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The Race Question, in America. -

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A NORTHMAN SOUTH;

OR,

The Race Problem in America.

BY A NORTHERN MAN WHO HAS SPENT MANY YEARS, IN TRAVRI,
AND LIFE, IN OUR SOUTHERN STATES.

HISTORY OF THE COLORED BROTHER:
HIS PRESENT CONDITION HERE, AND
WHAT TO DO WITH HIM.

JOSHtA HIT, I.,
Author ani.» Publisher,
25 West Six^h Street, Cincinnati, O.
1S90.

YALE

A NORTHMAN SOUTH.

PART I.

It is not intended in the discussion of the race ques
tion in this article to enter »into details. This is reserved
for the future publications of the Appeal on this subject,
as its various phases shall become better developed, and
its conditions are more fully realized in a general seuse.
Many of its main elements are so manifestly true and
-simple that a recital of evidences to prove them would
but tire on unprejudiced and honest mind.
It is not intended to urge herein the immediate adoption
of any measure yet suggested, as the real solution of
this race problem. The people of no part of the country
are ready for it, for the reason that they do not know
•each other truly, nor even fairly well. In addition, they,
-as a mass, know comparatively nothing of the disturbing
constituent involved — the negro race — and the trouble
some conditions surrounding the question ; hence they
cannot appreciate, properly and fully, the situation.
Since lack of knowledge develops prejudice, excites
envy, and leads to unwise decisions, it would be danger
ous to rely upon a public sentiment so poorly qualified
to pronounce judgment in a matter so important, so
diversified, and so vital.
To those who have a reasonable knowledge of race
history, combined with a personal knowledge of the
people of the different parts of the United States, the

4 A Northman South.
heroic and ultimate remedy for local "solidity" in poli
tics, social diseases, internal bickerings, fears, riots, butch
eries, and the next " Impending Crisis," seems to have
suggested itself.
In this paper the attempt will be made to outline, in
a general way, the arguments of those who advocate the
necessity of the colonization of the colored race, and the
various ways and means suggested for the accomplish
ment of that object.
What is believed to be « -wiser system of action at pres
ent, in order to avoid dissensions and disasters, and to
lead to an intelligent and just settlement of this question .
finally, will be made plain and advocated in the succeed
ing number.
The colonizationists set forth the past history of the
colored race, their present condition, their passionate
natures, and their other characteristics as evidences of
their inevitable future. The proofs presented by them,
they contend, are conclusive. The examples they quote
reach from to-day to 4,000 years ago, and the results are
before every one who desires to see and to know them.
The other party involved in this struggle — the white
population — is admittedly great and patriotic, but pas
sive and divided. Their liberties and wealth are possi
bly not at stake, but a united, harmonious country, its
homes and families, its morals, its peace, and its great
labor interests largely are.
Great interests, the continued prosperity of sections
and States — 'members of our national body — are depend
ent, it is claimed, on the prompt adoption of a proper
course of action in the solution of this problem. Not
only their peace, happiness, and safety, but their enter
prise, prosperity, and the revenues they yield the nation,

A Northman South. 5
depend on a wise, practical determination by Govern
ment, or by the people of the whole country, of this
present great and growing exigency.
No fair observing man conversant with the facts will
deny that as black is the opposite of white, the two pre
vailing races here are not harmonious, prosperous, nor
peaceful together, never were — out of slavery — anywhere,
and never can be when in nearly equal numbers. Party
prejudice and hate do not hide nor deaden this fact. They
simply gloss it over or pass it by.
The colonizationists further claim a great increase in
numbers of the young and a rapid decrease in the num
ber of the old colored people and of mulattoes, which but
add stronger and more treacherous conditions ; while
education but gives force and system to a dislike for con
tentment and labor. Education fails to develop business
•qualities, Conservatism, sense, industry, energy, or eleva
tion, except in an occasional mixed prodigy, where
negroes exist in large numbers. ,
Our late census enumerations show the great increase
here of this race, particularly in the Northern tiers of
States, and the excessive numbers in the Southern tiers.
Personal experiences with it, alone, prove conclusively its
gradual degeneracy ; hence but comparatively few are
aware ofthe great extent of it. Few who know the facts
are interested in publishing them, and the large majority
are interested in concealing them — at least temporarily,
for either political or financial reasons.
While newspaper reports on this situation may not
always be accurate, yet those of one party tell many
truths, where the whites, in the Southern tiers of States,
are blamed, while those ofthe opposing party are laden
daily with accounts of theft, outrages, riots, and miniature

6 A Northman South.
race wars, where the blacks are truly given as the
aggressors. Many "Northern" people value the service of the
colored race, also their votes. The same holds true where
their numbers increase representation in Congress, and
where custom and use have made colored labor to be pre
ferred by many, and where, too, they are supposed to be
hardier and do more labor during the hot seasons under
the "Southern sun."
The present truly threatening aspect of the race ques
tion is overlooked by mauy (who, if not knowing to, are
suspicious of the facts) through sympathy — it may be
mistaken, misplaced, uncalled-for sympathy, but it is
honest. These argue that as the negro was coaxed, hired,.
and forced to come to this country originally, that it
would not be at least nice to coax, hire, or force his de
scendants to return to the indigenous clime, soil, and
companionship. That the forefathers of all of us, the
first real settlers of the land, brought or enslaved him
here, now they claim they would let part of their descend
ants bear with him, educate him, and attempt to elevate
him at their expense and at an enormous risk and damage
to their morals, finances, and peace, now that he is free.
While the various reasons assigned for keeping and in
creasing the colored race in this country may seem to
them short-sighted principle and policy, and senseless
sentimentalism, yet those people who give these reasons
are many, and mostly voice their earnest present feelings.
While most of the great naturalists, anthropologists,
and practical successful men who have given the subject
attention, declare that the negro of to-day is the negro of
a century and of forty centuries ago and without change ;
and while most ofthe more patriotic and able statesmen

A Northman South. y
this country has produced — including the ablest aboli
tionists — have declared for the removal and colonization
of the colored race to more congenial ground, yet the
masses are not educated up to the measure, as they were
not to the abolition of slavery until the civil war was pre
cipitated. We are supposed to know that the white race has ever
been one of progress, civilization, and improvement in
, everything, mental, spiritual, and material; that it is the
race that discovered this country, subdued and governs
it ; opened its farms and directs them ; originated and con
structed its roads, canals, ships, railroads, telegraphs,
mills, factories, and cities. We know, too, that the leaders
and the most noted of the race have generally been and
are "self-made," and had poor opportunities in capital,
friends, and education.
With the opposite race — the blacks — what of their
history and present status, not here alone, but the world
over? Brevity being necessary, and evidence sometimes
demanded, the unprejudiced testimony given, in mind and
at hand, is here subjoined.
First, in reference to the " Unity of the Races." This
leads back to origin, and it seems as reasonable, with all
the knowledge of the present day, to debate it as to pon
der upon the material and construction of the gates ot
Heaven.
i We doubtless know as much of our origin as of the
origin of the plants, fish, or even the earth itself, no
more. But from and through archaeology, history, and
the printing press, we have positive proofs that the negro
has been for centuries, and the world over, what he is to
day. The greatest observers, travelers, scientists, in
vestigators, as well as ethnographers and ethnologists the

8 A Northman South.
past has produced, and whose service, sense, and success
have stamped their names high and lasting in these de
partments of knowledge and progression, nearly unani
mously agree to a sameness of the qualities, abilities, and
habits of this race for ages.

PART II.

