightly
though of.
The logging camps assumed still another contract
which was the moulding, etc., of three hundred thou
sand adobe bricks which they, in turn, subleased to
Mexican laborers.
In order that contractor's camps should be promptly
supplied with beef we got a hurry-up call at the Gun
nison camp, instructing us to round up the Government
herd and push it along to the Uncompahgre. We
accordingly hit the trail in short order. Our task pre
sented somewhat rough mountain climbing, but our
difficulties in this respect were simply of that character

Western Slope of Colorado 83

incidental to cattle trailing through a rough country
barring, however, the transportation problem which, at
times, became a matter of no small perplexity.
Our fall and winter supplies necessarily loaded
down our prairie schooner to the gun wales, necessitat
ing three yoke of cattle to haul it. As an extra pre
caution for emergency's sake we took along an addi
tional yoke of steers which proved to have been a wise
precaution. Efficient forethought, however, at the out
set of our trip would have suggested the wisdom of
setting aside that prairie schooner, for, in any event,
a light traveling "pack outfit" would have done in
its stead much better duty and not have delayed us as
did "the schooner." Like many another relic of Fre
mont's day (left stranded on the reservation) it was
more ornamental than useful. However, we took it
along, and moreover taxed its tonnage capacity by
piling into it a great deal of unnecessary stuff that it
were better had it been left behind, for, in the end
it was unceremoniously fired overboard.
At every hill on our route west of the 107th meri
dian nothing short of a Job's patience sus
tained us. In fact some of those hills would unques
tionably, have stumped Job. There were several of
them on Fremont's route. But we had one advantage
over "the old man" which, the same, consisted of a
five-gallon keg of "spirits frumenti" and herewith, it

84 Early Days on the
is pertinent to remark that its contents were consider
ably lowered before we reached the Uncompahgre.
In very truth at every hill encountered there was abso
lute necessity to unload the aforesaid "schooner" and
pack its heterogenous contents to the top. There were
small as well as large elevations of land, and though
the larger ones stood apart by themselves, yet the
smaller ones were grouped, and usually, on this account
were the hardest stunts to tackle. None too willingly
did our cow-ponies submit to be thus used as "packers"
at "packing up" unloadings, but they had it to do.
"Hie labor hoc opus est!" When the trail wasn't up
a mountain it went down into a bog.
At such hills as the "Lake Fork," Pine Creek, "the
Blues" and the Cimarron, we had the time of our lives
to get our "bulls" to pull even the empty schooner to
the top. Undeniably, at such emergencies the never
failing bottle of "bitters" was on hand to re-enforce
muscular energy like the old maid's proverbial cup of
tea at stunts of house cleaning. Our lariettes, too, were
frequently called into service at the end of the wagon
tongue to assist "the bulls," a scheme, that, to use
Hartman's expression was "old business," for, he
"allowed it never failed to put her there !"
Riding tandem fashion with our lariettes all hitched
to the schooner's head, like a steamer's tow line, the
upward pull to the top of the hill might not have been

Western Slope of Colorado 85
unlike the pitching of a tramp steamer fast to a derelict
and mounting the crest of a big wave, only less grace
fully, and in the schooner's case with much more pro
fanity. Our wagon boss, "the head push," as we called
him, as already intimated, was and is yet, one of the
solid men of Gunnison. Associated with him on this
pilgrimage were John B. Mclntyre, Jim Bishop,
George Beckwith, Jim Kelley, Antonio Madrill, who
was a Mexican, and the writer.
At the hill on Pine Creek our rough locks broke
and our schooner got such a start going down grade
that it overran the "bulls," broke off all their horns,
and finally landed bottom side up in the creek, twist
ing off the tongue, too, when it turned its last somer
sault. We laid up the next day for repairs and
resumed our journey on the morrow just as if nothing
had ever happened. On Saturday night we reached
the valley of the Cimarron, a section of wildly beau
tiful loveliness with heavily timbered mesa lands on
either hand.
These minor details are culled from my note book
by way of a general comparison with a similar journey
that was performed by my whilom friend, Captain
Wm. H. Hooper, several years previously while en
route to Utah as mentioned in the opening chapter of
this book. His tribulations were mainly the result
of broken wheels or the pulling out of wagon tongues,

86 Early Days on the

otherwise his numerous outfit of teams enabled him to
double up enough of them together to reach from the
bottom to the top of any hill on the whole route, the
same as did the expeditions of Fremont, and the mili
tary, at a later date, under General Albert Sidney
Johnson. We passed numerous relics of those early
day outfits strewn by the wayside in the shape of old
hubs, wagon tires, etc. With us, however, the pulling
problem was of an infinitely more serious nature on
account of our limited capacity of motive power.
The next day, so my memorandum tells me, was
like many another day, full of laborious driving both
on account of the schooner and because of the herd in
general. Calves were becoming footsore and then their
mothers would lag behind, so that it became necessary
to shorten up on mileage, and to camp longer as for
instance at our "noonings." Thenceforward, ten miles
a day became our average progress. At Cedar Creek
"divide" we found that grass was become a short bite
on the range, therefore night herding was correspond
ingly difficult, and to crown all we were compelled to
make a dry camp there, which was a turn in our affairs
that was wholly unexpected.
.Here was water, but it soon became tramped out
of sight in the mire by impatient and thirsty cattle.
It was proposed at this juncture that some one should
go back to the Cimarron and get some water, but this

Western Slope of Colorado 87
proposition was overruled by Hartman, seeing that
owing to the extreme restlessness of the cattle it
required the presence of the entire force of "punchers"
to hold them in check. "Boys," said he, "after the
moon rises, if you'll watch the water holes so as to
keep the cattle from tramping in them, we can all get
a drink, for, maybe the cattle will then begin to lie
down." But the moon didn't come up, owing to clouds
and the cattle wouldn't lie down, but continued to
tramp and bellow all night long, continuously, and to
mush up the water holes, for in the dark we couldn't
see them. So unmanageable did the herd become after
midnight that it was only by superhuman efforts that
we succeeded in holding them together. Had they
succeeded in breaking away from us a stampede would
have followed and it would have been physically
impossible to have checked them short of Gunnison
river. So it was, that, on the following day under a blaz
ing sun, without breakfast, and minus supper the night
before, also without water for ourselves or horses we
started out on the down grade along Cedar Creek gulch,
through blinding clouds of dust. Dust was every
where, a dust that was all pervading, emphasizing the
dry season, and dry Cedar Creek in particular, wherein
it harmonized with a landscape that was bare and old,
and which partook of a burnt-like aspect resembling

88 Early Days on the
bricks and partial to some distant prehistoric period.
Something else, however, spoke to us about things that
were not prehistoric, but eminently present in the sense
of physical discomfort as at the pits of our stomachs and
unmistakably expressed by thirst and appetite. Out of
the depths of all that dryness, too, what little wind
abounded was invariably in our faces, the sand was in
our eyes and the alkali down our throats, most abom
inably. On account of the alkali we decided to keep
our mouths shut, for conversation under such circum
stances was necessarily, in itself, a hardship. Thus we
jogged along in depressed but dignified silence like so
many gnomes. Our quietude, however, was unex
pectedly broken by Antonio, our Aztec herder, he of
the dark complexion. Antonio, "the silent," we called
him because of his invariable taciturnity. As he tipped
his sombrero we grasped the idea that something was
wanted, or else it was something that was coming —
possibly "a kick;" anyhow, that it must be brilliant if
only found out was a foregone conclusion. Well, what
was it? "Just one leetle smack of ze 'aqua ardiente.' "
We had a whole keg of it in the "schooner," only that
we called it the "good old Gukenheimer." Ordinarily
a drink of it was like taking gum drops from an infant,
it went down so smoothly, but under present circum
stances there was no water on the side for a side drink.
"Aqua Ardiente!" The bare thought of it all but

Western Slope of Colorado 89
withered in the blossom! But expressed in Mexican
it had a seductive, melliffluous sound as thus pro
nounced by Antonio, and the innocent doffing of his
sombrero relieved the sordid incident of its squalor, as
he again performed the evolution of that capillary
appendage and announced to our silent conclave of five
souls how "mucho milo" he then was, for all of which,
there was but one antidote, a big snifter of "the Guken-
heimer." No one had spoken a word of remonstrance,
for, as yet, our conclave" was as silent as the tomb, not
a single voice save Antonio's had, as yet, broken that
impressive serenity, all was silence except for an occa
sional bellow from the herd or the distant cackling of
a lone coyote. But a good deed is never lost and simply
because of our continued silence it was not to be pre
sumed that Antonio's projectile had fallen as did the
words of a famous parable of scripture on stony ground.
Had there been any fastidiousness lurking in the atmos
phere, then indeed, would the force of Antonio's shin
ing example been lost, but not so !
By dint of perseverance he at last succeeded in per
suading Hartman to halt so that he could board the
"schooner" and help himself to the "demijohn." After
taking a gulp of its contents he very deliberately depos
ited the "wicker work" on top of the jocky box.
It was Jim Kelley's turn at it next and he made
good — but first, he decided to make a few introductory

90 Early Days on the
remarks, as, for instance, by inquiring of the rest of us if
it were not "a long time between drinks? Do not you
fellows observe that lone thing standing there — that
demijohn of 'Old Budge !' that booze ! which makes all
our troubles so light !"
It needed not Mr. Kelley's melodramatic appeal to
bring Hartman to the front of the wagon, for, he was
already on his way there to mount the jockey box, and
announce himself as the bartender. Observing that we
were pretty near "all in" because of being "mucho
milo" he would see to it accordingly by giving each
sick man his full share of "ardiente" and right well he
performed that duty for each "puncher" got a pretty
"stiff horn." Ordinarily a sovereign remedy for
exactly what ailed us, but taken on an empty stomach
minus water for a "chaser" it was productive of a
variety of sensations, not one of which bore the least
resemblance to pleasure, or even comfort. However,
with all great miseries there is, nevertheless some small
gain, and inasmuch as the aforesaid "booze" inspired
us with an afterthought which accomplished good
results pertaining to our line of march, we felt con
strained to forgive Antonio for having become "mucho
milo." Casually we noticed that our whips had become
unserviceable from too much wear and tear, and as
thus we realized that whipless whip lashes would not

Western Slope of Colorado 91
accellerate the herd to increased speed; that not a wil
low lash abounded; that it was miles to tall timber;
yet, all the same, our spirits told us that to mention a
need was but (to find the means at hand. Immediately
in our foreground was a place where once had been an
Indian camp and here, too, were lodge poles that had
been left behind, the very thing, and just the right size.
With that we each grabbed a pike and put in our best
stunts at punching up the lagging herd.
Seen at a distance our column of march now
assumed the appearance of an advanced "line of
lancers" strung out for at least five miles in a serpen
tine trail, accentuated by low hanging dust clouds, up
through whose fog protruded the ends of our pike poles
like so many portable exclamation points, / / / / / /
denoting our route towards the promised land.
Meanwhile the cry was water! It became strong
and insistent ! Who would be the Moses to smite the
rock? We wanted something to drink for our thirst
was now become almost unbearable — something fierce !
Even so, and akin to that species of temporary insan
ity which sometimes assails the minds of newspaper
reporters when called upon to chronicle the ravages of
fire in great cities and which animates that spark
of their special Providence which decrees that big rivers
shall run by big towns, and still be non-existent, such
was our desire for a drink. Even as a wish is father to

92 Early Days on the
the thought, therefore, I being the cook should be the
one to search for water. Accordingly I was directed to
look up any old place along and between those crests
that cap the wild hillsides bordering on what is now
called "Bostwick Park." I took with me for that pur
pose an old keg that had once contained "spirits," and
prospected most assiduously throughout the designated
country, but no water! Inwardly, I reflected, that it
would have been policy in Hartman to have sent me
back to the Cimarron for it, but that proposition had
been vetoed the night before.
Returning disgustedly to the line of our march I
determined on having some fun, albeit it was of a grim
visaged aspect, at the expense of our "punchers," so
I jocularly carried the empty keg in such a labored
manner as to convey the impression that it was exceed
ingly heavy as if full of water, which the punchers
taking cognizance of, they came crowding around me
as I pulled up at the wagon. Passing the keg first to
Hartman, as by all rights of courtesy I should, its ap
parent weight inspired too much of a lift which sent it
high above his head. It was accordingly very self-
evident that the proposition was X, minus an unknown
property, water. Forthwith that keg's descent to the
ground was as sudden and abrupt as the ejaculation
that accompanied it, "hell!" Whereupon the whole

Western Slope of Colorado 93
outfit's precipitate exit back into the everlasting dust
was as effective as if a curtain had been rung down
upon the scene.
To this episode, however, there was an "after-re
hearsal," so to speak, and in this the cattle themselves
were the chief actors. On an Indian trail it is the
unexpected that sometimes happens, and thus the
absorbing question at issue was solved, satisfactorily,
almost immediately after my return from Bostwick
Park, and in this brute instinct played a lofty part.
There was a commotion in the distant van of the
herd. Mclntyre had observed it through his field-glass.
A succession of binoculars raised in that direction con
firmed the impression of a disturbance but as seen
through clouds of dust the nature of it was wholly a
matter of conjecture. However, it only needed the
hoarse bellow of a wide-awake steer about midway in
the herd to tell us the secret of that commotion, as
chorus after chorus of bellowings followed suit. In a
twinkling the whole outfit began a wild stampede for
water. Their objective was apparently west, by north
of us. Thither the herd was stampeding in a bee-line
for what was undoubtedly the Uncompahgre river.
As they bounded along with lowering horns and ele
vated tails the herd resembled a multitude of tumble
weeds seen upon a prairie on a windy day.

94 Early Days on the
"What fools us mortals be!" Had Shakespeare's
ghost been present in our outfit on that occasion the
above unfavorable opinion of our intelligence would
undoubtedly have been passed upon us, for, we had
camped in the "dry" when there was water only ten-
miles ahead of us. Instead of camping at all we should
have made a night drive from Dry Cedar to the
Uncompahgre. We threw down our "pikes" and all now hurried
to the river where dismounting we turned our horses'
heads to the water leaving them to drink at will. We
had no fear of their running away. Our own thirst
required slaking as well as theirs and crowding into
the stream we poured the cold water down our throats
in cupfuls. We felt as though we should never be
surfeited. At last evening came with its beautiful smile, but
its glamour witnessed only a tired crowd of cowboys.
No night-herding for us that night, but, instead, a well-
earned rest alike, also, for the jaded horses and foot
sore cattle. Just like a benediction from Heaven the
night winds brought forth a most welcome thunder
storm that freshened the August atmosphere and lent
inspiration to happy dreams wherein there was no more
dust, or dry camps, but instead, green valley lands and
snow-clad mountains, as if all nature was attuned to
that —

Western Slope of Colorado 95
"Summer's voice that calleth on forest and sandy plain,
With an unusual murmur as falleth the cooling drops
of rain."
Little did we think at that time, that, at that which
was our dry camp on "Dry Cedar" would, four decades
later, become the scene of exploitation of a great irriga
tion project in the shape of a Government tunnel, all
within gun-shot distance of where we once partook of
our "spirits frumenti" on board of a "prairie schooner."
Chief Ouray met us in the early morning's round-up
and gave us instructions as to the whereabouts of our
future cow camp which was duly located conformably
with his directions, being pitched at a point where the
first main tributary of the Uncompahgre empties into
it, and on its left banks, which tributary we found to
be about seven miles south of the selected site of the
Ute agency, which latter was in the main river valley.
Seeing that our tributary was lacking a name we very
properly christened it Cow Creek.
Hartman put on his best sombrero that morning
and spliced out his whip popper with an extra braid,
which latter stunt was done more from force of habit
than otherwise, for now that we were journeying
placidly in a fair valley, comparatively speaking, a
prairie country, there was no more need of strenuous

96 Early Days on the
bull-whacking. Profanity and loud talking were equally
superfluous, and prairie schooners a back number.
We had been just ten days on the trip from Taylor
Park in the Gunnison Mountains to Cow Creek, and
had covered all told just one hundred and ten miles.
Slow, but sure mileage and distinctively western,
and, taken as a whole, it was anything but the "snap"
that such trips are usually cracked up to be.
Our first hard work after pitching tents on Cow
Creek was to build a suitable corral and a cabin, the
location of which as already stated being seven miles
south of the new agency. In our near vicinity was the
headquarters of Lieutenant George M. Wheeler (Chief
of the U. S. Geographical Survey west of the 107th
meridian) temporarily camped at the mouth of Cow
Creek. By him we were informed that the new agency
was in Latitude 38 degrees 30 minutes north and Lon
gitude 107 degrees 45 minutes west.
The new agency! What a magic in the words!
And, yet, what's in a name? A token, as of a romance
which was yet to be, those extended piles of "dobe"
bricks staked up in various stages of dryness. Simply
the new agency "embryo," as a project in the rough, but
all the same those sun-dried "bats" were destined to
loom up. superior to that sordid alkali prairie. Strong
was the spell that once hung on their numbers, for,

--- 77;c_

V~ .. H«

Los Pinos Agency on the Uncompahgre

Western Slope of Colorado 97
ultimately it was their mission to be formed into solid
walls and corridors within which imagination was wont
to picture a spacious "plaza" from whose flagstaff
would yet float "Old Glory" to proclaim that august
authority vested in Uncle Sam and Madam Columbia,
in the person of the agent and his wife as uncle and
aunt to all of the Utes.

CHAPTER VIII
Names of "Bronchoes," Otto Mears' "Jugs,"
a Mexican, etc., etc., etc.
A Grecian philosopher once said that it takes all
kinds of people to make the world. He might
with equal truth have said that it takes all kinds
of horses to make a cow camp.
With the establishment of the new agency, we were
outfitted with a new band of "bronchoes," consequently
our camp was well fixed for fresh horses. We had a
fine string of them. To begin with, there was "Shoe
String" with a jack stripe down his back; "Good Eye,"
a horse that had but one eye; "Limber Jim" that
could unlimber any man that wasn't a professional;
and "Boot Jack." By the way , "Limber Jim" was
one of the best cow horses that ever made a track in
this country. "Crazy Jane" (locoed), of whom Jim
Kelley had said that she was ornery enough to have run
off of a bluff with Brigham Young on her back. She
was rougher to ride than the walking beam of a Missis
sippi steamboat — "Battle Axe" wasn't noted for his
docility ; who could toss a man up and catch him square
in the saddle more times without missing a fall than
any catcher behind the bat in a baseball team. "Shoe
String" wasn't so much on the bucking order as he was
crazy. A little stick in the trail not the size of a bean

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 99
pole would create a jump five feet high and ten feet
long, which jump he invariably considered necessary
to get over it.
The general Government was liberal to the Indians
in the matter of beef which was issued to them once
every ten days. On one occasion the beef thus issued
did not have streaks of fat sufficiently thick mixed with
the lean, not properly marbled, so to speak, and there
fore they threw it into the camp ditch.
Game of all kinds was abundant in those days and
the Utes were correspondingly particular as to the
quality of their "sirloins" and "porter house" steaks.
The commissary, Mr. C. P. Foster, went to the agent
and inquired what he should do about this matter and
received answer from him that he should do nothing
furthermore he could inform the Utes that the beef was
theirs to dispose of as they saw fit, and whether they
threw it into the ditch or down their throats was a
matter of indifference.
Otto Mears, since known to fame, was then our
champion beef contractor. At times Americans did his
herding and at other times this employment was given
to Mexicans accordingly as the supply of "punchers"
held out in the "labor market."
The average Mexican or "greaser" of those days
was not thoroughly honest and even those who were
inclined to be square were often betrayed by their com-

ioo Early Days on the
panions into actions that exposed them to censure.
Rustling for "mavericks" was their "long suit," and
inversely in proportion to their "busted" condition was
their desire to "maverick" and in no wise were they
particular as to whether they mavericked off of the
Government in their forays or off of Mears, who — to
use a Western phrase was secretly getting onto these
fellows and was well informed as to who their ring
leader was. Speaking afterwards of these occurrences
he remarked, "I don't care a damn how much 'Uncle
Sam' gets beat, but I hate like hell to get beat myself."
One night some Mexicans out at Saguache gave a
"grand fiesta." All of the Mexicans at our agency
were invited to it and though it was one hundred and
thirty miles to Saguache, yet they were not slow in
getting there. This was what Mears was waiting for.
When the music commenced, and the "greasers" began
to spring themselves, Mr. Mears appeared on the scene
and promptly arrested their floor manager, who proved
to be an Aztec of Nacogdoches descent, and hurried
him off to a place where distance lent enchantment to
the view. His name in full was Mr. Jose Marie, Jesus
de Annuncio "y" de los Santos Chaves de Monclovia.
When brought before the Alcalde (a justice of the
peace), and American, he professed to be lame in his
right arm, whereupon the examination commenced.
"Now, Mr. Jose Maria, etc., you say in defense of

Western Slope of Colorado 101
yourself that you butchered your own beef. I am now
about to convene this honorable court. Everything
shall be called by its proper name. The highest and
most solemn obligations are imposed upon us and it is
this court's bounden duty to hear all the evidence, so
help me God, before it acts on your case."
"How did you come to break your arm, of which
you now complain?"
"I tell you dis minute, Senor Alcalde," began the
Aztec. "You know I bin a good bocaro, 'mas a menos,'
me and my plenty componeros bin comin' dis way to
Saguache to a gran' fiesta we bin invite to, and we want
some 'carnee,' some 'bif,' you know, and when me go
to lasso de bif, my 'caviah,' my hoss, you know, he
trow me, on de upside of me down, dat was why I
bin lame in my awm so !"
"Whose beef were you trying to rope?" asked a
bystander. "Quien sabe?" answers the scion of Montezuma.
"I do' know, but ze 'bif he are fat and my componeros
zey lik' fat 'bif,' an' me kill ze 'bif.' "
From the hobo's point of view the above explana
tion was pertinent, but the Alcalde had other views and
fined the Mexican seventy-five dollars and costs. In
default of payment the prisoner was sent to the work
house for sixty days where he rusticated throughout
the approaching Christmas holidays. To one of Jose

102 Early Days on the
Mari'a's calibre, this procedure was a new wrinkle in
the maverick law.
The cowboy has been much misrepresented as a
"character." The genuine ones are seriously engaged
in a trade which takes some time to learn and it is a
matter of business with them. Even more of a char
acter than these men is the wild cow with her strange
notions. Having had no occasion to think otherwise,
she has an idea that man and horse are one animal.
She believes in "centaurs" and considers them proper.
One time my side partner dismounted in mid-range to
his own legs and was observed of a cow with a calf.
She saw him do it; imagine her feelings when she saw
her "centaur" divide itself into two parts and act like
that. She immediately felt it her duty to kill off such
a miscarriage of nature and while she would run from
him on four legs she now ran at him. He clapped him
self on his horse just in time to avoid a horn, and she
kept brandishing at him as he loped away.
Such, indeed, is the truly wild cow. She can run
like a horse and fight upon occasion, and she can dodge
a great deal easier than a horse.
This is where a cowboy's hardest riding comes in,
for it is his business to out dodge her, to drive her where
he wishes her to be.
In the quintessence of his calling he is the artful

Western Slope of Colorado 103
dodger of the plains; and from this comes the pecu
liarity of his long stirrup riding and all that makes his
menage really different from that of other horsemen.
*t* *T* *P *T* 'J* n* *?* *f*
There were fourteen employes at the new agency,
all told, including many of the old hands that had
served under the management of General Adams.
The members of Mr. Bond's household were highly
cultured people, whole-souled and cordial.
During those long winter nights, when the year
1875 was not long for this world and the year 1876
was soon to begin its feeble existence, the new agency
became electrified with the doings of a literary, debating
and dramatic club, all home talent.
Our sessions were held in the big tent that was
temporarily used as a sort of ante-room to the office
where Indians who had business with the agent could
remain in waiting until they could have a hearing.
This tent was comfortable at all times and here
the loafers (Indians) of whatever degree delighted to
congregate and spend their time in telling yarns and
smoking. The average Ute of those days could kill a
genuine Yankee at talking, notwithstanding the fact
that an Indian is usually regarded as somewhat of a
stoic. At loafing they stood pre-eminent, at least so far
as the men were concerned, for the necessity of rustling

104 Early Days on the
for their own grub was a thing of the past, and they
were no longer concerned about the existence of jack-
rabbits^ locusts and wild honey like "ye clepid knights
af ancient scripture."
As Christmas day was near at hand some of the
agency boys began rustling around at the upper end
of Dallas Valley where the Indians reported having
seen some wild turkeys. Fortune favored our Nim-
rods, for they succeeded in bagging a big wild gobbler,
which they found beyond the forks of the creek nearby
the present home of life Hans Vom Hagen.*
Our first mince pie, however, came all the way from
Boston. It was our "piece de resistence," but just the
same, according to Mclntyre's story we were at the
point of losing it altogether, seeing that the postmaster
on the east side of Cochetopa Pass had somehow got
the impression that it was intended for the "Pie Utes"
then camped in San Luis Valley, but our redoubtable
chief herder headed it off at the "Pass," so he declared,
and kept it "going west" till it arrived at the new
agency in time for our state dinner.
An early spring followed the winter of 1875, after
it had passed the New Year's line of 1876. A brand
new flag was sent to us from Washington. "Old
Glory" had added to its "galaxy" a new star for Colo
rado which had just been admitted into the Union.
•Leading cowman of Dallas Valley.

Western Slope of Colorado 105
A new state, a new flag, a "new agency" and a good
dinner, all harmonized well together on New Year's
day, 1876.
Although, as previously mentioned, an early spring
came on that year, yet deep and drifting snows in the
early part of winter, notably on both sides of Cochetopa
Pass, shut us off from transportation with Denver, con
sequently the "agency" became a sort of isolated ter
minal with no resources except some limited supplies at
the "old" or "sub-agency," and these had to be packed
by mule train across ninety-eight miles of a mountain
country. Like sailors marooned on an island we were com
pelled to be saving in the matter of provisions, for our
supplies began to dwindle in the staples of butter,
sugar and salt, so that before we began to fairly realize
it we were getting short on our "bill of fare," as for
instance, with no butter to go on our bread we ate
bread straight; shy on sugar we took our coffee straight,
and tea likewise; minus salt, our beef was straight. At
last this straight business became chronic, for when
our supply of coal-oil and candles evaporated, we were
brought face to face with darkness and that was
straight, too; everything "straight."
The effects of that brief but snowy winter left its
mark in many snow slides, far and wide, around Ouray.
Starvation, too, stared many an old-timer out of coun-

106 Early Days on the
tenance with his luck as an average prospector. Streaks
of his desperation; that feeling of despair that comes
over a man when he finds that winter is at hand and
nothing has been found, needed no flowers of rhetoric
to portray them as winter stalked gaunt through the
valley of the Uncompahgre. Then it was that "Slow-
elk," as all unbranded Government beef was termed,
were made to suffer. Many a slow-elk, that winter,
fell, to the unerring rifle of the crafty frontiersman.
Personally we did not blame them, the poor prospectors,
but as against stock men, we were compelled for self
protection to round up, brand and ear-mark the Govern
ment herd. This work was faithfully kept up till every
hoof was branded, to-wit, "U. S. I. D." (United States
Indian Department). The editor of the Ouray Times
sacriligiously remarked in his "agency column" that
the true meaning of the above term was, "you steal
and I divide."
Mr. Bond was greatly worried over an erroneous
count of the Government herd, and in his report to the
Indian Department in 1875 a charge of embezzlement
was made against us. Later on we were gratified to
note that Mr. Bond gave in our affidavit, with the
amended figures on the face of it in his final returns
to Washington, which returns, thus certified, showed
that we made an accounting of exactly twelve hundred
head of beef as per general round-up.

REV. HENRY F. BOND
U. S. Indian Agent

Western Slope of Colorado 107

It was an audacious trick, that of driving the same
bunches of beef twice through the cattle chutes, so then
when certain of the chiefs and head men of the tribe
receipted for them, they actually receipted for twice the
herd's total number, therefore after we had driven them
to the Uncompahgre it was currently reported there
abouts, that we, the herders, drove in twice as many
cattle as the books called for, to-wit, twenty-four hun
dred head. Some of the local newspapers got up a
grandiloquent story to the effect that fourteen Ameri
cans and three Indians ate up twelve hundred head of
cattle in two weeks.
A most searching investigation by the chief of the
Inspection Bureau of the Indian Department corro
borated our correct figures, but, as a matter of fact,
there was really a shortage of two hundred head of
steers that had unavoidably strayed back from the
Uncompahgre to their old range in Taylor Park, con
sequently they had there fallen under the operation
of the maverick law before a final recovery of them
could be effected. This loss, however, the Indian
Department eventually made good to the Indians by
a repurchase of exactly the number of missing strays
and then assessed their cost against the agent's salary,
a procedure, too, that afterwards required a special act
of Congress to nullify ere his claim for back pay could
be collected, which involved him in a war of vexatious
technicalities, and years of waiting and watching.

CHAPTER IX
A New Agent Is Appointed
AS a result of what the maverick law had done,
Mr. Bond was requested to resign. His successor
in office was Major W. D. Wheeler, who arrived
from Washington in the fall of 1876. Apropos of Mr.
Bond's discharge it is pertinent to note that he accepted
his demit with a good grace, for, he was heartily tired
of being the Ute agent any longer, and hailed with
delight an opportunity so well timed with his feelings
in which to abdicate his post gracefully.
The agency was by this time fairly well started.
The date of Major Wheeler's arrival there, happened
most opportunely on an "issue-day" when a large num
ber of the tribes were assembled at the commissary
store house to receive their weekly rations.
Adverting to his appointment, there was, as a rule
such a frequency in the changing of agents that it
approached the "chronic stage;" a new one every eigh
teen months or so. Every newly-arrived agent, too, in
variably found his predecessor's accounts in a confused
and unsettled state as if felonies had been compounded.
A policy for this invariable discovery might have
been assumed by the idea that to do so, was to insure

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 109
an easy "projecting" for subsequent improvement on
the part of the new incumbent in office; a peculiarity
that has been remarked about other "posts" than those
of the Utes, and of other states besides Colorado.
The Reverend Bond, Major Wheeler and perhaps
General Adams might be mentioned as worthy excep
tions to the above almost universal rule.
Being an ex-army paymaster, something unusual,
too, in a candidate for the Ute portfolio, Wheeler, was,
therefore, looked up to as a somebody that was head
and shoulders above the general average of Indian
agents; a somebody born to "the purple," and bearing
his honors gracefully, as a little god, for such is the
average Indian agent whose authority "there is none
to dispute." Tall, portly, of florid complexion and
ponderous avoirdupoise, his dignity, style and bearing
likewise bore out the foregoing impressions.
Mr. Bond met him just as his "buckboard" pulled
into "the plaza" and treated him just as a man in the
East does a friend who arrives at the railway station,
where he has been waiting for him with the dog-cart.
"How are you, my dear fellow?"
"Very glad to see you. Where's your luggage?"
"Let me take it," etc.
Meanwhile Chief Ouray had entered the agent's
office by a rear door. There was a twinkle in the old
man's eye that suggested a something coming, as of a

1 1 o Early Days on the
bizarre nature, possibly an "encore," "on the side."
Indeed the new comer had no sooner seated himself
comfortably in the office chair than there came a tre
mendous volley that was fired at the agent's house from
all sides at once. A somewhat startling salute and
not a little disconcerting to a new comer at such a
"post." However, the Major was not dashed, for,
being an old veteran of the Civil War, he was used to
salutes. His introduction to Ouray followed, and immedi
ately there filed into the office a small delegation of
chiefs and head men to hold a "pow wow" with him,
They had a grievance to present. It was about a tract
of land called the "four-mile strip."
The point at issue was that the whites had feloni
ously gobbled up four miles of their territory, which
was not included in the treaty, but should have
remained a part of the Indian reservation.
They were indignant that this encroachment had
been practiced upon them, and pointed, through their
interpreter, to the phraseology of their treaty wherein
was a "saving clause," so designed by the commission
ers as to shield them from any loss of their territory
contingent upon a misunderstanding of the terms "val
ley" and "park," or then, in another essential, when
the extension of the 38th parallel was run to its limit
an "overlap" of the park might become developed.
That such an "overlap" was found was borne out by the

Western Slope of Colorado 1 1 1

survey, thereby four miles of their territory, overlap
ping, including the "hot springs," by which they set
great store, all of which would have been confiscated
but for the saving clause which was so construed as to
counteract it. For a better understanding of this "off
set" it was designated the "four-mile strip," extending
from a point a little south of where Ridgway now
stands to within a mile of Portland. Here Major
Wheeler afterwards placed a monument in 1876, by
order of Chief Ouray.
Wheeler listened attentively to all that had
been said, and then informed Ouray and his people
that their complaints would be duly reported by him to
the Department, and that he would make it a point
to remove all trespassers off the reservation.
He further reiterated that he had been instructed
at Washington to reassure them in all cases wherein it
might come under his observation that their rights were
in jeopardy, especially so, as to the "Hot Springs,"
endeared to them by memories from childhood, which
the "saving clause" further emphasized in the declara
tion, that "the same" should remain theirs, forever
inviolate, for as long as rivers might run and grasses
grow. How often have pledges to the Indians as solemnly
binding as the foregoing been ruthlessly violated by the
Government?

112 Early Days on the
Although this matter was promptly brought to the
attention of the Forty-Second Congress, yet it was
unfortunately overlooked and likewise forgotten by the
succeeding Congress.
Indeed, it was not settled till 1878, during which
interregnum squatters had again 'invaded the reserva
tion regardless of the treaty and through their repre
sentative at Washington claimed damages off of the
Government for their improvements.
In justification of these indemnity claims, as of the
people, against the Government, the Hon. Thos. M.
Patterson pointed out the fact that the Government's
liability was plain, seeing that the treaty of 1873, com
monly called "the San Juan treaty," was never properly
published to the world. In fact, but a very brief men
tion of it was made in the Denver journals, nothing
at all ever appeared before the public as to the "four-
mile strip," and the surveys of boundaries were very
imperfect. Therefore, the ignorance of "the squatters"
in pre-empting their holdings was not amenable to the
law, and that it was the Government's bounden duty to
either reimburse them for their improvements, or else,
make a separate treaty with the Utes for their relin
quishment of the "four-mile strip" and throw it open
to settlement under the Homestead and Pre-emption
laws of the United States.

Western Slope of Colorado 1 1 3
Accordingly, then, as a dernier resort, ten thousand
dollars was appropriated out of the National Treasury
to reimburse the Utes for their surrender of this land,
which, considering the promises that had been made
them under the President's authority, through Major
Wheeler, was a most glaring confiscation of their prop
erty for which so small an indemnity was in no wise
an offset. The after glow of all this bad faith towards them
was ominous in its lurking shadows, casting threatening
war clouds, ever and anon over innocent and unpro
tected immigration, retarding the investment of capital
in our midst, and making of Major Wheeler the mes
senger of a distrust in which he did not participate.

CHAPTER X
Bad Men Among the Utes and Chief Ouray's Summary
Method of Disposing of Them
OURAY was incessantly perplexed how to con
ciliate his people, to placate their disappoint
ments, to allay their suspicions, and hold his
authority over the leading chiefs.
In their intercourse with the Government they had
tacitly recognized him as their leader, for the Govern
ment would talk to no one else. For that matter Ouray
was the only chief who could make himself understood
in English, hence, as among his fellows their interests
dictated the above recognition, albeit, it was a recog
nition that was responsible only to the white man, for
as among themselves, they could not be persuaded to
hail Ouray at once as their chief. On the other hand,
he was the only one amongst the entire conclave of
chiefs who had the ability and courage to cater to their
interests; the only one with sagacity enough to see
clearly their relative position as wards of the Nation.
Some men are born great; others achieve greatness,
while still others have greatness thrust upon them.
It would seem to have been Ouray's destiny to have had
greatness thrust upon him, but that this prominence

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 115
was not of his own, but necessarily an act of the Gov
ernment's, did not enter his rivals' arguments, that he
was other than a disinterested party to a suspicious
finessing. As amongst the leading warriors it was
enough that this seeming prominence served to bar
them out from their gaining the supreme chieftainship
by rights of inheritance.
In this connection it is worthy of remark that the
Government always insisted on Ouray's acceptance of
a salary for his services, to the end, that his steward
ship might be properly rewarded aside from, and as an
offset to the loss of dignity which was the penalty he
paid for exercising "a straw-boss's authority" over his
subjects. These offers, of course he accepted, for the
reason that had he rejected them, such a sacrifice would
not have appeased the covetousness of his rivals. Their
selfish ambition clamored for a leadership that they
were incapable of exercising, but just the same, they
sought to murder him rather than that they should
give up the head chieftainship, a crown which they
could have worn only nominally had it been freely of
fered them out of respect to their inheritance, which,
as we have seen, did not carry with it any other excuse
for their cupidity than pride and vain glory. Like
spoiled children their selfish natures blinded them from
seeing Ouray's noble sincerity of purpose and true loy
alty to general tribal interests.

1 16 Early Days on the
Ouray was so entirely devoted to Chipeta that
his acceptance of a salary was due alone to the prompt
ings of a conscientious desire to generously provide
for her, in order that in case of his untimely death
at the hands of his enemies she would never have to
suffer from poverty in her old age.
In 1872, at the Cochetopa agency, five sub-chiefs
tried to murder him. His brother-in-law, Sapinero,
was chosen to do the initiative that was to end Ouray's
life, but they all got drunk beforehand, and therein
lay the failure of their attempt. Five of them had
secreted themselves in the blacksmith shop just as
Ouray was in the act of coming across "the plaza" to
get his horse shod there by George Hardman. It was
this man who put Ouray on his guard and it was well
for Ouray that he was warned, for when Sapinero
picked up an ax, Ouray was clever enough to keep the
post, at which he had hitched his horse, between him
and his assailant.
The first blow missed Ouray's head by the merest
fraction of an inch, but an inch of a miss is as good as
a mile and moreover, Ouray was a quicker man than
Sapinero. At the second blow Sapinero's ax-handle
was shattered on the post, whereupon Ouray, leaping
upon his neck, downed him into the irrigation ditch that
ran past the blacksmith shop. On this, the other five

Western Slope of Colorado 117
"would-be assassins" turned tail and ran off, leaving
poor Sapinero to fight single-handed against his wily
opponent. Had it not been for Chipeta, Ouray would
have shown him no mercy, for he was incensed to indig
nation at Sapinero's treachery. With a firm grasp of
his powerful left hand on the latter's throat, he reached
for his hunting knife with which to cut the heart out of
him, but Chipeta, like the good "Pocahontas" of
ancient story, grasped the knife out of its sheath before
Ouray laid his hand upon it and thereby saved her
brother's life.
For a while thereafter, Ouray was not further
molested by his enemies, but later on his act of signing
the *San Juan treaty of 1873 reopened all the old
feuds against him, notably after the agency was moved
from the Cochetopa country over into the Uncom
pahgre Valley. However, neither fear of threats nor
the schemings of his enemies could bribe him to aban
don his firm determination to hold fast the head-chief
tainship. Among the Southern Utes was an Indian named
Suckett, who greatly desired to drive the white set
tlers out of the country. Ouray was very friendly to

*Note — This treaty was not concluded till 1874 and not ratified
till 1875, at which time the agency was removed to Uncompahgre
Valley.

1 1 8 Early Days on the
the settlers, and told Suckett that the next time he
came on the Uncompahgre river for the purpose of try
ing to make trouble he would kill him, a thing Ouray
never hesitated to do when he thought it necessary.
Suckett gave no heed to the warning but came back to
create trouble again, and was immediately killed.
The next "mai content" to take up exceptions
against Ouray was one "Dynamitz." He was shot.
A week later, another warrior called the "Jack of
Clubs" tried to make trouble for Ouray and was shot.
The fourth bad man was "Lucifer," called "Old Nick"
for short, but just the same, he was shot. The fifth
sore-head was Mr. "Hot Stuff." These names were
applied by our boys at the agency to save time in pro
nouncing Indian names. The circumstances attending
the shooting of Mr. Hot Stuff forms an episode more
in keeping with Ouray's prowess than any of his pre
vious "engagements."
Adverting to Mr. Hot Stuff's antecedents, it is very
seldom we find in a student of Carlisle, the Government
school for Indians, such wanton recklessness as that
which Mr. Hot Stuff displayed at Leopard Creek, when
he approached and "called down" Ouray. His Chris
tian name was "Hammer Kauch," but his nick-name
of Hot Stuff was acquired at Carlisle when engaged in
some scientific experiments in which he monkeyed too
carelessly with various high explosives and came very

Western Slope of Colorado 119
near blowing himself up while in presence of the chem
istry class. It invalided him so long in the hospital that
in lieu of graduating he took a vacation, and then
returned to Colorado, where, to his shame be it said, he
again became one of Uncle Sam's "reservation tramps
and blanketed outlaws."
Ouray had been informed through the medium of
his secret police, ever alert, now that the ball was roll
ing, that the said Mr. Hot Stuff was coming over to
Leopard Creek to kill him. Ouray determined, there
fore, to remain longer in that camp than was his pre
vious intention in order to accommodate the renegade,
for having three Winchester's, a Sharpe's sporting rifle
and an old-fashioned needle gun, he considered that he
was fairly well fixed to do justice to himself. On the
morning following that on which he received his warn
ing, Ouray, was therefore on the lookout for the early
approach of Mr. Hot Stuff, but that worthy didn't
show up till late that afternoon, when the ever watch
ful Chipeta discovered him at a distance riding
a calico-horse. His approach was very prudently made
under cover of the under-brush, -but Ouray, kept him
spotted just the same, and at last put a shot through his
neck while in the act of dodging behind a big pine
tree. Ouray's summary methods of disposing of his
enemies is probably without a parallel in the annals

120 Early Days on the
of the American Indian. On the other hand he was
by no means a blood-thirsty Indian, for his was a true
heart that ever recognized the duty of happiness, inas
much as he invariably faced the anomalies of life with
a certain courageous gayety that solved our many
doubts and scattered the clouds of woe and disaster.
On this account his presence at the agency in times of
gloom was like a shining light over dark places dispel
ling our sense of isolation and making our "status quo"
practically safe as between white man and savage.
Nevertheless the rank and file of the Utes made us
constantly aware of the fact, that, but for him, on
sundry occasions our lives would not have been worth
an hour's purchase, consequently we were ever alert
to the fact that his carrying off would mean the signal
for a general outbreak when all of their good behavior
and forbearance toward us would cease to be a virtue.
However, for the time being, at any rate, there was a
lull in the dark doings of the "grievance committee"
and we of the agency began to breathe a little more
freely again. ********
A welcome change to the sameness of the tasks that
crowded upon us day after day at the agency were the
mail carrying stunts. These fell by turns to each of
the employes, barring the cook. It was a service that
kept us on the qui vive, and included a riding animal
and a pack-mule.

Western Slope of Colorado 121
When it came my turn to go on the route I invari
ably added to my outfit a shot-gun, my favorite pointer
dog and a bottle of Gukenheimer's. Oft times there
would be Indians accompanying us, but their presence
never bore in itself any special significance. Some of
the boys, who had made trips ahead of me, complained
that the Utes were altogether too inquisitive about
what the agent was writing to Washington, but I never
gave it a second thought till it came around to my turn
for my second trip. On that occasion which was on my
return, I was visited by a band of them. They had
seen some express matter about my camp that pleased
them. At least it appeared to have aroused their
curiosity, and they came crowding around me. I paid
but little attention to them till they importuned me to
open the mail pouch and read to them what was in the
agency mail.
"May be so, heap big talk, etc." They seemed to
think that it was their prerogative to demand this of
me as an indisputable right and naturally, likewise,
I was their own particular bureau of information,
moreover I was their friend and "mucho amigo," etc.
On my refusing to comply with their absurd wishes
they became very boisterous, but a threat to inform
Chief Ouray concerning them had a tendency towards
making them "simmer down." I verily believed, how-

122 Early Days on the
ever, that but for their dread of the old chief's sum
mary vengeance they would have overhauled my packs.
That fall there was such a rush to the mines, via
the agency, that something in the way of more regular
mails was demanded, but it was getting close to the
coming winter before the question was brought up and
then it became the subject of a public discussion at
the Government agency, at which everybody
was represented. It was then agreed upon that
the agency was to be the initial point for the out
bound and returning mails, or a "home station" from
whence the mines would converge on separate service,
Otto Mears to supervise all bids of contractors.
Seventy-five miles of hill country had to be tra
versed in order to reach the Lake City road, which was
then our nearest connecting link with civilization. The
experience of the previous winter's arduous undertak
ings induced our "star sub-contractor" to divide up
this route into three sections with cabins thereon
twenty-five miles apart. Likewise, after the coming of
deep and drifting snows it was staked out for general
directions as between cabin stations by planting in a
line tall bushy sticks in the snow, at equal distances
apart after the manner of telegraph poles, thus enabling
traffic to follow the same beaten path after each suc
cessive snowfall, till in time it became solid from the

Western Slope of Colorado 1 23
ground up and resembled a raised turn pike or "boule
vard." About this time an old prospector named
Stewart Daniells pulled up at the agency. He had seen
service at *an earlier time while in the employ of the
Hudson Bay Fur Company as one of their mail car
riers. Learning of Otto Mears' s contracts he sug
gested to him the proposition of using dogs "Esquimo
fashion," a suggestion that at once appealed to Mr.
Mears as most emphatically to the point. Accord
ingly Daniells got an immediate appointment as "car
rier," he to furnish his own dogs, most of which he
picked up in Uncompahgre Park.
On the authority of Daniells such an enterprise
demanded dogs with considerable ambition; that it did
not take long to teach a dog what was wanted of him;
and that after that he would make most extraordinary
efforts to reach his feeding stations. Thus his dogs soon
got "onto" their jobs (to use his expression), though
at first inclined to attempt various short cuts at curves
in the trail, as did some luckless tenderfeet,who, travel
ing our way and unfamiliar with the folly of attempt
ing such "cuts" at curves, went floundering down neck
deep into the surrounding snow. The stumps of numer
ous cottonwood trees that had been felled along this
route showed a uniform height of ten feet after the
snow went off.

1 24 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
Sometimes, too, the carrier's cabins would be so
completely submerged under drifted snow that only the
chimneys remained visible. Frequently the chimney
had to be used for a convenient door.

CHAPTER XI— 1876
Thanksgiving Day and the First Grave on the
Uncompahgre
THEORETICALLY our agency was becoming
socially ostracised by the snows of early winter,
though our promised mail facilities would main
tain us in communication with the outside world.
Meanwhile the demands of Thanksgiving Day insured
us a little diversion from the ordinary routine of a
Government post.
Providence granted success to our hunting talent
in the shape of another wild turkey. A bear had also
been killed, a number of sand-hill cranes and a moun
tain lion. The last named, however, were more in line
as trophies of our skill than as adjuncts to our bill of
fare. By way of novelty in our table decorations our
cook designed an enormous bouquet, not of wild flowers,
for the season was too late, but of "cat tails" which
he culled from a neighboring swamp. It was arranged
to form an oval and had every appearance of a rich
chocolate preparation resembling a prodigious cake.
George Beckwith, a nephew of old Jim Beckwith,
the famous scout and frontiersman, did the above hunt-

126 Early Days on the

ing exploits with the exception of the wild turkey which
was killed by the writer.
After Thanksgiving Day he became our regular
pony-express rider as between the agency and Cimarron
river, where the dog-trail-route commenced. Beck
with' s trips were pretty regularly kept up till within
a week of Christmas when the pack-mule that carried
the mails having become lame a horse had to be substi
tuted for him. The only horse at Cow Creek fit to take
his place was "Boot Jack," but he couldn't be found.
As a last resort "Shoe String" was substituted, but
after having caught him "up," George decided that he
didn't want him, and resolved to take his chances at
finding a more desirable pack animal in a small band
of Indian stock that he had previously noted near the
lower crossing as he came up to my camp. I had enter
tained a contrary opinion but George still adhered to
his previous impression that "Boot Jack" could be
found in the Indian herd below, so on that he took his
departure. As a parting admonition, he said to me as he
left that I would know if he had found "Boot Jack" by
his firing a warning shot to that effect at the lower cross
ing on his homeward journey. It was then about dusk
in the late evening. While preparing supper I heard not
one but a succession of six shots fired close together.
It occurred to me that George was having some
trouble with the Ute herd at the lower crossing, so I

Western Slope of Colorado 127
saddled up and went down there. On arriving I saw
in the dim twilight that George was there, or, at least,
his form was there, lying prostrate and insensible on
the ground and another man standing over him.
A horse and buggy was there also, and from what the
stranger, Mr. Peyton (a commercial drummer), told
me, it was he who had fired the shots that had so
startled me.
It appeared that George had captured "Boot Jack,"
and that after having "roped" him, he tied the end of his
rope to the horn of his saddle, a dangerous thing to do
under any circumstances. Evidently his horse had got
scared at something in the trail and had bucked around
in a circle, thrown his rider to the ground and then
wound the rope around himself and the other horse;
that both of them in trying to get loose from each other
had trampled on him, after first having rendered him
unconscious of his danger by kicking him in the head
when he fell.
Peyton had built a camp fire in the sage brush and
was trying to resuscitate George with a flask of whisky
when I arrived at the crossing. I lost no time in bring
ing assistance from the Agency. When we finally got
him to the "post" it was late in the night. By that time
he was delirious but came to again, and later on slept
a little, which was towards morning. On awakening
from a somewhat fitful slumber, or rather stupor, he
complained of a numbness in the back part of his head

128 Early Days on the
and a blindness in his left eye which was succeeded by
a deafness in his left ear, both defects being on the side
of his head where the horse had kicked him. Having
been sharp shod, the toe-calk of the horse's shoe had
penetrated his head behind the left ear and a fragment
of bone had been chipped off inside the skull which
lodged in a brain cell. This was the cause of his death,
four days later.
On the second day his right eye became totally
blind and then the blank stare of sightless eyes indi
cated a burning fever in the brain with no hope of any
further slumber except that concomitant of delirium,
an occasional stupor. The language adopted for his
simple wants, peculiar to his mental aberration soon
became a strange medley of double syllabled but very
distinct words, as, for instance, when he wanted water
he called for "ice-cologne," bread was "hymilo" and
coffee was "irenome."
Although he had been a fleshy person and of florid
complexion, the glow of which was seen in abundant
health and spirits, yet he soon became thin, pale and
haggard, and sightless eyes added intensity to a most
distressful picture of mental suffering.
In moments of delirium it required the united
strength of three men to hold him down in bed. At
other times when his fevered brain seemed to take on a
passive repose he would make signs to be raised up to a

Western Slope of Colorado 1 29
sitting posture, and would call for strands of "riatta"
hide for the braiding of "larriett" rope, and so propped
up, with the ends of the strands fastened to the ceiling
of the room he would braid the "four strand" that he
had been doing the week previously, his sense of touch
in fingers being perfect. This work seldom lasted for
more than a half hour at a time, after which with a
spasmodic movement of both hands he would grasp at
imaginary wagon wheels as if "minded" to pull out of
a tight place with a team. Wild shouts, resembling
oaths, would make the "welkin ring," and then with one
hand on the wheel, and a "whip-hand" free, he would
throw an imaginary "black snake" into his leaders;
then a wild laugh would follow as if in exultation; —
exhausted by the mental strain he would fall back on
his pillow, and either relapse into insensibility or lay
writhing in pain.
Every kind of mental labor that he had been ac
customed to perform was re-enacted on his death bed.
His countenance, too, was vividly expressive of a ten
der heart; a heart of joys and sorrows, but conflicting
with ever changing emotions coming and passing like
shadows thrown by drifting clouds upon a sun lit
stream. At last, towards morning on the fourth day, there
came a period to his illness when the hour of death
struck him. Then a strange transformation of features

130 Early Days on the

and expression came into his countenance; the thin,
pinched face swelled out to its normal contour of
rounded cheeks and full lips and, as the rush of blood
ascended to his brain, there came a smiling face and a
luminous eye. Pent up nature likewise restored speech
to those quivering lips, and as the rush of blood as
cended to his brain, memory was again established, for
he called us each by name as we stood around his bed
side, not forgetting old Shavano (war chief of the
Utes) who was kneeling in prayer for the dying man.
(It was the custom of the Ute Indians, like most other
wild tribes, to adopt a standing attitude in prayer, but
Shavano' s custom was to kneel, having been thus
taught by Catholic priests at Santa Fe, who once exer
cised a guardianship over him in his youthful days. )
Shavano's prayer, which was spoken in Spanish,
translated, was as follows : "May the Great Spirit that
lives in the Sun have mercy on his soul that he may go
to where our forefathers live in the 'Happy Hunting
Grounds' and be forever at home, and forever with his
friends. In a little while he will go to the Sun and see
the Great Father of all the Utes. "Poca tiempo va-
moosa por sol (pretty soon he will go to the sun)." This
last sentence was twice repeated in broken English by
Shavano as he arose from prayer pointing upwards
with an impressive forefinger as he joined our circle of

Western Slope of Colorado 131
waiting and watching while the boy's spirit was passing
out to its final rest.
We buried his remains on Christmas day, Decem
ber 25, 1876, on the summit of a hill about a mile
northwest of the Agency (near the present town of
Colona, Ouray County), the site of the grave overlook
ing the main river valley north and south.
It was snowing at the time of the funeral in
which Major Wheeler read the impressive burial serv
ice from the pages of an Episcopal prayer book. Sha
vano followed us to the grave, accompanied by six other
Indians, who stood a short distance apart from the rest
of us. After the last sad rites were concluded and we
started homewards, these Indians all rode past the grave
with both hands extended in air, a tribute of respect to
the dead, and expressive of their sorrow for a comrade
who had fallen by the wayside.
It was in the early gray of dawn preceding Christ
mas day that he died — a sad sequel indeed to his pre
arranged plans for a Christmas surprise party that he
intended to have carried out on a long cherished trip
back home to New York.
Good old Shavano! He, too, has since passed
"over the range" to join that "silent majority." Like
Ouray, his life was cast in hard lines and in desperate
corners. An Apache Indian by birth, a Ute by adop-

132 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
tion, yet he was ever loyal to his friends through thick
and thin. "Requiescat en pace" — dead, he is not, but
departed, for,
"Kind hearts are more than coronets,
And simple faith than Norman blood."

CHAPTER XII— 1877
True Western Conditions ; Evolution of an
Indian Scare
IF I was getting tired of the Reservation I never
said so. I was out of the way of temptation, sav
ing money and lived a tolerably moral life. But
while this seemed to me to be the chief end of man, yet
it seemed to me that I had no use for quite as much
solitude as 15,000,000 acres of Indian lands afforded
me. However, in rambling around on horseback,
which I often did, I used to think that it was a grand
thing to represent this landlordism of "Uncle Sam,"
even if there were no telegraphs and not much to brag
of in the way of population.
There was some white population, though, to the
manner born as it were, and personified in the wild un
tamed cow-puncher, who occasionally became aggress
ive and mixed deviltries at short range with Mr. Ute,
thereby furnishing the material for much "crazy patch
work" in the eccentricities of journalism.
Uncompahgre Agency in 1877 was counted a hard
place. Indeed, many shady and depraved characters
found in the reservation both seclusion and safety
thirty- five years ago. Prominent among the latter

134 Early Days on the
were a couple of "toughs" known as Oregon Bill and
Happy Jack.
To be "drunk and dressed up" was in their estima
tion quite as respectable as it was harmonious. By
that same token whenever they entered a saloon and
called for a round of drinks they never profaned their
lips by touching the same glasses in the "second act," .
invariably breaking them on the bar room floor after
having imbibed. "No man puts his wine 'inter' old
bottles," quoted Jack.
The most prominent thing in the whole "San Juan
country," as already alluded to, was the "Ouray boom,"
one-half of which was on the Ute reservation and the
other and better half up in the ranges of the Conti
nental divide. Denver and Pueblo journals quoted
the "excitement" as genuine and "argonauts" from the
older camps flocked into the new Eldorado. Across"
the mountains they came, singly, in pairs, and by
squads. When night came they rolled themselves in
their blankets and slept in the cradle of the silent hills.
Alamosa was then our shipping point, being at the
end of the track of the Denver & Rio Grande railroad.
It was frequently my duty to go there to inspect Indian
supplies on their arrival from St. Louis. On one occa
sion while thus engaged I was approached by a Mr.
Felton, whom my father introduced to me as editor of
the Saguache Chronicle, by way of a request to give

Western Slope of Colorado 135
him a weekly "write-up" of all the various items of In
dian news that might come to my knowledge at the
Agency; I to receive a salary.
At first I hesitated at closing a bargain with him
from motives of prudence, which prompted me to con
sider, first, the risks attendant on too much freedom of
speech, second, my probable failure to distinguish prop
erly between such as might be reservation secrets and
those which might not. On the other hand, I reflected
that by rejecting his offer, so freely extended, I might
be robbing myself of the very opportunities which the
Department might recognize as "perquisites," and
which were always desirable, while the further fact of
the very advantageous position I then occupied, as
Agent's private secretary, which gave me exceptional
opportunities for furnishing exactly the kind of infor
mation wanted, confirmed me in the above belief. I
was, therefore, both willing and anxious to make use
of what little knowledge I possessed, that was of serv
ice to the office for the benefit of others.
I further reflected that no possible risks would be
incurred if I only exercised ordinary care over every
thing I wrote for the press. Nevertheless, I confessed
to myself no little trepidation when I afterwards ap
proached the Agent for permission to report "news" of
the Utes, and was no less "stampeded" when he bluntly
termed my ambitious project "a weakness for newspa-

136 Early Days on the
pers." Indian excitements and mining booms, he went
on to say, were necessarily occasioned one by the other.
It is not putting it too strong to say that I felt
crushed by his curt refusal. Indeed, for several days
thereafter, it seemed as if I were still listening to his
sarcastic remarks at my expense, albeit I scarcely under
stood them.
There was a long silence ; only a fly buzzing on the
window pane disturbed the profound quiet of the room.
I had almost forgotten which of us had spoken last
when Major Wheeler declared that there was abso
lutely no excuse for the dense ignorance exhibited by
the Indian Commissioners at Washington as to the real
condition of affairs within the reservation where the
Ute agency, for all practical purposes, was as helpless
as if it occupied a position betwixt the devil and the
deep sea.
Manifestly there was no other alternative left me
but to submit gracefully to his emphatic opposition to
my wishes.
Fair were those "castles in the air" which I had
built on fond expectations, never dreaming at the time
that in spite of fate in this life, it is the unexpected that
always happens, and that by a parity of reasoning it is
the unexpected that always wins.
The unexpected in this instance was a copy of the
* "Saguache Chronicle" that came to my address at
*Note — The Saguache Chronicle was then the property of Otto
Mears, who hired Hon. W. B. Felton to run it for him.

Western Slope of Colorado 137
Uncompahgre agency, which contained a striking edi
torial founded on a letter that I had written to my
father concerning the growing intemperance of the
Utes, both on the reservation and off of it. In a word,
this aforesaid letter was as good as a "mascot" on this
occasion, inasmuch as it solved for me in a day the
whole problem of my fondest dreams, the editorial
reading as follows :
"Some queer revelations about discipline in the Ute Indian
country have been made from time to time, but the Indian De
partment seems to ignore the inability of their agent to meet
any form of frontier emergency calling for decisive action.
"It is strange to outsiders to learn of Indians* hanging
around freighters' camps all day drinking and quarreling and
trying to fight.
"Ordinarily a drunken quarrel among Indians, or even a
drunken murder, is not so remarkable as to arouse wonder, but
for such things to happen inside of Reservation limits strikes
the unmilitary person with surprise because it upsets his pre
conceived ideas of army regulations, which regulations, it is
taken for granted, ought to extend to and include Indian agen
cies as well as Army posts.

•Note — Antonio, previously mentioned as "our Aztec herder," was
undeniably the worst of this bad "lot." For a brief time, previously,
he acted as "Government Interpreter," but his treachery and double
dealing was so palpable that he was ordered off the reservation. Two
years later, in the Gunnison country, he was killed by a stroke of
lightning.

138 Early Days on the
"Our sincere sympathies are extended to all of those un
fortunate settlements bordering on the Reservation and it is to
be hoped that the Department will ere it is too late, establish a
'protectorate' to adequately patrol this much exposed 'frontier'
whose defense has been so long and urgently advocated in
these columns."
My surprise was only equalled by my pleasure
when Major Wheeler, as I presently noted, assumed
an unmistakable and very flattering attitude towards
the Chronicle and its management, which management,
by the way, included the writer's father.
In view of this fortunate circumstance it occurred
to me that now was come a turning point in my favor
to soon become the Agency's reporter. It is needless to
say that I again "applied" and that this time I was suc
cessful. It is now some thirty-four odd years since I wrote
the aforesaid temperance revelations. Many of the
Agency boys have since passed over the range.
That the Agent's office became, after the date of
the Chronicle's arrival thereat, my loafing place outside
of regular office hours was natural in view of the very
warm friendship that henceforth abided between us,
(though previously it held no essential charms for me.)
Many hours of my idle time, however, I regret to
say, were devoted to poetical effusions and much office

Western Slope of Colorado 1 39
stationery, likewise, was wasted on the bold brigandage
of Happy Jack & Co., most of which was periodically
consigned to the waste paper basket. This properly
explains why I was subsequently called upon to endure
the mortification of listening to "Scotty," the mail
carrier's, declamation out of my vocabulary, supple
mented, too, by a most startling and villainous parody
on my favorite heroes, all of which, saving my own
presence, was duly addressed to his horse and otherwise
"wasted on the desert air." To the extreme gratifica
tion of the writer "Scotty" took a short "lay off" about
this time, February the 13th, to visit his girl, a fair and
amiable companion, one who had in some way made
a most remarkable conquest over him. "My Valen
tine," he called her, in honor of the day on which he
took his leave. It was for her that he labored diligently
in the wilderness, for, according to his own authority,
"the light of her eye never shone on any other but
Scotty." It was to his permanent welfare, likewise,
that Providence decreed that they should become man
and wife, in that she always exercised a good influence
over him.
Saguache was her home. There also was the 'Chron
icle office,' in which she worked, and the hook, too, on
which Scotty usually hung up his "public sentiments"
concerning Governmental affairs, much of which public

140 Early Days on the
sentiments, I regret to say, were centered on "the
Agency" with the writer as a prominent figure.
To the edification of Editor Felton much circum
scribed matter, of which the least said about would
have been the better, saw the broad light of day. These
communications, founded no doubt on Major Wheel
er's waste paper basket, were invariably accepted by
Mr. Felton as bona fide copy, a fair exchange, no doubt,
for the numerous "schooners" and sundry glasses of
Gukenheimer's best "credited" against him by Scotty.
CHARACTER OF THE AGENT.
As an officer of the Government, Major W. D.
Wheeler had executive ability, but unlike his prede
cessor, the Reverend Henry F. Bond, he possessed none
of those personal charms indicative of kind manners.
Being an ex-Army paymaster, his methods were
precise and business-like. In character he was stern, per
emptory and exacting. While still a member of the Uni
tarian church denomination at Boston, he did not,
however, "cut much ice" as an ecclesiastic. Subse
quently to his services in the Civil war, he was associ
ated with his able and distinguished brother, Lieuten
ant George M. Wheeler of the U. S. Geographical
Survey West of the 109th Meridian.

Western Slope of Colorado 141

A FAKE THAT TRAVELED ON ITS FACE FROM A WASTE
PAPER BASKET TO WASHINGTON, AND ITS
ALARMING CONSEQUENCES
At various times during the spring of 1877 I was
called upon to assist the mail carrier on his regular trips
across the Cimarron "divide." I could count these trips
to Scotty' s camp on the fingers of one hand, for they
were short and far between. Our meeting place was
invariably under the big cotton woods near the present
railroad "round house," known as Cimarron station.
My last trip was on a cold, gray morning on the
30th of March, 1877. I had started early from the
agency, but it was evening before I arrived on the banks
of the Cimarron river. Scotty was already in camp when
I arrived, but he was not alone. The stranger whose
wagon was turned out by the side of the road was none
other than "Oregon Bill." A coffee pot was on the fire
steaming away and an old dog growled at me from un
der the wagon.
"Stop that durned noise, 'Shep,' " said he, address
ing his dog.
Having finished cutting up some venison steaks, he
next went to his wagon and getting out some tin plates,
knives and forks, cups, etc., and putting them on the
ground, he invited Scotty and myself to take supper
with him.

142 Early Days on the
Suddenly we realized another's presence not far
off. "Whoa! Dol gon yer. Can't ye keep yer feet to
gether till I hobble ye?"
Looking up the side of the mountain we saw a man
make a vigorous kick at an old mule who jumped out of
the way. Of course the man's kick struck nothing but
air, and down he sat more forcibly than elegantly. It
didn't require a second glance to convince me that it
was Happy Jack who now came down off the mountain
to join us at supper.
After the meal was over we lit our pipes for a
sociable smoke and talked on different things. Scotty
declared that the Utes had threatened to stop the mails.
"There's breakers ahead, fellows, and no mistake."
While we were discussing this point, he pulled a late
paper from his pocket (the Pueblo Chieftain) saying
as he did so that there might be something interestin'
fer us to read, handing it to Happy Jack and pointing
as he did so to a prominent head line on the outer page
(for Jack could read, although lacking the ability to
write). "Well, I'll be d— d if this doesn't beat the band
for a corker," said he.
Suddenly I knew what he was looking at, as glanc
ing over his shoulder I followed the headlines, just
visible above the folded edge. The words were : "The

Western Slope of Colorado 143
Utes are out on the war path." In a moment he had
spread out the sheet. The big letters referred to a short
telegram lower down, to-wit: "The Utes killed and
scalped Oregon Bill and Happy Jack the other day on
the Uncompahgre. It is thought that the white men
met with their just deserts. The killing is said to have
taken place near Ouray." To say the least there was a
decided war tone about it.
"Sounds sorter complimentary to us, intimating as
though we've only met with our just deserts," coolly re
marked Bill with a sneer and an oath. Unlike Jack, he
possessed a fair education, but in camp he naturally fell
into the habit of using slang phrases.
"It's my idee," added Jack, as he handed the "Chief
tain" back to Scotty, "that sum d — d fool at the agency
over thar' dun writ that ere libul agin us fer a joke. Ef
I dun knowed fer keeps as who it were, I'd make him
hard to ketch, I would !"
During this colloquy I realized by the camp fire's
fitful light that Scotty was winking at me very hard.
He prided himself on his wink, did Scotty, and it oc
curred to me, too, that there was something suggestive
about his method of winking as of some darkly hidden
meaning that one is compelled to believe must be bril
liant if only found out.
My suspense was not of long duration, however, for
presently between his winks he contrived to slip the

144 Early Days on the
"Chieftain" across the fire to me, and unawares, as he
did so, enfolded a piece of writing paper between its
folds. Scanning the written words on the note inside
I recognized in the chirography my own handwriting,
and observed that the language used was identical with
that of the Chieftain's article. How plain it all was to
me now. Evidently Scotty had been rummaging
through the agency's waste paper basket, and resusci
tated for Editor Felton's benefit some of my dead and
buried heroes. Evidently, too, the Pueblo Chieftain
had copied this fake from the "Sagauche Chronicle."
But why, I mentally queried, had not Scotty given me a
hint in advance before this audacious joke had so far
gotten the start of every effort of mine to head it off?
I did not have to wait long for the coming explanation,
however, as an opportunity was soon afforded us for a
little private talk when Bill and Jack left the camp
fire to inspect their hobbled animals on the hillside.
"Well, Sid," said Scotty, "I was jest a 'settin out'
fer ter state as how I came by that ere 'gag' of yourn,
but I didn't quite know my grounds as twixt you and I,
and our side partners up yonder (pointing to the hill).
Yer see, I sorter over reached my grip, so ter speak, fer
I didn't calkilate on that ere gag's goin' further than
the Chronicle office. I just put Jack in the paper for
a 'gag' on his best gal. As for Bill, too, I was jest
itchen' fer a chance ter spoil his contract of a pilotin'

Western Slope of Colorado 145
of them air English toorists acrost this mountain kentry,
so I back-capped him, same's I did Jack. It'll cook his
goose O. K. any how, I'll bet."
"Well, but Scotty, you oughtn't to jump out of the
clouds onto a fellow in that way without first giving
him some previous warning. We won't hear the last of
this story very soon, I can assure you, for now that the
Pueblo Chieftain has published it 'cold,' the 'Associated
Press people' will keep the ball rolling till it gets to
Washington." Scotty's fancy, and the courage of his imagination
ended there, and he remained uncommunicative till Bill
and Jack returned. Meanwhile our camp fire had
burned lower and lower. The night was dark with oc
casional flashes of moonlight breaking .through rifts
in the clouds, which cast a strong, but momentary il
lumination across the sober landscape, over which in
fancy and imagination I thought I had already made
my last journey.
According to "Associated Press dispatches," Happy
Jack & Co. next appeared in the Denver dailies. Kansas
City, St. Louis and Chicago journals followed suit, and
so on all through the Eastern press to Washington,
whereupon the War Department immediately tele
graphed to the commanding officer at Fort Garland to
order a detachment of cavalry to the scene of the sup-

146 Early Days on the

posed outbreak with orders to report to the agent for
instructions. What if this coming cavalry force should run
across a party of Indians, while en route hither from
Fort Garland! I labored under the baneful influence
of suspense, and I was oppressed, too, with a sense of
the disproportion between the subject matter of my
practical joking and its probable consequences, both
present and future.
All's well that ends well. Therefore as the days
passed I experienced more and more the truth of that
old saying, to-wit: "The folly of the most foolish
man is no match for Providence." That my weakness
for newspapers was vital to the salvation of the agency
was proven by subsequent events, for the Utes had all
along been quietly and secretly buying up all the ammu
nition that the surrounding country afforded, and only
awaited the coming of the more abundant spring grasses
to accommodate their ponies with sufficient forage ere
they started out on the "war path."
Lieutenant John Confine of the 9th United States
cavalry was, therefore, a necessary evil.*
Thus was my grief turned into rejoicing and the
story of my regrets into songs of hope.

*See annual report of Secretary of War for 1877, also the report
of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1877.

Western Slope of Colorado 147
An appropriation by Congress was next made for a
more competent survey of the reservation to the end
that its limits be defined by substantial monuments as
between Indian lands and that of the whites who gave
us no further trouble.
A cantonment of cavalry under Lieutenant Confine
was next established and this, in its turn, at a later date
gave place to the more effective regimental garrison
known in "the eighties" as Fort Crawford.
Spring crops were planted at the agency and a gen
eral season of prosperity followed, a marked feature of
the confidence which the Government had how, though
undeservedly, regained in the estimation of the In
dians.

CHAPTER XIII
Flotsam and Jetsam.
SOME of our leading newspapers adopt this head
ing when they want to give the reading public a
string of disjointed paragraphs entirely distinct
from each other. For the same reason it has occurred
to the writer to bestow the above title on the present
chapter, seeing that its contents have been culled from
things floating about in the margins of my note book
that were marked "difficult of classification," yet they
might be of interest to the general reader. Owing to
a quandary as to what I meant when I first made "those
notes," I have had to do what Mark Twain often did,
to-wit: "To jump at" conclusions, seeing that about
this time (1878) my little journal was destroyed by
fire. Consequently it is from memory that I henceforth
make good those as well as other notes.
Somewhere it has been said of history that it makes
a young man old, giving him the experience of age,
without its infirmities. However, this is hyperbole and
is inserted herewith out of compliment to the Utes who
claimed to have had a man amongst their tribe who was
a thousand years old. He was their only "mossback,"
for the reason that he lived on and on from generation

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 149
to generation and gathered up all the "moss" and all
the traditions of the Indians, one of which was that the
"hot springs," those near the present town of Ridgway,
were once a geyser. Be this as it may, an earthquake
shock struck the American continent at Portland one
fine morning in the month of February, 1878. It was
a cataclysm, in that it raised the waters in all of the
hot springs at Ouray and those near Ridgway, notice
ably so in the latter to the extent, approximately, of ten
feet. The Solid Muldoon's locals referred to it, not as
an earthquake proper, but rather as earthquake phe
nomena. The foregoing locals evoked much discussion among
"Ouray's experts," which were mainly controversal, the
net result of which was a final appeal to that high au
thority on all seismic disturbances, Professor Hayden,
who answered them by letter, a part of which is here
with quoted, as follows :
"The phenomena alluded to in your letter was no
doubt due to gas accumulations in those extended cav
erns which underlie the bed of Uncompahgre river.
"The fact of the Portland shocks being the center
of a disturbance as at a point equi-distant between the
hot springs at Ridgway and those at Ouray covering a
distance of nine miles would indicate a continuous sys
tem of underground caverns beneath the Uncompahgre

150 Early Days on the
Valley or that portion of it described in these pages as
'the Park.' "
Old timers at Portland who had conned the works
of Mother Shipton predicted the end of the world as
immediately come, or, if not right off, then most as
suredly this earthquake was the beginning of the end.
A band of Utes reported a similar disturbance to this
at points all along the high divide between Cow Creek
and the Cimarron, where certain "lignite" coal veins
have been burning for years. Thus, it will be seen that
the above mentioned gas accumulation emanated from
coal banks as well as from the vapors of hot springs.
Apropos of this phenomenon of 1 878, which the writer
alluded to in a "write up" of recent years, and the same
which having meanwhile been brought to the attention
of Professor Roland Blake of the State University at
Boulder, a request was made of me to send him a sample
of the waters of the Ridgway hot springs for analysis.
Accordingly the findings of that analysis are appended
herewith. ANALYSIS OF UNCOMPAHGRE HOT SPRINGS WATER.
2.956 parts of solid matter in 100. Of this solid matter
57 per cent is Calcium Sulphate  CaS04
38.6 per cent is Lime  CaC03
0.9 per cent is Sodium Sulphate. . . .Na2 SO4
l . 1 per cent is Sodium Carbonate . . . Na2 CO3

Western Slope of Colorado 1 5 1
0.9 per cent is Organic Matter.
0.4 per cent is Ferrus Sulphate  Fe SO4
There are traces of zinc and Manganese as phos
phates. Some magnesium with the calcium.
. The iron is oxidized upon contact with the air to
red ferric hudroxide — Fe (OH3).
According to the equation, 2Fe, SO4XOX5H2O
equals 2Fe (OH3)x2H2 SO4, the Fe (OH3) is in
soluble and forms a precipitate with some of the cal
cium salts.
An object lesson is afforded us by this analysis
which illustrates the cooling and heating processes of
nature in their relation to each other as of the difference
between the sillicates and the sulphates of magnesium.
According to Boulder scientists the former of these two
has its prototype in the sillicates of the famous geysers
of Yellowstone Park, Wyoming, whose sediment is de
posited in water while the solution is cooling (forming
mounds around their craters) . Quite the reverse action
is produced by the sulphates of magnesium, whose sedi
ment is deposited in water while the solution is heating
as is illustrated by the Uncompahgre hot springs.
Portland gained its importance in "the seventies"
from the fact of its being the chief seat of trade for

152 Early Days on the
"the park" which, as previously recorded, held the only
available farm lands adjacent to the mines, seeing that
the reservation of the Utes crowded it close to the foot
hills, thereby leaving the whites only four miles of land
for agriculture. Ranchmen in the park, in "the seventies," got well
paid for their produce, obtaining for it Eastern prices
with freight added.
Ten miles further down the valley we come to
Colona, once the site of Uncompahgre Agency. Not a
vestige of the agency now remains, every land mark
being gone, except Beckwith's grave on a hill west of
the town. Returning to old Dallas, or rather to Ridgway, so
named after Colonel Ridgway ("Old Tige"), superin
tendent of the third division of D. & R. G. R. R., we
find the most prosperous little town of any size between
Montrose and Ouray, enjoying as it does the advantage
of being a junction town for freight and passenger traf
fic on the Telluride branch of the Denver & Rio Grande
railroad. Previously, in "the eighties," this forward
ing business was done at "old Dallas" by wagon trans
portation. Preston and Enos Hotchkiss (after whom the pres
ent town of Hotchkiss in the North Fork country was
named) were the founders of Portland, while George
W. Cobb was the founder of Dallas.

Western Slope of Colorado 153

PORTLAND, IN OURAY COUNTY, LOSES TITLE TO
ITS NAME
The above caption was part of a statement set forth
by our present (1912) Secretary of State, James B.
Pearce. He had been advised by the County Clerk of
Ouray County to accept the filings of incorporation
papers for the Town of Portland, Fremont County,
seeing that when the papers were presented for said
filing the question arose whether the deserted village of
Portland, in Ouray County, was not still entitled to the
name of Portland.
In view of the fact that Portland, in Ouray County,
had finally become abandoned by its very last and only
settler, the other Portland got the name. Its demise,
however, was not due to what has been previously de
scribed in this connection as earthquakes, but was sub
stantially due, wholly and entirely, to the decline of
silver mining.
"Sweet is oblivion, for there no treason lurks,
There no envy swells, there grows no damned grudges,
There is no noise, but silent and eternal sleep."
And still another town, "Old Dallas," twin sister
to Portland, was doomed to the inevitable, but by a
means more direct than Portland's, for destruction by
fire was its fate. Having no insurance, its citizens were
so crippled by the calamity that the town was never

154 Early Days on the
rebuilt. However, the town of Ridgway, two miles
further up the river, was designed to take its place.
This was the work of D. C. Hartwell, who paid for the
grading of the railroad to it, and who also laid out the
public square, which now bears his name.
Mr. Hartwell was one of those rare men whom his
tory delights to praise. Unfortunately for him, instead
of realizing the fruition of his hopes as his three score
of years drew nigh, his declining days were filled with
many bitter disappointments owing to the downfall of
silver mining.
Apropos of Hartwell it might be well said that "the
life of every man is a diary in which he means to write
one story and then writes another; and his humblest
hour is when he compares the volume as it is with what
he vowed to make it."
Another picturesque character well known to the
denizens of old Portland and old Dallas was N. C.
Creede, whom George W. Cobb frequently outfitted
with "grub stakes" to prospect for him the upper waters
of Cow Creek. It was characteristic of Creede that his
talks about successful prospecting invariably ran into
"the million dollar racket." He was forever on the verge
of "reaping golden harvests in the near future," there
fore, by a parity of reasonings, when, at last, he wore
out cruel fate and struck the white metal, he struck it
in rich streaks. For that matter the "old day of car-

Western Slope of Colorado l ^
bonates" turned the heads of both the young and the
old. Like Creede, my former side partner, who at this
time was an old cowboy, was also a good prospector,
and for that very reason frequently posed "as my guide,
philosopher and friend."
Consequently, by degrees, that same golden harvest
talk of his so influenced my mind that I at last went
"snooks" with him. But to my chagrin be it said, all of
my prophesyings and prospectings turned out to be the
veriest "flotsam and jetsam" imaginable, especially at
Portland. Back up the valley, then, to Ouray was where we
next went, confident this time that at the head waters of
another Portland creek we would strike "our everlast
ing Jack;" — but no, it was not to be; indeed there
seemed to be a fatality about the very name of Port
land that was as blighting in its effects and as baneful
to our hopes as if it emanated from "Pandora's box."
However, in spite of the irony of circumstances, we kept
a stiff upper lip and got ready for the Rico excitement,
where, at Nigger-Baby hill, black manganese and zinc
fooled many an old time miner and set him to building
"air castles" till he found out the truth; then "ruina
tion and sudden dawn fall" overtook him.
But there were others who penetrated below the
"surface indications" and cut those rich stratas where
the maelstrom of past ages deposited the "flotsam and

156 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
jetsam" of "carbonates." The white metal was there
but it was not for us. However, we took our medicine
and said nothing about it — "so fades the glory of this
world, never to return again."
"Sid, we're up against the solid granite. Let's call
quits and go back to the Uncompahgre! Let's throw
up our stakes."
My partner was anxious to get back home, and for
that matter, so was I, consequently his motion was sec
onded and carried, whereupon, figuratively speaking,
we waved our hats back at Rico and headed our horses'
heads towards Uncompahgre Park. (God's country, he
called it.)
Several days thereafter, in an alfalfa patch, my
side partner made the longest speech he ever made in
his life, a speech that I have remembered through all of
the succeeding years, to-wit :
"Oh! I want to be a rancher and with the ranchers
stand ;
A crown upon my forehead and a head gate in my
hand."