In a quite thorough reading of this subject of race, in
probably a dozen works by different writers, taken pro
miscuously from the ethnological department of one of our
greatest libraries, not a book was found but what stated
and proved the great lack of progress in this race under
any and all conditions for hundreds of centuries back.
These writers were mostly Europeans and of distant as
well as late eras. These expressions on the subjects of
unity, equality, progression, etc., of the race, are fairly
represented by these virtual quotations thus given,
simply for brevity. It ma}' be well questioned whether
what are now called varieties of race would not have
been regarded as distinct species had zoologists had the
courage to apply to man the differentiation applied to
other animals. There is a much wider difference between
the white men of Western Europe and the Bushmen of
South Africa than between many different species of
other animals.
Divest the African negro and European white of out
side covering, even to the skeletons, and then a child can
tell the difference. * * * Many ethnological writers
have classed the species of man as White and Black.
The African is as inferior to the Mongol and Malay as

A Northman South. 9
are the Mongol and Malay inferior to the Caucasian.
Livingstone says that " even under the burning sun of
his own natural habitation, the white endures more
physically than the negro."
The negro has had undisputed sway of the whole Afri
can continent with all its variety of climate for all time,
Yet he has never developed anything ; no science, no art,
but the rudest ; no literature, no cities, temples, ships,
morals, or religion ; nothing above the average animal or
brute. As there are great differences in all nature from plan
ets to insects, so in man. * * * These facts should not
make enmity, but care and charity, as between the father
and the undeveloped child.
The dark races have ever in the end succumbed to the
white, and generally been extirpated entirely. The white
has cared for neither frost and ice nor heat; has over
come everj' trial in every zone; endured all hardships
and accomplished all good results. He has risen from a
lower plane, while the black has descended to his old
status whenever temporarily raised. To this all agree so
far as history, geology, and science go. But if the negro
was ever higher than now in nativity, there are no signs;
if lower, he was but a brute.
The most highly endowed and docile of the lower
animals are now as they ever were, and if man cannot
subdue the forces of nature, they dominate over him.
No harmonizing scheme can, however real and earnest,
or by association, change the destiny of the races or estop
the higher and better from dominating. There can be
no amalgamating of the races, of widely different types,
to be permanent or beneficial to the lower, while degrad
ing to the higher. Interference with nature and her in-

io A Northman South.
stincts has always entailed the most disastrous failures,
affecting the body, mind, and moral perceptions.
Dr. Knox, of the Academy of Medicine of France, says
" that in colored persons the nerves of the limbs are at
least one-third less than those of the Saxon man;" inhisex-
aminations, and " in instruction and reason the races differ
in corresponding degree. These show in governments, as
in Mexico, Central and South America, are pre-ordained
laws of nature and the will of God."
Look at Egypt, at the shores of the Mediterranean, the
Island of Rhodes, and say if civilization has made pro
gress. Look at Ireland, Canada and Englaud, Prussia and
Posen, Austria and Hungary. The rule of the Tedeschi
is no longer endured in Italy ; Saxon-Germans detest
Slavonians. Well-meaning, timid persons dread the question of
race, but these things will assert, and must be met. Yet
are they simple. Race is everything in human history,
not accidental or convertible.
"The Saxon race is about to dominate the world," so
said Napoleon.
Gild, excuse, contrive as any may, the continuous, po
litical, and social wars ever have been based on and
resulted from race differences, and far future predictions
of wars of race against race have been remarkably ful
filled. The Fleming and the Saxon-Dutch could not more
amalgamate than the black aud the white in America,
save among the more depraved of the latter. Under
any condition, clime or soil, the Ethiopian can not change
his skin or nature.
"Varieties of man belong more to geological periods

A Northman South. 1 1
than to geographical regions," says the distinguished and
truly great Dr. Page of Scotland. He adds that love,
truth, morality, and progress attach to the white, but not
to the black, and that the latter are conceded to be the
most ancient.
All history is recent and partial. Man must have strug
gled onward and upward for ages before he became a re
corder of his own history ; the bulk was lost, and tradi
tions, with their fancies and actions, are gone. As far
back, however, as history goes, the races of men, like all
species of animals, have been absolutely the same, and
excavation and geology have doubly fortified the fact.
They have, too, always been as distinct as now. Scien
tists claim that transcendental anatomy can alone explain
this mysterious truth. The Celt has been tried in Syria,
Egypt, Greece, Corsica, Algiers, Canada, and St. Domingo
for 4,000 years; but he is as much Celt to-day as ever be
fore. Some predict that where he is with a mixed popu
lation he will some day rashly test their governments.
They claim he "abuses liberty, and fails to appreciate
good use."
The demonstrations and proofs of Cuvier are regarded
as final in reference to the permanency of all animal life
now on the globe. It is equally conceded that the dark
races have and do extend from pole to pole in every zone,
and have, since the earliest times, been the slaves of the
lighter brothers, which Gibbon explains as " resulting^
from the inferiority of the negro." But who is there not
of the same honest opinion?
In size, shape, and quality of brain, in physical strength,
proportion, and size, they are inferior. Their skulls are
different (and set differently), as are their jaws, noses, and
muscles. They are peculiar in many other ways, as in hair,

12 A Northman South.
odor, etc.; and association or proximity are degrading and
injurious, because against nature.
Where lands have been subjugated and successfully
civilized and advanced, the dark races have been forced
to retreat.
The difference iu species of the Africans who live ad
joining and intermingle, is as great as it probably ever was,
and those of South Africa, and especially the Bosjesman
and Hottentot, differ as much from their fellow-man as
do the animals of South Africa and America. This
holds largely true of the natives in Australia, Tasmania,
Oceauica, Borneo, Malay, Hindostan, Madagascar, Suma
tra, the Eastern isles, and, well-known to us, of the tribes
of our aborigines. They are too deficient in evej^ything
above the brute to even leave a history. That climate
has not done this, is conceded by the intelligent on the
subject ; for the dark races were originally natives (and
are largely yet), from pole to pole, from the land of the
Esquimaux of the North to the coldest habitable point
in the Southern seas. They naturally drift, however, to
ward lazier climes, to live off of bounties, there natural
and wild.
The Parsees settled in India a thousand years ago, and,
opposing intermarriage, are now of the same complexion
and habits as when they left Persia.

A Northman South. 13

PART III.
Further testimony 011 these points, though possibly
11 ot demanded, is nevertheless instructive as showing
the opposileness of the white and black races. Cuvier, in
his great work, "The Animal Kingdom," says : "The negro
evidently approximates to the monkey tribe: is the most
degraded race among men, and approaches in form the
nearest to the inferior animals." Prof. Agassiz says :
" The chimpanzee and the gorilla do not differ more
than do the Mandingo and Guinea negro. These, do
not differ more from the ourang-outang than the Malay
or white man differs from the negro." Thereafter he
follows with positive proofs.
Dr. James Hunt, when president of the leading an
thropological society in Europe, wrote that the differences
between whites and blacks are much greater morally and
mentally than physically, as demonstrated.
They congregate in cities and towns, and if their
association with the whites be of any benefit to them,
it is tenfold times offset by open and insidious evils to
the whites. They set examples of indolence and inef
ficiency, loose morals, and slovenliness.
They bring choleras, fevers ; and even diseases in our
brute animals have been traced in origin to the coun
tries of the dark races.
As the Turk is the sick man of the east, so is the
negro of the west. White is life. Dark is death. It is
the shade of filth, smoke, mourning, climatic disasters, etc.,
as pictured by the Bible, by poets, and the world at large.
It is never called a color of beauty and of joy ; no

14 A Northman South.
natural black flower blooms in the universe, nor is there
a painting representiug beauty and innocence which is
black, or mainly so.
Facts given to illustrate facts are the reverse of indica
ting prejudice, but rather reason. We need not ask for
the name of one pure negro who has distinguished him
self as a man of science: a statesman, warrior, author,
poet or artist, or that ever advanced further in intellect
than an intelligent boy of fourteen years of age. But
few such of mixed bloods can be found, though aided in
every material and friendly way.
The Foreign Review once said : " That these races
may be made equal to white men by education, is an
entire delusion.", Commander Pirn said : "The mummy
head of a negress, and the earliest facial hieroglyphics
along the banks of the Nile, are still preserved and bear
all the characteristics of the race of the present day. He
was then a menial and the lowest type of man, and so
remains." All proofs show them unchanged since the
time when Greece and Rome first wrote history with pen,
chisel, or brush. Virgil says:
" From Afric' ; she, the swain's sole serving maid,
Whose face and form her birth alike betrayed,
With woolly locks, lips tumid, sable skin," etc.
The sculptures carry us back thousands of years before
the Christian era, and on many of them we find the exact
counterpart of the negro of to-day.
Whether he be the progeny of Cain or Canaan, the son
of Ham or of a black Adam and Eve, there is but one
opinion among travelers — that the negro is superstitious,
brutal, sensual, easily led, unambitious, slow and low,
and as Benjamin Franklin said : " They remain to-day as
they were 4,000 years ago. They know no moral code, sense

A Northman South. 15
of a Deity, of duty, or of truth." They are all for
present ; and energy and intelligence never combine in
them ; all their associations with the highest civilizations,
and with full civil rights, have failed to improve them
permanently, while they have ever been a load and a
source of demoralization to the improving race.
The loss to the world of all that is African would
take nothing but a list of crimes and debasing influences.
Parke, Foote, Alison, and Forster substantially say
" they are only fit subjects for service under strict dis
cipline, and take benevolence for fear." And the latter
had fifty years' experience among them.
The fact of their condition, capacity, and continuous
serfdom denote that it is an effect of their low origin
and natures, rather than the cause. Equality, which no
race acknowledges among themselves, is simply crimi
nal and absurd between races the exact opposite of each
other; and while not elevating the one, debases the
other. The query of Dr. Seemau, when president of a Euro
pean ethnological society, " Why the advocates of negro
equality and fraternity do not make practical applica
tions of their theory to themselves and families," is old,
and has been wondered at by thousands. He further
said : " That the negro can exist in a community of Anglo-
Saxons on terms of political or social equality is impos
sible." This, too, is endorsed by those whose bitter
partisanship and " holy hatred " and prejudice have not
blinded their natural sentiments. Eet them act out
their sensible belief. Though portions of our country
contain none of the negro race but the most ambitious,
healthy, active, and intelligent, yet even these, with the

1 6 A Northman South.
hearsay knowledge of the mass, are evidences sufficient
for this belief.
In the matter of. colonization by voluntary emigration
but little need be shown to prove that most of the colo
nies of negroes have been total failures in any improve
ment of them, and Liberia, Jamaica, and Hayti are illus
trious examples of them, but it has never been well
tried on an American plan. It is claimed for the coloni
zation (under a Government Protectorate) of the active
and rapidly increasing portion of this race, now in this
country, that it will protect them from abuse, etc.. now
charged, give them free opportunity in a fertile, con
genial land, where all obstacles can be easily removed ;
give them a climate better suited to them, as claimed ;
settle the breach, dissensions, and chasm between adjoin
ing parts of this beloved land ; take rancor and ignorant
elements out of our politics ; elevate our white brothers,
especially of the coming generation ; destroy solidity in
politics, in States and sections ; make agreeable room
and opportunity for the energy, providence, and improve
ment of the race — which made this country what it is —
by displacing sloth, slovenliness, degeneracy, and decline. .
Charity, of the true, sensible sort, begins at home,
with the home folks, but this is claimed as a charity
which covers and benefits all — -the white and black
alike, they say.
The leading leaders in the movement for the abolition
of slavery had in mind and heart, as will be briefly
shown herein, the colonization of the race they labored
so assiduously, earnestly, and continuously to free.

A Northman South. 17

PART IV.
Passing the humanitarians of all past ages, and begin
ning at " the Father of his country," George Washing
ton is quoted. He says in letters to Lafayette, Franklin,
Pinckney, Robert Morris, and others, that he desired the
emancipation of the race, with removal and colonization
in the land from which they were decoyed and forced
in our earliest days. In April, 1783, he wrote to Lafay
ette : " The benevolence of your heart, my dear Mar
quis, is so conspicuous on all occasions that I never
wonder at any fresh proofs of it ;¦ but your late purchase
of an estate in the Island of Cayenne, with the view of
emancipating the slaves on it, is a generous and noble
proof of your humanity. Would to God a like spirit
might diffuse itself generally into the minds of the peo
ple of this country." In other letters he calls the effects
of this element direful, etc. ; and gives in his will as a
reason for holding slaves that they were intermixed with
dower negroes whom he had no power to free. On his
decease, Mrs. Washington, learning this, gave up the
dower and freed them.
Thomas Jefferson declared in 1774 that " The aboli
tion of domestic slavery is the greatest object of desire
in these colonies, where it was unhappily introduced in
their infant state. Our repeated attempts to stop im
portations of them have been hitherto defeated by his
Majesty's negative ; thus preferring the immediate ad
vantage of African Corsairs to the lasting interests of
the American States." He further said that " The two
races in our country will produce convulsions, and
probably never end but in the extermination of the

1 8 A Northman South.
one or the other race. * * * It is certain that
the two races, equally free, cannot live under the same
government." The Randolphs, Madison, Patrick Henry,
Benton, Mason, Pinckney, Marshall, Birney, and others,
voiced this sentiment equally as strong.
In 1850 Henry Clay said in the United States Senate :
" Sir, when you reproach (and justly, too) our British
ancestors for the introduction of this institution upon
the continent of America, I am, for one, unwilling that
the posterity of the present inhabitants of California
and New Mexico shall reproach us for doing just what
we reproach Great Britain for doing to us."
Daniel Webster said in the fifth volume of his works :
" If any gentleman from the South shall propose a
scheme to be carried on by this Government upon a
large scale, for the transportation of the colored people
to any colony or any place in the world, I should be
quite disposed to incur almost any degree of expense to
accomplish that object." Henry Clay endorsed the
same principle.
Wm. H. Seward said that " The abolitionists have no
unnatural sympathy with the negro, but concern for the
white man."
Abraham Lincoln said iu 1862, to a visiting negro
delegation: "Why should not the people of your race
be colonized? Why should they not leave this country?
This is perhaps the first question for consideration.
You and we are a different race. We have between us
a broader difference than exists between almost any other
two races. This physical difference is a great disadvan
tage to us both, as I think your race suffers greatly,
many of them, by living with us, while ours suffers
from your presence. In a word, we suffer on each side.

A Northman South. 19
You may believe you can live in Washington, or else
where in the United States the remainder of your lives,
perhaps more comfortably than you could in any foreign
country ; hence you may come to the conclusion that
you have nothing to do with the idea of going to a for
eign country ; but you ought to do something to help
those who are not so fortunate as yourselves. * * *
For the sake of your race you should sacrifice something
of your present comfort, for the purpose of being as
grand in that respect as the white people." Wm. H.
Seward, Joshua Giddings, Horace Greeley, Garrett Smith,
Beecher, Emerson, Thompson, all voiced the same senti
ments, either publicly or privately; and though they
knew more of the race than do the masses of our people
now, or their leaders, yet they did not fully know that
their sense of genuine gratitude, true grandness, or real
sacrifice is but nominal, for they have no place for the
deposit of a seed of these qualities in their natures.
It is necessary to go to the end of the cause of con
ditions to determine remedies and judicious action.
The fountain head and cause of a race question and cri
sis, the colonizationists declare, is the existence, in large
numbers, of blacks among the whites in any, country
owned and inhabited by a white race.
Those who opposed slavery because the system was
eating out the vitals of our Southern States, would, they
claim, oppose the continued increase of the black race
there now, free, massed, and degenerating as they are.
Those who desire all parts of their country to improve,
increase, and to yield credit and revenue to the govern
ment, must oppose confining this race therein, for it shuts
out those who build factories, houses, shops, public im
provements, and at the same time builds up what they