CHAPTER XIV
Moss Backs Posed as the Fathers of Ouray, but Got
Lost in the Shuffle
AFTER the first smelter blew in "the old man"
rule was proposed for Ouray, but unfortunately
for them nobody seemed to take any interest in
their claim as the city's fathers. Misguided and pov
erty stricken, but none the less determined were they
on holding permanent office. But the young men of
Ouray were not in accord with this expressed wish of
"the moss backs," for they looked not upon them as the
fathers, therefore ineligible to continue to be "the old
board." Accordingly the young men held a mass meet
ing at which they elected a new mayor, whose duty it
was to immediately oust the old board, but the latter
were obdurate and refused to be ousted; furthermore
they at once became a self constituted board of county
commissioners, as well, so as to outrank the mayor's
authority. Then in order to play even the younger
element elected a new county election and "swore in"
their new county judge. This man, Judge Cutler, was
not to be trifled with. He thereupon approached the
"old board" and told them to get out, that their time
was up, but there they still were, just the same.

158 Early Days on the
They were then seized and put in jail, and thereby
the new board at once became "high rollers" and was
inducted into office, but unfortunately they discovered
that the county's books were missing. They had been
secreted somewhere by the "old board" and thereby
arose a confused and unsettled state of affairs in the
Court-house that was very demoralizing.
By legal lights in Ouray it was contended that the
new election element was invalid in that it was called
for prior to the town's incorporation. Some one then
moved that a committee be appointed, at which a resolu
tion was adopted to have the question decided by the
district court, which court would meet in June at Silver-
ton. Here Hon. Thomas M. Bowen sat on the bench
and it was he who finally decided that the old board
was an "ex board" and that the new board was legally
elected, but on the other hand, however, he served an
injunction against the new board's doing any business
till the county's books were restored.
A report gained currency that they were locked up
in the office of the U. S. Indian agent at the Uncom
pahgre Agency; it having been hinted in an inuendo
that his sympathies were strictly with "the old board."
Pursuant to these reports, accordingly, a vigilance com
mittee visited "the reservation" and overhauled Major
Wheeler's office, but failed to find the missing books.

Western Slope of Colorado 159
At last, however, by dint of constant searchings they
discovered the county books in Ouray at a saw mill, be
neath a pile of saw dust. They were at once brought
back to the court house and placed where they belonged.
Then it was that the "deadlock" was broken and the
new board enabled to do business.
The occasion was made a "gala day" in Ouray and
throughout the adjacent mines, where much dynamite
was exploded in its honor. As an after-clap to the fore
going developments and by way of a reprisal for false
imprisonment, the old board introduced suits for dam
ages in the district court (individually aggregating
$25,000.00) as against Judge Cutler, but Bowen re
fused to consider their grievances and threw their suits
out of court.
Circumstances make men. Men also made the cir
cumstances, the reaction of each on each is indisputable
and peculiar. Perhaps the truest way to put it is to
put it as it has often been put before, to-wit : Circum
stances first make the man who then generally returns
the compliment by re-making the circumstances all over
new again.
Business conditions are peculiar in the great West.
Fortunes are made in a day. It is no wonder they are
spent in a night. It is a marvel to one from a region
where wealth is only accumulated by slow years fol
lowing, may be, in the footprints of a father's business,

160 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
to see the rapidity with which men vacillate between
wealth and poverty with the changing seasons in these
Western mountains. He marvels, too, at the credit a
Westerner gets from any source when he is broke. The
merchants' soliloquy, "I am sure of pay if he don't die;
a month may see him rich," he regards with amazement.
In New York or Boston such an idea was never
brewed, not even in the benedictions of philanthropy.
So it is that men get reckless. When they get broke
they know their credit is good, when fortune smiles
their credit is redeemed; and they spend with a lavish
hand confident it will come back again.
Men dishonorably discharged from the army, crooks
and desperadoes, and still others who had left their
country for their country's good met and mingled with
the better elements of citizenship at Ouray on an equal
footing, for the country was new, and was, therefore,
open to all alike, a fair field and no favors. Many a
man with a past that there was no looking back to had
opportunities in "the sunny San Juan" to redeem a
clouded reputation, to be "born again." In a word, to
reap better rewards than "flotsam and jetsam;" to be
a man once more and move in a circle where life,
thenceforward, was ever destined to be a bright pros
pect and all the world a glorious opportunity.

CHAPTER XV
*The Golden San Juan
TAKE your map of Colorado and place the point
of your pencil on the spot in the southwestern
part of the state, which is marked Red Mountain.
With a string, draw a circle with a radius of fifteen
miles. Within that diameter of thirty miles lies the
most richly mineralized spot on the face of the great
round globe.
By arbitrary political divisions this wonderful min
eral section lies in four counties, San Juan, Ouray, San
Miguel and Hinsdale. For the purpose of this article,
only the three former will be considered, although the
recent wonderful discoveries in the western part of
Hinsdale County gave rise to a large-sized suspicion
that the last may possibly some day be first.
For general purposes and in the mining nomencla
ture of the state this section is known as "The San
Juan." Aforetime its praises were sung as the "Silvery
San Juan" — alliterative but true nevertheless.
To the pioneers who in '73 and '74 first gazed on

?Copied by- permission of Clarence O. Finch, editor Silverton
Miner.

162 Early Days on the
the grandeur of King Solomon, Engineer Peak or Mt.
Sneffles, the very mountain sides seemed in imagination
bursting with hidden wealth. Possibly there was some
thing in the atmosphere to make the pulses throb with
anticipation. Possibly the wonderfully invigorating
air, the liquid crystal of the almost numberless moun
tain streams, the silvery gloss of the stars and the sheen
of the full, round moon, the prodigal wealth of the ever
changing color on every mountain side and rugged
peak, helped to stimulate the imagination as the weary
prospector unpacked his tired burro in Baker's Park, at
Mineral Point, and under the crimson dome of Red
Mountain. And to the new Eldorado they had found, men ap
plied the sibilent sobriquet, "Silvery San Juan."
In those days men came hunting silver. And they
found it — mountains of it. Veins of mammoth thick
ness and rich beyond compare, running from the surface
directly toward the heart of the most inaccessible moun
tains. No low grade propositions in those days.
A prospector without grub enough to last over
night would have scorned to bother with a proposition
which did not give promise of more than $ioo to the
ton. Think of the nerve of people who would dare to
pack ore over the mountains a distance of three hundred
miles on burros and by wagon, to a smelter. But they

Western Slope of Colorado 163
did it, and they made money by it, and they got rich —
some of them — and they paved the way for the devel
opment of the greatest mineral section in the world.
Some of these pioneers did not get rich here — in
money. Some there were who only accumulated ex
perience which was to serve them well in other direc
tions. Need I mention names familiar to the readers
of the Journal? W. S. Stratton, here in the San Juan,
gained the knowledge which was so valuable to him
many years later. J. R. McKinnie lived and toiled
here for years, and accumulated property and experi
ence, both of which are valuable assets today.
Call the roll of those old properties which in past
days yielded their silvery richness: The Guston,
Yankee Girl, Vanderbilt, Hudson, Mickey Breen,
Pride of the West, Polar Star, Forest, Syracuse, Aspen,
Red Roger, Ben Butler, Molas, Alaska, Silver Link,
Old Lout and many others.
Most of these are now classed as back numbers.
They are not.
They are available silver properties and still con
tain millions of dollars of wealth. Some of these days
some shrewd investor will come along, clean out the
abandoned drifts and tunnels, install some up-to-date
machinery, scrape the rust off the boilers, build a fire
and —

164 Early Days on the
Behold, another Aladdin's lamp which only needed
rubbing. There was a time when the word gold was not popu
lar in this section. That was for two reasons. The
people did not know they had it, and they did not know
they needed it.
Now they know both.
When silver sold for $1.29, it did not occur to the
miner that it would be to his interest to ask the assayer
or the smelter man if his ore contained any value in
gold. Just how much the aforesaid assayer and smelter
man benefited by this oversight on the part of the inno
cent miner this deponent sayeth not, but it is whispered
that more than one fortune of great magnitude is due
to this same over sight.
Strange? Yea, verily, but true nevertheless.
But there are a great many strange things in a min
ing camp, other than the near-sighted miner and the
long-sighted assayer.
One is the wonderful recuperative powers of a
mining section.
When the drop in the price of silver made that
metal practically a by-product, men commenced to hunt
for gold. They call it the "Golden San Juan" now.
Not that they are not mining silver any more.
Bless your heart, no. The great silver-producing

Western Slope of Colorado 165
mines of this San Juan trinity (for, mark you, the
name San Juan is used in a generic sense; its identity
must not be lost because man has drawn arbitrary politi
cal lines) will continue to give up their riches of silver
many," many hundreds of years after the press on which
this is printed has gone to the scrap heap.
The truth is, that people have found that a double
team drives better than a single one. This is said from
a mining and not a political standpoint. This article
is not a discussion of financial theories.
Prior to the tremendous and disastrous decline in
the price of silver, the output of gold from the San
Juan was inconsiderable. Now, gold mining is the
leading industry. And the industry is growing, not
annually, but daily.
Today (1912) the Camp Bird mine at Ouray is the
richest mine in Colorado. The price of $9,000,000,
which the company now owning it paid to Tom Walsh,
ranks as the highest price ever paid for a mining prop
erty in Colorado. In 1902 the three counties of San
Juan, Ouray and San Miguel produced more gold value
than all other metals combined. The tables of mineral
values as compiled by the state bureau of mines, afford
interesting comparisons for those who have patience for
statistics, or for those who take interest in the growth
of the commonwealth.

166 Early Days on the
Just a few will suffice for the purpose of this dis
cussion. In the year 1902 the San Juan triangle pro
duced $5,500,000 of the $12,225,000 of gold produced
in the state, outside of Cripple Creek. It produced fully
one-half of all the copper, of .the state. Its production
in gold was almost three times its silver. The increase
in gold production was nineteen per cent over the pre
vious year, while the increase in the state at large was
only six per cent. It paid more than twenty per cent of
its production in dividends. The balance of the miner
al-producing sections of the state paid less than twelve
per cent dividends. Take these facts in connection with
the added truth that gold or gold-copper values pre
dominate in three-fourths of the shipping mines and
you will begin to realize why they call it the Golden
San Juan.
But this is not all. The total production of gold in
the three counties increased from $2,705,309 in 1897
to $4,558,789 in 1901. In San Juan County the in
crease was one-third; in San Miguel, three- f if ths ; and
in Ouray almost three-fold.
In the five years from 1897 to 1901 inclusive, the
total mineral production of the three counties of San
Juan, San Miguel and Ouray approximated almost
$40,000,000. Of this, about $19,000,000, or nearly
one-half, was gold. The balance of value was divided
among silver, lead and copper. Of the three in the pro-

Western Slope of Colorado 167
duction of gold, San Miguel stands first. In silver
Ouray is first. In both lead and copper, San Juan is
first, but the table of figures, if they could all be spread
out before you, shows easily and conclusively that as
the years go by the steady tendency of all three coun
ties is an increased production in gold.
The political economist will talk to you vaguely of
the immutable laws of supply and demand. The statis
tician will point to the world's production of precious
metals at different stages of the world's history. These
learned gentlemen are valuable in the world's progress
simply as sign posts and finger boards.
They are not one-half as valuable as the men, who
when the world demands silver, know where and how
to find it; and when the world concludes it needs more
gold are able to switch from white to yellow. This is
what the men who have made and are making San Juan
have been able to do. And they are neither wizards
nor necromancers. Only plain, practical, every day
miners. The only theories they possess are those they
dig out of the granite. And those are hard to contro
vert. There are some mining terms which do not often
greet your ear in the San Juan. Shaft, hoist, pumping
plant and kindred terms, which in Cripple Creek and
many other mining camps, indicate the nature of min
ing, are but little used in this section.

168 Early Days on the
Here, when a man wants to make a mine he goes
out to the side of one of our immense mountains and
starts in horizontally. When he strikes ore (as he
usually does) he lays a little steel track, gets a few ore
cars and pushes the ore out on a level. When he strikes
water (as he usually does) the tunnel carries it off and
at the foot of the hill he uses the aforesaid water to run
his mill. Thus he saves hoisting the ore and pumping
the water, and furnishes power for the machinery all
at the same time.
Yankee ingenuity combined with Western push?
Yes, possibly.
Mostly, though, it is merely a common sense way of
mining in a country which Nature has set all on edge.
For, be it known, if you are such a tenderfoot that your
eyes have never been gladdened by the sight of these
magnificent peaks, that this is the Switzerland of Amer
ica. If these peaks and gorges and water falls were
located in the most inaccessible portion of Thibet scien
tific and geological expeditions would be organized and
thousands of travelers would annually circle the globe
to scale the wonderful peaks and fathom the bottomless
canons. But over here, the altitudinous condition of the
mountains is considered chiefly of value on account of
the facility which it affords for mining operations.

Western Slope of Colorado 169
But the scenic possibilities are not unworthy of
mention. Refer again to that circle whose diameter is thirty
miles. Within that circle are at least thirty- mountain
peaks with an altitude of more than 12,000 feet and
almost a dozen which tower as high or higher than
Major Pike's famous discovery. Canons so deep that
they seem to seam the center of the universe and cliffs
so high and precipitous that neither alpenstock nor rope
would be of service in scaling.- Nothing but a balloon
would be effective. But there is no use in attempting
to describe them. Printer's ink, tourist's camera, are
very futile when you are attempting to deal with the
majestic operations of God.
About 350 years ago a Spaniard by the name of
Francisco Vasquez Coronado organized a little expedi
tion whose object was to discover and possess the
"Seven Cities of Cibello." Who knows but that the
traditionary wealth of the San Juan mountains may
have been the foundation for the legends on which the
fame of the fabled cities rested? But the conquista
dors who followed the doughty Knight of Spain were
not seeking a chance to organize a miners' union. In
the language of Fitz Mac "they were out for a straight
swipe." And so when they came in sight of the snow
capped peaks of the San Juan, like the Levite of old,
they passed by on the other side. Three centuries later

170 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
these mountains were occupied by another class. "Celtic
and Saxon and Dane are we" and the wealth the haughty
Dons passed by has gone to enrich the coffers of Amer
ica. Two hundred millions is the estimated production
of the San Juan since the real beginning of its history,
less than forty years ago. Ten times as much as Spain
received for the Philippines. Almost enough to make
even a Spanish Don unpack his grub wagon.
That eminent and voracious mining authority and
literateur, Fitz Mac, after spending last summer in a
careful study of the San Juan, which he had been well
acquainted with for a quarter of a century, wrote as
follows : "I think the San Juan country cannot possi
bly reach the zenith of its production inside of three
hundred years, and I do not think it can become an ex
hausted country inside of one thousand years."
"And," as Polly Pry would say , "there you are."

CHAPTER XVI
Bad Roads to Travel in 18/y and 1878
IN the waning "seventies" many difficulties had to
be faced in the Uncompahgre country that were
more than the average emigrant cared to face. In
deed, during high water time it would be difficult to
exaggerate the number of wrecks that took place on
the river.
As a rule, after learning the vagaries of the Uncom
pahgre, freighters took to flanking it like "General
Grant in the wilderness," by leaving it at "the divides"
and taking either the old Log Hill Mesa route or else
the "Cutler cut-off" to Ouray. Both of these trails
were built at the behest of stern necessity, the first being
called "the high water route," and the second "the
whisky route," the latter for the reason that freighters
hauling liquor were not allowed to pass through the
reservation with it, so they usually took the Cutler cut
off on account, also, of its being the smoothest grade.
The Log Hill Mesa route to Ouray, however, on ac
count of its being the shortest, was the most popular
route to the mines. The term trail would better de
scribe it than the word road, for its grade, unlike "the
Cutler cut-off," was as steep as the roof of ahouse. Its

172 Early Days on the
summit was reached from the Uncompahgre on the
north by gradual ascents, while the south side, fronting
on Dallas Creek, was most precipitous, but being all
"down grade" on that side, its steepness was of no sig
nificance, other than the possible danger of going too
fast "down grade" with heavy loads. To obviate such
contingencies freighters usually adopted the rough and
ready device of hitching heavy log drags to their hind
axletrees, letting them drag with their hind ends loose in
the rear, after the manner of taking a cat by the tail,
the spreading limbs acting like claws in clutching at
all manner of temporary checks and thus delaying too
rapid and perilous descents. In the course of two
seasons' freighting down Log Hill there were enough
saw logs left on Dallas Creek to have set up a good
sized mill in business.
Among the wrecks on the river that spring (1878)
involving rescues was the providential deliverance of
the Bernstein family from drowning. Their outfit con
sisted, besides themselves, who rode in a buggy, of two
teams loaded with liquors bound for Ouray. Of course
the freight took the "Cut-off," but the buggy was al
lowed to pass up through the valley. It would have
been better for them had they, also, taken the above
road. Being friends of the Indian agent, Major
Wheeler, they stayed over night at the "Post," and on
the following morning, it being a Sunday, they rested.

Western Slope of Colorado 1 73
In the afternoon, however, they intended to join the
balance of their outfit where the roads converged. They
had been advised at the agency to get an early afternoon
start, but somehow or other they got a late start. In
consequence of this the dangerous evening flood was
getting rampant when they neared the fording place.
The sky was placid. The winds were hushed and
the whole landscape bathed in the lambent light of
heaven. When they drove up to the river's brink,
Bernstein said : "We are just in time." They shouted
to the horses and on they went until they reached the
middle of the stream, and there they stopped. Bern
stein shouted and used the whip liberally, but all to no
purpose, they would not move. The water was up to
their bellies and even rising into the bed of the buggy.
Fortunately for the "outfit" the horses knew that they
had gone far enough, for they stood on a small sand
bar, where the water was not so deep as the balance of
it. Providentially at this juncture they were discov
ered by Lieutenant Confine, who was just then coming
that way homewards from a day's scouting trip. Con-
line was a man of quick decision. Accordingly a lariat
rope with a stone tied at the end of it to insure a good
throw was fired at the buggy across the dash board,
diagonally, so that Bernstein could grasp the slack of
it. When he hauled up the rock he was directed to
hurl it among some stumps on the off shore, which he

174 Early Days an the
did. The cast being a good one, it caught a bight
around a stump which the stone had encircled in its
whirling swing. That end of the fife line being thus
established, the other end was then made fast to the
nigh shore, whereupon Sergeant Johnson, a stalwart
negro of the "9th Troop," undertook the rescuing stunt
by going hand over hand along the life line, through
the raging torrent, to the stranded buggy, from which
he succeeded in rescuing the entire family, six of them,
all told, including, besides the old folks, two daughters,
a boy and a baby. Carrying them steadily, one at a
time, astride his neck, he landed them all safely on the
river's bank. Meanwhile, Bernstein had cut the horses
loose from their traces, thus enabling them to rescue
themselves. The young daughters, belles of Ouray, never tired
of telling about their rescue in the most graphic man
ner to the guests of the Dixon House at Ouray, and on
more occasions than one shocked their mother's modesty
by their plain, matter of fact style of delivery in por
traying how they rode out of a dangerous flood to safety
on a negro's brawny shoulders, astride his neck.
After the above rescue no more light traveling rigs
attempted the dangerous second and third crossings be
tween the agency and the mouth of Cow Creek, but in
stead thereof, they either took the "Cutler Cut-off" or
else pursued the Log Hill Mesa route to Ouray.

Western Slope of Colorado 175
One who has not been carried down a swift moun
tain stream can scarcely imagine how the water affects
the head. You feel as though you were going at a ter
rific rate, although your horse may be simply holding
his own by swimming at a fairly average stroke.
In the ramifications of our early day transportation
problems no questions were more difficult of solution
than those of floods in the months of May and June.
The bridging of our various mountain streams has al
ways been the most formidable item of expense recorded
in our early county histories, and every bill of rights
presented by our representatives in the different state
legislatures was invariably a concession to that particu
lar stream whose flood record indicated the greatest
number of wrecks in overland travel.
"* * * whose compulsive
Knew no retiring ebb."

CHAPTER XVII
Fort Crawford Becomes a Regimental Post
IN 1879 Fort Crawford; previously consisting of
tents that Confine established, was now increased
to a regimental garrison by accessions from the 19th
and 23rd Infantry regiments, besides two pieces of
artillery forwarded from Fort Garland. Barracks
finally took the place of tents, for this cantonment now
numbered one thousand effective troopers.
The Utes were frequent visitors at the cantonment,
but they did not take kindly to the building of military
roads into the adjacent timber which the government
demand for lumber necessitated.
More frequently than any other visitor at Fort
Crawford was a somewhat refractory sub-chief known
as Modesty. He had burned up some of Otto Mears'
bridges on the new toll road, but no one having seen
him to do it, he went "Scott free," but nevertheless, a
watchful eye was kept on him thereafter. His true name
in the Ute tongue was Tah-koo-ni-ca-vats, or rather
"Cats" for short, his nom de plume of Modesty having
been given him at the agency on account of his incor
rigible habits of begging, much of which was pure klep
tomania.

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 177
The summer of 1879 was characterized by an un
usually dry spell in August, when grass became a short
bite on the range. Some of the bucks in Modesty's
band noticed that at the agency farm, two miles above
Fort Crawford, there was a nice garden in which grew
the finest cabbage, sweet corn and other family deli
cacies, and so informed Mr. Modesty, who at once be
came infatuated with the notion that his sheep might
relish some of those succulent things, so the outfit
sneaked around one night, cut the fence and drove in
the flock to luxuriate on the foliage.
Modesty, despite his foxy disposition, was silly
enough to imagine that while his compadres would not
"peach" on him he would not be found out.
In the morning when the Merinoes were found de
foliating the entire works there was great consternation.
In driving the sheep off the premises no great amount
of diligence was observed and a few of them were
killed. The Utes became furious and a free fight would
have been the result had not Agent Wheeler hurried a
courier to summon Chief Ouray, who was them tem
porarily stopping at Fort Crawford. Wheeler would
have called on the military, but decided that Ouray
would handle the culprit more satisfactorily than
would they.

178 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
In a half hour Ouray appeared at the agency ac
companied by War Chief Shavano. They had come
mounted on their swiftest ponies and had traveled so
rapidly that the courier was left far in the rear.
There was a certain look of self-determination on
the old chief's face which the whites at the agency knew
meant business and no monkey shines, as everybody of
that day knows.
Ouray had wonderful foresight and a clear idea of
justice. He saw at a glance that his bucks were in the
wrong for having destroyed the white man's garden,
so he called the offenders around him and commanded
them to repair the fence and apologize to the gardener
for the loss of his sass. Not only this, but he command
ed the main guy in the misdemeanor, Modesty, to give
"the boss farmer" a pony as a part compensation for
the damage he had wrought.

CHAPTER XVIII— 1879
The Meeker Massacre
THE progress of civilization has presented itself
in many phases to the average Indian, and each
one of those phases has been illustrated to him
through the purposes of war and the consequences of
battle. Step by step the Indians of North America have
been driven further West, from one reservation to
another, "always further West," until no room was left
for them, not even a nook in "the Rockies." Nothing
left to them now of the once broad prairies of the pub
lic domain, save a few remnants that are too small to
cultivate to support their families. No longer is there
"a frontier," and therefore no vantage ground for them
to stand upon. Truly, they are as the leaves of the
forest — scattered everywhere.
For the Indian freedom from savagery was but
sophistry, simply the negro's case reversed, inasmuch
as that while dame nature fed the Indian, it was his
lord and master that fed the negro. Nevertheless, to
step into the shoes of Pompey and Caesar seemed to
be the Indian's destiny if he would save himself from
destruction.

180 Early Days on the
But he had yet to learn the true inwardness of
"speed the plow," and that issue was not in keeping
with his romantic ideas of forest freedom.
The negro was "contraband of war," the Indian of
civilization, but here, again, the parallels diverge, for
the negro was a slave and the Indian a landlord of the
public domain, till he became a ward of the nation,
therefore, from his standpoint, it was no part of his
business to step into the negro's place and help speed
the plow. In fact, citizenship has ever appeared to the Indian
in the guise of a curse. Civilization at the time of
which we speak had touched the mountain tribes not
at all and as for the plains Utes, known as the Denver
Utes, it had simply scratched them only skin deep, for,
in Denver, as we have seen, they learned only the white
man's vices and none of his virtues. "Whom the gods
would destroy they first made mad."
There are many Coloradoans who bitterly despise
and condemn the Utes for waging war against their
own agency, which under a most beneficent government
was supposed to feed and clothe them; and yet, after
all, is it actually strange that they should have done so
when it is remembered that their rations were cut off
as a penalty for their refusal to work, and when the
slogan was "root hog, or die," as a final verdict en-

Western Slope of Colorado 181
forced by military orders, who would blame them for
breaking out into open rebellion ?
Ever since the Uncompahgres assisted the White
River Utes in their outbreak and took a hand in mur
dering Father Meeker and his employees at that "post,"
and from whence they carried three women and a baby
into captivity and ambushed Major Thornburg's re
lief expedition and slew the commander and many sol
diers, the tribe has been made to suffer. Even Chip
eta, the heroic wife of the old chieftain, has been made
to suffer with the rest. Today Chipeta is living among
the poorest and most distressed of her tribe, unknown
and unsung save in a little poem by Eugene Field at
the time of her brave acts.
When Meeker was made Indian agent of the
White River Utes it was the Uncompahgre clan that
was the most powerful tribe of the Ute nation. The
tribe owned all of the western slope clear to the Utah
line, including the magnificent valley of the Grand and
its tributaries. Their head chief, as has been previously
mentioned, was Ouray. He spoke English and Spanish
and he and his wife, Chipeta, lived in a well appointed
cabin that contained all the comforts then known to
the frontier. It was on the Uncompahgre River.
Two sub-chiefs, Douglas and Jack, were the cause
of the outbreak that followed the ill advised efforts of
the Indian agent to civilize the tribe too quickly.

182 Early Days on the
Meeker's appointment as agent was a grievous error
for the reason that he knew nothing of Indian char
acter. Father Meeker was a unique character. He was
well known as a poet in ante-bellum days and joined
the Ohio colony known as the Trumbull Phalanx, a
branch of the Brook Farm colony, of which Haw
thorne, Curtis and Greeley were members. Later
Meeker served as war correspondent for the New York
Tribune and after the war Horace Greeley sent him
West, his letters being a feature of the Tribune.
Meeker was much impressed with the beautiful country
at the base of Pikes Peak and went back East enthusi
astic over colonizing the place. Greeley said he would
furnish backing and subscriptions were called for in
the Tribune. Soon $100,000.00 was raised and
Meeker came to Colorado to found the colony. In
stead of locating near Pike's Peak, he chose a site on
the Cache la Poudre River, further north, where the
irrigable lands were more extensive. Here he founded
a colony according to Greeley's advice, having "no
fences nor rum," and this town of Greeley is the center
of a highly developed agricultural community today.
In time Mr. Meeker became involved financially owing
to the great expense of projecting this colony, there
fore it became necessary for him to recoup those

N. C. MEEKER

Western Slope of Colorado 183
finances, consequently when the job of being a govern
ment Indian agent was tendered to him, he gladly
accepted it.
He was determined to civilize and christianize the
Utes at once. He insisted that they must abandon
their tepees for houses and that they must live as white
men. Soon the Utes were sullen and defiant. The
greatest mistake was made, however, when the agent
insisted on plowing the land adjoining the agency, in
cluding the race-track, in spite of the protests of the
Indians, who said that as soon as land was plowed it
ceased to be Indian land. Instead of waiting and rea
soning the matter out with the Indians, Meeker went
ahead with the plowing, even when the man at the
plow had been fired upon two or three times from am
bush. It became evident that trouble would soon re
sult, but Meeker was the last to admit it. Even when
a relief expedition was on the way from Fort Steele,
Meeker sent a note to Major Thornburgh advising him
that all was well. Meeker's note was sent on the day
of the outbreak. The messenger was murdered, all the
employees of the agency were killed and Major Thorn
burgh and his men were ambushed and slaughtered.
Meeker's wife and daughter were carried into captivity,
as was Mrs. Price, the wife of the agency blacksmith,
and her baby.

184 Early Days on the
*THE HISTORIC BATTLE OF MILK CREEK
Thornburgh's command walked into a trap at Milk
Creek. Thornburgh had two companies of cavalry and
two of infantry and a wagon train. When the com
mand reached Fortification camp, in what is now Mof
fat County, Company E of the Fourth Infantry, Lieu
tenant Price in command, was dropped, the design of
this step being to afford protection to passing supply
trains and to act as reserve in case there was demand
for it. THaving been directed to use all possible dispatch
in reaching the agency, Major Thornburgh pushed for
ward as rapidly as possible. The roads were rough and
mountainous and progress slow. Nothing was seen of
Indians until Bear River was reached. Here ten In
dians made their appearance and were closely ques
tioned, but professed great friendliness for the Great
Father and his soldiers. Nothing further was seen of
Indians until Williams' Fork was reached, when the
same ten Indians quite suddenly and very mysteriously
appeared. They renewed their protestations of friend
ship while they carefully eyed the proportions of the
command. They made a proposition to the commander
that he take an escort of five soldiers and accompany

*One hundred and forty men, and a wagon train of thirty-three
wagons. tFrom a write-up published in the Denver "Tribune" by F. J. V.
Skiff and Thomas F. Dawson in 1879.

Western Slope of Colorado 185
them to the agency. The scout, Joseph Rankin, was
especially strong in opposition to the request of the
Indians, and Major Thornburgh concluded to march
his command within hailing distance of the agency,
where he could then accept the proposition.
The command soon reached a point where the road
crosses Milk Creek, about twenty-five miles north of
the agency, when they were attacked by the hostiles,
numbering between 250 and 300 warriors, who had
been lying in ambush. But the command, under guid
ance of Scout Rankin, left the road just above where
the Indians were in ambush, and thus avoided another
event which would have been in all respects equal to
the Custer massacre. The command took a trail after
leaving the road and unexpectedly met the foe. Major
Thornburgh at once threw his command into position
and the Indians came up into line of battle. Major
Thornburgh's orders were not to make the first fire on
the Indians, but to await an attack. Scout Rankin,
who was an old Indian fighter, saw the danger in which
the command was placed and urged the commanding
officer to open fire.
Major Thornburgh replied: "My God! I dare
not; my orders are positive, and if I violate them and
survive, a court martial and ignominious dismissal will
follow. I feel as though myself and men were to be
murdered."

186 Early Days on the
By this time the Indians had flanked the soldiers
and opened fire. The wagon train was corraled three-
fourths of a mile to the rear of the command, and the
Indians got between the wagon train and the command.
Major Thornburgh mounted twenty men and at their
head dashed forward with great valor and charged the
savages between the command and the train. The com
manding officer and thirteen men were killed in this
charge. The rest of the command succeeded in reaching the
corraled train, which was by this time surrounded by
Indians, and with much haste made breastworks of the
wagons and held their position. In this engagement
there were twelve killed and forty-two wounded. Every
officer in the command was shot, with the exception of
Lieutenant Cherry.
The scene of the attack was particularly fitted for
the Indian method of warfare and was selected for that
purpose. On each side of the cafion were rock bluffs
from ioo to 200 feet high. These bluffs were held by
the Indians, and some broken ground reaching nearly
to the creek was also occupied by the savages, so that
advance through the canon was impossible, and by
cutting off retreat the Indians could effectually "bottle
up" the command in the canon.
Captain Payne, although wounded, took command
at once and set about having the wounded horses shot

RANKIN, THE SCOUT

Western Slope of Colorado 187
for breastworks, dismantling the wagons of boxes, bed
ding, corn and flour sacks, which were quickly piled up
for fortifications. During this time a galling fire was
concentrated upon the command from all the surround
ing bluffs which commanded the position. The groans
of the dying and the agonizing cries of the wounded
told what fearful havoc was being made among the
determined and desperate command, although not an
Indian could be seen. About sundown the savages
charged the works, but were repulsed and retired to
their positions on the bluffs, whence firing was resumed
early the following morning.
During the early part of the first night of the siege
the scout, Joseph Rankin, who now lives at Ogden,
Utah, made his way out of the beleaguered camp and
started to carry the bloody news over the 160 miles
that stretched between him and Rawlins. Rankin's
ride deserves to pass into history with that of Sheridan,
immortalized by poem. It was a daring venture at
best, and its danger was not the only feature which
marked it as extraordinary. The way was rough as
well as wild and lonely, and ordinarily the distance
hardly would be covered in two days ; yet Rankin rode
it in twenty -eight hours, leaving the battle field at 10
o'clock Monday night and reaching Rawlins Wednes
day morning about 2 o'clock.

188 Early Days on the
Other couriers were sent out from the camp on suc
ceeding evenings, through one of whom word was sent
to Captain Dodge's command of colored soldiers, ap
proaching from Middle Park, and near Steamboat
Springs when found by the courier. Captain Dodge's
command mustered only about forty men and was en
cumbered with a wagon train; but with almost unex
ampled bravery they determined to advance and succor
the beleaguered garrison in the rifle pits at Milk Creek.
At the crossing of the Bear River the wagon train was
detached and sent north to Fortification Creek, while
Captain Dodge and his intrepid "buffalo soldiers" gal
loped into the Indian country, not knowing whether
one of them would ever return alive.
Luck went with them. They escaped the watchful
eyes of the Indians and approached within hailing dis
tance of the rifle pits without detection. An alarm was
sounded in the trenches at their approach and the men
sprang to arms to defend themselves, as they supposed,
against a new attack by the Indians. Dodge halted his
command and sent out his two guides, Gordon and
Mellon, to communicate with Payne. They called out
to the pickets that it was a company of cavalry come
to the rescue, but the statement was regarded as a ruse
of the Indians. Finally Gordon's voice was recognized
by some one in the trenches and all doubts were dis
pelled.

, Western Slope of Colorado 189
Captain Dodge then headed his men for the final
dash in order to reach the shelter of the trenches. The
distance was 600 yards and the ride was made in a rain
of rifle balls from the surrounding bluffs, the Indians
having been made aware at the last moment of Dodge's
approach. His luck did not desert him, however, and
not a man was hit.*
Dodge reached Payne on the third day of the siege.
His coming was the occasion of much joy, but he
brought no actual relief. The siege continued and the
Indians seemed only more alert and watchful. A hat
raised on a stick in the trenches was sure to have a bullet
hole in it in a moment. The spring from which water
was obtained was some distance from the trenches and
the men were forced to sally out occasionally for water,
usually at night. They seldom escaped without being
fired at and several were wounded. However, the
stench of the dead animals became almost intolerable
and they were compelled to work at night hauling off
the dead horses or covering them where they lay.
In all these terrors it was their great confidence in
General Merritt which inspired them with a strong
determination to hold the fort at all hazards. The
soldiers said that "Old Wesley" would come with a
whirl, and so he did come. He marched continuously

*Almost every trooper's horse, however, was either killed or
wounded in this mad rush.

190 Early Days on the
Saturday night, not halting for a single moment, mak
ing seventy miles in twenty- four hours. The command
left Rawlins at 10 :3o a. m. Thursday, October 2. They
marched forty miles that day. The second day they
marched fifty miles. The command arrived at the scene
of action at 5 :30 a. m. Sunday, October 5, after march
ing seventy miles the day previous. When Merritt' s
advance guard reached Payne's pickets they were com
manded to halt, and General Merritt then ordered the
guards to inform Captain Payne that it was the relief
column tthat was approaching. He caused his trum
peter to sound the officer's call, which is the night sig
nal of the Fifth Cavalry, and seldom, if ever, did signal
fall more pleasantly on listening ears than it did upon
those of the rescued garrison.
The following account of the arrival of Merritt and
the situation of affairs he found awaiting him is from
the pen of one of his staff :
"We arrived with General Merritt' s command Sun
day morning, after a march of seventy-five miles the
day before, stopping to rest only half an hour. Oh,
what a happy crowd Payne's command was when Mer
ritt reached them in relief. They had been entrenched
for six days. Wounded men were hobbling in every
direction. One hundred and fifty dead horses lying
thirty feet from the entrenchments presented a horrible

Monument to the Men Killed at the Historic Battle of Milk Creek

Western Slope of Colorado 191
spectacle. The middle of the entrenchment was used
as a hospital. They had been fired on every day. The
appearance of the Fifth Cavalry entering under General
Merritt and Colonel Compton was a grand sight.
"The poor fellows in the entrenchment at first
probably thought we were Indians. General Merritt
caused the trumpeter to sound the officer's call, and at
its end three big cheers rent the air. They were relieved
at last. The sight was one of the most affecting I have
ever seen and brave men shed tears."
General Merritt was moved to tears by the sight of
so much suffering and the peril from which the garrison
had been rescued. Captain Payne embraced his supe
rior officer as a child would embrace its father. These
brave soldiers, who were familiar with Indian charac
ter, knew that it was almost a miracle that every man
of Thornburgh's command was not massacred.
The Indians soon disappeared from the scene after
Merritt's arrival. Major Thornburgh's body was found
by Lieutenant Hughes still lying on the battle field,
stripped and mutilated by wounds and scalping. The
remains were forwarded to Rawlins and thence to
Omaha for interment. After a short stop to arrange
matters on the battle field and to send the wounded
under guard to Rawlins, Merritt continued his march
to the agency.

CHAPTER XIX
Arrival at the Agency
HE found the body of Carl Goldstein, an
agency employee, who had left Rawlins with
supplies for the Utes, not far from the agency.
A teamster who was with Goldstein had been killed.
A little further on the troops found the body of
Frank Dresser, another agency employee, in a small
cave in a cafion. Dresser had been mortally wounded
and crawled in the cave to die. His coat was folded
under his head for a pillow. Two miles north of the
agency, in a canon, the body of E. W. Eskridge,
Meeker's assistant, was found. On Eskridge's body
was found the note to Thornburgh saying that all was
well on the agency.
At the agency the dead body of Father Meeker
was found frightfully mutilated. A volume of Poyp's
Diary was found open on the table in his "study,"
showing that he had been reading when the attack was
made. W. H. Post and Eaton and Henry Dresser, all
agency employees, and Mr. Price, the agency black
smith, were all found shot to death.

",¦',"" '

MAJOR THOMAS TIPTON THORNBURGH
4th U. S. Infantry
Born at Newmarket, Tenn., December 26, 1843. Killed in Action
with Hostile Ute Indians at Milk Creek, Colorado,
September 29, 1879

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 193
The raiding of the agency was the work of Douglas,
a sub-chief, previously mentioned, who with about
twenty of the younger and more troublesome Indians
descended on the agency while most of the warriors
concentrated at Milk River to ambush Thornburgh.
Miss Meeker, relating her experiences after her
rescue, said that she and her mother and Mrs. Price and
the Price child all sought shelter in the milk house.
After the Indians had killed all the agency employees
they set fire to the milk house and the women had to
run and were captured. They were put on horses and
hurried into the mountains. The Indians had secured
whisky and were drunk most of the time. Douglas
several times put a loaded weapon to the foreheads of
the women in the endeavor to frighten them, but they
defied him. A young Indian named Persune had seized
Miss Meeker and he and the chief nearly fought over
her. The chief finally made her travel with his squaws.
The white woman stayed with the squaws in the camp
while the Indians were fighting Thornburgh and they
were well treated by their red sisters.*
When Ouray heard of the outbreak of his people
he was amazed and indignant. He sent word to Chiefs

*Note — The women were moderately well treated, except Mrs.
Price, who, being buxom and comely of features, and much better look
ing than the Meeker folks, became subsequently a slave to the passions
of the Indians, who sold her to one another twenty-seven times. Her
accounts of that captivity are on file in the archives of the Indian
Department at Washington.

194 Early Days on the
Douglas and Jack to cease fighting. The word was
brought by Ouray's wife, Chipeta, of whom Gene
Field, then an editorial writer on the Denver Tribune,
wrote : "But give her a page in history, too,
Though she be rotting in humble shrouds,
And write on the whitest of God's white clouds
Chipeta's name in eternal blue."
In the meantime the Government had appointed a
commission to treat with the Indians and bring back
the kidnapped women. Pursuant to their instructions
from the commission, General Charles Adams <and
Captain M. W. Cline, his escort, left the Uncompahgre
agency on the 10th of October bound for the camp of
the hostiles on Grand River Mesa. But it was not till
the 25th of October that the camp which contained the
kidnapped women was found.
*An old squaw silently led them to the tent in which
the Meeker family were kept. Ouray's message had
much to do with this work of rescue. Chipeta accom
panied them on their long journey from the Indian
camp to Ouray's home, where Miss Meeker wrote:
"Chief Ouray and his noble wife did everything to
make us comfortable. We were given the whole house,

*The camp of this band was on Mesa Creek, in Plateau Valley,
Mesa County, at a point which was afterwards known as the Frank
Brink ranch.