20 A Northman South.
draw support and surplus from. These masses tear these
down, devastate, waste and demoralize, and are not even
competent employes in the lowest department in such
labor. Never was a "Yankee" shrewd enough to suc
cessfully operate a factory with negro labor alone, and
the former slaves are jewels of worth, industry, and re
liability as compared with those grown up since emanci
pation. Leading Republicans of the Southern States
(and there are many true ones) have often been heard to
declare that "the young negroes are not worth the pow
der to blow out their brains," and all who are acquainted
and unprejudiced fully know that the statement does but
little overdraw even their present status there.
It is not a reproach nor antagonistic to education to
state that it does not benefit nor influence negroes when
together in any numbers, save toward indolence and
egotism, with the few usual exceptions. As census re
turns and statistics of the colored race become more com
plete, they are developing the facts, well-known to many
before, that the negro population is increasing immensely,
and tha' the white laborers are hardier, longer lived, and
healthier South, as a class, than are the negroes there or
the whites in colder States. The ratio of all deaths is
about the same North and South, but the percentage of
negro deaths South is much greater than in the North
ern States. The immense armies of the colder States
suffered more from cold than heat in the Southern States,
and, everything considered, their general health was ex
cellent. Texas and Florida are largely populated by people
from the Northern States. White women endure out
door labor; sunstrokes are few; air is generally dry
nights cool, and the delicate are often made strong by

A Northman South. 2.1
«ven visits there. All these States are far in the temper
ate zone.
The colonizationists further show that with the sys
tems of labor in the North, one-quarter more products, in
dollars, is raised pro rata than in the South ; that the
Southern system is now unjust to the whites who never
held slaves, and necessarily so to the country and
to the negroes themselves; that while the popula
tion, products, and condition of the Northern and
Southern States in 1790 were about equal that
in i860 the slave States were far behind in all these,
and continually lost ground to 1880, and are doing so
now to an immense degree; that where negroes are
allowed to mass, land declines in value, which has been
illustrated by the great decrease in South Carolina and
increase in New Jersey; that these things result in part
from city merchants squeezing the retail dealer, and he,
necessarily, the planter and his laborers. They also
show that negroes North have more than doubled in
numbers since 1870, while South they have increased
over fifty per cent — this is exclusive of the new States,
the District of Columbia, and the Territories — and that the
monopoly of negro help necessitates theburning of forests,
instead of manufacturing them into use and revenue;
the exhausting of soils by poor farming and a lack of
enterprise ; a degeneracy in the cities in commerce and
improvements and a barring out of the thrifty immigra
tion and new blood.
They claim that when negroes have been in a majority
in a country or section, they have largely driven out the
civil whites, and often, as in Hayti, massacred them en
tirely ; that in deaf, dumb, idiots, and insane, the negroes
furnish nearly seven times as many cases pro rata as the

22 A Northman South.
whites; that they have always been a bone of contention
and war in this country, and always will ; that the slavery-
blighted region is still under the dark shadow, but that it
is more desolating and threatening, and that this entire
negro race holds most of the best and most temperate
parts of Africa, and whenever any have been transplanted
to that land, they refuse to leave it.

PART V.
The colonizationists and other men — many of emi
nence — declare the present race problem the greatest
problem of its kind ever known, and that it is irrepressi
ble and serious.
They claim that the negro race have now no more
financial interests anywhere than they had a quarter of a
century ago, nor more intelligence, but less of good
morals, manners, and energy; that the government has
ever removed the Indian, and now excludes the Mongol ;
that the black race has three births and two deaths to one
of the whites, proportionate to their numbers, especially in
the last decade, which unquestionably indicates further
debasement ; that the immigrant does not like them as
neighbors, as fully one-fourth of the foreign-born people
in the negro-majority States have left them since 1870,
and that there are, of every twenty-five of our popula
tion, six foreign-born in the negroless States to one in
the others.
They also claim that, though there were a quarter
million colored soldiers in the late Union army, not one

A Northman South. 23
holds a military nor a naval commission ; and though
they cast a large, solid, and in some States a controlling
vote, yet even in New England, where the best specimens
of the race on earth have drifted and been taken to, there
is not a colored man holding an office of any consequence;
that the only one ever in the United States Senate with the
blood in his veins was nearly white, and the most promi
nent one ever a Representative was long a petted citizen
of Massachusetts ; that this is true in society, church,
and business ; that even Kansas never had but one col
ored man in all her legislatures ; that school wars and
turmoils similar to those lately at Felicity, Oxford, and
New Richmond, in Ohio, are common, and in some cases
schools had to be closed ; that the negro is only tolerated
in shops and factories where white men strike or labor
troubles ensue ; that attempts to force equality react,
break old kindly feelings and open any old breach, and
that the two races blend nowhere, not even the coolies
of Jamaica with the Africans there. It is an impossi
bility imbedded in all human, flesh, blood, and bone.
Threats, abuse, nor blows — nothing ever has nor will but
increase the differences anywhere. The young are farther
apart than the old, and the mulattoes — the best of the
race — are growing scarcer each succeeding year.
The men who originally enslaved them were of their
own blood, and those who brought them here our own
Northern forefathers. The seven millions now here can
soon become seventy millions unless the growing evil is
checked. The New York Freeman's Journal (and others) is
quoted, being an organ of the colored race. It said
lately: " We know nothing about Northern colored people
or Southern colored people, but we do know that their

24 A Northman South.
condition differs in very few points in either section."
James Anthony Froude, after all his travels in countries
of dark-skinned and mixed races, says : " It is as plain
to-day as it was in the Egypt of the Pharaohs, that to
expect that the intelligent few will submit to the unin
telligent many is to expect what has never been found
nor ever ought to be found."
The colonizationists further claim that by transport
ing those of the negroes here, who are between sixteen
and forty years of age, with their children, for the next
forty years — a proper proportion each year — that the
feat would be accomplished, and with ease, safety, and
economy. The expense yearly is estimated as requiring
but a fraction of our yearly revenue, and would fully be
repaid in the process and its benefits. The American
Colonization Society, after transplanting five thousand
from here to Africa, found that the expense would average
about $25 per capita. Over seven millions of immigrants
have come here with great ease, and in less than twenty
years at their own cost, mainly strangers in a strange
land, and on " inhospitable shores," as the Puritans said.
Changes and removals are spoken of as being desirable
in the negro breast and mind ; they love sensation, go by
impulse, and whatever the United States Government
says is gospel to them.
How soon will even brute animals leave and shun a
place or a person who has maltreated them, and this is the
first prompting of any human wisdom ; how much sooner
will they flee for a free ride, to " forty acres and a mule "
— to be all their own — 'Where oil palms, the orchilla, the
aromatic coffee, and a profusion of fruits are pictured as
growing wild, as they really do, in the great fertile, mild,
and healthy Congo valley. All our travelers, historians,

A Northman South. 25
and traditions agree on these, and add that peace and
prosperity are substantial there. This condition is now
conceded by press and people, and colonies of whites
are becoming permanent and prosperous thereabouts.
General Sanford, Stanley, and others endorse these facts
just lately ; and Mr. Wm. Coppinger, while Libertan Con-
sul-General,said: "Like all emigrants, some succeed and
some fail here." Dr. Blyden, ex-minister from Liberia to
England, lately in the United States, has fully confirmed
prior statements made on this subject. He says, "The edu
cation of the negroes in the United States must bring strife
and discord," and the sentiment is claimed to be general
that both the negro and the Congo valley would be bene
fited by their settlement there. It is further claimed (and
finally herein) that " He who loves the negro for himself
will gladly relieve him (if oppressed) by favoring the
removal of him to a home of his own in his former clime,
where he is free, equal, and unabused ; nor abusing and
degenerating another race, blood, and land," and that it
was apparently a great error to bring him here ; but
whether it was the Mayflower to Plymouth Rock or the
"Ethiopian" to Jamestown or what, how, who, when, or
where is not the issue of the hour. Let wrongs be righted,
though the heavens fall; and until this be righted, it is
advocated he will be as he ever has been, a self-innocent
cause of divisions, clangers, vast expense, and a degener
ating factor in all the land.

26 A Northman South.

PART VI.

In representation of the actual sentiment of able,
radical Northern men after experience and observation
in the Southern States, Judge Tourgee is quoted and
says: "It is the same inclination to trifle with the dan
gers which lie before us that makes the problem of the
African in the United States a terrible one to-da}'." And
as representing the actual sentiments of the present lead
ers in Northern politics, President Harrison said in his late
letter of acceptance of his nomination : " We are clearly
under a duty to defend our civilization by excluding
alien races whose ultimate assimilation with our people
is neither possible nor desirable." It is logically argued
that no sane man of average intelligence could claim
that the negro is superior to the Chinese, nor regard the
immense numbers and wonderful increase of the former
to be less threatening and injurious than the immigra
tion of the latter that existed prior to their exclusion.
It is asked if the people will allow politicians, for posi
tion and revenue, who cater to their present beliefs, to
lead them away from considering these questions and
learning from such utterances as quoted from Tourgee,
Mr. Harrison, and others.
While well-based opinions and statistics are found to
bear out these claims and propositions, yet justice comes
slow, is often blind and backward, but sure at last. In
telligence of a personal nature must reach the masses,
and there is probably but one way to bring this about.
A thorough acquaintance with eVeu only the main
features of a controversy and a personal acquaintance

A Northman South. 27
with the parties to it, often destroy a cause of, and de
feat radical action. If they do not do this, they do,
beyond a doubt, make action more intelligently and
justly exercised.
These last propositions are probably as well adapted to
the final settlement of the race question in this country' as
to any other question ever presented, as will be more defi
nitely shown further on in this paper, where a simple
plan is proposed as being fair, harmless, and efficient.
Mr. J. J. Ingalls, the bitter but brilliant member of the
United States Senate from Kansas, has voiced the senti
ment ofthe opposition to any civilized or possible settle
ment of this race question. They acknowledge it a fore
boding and a most weighty problem, but a few politicians
demand the awful risk of delays and opposition, which
make divisions.
On December 3, 18S8, Mr. Ingalls wrote concerning
negro power, equality, and voting in the more Southern
of our States: "Under similar circumstances Northern
people would be strongly moved to suppress the colored
vote. * * * It is impossible, judging from all history,
for the two opposite races to exist together upon terms
of equality — one or the other must go to the wall! ! " he
truly says.
But little more than twelve months after the above
writing, he says in a speech in the Senate " that the peo
ple of the North * * * will not have their institutions
* * * destroyed by a government resting upon de
liberate and habitual suppression of the colored vote, or
any other vote, by force or by fear. Sooner or later
there will be armed collisions between the races. The
South is standing on a volcano. * * * Th.e7«*of the
torch and the dagger is advised."

28 A Northman South .
" I deplore it, but as God is my judge, I say that no
other people on the face of the earth have ever submitted
to the wrongs and injustice which have been for twenty-
five years put upon the colored men of the South, with
out revolution and blood." [Applause from the negroes
in the gallery.] Some newspapers have approved, and
some men called humane are reported to have applauded,
this speech and its proclaimer. Comment on them is
really needless, or on his direct and total opposition to,
and disregard of, his writing above and correctly quoted.
To what has the United States Senate come at last?
Inconsistent, electioneering, torch and dagger suggesting
language which is calculated to fire the low blood of
ignorance and an inferior race — in many places in
majority — proclaimed and applauded !
The tendency of such speech from official place must
be to desecrate homes, burn to death innocent, helpless
children, violate pure women — mothers, daughters, sis
ters — and drive the dagger to the life-blood of the father,
son, and brother. For what are these statements so cun
ningly, yet so publicly and boldly published? The reason
is given in the same publication, and is simply a personal,
political one.
It is, virtually, that in some of our sister States, intel
ligence, responsibility, and civilization are accused of
avoiding in peaceful ways (with hardly the common ex
ceptions) an ignorant, vicious, and soulless negro govern
ment and dominance — with the inciting carpet-bagger,
to carry off the plunder and leave nothing but the negro
and desolation behind. There is, nor can be, no other
reason or cause. This orator, ot course, will use neither
torch nor dagger, as he never took up sword or gun in
war, nor personally investigated the race condition in the

A Northman South. 29
various parts of the country relative to the questions at
issue. These go without saying; of course he has done
none of them. The language quoted proves it better
than direct statements would.
The only exertions some men make for any cause are
in tongue darts of incitement and encouragement, but
they hide in the 'grass with a pale face when action be
gins. What this man was doing during the war, whether
"defending chicken thieves" or writing speeches, is not
in this question. He was not in the army " of a million
men" which held these Southern States in our Union,
but now, the victory won, he bravely purposes, for per
sonal and political reasons, to despoil and ruin them —
States it fought so long and nobly to preserve. He is a
warrior now — not on a field of battle, but on a Senate
floor and salary, that he may secure a continuance of
both. His fire-brand and dagger are his tongue; the
negroes his tools; and they are easily excited to do rash,
devilish deeds, unrestrained by reason, intelligence, or
even instinct.
Like similar iniquities and horrors, these words last
quoted were surrounded with fair, peaceful promises,
flowers of speech and even charges and insinuations
against his own progenitors, as it were, to cover the
way to make tolerable and plausible the few thrusts
which were the all and burden of the speech. It was an
electioneering battle banner, painted by genius, arranged
by cupidity, and presented with the soulless but politic
shrewdness and calculation of a life's study. In the
deeper recesses ofthe perspective is found the real, only
and entire sentiment of it all.
The fore grounds were fair and entertaining; the
drapery unspotted and unobjectionable, but the pyro-

30 A Northman South.
technics showed the plot and the design of ?iegro rule
over white countrymen for politic reasons only.
With studied ease but ghastly face, this hideous idea
was secreted with a mottled mask and a glare to make it
bearable or plausible to the voting mass and to his con
stituents especially.

PART VII.
A just and fair showing of any important event or
thing demands more than a presentation of a few exam
ples and of the generalities surrounding it. From Mr.
Ingall's speech, besides the suggestion of torch and
dagger, are culled the following sentiments: "The
Senator deprecates partisanship in dealing with the race
question, and so far as I am concerned, there shall be
nothing of that sort. * * * The consciences of New
England, where slaves were held, were never awakened
to the hideousness of slavery until slavery became un
profitable. * * * We are confronted with the most
formidable and portentious problem ever submitted to
a free people for solution; complex, unprecedented — in
volving social, moral, and political considerations, party
supremacy, and some think, the existence of our system
of government. * * * In i860 there were 4,440,000
negroes. * * * In 1900 there will not be less than
15,000,000 on this continent. * * * They instinct
ively separate themselves into their own communities,
with own habits, customs, and methods of life."
" Politically, they are affiliated with the victors in the
late civil war; socially, and by locality and residence,
with the vanquished.