Western Slope of Colorado 195
and found carpets on the floor, lamps on the tables and
a stove with a fire brightly burning. Mrs. Ouray shed
tears over us."
Public feeling ran high in Colorado and if the ad
vice of Coloradoans had been harkened to the entire
Uncompahgre and White River tribes would have been
killed in return for the death of Meeker and Thorn
burgh. But it was recognized that the whole affair
might have been prevented had those on the scene been
better acquainted with Indian nature and superstitions.
It was said at the time that the General was the
only white man living who could go to them on a
mission of that kind under the strained conditions that
existed between themselves and the whites. He found
the captives well and apparently unharmed, and they
had been prisoners for nearly a month. The pine tree
under which the captives were turned over to General
Adams still stands on the bank of Mesa Creek, in
Plateau Valley, as a sentinel to mark the place, and it
is to be hoped that Mesa County will at some future
date cause a suitable monument to be chisled from the
granite hills of Grand Mesa to mark the historic spot,
so that future generations may know where this sad
story had its ending.
No direct reprisals were made, but today it is easy to
see how harsh has been the tribe's punishment. Their
superb lands have been taken from them and they are

196 Early Days on the
herded on a barren reservation where there is scarcity
of water and where successful farming is impossible.
When they try to escape from their miserable sur
roundings they are called "marauders" and are herded
back under military guard after suffering all the tor
tures that can come through insuffcient protection
against the weather and insufficient food. As for
Chipeta, the brave and womanly, she has not been
given the page in history of which Field wrote, but is
suffering, old and feeble with her broken and despair
ing tribe. If there are any Utes left who took part in
the Meeker massacre it would appear that they have
been made to pay the penalty many times over.
The final outcome of the massacre will now be re
lated. The conclave with Generals Hatch and Adams
at its head negotiated with the Utes to give up those
concerned in the murdering. Owing to the destruction
of the White River agency, this conference took place
at the Central agency on the Uncompahgre.
General Hatch told Ouray that the attack on
Thornburgh would be called a fair fight and no harm
was intended to be done those who took part in it, but
those who had murdered innocent, unarmed men at the
agency should be given up for trial and punished if
guilty. The women had named twelve White Rives Utes
whom they knew had taken part in the massacre. Ouray

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Prior to the historic battle of Milk Creek, Major Thornburgh had been on duty as a paymaster in the army, but, having
>ecome tired of the confinements of a desk, asked to be relieved from office work and to be given a command that would have
Lctive duty to perform. He was therefore transferred to the command of four companies of the Fourth Cavalry, and had no
ooner taken command than he was ordered to the place where he met his death. * * * T]-,e one redeeming' circumstance
:onnected with the Meeker massacre, as with other massacres of our brave troops, is the desperate and heroic courage of our
ifficers and our men — the glory that they have added to our arms in those far-off mountains where they fought and fell.

Western Slope of Colorado 197
objected to taking the testimony of women against men.
It was contrary to Indian custom. An attempt was
made to get the Indians to corroborate the testimony of
the women but no one could be found to testify under
oath that he knew anything about it.
Ouray defended with ability his people, said those
White River Utes have all directly or indirectly been
engaged in the massacre and you cannot compel a man
to testify against himself. Both General Hatch and
Adams became tired at last, and ordered Chief Ouray
to have the twelve men named by the women brought
in for trial or he would move forward his army. He,
General Hatch, had a military force in the south
western part of the state. It was a stormy meeting all
around and from its very nature was a close call to the
deadline of a hand to hand conflict.
The details are thus given by the "Solid Muldoon,"
then published in Ouray :
"A death silence fell upon everything. Nothing
was said and no one moved for a few minutes. Then
Colorow lighted a long pipe and each Indian present
drew his knife and laid it on his knee. In the councils
of the Utes when the question of peace or war is hang
ing in the balance, this practice is followed during the
discussion, and should war be decided upon the blades
of the knives are locked together in the air and a war
song sung. In this instance, just as the pipe had gotten

198 Early Days on the
around the semicircle of Indians, Colorow, who had
filled and lighted the pipe and passed it to the next
man without smoking himself, rose from his seat,
glanced at the Utes, and drawing himself up to his full
height jerked his belt around in front of him, drew
from its sheath a knife and cast it on the floor in front,
where it stuck and quivered. Each Indian present
dropped his hand down to his waist and laid it upon
his knife or revolver. Each white man did the same,
and the two parties remained in this position, each urg
ing the glittering gage of battle and each waiting an
aggressive movement on the part of the other.
"Had Hatch not made the direct issue then and
there, nothing would have been accomplished. But
for an instant his boldness placed the commission in
terrible danger. The result hung upon a thread and
one word would have precipitated a terrible contest
which would have ended in the death of every white
man in the room. Twenty-five Indians to six whites
were terrible odds and the fifteen soldiers in the next
room could not have gotten into the room in time to
rescue the endangered commission. Finally Ouray
spoke: 'We cannot deliver up to you these Indians
unless they are to be tried at Washington. They must
not be tried in Colorado. The Colorado people are all
our enemies, and to give our men up to be tried in this

Western Slope of Colorado 199
state would be as if we gave them up, knowing that
they would be hung instantly.'
r 'We will bring these men here for you to see, and
those whom you decide to be guilty shall be taken to
Washington, and the President shall determine their
guilt or innocence. Douglas will have to go. None of
us deny that he was engaged in the White River trou
bles, and you shall decide who else is to go. Upon this
condition and no others will we deliver these Indians.'
" 'How long will it take to bring these men here1?'
asked Hatch.
" About a week,' returned Ouray. 'They will have
to take their own time.'
"Jack and Colorow were instantly sent off by
Ouray to the camp of the hostiles, promising that they
would have the twelve Indians in five days, and all the
other Utes except Ouray left the room immediately.
"Then Ouray arose and spoke, again reiterating his
statement that the Utes could not get justice in Colo
rado, and could only get it in Washington.
" 'You three,' pointing to Hatch, Adams and
Valois, the legal adviser, 'are all my en-emies. I am
one against three. You hate me. You are residents of
Colorado and New Mexico and a French devil (allud
ing to Valois), I have not one friend among you. You
will not give me justice, and that is why I want to go

2oo Early Days on the
to Washington where I will, at least, have one friend.*
It seemed surprising to people that Ouray, who had
done so much for the recovery of the captives, and had
ordered the war stopped on the part of the White River
Utes, should now turn round and defend the murderers,
for the guilt of a number of them he could entertain no
doubt. It may be said that all he wanted was a fair
trial for his people. He looked upon himself as their
advocate, and like any engaged lawyer, wanted to
have his clients come off whether guilty or not.
Colorow and Jack were exonerated for bringing on
the fight with Thornburgh and freely confessed it when
they learned that they would suffer nothing. So they
undertook to bring in the twelve men whom the women
swore had been engaged in the massacre. But they
could get none to come in save Douglas, who was only
indirectly engaged in it. At last ten of them were
brought in. Some were sent to Washington, and noth
ing was done, at last, with the murderers except Doug
las, who was confined at Fort Leavenworth for a time
and then liberated, and died insane afterward, but the
White River Utes were moved to Utah.
It is said that Ouray would have fought himself
rather than consent to having all the Utes removed to
the Indian Territory. The result would have been a

*Carl Schurz, Secretary of the Interior.

CHIEF OURAY'S OLD HOMESTEAD ON THE UNCOMPAHGRE
Other Indians made Farms in Various Places, but Ouray's were the
only Permanent Improvements

Western Slope of Colorado 20 1
general Indian war, which would have cost millions of
treasure and thousands of lives, for it would have been
no small undertaking to subdue these mountain In
dians in their native fastnesses. But of course such a
war could have but one issue. Ammunition would
soon have failed the Utes, and a great part would have
been exterminated. On the whole one is compelled to
admire Ouray in standing up for his people. He did
about as a leading Highland chief of two hundred years
ago would have done. Such a one, we know, would
have been just as far from delivering up the robbers
and murderers belonging to his tribes to the English
for trial and execution as Ouray was. The English
changed all that when it completely subdued the High
lander by taking away his rude autonomy and breaking
up his tribal relations and making him amenable to
English law. He ceased to be so interesting, but he
also ceased to be a terror to his peaceable, orderly neigh
bors across the border.
The spring of 1881 was the wind up of the com
mission's labors, and of the ratification of the final
treaty with the Utes by which they relinquished all
of their lands in Colorado north of the 32nd parallel.
Only a small remnant of this once powerful tribe
remained in Colorado.
Ignacio's band of Southern Utes occupy today in
the southwestern corner of Colorado a "pan handle" of

202 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
territory extending south into New Mexico, in which
now lies the bulk of their reservation. Inasmuch as
they took no part in the general uprising, their rights
were respected.
At present the "Southern Utes" are a self-support
ing people. Flour, oats, corn, chickens and eggs can be
bought of them fully as cheap as these articles can be
bought in Central Illinois. Of course, the agents they
have had of late years went to work and drove the fash
ionable nonsense out of them about labor being dis
graceful.

CHAPTER XX

THIRD TREATY WITH THE UTES
Demanded by the People of Colorado as an Atone
ment for the Meeker Massacre

AFTER the Meeker massacre a new Indian policy
was decided upon, i. e., to compel the Indians to
exchange their reservation for lands in severalty,
and to locate themselves adjacent to lands at the mouth
of the Uncompahgre; provided, however, that noth
ing, meanwhile, of an untoward nature might inter
fere to disparage this advantageous plan. Otherwise,
then (indpendently of the Indian Territory), the com
mission must choose a site equally desirable. The chair
man of this commission favored the mouth of the
Uncompahgre and the adjacent Grand valley as an
ideal region in which to locate the Indians. It was
just such a place as Horace Greeley might have chosen
for a farmers' grange, could his shade have revisited
the West, seeing that it was plentifully alluvial. Like
wise the new agency was to have been built on an
island, which island constitutes the "delta," the de
rivation of the chief seat of trade for Delta county,
formed by the wash of the Uncompahgre where it joins
the Gunnison. Here it was that Messrs. Manypenny,

204 Early Days on the
the chairman, and Mr. Meacham, his colleague,
(Quakers) foreordained the new agency to be located.
Incidentally, both being good mathematicians, they set
about taking an observation of the sun to determine
the exact latitude and longitude of the aforesaid
"delta," which proved to be in latitude 38 degrees, 44
minutes, 6 seconds north, and 108 degrees, 4 minutes
longitude, west of Greenwich.
In ancient heathen mythology, the Goddess of
Boundaries was represented as a deity without feet or
hands, but possessed of wings. This symbolized the
idea that this deity, after having once established a
base, could not be removed therefrom, but remained
there forever.
So sang Messrs. Manypenny and Meacham with
a noble inspiration, but as the sequel will show, they
had reckoned without their host in trying to domesti
cate the Utes, where now live the most smug and
stately of the earth.
Ouray had intelligence enough to see that it was
going to be "a Hobson's choice" for the Utes, and in
fluence enough to persuade them to make the best bar
gain they could. The Indian commission appointed
by the President consisted of a chairman, which was
Mr. Manypenny of Ohio, also Mr. Meacham of Wash
ington, D. C, Mr. Russell of Iowa, Mr. Bowman of

Western Slope of Colorado 205
Kentucky and Mr. Mears of Colorado, in the order
named. In any event, wheresoever the Utes were to be
located, it was contended that the project of lands in
severalty would not only improve the condition of the
Indian as a man, but would give him a fair chance.
at civilization, while at the same time it would relieve
our Government from the constant distress of attempt
ing to sustain an impossible policy which consisted in
making promises of seclusion to the Indians which no
human power could enforce against the steady advance
ment of settlements and the imperious demands of civi
lization. Crush humanity out of shape, and it will twist
itself into the same tortured forms, sow the same seeds
of demoralized ambitions and massacre, over again.
In every case it will surely yield again the same fruit
according to its kind. History, in this respect, repeats
the words of the Bible in everything that is wrong and
injurious and. rascally in all of the aboriginal tribes
of this country.
When the Department negotiated the treaty of
1880 it was recognized by its commissioners that there
were 3,000 heads of families to be dealt with; but
there was an additional 1,000 souls of the age of six
teen years who were entitled to half of a quarter sec
tion of land apiece, making in all 4,000 Indians that

206 Early Days on the
were entitled to allotments. Certain conditions under
the above treaty were imposed upon the Utes, and if
they had not signed those conditions they would have
received nothing for their 11,000,000 acres and would
have been driven out by the people of Colorado who
wanted them to become wanderers, paupers and vaga
bonds. The position of Colorado's representatives in Con
gress on this Indian question was one of extreme deli
cacy, recognizing as they did the imminence of further
bloodshed and savage warfare if the Utes were not
speedily removed out of the state. However, the
proposition which the Secretary of the Interior, Carl
Schurz, submitted to Congress was that the Indians
should not be deprived of their holdings entirely, in
Colorado, but that in deference to their desire to em
brace civilization, and out of respect for the Southern
Utes, who remained loyal to the Government, the con
federated tribes of Utes, as a nation, should not be
dispossessed of their holdings and compelled to leave
Colorado without first bringing it to a vote of three-
fourths of the tribe — this was in accordance with the
treaty of 1868. They were willing to accept lands in
severalty, provided they be allowed to go upon a re
stricted reservation in Colorado, as outlined on the first
page of this chapter.

Western Slope of Colorado 207
Destiny had decreed that there should be no com
promise, however.
Could it be possible, thought the Secretary, that
the people of Colorado would be so heartless as to de
mand that an entire tribe of Indians should suffer for
the sins of the few; that they should thus be banished
from the homes of their fathers, endeared to them by
memories from childhood ! Nevertheless, this was in
deed the fate that awaited them, harsh as it might
appear. Prestige Claimed for the Indians
If they were to have homes at all, declared Messrs.
Manypenny and Meacham, they should go upon lands
in Colorado, and mingle with the whites in a domain
where time would develop business centers, to the end
that this blending with the Caucasian race would even
tually teach these Indians the vital lessons of civiliza
tion; that the ultimatum which the Government sought
to dictate to them, by insisting they should accept
of lands in severalty should not be enforced with
out the understanding that the Government would
preserve them in their rights adjacent to Delta and
Grand Junction. It was further contended by him that
under the terms of previous treaties they could not be
dispossessed of their ancient abode without its being
so understood by at least three-fourths of the tribe.

208 Early Days on the
On the other hand, the citizens of Colorado would not
stand for this, maintaining that the Utes, by their one
act of treachery at White River, had nullified those
treaties and had thereby forfeited their rights, and for
that reason should be exiled^
However, when the debates came up in Congress,
the attitude of the administration and the Secretarv of
the Interior in behalf of the Indians was endorsed,
and the will of the people set at naught — "Ita lex
Scripta est." That is to say, that the Utes had not
outlived previous treaties and could not be removed
without the consent of three-fourths of the tribe. With
this understanding, the Secretary of the Interior was
authorized to make an agreement with them.
That fall eleven Indians were ordered to Wash
ington, with General Adams and Mr. Mears in charge,
to have a talk with the "great father." After arriving
in Washington, Carl Schurz asked General Adams and
Mr. Mears if they thought they could go back and
bring out the perpetrators of the outrages to Wash
ington. They were Chief Douglas and ten other Indians
whom the women had named as murderers at the
agency. The Secretary was given an affirmative reply
to his proposal. General Adams and Mr. Mears re
turned West, and after a deal of talk and promises,
were enabled to get the Indians to go to Washington.

Western Slope of Colorado log
In January, 1880, therefore, the delegation went there
and returned in the month of March of that same
year. On the way there Chief Douglas was made a pris
oner at Kansas City and taken to Fort Leavenworth
by General Adams. Mr. Mears then proceeded on to
Washington with the rest of the Indians. After talk
ing with the President and Secretary of the Interior
there was an agreement formulated with the Indians
that they all be removed to one reservation to be lo
cated by a commission, at or adjacent to Grand Junc
tion. The personnel of the commission being now con
firmed by the Senate, they at once started to do busi
ness. Proceeding to the Uncompahgre valley, they
first had a pow-wow with the chiefs to get the tribe
together and, if possible, secure an agreement at as
early a date as possible. The time limit in which to
perform this duty would expire on October 15th of
that year.
This was the keynote to the whole proposition, but
after holding a council, the Indians refused to sign
the agreement, giving as their reason for not doing so
that they did not know, for certain, where they were
to be taken. They did not at once grasp the idea as
to what was meant by being located "at" or "adja
cent" to Grand Junction, being suspicious that it meant

210 Early Days on the
somewhere else; yet it was necessary to get the signa
ture of a majority of the Indians before the commis
sion could locate the reservation.
Each head of a family, as already indicated, was
to receive 160 acres and a promise from the Govern
ment to pay them the interest on $1,800,000 (which
amount was the price our Government had to pay for
the Western Slope). To the widows created by the
Meeker massacre, pensions were to be paid, which sums
were to be duly assessed against the Utes' annuity
fund. At first the commission was somewhat divided
among themselves as to where they should ultimately
reservate the Utes, a task whose pathway was by no
means strewn with roses, for many stormy debates as
between Messrs. Manypenny and Meacham and the
three remaining commissioners, were rehearsed before
they determined upon what "adjacent" really meant;
the Quakers maintaining that the designation was spe
cific and meant the country around Delta and Grand
Junction, while the others claimed that "adjacent"
meant either at Grand Junction or elsewhere. Subse
quent developments, however, settled this mooted ques
tion beyond the shadow of a doubt. *Mr. Meacham

*A. B. Meacham was a member of the commission that presided
over the Modocs in California, and was wounded at the time that Gen
eral Canby met his death,

Western Slope of Colorado 2 1 1
was usually the principal debater and was invariably
aggressive, always deriding what the others stood for,
and perpetually acrimonious and uncompromising, and
by a parity of reasoning incessantly endeavoring to
"Meachamize" the rest into his way of thinking. On
one of these occasions the controversy became nar
rowed down to a clash of words as between himself
and Mr. Bowman. The latter being a Kentuckian and
possessed of the average Kentuckian's natural aversion
to all Indians, took exceptions to being "Meacham-
ized" by Mr. Meacham, and very deliberately knocked
him down. This act of Mr. Bowman's called for his
resignation, which he eventually tendered, and by so
doing he necessarily placed the board at a deadlock, in
token of which the commission adjourned, sine die.
Meanwhile the Indians, characteristically perverse,
steadfastly refused to sign any agreements unless they
went to Washington to do it, and viewed with sullen
indignation and distrust the attitude of the people of
Colorado towards them.
Summer was now passing into autumn; an autumn
of epoch-making in the history of Colorado.
A Coincidence.
On the 29th of September, 1880, occurred the
killing of a son of War Chief Shavano by a freighter
named A. D. Jackson. This day, September 29th,

212 Early Days on the
was the anniversary of the White River outbreak of
the previous year, 1879.
The trouble grew out of an encounter between
Uncompahgre Utes and a freighting party commanded
by a man named Jackson. In a skirmish with drunken
Indians, A. D. Jackson fired on one of them whose
name was Johnson (a son of Chief Shavano), and
wounded him. The Indians then rode off and were
gone over night. The freighters did not suppose the
Indian was seriously hurt, but he died that night.
About 4 o'clock the next day one of the chiefs, accom
panied by two whites named Hoyt and Holmes,
stopped the wagon train (which was en route to the
mines), saying an Indian had been killed and they
wanted his murderer. In the meantime about thirty
other Indians came, surrounding the train, covering all
of the drivers and the owner of the train (J. H. Jack
son, uncle of A. D. Jackson), with their guns. Agent
Berry, Mr. Meacham and Captain Kelley arrived with
fifteen soldiers and arrested the freighters and marched
them to camp, where they were guarded through the
night by two soldiers and ten Indians. The soldiers
had to keep pushing back the Indians all night to keep
them from taking the prisoners by force.
Next morning, the 30th of September, the freight
ers were marched to Cline's ranch, where they were
disarmed by the soldiers, who even took their pocket

Western Slope of Colorado 1 1 3
knives from them, after which they were dismissed,
the agent and officers stating that they were not in
their jurisdiction. Then these men were left defense
less in an Indian country, denied protection by the
Government officers, who had ample force at their
command, and who knew the white men were acting
wholly in self-defense. Colonel Beaumont showed his
humanity by sending a sufficient force of his men to
guard the men and train to a point beyond danger on
the Saguache road.
Before departing the freighters unloaded their sup
plies (groceries), but had to leave them out of doors
at Cline's ranch, as Cline refused them storage. Colonel
Beaumont, in doing his duty to his helpless fellow men,
ran the risk of censure from his superior officers, but he
would not desert his fellow men — who had a right to
the protection of the Government.
Then Agent Berry told Mr. Jackson to obey Cap
tain Cline's instructions, and they would be unharmed.
Cline tried to induce them to go on to their desti
nation at the end of the track of the D. & R. G. rail
road, which would have resulted in the death of the
men and the destruction of the train.
A. D. Jackson, the young man (who shot the In
dian), gave himself up to Messrs. Cline, Hoyt,
Holmes and an Indian, to be taken to Gunnison to be
properly tried.

214 Early Days on the
These men took this young man, without a guard,
in an Indian country, where there were 300 soldiers
near, and started, apparently, for Gunnison. They went
about three miles when, according to report, the In
dians overpowered the guard and took the prisoner
from them; apparently this was a premeditated plan
to deliver the prisoner to the Indians. Dave Day, pro
prietor of "The Solid Muldoon" at Ouray, and a min
ing superintendent, who were passengers on Barlow &
Sanderson's stage coach, corroborated the report that
the Indians had taken young Jackson from the guard
and proposed to kill him (probably torture him to
death). However, he was not tortured but was taken
to the edge of a bluff and, after having been shot to
death, his body was tumbled into a gulch, which was
afterwards recovered by his friends.* Captain Cline
was severely criticised by his neighbors for the conduct
he displayed on this occasion, but the agent of the
Utes, Wm. H. Berry, was the man in authority and
it would appear to have been his duty, after having
informed Jackson that he might consider himself un
der arrest, to have acted on the suggestion that was
given him by an officer to properly safeguard his pris
oner on the route to Gunnison. It has been said in
justification of Berry's action, however, that, under
*Discovered three weeks later by J. F. Howard, the agency farr-er.
His death was caused by a single gunshot in the side.

Western Slope of Colorado 215
the circumstances, he evidently did what he considered
just and equitable according to his lights, as being an
official placed there to protect Indians and not whites.
Such justification, however, would seem hypocritical;
another man in his position might have done differ
ently. About six weeks prior to this episode, Chief Ouray,
while on a mission of peace and good will to the South
ern Utes, departed this life. His death at the South
ern Ute Agency was due to Bright's disease, which was
unduly hastened by the mal-practice of his medicine
men. It was a most deplorable circumstance in having
occurred at this unfortunate time, and signally porten-
tious of evils to come. * * * Prayers had gone up
that the old chief's life might have been spared, for,
upon his influence in controlling and directing the dif
ferent factions of the Ute tribe there lay a power of
behoovance, for with it, the commission banked on
reaching a safe issue out of all their difficulties.
Autumn, too, was now at hand, and the time limit
within which the Utes were supposed to sign the treaty
was nearing its close. At last, however, Mr. Mears
got busy and worked with all his might to induce the
Indians to sign, and finally got them to do so by pri
vately paying them $2.00 each.
Chairman Manypenny, on hearing about it, re
fused to endorse this "agreement" and claimed that

216 Early Days on the
Mr. Mears bribed the Indians by paying them $2.oo
apiece, and preferred charges against him to the Sec
retary of the Interior, Carl Schurz.
That fall (1880) Mr. Garfield was elected Presi
dent, and after his inauguration on the 4th of March,
1881, Governor Kirkwood of Iowa became Secretary
of the Interior. Mr. Mears was then ordered to Wash
ington for trial before Secretary Kirkwood on the
charge preferred by Mr. Manypenny of bribing the
Indians to sign the treaty.
In the presence of Senators Teller and N. P. Hill,
in the Secretary's office, Mr. Kirkwood asked Mr.
Mears if it were true that he paid the Indians for sign
ing the treaty.
Mr. Mears replied that he paid them $2.00 each,
as the Indians claimed that $2.00 in cash was worth
more to them than the interest on $1,800,000,* which
they were to receive in promises. Mr. Kirkwood then
asked whether this money was paid by Mr. Mears or
the Government.
Mr. Mears replied that it was his own money,t and
the Secretary told him to make a bill for it and he
would see that it was paid. He also told Mr. Mears
that he was perfectly right in doing as he did. Sec-

*The Ute nation, through a duly accredited lawyer, subsequently
brought suit against the United States for payment of the above prin
cipal. t$2,80"0.

Western Slope of Colorado 217
retary Kirkwood was familiar with the Indian and his
methods. The Secretary next asked Mr. Mears if he thought
he would be able to remove the Indians. Mr. Mears
answered if given enough troops, and Mr. Manypenny
was left in Ohio and Mr. Meacham in Washington,
he thought he would be able to do so.
Secretary Kirkwood said that the Government had
plenty of troops and would furnish all that were
needed.

CHAPTER XXI
Congress Ratifies the Treaty and General MacKenzie
Removes the Utes
PENDING this agreement's ratification by Con
gress the summer of 1881 was almost at an end.
However, after having been reported upon by the
proper committees in Congress, it passed both houses
promptly, and was as promptly signed by the President.
The bill, as signed, was divided into two sections,
the first section providing for the removal of the Utes
to an "adjacent reservation" and expenses thereof,
which was referred to the committee on appropriations
of the Indian service; also to reimburse certain Indians
for agricultural improvements they had made on the
Uncompahgre (which included $700.00 for Chipeta,
Ouray's widow), while the second section, providing
for the purchase of the Uncompahgre reservation, was
referred to the Committee on Public Lands; the Presi
dent withholding proclamation for the opening of the
same to settlement until the Indians could be all re
moved, which removal awaited final action by the com
mission. In the meantime, Secretary Kirkwood ap
pointed Judge McMorris of Colorado Springs to fill
the vacancy on the board occasioned by the resignation

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 219
of John B. Bowman, and Mr. Mears having returned
to the Uncompahgre, the commission at once entered
upon its work of exploration for a new reservation.
The multitudinous details involved in this project
required initiative and business tact of the highest or
der. Accordingly, it was recognized that Mr. Mears,
being the youngest member of the commission, and also
best adapted for getting over the country on horseback,
was given the management of it. He was accompanied
by Judge McMorris, and later by Mr. Russell, who
joined them en route. With an escort of one. hundred
cavalrymen they proceeded down the Uncompahgre on
their tour of inspection, which extended on past where
now is Grand Junction.
Mr. Mears and Judge McMorris being Colorado
men and, with Mr. Russell coinciding, they made up
their minds that the Indians had to go.
They at once saw that, for the benefit of the state,
it would be better to keep the Indians somewhere else,
and out of Colorado, as the land on the Uncompahgre
and at Grand Junction would become very valuable
if settled by the whites. From Grand Junction, ac
cordingly, they went north and west and finally got to
Green River, where the mouths of the DuShane and
White Rivers enter, and concluded there would be a
good place to locate the Indians outside of Colorado.

220 Early Days on the
This "agreement" stated that the Indians should be
located at Grand Junction, or in ^adjacent territory.
Returning to the Cavalry Cantonment, in Uncom
pahgre Valley, where the soldiers were, General Mac
Kenzie, who was in command, was informed by Mr.
Mears of the place that had been selected to take the
Indians to. He also told the Indians that they would
have to go.
Meanwhile, Mr. Manypenny and Mr. Meacham
were working in Washington and claimed that the
treaty absolutely stipulated Grand Junction, in Colo
rado. Mr. Mears claimed that the treaty meant Grand
Junction or adjacent territory, and the Secretary of the
Interior, Mr. Kirkwood, decided that Mr. Mears was
correct; therefore in Utah was to be their reservation.
The auspicious time having now arrived in which
to carry out the stipulations, as per agreement, the
Commissioners, in conjunction with Mr. Berry (Indian
Agent), entered upon the necessary preparations inci
dental thereto. These preparations would necessarily
consume many months of time. First would come the
Government surveys of the new reservation, such as
boundary lines, sub-divisions and cross sectionizing;

*As Utah was then a territory, it was self-evident that it was adja
cent, consequently in an equivocal sense the commissioners obeyed the
letter of the law.

Four Ute Chiefs, Agent and Interpreter

/

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,) off-i- "-,

1)
/ ¦

'VS-//. /SUiv

j a.

Western Slope of Colorado 22 1
bridging streams, disposal at public auction of the old
agency, proposals for construction of new agency, cor
rals, and so forth, and moving the agency beef cattle
and other livestock overland.
Mears proceeded at once to Denver and from there
to Salt Lake, so that he would arrive at the place
selected for an agency before the Indians could get
there overland, and also have the necessary provisions
and temporary accommodations ready for the use of the
agent, William H. Berry, as soon as he should arrive.
Berry, who had just got to Salt Lake, remained there
for some days in order to receive some movable prop
erty, due there from the old Los Pinos Agency, that had
not been disposed of at public auction. The distance
from Salt Lake via Park City and Strawberry Valley
to Green River, at Mears' final destination, was 210
miles. For a distance of 150 miles as between Heber
City and Green River, Mears found no settlements.
He immediately contracted for buildings and mill work,
the specifications for which, on Berry's arrival, were
turned over to him, after which Mears returned to the
cantonment on the Uncompahgre to see what fortune
had attended the efforts of General MacKenzie in
removing the Utes.
In very truth, they did not take to the pros
pect of being exiled from the valleys of their fore
fathers, either pleasantly or seriously, for they made

222 Early Days on the
all kinds of excuses against it, professing injured pride
because they could not remain where their forefathers
were buried, and contumaciously pleaded for more
time in which to gather up their stock. General Mac
Kenzie, however, had given them ten days in which
to do all of that, and this last named was an extension
of previously granted over time, now expired; there
fore they had gotten all that was coming to them and,
inasmuch as they had previously made but a sham of
collecting their stock, their further demands were in-
admissable. They were anxious, they said, to go on
a hunt to kill enough game for their winter use, but
MacKenzie would listen to none of it.
Their philandering was at an end, and, now, that
it was his turn to speak, MacKenzie harangued them
with his defiance. This last decision was, of course,
final, inasmuch as it was nothing less than an ulti
matum, essentially as emphatic as if it were a public
document, for it possessed some verbal characteristics
that no public document ever laid claims to, in that its
formula was highly spiced and profusely italicized
with expletives.
They wanted vacation for a junket to Cow Creek
and the Cimarron, and they were going to have it, but
they reckoned not wisely or well, for there was no
chance for them to flank MacKenzie, whose camps,

Western Slope of Colorado 223
both far and near, had been strongly reinforced at all
strategic points.
His immediate headquarters were at a bend of the
river, just east of where the town of Olathe now stands.
Here Colorow's band was camped, which was between
two bluffs that form the rim of the valley which at
that time was heavily wooded.
On these bluffs officers were stationed at observa
tion points to observe what the Indians were doing in
their front.
MacKenzie had nine companies of cavalry and
nine of infantry within a radius of five miles from the
hub of his headquarters. His code of signals, too, was
as perfect as human ingenuity could devise.
In rear of MacKenzie's camps, about a mile away,
were those of the thronging settlers, waiting behind to
get the final word when the reservation would be
thrown open to location.
"No pent up Utica" was so fraught with "stern
alarms" as were those long autumn days in 1881, when
ever watchful and competent officers kept tab on the
Ute's camps for signs of suspicious activity. Their
system of signaling recorded every motion that looked
significant on the part of the Utes; not a straw in its
vagaries of flight through the atmosphere or a cloud
of dust hovering over the Indians' camps but under-

224 Early Days on the
went a scrutiny through some officer's field glass. Morn
ing, noon and night of watchings rounded out a never-
to-be-forgotten week of vigils, till at last their persever
ance was rewarded at sight of an unusual cloud of
dust with loud barkings of dogs for an accompaniment.
Be it here recorded, that some interloper had, mean
while, the hardihood to smuggle a lot of whiskey to
the Indians.
Another cloud of dust and then another, and ever
the persistent barkings, echoed and re-echoed — all
characteristic of but one cause — "fighting whiskey."
There was trouble brewing, but MacKenzie was ready
for it when the psychological moment arrived. Then
dazzling rockets for signals went up, and bugle calls,
loud and strident, marked time from bluff to bluff on
both sides of the river, hurrying waiting bodies of cav
alry to the execution of "battalion fronts" straight
across the valley. Prompt was the call, and prompt
the execution, as four companies now wheeled into posi
tion, all ready for action.
Splendid tactics characterized these preparations
for a fight, illustrating our cavalry service, whose
movements have sometimes been compared to the rev
olutions of a plant of smooth-running machinery. Not
a ripple of excitement was there to mar the perfect
line of front that now faced the enemy, who presently

Western Slope of Colorado 11$
came into view around a bend of the river, yelling
like so many demons let loose, and riding cowboy fash
ion, all in a bunch. Evidently the sight that now met
their gaze was their first intimation of the military re
ception that was awaiting them. Its effect was instan
taneous, for they at once slackened their mad ride and
came to a halt to engage in a parley among themsleves.
Then in no longer time than it takes to tell 'it, they
sized up the situation and decided that they wanted no
more of "war's grim-visaged front" in theirs, so they
quickly turned "about face" and beat a hasty and igno
minious retreat back to camp.
That night at 2 o'clock, General MacKenzie sent
for Mr. Mears and Judge McMorris, who were the
only commissioners present at the time, and told them
if they would sign the order to remove the Indians he
would do so with his troops. Receiving the signatures
of the commissioners to the order, General MacKenzie
proceeded at once to surround the Indians, and gave
them two hours' notice to move, further emphasizing
the order with six pieces of field artillery that went
into position on the brow of a hill overlooking the
camp of the hostiles.
The Indians still claimed that they were to stay
in Colorado, and did not want to go, but General Mac
Kenzie would only give them the two hours to think
about it, and they finally packed up and left.

226 Early Days on the
Rations for three weeks had been issued to them
at the Uncompahgre agency, to enable them to sub
sist on their long journey overland to Green River and
the DuShane.
September 1st, 1881, was the date, when the last
band (Colorow's) left Colorado, and September 13th
that of their arrival at their destination. This was
called the Ouray agency, in honor of their late chief.
Shortly afterwards, Mr. Mears again visited Green
River to inspect supplies and also to pay over to Chip
eta (Ouray's widow) that $700 which the Govern
ment had provided for her in the treaty. This was all
in one-dollar bills. He had no sooner done this than
"Cojoe," a chief, who was standing near, tried to mur
der him, claiming that it was through him they were
removed. Other than this their extended journey was unat
tended with any mishaps, General MacKenzie render
ing them every assistance desired. He caused large
boats to be placed at the crossings of both Grand and
Green Rivers, with orders that they be safely put
across, together with all their property and riding
stock. MacKenzie's boats remained for many years
thereafter and did good duty as ferry boats for west
ern emigrants.

The Final Exodus of the Utes from Colorado
(Crossing Grand River)

Western Slope of Colorado il']
The Ute commission that was appointed in 1879
and '80 continued its friendly supervision over the wel
fare of the Utes at the new agency till a year and a
half later, in which year, March 13th, 1883, it was
abolished.

CHAPTER XXII
Ouray's Last Trip to Washington
IN the year 1881 Ouray paid his last visit to Wash
ington. He took his wife, Chipeta, with him. She
was in those days a remarkably handsome woman.
Ouray was very much devoted to her. They remained
a month in Washington and had frequent interviews
with the President and with the Secretary of the In
terior, Carl Schurz. Of the impressions which Mr.
Schurz received of Ouray I will here quote from his
"Private Memoirs :"
"Ouray and Chipeta often visited me at my home
and they always conducted themselves with perfect
propriety. They observed the various belongings of
the drawing room with keen but decorous interest, and
were especially attracted by a large crystal chandelier
which was suspended from the ceiling. They wished
to know where such a chandelier could be bought, and
what it would cost; it would be such an ornament to
their home.
"In official conversation his talk was quite differ
ent from that of the ordinary Indian chief. He spoke
like a man of a high order of intelligence and of larger
views who had risen above the prejudices and aversions

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 229
of his race, and expressed his thoughts in language clear
and precise, entirely unburdened by the figures of
speech and superfluities commonly current in Indian
talk. "He had evidently pondered much over the con
dition and future of the Indians of North America and
expressed his mature conclusions with the simple elo
quence of a statesman.
"He comprehended perfectly the utter hopelessness
of the struggle of the Indians against the progress of
civilization. He saw clearly that nothing was left to
them but to accommodate themselves to civilized ways
or perish. He admitted that it was very hard to make
his people understand this; that so long as they did
not fully appreciate it, they should, as much as possi
ble, be kept out of harm's way; that it was the duty of
influential chiefs to co-operate with the Government to
make the transition as little dangerous and painful as
possible; that he, therefore, recognized the necessity of
removing the Utes from Colorado, hard as the parting
from their old haunts might be, and that he depended
on me to bring about that removal under conditions
favorable to his people.
"Ouray was by far the brightest Indian I have ever
met. "After the conclusion of our negotiations which
resulted in the restoration of peace, and in the eventual

230 Early Days on the
removal of the Utes to a reservation in Utah, Ouray
returned to his Western home. Soon after he fell ill
and died. Then something of a very touching nature
happened. "Some time after Ouray's death I received from a
government agent on the Ute reservation a letter which
Ouray's widow, Chipeta, had dictated to him. In it
she told me that I had been her departed husband's best
friend. He had said so. I had also done much to save his
people from grave disaster, and was therefore their best
friend. She wished to give a memory of her husband
as a present the things he valued most. Would I ac
cept the present?
"I thereupon wrote the agent asking him to inform
himself whether my accepting a present would have a
good effect with the Utes, and also whether my accept
ance were thought advisable, whether it would be the
proper thing on my part to send a present in return, and
if so, what should it be.
"A few weeks afterward I received a box contain
ing the clothes Ouray had worn while negotiating the
treaty with me in Washington, and in addition, his to
bacco pouch and an old powder horn which he used in
his younger days.
"This was Chipeta's present. It was accompanied
by a letter from the agent, giving me from Chipeta
this message : If I accepted the present, to keep it while

Western Slope of Colorado 23 1
I lived and for my children it would be regarded by
Chipeta and her people as a proof of true friendship
on my part, and they would esteem that friendship very
highly. But if I made a present in return it would be
understood by them as signifying that I did not value
their friendship much and simply wished to get rid of
an obligation and be quits with them, and this would
make them sad. Chipeta, therefore, hoped I would
accept the present and let our friendship stand.
"It will be admitted that greater delicacy is seldom
met with, even in the most refined society. It must be
added, however, that this was an exceptional case.
Ordinarily an Indian when he makes a present to a
white man expects one in return and his equinamity
is by no means disturbed when that which he received
is much more valuable than that which he has given.
Nor does he differ very much in this from a majority
of the civilized race.
"What I wish to show is that the noble savage
with chivalrous impulses and fine sentiments, as he oc
casionally appears in romance, should not be regraded
as a mere figment of the imagination. He has existed,
and no doubt he exists even now. It should, indeed, be
remembered that the same superior Indians are at the
same time in many respects not above the barbarous
habits and the ways of thinking of their tribes."

232 Early Days on the

chief ouray's youth and early manhood
Ouray was born at Taos, New Mexico, in the year
1833. He was, therefore, forty-eight years of age at
the time of his death, which occurred in 1881. In
youth he became a herder of sheep among the better
and more . advanced class of Mexican sheep men and
became familiar with their ways and learned to speak
the Spanish language fluently. He also learned from
the Catholic priests of Santa Fe something about the
Christian religion and thereby gained some of that re
finement which characterized his after years. When
eighteen years of age he joined a band of Utes under
the leadership of his father, located in Southwestern
Colorado, and became a full fledged Indian. He fin
ished his education by visiting among friendly tribes,
hunting and fishing, and occasionally fighting the
hereditary enemies of his people, the Comanches, Kio-
was, Cheyennes, Sioux and Arapahoes.
In 1859 he selected Chipeta as his wife, who was
a Tabequache maiden. He was very sincerely devoted
to her and a son was born to them, a very bright little
boy. A hunting party under the command of Ouray
was at one time located near the present site of Fort
Lupton, twenty-five miles north of Denver.
The camp was surprised by a band of Kiowas, who
captured the boy, then about six years old. This was a

Western Slope of Colorado 233
source of deep sorrow ever after to the great chief and
his wife, for they never recovered him, in fact they
never heard of him afterward. The boy may be still
living, but there is no doubt that he was trained to for
get his parents. If he is living, he has without doubt
heard of Ouray and Chipeta.
The great chief during the progress of the councils
always listened with profound attention, and then
would arise with dignity and strength and with great
eloquence expose their fallacies until they were ready to
blush with shame.
In their last council in regard to boundary lines, a
satisfactory settlement was made by increasing their
annuities and paying Ouray a pension of $1,000 an
nually. Kit Carson and Ouray were intimate friends.
In stature, Ouray was like the Utes, generally short.
He stood five feet, seven inches in height. He became
portly as he advanced in age. His head was unusually
large and well shaped and his features were regular.
He was dignified and pleasing in conversation and took
great pleasure in conversing with intelligent and refined
white men, whose respect he commanded, and of broad
and intelligent views.
When in command his word was law. On one oc
casion when the incoming settlers were crowding upon
the frontier regions he and Kit Carson averted a gen
eral war by diplomacy.

234 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
Although one of the savages of North America, he
could have taught the Czar and kings of the East much
to their interest and to the happiness of their subjects.
He was a model in habits, for he never chewed tobacco,
abhorred whisky, took but a sup of wine in company
when it was offered, and then only as a matter of cour
tesy to his friends. He never swore nor used obscene or
vulgar language. He was a firm believer in the Chris
tian religion, and two years before his death united
with the Methodist church. He realized that resistance
would result in the extinction of his people.
He died in 1881 from Bright's disease, death be
ing hastened by the malpractice of his medicine men.
Thus passed a real Indian, who richly deserves the
grateful consideration of the people of Colorado.

CHAPTER XXIII
Otto Mears, the Pathfinder of the San Juan
BY a unanimous vote of the Colorado Legislature,
the Board of Capital Commissioners was directed
to place the portrait of Otto Mears in the dome
of the State Capitol building. This place had been
reserved for the portraits of great men of the state, and
wherever Otto Mears is known it will be considered
that the action of the Legislature is an honor most
worthily bestowed.
No history of Colorado could possibly be written
without him as one of the chief actors on the stage of
her creative period. He has done a vast deal for Colo
rado's material advancement and it has all been ac
complished in such a matter of fact and business way
that very few of our own people know anything about
the wonderful career of this remarkable man.
His history is a thrilling romance. His success
demonstrates the immense possibilities of the Rocky
Mountain region for ambitious and energetic young
men. Mr. Mears was born in Russia. When a boy he
left home and went to California. After the war broke
out he joined the First regiment of California volun-

236 Early Days on the
teers, Company H, in the spring of 1861. He served
in the army over three years, part of the time under
Kit Carson in the Navajo war, and was discharged in
1864, in the Mesilla valley, New Mexico.
On leaving the army he went to Santa Fe and was
employed there for a short time, as a clerk, by the firm
of Elsberg & Amberg. Shortly afterwards he went
into partnership, in the retail business, with the firm
of Staab Brothers.
Getting tired of Santa Fe, he moved in 1865
to the old town of Conejos, on the north side of
the river (opposite the present town) where Major
Head was living, and started a general merchandise
business. There was then no saw mill or grist mill
in Conejos county, which embraced the present coun
ties of Rio Grande, Mineral, Saguache, Hinsdale,
Ouray, San Miguel, Dolores, Montezuma and Archu
leta, and Mr. Mears formed a partnership with Major
Head, for the erection of a saw mill and grist mill.
At that time iron materials were very scarce, and as
nails cost from fifty cents to a dollar a pound, every
thing about the saw mill was constructed entirely of
wood, with the exception of the saw — an "up and
down" one. The wooden wheel was tied with raw
hide. The grist mill was built of home materials and
the stones were of lava found in the vicinity of Con
ejos. At the time these mills were built, the Govern-

Western Slope of Colorado 237
ment paid $20 per hundred pounds for flour, and lum
ber was worth $80 per thousand feet at the mill.
After the grist mill was completed, it was found
there was not sufficient wheat raised by the Mexicans
to keep it running, so Mr. Mears went to Saguache
(which in 1866 was made a county by the Legisla
ture, he being appointed by Governor Cummings as
the first treasurer of the county) at the upper end of
the valley, to farm and grow wheat for the mill. Mr.
Mears, finding cutting grain by hand sickles and thresh
ing with sheep, a very slow and expensive process, in
1867 brought into the San Luis valley the first mower,
reaper and threshing machine. When the threshing
machine arrived in the San Luis valley the Mexicans,
on seeing it work, refused to have their grain threshed,
as they claimed the machine was stealing it, and they
went back to the old way of threshing by sheep.
By the time he raised wheat the Government price
for flour dropped so low that it did not pay to ship
the wheat to Conejos and he had to hunt another mar
ket. He went over to the Arkansas valley, where at
that time Charles Nachtrieb was building a mill, and
found that there would be a market for flour at Gran
ite and California Gulch. He found, however, that
there was no wagon road from Saguache to the Arkan
sas valley, but only a trail over Poncha Pass, so he
commenced the construction of a road down Poncha

238 Early Days on the
Pass, to enable him to haul his wheat to the mill in
the Arkansas valley. While constructing his road, old
Governor Gilpin, who was the owner of the Baca grant
in San Luis valley, came along on horseback. He was
very much interested in the wagon road, as he wanted
people to be able to get into the valley from the north
ern end, and at that time suggested to Mr. Mears the
advisability of constructing his road on such a grade
as could be utilized for a railway, which he said would
certainly be built over that pass. Mr. Mears, of course,
looked upon the Governor's advice as a joke, for there
was not even a railroad then to Denver; but the Gov
ernor met him so many times and talked so earnestly
on the future of Colorado that Mr. Mears finally be
came impressed with the Governor's ideas. The build
ing of this road was the origin of the Mears system
of toll roads in the San Juan country, and opened the
first wagon road to the San Luis valley from the Arkan
sas river. In 1871, when the first silver excitement com
menced in the San Juan, Mr. Mears, Enos Hotchkiss
and others organized a company to build a wagon road
from Saguache to Howardsville, in San Juan county,
across Cochetopa Pass to the Cebolla valley, and from
there over to the Lake fork of the Gunnison to the
present site of Lake City. Mr. Hotchkiss, who was
a miner, discovered the first mine in the vicinity of

Western Slope of Colorado 239
Lake City. He called it the "Hotchkiss" mine, but
in ' recent years the name has been changed to the
"Golden Fleece."
In 1872 Mr. Mears started a newspaper at Sa
guache, called the "Saguache Chronicle," for the pur
pose of advertising the San Luis valley.
After the Hotchkiss mine was discovered, he, with
others, incorporated the town of Lake City and, feel
ing that the outside world ought to know of the silver
and lead deposits at that place, published a newspaper
called the "Silver World." The paper was printed in
a tent, as there were then no houses in Lake City. The
first issue of the Silver World was carried by the editor,
Mr. Wood, over the range to Del Norte, on snow
shoes, and the publication of this paper started the
Lake City boom.
The same year there was ore discovered by Cap
tain Cline and party, in the vicinity of where Ouray
now is, and the United States Government established
an Indian post on the Uncompahgre river. There was
no road to the Uncompahgre and the present site of the
town of Ouray, so Mr. Mears projected and built one
called the Lake Fork and Ouray Toll road from the
Lake Fork of the Gunnison, connecting with the Sa
guache and Lake City road.
In the fall of 1875, as recorded in Chapter X, the
contract for carrying the mail to the Uncompahgre

240 Early Days on the
Agency was given to Mr. Mears. He was informed
by the Assistant Postmaster General that a heavy fine
would be imposed for failure. Accordingly, to make
sure of prompt deliveries, he began carrying the mail
in a toboggan drawn by dogs, with a man alongside on
Norwegian shoes. There was not a trip missed until
spring commenced, when the snow got soft. The few
people who were in Ouray at that time got in their
tobacco, coffee, sugar and other supplies by mail, which
made it so heavy that it was impossible to carry it with
dogs. There was also in the mail ladies' hats and dry
goods, and in carrying it the man with the dogs would
sit down on the toboggan and mash the whole thing up,
so that tobacco, sugar, coffee, black powder and ladies'
hats got so badly mixed that the people of Ouray com
plained to the department. The department decided
that mail which had to be carried on snowshoes and
toboggans should not be used to get in ladies' hats and
general supplies.
In March of 1876 the snow got so bad that neither
dogs nor snowshoes could be used, consequently the
carriers quit their jobs. Complaint was made to
Washington about non-delivery of mail. Mr. Mears,
who was occupied in performing mail contracts in
other portions of the San Juan, upon being advised
from Washington of the complaint which had been

TWIN PEAKS
On the Ouray and Red Mountain Toll Road

Western Slope of Colorado 241
made, started to carry the mail himself, as he could
get no one to undertake it. At the Lake Fork of the
Gunnison the snow was still about two feet deep, very
soft, with the water running underneath, and with
every step he sank down with the mail on his back.
Finally, after three days in which much hardship and
fatigue were endured, he got into the Uncompahgre
valley with the mail, had the trail opened and the mail
again went in regularly.
He next built the toll road from Silverton up
the Animas river to Animas Forks and Mineral Point.
While the Denver and Rio Grande was building into
Durango, he built a road from Durango to Fort Lewis.
He also constructed a road from Gunnison to Cebolla,
connecting with the Lake City road, and almost all
trails and wagon roads in the San Juan country. Mr.
Mears constructed the Mashall Pass road, over which
the Denver and Rio Grande now runs, and sold his
rights in the road to that company.
He freighted from Saguache to Colorado Springs
with ox teams and ran pack mules and mule teams in
Silverton, bringing down the ores from the different
camps and from the Telluride district to the railroad
at Silverton. In 1884 Mr. Mears was a member of the Legisla
ture at the time Senator Bowen was elected, and it

242 Early Days on the
was, undoubtedly, owing to Mr. Mears' efforts and
influence that Senator Bowen succeeded.
He began to find that pack animals as teams
were too slow for the rapid development of the
San Juan country and proceeded to build railroads.
His first enterprise in that line was the road from Sil
verton to Red Mountain. The next was the Rio
Grande Southern, from Ridgeway to Durango, via
Telluride and Rico, connected with the Denver and
Rio Grande at both ends. He afterwards built the
Silverton Northern railroad, from Silverton up the
Animas river to Eureka.
When the State Capitol was begun, Governor
Cooper appointed Mr. Mears one of the commission
ers. He has held the office ever since and has been
one of the most active in looking after the construction
of the building. The Colorado State Capitol is one
of the very few public buildings in the United States
which has been built without complaint or scandal
being directed against those in charge of its erection.
There never has been a whisper of dishonesty or cor
ruption against the commissioners.
When the panic came in 1893, Mr. Mears lost
control of the Rio Grande Southern railroad and most
of his fortune. As Colorado was extremely dull and
no new enterprises going on, he concluded to go east

OTTO MEARS
As he Appears Today

Western Slope of Colorado 243
and show them how to improve a wild country. He
struck the southern portion of Maryland, where the-re
were no railroads or telegraph lines, and built a rail
road from Washington to Chesapeake Beach — the only
salt water resort in the vicinity of Washington.

CHAPTER XXIV
Gold City and Rico
IN the spring of 1879 gold was discovered in placer
bars, amidst intense excitement, at the junction of
Dallas Creek and Uncompahgre River.
It was a city of tents that sprung up in a day. Ev
erybody in "the park," at Ouray and at Silverton
rushed to Gold City.
Grub staking projects commanded a premium and
for a time, like loaded dice, seemed to turn "the high
card;" then there came a flop and the dice lost, for most
exceedingly short lived was Gold City.
Ere the summer season had blended with autumn
the bubble had "busted," the bars petered and the deni
zens of Gold City one fine morning in August packed
up their "dunnage," "folded their tents like the Arabs"
and silently stole away.
A year later the site of Gold City became that of
Dallas, which, as we have seen, flourished in "the
eighties" as a forwarding rendezvous for Telluride
freights per wagon trains.
The denizens of Gold City pulled out for Rico in
1879 as already referred to in Chapter thirteen. The
writer was one of them. At one stream on our route,

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 245
which was called Naturita Creek, red oxides of iron
abounded and there were indications of asbestos; like
wise of some bright, crimson colored shales, that might
have been cinnabar, but which proved to be some kind
of "orpimint" or red paint. Here we diverged from
the main trail to Rico to prospect for paint.
Here, doubtless, came the Indians in an older time
to paint their faces for the war path. Indeed, some
bucks had evidently done that very thing not many
days prior to our trip. Though none of them molested
us, there were some cow-boys, less fortunate, who met
with rough treatment at their hands on a Sunday prior
to our arrival at Rico, of which more anon.
Dave Wood's freighting outfits and Meserole and
Blake's stage lines were loaded, going and coming. For
a time the intrusion of zinc gave old time miners the
horrors, but soon the climax of discovery was capped
at Nigger Baby Hill, where the tide of hopeful miners
ebbed and flowed, the goal that all were striving for —
"block maganese," containing carbonates running high
in silver. It was said of Nigger Baby Hill that so
many claims were "salted" there to catch "tenderfeet"
that its bed would have stood tests as relics of Sodom
200 years ago.
The culminating spectacle of a salted proposition
reached its climax in the "Puzzle Extension." Thrice

246 Early Days on the
it had been salted and thrice in token of persistence had
the new owners run it into the ground till at last a
"bonanza" of genuine carbonates was discovered. One
hundred and fifty thousand dollars came out and fifty
thousand dollars put in, making a total gain of one
hundred thousand dollars.
Is it not discouraging how stock holders depend on
other people sometimes in this world?
George Barlow's saw mill got stuck fast in the
muddy trails so often that his machinery was strung
out all along the road from Placerville to Rico. Even
tually he got there and set up in business as the pioneer
saw miller. His success was instantaneous for, verily,
to use his own expression, "those who bought lumber
paid for the saw dust."
The original settlers of Rico, as already intimated,
found the country around about much troubled by the
Ute Indians, who viewed with sullen indignation the
gradual occupation of their hunting grounds by white
men. After experiencing various hardships many of the
pioneers became discouraged and ere the winter of "80"
set in, left camp.
The nearest that beef cattle could be driven was six
miles from Rico, where they were slaughtered and the
meat taken to town on pack animals.

Western Slope of Colorado 247
That fall a trio of cow boys (Fred Mayol, Jake
Hafer and John Barnhart) were treated to a novel but
disagreeable experience while resting and feeding their
"stock" on Utes' grass at Tabewatch Park, Modesty's
stamping ground. By him they were interviewed and
pointedly told that they were not welcome.
This was the first time they had ever met Modesty,
alias Mr. Tah-koo-ni-ca-vats, otherwise they would
have known better than to have fooled with him. They
were informed that the "park" in which they were
camped was exclusively Utes' park, or in words to that
effect, and that no more camping should be done there.
In other words, they must "vamoose," for their time
was up. They must hike out betwixt that and the suc
ceeding sun (pointing to the sun) or dire would be the
consequences of delay.
On the following morning, Sunday, the same Utes
(Modesty and brothers) returning from Rico pretty
well loaded up on "Gukenheimer," saw with grunts of
disfavor that the whites had not obeyed their commands
of the day before, whereupon, the whisky drinking red
skins resolved to have some fun with the white men,
so they ordered them down on their hands and knees to
eat grass. Their mandate, this time, was not to be treated with
contempt, for "Cats," as they called Modesty, re-
enforced it with six shooters. "White man heap like

248 Early Days on the
'um' Utes1 grass! Wano! white man! Wano! White
man got heap big mouth, heap eat 'um' Utes' grass —
'Um'— 'Um.' "
As the fodder was plentiful and in variety, the
boys stood a fair show to "graduate" as "vegetarians,"
seeing that Cats & Co. had, to all appearances, decided
that very proposition for them by "camping" right
there. It boded ill to them in the wind up, and was not a
little disconcerting. However, as luck would have it,
Mr. Modesty was of an inquisitive turn of mind that
evening and discovered among the boys' effects two
quart bottles of "private stock," whereupon he and his
brothers decided to "liquor up" and eventually "flood
ed" their lower levels.
This gave the boys their long looked for chance to
escape, so gathering up their herd they hit the trail to
Rico, well rid of their disagreeable Sunday visitors.
Rico stands in the center of a volcanic upburst
which has parted the sandstone and limestone once
spread thousands of feet thick over the area, and whose
edges now stand as bold bluffs all around this break,
which is nearly four miles in breadth and about eight
in length. To locate it on the map you must place a
dot on the Dolores River at the eastern foot of the
mountain which Professor Hayden calls Station 37.

Rico, Colorado

Western Slope of Colorado 249
The Rico mines are characterized by their great
dissimilarity with each other. Nearly every sort of
ore, of both silver and gold, is found in a most heter
ogeneous way among the lavas. The richest ores are
those without lead.
There is also in the near neighborhood of Rico, high
up on the "mesa," a magnificent supply of bituminous
and free-burning anthracite coal, good material for
charcoal, limestone for flux, bog and magnetic iron,
fireclay and good building stone. Zinc in great quan
tities has lately been discovered in Nigger Baby Hill,
which promises a great future for Rico as a zinc camp.

CHAPTER XXV
George Howard, a Smooth Highwayman
PROMPTED by a deep and sincere affection based
upon an unusually intimate acquaintance from the
day in which he first struck Colorado, I am about
to essay the difficult if not impossible task of condens
ing into a single short article the career of George How
ard, cattle and horse thief, superintendent of stage
lines, exploiter of politics, etc.
In this age of electricity men think quick, live fast
and die young as a general rule. Howard was no ex
ception to this general rule, but, withal, a most glaring
exception to the "Golden Rule." Like most of his
class, though lavish in the use of money, he had a full
realization of its value and made close contracts for
his work. As the trusted agent of Meserole and Blake's stage
lines, he had full access to free telegraphing all over
Southern Colorado and Utah. Every stock tender
along the line and every stage driver was invariably a
man of his own choosing ; thus he soon had an army of
"cappers" ever alert to do his bidding; an organized
band of robbers. The strangest thing in all of this was
that he held his own above suspicion for two years.

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 251
In politics he was a violent partisan, loved a bitter
personal controversy better than a dinner, could write
without the restraints of editorial courtesy or extreme
delicacy, and possessed a peculiar aptness for the free
ways of the frontiersman. These qualities, moveover,
fitted well into his work of cattle rustling, business
manager, horse thief and contractor, and he was all of
these. Howard's career, however, like all unlawful walks
of life, had to terminate in disaster. He met his fate
at Morrison's ranch, at White Water, near Grand
Junction, in the spring of 1882, at the hands of three
deputy sheriffs.
It has been frequently asserted that Howard "stood
in" with the notorious Stocktons of Durango in several
cold blooded murders, but that is a popular mistake.
Howard was too shrewd a man to trust any part of an
organized business in the hands of such bungling cut
throats. Moreover, he invariably expressed a supreme
contempt for their stunted mental calibre and low order
of intelligence, to say nothing of their cowardice, for
with all his faults Howard was a brave man.
Previous to "the eighties" he lived a good deal in
Northern California, notably in Shasta County. By
turns he followed placer mining there, next at the Dalles
of the Columbia and then followed a sort of "jack
leg" existence in Washington Territory and Idaho.

252 Early Days on the
Afterwards, coming to Del Norte, Colorado, he
prospected at Summitville, made a ."stake" and then
hiked it over the range to Ouray where, as we have
seen, he led a checkered career.
In spite of his faults he was a man of undoubted
ability; possessed of polished manners, and gifted with
that peculiar talent which reads at a glance the various
classifications of the human mind.
An account of his pursuit and death at the hands
of Sheriff Allison and the breaking up of his gang is
here presented to the reader, having been culled by the
writer from the columns of "The Solid Muldoon" of
May 5, 1882:
"Roe Allison and J. L. Crooks of Gunnison and Pat
Daly of Crested Butte arrived in Ouray Wednesday
morning from the Grand River country and fresh from
a roundup with the Howard gang of cattle and horse
thieves." ALLISON'S VERSION
Deputy Allison stated that himself and Bowman,
who were on the trail of Howard and his gang, drove
up to Morrison's ranch on a buckboard on Monday,
2 1 st inst. ; saw no one around the buildings but Monroe
and his wife. They had a talk with Monroe about
crossing the river in quest of a saw mill site; Bowman
was the man who desired to enter into the lumber busi
ness, and after talking a few minutes they asked Mon-

Western Slope of Colorado 253
roe if he could accommodate them with a lunch, and
being answered in the affirmative Allison sat down be
hind the buckboard in the blacksmith shop door while
Bowman went into the house after the lunch. Howard
was in the house when Bowman entered and the conver
sation drifting into the lumber business, Howard pro
duced a map showing every body of timber and every
trail in the country. After a careful look at the map,
Bowman started for the buckboard followed by How
ard, and when near the shop Allison recognized How
ard and shook hands — Howard, after the shake, al
lowed his hand to rest in an indifferent manner on his
six shooter. Noting a shotgun and Winchester in the
buckboard, he remarked to Allison that "they are
daisies." Allison tipped the wink to Bowman with his
elbow, but Bowman thinking it was Allison's six
shooter he had bumped against, paid no attention to the
warning. Allison continued his remarks about induc
ing his Denver friend (Bowman) to put in a saw mill
and began to inquire about the ford, at the same time
attempting to throw Howard off his guard by climbing
in the buckboard in a very lazy manner and throwing
his shotgun across his knee prepared to drive off, when
Howard volunteered his services as a guide across the
river. Allison accepted his courtesy with thanks, and as
Howard turned to go for his horse Allison jumped from

254 Early Days on the
the buckboard, covered him with his shotgun and or
dered "hands up." Howard went for his "pop," and
while in the act of drawing it was fired on, both
charges (twelve buckshot) taking effect in his side.
Allison was shocked to discover that Howard did not
fall, and followed him with his six shooter; Bowman
in the meantime having run around the building to
head him off. As Bowman gained the east corner of
the building Howard was discovered about one hun
dred and twenty yards away going at a good gait and
shooting back as he ran. Bowman opened fire with his
Winchester, the first shot striking Howard's left shoul
der and the second entering the base of the skull and
coming out under the right eye, produced instant death.
His person was examined and nothing of importance
discovered. He had one dollar in silver currency,
which was about all that was found worth mentioning.
After his body was searched it was turned over to
Monroe with a request from Sheriff Bowman that a
decent burial be extended and the bill for same for
warded to him at Gunnison for payment.
leaving Morrison's ranch
The sheriff and posse continued in pursuit of other
members of the gang and after a ride of three days,
without any food other than jerked venison, returned
exhausted and their stock worn out and abandoned.

Western Slope of Colorado 255
Deputy Brown of Grand Junction, with two com
panions, were last heard of on the White River trail
close on the heels of Lee Mathews and Wellington, and
it is believed that they will be either killed or captured.
It is the intention of Sheriff Bowman and the legiti
mate stock growers of Utah and the Grand River Val
ley to completely exterminate the band and the death
of their chief is but the beginning.
GEORGE HOWARD
The victim was well known in Ouray, having for
a long time been connected with the stage line of
Meserole & Blake. Two years previously George How
ard's order or word was good for almost any reasonable
amount. He was very popular and had the confidence
of several of our best citizens, a confidence which he
betrayed last spring on some very unexpected and dis
honest work with Strayer & Mark, who had offered him
both a home and an excellent opportunity to make
money. After being discarded by Strayer & Mark he
went to Utah and engaged in stealing cattle, both in
that territory and on the Reservation. He knew every
trail and canon in Utah and every inch of the Reserva
tion. His style was to inspect a herd, initiate some of
the herders into the gang, round up the fattest steers
and divide the swag.

256 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
His real name is reported to have been George
Howard Stunce. He was a Missourian by birth and
about forty years old. Of fine personal appearance,
elegant social qualities, a fine conversationalist and
possessed a wit of more than ordinary merit. He wield
ed a revolver with skill, a Winchester with accuracy,
and, in short, was a b-o-l-d b-a-d man.
He has paid the penalty and we trust gone to that
bourne where an ounce, of virtue balances a pound of
cussedness. Peace be to his dust !

CHAPTER XXVI
Montrose arid Its Early Settlers, and a Cliff Dweller's
Romance
WHEN the whistle of the first engine at the
point of the little mountain east of Montrose
awakened the echoes among the hills of the
valley in the month of June, 1883, there was a
mixed sensation among the old timers of the neighbor
hood! Those who had been working and waiting for
the civilizing effects which inevitably follow the rail
way were overjoyed; they threw up their sombreros
and cheered and many the tear-moistened eyes that
had long since ceased to weep, but there were also a
few old fellows who shook their heads sadly and
openly expressed their disapproval of the advent of
the railway and also their determination to hitch up
their cayuses to the prairie schooner and with the tra
ditional yellow dog under the wagon "hit the trail"
for some place further west, where they could live in
peace. Fortunately there were but a few families of
this type, and those who remained got down to work
in good earnest; and with many difficulties to encoun
ter and many trying hardships to endure, they fought
the good fight for twenty years, and today, apples,

258 Early Days on the
pears and peaches have taken the place of the sage
brush — the ever fair valley is fairer still with fields
of alfalfa, wheat and corn; the vast fastnesses of the
mountains, and their feeding grounds are now occu
pied by the finest herds of American stock! These
Anglo-Saxon pioneers have conquered an empire!
From Glenwood Springs on the east down the Grand
River westward to the Utah line, they have reclaimed
a desert and converted it into a delightful chain of
gardens, orchards and farms, interlinked with busy
towns and cities and smiling villages.
The orchards and vineyards and gardens of Colo
rado's Grand and Uncompahgre valleys are today
more beautiful to the eye and vastly more productive
than were the orchards, vineyards and gardens of
Granada in old Spain nearly 500 years ago, when Bob-
adil El Chico, the last king of the Moors, took his sad
farewell view of the place he considered the fairest
spot on earth.
This marvelous accomplishment in the Grand and
Uncompahgre valleys has not been reached without
much toil, energy and ever abiding hope, and it is fair
to say that from the very first the Denver & Rio
Grande railway has not only been one of the leading
factors in this gigantic work, but it has made possible
its achievement.

Western Slope of Colorado 259
This fact is fully appreciated and the "Baby Road"
of the mountains — now fully grown — has a warm
place in the hearts of the old pioneers of the Grand
and Uncompahgre country.
A CLIFF DWELLER'S ROMANCE OF SHAVANO IN
MONTROSE COUNTY
(*Story of a war caused by a woman among a prehistoric race.)
The stories of investigators of late years disclose
that the ruins of the ancient cliff dwellers are scattered
over 100,000 square miles in Colorado, Arizona, New
Mexico and Utah.
The great mystery of who they were and how they
were annihilated still puzzles the scientists. They
figure that it could not have been famine, since great
stores of corn have been uncovered, nor could they have
migrated, because no other race possesses the marked
characteristics of art and architecture shown by the cliff
dwellers. Traces of fire have led to the conjecture that
their destruction must have come through a volcanic
eruption. The later investigators take no stock in the old
theory that the Pueblo Indians, who now occupy a part
of the old territory, are descendants of the cliff dwellers.
Their decorative pottery symbols are entirely different.
The older race had great communal buildings of stone,

*From New York Sun, May 19, 1907.

260 Early Days on the
frequently of many stories, and faced with hundreds of
square yards of tool dressed rock. The Pueblo lives in
houses of sun-dried brick.
The walls of many of the canons and houses are
covered with hieroglyphics. Interest in these hiero
glyphics has recently been revived by the assertion of
Prof. F. K. Porter, of Boston, that he has been able to
decipher one of these inscriptions.
About five years ago Homer Wright, of Montrose,
went out to the Shavano valley to wander among the
ruins. He took his camera with him, and of what is
known as the great picture rock he took a number of
views. These were later transferred to post cards, and
the latter sold broadcast. One happened to fall into
Prof. Porter's hands. He has recently written to
Wright for more cards, asserting that he has discovered
the clue.
These pictures are rude drawings of various animals,
some prehistoric, others apparently of bear, deer, spears,
strangely clad men and women, and battle and journey
scenes. According to Prof. Porter, the ancient dwellers of
Shavano Valley had a war over a woman.
The chiefs of three tribes loved her, and when the
contest ended all had been killed, including the prin
cess, who was hit in the eye by a fine pointed arrow. A

PICTURE ROCKS. SHAVANO VALLEY N£AR MONTROSE, COW, izoolz

Western Slope of Colorado 261
number of arrows such as are shown in the picture were
found some years ago at the base of the wall.
Prof. Porter says the card he has showed but one
incident in the history of the people.
The photograph did not include a hundredth part
of the picture-covered wall, and Prof. Porter promises
to come to Colorado in the near future and continue his
deciphering.

CHAPTER XXVII
Grand Junction
VOLUMES have been written regarding Grand
Junction, the young metropolis of the Western
Slope and of Eastern Utah. Newspaper corre
spondents and artists of great ability have burnt the
midnight oil and exhausted their energies in describing
and illustrating the beauties of Palisade, with her mag
nificent landscape of peach orchards, which have no
rival on earth and which sell from $1,000 to $4,000
per acre — a higher price by far than has ever been
placed upon any peach orchards before in any part of
the civilized world.
*THE GRAND VALLEY PIONEER
Active settlement in the Grand Valley commenced
in the spring of 1882. At that time the valley was a
barren sagebrush desert, without history, chart or record
to guide the early pioneers who had gone forth to locate
homesteads and reclaim a desert country.
The definition of the word "pioneer," as given by
Webster, is "one who goes before to clear the way."
•Note — The above sketch is from the pen of Benton Canon, Esq.,
of Grand Junction.

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 263
We think that definition is hardly adequate to cover
the Western Slope pioneer and will suggest the follow
ing addition:
"One whose capital and stock in trade is a pair of
hands, a pair of feet and a head on his shoulders, but
money he has not. A man who saw with a prophetic eye,
and was armed with a definite purpose. One who led the
way into the unknown, hewed out the first trails, wrote
the first chart to guide those who followed, and one who
is seldom known and properly honored in his own coun
try until after he is dead."
The Grand Valley pioneer was called upon to build
the first roads, trails, bridges and cabins for the ac
commodation of the people.
The lumber necessary for these improvements had
to be cut by hand with whipsaws, at an expense of $160
per thousand feet; land cleared of sagebrush, and the
plow set in motion to prepare the ground for planting.
The campires of the Indians were dying out and they
had taken the trail for their new reservation in the
Uintah Valley of Utah. These were indeed stirring
times in the early days of the Grand Valley.
From the spring of 1882 to the spring of 1912 cov
ers a period of thirty years. The first five years' history
was devoted almost entirely to experimental purposes.
Soil and climatic conditions were unknown and about
the only thing for the pioneers to do was to try out the

264 Early Days on the
country in the crucible of practical experience. Gar
dens, orchards and fields were planted here and there
about the valley where water could be obtained for irri
gation, and at the end of this experimental period of
five years the net results proved to be a revelation to
the early pioneers themselves, as well as to the people
of the entire state. Apples, pears, peaches, grapes,
cherries, plums, wheat, oats, corn, alfalfa and garden
products, together with soil and climatic conditions,
had fully met the hopes and expectations of the pion
eers, and the future destiny of the Grand Valley as a
fruit and general farming country was firmly estab
lished in their minds. From that date the fame of
Grand Valley as a fruit-growing country began to
spread until it became known in almost every town and
hamlet in the United States.
The second period in the development of our valley
dated from the spring of 1887 to 1912, covering an
other period of twenty-five years of its productive his
tory, which has more than justified the fondest hopes
and predictions of the people who made Mesa County
what it is today.
Countries are like individuals — no two in the world
exactly alike in character, appearance or productive
resources — and the Grand River Valley and the West
ern Slope of Colorado certainly stand in a class of their
own, and in estimating the future of this great empire

Western Slope of Colorado 265
this fact should not be overlooked. Grand Valley lies
on the Pacific side of the main Rocky Mountain range,
facing to the Southwest. Its location is on the warm
side of the mountain range, which shelters it from many
of the storms and blizzards which frequent the Eastern
Slope of the state in the winter season. The atmosphere
of the valley is warmed to some extent by the air cur
rents from the hot deserts of the Southwest before they
come in contact with the almost perpetual snow districts
of the main Continental Divide.
For reasons above stated and the further fact of the
valley being surrounded on all sides by mountain
ranges, canons, hills and mesas, it is almost immune
from damaging hail and wind storms, and a cyclone
has never been known in the history of the valley.
*GEOLOGICAL FORMATION
"Ages ago the. land upon the present site of Colo
rado was a narrow strip of rocks along the Continental
Divide. This ridge was slowly lifted above the vast
sea that covered nearly the whole of North America.
Then it slowly crumbled away and was carried by
the rivers into the oven on either hand, where it spread
out on the bottom of the sea in vast beds of mud and

*Note — The above geological history of the Grand Valley ap
peared recently in the Pueblo "Chieftain" from the pen of Mr. Paul
Richter.

266 Early Days on the
sand, extending for hundreds of miles. For millions
of years the process continued until these ancient de
posits were over a mile in depth.
"The huge beds slowly arose from the waves and
became dry land. The part east of the mountains was
elevated about a mile above the sea level and consti
tutes the Grand Plains of today. That portion on the
west, however, was raised nearly twice as high and
formed a great mesa, covering all Western Colorado
and a portion of Utah. The present site of Grand
Junction was buried a mile deep.
"At a later stage a tremendous eruption of volcanic
ash and molten rocks covered this plain with one vast
sheet of lava, the remains of which may be seen today
in the upper layer of the Grand Mesa.
"The great ice age followed, when huge glaciers
bored channels through the level plain, plowing out the
solid rock in furrows a mile deep and ten miles in width.
"Then was formed the Grand Valley of Colorado,
including under that name the valley of the Uncom
pahgre, and those of other tributaries, such as the Gun
nison, the North Fork and Plateau.
"The famous red soil covering the floors of these
valleys was formed by the decomposition of the sand
stones, lavas and clays forming the substance of the
adjoining mesas. In one respect the Grand Valley

Western Slope of Colorado 267

differs from any other locality in the world. This is its
peculiar situation relative to the vast mesa. In the
first place, these mesas rise on all sides in precipitous
cliffs, 5,000 feet high, effectually shutting off the
storms. In the second place, their broad, flat tops are
covered with snow until the midlde of spring, thus
keeping the air cool in the valley below and preventing
the trees from coming into bloom until the warm
weather has come to stay.
"This is the principal explanation of the fact that
the tenderest peaches, pears, apricots and cherries have
been raised here for twenty years in succession, while
even the California grapes are grown to perfection.
"If the mesas were higher or rough, the snow would
remain all summer and possibly cause frosts to destroy
the fruit.
"The first orchards in the Grand Valley were plant
ed on the lowest ground because it was easiest to irri
gate. Last spring a frost occurred in the Grand Valley,
but, thanks to the orchard heaters and smudge pots, the
fruit was saved. At the same time there was no sign
of frost on the benches two or three hundred feet above
the lowland."As the greater portion of the valley consists of
these benches, its value as a fruit region is proven more
conclusively than ever. Various irrigation projects now

268 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
under way, the Gunnison tunnel, the high line canal,
the orchard mesa pumping system and the Riverside
reservoir and canal system will soon irrigate all the
bench land now remaining in the Grand Valley. When
this land is all under water, a great rise in land values
is expected, for the simple reason that there is no other
valley that combines the climate, the soil and the water
with the peculiar protection afforded by the vast
mesas."

CHAPTER XVIII
In the Sunny San Juan
By Helen Marsh Wixson.
(Illustrated with drawings by F. R. Gruger.)
IT was in the early eighties, or was it in the waning
seventies? However, the year is not of as much
importance as the fact that it was in the booming
days of the once celebrated mining district of the San
Juan, where the inhabitants of Durango were mostly
men, and men of that rough and ready order which fol
lows the fortunes of a mining camp ; generous and big-
hearted, but hot headed, always ready to "shoot
up the town." When it suddenly came their
turn to pass in their earthly checks, they
usually did it with their boots, and quite as
often, with their spurs on. Those were the days
when the ready gun struck terror to the hearts of the
just and the unjust alike, for bullets, as well as ar
rows, if you will allow me to paraphrase the great poet,
may fall to earth you know not where, and they have

Note — For this sketch, which for beauty of description and wild,
thrilling interest, will compare favorably with any known to me, I am
indebted to the "Good Housekeeping" magazine and to the courtesy of
Mrs. Helen Marsh Wixson, the present superintendent of public instruc
tion for Colorado.

270 Early Days on the
an unpleasant way of plowing through even innocent
obstructions; the days when Ike Stockton, for whom
there was a large reward offered in New Mexico, "dead
or alive," ate his meals at the old Leland hotel in
Durango with a six-shooter at each side of his plate,
his restless, hunted eyes searching the face of every
newcomer. The good people of Durango, as you know,
made him welcome. "Blood money" Colorado men
refused to deal in, but there were others, from over the
border, who were not so scrupulous, and one day they
got him, quite dead to be sure, but loading the limp
body upon a burro, they trotted off to New Mexico and
the waiting reward.
It was at this time when reckless lawlessness seemed
at a premium, that I went West to join my family,
who had preceded me in their search for gold, and one
day found myself walking the streets of Durango,
which, until the boom blew away, I was to call home.
At that time my most precious asset was a fine
mezzo-soprano voice, supplemented by a grand piano,
which had found its way to that mountain fastness
some weeks before my arrival and which the men of
the camp had all lent a willing hand in unpacking and
setting up in the little canvas-lined house where it be
longed. Pianos were not an everyday occurrence in
Durango, indeed, there were few to be found, save
down on Railroad street, the "red light district," and

Western Slope of Colorado 27 1
the fact of that piano and that I could sing was known
to every man, woman and child in the camp long be
fore my arrival. Nor were they slow to test my abil
ity, for on the evening of my arrival I sat down to try
my voice in the new altitude, and after I had gone
through the list of home favorites, my sister, who had
had her attention attracted by suspicious sounds, sud
denly raised the shade of the long French window — oh,
yes, there were such things as French windows in
Durango even at that early time — and there, in the bril
liant moonlight stood my first Western audience, a
crowd of silent men — and they were quite unabashed
at being caught in the act.
Believing that my voice should carry pleasure, per
haps comfort, to as many as cared to come and listen,
I at once took my place in the choir of one of the
churches. For there are two things which always fol
low in the wake of a boom in the West, churches and
hospitals, and Durango was no exception to this rule.
There was a Catholic church and close by Mercy hos
pital, where the sweet-faced sisters ministered to broken
bodies; then there was an Episcopal church with saw
dust floor and a rector who was in the habit of leaving
his game of poker of a Sunday morning to administer
the comfort of very high church rites to the members
of his flock. The Methodists had the most imposing

272 Early Days on the
church in the camp, with a tower which came to a fine
point skyward and a deep-toned bell, the only one in
the entire San Juan, the gift of a wealthy Denver
Methodist. And last, but not least, there was the Pres
byterian church, in which I sang to please my dear
mother. But my services were unrestricted and soon
I had sung in each church, and wherever I sang, be it
midnight mass or Methodist revival, I was Sure of an
appreciative audience of rough looking men who came
for the one purpose of hearing me sing.
There were the pitifully frequent funerals, too;
now of a young girl who chose death rather than the
horror of her life; again of a poor fellow blown to
pieces by a blast, or caught in a remorseless snowslide,
or of a man, perhaps only a boy, who had chanced to
stand too near the ever ready gun aggressively showing
itself from every hip pocket, for there were no "con
cealed weapons" in that camp.
It soon became known that I drew no lines, but
would sing at a funeral, no matter whose or where, and
my place in the hearts of that people who knew neither
law nor religion became correspondingly warm, and
they did not hesitate to proffer their requests.
One day my father came in with a twinkle in his
eyes, and told me that a somewhat noted tough and
gambler had been caught at a game in Silverton with

Western Slope of Colorado 273
too many aces up his sleeve and had paid the penalty
with his life.*
The man had, until quite lately, lived in Durango
and came of a family of well-known outlaws, even the
mother having "killed her man," who happened to be
the sheriff of the county at the time. The father was
in "the pen" for a like crime, while the sons, six or
eight of them, had done equally well and were enjoying
their freedom simply because no one cared to take the
consequences incident upon meddling with them. Then
there were several sisters who, to judge from their
looks, were "chips from the old block." Their hus
bands? Well, usually like seeks like, you know. A
telegram had been dispatched from Silverton by the
dead gambler's friends, asking if I would sing at the
funeral, if they brought the dear departed down, and a
committee had waited upon my father to proffer the
request. They volunteered the - information that they
were to have the funeral at the Methodist church, "so
that the bell would toll," and assured my father that
"he" had died "well fixed" and, that being the case,
they intended to have a "hell of a funeral." I was just
a little in doubt as to the requirements of that brand of
funeral, but thought the regular order of things might

*The victim's name was Riley Lambert, the proprietor of a saloon
in Silverton. His brother, Henry Lambert, was afterwards murdered
in Durango.