A Northman South. 31
" Will the experiment that has failed elsewhere succeed
here? Can the white race exist as citizens of the United
States on terms of equality with the black race? * * *
Such a solution would, in my judgment, perpetuate the
vices of both races and the virtues of neither. There is
no blood poison so fatal as adulteration of race. * * *
A newspaper correspondent from Jackson, writes that
the election there was the most outrageous he had ever
seen. * * * I confess with humiliation that to this
nullification of the Constitution * * ¦'¦- the people
of the North have apparently consented. * * *
Sooner or later there will be armed collisions between the
races. * * * Those who are denying to American
citizens the privileges of freedom should remember that
there is nothing so unprofitable as injustice, and that
God is an unrelenting creditor. * * * But if the
methods of the Chalmers and Jackson campaigns and at
Aberdeen are illustrations of the temper, spirit, and pur
pose of the people of that State toward the government
of the United States and its citizens, I would a thousand
fold prefer that every rod of that State should be occupied
by an African rather than by those at present occupying
it * * * There is neither amalgamation nor absorp
tion nor assimilation between the whites and blacks now.
* * * The citizenship ofthe negro must be absolutely
recognized. His right to vote must be admitted and the
ballot that he casts must be honestly counted. These
are the essential preliminaries, the conditions precedent
to any consideration of the ulterior and fundamental
questions of race supremacy or equality ! ! ! "
No wonder — with such invocations and edicts — that
" Salaams and swinging of censers " are reported to have
been indulged in — in imitation — by some auditors, for the

32 A Northman South.
sacrilegious appeals and the extravagant words employed
to grace such ruinous sentiments, all for unholy, personal
politics. They were needed. It is, of course, taken for
granted that political practices are clean, pure, and free
from influences, either quiet or open, elsewhere. The
thief cries " stop thief" first; the greatest sinner calls the
loudest for righteousness, and the " moat and beam "
illustration is exhibited daily. Much.self-righteousness
retains its self-complacency by pleading that it does not
sin in this or that way, but in a manner all its own. It
may be as bad to coax, hire, or scare unambitious igno
rance — with suffrage forced upon it — to vote for meas
ures healthful for it, as it is to pollute by bribery or to
force for employment, men of intelligence but of need,
to vote for what might be, and probably is, against their
interests and real sentiments. It certainly is no worse,
nor is there one-tenth part as much of the former prac
ticed as there is of the latter, unless all posted opinions
and plain appearances are false.
This doughty Senator predicts, also, more John Browns
and Nat. Thornes; he at least suggests the manufacture
and development of them, whether he hopes for more or
tears that their days are gone. He proves "a thousand
cases in a score of States " by a few isolated instances
written up by the dubious but sensational reporters who
work for partisan journals at so much an "outrage."
The census returns of the colored population were doubt
less taken correct in the enumeration of 1880, and by a
party adverse to a large showing; yet, because the num
bers were largely increased over former periods of war
and reconstruction, this heroic genius makes out our
Southern brothers largely a " den of liars."
The writer hereof fed a full ten years on Kansas

A Northman South. 33
meat, but it never affected him thus nor to speak such
awful lines as the following (from J. J. Ingalls' January
speech, U. S. S.): "The armaments that thunder-strike
the walls of dock-built cities, bidding nations quake and
monarchists tremble in their capitals, would have gone —
swiftly forming in the ranks of war," and further "a
million men of them," all because one ruffian whipped
possibly another, though fined for the offense. "Thun
der-strikes;" "dock-built cities"— especially with walls
— and nation quakes too are scarce in Kansas ; are prob
ably good in their place, but should they be brought to
ignoble use ? The sturdy farmers of the fertile, undula
ting lands of sunny Kansas draw from the soil each year
a mint of golden wealth in grain and meats ; these feed a
host of worthy laborers in other fields of toil, but Kan-
sans love variety ; they like to be eccentric, and verily
turn their backs ofttimes to their clear interests and cast a
wondrous ballot for gush and — mortgages. They will not
always want elections swayed by incendiary and bloody
speech, even in their own great capitol.
It is a quite sensible belief that the reputation of the
State for reliable politics was used as a chestnut tongs to
foist this venturous renewal of sectionalism and hate in
the political canvass once again — to try it on, and
safely see if it would still draw without much risk. The
cautious Congressmen from the Eastern States especially,
would not have dared, politically nor socially, to have
thus " rushed in," and the political pot has been known
to boil over in Kansas and throw off political scum.
/ In conclusion, it is almost useless to add that in
this speech, on January 23d, there can be readily seen
two sets of declarations, either by direct statements or
admissions. It is much more easily seen that these are

34 A Northma?i South.
in sure opposition, and contradict each other flatly. The
speaker clearly refutes himself in every instance. The
most important items consist in his depreciating the
negro race, its blood and ability, and at once demanding
that State governments and whole sections of our coun
try be put in negroes' hands, power and control ; in de
claring that Northern people would avoid such votes
and government, if in similar circumstances, and then
proposing to force them on brothers of the same race
and country ; in denouncing as dishonest a census taken
by his own people, as being in the interests of the oppo
sition; in claiming his party to be, and to have been,
the only friend of the negroes, just after the statements
that self-interest and war only caused their freedom, and
that " the North " has abandoned them to their fate ; and
in adding that " he votes with his friends," then in the
same paragraph he concludes that the negro's support
and protection come from his " oppressors," and finally
quotes his fidelity to them.
One query of this war cry is, why should Mr. Ingalls
have made it? Another is, why he awaited the repair of
the telegraph lines to Kansas before making it ; and the
third is, why the able leaders of the respectable Republi
can party allowed it made at all.

PART VIII.
Years of experience and close study, with observation
alert, among and with the people of both the North and
South, will convince any unprejudiced man that a few ne
groes occupying a locality with the white inhabitants have
the perceptible effect of elevating the blacks and no per-

A Northman South. 35
ceptible effect on the whites. This is true of the prox
imity of any other lower forms of animal life in reasona
ble numbers. An average man can have about him a
few horses, cows, sheep, or swine, and it would be but
folly to say that their presence is unwholesome, deteri
orating, or unpleasant to him. But how of the man in
any branch of the live stock business, where he is con
tinually brought in contact with large numbers of the
brute creation, be they sheep, swine, cattle, or even horses?
The names, " herder, cowboy, hog-driver, hostler, or
horse jockey," call to mind at once lowness, brutality,
filth, and trickery ; and many dealers in and butchers of
stock, in some parts, have none too savory a reputation
for civility, tone, morals, or honest}'. All animal life is
well known to be more domestic and decent when to
gether in small numbers. In brief, it is the excess, "the
abuse, not use " of any thing or thought not as high as,
nor equal to, ourselves that produce injury or decline in
us. The negroes in the United States to-day are in ex
cess in some places, with a lack, and really need of them
in others. Some parts of our system are congested with
them, while other parts are deficient and pale. It needs
counter-irritants, feet-soaking in some sections, head-
soaking, probably, in others; but distribution, and equal
distribution, of this element as of all other elements is
demanded, by whatever process attainable, and at once.
Congestions bring on hemorrhages, and they are not
wanted, because injurious and often fatal. Evidences of
the damage and dangers attending the massing of the
negroes in a few States are as plentiful and clear as of
the massing of blood in a part of the body ; of steam in
an unsuited receptacle ; of a great flood of water by an
artificial obstruction ; and of a hundred other possible

36 A Northman South.
illustrations. Proofs that a few million negroes distrib
uted among sixty millions of white people will not be
appreciably damaging or dangerous are equally as plen
tiful and lucid. There is unquestionably a right place
for them somewhere, as for everything else. Should vol
untary distribution fail, after trial by our better people
with personal endeavors, societies, and rewards, a refusal
to lease to or to employ a surplus class in one section,
and a willingness to in another, with room for them,
would most assuredly be an effective adjunct, and accom
plish the result — aided further by a diversion of part of
our immigration to the Southern States. The wonderful
mortgage-foreclosing process now in operation in our
Western States is also having a tendency to aid this
simple, certain plan. But how are you going to distrib
ute them?
" Where there's a will there's a way," and the white
man's will must and will reign in this land. Peaceably
and voluntarily, if possible, by word or reward. Forci
bly, if must, by refusal of sustenance or employment.
There are many ways, but doubtless employment agen
cies for white laborers in the South, and employment
agencies for colored in the North and West — they to
work reciprocally— will bring about the result, compen
sate for labor lost, and educate all sections on the negro
colonization question. It may obviate the need of the
latter; and if not that, it will surely and satisfactorily
bring it about.
"Yes, but — " says one long-faced, callow, would-be
philanthropist — " but. the poor colored person will o-et
cold up in Maine and Minnesota, and the refugees from
there will melt like grease down South; besides, we
don't want your starved-out class in our locality."'