274 Early Days on the
be made to answer, so sent word to the rest of the choir,
and we held a rehearsal that same evening at my home.
We went over music suitable for such an occasion, my
sister suggesting, however, that we fit the music to the
case and make the mourners feel their sinful condition.
But I frowned upon the idea, reminding her that a
week or two previous, we had narrowly escaped a shoot
ing at a child's funeral, because the minister, it was he
of the Presbyterian church, had called public attention
to the godless condition of the bereaved parents, point
ing his moral with the poor dear baby. The danger
line had been so nearly reached in that case that we
thought best to be on the safe side this time and select
ed pleasant neutral hymns. Later I even took the
trouble to ask the Methodist minister, a fearless young
enthusiast who had been in the West only a few weeks,
to be equally careful in his remarks; but I got an un-
ministerial and somewhat sardonic grin for my pains.
No doubt he thought me only a "layman."
But I must stop a moment and tell you something
of our choir, for it was unique and typical of the time
and place. Among my first admirers had been a really
fine baritone, a man not free from the gambling habit,
the curse of the camp, and addicted to what he called
"full dress drunks," when he would parade the street
in the fullest of full dress, even to a crush hat, white
gloves and buttonhole bouquet. Another was a small

Western Slope of Colorado 275
man with a twisted body, the face of an angel and a
wonderful tenor voice, full of tenderness, the source of
which I could never study out, for his nature was as
twisted as his body. By profession he was a gambler,
but, coming from a good old Eastern family of wealth,
he made an effort to cover his unholy calling with a
pretext of mining; though his anxiety to be received
by the few "first families" of the camp, he very frankly
confessed, was due to the fact that they "had something
to eat." These two characters were the first to propose
to me the choir scheme. After a consultation with the
two dear, good women, the organist and necessary con
tralto, we decided that if the minister did not object —
and he did not, his salary being dependent upon the
Sunday collections — the plan could not hurt us, and
might be a means of grace to those men. And this was
the choir that was to officiate with me.
An inopportune snowslide prevented the arrival
of the body on schedule time, but one clear, cold after
noon the church bell tolled, and I wended my way to
the church, to find the other members of the choir be
fore me and much wrought up over the fact that the
melodeon was not in its accustomed place in the little
gallery at the rear, but upon the floor near the pulpit,
where it had last been used at a prayer meeting. The
seats of the singers, arranged about it, were, of ne
cessity, uncomfortably near the front pews. It was too

276 Early Days on the
late to make any change, and I paid little attention to
the fussing of the men, who declared that they never
would have come had they not remembered the gallery
and supposed that it would be our station. I was still
too much of a "tenderfoot" to feel a sense of danger
in my surroundings and was completely engrossed in
my scrutiny of the faces before me. For, barring the
seats reserved for the mourners, every one was taken,
"standing room only" being left, and not much of that,
and the people that crowded the church on that day
were all, men and women, of the so-called "sporting
world," for whom we were to furnish the desired "hell
of a funeral."
The mourners were long in coming, fashionably
late indeed, but at last the tolling of the bell announced
the arrival of the funeral procession, and then came the
voice of the minister, as he preceded the bearers up the
aisle with the solemn words, "I am the resurrection and
the life." But his voice was soon lost in the steady
tramp of heavy feet, and as the casket was lowered to
its place very near to us my eyes made the unpleasant
discovery that the inmate of that casket seemed burst
ing his confines and that there were numerous gaps
through which we might take a last, if undesired, look
at the remains. I later learned that the casket had
been "a near fit," but as it was the only "silver mounted
one" in the San Juan it had to do. We were to have

Western Slope of Colorado iyj
sung at once upon the bearers depositing their burden,
but the steady tramp of feet became more insistent.
There was a clank of spurs, the creaking of leather
"chaps" and the unmistakable grinding of heavy cart
ridge belts bearing an additional burden of guns and
wicked looking knives, and the mourners filed in.
When all were seated and we rose to sing I looked
into their faces and wondered no longer at the uneasy
attitude of the members of the choir, who had lived in
the West long enough to have felt the pulse of the
lawless. Surely such faces I had never looked into
before. They were so dark, so threatening, that they
seemed scarcely human, while their eyes were the eyes
of fierce animals ready to spring and rend at the slight
est provocation. My eyes traveled over the four
mourning pews, stopped at the mother sitting with four
of her wicked looking sons on the front seat. Was she
wicked looking, do you ask? More than wicked look
ing. I was reminded of some of the descriptions I had
read of the hags who aided and abetted their sons in
"moonshining," for this woman was a shoot from that
far away country ; the same fangs showed at her tightly
drawn lips; the same devil of lawlessness and avarice
looked from her bold black eyes.
From the time they took their seats not a motion
which we made was lost upon those people. They

278 Early Days on the
watched us unflinchingly, I might say unwinkingly.
Somehow their steady scrutiny got on my nerves, and
as we sat down I leaned over and again asked the min
ister to be careful. But he shook his head, saying that
he should do "what he felt to be his duty." As to the
net results of that performance of duty I had come to
have misgivings, so much so that I hurriedly changed
our next number from the neutral class to the actively
seraphic, the organist, meanwhile, recommending the
singing of "Asleep in Jesus."
But the evil day could not be averted, and our
young enthusiast arose to do his duty, while he had the
chance, by those hardened sinners. I soon found my
eyes seeking the gaping rents in the casket, rather than
the fierce faces, in which the black eyes were beginning
to burn with a threatening light. The baritone and
tenor advised, in hastily penciled words, that we beat a
retreat, but that, considering the crowded condition of
the church, was obviously impossible and would cer
tainly hasten the climax, so I silently shook my head.
In the midst of a period of ministerial eloquence
upon the place of torment to which the departed had
surely gone, I felt a touch upon my shoulder, and
turning I saw the anxious face of the undertaker. In
a stage whisper he begged me "to call off the minister"
and reassuringly told me that the "folks were getting

Western Slope of Colorado 279
pretty mad," also that "the old woman and the boys"
had heard of that other unfortunate affair and had said
"there would be some gun play right then and there if
Riley was not treated right." But threatening as it
seemed, there was no calling the preacher from his self-
appointed task, to which he was bringing his entire
stock of eloquence. He waxed more and more realistic
in his descriptions, and "Riley's" fate was not one to
dwell upon with any degree of pleasure, while the same
fate, so he assured his audience, was awaiting the sin
ners who packed the church to suffocation.
I held a whispered conversation with the organist,
who was pale and shaken, but still "game," and then
awaited developments, hoping all the time for a pause
on the part of the reckless speaker. The fierce old
mother shifted her position and spoke to one of her
sons. His hand immediately slid to his gun, and rested
there, affectionately, each brother following his ex
ample, while the expression on their faces passed the
border line and became dangerous. Again the men of
the choir, who had made up their minds to the inevita
ble for themselves, urged an attempted retreat upon us,
but I was intently watching the face of that mother.
I took my cue from its venom, and as the minister at
last paused for breath in dealing out "hell fire," I rose
and stepped to the head of the casket. Before he had

280 Early Days on the

recovered from his surprise, the melodeon sounded,
and, clasping my cold hands together in front of me to
keep them from shaking visibly, I began to sing Mil
lard's Qui Tel lis:
"The way is dark and dreary,
The path is bleak and bare ;
Our feet are worn and weary,
But we will not despair."
I sang the words with all my soul in my voice, for
I was singing for that dear boon, life itself, and as I
looked into those faces, turned upon me in surprised
wonder, I saw them relax and an audible sigh of re
lief swept over the crowded church as the rigid figures
sank back into their seats and the hands which had
been placed upon the guns took a more normal posi
tion, and the minister, who had taken his seat quietly,
was forgotten. "Our hearts are faint with sorrow
Heavy and hard to bear,
We dread the bitter morrow,
But we will not despair."
As the words fell from my lips I looked into the
eyes of the fierce old mother and saw there a gleam akin
to human tenderness. Not a sound marred my song.
The restlessness had died away, and when the tender
words :

Western Slope of Colorado 28 1
"Thou knowest all our anguish,
And Thou wilt bid it cease,
O Lamb of God, who takest
The sin of the world away,
The sin of the world away,
Have mercy upon us,"
had died away into silence, there was a sob from a
woman who had loved the man lying so quietly there,
and I held those savage hearts, for the moment, as in
the hollow of my hand. All the hot anger was for
gotten; they were satisfied that the right thing had been
done by their dead; that he had had the funeral they
demanded for him.
In the hush which followed, the benediction passed
unheeded, and the bearers, lifting their burden with
unwonted care, passed slowly down the narrow aisle
and out into the sunshine to the solemn strains of the
Dead March and slow tolling of the bell. Then the
mourners with softened look and tread followed and
my "emergency" was but a memory.

CHAPTER XXIX
Reclamation Enterprise, Signal and Forest Service
GREAT enterprises move slowly, and the higher
the quarry the slower becomes the process of evo
lution. Where were the men to hear the call for
water ? In Washington ; but before the proposition had
reached the Nation's capital, it had been thoroughly
exploited by the state of Colorado, whose early hopes
to secure an irrigation project led to an appropriation
of twenty-five thousand dollars.
Much technical and scientific data had to be col
lected in the way of general information, all of which
was duly submitted to the state legislature.
The original proposition was an appropriation bill
calling for fifty thousand dollars, but after passing
through a first and second reading it was tripped up by
an over-zealous watch dog of the state treasury, and
at the last minute an amendment reduced the amount
to twenty-five thousand. The amended bill was only
passed after a most bitter struggle. So thoroughly
aroused and so much in earnest were the friends of the
appropriation bill that Senator Buckley, who at the
time was confined to his bed in a hospital, suffering in

RED ROCK CANON
Original Survey for the Gunnison Tunnel (Abandoned)

•Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 283
the last stages of tuberculosis, had himself carried into
the Senate chamber to vote for the bill.
To make a long story short, the state undertook the
work, but failed. With the $25,000 enough work was
done to show the utter insufficiency of the amount, and
to prove conclusively that the building of the tunnel
was of such magnitude that the Nation itself might.
well stop and consider well before undertaking it. But
failure only served to intensify the desire of the people
for the apparently unattainable, till, at last, the objects
of their pursuit by dint of persistent knockings at the
portals of Congress gained for them their due meed of
attention. NOTHING SUCCEEDS LIKE SUCCESS
But before the Government took any decisive action
upon it there were many important details to be worked
out and determined. First, the Government had to be
assured by means of thorough surveys that the tunnel
was a practical undertaking from an engineering stand
point, and that its cost would not exceed the value of
the lands to be reclaimed.
The Interior Department then appointed Prof. Fel
lows as U. S. District Engineer, and then there fol
lowed close upon his heels, after his arrival in Mont
rose, Colorado, this telegram :
"Can Gunnison River be connected with Uncom
pahgre Valley by a tunnel?" Whereupon, Mr. Fel-

284 Early Days on the
lows rose from his desk, reached down his hat and
went forth to find out.
* * * * Of course, there was a legend that
no one could give himself to the canon of the Gunnison
and come out alive. Many men, red and white, had
already braved the menace of that terrific fissure, and
those that escaped were glad to confess defeat. Mr.
Fellows decided upon one companion and called for a
volunteer, expressly stipulating that he must be a strong
swimmer, temperate and unmarried. Wm. W. Tor-
rence won the dangerous honor. Equipping themselves
with rubber bags for instruments and provisions and a
pneumatic mattress that would serve the double purpose
of bed and raft, Fellows and Torrence lowered them
selves into the black depths of the cafion. Ten days
they battled with the savage rocks and furious river —
sun, moon and stars a strip of light 3,000 feet above
them — swimming, wading, climbing, clinging— beaten,
bruised, half frozen — they made their slow, painful
way, sometimes taking half a day to win a scant fifty
feet. They slept in cracks in the cliffs, along perilous
ledges, or spread their rubber mattress on jagged rocks
that lifted out of the boiling waters. Time after time
they gave themselves to cataracts, not knowing where
*From a write-up by George Creel in "The American Magazine"
for May, 1911.

Western Slope of Colorado 285
the wild leap of waters would land them, and twice
they let the river's rush carry them through subter
ranean caverns, blindly trusting to the God that waits
on duty. Provisions were swept away, and if it had not been
for the capture of a wounded mountain sheep their
weakness could not have carried, them beyond a certain
warm cliff side. Gaunt, haggard and indomitable, they
went where man had never gone before, and at the end
they told the whole story of adventure in this simple
wire to Washington:
"Gunnison tunnel feasible; have located route."
Then came another resolution of Congress at the
instance of Hon. John C. Bell to carry into effect fur
ther surveys, for which purpose a competent corps of
Government engineers was sent out here to assist Mr.
Fellows. But first, through these officials, the Government
now required the unanimous endorsement of the inhab
itants of the valley before they would consider the
project any further. After this, then, a reasonable
guarantee was demanded from all the land owners be
fore practical operations would be undertaken. The
arranging of these details required time and a prodi
gious amount of labor before matters could be arranged
to the absolute satisfaction of all concerned. Repre-

286 Early Days on the
sentatives of the people, in association with representa
tives of the Reclamation Service, were successful, how
ever, in establishing on a permanent basis the volumi
nous detail connected with so large an enterprise, and
on the fifth day of October, 1904, bids for the con
struction of the great bore were opened. The tunnel
was then vigorously pushed at both ends, and also, by
means of a shaft, from the bottom of which work was
also driven both ways. Thus the tunnel was being
driven from four breasts at once.
That was in 1901, and in 1909, the Gunnison tun
nel was formally opened and the Uncompahgre desert
given over to blossom. Six miles of tunnel, costing
$5,000,000. Fellows's calculations, made in pain and danger,
came out to a hair.
"Those who read these columns and who remember
the work accomplished by the friends of the Gunnison
tunnel in the Thirteenth General Assembly will feel
that something has been omitted if they do not see the
picture of, and a reference to, Senator W. S. Buckley.
"Senator Buckley has long since gone to the last
reward given to men, yet those who will profit by the
turning of the Gunnison waters into the Uncompahgre
valley will always remember with a peculiar sense of
gratitude Mr. Buckley and his work for that project.

Western Slope of Colorado 287
"At the time he was representing San Miguel,
Montrose and Dolores counties in the Senate his home
was in Telluride, but his heart, his hopes and his best
wishes were for the entire district and, for that matter,
for all Colorado.
"He knew that the construction of the tunnel would
mean the awakening of the Western Slope. He knew
that when the waters that were then flowing uselessly
away to the southward had been turned through the
hog-back to the Uncompahgre valley the Western Slope
could sustain multitudes.
"He not only knew this, but he realized that the
turning of this water on these dry lands would be the
greatest invitation the people of his district could give
to the people of the world to come and abide with them.
Knowing this, he set to work to do his part in pushing
the appropriation bill through the state senate. He was
not an orator, but he was a worker, and at all times he
kept pegging away, doing a little here and a little there,
the sum total of which kept the bill ever on the forward
move until one night, right at the close of the session,
the enrolled copy was given him to carry to Lieutenant
Governor Coates for signature.
"This bill, which Buckley, Hammond, Montgom
ery, Rawalt and the others pushed through the Thir
teenth General Assembly, only carried $25,000, a little

288 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
less than a one-hundred and sixteenth of the total cost
of the canal, but it was a starter, and it was the greatest
individual feat of the session.
" Those who remember the beginning of this work
and those who are benefited thereby, will often pass the
resting place of Senator Buckley and will take pleasure
in honoring themselves by spending a moment gazing
at the green sward or snowy blanket that marks the
place of the honored dead."
Shortly after his appointment, Mr. Fellows resigned
and his place was immediately filled by I. W. McCon
nell, a graduate of the University of Missouri. Under
his guidance and general administration the tunnel
reached its final completion. The east portal being, of
course, at the intake of Gunnison River, was called the
River portal, while the west portal, being the distrib
uting headquarters for material, was called Lujane.
Here, also, were the Government barracks for the work
men and other buildings which were the homes of the
families of the married workmen, a post office, public
school and two churches.

TOWN OF MONTROSE, COLORADO, FROM DEPOT
(Cross shows where tunnel pierces the hogback)

CHAPTER XXX
Indians and Trails and How They Reckoned Time;
Home Life and Customs
THE wild tribes of different race descents inhabit
ing these inter-mountain parks since time imme
morial all had regularly traveled trails over the
various passes leading from one range to another and
to the plains country east of the mountains. Later,
when trading posts were established west of the Mis
souri River, they made regular annual trips with furs
and articles of barter. Indian trails were made gen
erally, as nearly as possible, on air lines converging to
ward a low mountain pass or some fordable point on a
river. Their easily transported baggage, which was either
packed or secured to long "tepee" poles, one end
fastened to their pony's sides like shafts, the other
dragging on the ground, did not necessitate any roads,
or thought of easy grades.
Portions of trails have been worn down in solid
rock by ages of traffic, especially so as seen in sand
stone or granite hill slopes, notably apparent to the
casual observer on the lower slopes of Saw Tooth
mountain in the Cochetopa range, where Indian trails

290 Early Days on the
have cut down deep ruts which water courses have fol
lowed, and carved groovings like the curves of a gigan
tic "rabbit plane" run by the "mills of God."
HOW INDIANS RECKONED TIME
The moon can consistently be called the Indian's
calendar. He reckoned time by its changes, and long
before the white man came to America the red man
had a pretty clear idea of a month of time. The moon
goes through four changes in four weeks. From full
moon around to full moon again is therefore nearly
one month, or as the Indians call it, one moon.
After all, the English word "month" means moon,
and is derived from that word. But the Indian named
his month of moons from the things that most appealed
to him — the weather, the plants, the hunt, etc. Here
are names by which they know them :
January — The Cold Moon.
February — The Snow Moon.
March — The Green Moon.
April — The Moon of Plants.
May — The Moon of Flowers.
June — The Hot Moon.
July — The Moon of the Deer.
August — The Trout Moon.
September — The Fruit Moon.
October — The Traveling Moon.
November — The Beaver Moon.
December — The Hunting Moon.

Western Slope of Colorado 29 1
All Indian tribes did not have the same name for
the same month, however, as it varied according to the
occupation or locality of each tribe.
MARRIAGES AND DANCES
The Utes were formerly polygamous, but never to
any great extent owing to the equal number of the
sexes. The men marry at about eighteen years of age.
The women marry from fourteen to sixteen.
Courtship is of short duration. A "brave," after
falling in love with a girl, will don his best clothes and
feathers, paint his face in the brightest of colors, load
himself down with beads and ornaments and frequent
the wickiup of the family of his inamorata. He will
converse volubly with the girl's relatives, but affect a
profound indifference toward her, often not noticing
her when she speaks to him. She and her friends
understand the significance of these tactics and the
man's availability and desirability are discussed.
The girl's parents may endeavor to persuade her
from the proposed alliance, but by long established
tribal custom the final decision is in her own hands and
she may marry to suit herself. If a man believes his
suit is looked upon with favor he goes upon a hunt and
returns after he has killed a deer. With the body of
the deer slung to his horse he rides to the wickiup where
dwells the object of his longing, ties his horse to a tree,

292 Early Days on the
and goes in, often- not noticing the girl. If the girl has
decided to reject his suit she pays no attention to him,
but if she accepts him she goes out to his horse, waters
and feeds it, unstraps the deer and cares for the meat
and skin, cooks some of the meat and invites him to
partake of it with her, and by so doing she has con
cluded both the engagement and the marriage, for the
two will begin living with each other at once with no
further ceremony.
The young couple usually begin married life by
living in the wickiup of the bride's mother, but after
two or three children are born to them, should they live
together so long, they will build a wickiup of their
own. As soon as married the man joins the clan of
the woman and becomes one of the same people as her
self, and the children belong to her clan. In case of
divorce the man may return to his own clan, but often
does not.
Four dances are numbered in the Ute catalogue,
each of which has a sacred or mystic significance, al
though most of them are indulged in on festival oc
casions as well. The Dog dance is danced by men
only, being a kind of war dance. The Tea dance is
danced by men and women and is throughout a species
of medicine incantations. The Bear dance is similar to
the Sioux dance of the same nature, but by the Sioux
is called the Ghost dance. This dance is regarded by

Western Slope of Colorado 293
the Utes as their most swell affair and is accordingly
danced by both men and women. It is invariably con
ducted out of doors as are the others. The Lame-horse
dance is exclusively for women, and like the Bear
dance, is performed always within a circular enclosure
made of green boughs and raked up together after the
manner of building a brush fence.
CHIEFS OF THE BEAR DANCES
The floor managers of the Bear dances in the days
when the "Denver Utes" called the Platte home, were
a pair of twins, named Curecanti and Kanneatche.
(Twins were a rarity among the Utes for the reason
that it is a tribal custom when twins are born to put
one of them to death. Where one is a girl and the
other a boy, it is the boy only that is allowed to live.
Where they are of the same sex the biggest and strong
est only is permitted to live. The manner of death is
to take them to some secluded place in the forest where
they are left to perish from starvation and neglect.
The reason of Curecanti' s survival was due to his hav
ing been stolen from "the tribe" when an infant and
was restored to his people after he had grown up.
These two, like Ursus and Homo, were fast friends
because they were twins, and therefore brothers. They
roamed and hunted all over Colorado, slept and ate to
gether and all but got drunk together. Curecanti drew

294 Early Days on the
the line there. He who was prohibitive in the matter
of "fire water" did not approve of Kanneatches' skir
mishes as a "booze fighter" and was also at "outs" with
him in the matter of polygamous wives.
The Bear dance of the Utes was attended by the en
tire tribe and was always elaborately prepared for. It
took place in March and lasted four days and nights
and was followed by a feast.
Curecanti personally conducted the Denver Utes'
Bear dance. Its object was to assist the bears in the
mountains to recover from hibernation, to provide food
for the living bears and the spirit bears in the "Happy
Hunting Grounds," and also to charm the dancers from
dangers from bears, besides being a social function
winding up with their wedding feasts, which by due
appointment were invariably auxiliary features in con
nection with the annual Bear dances.
As a non-sportive twin brother Curecanti was a
sharp contrast to Kanneatche in the matter of wives.
In other respects they were as strongly affiliated as the
"Siamese twins," for, where one was, there, too, in
variably was the other. Although a great dancer,
Curecanti didn't cut much ice with the squaws. By
reason of this indifference his marriage was put off
until late in life, so late, indeed, was it in his case that
the leaves of life's autumn foliage began to fall pro-

Western Slope of Colorado 295
miscuously about his head ere he took unto himself his
"better half."
By virtue of his abstinence and spotless integrity
in the matter of wives he was the recipient of many
credentials for good behavior from Denvers' citizens.
So numerous were the credentials that they filled a
good sized leather "bill book." Invariably the form
of phraseology in the credentials was to bespeak for the
beneficiary kind treatment and hospitality at the homes
of the whites, therefore, on meeting with a good look
ing stranger he would introduce himself by opening up
his "letters of marque," charging, at the same time, the
unwitting stranger fifty cents for the privilege of in
vestigating his private character. By a parity of rea
soning, too, he always claimed "carte blanche" on
transportation for both of them on all railroads.
His antipodal shadow, Kanneatche, one day unfor
tunately broke loose from the watchful Curecanti' s
moorings and straggled into the office of the Rocky
Mountain Herald. Some of the printers, aware of the
Indian fondness for finery, presented him with an
ancient plug hat which had formerly graced the classic
brow of O. J. Goldrick, the proprietor of the paper.
On the sides of the hat, where our grandfathers wore
their cockades, was pasted a large red label with the
words, "Superior Cocktail Bitters" printed thereon in
letters of gold. He was instructed how to give the

296 Early Days on the
venerable tile the stunning tilt over the left eye usually
affected by prize fighters and men about town. For
several days he paraded the streets to the extreme
amusement of the pale-faces, the admiration of the
squaws and the envy of his brother bucks.
On the death of Kanneatche, a few years later, the
aforesaid plug hat descended by natural gravitation
into the possession of Curecanti, who claimed it by
virtue of being elected chief of a clan among his people,
the Southern Utes, of whom Ignacio is still head chief.
By the Indians Curecanti was universally regarded
as a crank, and by the whites as an oddity. He did the
honors as proprietor of the "hops" of the Southern
Utes (who still maintain their old tribal customs) till
ten years later, when he, too, died.
"No marble shaft the stranger points,
To where he lies below,"
but a tremendous pile of granite created by Nature in
the form of an obelisk or needle was named after him
by the Denver & Rio Grande Railway, and perpetuates
his memory in the Black Canon of the Gunnison.
BIG MEDICINE
An important but dangerous position among the
Utes (Southern Utes) is that of chief medicine man.
He is assisted by several other "pills," but they use
very little medicine, healing by magic called "pokan-

Western Slope of Colorado 297
tee." The healer procures his magic from dead In
dians who visit him at night from the Happy Hunting
Grounds, where he goes when he is in trances, and from
eagles, bears and various birds and other animals.
When a man establishes a reputation as a magician
he is believed in implicitly, and many fees of blankets
and horses are paid to him for his services. If ever a
hint or suspicion is raised that the medicine man is a
"quack," as for instance, he fails to make good his word
after contracting to cure "his case," his life must pay
the forfeit. RELIGIOUS BELIEFS
The religion of the Utes is a composite of sun wor
ship and Mexican mythology in which their Chief God
lives in the sun, while a host of smaller gods rule the
earth. All good Indians go to the sun when they die.
There they behold the Great Spirit who lives in the
sun. There is a God of War, a God of Peace, and a God
of blood who heals the sick. Next, and in the order
named, comes a God of Thunder and Lightning and a
God of floods. All of these represent in their union
the power of the Great Spirit in one combination on
earth, but still subordinate to the Great Spirit of the
sun.

298 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
These lesser gods form a union of spirits and it is
believed that through this union the Great Spirit
breathes out his love for all the Indians whom he de-
.sires should become mighty hunters and brave warriors.
While they believe in a future life, yet they do not be
lieve in a future punishment. As soon as an Indian
dies it is believed that his spirit goes straight to the
Happy Hunting Grounds, a fair land in the skies where
there is no death; where there are towering mountains,
broad forests, grassy plains, and rivers of sweet waters
that flow on undimished forever. In this Happy Hunt
ing Ground each tribe of Indians has its own land, and
when an Indian dies he dwells among his own people.
In this blessed land there is no sickness. The men are
all strong and the women all beautiful, the horses are
all fleet, and existence is one long, happy, endless round
of hunting, feasting, dancing and merry making.
The Indians who have been in trances tell of this
happy land, a strange thing being that all give the
same description. It is implicitly believed in, and
every Indian, no matter what his life may have been,
believes that he will go there as soon as he dies. Be
cause of this implicit belief, no Indian fears death and
none are cowards.

CHAPTER XXXI
The Colorado River Basin, a Region of Vast Economic
and International Importance
THERE is no more interesting river in the world
than the Colorado. Industrially, scientifically
and geographically, it presents more diverse con
ditions than any other stream in the United States.
From the crest of the Rocky Mountains in Colorado
and Wyoming it sweeps across the intervening country,
traversing parts of Utah, New Mexico, Arizona and
Nevada, to the head of the Gulf of California, the
area drained being about 300,000 square miles. In the
Rocky Mountain region it flows through a region cov
ered by eternal snows and waters some of the most
fertile and valuable agricultural lands in Western
Colorado, Northwestern New Mexico and Eastern
Utah. It traverses the famous Grand Cafion of the
Colorado, in the northern part of Arizona, and finally
passes over the broad, flat plains above the head of the
Gulf of California. In this lower region the river re
sembles the Nile, having floods whose silt enriches a
valley second only to that of Northern Africa.

300 Early Days on the

The Colorado and its tributaries have other values
than that of irrigation, for, descending in steep chan
nels, they present abundant opportunities for the de
velopment of water power. Power has been developed
at a few points, but the resources of the Colorado basin
in this respect are practically untouched.
In a basin so liberally provided with natural re
sources it is a fundamental necessity, in planning for
the utilization of the river, to ascertain the amount of
water available in the main stream and its principal
tributaries so that future developments as well as those
now under construction can be suitably designed in
type and capacity.
For a long period of years the United States Geo
logical Survey has been making observations and meas
urements at a great many points in the Colorado basin,
and the latest published information on the subject is
contained in Water Supply Paper 269 of the Survey,
which is a progress report of the river-flow measure
ments in the basin for the year 1909. In this report
are recorded observations at 179 stations, covering
Grand River and tributaries in Colorado; Green River
and tributaries in Utah, Colorado and Wyoming; the
San Juan basin in Northwestern New Mexico ; the Lit
tle Colorado River basin in Colorado; the Gila River

Western Slope of Coloardo 301
basin in Arizona, and finally the discharge near the
mouth of the main stream at Yuma, Arizona. These
records are not only of local value for guiding economic
development, but they have an international signifi
cance in connection with the difficulties that have been
encountered in the control of the Colorado River near
its mouth in Mexican territory. The escape of the river
from its regular channel and its diversion into the
Salton Sea are matters of recent history, and the con
sequences of a diversion of this kind which promises to
inundate some of the most fertile country in Southern
California have been discussed in the public press.
The control of the Colorado for the prevention of
further outbreaks must involve thorough knowledge of
the tributary flow even in the high regions of its head
waters in Colorado, and the ultimate steps taken to pre
vent disastrous inundation will in all probability in
volve control of these upland tributaries.
The size of the Colorado River is indicated by its
total discharge in the year 1909, which was 26,000,000
acre feet, or enough water to cover that number of acres
to the depth of one foot. Such an amount of water if
poured on the Manhattan borough of the City of New
York and confined by retaining walls would bury the
city 1,857 Ieet deep, or would make a lake 66 feet deep
over the state of Delaware.

302 Early Days on the

HELL ON EARTH
Note — The following lines were read at the last meeting of the
Irrigation Congress of the Western Slope by one of the members of
Denver's Chamber of Commerce. They were originally composed by a
noted California poet as a slam at the admission into the Union 6f Ari
zona and New Mexico under joint statehood:
"The devil in hell, we're told was chained,
And a thousand years he there remained.
He neither complained nor did he groan,
But determined to start a hell of his own
Where he could torment the souls of men
Without being chained in a prison cell,
So he asked the Lord if he had on hand
Anything left when he made the land.
The Lord said 'Yes, I had plenty on hand,
But I left it down on the Rio Grande.
The fact is, old boy, the stuff is so poor
I don't think you can use it in hell any more.'
But the devil went down to look at the truck
And said if he took it as a gift he was stuck,
For after examining it carefully and well,
He concluded the place was too dry for a hell ;
So in order to get it off his hands
The Lord promised the devil to water the lands
For he had some water, or rather some dregs,
A regular cathartic and smelled like bad eggs,
Hence the trade was closed, the deed was given,
And the Lord went back to his home in Heaven.

Western Slope of Colorado 303
The devil said to himself, 'I've all that is needed
To make a good hell," and hence he succeeded.
He began to put thorns on all the trees
And mixed up the sand with millions of fleas.
He scattered tarantulas along all the roads,
Put thorns on the cactus and horns on the toads,
He lengthened the horns on the Texas steers
And put an addition on the rabbits' ears,
He put a little devil in the bronco steed,
And poisoned the feet of the centipede.
The rattle snake bites you, the scorpion stings,
The mosquito delights you with his buzzing wings,
The sand burrs prevail, and so do the ants,
And those who sit down need soles on their pants.
The devil then said that through the land
He'd manage to keep up the devil's own brand
And all would be mavericks unless they bore
Marks of scratches and bites and thorns by the
score.
The heat in the summer is a hundred and ten,
Too hot for the devil and too hot for men,
The wild boar roams through the black chapparell,
'Tis a hell of a place he has for a hell."

CHAPTER XXXII
Early Government Exploration and Early Spanish
Occupation, Settlement and Colonization
IN 1872 the writer accompanied "as cook" a govern
ment exploring party mainly consisting of a "pack
train" of agency employees to go through the reser
vation purposely to investigate its grazing and possible
agriculture, and incidentally to place a monument in a
conspicuous place telling where Indian reservation left
off and public domain commenced. The governor of
Colorado, Hon- Edward M. McCook, sent the territorial
surveyor along with us to assist General Adams in find
ing the 107th meridian and 38th parallel. Already
the Government had the San Juan treaty in contem
plation, viz., the treaty of 1873, but it did not meet
with the full approval of the Indians that year, and
was postponed, and thereafter was not consummated
till the summer of 1874. In the succeeding winter be
ing ratified by Congress, the agency, as we have seen,
was not moved till the succeeding summer of 1875-
The proverbially slow Government methods were al
ways in evidence.
Our party of exploration numbered five white men
and ten Indians, including Ouray and Sapinero. Gen-

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 305
eral Adams personally conducted the whole outfit. We
were to go as far as the Uncompahgre Hot Springs,
there make a camp and then establish the monument,
which monument at Ouray's dictation was to define
the limits of their valley lands on the south, the line of
which we afterward found to be the parallel of 38 de
grees, $$ minutes.
This service was all that was required of us, after
which we were to return to Los Pinos agency (which in
1872 was in the Cochetopa hills). Its consummation
required two weeks. A mention of the above landmark,
or monument, is given in the chapter devoted to the
limits of the "Four Mile Strip" and referred to as
being about a mile north of the present town of Port
land. Afterwards this point was directed to the atten
tion of certain "squatters" by Major Wheeler, but they
either could not, or would not, listen to its meaning.
From our Indian escorts we learned the names of
the various creeks between Los Pinos agency and the
Uncompahgre with the sole exception of Cedar Creek,
which we skipped in order to make a short cut to the
Park by taking the "Cimarron divide," high up near
the mountains.
Near Pine Creek we camped under some quaking
aspen trees, which bore such historic names as A. J.
Cain and Fred Lottis carved into their bark, "A. D.,"
"1859" and "1861."

306 Early Days on the
At the mouth of Dallas Creek we came across indi
cations of a prospector's camp ground in various relics,
which same must have belonged to Colonel Baker's
party that passed this way in 1859. The old camp
ground had the appearance of having been put on the
defensive, for there was a ditch leading from the creek
(Dallas) to a circular enclosure of earth works where
wagons had been corraled. There were fragments of
an old cane bottomed chair, the soles of what had been
heavy boots, a portion of an old ox yoke (black wal
nut) with hickory bows to match. Fire had evidently
invaded the camp for there were charred remains of
wagon wheels. Several old hubs (not entirely burned)
exhibited the "slot" in the thimble for the old-fash
ioned "lynch pin" to hold on the wheels, all of which
went to show that the aforesaid wagons probably be
longed, if not to Baker's, then to some other outfit in
the early "fifties" or "sixties," inasmuch as that style
of wagons ceased to be manufactured subsequently to
the year 1850.
Above there and at the junction of Coal Creek with
the Uncompahgre, in the vicinity of what is now Pied
mont station on the Denver & Rio Grande Railroad,
we discovered five small heaps of building stones just
far enough apart to indicate that they were probably
the remains of that many chimneys to cabins, in all
human probability connecting links in keeping with

Western Slope of Colorado 3°7
the Dallas camp. In the year 1876 Gordon Kimball,
the pioneer hardware merchant of Ouray, camped at
Dallas Creek and- there discovered what we had over
looked in 1872, which same had the appearance of be
ing a grave, but which proved upon investigation to
have been an old wagon bed turned upside down and
covered with a light coating of earth under which was
a miscellaneous collection of old iron, steel drills, ham
mers, bars, blacksmith's tongs, and so forth. Old steel
then being considered a valuable asset on account of
exorbitant freight rates, Mr. Kimball very prudently
"cribbed" the same and transported it to his store at
Ouray. In excavating for a cellar at his residence, he dis
covered an old silver coin of Spanish mintage belonging
to the 16th century.
The above discoveries are thus minutely adverted
to for the reason that they have a bearing upon con
temporaneous expeditions that likewise visited the Gun
nison country in the "fifties."

CHAPTER XXXIII
Early Settlements in Delta County
IN the year 1776 a Spanish expedition went north
ward from Santa Fe, New Mexico, in search of
gold. In the party were two priests named Santa Esca-
lante and Santa Dominguez. Between what is now
Delta and Montrose they crossed a river which the
Indians called Uncompahgre, meaning "red springs
water," probably named from the red oxide of iron pe
culiar to some of its sources around Ouray and on one
of its tributaries at Red Mountains, nine miles south
of Ouray. From the above crossing place they directed
their course northeast till they came to the lower
Gunnison Canon, about eight miles east of Delta. On
the walls of this canon they made the sign of a cross
and two shields. South of Delta, on the walls of Esca-
lante Cafion, are some Indian paint workings represent
ing a caravan on the march. These paintings are like
wise of great antiquity, as Kit Carson mentioned them
on his first expedition to California.
At the mouth of Leroux Creek, near what is now
Hotchkiss, they turned northward, crossing Grand
Mesa near the head waters of the Big Muddy. Pass-

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 309
ing down into Grand Valley, they followed along
the Book cliffs into Utah ; from thence they returned to
the- Settlement of Santa Fe, in New Mexico, through
a grand canon in Delta County, by way of Mancos and
Dolores, the river of tears.
That very accurate historian, Herbert Howe Ban
croft, mentions the above expeditions of Santa Esca-
lante and Santa Dominguez in describing early Spanish
explorations north of where Montrose now stands.
Previously no other historian had been developed
on the Western Slope to trace and minutely describe
with such conscientious exactitude as he, all exploring
expeditions, emigrant routes and migrations with other
features and facts so voluminously recorded up to that
time of the Eastern Slope.
A land, parts of which were one inhabited by a
civilized race that reaches back into the past no one
knows how long. (The cliff dwellers and canal build
ers). A land tracked and trailed by gold seekers and
trappers since 1805.
The events and results of those early day explora
tions, both Spanish and American, and their occupancy
of both the desert and the wilderness, forms today one
of the most romantic chapters in Western Slope his
tory. Government records tell us that Captain J. W.
Gunnison, for whom the Gunnison river, city and

310 Early Days on the
county were named, explored and mapped this region
in 1853. He was on an expedition ordered by Jeffer
son Davis, the Secretary of War, to discover a wagon
route from the Missouri to the Pacific. He was killed
at Sevier Lake, in Utah, and Lieutenant E. G. Beck
with completed it.
In May, 1861, Fred Lottis crossed to the Western
Slope and spent a portion of the ensuing summer on a
stream that now bears his name. Later in the season
he explored the outskirts of Union Park, where he
made the first discovery of gold. He used a tin cup
with which to wash the gold in the absence of a pan,
hence the Tin Cup District in Gunnison County was so
called on that account. A party of prospectors was
ambushed that year by the Utes (renegades) and after
a three days' battle all were killed. Their wagons and
equipment were subsequently found in what was after
wards called Dead Man's Gulch in the present Tin Cup
mining district.
In 1870 Benjamin Graham and a party of explor
ers went into the Ute reservation, building a log fort
on Rock Creek. They were driven out by Indians that
year, but returned in 1874.
In that year the town of Gunnison (then called the
Richardson colony) was started. Six years subse
quently the present town of Gunnison was commenced,
its location being about a mile east of the site of the

Western Slope of Colorado 311
old colony. That year, however, it was temporarily
abandoned for Lake City, which drew unto itself all
the mining excitements during the four succeeding
years, after which Gunnison recovered from its lethargy
and became thenceforward the scene of intermittent
booms that reached down into "the eighties."

CHAPTER XXXIV
Coronado and Other Spanish Explorers
THE first colonial war within the present bound
aries of the United States was not, as many peo
ple imagine, fought in New England, but be
tween the early Spanish explorers and the Indians in
these Western mountains.
The men who made the early history of Colorado
and New Mexico were far more adventurous than the
Pilgrims who were driven from home and the Dutch
who sailed up the Hudson. It took our forefathers one
whole century to traverse the distance between the At
lantic Ocean and the Allegheny mountains, while in
two years Coronado traveled from Mexico to Colorado,
and from Colorado to the Mississippi River and back
again over country the extent of which he had no idea,
and when he climbed a mountain he never knew what
to expect on the other side.
The ideas of the early explorers of the contour of
the country, ash shown by their maps, were remarkable
for their inaccuracies and not to be compared with those
at the service of the African explorer who has a com
plete and accurate map of the land.

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 313
Rumors and some previous travelers gave glowing
accounts of seven rich cities north of Mexico where
there were whole streets of goldsmiths and the doors
of their houses were studded with emeralds. These
rumors lured the gay but poor cavaliers of Spain to
come to America and to join Coronado, who was going
to search for the gold. Coronado was a man of wealth
and high standing and when he made known his inten
tions of starting on a trip of exploration, a troop of
four hundred men, forming the most brilliant army
ever raised in the New World, and eight hundred In
dians, started with him .in the early part of January,
1540. The expedition is vividly painted on the drop-cur
tains of the Denver Auditorium.
Before the expedition departed each man swore not
to abandon the general, but difficulties began early.
A large amount of baggage had to be abandoned and
finally Coronado, with a small division, left the main
body and pushed on. A city was discovered at the
Gran Quivera, in the southern part of New Mexico,
but instead of riches they found a deserted village.
Then long stretches of desert had to be traversed, hos
tile Indians had to be fought, and then occurred the
first colonial war. Coronado still pushed on, the Colo
rado River was discovered and a native found who told
them of lands of enormous wealth near a great river

314 Early Days on the

to the east. This story caused them to change their
route, but after a long trip and the discovery of no
riches they returned worn out and in a terrible condi
tion. Re-enforcements arrived and early the next
spring, as they were preparing to start again and were
holding a festival day, Coronado was running his horse
in a ring when the girth on his saddle broke. He was
thrown to the ground and kicked on the head by the
horse. This stopped the advance of the expedition, dis
couragement took the place of enthusiasm, and after a
consultation it was decided to abandon the trip and
return to Mexico. When Coronado reached Mexico he
had about one hundred men left. All the others had
deserted him. He was coldly received, lost his repu
tation and was shortly afterward deprived of his gov
ernorship. The ironic destiny that hovered over the movements
of Coronado laid no deterrent hand on successive ex
peditions. All through the succeeding years following
the footsteps of Coronado we find the same intreped-
ity, the same faith and force of character that charac
terized him. They sought fields of gold "neath skies
of perpetual summer." Nothing seemed to discourage
them or dissuade the next party from trying the same
thing over again. Their brushes with the mountain In
dians were just as frequent and results just as discour
aging; but never repining over past mistakes, they were

Western Slope of Colorado 315
always ready for a new expedition and likewise resigned
to abide by its consequences.
From 1600 till about the time of the American
Revolution the Spaniards had little settlements scat
tered over the Southwest, occupied chiefly by a pastoral
and agricultural people.
Numerous prospecting expeditions between the
above dates roved through and over the western water
shed. In the year 1761 Juan Rivera led such a party
through the San Juan country, penetrating to the head
waters of the Gunnison, thence over Cochetopa pass
back to Santa Fe. They found gold in several streams
on the expedition. Old placer workings in Taylor
Park, at the head of one branch of the Gunnison, were
more than likely some of their work.
Sixteen years after this the expeditions under Esca-
lante and Dominguez, already alluded to, were led by
one of Rivera's guides southwestwardly back to Santa
Fe. Their object was to locate a route to California,
but getting out of provisions, they returned, as we have
seen, to New Mexico.
A tradition exists that the beautiful seven-riven-
jasper sparingly used on interior decoration in the Ca
thedral of the City of Mexico, was mined somewhere
on Saw Tooth Mountain, on the west side of Cochetopa
pass, one hundred and forty years ago, probably by

316 Early Days on the
Rivera's men, and transported over Cochetopa pass and
down the Rio Grande to Mexico.
If a fact, which there is no reason to doubt, they
must have carefully covered up or obliterated all traces
of the vein it came from. This, reasoning from Span
ish nature, they would likely do to prevent its use on
any other edifice in the New World but this one cher
ished masterpiece of their architecture. A few old pros
pectors who know of this tradition have hunted in vain
for the place.
Summing up the part the Spaniards played in this
section of our state and nation, ever in quest of the
magnet, gold, which drew from them some of the great
est achievements in exploring that have ever been re
corded in the history of any people. Bold, daring and
original in their plans and movements. Cutting loose
from an attenuated base of supplies, and swinging off
and out into an unknown country, they originated Sher
man's strategy of cutting loose from a base, two cen
turies before he was born. Savages they met, and sav
ages they fought with a contemptuous indifference for
far superior numbers and choice of strong positions.
Cut off by fifteen hundred miles from the coast and
communication with home, traversing scorched plains
and climbing over mountain passes showed their in
domitable will power and endurance. They had the
Anglo-Saxon colonist's perseverance and tenacity of

Western Slope of Colorado 3 1 7

purpose without his profuse lamentations and com
plaints on meeting with reverses. They took reverses
and defeat with stoical indifference and silent acquies
cence that challenges our admiration and respect.
That they explored and mapped out the best routes
over mountain passes, made trails that were subse
quently followed by the later American occupants and
explorers there is no question.
It is very evident that the Gunnison, the Grand and
the Green originally bore Spanish names. They have
left an indelible imprint on this part of our state and
country in the names of the mountain ranges, rivers,
streams and other physical features. That they left
no permanent occupation of the country strong enough
to shape and mould a state was the fault of another
country, not theirs.

Note — Before De Soto's wanderings in search for the land of gold
ended in death and the consignment of his body to the middle of the
mighty Mississippi, realizing his end was near, he had appointed Mos-
coso as the leader of this intrepid little band of wanderers. Moscoso,
learning from friendly Indians that strange white men (Coronado)
were making war in the far off West, and convinced that these strange
white men were Spaniards, resolved to lead his party thither or reach
Mexico by another route homeward. Moscoso wandered as far west
as Sangre de Cristo mountains and even across them. According to one
authority he, or some of his men, had the honor of locating and naming
Mosca pass in these mountains, which has come down to the present day
as a contraction of his name. The date of this trip was necessarily
coeval with De Soto's final downfall, which has been placed in the year
1543. The first authentic exploration, colonization and occupation of
San Luis Valley was made during 1598 and the next succeeding few
years by Juan de Onate and his subordinates. By the close of the cen
tury, or about 1600, Onate and his people found gold near the site of
Fort Garland and had thoroughly prospected all streams on both sides
of the Continental Divide.

CHAPTER XXXV
Trappers and Gold Seekers
FROM and before the time of Pike's trip to the
Rocky Mountains in 1807, adventurous Amer
ican trappers had thoroughly explored all the
streams and parks on the eastern side of the Continental
Divide and a few roving adventurous ones had even ex
plored the head waters of several streams on the west
ern slope about that date. In the period extending
from 1815 to 1845 trappers in plenty had come in con
tact with western slope Indians at Eastern trading posts
and followed their trails back into and across the moun
tains and plied their vocation on all streams of this
slope. More abundant snow fell on the western slope,
giving a constant supply of water in all streams the
year round and making better trapping. A rich harvest
of furs was gathered here for over three decades.
It was from these trappers who marketed their pel
tries at Bent's Fort and other trading posts between
that point and St. Louis that the first emigrants to the
Pacific coast gained their knowledge of an open route
through the southwest of this state over the Continental
Divide at Cochetopa pass.

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado 319
The interests of trappers in a new country are never
of a permanent nature and consequently but few traces
of their early occupancy remain.
A trading post erected by Joseph Roubideaux, from
St. Louis, about 1839, near the present site of Grand
Junction, was the only large post of any note on this
slope at that time. But nearly all the streams show
evidence of white man's temporary habitation before
this date.
"An old cabin in the canon of Cochetopa Creek, of
which no one seems to have any knowledge as to its
history was likely built by trappers between 1830 and
1840. It was built of small cottonwood logs, mostly
cut by beaver, and fitted up inside with three single
bunks, all showing evidence of extreme age as early as
1870. "Lower down the stream, and a short distance from
a fording place on an old Indian trail, is a small mesa
close to its banks, about two hundred and fifty yards
long by one hundred yards wide. Parallel to the stream
•¦vere two straight lines of charcoal remains of camp
fires at regular distances apart, with burnt rocks like
what might have been used to place pots and kettles on
for cooking, and from six inches to a foot under the
surface when plowed up. Judging from the depth
under ground on a level mesa, their age must have ante
dated the American occupancy of the country. The

320 Early Days on the
precision of spacing would indicate a soldiers' camp or
men of soldier's training. Therefore it is plausible that
the camp dated back to some Spanish expedition.
"A rude fort, built on a high timbered point near
the dividing ridge of Needle and Razor creeks, small
tributary streams of Tomichi Creek, from the south side,
bore signs of a desperate conflict between white trap
pers or gold seekers arrd probably Indians. The fort
was built mostly of hastily laid stone capped by a few
logs, with a few sentinel outposts just large enough to
hold one man each, also made of stone. Lead from
bullets spattered the stone walls and many bullets were
imbedded in the logs. Pieces of a broken knife and
several other relics have been found inside the fort.
Bullets taken from the logs were of old fashioned
round form and every calibre.
"The besieged doubtless won in defending the fort,
only to be afterwards mercilessly slaughtered by their
waiting foes, maddened by the loss inflicted on them
at the siege. This fort showed signs of extreme age
when first seen by the writer, in 1872. Old rotten
flumes used in placer mining and dug or hollowed out
of white pine logs were to be seen in Hot Springs val
ley, Gunnison County, in "the seventies." The tires
and irons of a burnt wagon, and parts of two human
skeletons in No Name Gulch, and many other grim,

Western Slope of Colorado 32 1

silent reminders of past encounters, were found by
early settlers to the slope.
"Whether American gold seekers invaded the West
ern Slope before 1849 is hard to determine, but it is
fair to conjecture that trappers and hunters were un
doubtedly acquainted with the signs of placer mining
left by Spaniards on several streams on this slope ; and
it is also fair to suppose that th'ey took no advantage
of this knowledge to spread any such reports or even
try for the precious metal themselves. Both Snow
Blind Gulch, on Upper Tomichi Creek, and Washing
ton Gulch, in the northern part of Gunnison County,
were placer mined by Western Slope pioneers in 1861,
one of whom informed the writer that both places bore
evidence of having been worked long before that time.
"In passing up Washington Gulch in the summer of
1871 the writer saw a dozen or more old tumble down
abandoned cabins near the placer workings and was
much impressed at seeing tree stumps from eight to
twelve feet high, the trees evidently having been cut on
top of the snow in some very hard winter, probably
1849. "The Indians, as a rule, were patient and forbearing
with parties of gold seekers whom they considered tres
passers in their country. They would sometimes escort
them to a mountain pass, significantly point eastward,

322 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
and say, 'Go.' A party thus conducted out generally
took the hint and stayed out.
"A pioneer of this slope says tCochetopa is an In
dian name meaning pearl. Surely the Indian that
named the stream was a poet. Its pure crystal waters,
tumbling, dashing and splashing over its bouldery bed
— a more beautiful mountain stream never sped sea
ward."*

tNot topaz, or mountain pearl. The origin of the above name is
as follows: A pioneer prospector in an older time found some agates
on this "pass," and, showing them to his Indian guide, remarked that
they were topaz (but they were only a "smoky topaz"), to which fact
the Indian called his attention by holding them up to the sunlight and
affirming, as he did so, "kotch topaz," "kotch" meaning in Ute, "no" or
"not" — hence the name "Cotch-e-topa."
*The paragraphs in this chapter marked as quoted are to be cred
ited to the Gunnison "News-Champion," from the pen of E. A. Mitchell.

CHAPTER XXXVI
"Time and Tide," or the Southern Utes
ALL through the countless ages of the past the
Western Slope has ever been the favorite camp
ing ground of the Allied Utes. In union was
their strength. Originally the Ute nation was called
"the Snakes," and in that olden time they inhabited the
territory watered by the Snake River in Idaho and also
lived in portions of what is now Montana.
They who survive in Southwestern Colorado are
but a small remnant of what the tribe was only a de
cade ago.
They are of interest as a people of today who live
according to the customs of their savage ancestors of
a thousand years ago. Utes of old time thoughts,
habits and desires, but hedged in by the mighty power
of the all conquering whites who compel them to lead
different lives from that of the free, wild, olden time.
In later years, when the "prairie schooner" hiked
over the plains of Colorado, in the epoch when their
reservation embraced both sides of the range, and was
larger in area than some of our eastern states, Chief
Ouray intuitively recognized that, ere long, the
Great Divide would become "the parting of the

324 Early Days on the
ways," so to speak, when the Utes would be crowded
over the crest of the continent onto the Western Slope.
For him the Western Slope was a twisted perspective
crowding the Utes up between two prospective states,
Colorado on one side and Utah on the other, where
eventually they would be hemmed in by civilization
with no hopes for the future except to accommodate
themselves to civilized ways.
There are many who despise the Indian because he
does not take readily to the ways of modern civilization.
To the writer's mind this is unwarranted and unjust.
The Indian of today is the logical product of centuries
spent in barbaric freedom in a country so abundant
with game and fish and berries and nuts that but the
slightest efforts were necessary to the support of life.
There was no necessity for toil; hence no tendency to
ward industry was developed. There was not the
slightest intimation to them that a more enlightened
people would some day usurp their vast hunting ground
and their food supply. The furthest reach of their
imagination fancied nothing but a continuation of their
easy, happy and contented life. Their highest ambi
tion was to excel in the hunt and the fight, and to en
dure the most terrible hardships and suffering with the
least complaint. Less than two score of years have
passed since the Indian became seriously affected by
the encroachment of the whites. Not until then did he

Western Slope of Colorado 325
begin to realize that a new order of things was develop
ing around him, and not until then was he impressed
with the seriousness of his situation. Is it reasonable
to suppose that the work of centuries can be undone in
a generation or two? What would have been the re
sult if, in the days of the Indians' prime, the white man
had been suddenly deprived of everything which per
tained to his mode of living and had found himself
obliged to adapt his mode of living to that of the Indian,
with the Indian's equipment maintain his existence by
contesting with him in the war and the chase? No one
will deny that in such a contest he would have proved
an utter failure. Yet it is quite as unreasonable to ex
pect the Indian to readily abandon his hereditary mode
of living, equip himself with the implements of our
modern civilization, and successfully compete with us
in a struggle in which we have been engaged for ages
past.

CHAPTER XXXVII
Olathe
IN 1881, immediately following the opening of the
Indian reservation in this valley, the first farming
was done in the district surrounding Olathe. The
town was then called *Colorow, a name in which the
early settlers unwittingly did honor to an old reprobate
of an Indian whose reputation was such that he was
unworthy of this honor. Latter day settlers, on learn
ing this, had the name changed to Olathe. No doubt
they were Kansas emigrants who did this christening,
and by that token they saw in the general aspect of the
country hereabouts various points of resemblance to its
prototype in Kansas.
Many hardships and obstacles had to be overcome
by those settlers, for they were inexperienced in farming
by irrigation; the land must be cleared, markets were
limited and difficult of access and provisions and sup
plies of all kinds were expensive.
The advent of the D. & R. G. railroad in the year
1882 gave a new impetus to industry throughout the
•Colorow was a Comanche Indian (a tribe of horse thieves). He
joined the Utes for the sake of the easy living that he thought he could
make off of them.

Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado o^l
valley. A little later a postoffice was established, the
building used for the purpose being a small log cabin
which still stands in the district, a sharp contrast to the
modern brick structures which now comprise the town.
It was near the site of this old postoffice that a band
of Ute Indians under Colorow tried to run a bluff on
Gen. McKenzie, who had charge of their removal to
Utah. Tributary to Olathe, above the river bottoms, are
vast stretches of mesa lands known as Ash Mesa, Cali
fornia Mesa and East Mesa, all of which are included
in the Uncompahgre irrigation project.
The district known as East Mesa, which stretches
for ten miles along the east side of the valley, while not
at present so thickly populated as the district on the
west side, comprises within its boundaries some of the
finest farms in the entire valley. The district is very
large and fertile, the soil consisting mainly of the gray
adobe land, mixed sufficiently with sand to make it
easily worked. Fruit thrives and produces heavily on
these lands, but the crops which make the district fa
mous as an agricultural region are grain, hay and sugar
beets. Some of the finest yields of grain ever obtained
in the state have been grown on this mesa.
The town of Olathe is situated on the Denver &
Rio Grande railroad, 364 miles from Denver, and mid
way between Montrose and Delta. It is at present a

328 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado
thriving town of 800 and is destined within the next
few years to become one of the most important little
cities on the Western Slope.
The people are progressive and public spirited and
the citizens maintain a chamber of commerce, a band
and other organizations of a public nature. The schools
and churches are also a matter of pride to the town.

Twelve miles north of Olathe, and at the junction
of the Uncompahgre and Gunnison rivers, lies the town
of Delta. To describe its agricultural resources would
only be to reiterate what has already been said about
Olathe and Montrose. Tributary to Delta is the North
Fork country and the towns of Hotchkiss, Paonia and
Maher, all of which are within the watershed of the
main Gunnison, and the same which are all on a branch
line of the Denver & Rio Grande railroad.

CHAPTER XXXVIII*
The Moffat Railroad — Forest Reserves — Signal
Service and Oil Lands
AS the proposition to construct the so-called Moffat
y~\ tunnel looms large on Denver's western horizon,
it harks me back over forty years to an incident
directly connected with that enterprise.
In the late summer of 1869 there came to Central
City Giles F. Filley of St. Louis, a member of the
board of directors of the old Kansas Pacific, which was
then poking its nose into the territory of Colorado.
While there he suggested a desire to make a trip to
James Peak. I secured a livery rig, and we drove out
over a wood road, which led through the timber which
skirted the base of the mountain, and then made our
way on foot to the summit.
When Filley stood on the mountain top in that
rare atmosphere, and beheld Middle Park and the Fra-
zier, seemingly so near, and yet so far, "sloping slowly
to the west," while to the east his eye rested on South
Boulder's mammoth gulch, that had eaten its way into
the very base of the mountain, suggested a possible

*Written for the "Rocky Mountain News."

330 Early Days on the Western Slope of Colorado

gateway for his road, or that the idea was preconceived,
I cannot answer. But on his return to Denver he wrotej
requesting me to secure the services of a competent sur
veyor, and have a preliminary survey made with a pro
file map showing the approximate length of tunneling,
dependent on practicable roadbed approaches. I em
ployed a surveyor by the name of Major Hill — many
of the old-timers will remember him — and he made the
survey and furnished the profile map, which I sent to
Filley. That was forty-four years ago. The "Queen City
of the Plains" was, as it were, in her rompers, having
only a permanent population of something like 5,000,
but I have little doubt that if the proposition had been
put to her with proper guarantees she would have ex
ploited it for all there was in it. Denver had some men
with big ideas, and there was a heap big railroad talk
in those days, so much so, I remember, that it excited
the ridicule of the Pueblo paper, which displayed a
cartoon on its front page, representing Denver as a
tarantula, the legs serving as proposed railroad lines,
•seeking and clamoring for terminal rights in the city,
little dreaming that his sarcastic prophecy would come
true. By Gordon Kimball, Ouray, Colo.

CHAPTER XXXIX
The Forest Reserves*
TWENTY years ago, when the Government be
gan to set aside great stretches of forest, there
was no way to use them without breaking the
law. In that day they were called forest reserves; and
they were, in fact, reserved against all use. There was
no provision of law under which the timber could be
cut or the gold and the coal mined. Cattle and sheep
grazed here and there in the forests, but they had no
legal right there. Means of protecting the reserves were
about as completely lacking as provisions for their use.
The reserves were what their name implied, and noth
ing more.This was a condition that could not last. Public
attention was called to it ; and nearly sixteen years ago
a law was passed that not only provided for their pro
tection, but opened all the resources of the reserves to
use. Even the passage of this law, however, did not
lead at once to using the resources of the public forests.
But when, in 1905, the forest reserves were transferred

?Extract from a lecture by Hon. Gifford Pinchot, delivered in
Montrose, Colorado, February 1, 1911, and printed in "Saturday Eve
ning Post," Philadelphia, Pa.

332 Early Days on the
to the Department of Agriculture, the number of users
more than doubled in the first year. The next year it
nearly doubled again, and so on, until — in 1912 — more
than eighty thousand permits were issued to use one or
another of the natural resources the forests inclose.
Today even the name of forest reserves is discarded,
and a new name — national forests — has replaced it, in
token of the fact that these great forests belong to all
the people, and that every natural resource within their
borders is open to reasonable use by the people — every
single one, without exception.
When the Forest Service took charge of the national
forests one of its greatest problems was hew to handle
their timber resources for the permanent benefit of
the whole people. It would have been quite easy to
sell the timber for less than its value in enormous quan
tities and without proper safeguards against forest de
struction. Such a policy, following the line of least
resistance, would have pleased many lumbermen and
politicians, and would have shown from the start a
comfortable balance of revenue over expenditure. But
the Service knew that its first care must be clean ad
ministration and the perpetuation of the forests. Every
timber sale for which it was responsible must be fol
lowed by the reproduction of the trees, and the Service
must make certain that young forests in the place of
old should insure for the future some public supply of

Western Slope of Colorado 333
timber. No other policy could be adopted with fair
ness to the American people, and the Forest Service
took the hard, but the right way.
It is this attitude of the Forest Service, not alone
toward the question of lumber, but toward all other re
sources as well, which has made it by far the best hated
bureau in Washington — best hated by the men whose
hatred is the best indorsement. Its refusal to yield to
the grabbers of timber, lands, water power, and the
rest, has driven the men who live on the plunder of
natural resources to advocate turning the national for
ests over to the Western states.
To these men any change must be a change for the
better, for they are facing lean years. The reason their
effort to open the natural resources to private plunder
has a chance to succeed is because some honest men, for
honest but mistaken reasons, are fighting on the wrong
side. Under the wise policy of selling all the timber that
could be sold for what it was worth, the total timber
sales each year by the Forest Service have grown stead
ily and rapidly from a very small beginning. During
the fiscal year 1912 they reached about eight hundred
million feet, while the sales since the first of last July
already amount to one billion, six hundred million feet.
In time the average annual cut will equal the yearly in
crease on all the national forests; but not till the vast

334 Early Days on the
bodies of privately owned timber land, which lie be
tween some of the Government timber and the markets,
is either put under forest management or is substan
tially exhausted.
There is yet no timber famine in America, but the
years are coming when the national forests alone will
stand between the American people and great timber
monopolies. Meantime the value of stumpage will
continue to rise until the price of a grown tree is equal
to the cost of growing it.
We have wasted our timber by reckless overpro
duction and, as a nation, we shall have to pay for it.

LOOKING GLASS SIGNALS
Early experiments in wireless telegraphy before the
days of Marconi's invention
In 1894 a message was flashed 183 miles from
Uncompahgre Peak, Colorado, to Mount Ellen, in
Utah, by Captain Glassford, of the United States Sig
nal Corps, a record on the heliograph that stood unsur
passed till wireless telegraphy was invented.
Subsequently Captain Glassford performed similar
feats across the deserts of Utah, and thence across those
of Nevada, then over and across Death Valley to stra
tegic points in Southern California.

Western Slope of Colorado 335
This system of military telegraphing, i. e., by inter
rupting a beam of sunlight, and directing it upon a re
ceiving station, reached a high state of perfection in
South Africa, where it was impossible to connect differ
ent points by wire. Previously, the British army on the
Soudan, and in the Ashantee war, where the whole
country was treeless, had their wires strung in extension,
or on other poles, carried along for the purpose, or, at
a pinch, they were laid directly on the ground. In
timbered sections, of course, all signalling was done by
means of the flag or torch, after the manner that was
practiced during our Civil war.
In the light of the Marconi system, supplemented
by the wireless telephone, the heliograph system of
twenty years ago looks crude and primitive by com
parison. The object of these experiments by Captain Glass
ford, as already intimated, were purely military, and
designed for the Indian service.
Two years ago the fact that our Government
thought it prudent to remove gold to the amount of
$370,000,000 from San Francisco to the Denver mint
might be considered significant of what was then
thought in Washington about the possibility of war
with Japan. In this latter event the long neglected
heliograph might again become of service on our West
ern frontier. * * * On the other hand, it is a long

336 Early Days on the
march from the Pacific coast to Denver, situated at the
eastern base of the Rocky Mountains ; and an invading
army which might take possession of San Francisco
would perish miserably in the deserts of Nevada and
Arizona, or, surviving it, would find its path blocked
in mountain passes were it to attempt to reach the
treasure vaults at the capital of Colorado.
The peculiar merits of the heliograph are recog
nized in its cheapness and simplicity of construction,
never requiring much repair, and being of light weight,
therefore easily transported by pack mule, and ready
for instant service.
Whoever visits the Southwest will find in it a re
gion of surprising contrasts — for, side by side with
fruitful, cultivated fields, lie the most arid wastes in
America. It is just possible that the "four corners," where
Colorado, Utah, New Mexico and Arizona join to
gether, that this desert land district which presents such
a formidable barrier against foreign invasion, will, in
the near future, become the center of a new oil district,
a district that extends one hundred and fifty miles be
yond the Colorado River.
That the Standard Oil Company has its prospectors
now in the field would seem to give color to this latest
oil sensation. Some years ago it was the writer's provi
dence to become mixed up in the Henry Mountain ex-

..'-¦¦¦&

Boring for Oil near San Juan River, in Southwestern Colorado

Western Slope of Colorado 337
citement in Utah, where, at Bluff City, the gold fever
raged, but though much work was done and much
money spent, nothing ever came of it.
Last year a company was organized at Montrose to
prospect at the "four corners" for oil. Oil rock was
found, and a large strip of territory was staked and
assessments were worked, surveyed and recorded, but
none of the workings were bored deep enough to get
results in a flow of oil, the object being to first secure
the territory and carry on explorations afterwards.
THE END

APPENDIX

KIT CARSON'S TREATY FOR SAN LUIS
VALLEY
Negotiated in 1863, Re-opened in i86/-8, Adopted
and Ratified in i86g — New Agency Built in i86g
on a Creek Called the Los Pinos, a Branch of the
Cochetopa on Western Slope
A BACKWARD LOOK
FROM the foundation of the Government to the
present time the management of the original in
habitants of this continent, the Indian, has been
a subject of embarrassment and expense, and has been
attended with continuous robberies, murders, and wars.
A commission of citizens noted for their wealth
and philanthropy, decided to co-operate with the Gov
ernment without pecuniary compensation, donating
their continuous services in the humane cause of the
civilization of the wild tribes. This was called the
Indian Peace Commission. The efforts of several other
Indian associations in the same humane and religious
direction are also worthy of high praise.
The Woman's National Indian Association and
the New England Indians' Rights Society have opened
missions in neglected fields and have assisted deserv
ing Indians in building homes by loans.
With the appointment of these different commis
sions no other material changes in the general manage-

342 Appendix

ment of Indian affairs were made except occasionally,
as for instance, when an Indian agent whose office, by
reason of sickness, death or other disaster, became va
cant, the Interior Department under such emergencies
would sometimes call upon the War Office to detail,
temporarily, the nearest commanding officer in that
vicinity to act as such agent till the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs selected a new- incumbent. Occasion
ally, too, the Commissioner, in selecting Indian agents,
would choose them from among those settlers who re
sided in the vicinity of reservations which was called
the "home rule" policy, but (as the Indians' Rights
Society pointed out) quoting the words of the com
mission, "Experience proves that which theory would
indicate, that agents who come to Indian agencies
from a distance are more ready than those who live
near by to give their best efforts to promote the wel
fare of those whom they are employed to aid."
Kit Carson's Treaty With the Utes in 1868
In the "sixties" the Ute Indians owned nearly the
whole of Colorado, the heart of their reservation
being then, geographically speaking, at *Conejos, in
San Luis Valley.
In the fall of the year 1863, Ouray and a delega
tion of six other leading chiefs headed by Alexander
?Pronounced Co-na-hoes.

Appendix 343

C. Hunt, afterwards Governor of Colorado Territory,
and ex-officio Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and
Kit Carson, visited Washington at the request of the
Interior Department, which wished to induce the Utes
for certain considerations, to relinquish their lands in
San Luis valley to the United States.
This treaty, which is sometimes called the treaty
of 1863, was not consummated, however, in that year,
so reluctant were the Utes to part with any portion of
their vast domain; but we find that 1867-8 were the
years in which negotiations were opened; that in 1868
a treaty was adopted, and that it was ratified in that
same year. Thereupon steps were taken to remove the
Utes out of San Luis valley, over to the country be
yond Cochetopa Pass.
When this removal was launched it appeared that
the Governor of Colorado had made all due prepara
tions for it, in theory, if not in practice, by anticipating
for it, a location at a point twelve miles from the sum
mit of the pass where the meridian of longitude 107
degrees West of Greenwich intersects the fortieth par
allel of north latitude.
Here, then, at Hunt's camp, there assembled in
the year 1868, the Tabewatch, Mouache, Capote,
Weeminuche, Grand River and Uintah bands of Ute
Indians.

344 Appendix

When he left Denver for "the western mountains"
Hunt was well aware that his work involved some
stunts at exploration, for, on this special occasion, it
was his avowed intention to discover, west of the pass,
a stream that was minus a name (an easy thing to do
in that realm of primeval nature), and the next thing
to do, which was all important, was to bestow upon
said stream the name of Los Pinos.
That finessing of Hunt's apparently gave rise to
some squabbling between him and the Governor of
New Mexico, the latter accusing him of perpetrating
an audacious trick in stealing a name out of New Mex
ico to apply to an unknown creek in Colorado.
However, this feature of the proposition was sim
ply where the two governors bumped their heads
together at Washington, at which interview the Gover
nor of New Mexico claimed that his country was where
the Utes wished to go, for there was where tall timber
grew, and there, also, was a mild winter climate, "the
land of the cedar and vine," etc., while, on the other
hand, Hunt's location was a "veritable Kamtschatska,"
facetiously called Los Pinos (the Pines), he added,
because there were no pines there.
However, these impedimenta were, to Hunt's mind,
too small to talk about, and of no consequence, any
how, to a nomadic people like the Utes, and, therefore,
nonsensical to the authorities at Washington.

Appendix 345

Fifteen thousand dollars was the appropriation
for building Los Pinos Agency, and a like amount was
appropriated for the Northern Agency at White River,
but, unfortunately, before the psychological moment
for Hunt's innings on contracts had been arrived at,
he, for some unexplained reason, was ignominiously
"fired," and General Edward M. McCook was ap
pointed Governor in his stead.
The fact was ostensible that some strong combine
was in league against Hunt, otherwise it were a para
dox in politics that, after he had successfully countered
against the Governor of New Mexico, to be thus robbed
of his patrimony; but such is life, and, notwithstanding
that there was a tacit understanding with Hunt at
Washington that the Ute pie in question was to be dis
pensed equally in the matter of contracts, as per patron
age, between Colorado and New Mexico, to the end
that this political kidnapping of the aborigines should
be a bona fide kidnapping and be legitimately conducted
according to all legal equity, and not on the principle
of a political jack-pot or grab-all game at the expense
of the red man, yet Hunt was treated precisely as if he
had been, or was going to be, a "grafter."
Thus is the native hue of our resolution
Sickled o'er with the pale cast of thought,
And enterprises of great pith and moment
With this regard their currents turn'd awry
And lose the name of action. — Hamlet.

346 Appendix

Immediately upon his inauguration, Governor
McCook was authorized, as ex-officio Superintendent
of Indian Affairs, to let contracts for the construction
of the public buildings alluded to, the successful bid
ders on which were Messrs. Kettle, Crane & Co. of
Denver. In the meantime, Lieutenant C. T. Speer was
detailed by the War Department to act as temporary
agent at Los Pinos, pending the proper appointment
to that office from the civil lists of the Interior Depart
ment. In due course of time the contractors, accompanied
by Lieutenant Speer, arrived at Saguache, and, being
properly outfitted, were all ready for the business on
hand in the matter of construction, but it appeared that
the Utes refused to go upon their reservation. Thus,
Lieutenant Speer was left in a quandary; but, time
being precious, he immediately solicited aid from Otto
Mears, and asked him to go to Denver, and, if possible,
to make the trip in three days, and see the Governor
about it.
The reason why Mears had to make this trip in so
short a time was that the Government was paying the
contractors $100.00 a day for every day lost. How
ever, Mears arrived in Denver on time, and delivered
his message to McCook, whereupon the Governor and
a party of military officers started for Lieutenant
Speer's camp at Saguache, where they held a pow-wow

Appendix 347

with the Indians and eventually induced them to settle
upon their new reserve.
It was at this agency that General Charles Adams
took Alfred Packer, "the man-eater," in haul. When
Barlow and Sanderson established their stage lines from
Saguache to Lake City, the road which they traveled
was built by Otto Mears and Enos Hotchkiss, and
passed directly through Los Pinos Agency.*

TEXT OF THE KIT CARSON TREATY

TREATY NEGOTIATED WITH THE UTES FOR SAN
LUIS VALLEY IN 1868
Articles of a treaty and agreement made and entered into
at Washington, D. C, on the second of March, 1868, by and
between Nathaniel G. Taylor, Commissioner of Indian Affairs ;
Alexander C. Hunt, Governor of Colorado Territory and ex-
officio Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and Kit Carson, duly
authorized to represent the United States, of the one part, and
the representatives of the Tabewatch, Mouache, Capote, Wee
minuche, Yampa, Grand River and Uintah bands of Ute In
dians (whose names are hereto subscribed), duly authorized
and empowered to act for the body of the people of said bands,
of the other part, witness :
Article 1. All of the provisions of the treaty concluded
with the Tabewatch band of Ute Indians October 7th, 1863,

•Afterwards moved to Uncompahgre River.

348 Appendix

as amended by the Senate of the United States and proclaimed
December 14th, 1864, which are not inconsistent with the pro
visions of this treaty, as hereinafter provided, are hereby re
affirmed and declared to be applicable and to continue in force
as well to the other bands, respectively, parties to this treaty,
as to the Tabewatch band of Ute Indians.
Article 2. The United States agree that the following
district of country, to wit: Commencing at that point on the
southern boundary line of the Territory of Colorado where the
meridian of longitude 107 degrees west of Greenwich crosses
the same, running thence north with said meridian to a point
fifteen miles due north of where said meridian intersects the
40th parallel of north latitude ; thence due west to the western
boundary line of said Territory ; thence south with said western
boundary line of said Territory to the southern boundary line
of said Territory ; thence east with said southern boundary line
to the place of beginning, shall be, and the same is hereby, set
apart for the absolute and undisturbed use and occupation of
the Indians herein named and for such other friendly tribes or
individual Indians as from time to time they may be willing,
with the consent of the United States, to admit among them;
and the United States now solemnly agree that no persons,
except those herein authorized so to do, and except such offi
cers, agents, and employees of the Government as may be
authorized to enter upon Indian reservations in discharge of
duties enjoined by law, shall ever be permitted to pass over,
settle upon, or reside in the Territory described in this article
except as herein otherwise provided.
Article 3. It is further agreed by the Indians, parties
hereto, that henceforth they will and do hereby relinquish all

Appendix 349

claims and rights in and to any portion of the United States
or Territories, except such as are embraced in the limits defined
in the preceding article.
Article 4. The United States agree to establish two agen
cies on the reservation provided for in article 2, one for the
Grand River, Yampa and Uintah bands, on White River, and
the other for the Tabewatch, Mouache, Weeminuche and Ca
pote bands, on Los Pinos Creek on the reservation, and at its
own proper expense to construct at each of said agencies a
warehouse or storeroom for the use of the agent in storing
goods belonging to the Indians, to cost not exceeding fifteen
hundred dollars; an agency building for the residence of the
agent, to cost not exceeding three thousand dollars, and four
other buildings for a carpenter, farmer, blacksmith and miller,
each to cost not exceeding two thousand dollars ; also a school
house or mission building, so soon as a sufficient number of
children can be induced by the agent to attend school, which
shall not cost exceeding five thousand dollars.
The United States agree, further, to cause to be erected
on said reservation, and near to each agency herein authorized,
respectively, a good waterpower sawmill, with a grist mill and
a shingle mill attached, the same to cost not exceeding eight
thousand dollars each ; provided, the same shall not be erected
until such time as the Secretary of the Interior may think it
necessary to the wants of the Indians.
Article 5. The United States agree that the agents for
said Indians, in the 'future, shall make their homes at the agency
buildings ; that they shall reside among the Indians, and keep
an office open at all times for the purpose of prompt and dili-

350 Appendix

gent inquiry into such matters of complaint by and against the
Indians as may be presented for investigation under the pro
visions of their treaty stipulations, as also for the faithful dis
charge of other duties enjoined on them by law. In all cases
of depredation on person or property they shall cause the evi
dence to be taken in writing and forwarded, together with their
findings, to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, whose decision,
subject to the revision of the Secretary of the Interior, shall be
binding on the parties to this treaty.
Article 6. If bad men among the whites or among other
people, subject to the authority of the United States, shall
commit any wrong upon the person or property of the Indians,
the United States will, upon proof made te the agent and for
warded to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs at Washington,
proceed at once to cause the offender to be arrested and pun
ished according to the laws of the United States, and also reim
burse the injured person for the loss sustained.
If bad men among the Indians shall commit a wrong or
depredation upon the person or property of any one, white,
black- or Indian, subject to the authority of the United States
and at peace therewith, the tribes herein named solemnly agree
that they will, on proof made to their agent and notice to him,
deliver up the wrongdoer to the United States, to be tried and
punished according to its laws, and in case they wilfully refuse
so to do, the person injured shall be reimbured for his loss from
the annuities or other moneys due, or to become due to them,
under this or other treaties made with the United States.
Article 7. If any individual belonging to said tribe of
Indians or legally incorporated with them, being the head of a
family, shall desire to commence farming, he shall have the

Appendix 351

privilege to select, in the presence and with the assistance of the
agent then in charge, by metes and bounds, a tract of land
within said reservation not exceeding one hundred and sixty
acres in extent, which tract, when so selected, certified and
recorded in the land book, as herein directed, shall cease to be
held in common, but the same may be occupied and held in
exclusive possession of the person seXecting it and his family
so long as he or they may continue to cultivate it. Any person
over eighteen years of age, not being the head of a family, may,
in like manner, select and cause to be certified to him or her for
purposes of cultivation, a quantity of land not exceeding eighty
acres in extent, and thereupon be entitled to the exclusive pos
session of the same as above directed.
"UTE LAND BOOK"
For each tract of land so selected a certificate containing
a description thereof and in the name of the person selecting it,
with a certificate endorsed thereon that the same has been re
corded, shall be delivered to the party entitled to it, by the
agent, after the same shall have been recorded by him in a book
to be kept in his office, subject to inspection, which said book
shall be known as the "Ute Land Book."
The President may at any time order a survey of the res
ervation; and when so surveyed Congress shall provide for
protecting the rights of such Indian settlers in their improve
ments, and may fix the character of the title held by each.
The United States may pass such laws on the subject of
alienation and descent of property, and on all subjects con
nected with the government of the Indians on said reservation
and the internal police thereof, as may be thought proper.