A Northman South. 37
Worry' not. Neither the lazy, the thin-blooded, the old,
nor the very young go West, neither will they North or
South. Should they, the gain in the one lot would be
equalized by the loss of the other. A negro who goes
North, and can't keep warm where women and children
are enjoying the pure/ dry air outdoors, is worth more
under than on the ground.
A white man who can't earn enough during all the
pleasant days of our temperate-zone Southern States —
with the aid of the negroes remaining there — so to be
able to rest up during the few excessively hot days with
the cool nights, should " melt like grease," and be ashamed
to leave a spot, as a memento. There is no moral or
material trouble or danger in any phase or particular of
this gradual distribution or equalization — an equalization
in one sense, but its opposite in another. There are
now the assured facts to face, that the negro will take
possession of a large portion of our country, and take it
backward toward barbarity, or that, as General Stewart
L. Woodford, of New York, lately said, "Where the col
ored race is preponderant, just so surely will the Demo
crats obtaiu control." Any other condition is impossible.
General Woodford is one of the most clear and far-seeing
of the Republican leaders North, and made the above dec
laration on his return from a tour of the Southern States.
Distribution of the colored people throughout the United
States can effect no change politically, even though that
be considered in the question. Country first, party last.
The immigration to the South may vote the Democratic
ticket, though those from the Northern States may have
never done so before, but the colored vote in the North
will probably stand firmly, as in the past the majority
of them have. Proofs that a general distribution of

3S A Northman South.
the colored race in the United States would be bene
ficial to all, that it is demanded at once and is practicable
have been incidentally given throughout this paper, and
numerous others doubtless can and will be published and
substantiated in the future. As a summary, the chief
benefits to be derived by this possible near equal distri
bution of the negro race in the United States are evi
dently a change of and additional service in departments
of labor where needed, and in all the different parts of the
country ; a certain prevention of further race wars, and of
the use of the torch and dagger; an ending of sectional
political solidity; over-representation and vote-suppress
ing charges, and a general bettering and elevating of the
weaker race without injury- to the stronger. This con
dition also would justify and cause separate schools for
each race in all the States.

REDUCTIONS AND PREMIUMS.
We offer the Unity Appeal for one year; the three
new books, "Thought and Thrift" (in paper), "Never,"
and " A Northman South " all for one dollar to one ad
dress. The four for only $i prepaid.
The Appeal is before you, and speaks for itself, except
ing for the improvements which will be made in it. The
book " Thought and Thrift " is a handsome octavo, 358
pages, and retails at the large stores, in cloth, for $1.25.
It is spoken of by hundreds of authorities in the way a
few quotations below show.
" It stands alone as an attempt in book form to show
the rights and needs of those who are feeding the world
and supplying its conveniences. It gives the history of
all organizations ; points on taxes, wealth, banks, rail
roads, voting systems, trusts, with remedies for wrongs,
and thirty solid pages of certified official statistics — for
once made plain and readable."
Again : " It deals with the questions in which all labor
ing men and those who would see the world made better,
are interested."
"It is worth its weight in gold."
" There is no one who should not read this book. It
will meet a large sale when known of."
"Shows careful study, sublime reflection, is aggressive,
moderate, conclusive, unanswerable."
" It comes at an auspicious time, and treats of the
remedies looking forward to emancipation."
" It is worth more than the best horse."
" Reliable, complete, astounding; not partisan nor
colored, new and valuable for all future reference."
" Is result of a life's successful experience and study."

40 Reductions and Premiums.
" It resolutely and impartially attacks whatever it con
siders public abuses.
"It is an entertaining work, worthy of place in any
library." "The author is eminently qualified, has been highly
successful in other ways, and the work covers every sub
ject that concerns home, business, and politics."
"'Thought and Thrift' believes that a better social,
political, and industrial condition can come about
naturally and peacefully, and the author's views of re
form are ingeniously and interestingly set forth."
"Millions come, millions go ; this book tells from whom
and where to; why land is depreciating, etc."
" A wonderful book. Just such matter as every man
should read. One thotisand of them sold the first week of
publication." " Open handed and fair spoken in style."
"The author has written strongly and well, and his
dedication to his mother-in-law shows him to be of the
right material and morals."
"Practical, clear, keen, observing; valuable facts and
statistics made clear and entertaining."
" Timely and beneficial, concise, clear, and able," etc.
" New work just out, and meeting with a fine recep
tion." " It is a superior work."
" A great book. The author's unusual observation
and experience in this land and through Europe fit him
for the work."
"It says a great deal in a few words. We do not con
cur with all in it, but do commend it as worth studying.
It bristles all through with pertinent thoughts — valuable
tables."

Reductions and Premiums. 41
"There is one thing on page 310 which, if even half
remembered and acted on, will be worth hundreds of
dollars to the reader."
&S"*The above are a few chance selections from such
journals as the Manufacturer and Builder, N. Y. ; Orchard
and Garden, Little Silver, N. J. ; Farm and Home In
structor, Cincinnati; the Pacific, the Pennsylvania, the
Kansas, and the Nebraska Farmer; American News
Akron, O.; Christian Standard, Cincinnati ; the Work
man, Michigan ; National Labor Tribune ; Field and
Farm; Evangelist, St. Louis, etc., etc.
"Thought and Thrift" has given me much pleasure
and great profit. It reawakens interest in old and im
presses new ideas.
Logical and sound, it should win the author the
gratitude of a wide circle of readers.
y Mrs. Jennie F. Clark,
Washington, D. C.
H. L- Sage, Steuben, O., writes that Thought and
Thrift " is the best thing out."
C. L- Brant, Osage City, Kan., writes: fT truly find in
it more enlightenment than in anything I ever read. It
strikes ever}- point."
John C. Claybrooke, Triune, Tenn., writes: "Am well
pleased with the style of the author in the candid and
thoughtful manner in which he treats the various sub
jects. The order and arrangement is convenient for
reference, and the plain and choice words with which his
ideas are expressed make the work of easy comprehension
and very interesting. It is well adapted to enlighten the
masses." Men high in labor organizations have spoken
equally as favorable of it.

42 Reductions and Premiums.
The only adverse criticism of "Thought and Thriit "
was by a leading and bright Cincinnati journal, which
devoted over a quarter of a column to a species of abuse
based on the book's non-support of capitalistic doctrines
and false pretenses which this reviewer evidently caters to.
We cannot stronger endorse the book " Never " than
to say that it is written by the editor of the Farm and
Home Instructor, Cincinnati. " A Northman South" is
a new, interesting, and practical solution of the race
problem, with much of its history, present status and
possibilities. The "Appeal," postage paid, and "Thought and
Thrift," in cloth, will be furnished together for $1.00.
"Northman South," 20 cents. "Thought and Thrift,"
in cloth, $1.00; in paper, 50 cents; all prepaid.
Letters to the " Appeal " will be published if short and
non-partisan — so far as old parties are concerned — if
desired. Party prejudice, with the money craze, are the bottom
causes of the rich becoming richer and the poor poorer
— though striving — at the present break-neck speed.
News items regarding all the industrial organizations
will hereafter be given.
unexpected
Payments may be made for this, any, or all of the publi
cations named herein as premiums, at any time within
three (3) months from the order, by those unable to pay
for them at the time.

If the reader does not need any of the publications
mentioned herein, let him send one or more of them to
those who do.

Reductions and Premiums. 43
" THOUGHT AND THRIFT " is a book true to
name. It covers the whole field with something under
every letter in its sixty-four heads and subjects.
Among these are Agriculture — its history and
present status ; Balance of Trade and Public Credit ;
Capital and Labor; Demands of the Country; Education
and Elevation; Finance; Gentlemen of the Period;
Home Blessings; Interest; Immigration; Judges and
Juries; Kickers and Objectors; Land Syndicates;
Mechanics and Wage-Workers; Monopolies; Money
Masks; National Defense; Organizations; Patent
Laws; Questions of the Hour; Reform Remedies; Story:
Protective Tariff — Illustrated; Songof the Taxes; Trusts;
Transportation; Taxes; Union is Strength; Voting
Systems; Wealth; Statistical Appendix — proving state
ments; all official, plain, and certified to, though astound
ing; Rates of Duties quoted; the results of our Patent
Laws given ; High and Low Tariff both discussed, and
their bearings related with a good course in all detailed ;
Causes and Cures for Trusts fully shown ; Australian
and Massachusetts Voting Systems explained. The com
parative prices of products in Europe and America and
ocean freights given, all for each day in the year for
years in U. S. currency and quantity terms, and their
correctness affirmed by the secretary of the N. Y. Pro
duce Exchange.
While the price of similar books in cloth is $1.25 per
copy, yet to give all a chance to get these necessary
facts in reliable and readable shape, I will send this book
by express for 75 cents in cloth, and for 40 cents in paper
binding, to all who order reasonably soon.
There are only about 2500 copies unsold. " Thought
and Thrift " certainly has all of the best things in

44 Reductions and Premiums.
it, and in easy shape to find, remember and use, and
must repay the buyer a hundred-fold at least. Many
practical and extensive readers have declared it the best
and most useful book they ever have read. See further
testimony on pages 39 to 43. .Address and order from
Joshua Hill, 25 West Sixth Street, Cincinnati, Ohio, for
the 75 and 40 cent prices, so soon as you can spare the
money. It is octavo size, 35S pages of solid plain matter
and in entertaining shape.

Oak Picket Wire Fence for Farm and Yards.
JOS. VOLZ,
IU Manufacturer and
Shipper,
(MClIMATI, 0.
7. U is chicken, tramp, and thief
proof.
8. It saves money, time, labor, and
gxouud.
9. It withstands all winds, floods,
and drys quick.
It is plainly seen, safe, and easily 1 10. Orders will be accompanied with
handled. directions for putting" up, and
It is the best protector of sheep, ; for an addition which will
fruits, crops, etc. make the fence last about one-
It is hog tight, horse high, and i third long-err and be more
buil strong-. j serviceable.
Write at once for springs prices of different kinds.
AH my pickets are cut to order ; are of sound, well-seasoned oak, double
stranded with best galvanized wire.
JOS. VOIvX,
336 Race Street, - CINCINNATI, OHIO.
Richmond Bros.
MANUFACTURERS OF
PAINTS AND VARNISHES

It is portable, ornamental, and
cheap.
It is stronger than the best plank
fence.
It is three times as lasting.

STAR miKED PAIMTS,
Extra Fine Colors in Oil. Superfine Coach Colors.
ROOF, EARN, AND BRIDGE PAINTS.
American White L,ead, Wood Fillers, Ochre Colors,
Paragon White Lead, Peerless Mixed Paints.
Oil Stains, Primers,
Bronzes, Brushes, Painters' Supplies.

29 W. Sixth Street, CINCINNATI, O.

THERE IS

For the American People — the Business Men,
the Farmers, the Wage Workers, the Whole
People— on account of the ENCROACH
MENTS of the FOREIGN MONEY
POWER. Woolfolk's Book,

Or, THE PEOPLE VS. THE MONEY POWER.
WILL OPEN THE EYES OF THE PEOPLE
In time to avert GREAT TROUBLES.
Every Citizen, Voter, and Patriot should
read the book. It is Practical, Plain-spoken
Truth. There may be Better Times. This
book will help bring them.

For sale by all Booksellers and Newsdealers. Postmasters
throughout tbe country will receive orders. Or send $1.00 to
GEO. E. STEVENS CO., Publishers, Cincinnati, Ohio, and re
ceive a copy by return mail. It has 331 pages, well printed and
handsomely bound. ,
PRICE), $1.00.

E. F. ORTH.

TELEPHONE 1980. c. T. bknnett.

' PARISIAN

No. 31 West Sixth Street,

Clothing made to Order. General Renovators of Ladies' and
Gents' Clothing.

ESTABLISHED 1853.

J. ^VTGC/DJESR «&5 CO,
159 & 161 \V. Sixth St., near Elm, Cincinnati, O.
DEALERS IN
Agricultural Implements, Seeds, Carts,

BUGGIES, WAGONS, HARNESS,
In fact, everything used on the Farm.
Write us for circulars and prices ot* whatever vou want. You will be
surprised how low we can sell you for CASH.

By mail. Send for samples of our GOLD PAPER at
ioc, i2yic and 15c. a roll. Full lengths and extra
good goods at lower prices than ever before heard of.
SUMMER GAMES,
Croquet, Crokinole, Foot and Base Balls and Bats,
LAWN TENNIS,
Tennis Rackets, Caps and Beits.
HAMMOCKS, from Baby to Family size,
from 50 cents to $2.00.
Send for Catalogue of Hammocks, Games, etc.

J. C. PEIRCE,
110 West Fifth St., Cincinnati, O.
The book "Thought and Thrift" is the late,
strong and popular work on the movements now neces
sary to make a more even distribution of productions.
It covers them all in 64 subjects and 358 pages, with
30 pages of official statistics certified to. It suggests a
reasonable basis on which all can unite — all who desire
to see our farmers and general laborers of both sexes and
all classes get a proper proportion of the great increase
now making in wealth and comforts.
Offered by Robt. Clarke & Co. and all news companies,
Cincinnati, Ohio. Cloth, $1.25; paper, 75 cents — post
age prepaid. Joshua Hill, Publisher, -
25 West Sixth St., Cincinnati, Ohio.

Df IEI$ dOQIBE \ CO.
Ready- Made Clothing
And Merchant Tailoring,

N. E. Cor. Fifth and Race Sts.,

CINCINNATI, O:

A peerlessly progressive career of nearly thirty years has
i;iven us a leading position among the clothiers and merchant
tailors of this city.

SPRING OVERCOATS FOR 1890
Of our own. faultless make, now in stock,
A SPECIALTY. :

We name the lowest prices for the best made WEARING
¦¦•• APPAREL for
BOYS AND CHILDREN.?:^;' '' ,

DANIELS, COOMBE &' CO.

Chiokering Pianos

JmperialGross '-'¦ Legio%"

or

Honor,.

S jvlith;.; & Nixon, -
Wholesale and Retail Dealers in *•'¦'" : ---~ ;"'::,-

HENRY F. MILLER^-£
¦•'..-•- KURTZiViANN,

STUYVESANT,

»¦ , And other Pianos. ,
';.".:.- J^S^Easy terms. .Prices the lowest (quality_considered)._ "-'
Corrt?si>oudenc« solicited. * -•' .-.-., J'--^< *¦•;
,-..-i24 and 26 West Fourth Street, l/'.v;'iv'5"
" ... CINCINNATI. . ' '_
622 Fourth Ave., ..'•_'.' ~\. . ! 133 East- Main si
LOUISVILLE. , - LEXINGTON.-
.53 ano 60 Pennsylvania Ave, /f ¦'-
- " U:' ' - INDIANAPOLIS "

YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

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