352 Appendix

Article 8. In order to insure the civilization of the bands
entering into this treaty, the necessity of education is admitted,
especially by such of them as are or may be engaged in either
pastoral, agricultural or other peaceful pursuits of civilized life
on said reservation, and they therefore pledge themselves to
induce their children, male and female, between the ages of
seven and eighteen years, to attend school ; and it is hereby
made the duty of the agent for said Indians to see that this
stipulation is complied with to the greatest possible extent ; and
the United States agree that for every thirty children between
said ages who can be induced to attend school a house shall be
provided, and a teacher competent to teach the elementary
branches of an English education shall be furnished, who will
reside among said Indians, and faithfully discharge his or her
duties as teacher, the provisions of this article to continue for
not less than twenty years.
Article 9. When the head of a family or lodge shall have
selected lands, and received his certificate as above described,
and the agent shall be satisfied that he intends, in good faith,
to commence cultivating the soil for a living, he shall be en
titled to receive seeds and agricultural implements for the first
year not exceeding in value one hundred dollars, and for each
succeeding year he shall continue to farm, for a period of three
years more, he shall be entitled to receive seeds and implements
as aforesaid, not exceeding in value fifty dollars ; and it is fur
ther stipulated that such persons as commence farming shall
receive instructions from the farmer herein provided for; and
it is further stipulated that an additional blacksmith to the one
provided for in the treaty of October 7th, 1863, referred to in
article 1 of this treaty, shall be provided with such iron, steel

Appendix 353

and other material as may be needed for the Uintah, Yampa
and Grand River agency, known as the White River agency.
Article 10. At any time after ten years from the making of
this treaty, the United States shall have the privilege of with
drawing the farmers, blacksmiths, carpenters and millers herein,
and in the treaty of October 7th, 1863, referred to in article 1 of
this treaty, provided for, but in case of such withdrawal, an ad
ditional sum thereafter of ten thousand dollars per annum shall
be devoted to the education of said Indians, and the Commis
sioner of Indian Affairs shall, upon careful inquiry into their
condition, make such rules and regulations, subject to the ap
proval of the Secretary of the Interior, for the expenditure of
said sum as will best promote the educational and moral im
provement of said Indians.
Article 11. That a sum, sufficient in the discretion of
Congress, for the absolute wants of said Indians, but not to
exceed thirty thousand dollars per annum, for thirty years,
shall be expended, under the direction of the Secretary of the
Interior, for clothing, blankets and such other articles of utility
as he may think proper and necessary upon full official reports
of the condition and wants of said Indians.
Article 12. That an additional sum, sufficient in the dis
cretion of Congress (but not to exceed thirty thousand dollars
per annum), to supply the wants of said Indians for food, shall
be annually expended under the direction of the Secretary of
the Interior, in supplying said Indians with beef, mutton,
wheat, flour, beans and potatoes, until such time as said Indians
shall be found to be capable of sustaining themselves.

354 Appendix

Article 13. That for the purpose of inducing said Indians
to adopt habits of civilized life and become self-sustaining, the
sum of forty-five thousand dollars, for the first year, shall be
expended, under the direction of the Secretary of the Interior,
in providing each lodge or head of a family in said confed
erated bands with one gentle American cow, as distinguished
from the ordinary Mexican or Texas breed, and five head of
sheep. Article 14. The said confederated bands agree that when
soever, in the opinion of the President of the United States, the
public interest may require it, that all roads, highways and
railroads, authorized by law, shall have the right of way
through the reservations herein designated.
Article 15. The United States hereby agree to furnish
the Indians the teachers, carpenters, millers, farmers and black
smiths, as herein contemplated, and that such appropriations
shall be made from time to time, on the estimates of the Secre
tary of the Interior, as will be sufficient to employ such persons.
Article 16. No treaty for the cession of any portion or
part of the reservation herein described, which may be held in
common, shall be of any validity or force as against the said
Indians, unless executed and signed by at least three-fourths
of all the adult male Indians occupying or interested in the
same ; and no cession by the tribe shall be understood or con
strued in such manner as to deprive, without his consent, any
individual member of the tribe of his right to any tract of land
selected by him, as provided in article 7 of this treaty.
Article 17. All appropriations now made, or to be here
after made, as well as goods and stock due these Indians under

Appendix 355

existing treaties, shall apply as if this treaty had not been
made, and be divided proportionately among the seven bands
named in this treaty, as also shall all annuities and allowances
hereafter to be made; provided, that if any chief of either of
the confederated bands make war against the people of the
United States or in any manner violate this treaty in any essen
tial part, said chief shall forfeit his position as chief and all
rights to any of the benefits of this treaty; but further pro
vided, any Indian of any of these confederated bands who shall
remain at peace and abide by the terms of this treaty in all its
essentials shall be entitled to its benefits and provisions, not
withstanding his particular chief and band may have forfeited
their rights thereto.

Second Treaty with the Ute Indians, Commonly Known
as the San Juan Treaty
Negotiated in 1872, Reopened in 1873, and Ratified in 1873.
President's Proclamation Issued in 1874, and Agency
Removed to the Uncompahgre Valley in 1875.
By the terms of this treaty, wherein the Utes ceded
to the United States four million acres of land, the
"western slope" acquired a rich mining territory and
some heavily timbered mesa lands, adapted to grazing,
though lacking in agriculture.
To reach an agreement with the Utes was for the
commissioners an uphill business, which same had, by
the previous year's failure, been practically explained
to them.

356 Appendix

In the first place, to the annoyance of the Indians,
it was discovered that the eastern line of their reserva
tion was not at that point which they had always
claimed as their eastern boundary; in other words, the
107 th meridian had been tied at a point twelve miles
further west than where its proper location should have
been. Likewise, the southern boundary line of their reser
vation, which was the parallel of 32 degrees 35 minutes,
was run at a considerable distance north of the natural
boundary line, which the Indians asserted was given
them at the time of the treaty of 1868. That the mis
take was not theirs was probable, from the fact that an
actual survey located in New Mexico, some distance
below the northern boundary line, towns that had been,
prior to it, now claimed as being in Colorado.
In order to simplify the treaty into its plainest
meanings, the commission, as a starter, asked the Utes
to sell only "the mines." The Indians understood this
to mean only the mines that were then actually worked,
and to include none of the surrounding country. These
only were they now willing to sell. Furthermore, the
remembrance of the terms of the previous year's nego
tiations (1872) brought prominently before the minds
of the Indians all the objections to a sale which they
had then registered, and they failed to realize any ad
vantage it would be to them. In this connection the

Appendix 357

commission had reason to think that persons in New
Mexico whose interest it was to retain a portion of the
Utes in that territory, and whose influence had been
exerted against the success of the negotiations in 1872,
were going to try to prejudice the Indians against en
dorsing the "council" of 1873; or, in any event, that
such attendance might be misconstrued by the commis
sion as if their simple presence meant a final endorse
ment of the treaty ; that they were to insist on provisions
that it would be impossible for the commission to con
cede, or, if conceded, would inure to the benefit of the
parties interested. Thus, when the commission was re
convened, and the direct proposition for the mines only
was reiterated, the Indians replied with a distinct coun
ter-proposition which had been foreshadowed in the
first interview with them, declaring their intentions and
willingness to sell only the mines then being worked;
selling nothing but the tops of the mountains, and in
cluding none of the valleys. The miners were to build
no houses and were not to make the mining region a per
manent place of residence, but to come out each fall,
returning again in the spring. For this purpose they
would permit the use of a single road entering and leav
ing the mines. This arrangement, they thought and
urged upon the commission, was in accord with the
proposition of the commission of 1872, and were much

358 Appendix

surprised on being informed that this proposition could
not be entertained by the then present commission.
As a dernier resort it had been recognized in the
counsels of the commissioners that it would be a good
preliminary move for the Washington authorities to
conciliate Chief Ouray by having "Friday," his son,
brought to Denver. He had been a captive among the
Arapahoes for ten years. Acting on this hint, the Com
missioner of Indian Affairs at Washington sent a re
quest to the agent of the Arapahoes to spare no trouble
or reasonable expense in securing "the young man." It
was further requested of the agent of the Arapahoes to
hold the boy in readiness to be sent to Denver early in
August, but they never succeeded in getting the boy to
agree to it.
Ouray was greatly disappointed at this, saying that
"the Government was strong enough to get my boy if
it wished to do so. If it should show enough interest in
me to make still another attempt to rescue my boy, I
will do what I can towards carrying out the wishes of
the Government in regard to the present negotiations."
However, notwithstanding the very earnest further ef
forts of the Government to gratify Ouray's desires, they
were unsuccessful, and also it seemed impossible to get
the Indians into the notion of signing the treaty.
The Commissioner's patience was well-nigh worn
out at the obduracy of the Indians, but at the eleventh

Appendix 359

hour General Adams suggested to Mr. Brunot that it
might be advantageous to interview Otto Mears. Ac
cordingly, Mr. Brunot went to Saguache to get his
assistance. Mr. Mears told Mr. Brunot that if he
would return to Los Pinos agency he would go with
him. Mr. Mears got the Indians to sign the treaty.
When they arrived at the agency Mr. Mears told Mr.
Brunot that if he approved of it he would offer a nice
gift to Chief Ouray — Indians being just as susceptible
as the whites or blacks — and proposed to give Ouray a
thousand-dollar salary for ten years. Mr. Brunot got
rather indignant at this proposition, saying that the
Government could not afford to bribe anybody. Mr.
Mears insisted that it was not a bribe, but a salary. He
then suggested to Ouray that he was getting old and,
being chief, ought to have an income so that he could
live without hunting and selling buckskin, and that the
Government would agree to pay the Indians the interest
on half a million dollars and himself a salary of one
thousand dollars a year for ten years.
Ouray, being duly civilized and thrifty, accepted
the proposition, and signed the treaty which opened the
San Juan mining region.
Mr. Brunot was so elated over the results of this
treaty that he recommended that the Government
should pay the traveling expenses of Mr. Mears, Gen
eral Charles Adams (the Indian agent) and Mr. Her-

360 Appendix

man Lueders, his secretary, for a three months' trip
through the eastern states, together with nine Indians.
Mr. Mears at this time had never seen the eastern part
of the United States.
The recommendation was adopted, and the trip was
made at an expense of $15,000.
When the party arrived in Washington, the Indians
were ordered to the White House to see President
Grant, whom the Indians called the "great father." On
arriving at the White House, the President, Mrs. Grant
and Miss Nellie Grant were standing in a line, to be
presented to the Indians. Chief Ouray turned to the
Indians and stated, "This is the great father," and,
pointing to Mrs. Grant, he said, "This must be the great
mother, and if this is your great father and your great
mother, this (pointing to Miss Nellie Grant) must be
your sister." Mr. Mears acted as interpreter. The
President and the five hundred guests present saw the
joke at once and laughed heartily.
The Ute delegation also visited Baltimore, Phila
delphia, New York, Boston and other places. While
going these rounds they were principally under the
chaperonage of General Adams and Mr. Mears. Some
of them in New York expressed a desire to go to the
circus to witness the wonderful feats of the performers
on horseback. These skillful riders of the mountains
were astonished at the performances, and could hardly

Appendix 361

believe in their own eyesight. About this time there
was a most extraordinary spectacular drama being per
formed nightly at Niblo's Garden in New York, called
"The Black Crook." Mr. Mears was their conductor
on this occasion, but somehow or other they didn't seem
to be as much impressed with this exceedingly pictur
esque scenic exhibition as they had been at the circus,
and evinced but mild surprise at the wonderful cas
cades and the music of dancing waters, evidently com
paring this scenery to its disadvantage with similar
scenes in Nature's own kingdom in the mountains of
their reservation, while the wonderful steps of the two
hundred or more ballet dancers were disadvantageously
compared to their own "ghost dances" on the Uncom
pahgre^ Not to be outdone, however, by this disparagement
on their part, Mr. Mears took them to Central Park.
The camels in Central Park attracted them more than
any other animals. When they were assured that these
creatures were perfectly tame they put their hands on
their long, shaggy necks and felt of their curious humps;
and when told how fast this strange kind of horses, as
they called them, would carry on their backs a man,
and a heavy load of goods besides, they seemed to covet
them with a feeling bordering on affection. After gaz
ing with astonishment on them and other Oriental ani
mals, they turned away, giving only a passing glance at

362 Appendix

the bears, deer, elk and antelopes, having doubtless seen
larger specimens of them in their own country. The
sight of some rather small buffaloes (bison) confined
in pens evidently called forth some Indian wit which
caused a hearty laugh in the crowd of Indians looking
at these specimens of the great rovers of the western
plains. As the Indians could not remember the English
names of even the more remarkable animals and objects
which they had seen as told to them by Mr. Mears and
Ouray, some of the more curious of their number put
together Indian words forming long names descriptive
of the animals and objects. Ouray declared that their
word for elephant would read, when translated into
English, "The big, high animal with a tail at each end."
The camel was designated by compounding a word sig
nifying "The new kind of horse that the Indians wanted
to have to ride fast on in their country."
At the first sight of the monkeys and baboons they
looked at them with a sort of dread, but soon lost their
_ fears, and became greatly amused at their tricks and
antics. They called them "The long armed creatures
trying to look like men."
Turning away from the large animals outside of the
building, they went into the large cabinets containing
stuffed birds, quadrupeds, fishes and reptiles in glass
cases. The larger part of the Ute delegation looked

Appendix 363

upon these specimens as so many shams intended to
deceive the spectators by making them think they were
alive, and would injure the people if they were not
confined in the cases. Several of the less intelligent
Indians took much credit to themselves for having sa
gacity enough to detect this cheat, as they considered it,
and with no little pride they pointed out their discovery
to some of their companions. Neither Mr. Mears or
Ouray found themselves able to convey to the Indian
mind the ideas of the scientific purposes for which such
collections of specimens of natural history are made.
On the following day they visited various art gal
leries as well as book and picture stores, and gazed with
rapt attention at numerous photographs and highly
colored pictures. A prominent bookseller asked the
delegation if they didn't want to take a few portfolios
of chromos home with them, whereupon Ouray sug
gested with a twinkle in his eye that they might be
allowed to gather up some collections at the jewelry
stores. At last the time arrived for them to start back to
their homes in Colorado. Commenting on this, the
Chicago "Tribune's" Washington special, dated Octo
ber 17th, 1873, is as follows:
"The delegation of Ute Indians that visited Wash
ington left for their reservation today. They will take
back with them greater feelings of disgust than they

364 Appendix

brought east. * * * This tribe has ceded to the
Government four million acres of mining country, for
which they were to receive an annual annuity of
$25,000 per annum, which annuity would be the ac
crued interest on $500,000 which the Government
owed them for their relinquishment of what is known
as the San Juan mining regions. On the eve of their
departure they held a final interview with the Com
missioner of Indian Affairs, by whom they were 'im
pressed' to believe in the imperative necessity of vacat
ing their old haunts immediately, and of removing to
their new agency on the Uncompahgre. Mr. Mears
acted as interpreter on this, their last interview.
"The Ute chiefs (with the exception of Ouray, who
was visiting at the home of Colorado's representative)
stoutly contended that the annuity of the Government
of $25,000 per year, annually forever, which they were
to receive was to be spent as the Indians might please,
but they were 'impressed' to believe that they would
have to allow their money to be spent for them as their
agent and the Government might deem best."
I have detailed at these lengths some of the strange
notions of these Indians for the purpose of showing that
their visits to Washington and the larger cities of the
Union had a distinct and salutary effect on their pride
and vainglory that acted as a check against their over
estimated power as a tribe, inasmuch as it served to

Appendix 365

impress their minds with permanent convictions of their
inferiority to the whites in knowledge and power, and
thus restrain them from entering into any warlike
schemes. In this respect inviting Indian delegations to Wash
ington has been found to be one of the most effective
peace measures which the Government has ever adopted.
An interpreter for one of the larger tribes of In
dians then visiting Washington once overheard a long
talk by a large group of Indians in one of the most
spacious rooms assigned to them in the Grand Central
Hotel in New York.
The question before them seemed to be : "How do
the white people get the knowledge which enables them
to make such wonderful things as guns, powder, steam
boats, locomotives, railways, telegraphs and many other
great things which they have seen?"
One conclusion arrived at in this long conversation
was that, when the white men go to sleep, the wise
spirits come to them in the night and tell them how to
make all these wonderful things. And then the white
men, remembering what has been told them, get up in
the morning and go to work, carrying into effect what
the spirits had taught them.
Another conclusion apparently reached by this band
of philosophers was that the Indians had, at some time
in their past history, done something which offended

366 Appendix

these spirits, and that must be the reason why they
would not make such communications to them as they
do to the whites. The conversation then ran upon the
means employed by the whites to keep on such good
terms with their spiritual instructors as to obtain from
them all the wisdom used in our civilization.
It is not an exaggerated statement to say that, in
the long run, every hundred dollars expended in bring
ing the troublesome leaders of Indian tribes to Wash
ington, and in returning them to their homes, saves ten
thousand dollars to the Government by averting wars
with tribes when leaders have been pacified, and often
satisfied, by means of this common sense feature of a
wise general policy.

TEXT OF THE SECOND TREATY WITH THE UTE
INDIANS
Letter from the Secretary of the Interior in Relation to an
Agreement Concluded with the Ute Indians in
Colorado September 13th, 1873.
January 12th, 1874, Referred to Committee on Indian Affairs
and Ordered to be Printed.
Department of the Interior,
Washington, D. C, January 10, 1874.
Sir : I have the honor, herewith, to" lay before Congress,
for the consideration and action of that body, an agreement
concluded with certain Ute Indians, September 13th, 1873, by
special commissioners designated by this department, in accord-

Appendix 367

ance with the act of Congress approved April 23rd, 1872, en
titled "An act authorizing the Secretary of the Interior to make
certain negotiations with the Ute Indians in Colorado." (Stat
utes at Large, vol. 17, p. $5.)
A copy of letter dated the 9th instant, from the Commis
sioner of Indian Affairs, submitting said agreement to this
department, is enclosed.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Columbus Delano,
Secretary.
The Speaker of the House of Representatives.
Articles of convention, made and entered into at the Los
Pinos agency for the Ute Indians, on the 13th day of Septem
ber, 1873, by and between Felix R. Brunot, commissioner in
behalf of the United States, and the chiefs, head men and men
'of the Uncompahgre, Tabequache, Mouache, Capote, Weemi
nuche, Yampa, Grand River and Uintah bands of Ute Indians,
witnesseth :
That whereas, a treaty was made with the confederated
bands of the Ute Nation on the 2nd day of March, A. D. 1868,
and proclaimed by the President of the United States on the
6th day of November, 1868, the second article of which defines
by certain lines the limits of a reservation to be owned and
occupied by the Ute Indians; and whereas, by act of Congress
approved April 23rd, 1872, the Secretary of the Interior was
authorized and empowered to enter into negotiations with the
Ute Indians in Colorado for the extinguishment of their right
to a certain portion of said reservation, and a commission was
appointed on the 1st day of July, 1872, to conduct said nego
tiation; and whereas, said negotiation having failed, owing to
the refusal of said Indians to relinquish their right to any por-

368 Appendix

tion of said reservation, a new commission was appointed by
the Secretary of the Interior by letter of June 2nd, 1873, to
conduct said negotiation ;
Now, therefore, Felix R. Brunot, commissioner of the
United States, and the chiefs and people of the Uncompahgre,
Tabequache, Mouache, Capote, Weeminuche, Yampa, Grand
River and Uintah, the confederated bands of the Ute Nation
do enter into the following agreement :
Article 1. The confederated band of the Ute Nation
hereby relinquish to the United States all right, title and claim,
and interest in and to the following described portion of the
reservation heretofore conveyed to them by the United States,
viz.: Beginning at a point on the eastern boundary of said
reservation, fifteen miles due north of the southern boundary
of the Territory of Colorado, and running thence west on a line
parallel to the said southern boundary to a point on said line
twenty miles due east of the western boundary of Colorado
Territory; thence north by a line parallel with the western
boundary to a point ten miles north of the point where said line
intersects the 38th parallel of north latitude ; thence east to the
eastern boundary of the Ute reservation, and thence south along
said boundary to the place of beginning ; provided, that if any
part of the Uncompahgre Park shall be found to extend south
of the north line of said described country, the same is not
intended to be included therein, and is hereby reserved and
retained as a portion of the Ute reservation.
Article 2. The United States shall permit the Ute Indians .
to hunt upon said lands so long as the game lasts and the In
dians are at peace with the white people.

Appendix 369

Article 3. The United States agrees to set apart and hold
as a perpetual trust for the Ute Indians a sum of money, or its
equivalent in bonds, which shall be sufficient to produce the
sum of twenty-five thousand dollars ($25,000) per annum,
which sum of twenty-five thousand dollars ($25,000) per an
num shall be disbursed or invested at the discretion of the
President, or as he may direct, for the use and benefit of the
Ute Indians, annually forever.
Article 4. The United States agrees, so soon as the Presi
dent may deem it necessary or expedient, to erect proper build
ings and establish an agency for the Weeminuche, Mouache
and Capote bands of Ute Indians at some suitable point to be
hereafter selected, on the southern part of the Ute reservation.
Article 5. All the provisions of the treaty of 1868, not
altered by this agreement, shall continue in force, and the fol
lowing words from article 2 of said treaty, viz. :
"The United States now solemnly agrees that no persons,
except those herein authorized to enter upon Indian reserva-?
tions in discharge of duties enjoined by law, shall ever be per
mitted to pass over, settle upon or reside in the territory de
scribed in this article, except as herein otherwise provided," are
hereby expressly reaffirmed, except so far as they applied to
the country herein relinquished.
Article 6. In consideration of the services of Ouray, head
chief of the Ute Nation, he shall receive a salary of one thou
sand dollars ($1,000.00) per annum for the term of ten years,
or so long as he shall remain head chief of the Utes, and at
peace with the people of the United States.

370 Appendix

Article 7. This agreement is subject to ratification or re
jection by the Congress of the United States and of the Presi
dent. Felix R. Brunot,
(seal) Special Commissioner.
Attest :
Thomas K. Cree,
Secretary.
James Phillips, M.D.,
John Lawrence,
Interpreters.
(Here follow the names of 304 Indians of the tribes noted
as above.)

THIRD TREATY— 1880
Executive Documents,
Third Session, 46th Congress.
chapter 223.
An act to accept and ratify the agreement submitted by the
confederated bands of Ute Indians in Colorado, for the
sale of their reservation in said state, and for other pur
poses, and to make the necessary appropriations for carry
ing out the same. {June 15th, 1880.)
Whereas, certain of the chiefs and head men of the con
federated bands of the Ute tribe of Indians, now present in the
city of Washington, have agreed upon and submitted to the
Secretary of the Interior an agreement for the sale to the United
States of their present reservation in the State of Colorado,
their settlement upon lands in severalty, and for other pur
poses; and

Appendix 37 1

Whereas, the President of the United States has sub
mitted said agreement, with his approval of the same, to the
Congress of the United States for acceptance and ratification,
and for the necessary legislation to carry the same into effect;
Therefore, be it enacted by the Senate and House of Rep
resentatives of the United States of America in Congress assem
bled, that the said agreement be, and the same is hereby, ac
cepted, ratified and confirmed; provided, that the said agree
ment shall be amended by adding to the first clause thereof,
after the words "guilty parties", the words following, to wit:
"Until such surrender or apprehension, or until the President
shall be satisfied that the guilty parties are no longer living or
have fled beyond the limits of the United States, the proportion
of the money, hereinafter provided, coming to that portion of
the Ute Indians known as the White River Utes, except for
removal and settlement, shall not be paid" ; and by adding to
the third express condition of said agreement after the word
"forever", the words following, to wit: "Provided, That the
President of the United States may, in his discretion, appro
priate an amount thereof, not exceeding ten thousand dollars,
for the education in schools established within or beyond the
limits of the lands selected, of such youths of both sexes as in
his judgment may be best qualified to make proficiency in prac
tical industries and pursuits necessary for their self-support,
and out of the portion of said moneys coming to the White
River Utes the United States shall pay annually to the follow
ing named persons, during the period of twenty years, if they
shall live so long, the following sums, respectively: To Mrs.
Arivella D. Meeker, five hundred dollars; to Miss Josephine
Meeker, five hundred dollars; to Mrs. Sophronia Price, five
hundred dollars; to Mrs. Maggie Gordon, five hundred dol-

372 Appendix

lars; to George Dresser, two hundred dollars; to Mrs. Sarah
M. Post, five hundred dollars; to Mrs. Eaton, mother of
George Eaton, two hundred dollars ; to the parents of Arthur
L. Thompson, two hundred dollars ; to the father of Fred Shep
ard, two hundred dollars; to the parents of Wilmer Eskridge,
two hundred dollars" ; and by adding to the fifth express con
dition of said agreement after word "reaffirmed", the words
following, to wit: "This sum, together with the annuity of
fifty thousand dollars hereinbefore provided, may in the dis
cretion of Congress at the end of twenty-five years, be capital
ized, and the principal sum be paid to said Indians per capita
in lieu of said annuities." And provided also, That three-
fourths of the adult male members of said confederated bands
shall agree to and sign said agreement, upon presentation of
the same to them, in open council, in the manner hereinafter
provided. Provided further, That nothing in this act con
tained, or in the agreement herein set forth, or in the amend
ments herein proposed to said agreement, shall be so construed
as to compel any Ute Indian to remove from any lands that
he or she claims in severalty. Said agreement is in words and
figures as follows, namely:
The chiefs and head men of the confederated bands of the
Utes now present in Washington hereby promise and agree to
procure the surrender to the United States, for trial and pun
ishment, if found guilty, of those members of their nation, not
yet in the custody of the United States, who were implicated
in the murder of United States Indian Agent N. C. Meeker,
and the murder of and outrages upon the employees of the
White River Agency on the twenty-ninth day of September,
eighteen hundred and seventy-nine, and in case they do not
themselves succeed in apprehending the said parties, presum-

Appendix 373

ably guilty of the above mentioned crime, that they will not in
any manner obstruct, but faithfully aid, any officers of the
United States, directed by the proper authorities, to apprehend
such presumably guilty parties.
The said chiefs and head men of the confederated bands of
Utes also agree and promise to use their best endeavors with
their people to procure their consent to cede to the United
States all the territory of the present Ute reservation in Colo
rado, except as hereinafter provided for their settlement.
The Southern Utes agree to remove to and settle upon the
unoccupied agricultural lands on the La Plata River, in Colo
rado ; and if there should not be a sufficiency of such lands on
the La Plata River and its vicinity in Colorado, then upon such
unoccupied agricultural lands as may be found in that vicinity
and in the Territory of Utah.
The Uncompahgre Utes agree to remove to and settle upon
agricultural lands on Grand River, near the mouth of Gunni
son River, in Colorado, if a sufficient quantity of agricultural
land shall be found there ; if not, then upon such other unoccu
pied agricultural lands as may be found in that vicinity and in
the Territory of Utah.
The White River Utes agree to remove to and settle upon
agricultural lands on the Uintah reservation in Utah.
Allotments in severalty of said lands shall be made as fol
lows: To each head of a family one quarter of a section, with
an additional quantity of grazing land not exceeding one-
quarter of a section.
To each single person over eighteen years of age one-
eighth of a section, with an additional quantity of grazing land
not exceeding one-eighth of a section.

374 Appendix

To each orphan child under eighteen years of age one-
eighth of a section, with an additional quantity of grazing land
not exceeding one-eighth of a section ; and to each other person,
under eighteen years of age, now living, or who may be born
prior to said allotments, one-eighth of a section, with a like
quantity of grazing land.
All allotments to be made with the advice of the commis
sion hereinafter provided, upon the selection of the Indians,
heads of families selecting for their minor children, and the
agents making the allotment for each orphan child.
The said chiefs and head men of the confederated bands
of Utes further promise that they will not obstruct or in any
wise interfere with travel upon any of the highways now open
or hereafter to be opened by lawful authority in or upon any
of the lands to be set apart for their use by virtue of this agree
ment. The said chiefs and head men of the confederated bands
of Utes promise to obtain the consent of their people to the
cession of the territory of their reservation as above on the
following express conditions :
First: That the Government of the United States cause
the lands so set apart to be properly surveyed and to be divided
among the said Indians in severalty in the proportion herein
before mentioned, and to issue patents in fee simple to them
respectively therefor, so soon as the necessary laws are passed
by Congress. The title to be acquired by the Indians shall not
be subject to alienation, lease, or incumbrance, either by volun
tary conveyance of the grantee or by the judgment, order or
decree of any court, or subject to taxation of any character, but
shall be and remain inalienable and not subject to taxation for
the period of twenty-five years, and until such time thereafter

Appendix 375

as the President of the United States may see fit to remove the
restriction which shall be incorporated in the patents when
issued, and any contract made prior to the removal of such
restriction shall be void.
Second : That so soon as the consent of the several tribes
of the' Ute Nation shall have been obtained to the provisions
of this agreement, the President of the United States shall cause
to be distributed among them in cash the sum of sixty thousand
dollars of annuities now due and provided for, and so much
more as Congress may appropriate for that purpose; and that
a commission shall be sent to superintend the removal and
settlement of the Utes, and to see that they are well provided
with agricultural and pastoral lands sufficient for their future
support, and upon such settlement being duly effected that they
are furnished with houses, wagons, agricultural implements,
and stock cattle sufficient for their reasonable wants, and also
such saw and grist mills as may be necessary to enable them to
commence farming operations, and that the money to be appro
priated by Congress for that purpose shall be apportioned
among the different bands of Utes in the following manner:
one-third to those who settle on the La Plata River and vicin
ity, and one-sixth to those settling on the Uintah reservation.
Third : That in consideration of the cession of territory
to be made by the said confederated bands of the Ute Nation,
the United States, in addition to the annuities and sums for
provisions and clothing stipulated and provided for in existing
treaties and laws, agrees to set apart and hold, as a perpetual
trust for the said Ute Indians, a sum of money or its equiva
lent in bonds of the United States, which shall be sufficient to
produce the sum of fifty thousand dollars per annum, which

376 Appendix

sum of fifty thousand dollars shall be distributed per capita
to them annually forever.
Fourth: That as soon as the President of the United
States may deem it necessary or expedient, the agencies for the
Uncompahgre and Southern Utes be removed to and estab
lished at suitable points, to be hereafter selected, upon the lands
to be set apart, and to aid in the support of said Utes until
such time as they shall be able to support themselves, and that
in the meantime the United States Government will establish
and maintain schools in the settlements of the Utes, and make
all necessary provision for the education of their children.
Fifth : All provisions of the treaty of March second,
eighteen hundred and sixty-eight, and the act of Congress ap
proved April twenty-ninth, eighteen hundred and seventy-four,
not altered by this agreement, shall continue in force, and the
following words from article three of said act, namely, "The
United States agrees to set apart and hold, as a perpetual trust
for the Ute Indians, a sum of money or its equivalent in bonds,
which shall be sufficient to produce the sum of twenty-five thou
sand dollars per annum, which sum of twenty-five thousand
dollars per annum shall be disbursed or invested at the discre
tion of the President, or as he may direct, for the use and bene
fit of the Ute Indians forever", are hereby expressly reaffirmed.
Sixth: That the commissioners above mentioned shall
ascertain what improvements have been made by any member
or members of the Ute Nation upon any part of the reservation
in Colorado to be ceded to the United States as above, and that
payment in cash shall be made to the individuals having made
and owning such improvements upon a fair and liberal valua-

Appendix

377

tion of the same by the said commission, taking into considera
tion the labor bestowed upon the land.
Done at the city of Washington this sixth day of March,
Anno Domini eighteen hundred and eighty.
(Signed)

Shavano

His X
Mark

Ignacio

His X
Mark

Alhandra

His X
Mark

Veratziz

His X
Mark

Galota

His X
Mark

JOCKNICK

His X
Mark

Wass

His X
Mark

SOWAWICK

His X
Mark

Ouray

Witnesses :
Otto Mears, Interpreter.
Wm. H. Berry, Interpreter.
Wm. F. Burns, Interpreter.
Henry Page, United States Indian Agent, Southern Utes.
General Charles Adams, Special Agent.

378 Appendix

TEXT OF THE SOUTHERN UTE TREATY OF 1888
By an act of Congress approved in 1888 a commission was
appointed to investigate the expediency of removing the South
ern Utes to a new reservation in Utah and settling them upon
a tract about three times larger than their reservation in New
Mexico including its overlap in Colorado. The line of their
proposed reservation in Southern Utah ran seventy-five miles
along the dividing line between Colorado and Utah to the east
bank of the Colorado River; thence down that stream to the
junction of the San Juan with the Colorado; thence south
easterly along the north bank of the San Juan to the place of
beginning. Being well watered and having an abundance of game in
the Blue Mountains, which also lie on the reserve, it was there
fore a fine grazing, agricultural and hunting country, besides
possessing a mild winter climate. For years prior to 1888 it
had been their favorite hunting ground.
In due course of time the commission concluded a treaty
for the change. This was submitted to Congress by the Inte
rior Department, but it met with violent opposition from the
Indians' Rights Association of New England, and also from
certain cattle companies in Utah, and, on account of this com
bined opposition, the bill, notwithstanding that it had already
passed the House of Representatives, failed of ratification by
the Senate. It was pointed out to the Senators at the time by the In
dians' Rights Association that the proposed reservation had,
on account of its peculiar topography, become the Mecca for
all classes of criminals throughout the United States, and
would be inimical on that account to the Indians' welfare. The
fact that the Indians themselves were anxious to make this

Appendix 379

removal had no weight with the above association, for they
asserted that the Indians did not really know, under all circum
stances, what was good for them.
They further asserted that the reservation system was of
itself radically wrong for the average Indian — that if the red-
men were placed upon farms of their own they would readily
embrace civilization with all that the name implied, including
the elective franchise, and the higher duties of citizenship, hence
their remonstrance against the treaty. The various cattle com
panies alluded to, seeing in this remonstrance a coign of van
tage, likewise threw the weight of their own opposition against
the bill and helped to kill it in the Senate, consequently it never
became a law.
From this time on till the summer of 1895 the Southern
Utes pursued the even tenor of their carefree and indolent life
without interruption, but during the winter of that year pro
posals were made to them to enter into another treaty. Before
this was done, however, an act of Congress nullifying the treaty
of 1888 passed both houses. This paved the way for a new
treaty, thereupon the requisite number of Southern Utes affixed
their signatures to an "act ratifying agreement with them to
take up lands in severalty." The proposition, however, was
not forced upon them as an ultimatum, as had been done to
their brethren in Colorado just after the Meeker massacre, for
it had been recognized at Washington that, inasmuch as they
had been peaceably disposed towards the whites and took no
part in the White River outbreak, their desires would not be
violated by drastic legislative proceedings. Such of their num
ber as desired to remain on their old reservation in New Mex
ico and the forty-mile strip in Colorado could do so without
molestation ; that they were at liberty to take lands in severalty,

380 Appendix

or not. They were also informed that, if they so elected, they
might move to Uintah and take land in severalty in Northern
Utah, where the Allied Utes were then living. A sufficient
number of them, however, signed this agreement to take land
in severalty in so far as there remained in New Mexico and
Colorado a sufficient acreage for this partial allotment, and for
the balance of it to be made good to those who might so elect
in the unoccupied lands in Northern Utah, where 800,000 acres
were reserved for the Ute Nation as a whole. * * *

THE SOUTHERN UTES' TREATY RELATIVE TO
LANDS ON LA PLATA AND OTHER RIVERS
IN COLORADO AND NEW MEXICO
An act approved February 20th, 1895.
Statutes at Large,
Vol. 28, page 677.
An act to disapprove the treaty heretofore made with the South
ern Ute Indians to be removed to the Territory of Utah,
and providing for settling them down in severalty where
they may so elect and are qualified, and to settle all those
not electing to take lands in severalty on the west forty
miles of present reservation and in portions of New Mex
ico, and for other purposes, and to carry out the provisions
of the treaty with said Indians June fifteenth, eighteen
hundred and eighty.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That
the agreement made by J. Montgomery Smith, Thomas S.

Appendix 381

Childs and R. B. Weaver, commissioners on the part of the
United States, with the Southern Ute Indians of Colorado,
bearing date November thirteenth, eighteen hundred and eighty-
eight, be, and the same is hereby, annulled, and the treaty
made with said Indians June fifteenth, eighteen hundred and
eighty, be carried out as herein provided, and as further pro
vided by general law for settling Indians in severalty.
Section 2. That within six months after the passage of
this act, the Secretary of the Interior shall cause allotment of
land, in severalty, to be made to such of the Southern Ute
Indians in Colorado as may elect and be considered by him
qualified to take the same out of the agricultural lands em
braced in their present reservation in Colorado, such allotments
to be made in accordance with the provisions of the act of Con
gress approved June fifteenth, eighteen hundred and eighty,
entitled "An act to accept and ratify the agreement submitted
by the confederated bands of Ute Indians in Colorado for the
sale of their reservation in s'aid state, and for other purposes,
and to make the necessary appropriations for carrying out the
same", and the amendments thereto, as far as applicable hereto,
and the treaties heretofore made with said Indians; Provided,
That Indians taking allotments as herein provided shall retain
their interest in all tribal property.
Section 3. That for the sole and exclusive use and occu
pancy of such of said Indians as may not elect or be deemed
qualified to take allotments of land in severalty, as provided
in the preceding section, there shall be, and is hereby, set apart
and reserved all that portion of their present reservation lying
west of the range line between ranges thirteen and fourteen
west of the New Mexico principal meridian, and also all of

382 Appendix

townships thirty-one and thirty-two of ranges fourteen and fif
teen and sixteen west of the New Mexico principal meridian,
and lying in the Territory of New Mexico, subject, however,
to the right of the Government to erect and maintain agency
buildings thereon, and to grant rights of way through the same
for railroads, irrigation ditches, highways, and other necessary
purposes; and the Government shall maintain an agency at
some suitable place on said lands so reserved.
Section 4. That at the expiration of six months from the
passage of this act the President of the United States shall
issue his proclamation declaring the lands embraced within the
present reservation of said Indians, except such portions as
may have been allotted or reserved under the provisions of the
preceding sections of this act, open to occupancy and settlement,
and thereupon said lands shall be and become a part of the
public domain of the United States, and shall be subject to
entry under the desert, homestead and townsite laws and the
laws governing the disposal of coal, mineral, stone and timber
lands ; but no homestead settler shall receive a title to any por
tion of such lands at less than one dollar and twenty-five cents
per acre, and shall be required to make a cash payment of fifty
cents per acre at the time filing is made upon any of said lands ;
Provided, That before said lands shall be open to public settle
ment the Secretary of the Interior shall cause the improvements
belonging to the Indians on the lands now occupied by them to
be appraised and sold at public sale to the highest bidder, ex
cept improvements on lands allotted to the Indians in accord
ance with the provisions of this act. No sale of such improve
ments shall be made for less than the appraised value, and the
several purchasers of said improvements shall, for thirty days
after the issuance of the President's proclamation, have the

Appendix 383

preference right of entry of the lands upon which the improve
ments purchased by him are situated; Provided further, That
the said purchase shall not exceed one hundred and sixty acres ;
And provided further, That the proceeds of the sale of such
improvements shall be paid to the Indians owning the same.
Section 5. That out of the moneys first realized from the
sale of said lands so opened up to public settlement there shall
be paid to said Indians the sum of fifty thousand dollars, as
follows : Five thousand dollars annually for ten years, and,
when paid, the money to be equally divided among all of said
Indians per capita, irrespective of age or sex; also the sum of
twenty thousand dollars of said proceeds shall be paid to the
Secretary of the Interior, who shall invest the same in sheep,
and divide the said sheep among the said Indians per capita
equally, irrespective of age or sex ; also to Ignacio, head chief ;
to Buckskin Charlie, as chief of the Mouaches, and Mariano,
as chief of the Weeminuches, the sum of five hundred dollars
each ; also to Tapucke and Tabewatch, as chief of the Capotes,
the sum of two hundred and fifty dollars each; that the bal
ance of the money realized from the sale of lands, after de
ducting the expenses of sale and survey, shall be held in the
Treasury of the United States in trust for the sole use and
benefit of said Southern Ute Indians.
That nothing herein provided shall in any manner be
construed to change or interfere with the rights of said Indians
under any other existing treaty regarding any annuities or trust
funds or the interest thereon.
Section 6. That the foregoing provisions of this act shall
take effect only upon the acceptance thereof and consent thereto
by a majority of the male adult Indians now located or residing

384 Appendix

upon the reservation, which acceptance shall be at once obtained
under such regulations as the Secretary of the Interior may
prescribe.

Approved February 20, 1905,